"I give thtfi Books fpr. live, foundoig if a. Cfflfagei&tfifeCafoityV DIVINITY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY THE BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN LIFE THE BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN LIFE WALTER LOCK, D.D. warden of keble college dean Ireland's professor of exegesis in the university of oxford examining chaplain to the archbishop of york METHUEN & CO. 36 ESSEX STREET W.C. AMICO MEO FREDERICO ARTURO CLARKE QUI LICET IPSE SECANDI MINIME EXSORS NONNISI VICE COTIS FUNGITUR HUNC LIBELLUM QUI EO SUADENTE IN LUCEM EDITUR GRATUS DEDICO CONTENTS Preface PAGE ix (A) Thoughts on Inspiration— i. Moses and Hammurabi . . . i 2. The Sources of the Prologue of St John's Gospel 20 3. The Old Testament an Essential Part of the Revelation of God . . .41 (B) Thoughts on the Study of the New Testament — 1. Presuppositions of the Study . . 69 2. The Christology of the Earlier Chapters of the Acts of the Apostles . . . .97 3. The Epistles . . . . 114 4. St Paul's Greater Epistles . .127 (C) Thoughts on the Bible and Gentile Religion — 1. Balaam ...... 141 2. The Sheep and the Goats . . .162 viii CONTENTS (D) Thoughts on the Christian Life- page i. The Practical Use of the Bible . • 179 2. Joseph : A Study in Genesis . I91 3. Self-Confidence . . • .202 4. The Recovery of Self- Respect . . 215 5. True Wisdom : A Study in St James . 226 6. Discipleship : A Study in the Acts . 238 7, Mutual Criticism .... 249 8. The Joy and Sorrow of Life . . 264 9. The Evil One . ... 274 10. The Church the Home of Grace and Love . 285 11. The Eucharistic Offering . . . v 298 12. The Blessed Dead . . . 309 PREFACE THE publication of this volume is due to two causes or, more exactly, to two requests ; the one a request that I would republish some papers connected with the study of the Bible which have already appeared in various magazines, the other a request that I would publish some of my college sermons. The result of these two converging causes must necessarily be somewhat of a medley, and yet I trust that there will reveal itself an unifying principle which under lies the whole, the principle that, to those who are prepared to welcome the methods and con clusions of modern criticism, the Bible still bears conclusive proofs of its Inspiration and still remains a sure guide for life. " Every Scripture inspired by God is also pro fitable," so writes St Paul, assuming in his readers a belief in the inspiration and drawing a practical inference from it : but to us who have to defend the belief in inspiration the fact that Scripture is profitable becomes one of the chief bases of the inference that it is inspired. We find it profitable ourselves ; its words inspire us with new power for doing our duty ; they re-invigorate us in moments x PREFACE of despondency and of sorrow ; they illuminate and unify our studies : but our own subjective feeling is not the only witness on which we rely : the whole Christian Church felt it to be inspiring when it fixed the Canon in the early centuries : it has felt it to be inspiring in all subsequent centuries, and shown its feeling by the care with which it has preserved and translated and re translated and commented upon its every word in its earnest desire to pierce through to the inner meaning : it has proved inspiring not only to the most saintly of the saints, but to masses of men of all nations and of all times : it is felt still by those who have studied the sacred Books of other religions that in a sense deeper than any of them it is inspiring. " Inspiring and therefore inspired " — that is not indeed the whole truth — " Inspired and therefore inspiring " is truer in the deepest explanation of reality. As in the sphere of existence, the order of reality is " sum, ergo cogito," yet in the order of demonstration to others, or to ourselves if we doubt our own existence, it is " cogito, ergo sum " ; so in the sphere of literature, while the fact of being in spired gives the capacity to inspire, yet " profitable and therefore inspired by God " is the order of proof to those who doubt. But it is important to realise that the strongest proofs of Inspiration are to be sought for in the whole rather than in the parts, in the great principles of life and truth revealed in it rather PREFACE xi than in anything that is verbal and minute ; it is not only " every Scripture " but even more " Scripture as a whole " that is inspired of God. One or two analogies will make my meaning clear. This principle is true in our feelings towards individual men. It is given to us, perhaps once in a lifetime, to know someone who seems to us so different from other men that we are prepared to place him (or her) in a class alone : we are almost prepared to call such an one inspired. His whole being seems to be moulded by the Spirit of God : he lives here as though already seeing the invisible ; he is never betrayed into irritation, never ruffled by selfish aims, never lowered by unworthy motives ; each daily duty is accepted with gladness, each difficulty is faced with cheerful courage, every utterance is the expression of love and of wisdom ; he is the salt of the society in which he moves : he is for us " a man of God." Yet if we were asked to define exactly why we feel the presence of the Spirit of God in him, we should find it difficult to answer. It would not be simply because he had performed some striking act of self-sacrifice, nor simply because he had said some word that had come home to our hearts as a message from God. The secret lies behind speech and behind action ; it is to be found more surely in the symmetry of the whole life, in its entire coherence and consistency, in the sense of harmony and proportion which it conveys, in the even growth xii PREFACE in which the days are "bound each to each by natural piety," in that "sanity" which is the mark of true saintliness as well as of true genius : 1 and yet we should doubtless be able to point to particular acts of nobility which had revealed the internal spirit and to quote particular words which had changed for us the whole current of our thoughts or of our lives, and acts and words alike would only be felt in their full significance when we knew the secret of the underlying spirit. Exactly the same is true of a great poet. If we want to feel the full force of the inspiration of Shakspere, we shall not find it in the noblest speech or in his most exquisite song : we shall not find it in any one, even in the greatest, play. It is not until we have felt the full pathos of the sight revealed in tragedy after tragedy of great natures ruined by some fault, of ends rough-hewn by man but shaped by some divinity ; not until we have combined with this effect the rich sense of merriment and humour that bubbles over in comedy after comedy, and the great movements of national life in the histories ; not until we face with him " the inexplicable fact or the no less in explicable appearance of a world travailing for perfection but bringing to birth, together with glorious good, an evil which it is able to overcome only by self-torture and self- waste," 2 that we know 1 Cf. The Bishop of Oxford : ' ' Studies in the Christian Character. " Sermon v. "Professor A. C. Bradley: "Shakespearean Tragedy," p. 30. PREFACE xiii how fully he had entered into alike the glamour and the mystery of life, alike its magic and its gloom, how deeply he had read the secrets of the spirit of man and had been inspired to describe them. Then it is that we can go back to each single play and estimate more exactly its own meaning and its contribution to the whole effect ; then it is that we come to single passages, such as the speech of Portia in the Merchant of Venice, and feel that language at times rises almost to the level of the highest thought, and find in them something akin to verbal inspiration. This standard of judgment must be applied in fuller measure to the Bible, for in it we are brought face to face not only with one man, even though He be "the Son of Man," but with the lives of " many prophets and righteous men " ; we deal not with the writings of one author but of many ; nay, more than this, with the literature of a whole nation inspired for a particular task in the education of the world. Over and above the special message of Isaiah or St John, there is the fact that each is but one link in the same chain ; there are the tendencies of thought which have produced both Isaiah and St John ; there is the coherent system, the developing morality, the gradual unveiling of God's nature and work, which begin in Genesis and end only with the final Apocalypse. The movement can be traced both in the revelation of God and in the descrip tion of human nature : on the one side there is xiv PREFACE the gradual emergence of monotheism, the separa tion of Jehovah from the deities of the surrounding nations, the moralizing of His religion, the spirit ualizing of His work, the exaltation of character above success, of the humble spirit above the proud conqueror, of mercy above justice, until we reach the unsurpassed and unsurpassable revela tions in which the whole process culminates, that God is Spirit, God is Light, God is Love. On the other hand how courageous is the facing of all the facts of human life : in no literature is the sense of sin stronger, the cry of penitence more acute, yet nowhere is there a higher sense of man's possibilities, of the capacities of human nature, made only a little lower than God, crowned with glory and honour, holding loyally to God in face of suffering and persecution : Noah, Daniel and Job pass before us, righteous men winning bless ings for their family, for their nation, for their friends, by their righteousness, until at last " the Word became flesh," the perfect ideal was seen and salvation was made possible for the whole world by His atoning Life and Death. The whole history of humanity is in the Bible seen " in God " ; the literature is linked together under the influence of a Spirit which seems to be able to tell alike the secrets of God and the secrets of man, and through this thread permeat ing the whole, the library has the unity of a book, the " bibliotheca " has become a " biblia," and it is this unity, this proportion, this com- PREFACE xv bination of varying details spread over centuries with a unity of effect, this growth of stage after stage in " natural piety" that is the truest sign of the presence of a Divine Spirit. It is only when we have thrown our minds honestly open to the influence of this great movement that we are in a condition to judge for or against the reality of Inspiration : when we have once so done, then we come back to each several book, valuing it for the truth which it contains, but valuing it also because it is a link in a chain, and acquiring a truer norm for estimating its relative value by the place which it occupies in that chain. We look then most surely for the second trace of inspiration in the general spirit and teaching of each separate book rather than in particular passages or verses of the book. I have tried to draw out the teaching of a few of the books in the sermons contained in this volume ; it is however worth while to apply the principle more in detail here, and I will confine myself for this purpose to the New Testament. Now, the great underlying truth of the whole of that part of the Bible is the thought of the drawing together of the Divine and Human Natures in the Incarnation. " The Word became flesh" that we might "become partakers of the Divine nature." This truth implied a full revela tion of the fatherhood of God, or, to put that doctrine in an equally suggestive form, a full revelation of the sonship of man, the sonship of xvi PREFACE all the children of God who are scattered through out the world, and, as a corollary of this truth, an assertion of the universal brotherhood of man. To this great theme each division of the New Testa ment gives its own contribution. In the Gospels and the Acts we see the " historical foundation " *¦ of this great truth : in the former we see our Lord living the life of ideal sonship, wielding the Father's power with all the sense of a Divine mission, and forming a Kingdom which is to subsist when He is taken from them, and in which all are to be as brethren ; in the latter we see the obstacles to the full recognition of sonship and of brotherhood gradually surmounted by the Apostles. In the Epistles, especially in St Paul, the " logical construction " of the new life is raised, and the principle of man's true sonship and brotherhood asserted against the prejudices and perplexities of Jewish and Gentile thought : while the Apocalypse shows us " the spiritual completion," in which the seer writing in the very centre of persecution, has yet faith to anticipate the ultimate triumph of good over ill. We may carry the point into fuller detail still. In the Gospel according to St Matthew, we see how this message of God appearing in human form to save his people from their sins comes as the ful filment of all Jewish hopes, and how the standard of the perfection of the Father is placed before men who have to prove themselves His true sons : in 1 Westcott. " Introduction to the Study of the Gospels," p. 34. PREFACE xvii St Mark the work of sonship is exhibited in the power of active beneficence and conquest of evil : in St Luke in tenderness and graciousness to sinners of every class : in St John the Son is seen in the full confidence of a conscious Sonship, absolutely at one with the Father, having life derived and yet inherent in Himself, charged with a Divine Mission to all the children of God scattered throughout the world. The Acts show how, by the teaching of the facts of history, all narrowing obstacles are broken down and the Apostles realise how all races of mankind are to be brought within the new brotherhood. In the Epistle to the Romans the sense of sonship is shown to be needed by the whole world, and to be attained by the power of the Spirit, the Spirit of the Son of God, which makes all men to be children of God and able to cry " Abba, Father '' : in i Corinthians all that destroys unity within a local church is beaten down, and the members of the local church are taught their need of com munity of sympathy and of tradition with the churches throughout the world ; love is placed above knowledge, the duty of edifying others above the assertion of our own rights; all Gentile tendencies to party spirit and division are con quered by the sense of membership in the one body : 2 Corinthians shows us the working of St Paul's own heart as he passionately pleads for a true ideal of sonship both against Jewish standards of legal obligation and Gentile immorality ; God is xviii PREFACE to be a Father unto them all; Corinthian men and Corinthian women can be his sons and daughters. Galatians emphasizes even more directly the contrast between the grown-up son- ship of Christians and the bondage or childhood of the Jewish worshipper, and it contains the strongest assertion in the whole book that all are one in Christ Jesus. In Ephesians the ideal Church embraces Jew and Gentile alike ; it reflects the unity in variety of the Godhead itself: and the family is organised as the nursery in which the principles of love and subordination are trained. Philippians tells us of the con descension of the True Son, not asserting His own rights but laying them aside to help others, as an example to His followers : Colossians dwells on the dignity of the Son in His essential relation to the Father : I and 2 Thessalonians on the attitude of the Christian brotherhood in expectation of the return of the Son from heaven : I Timothy lays down the necessary conditions of high moral character and of an ordered ministry which are to enable Christians to behave rightly, to regulate their intercourse with one another aright, in the household of God, when that household is settled in the heart of a rich commercial pagan city : Titus applies the same principles to congregations scattered in wild country districts : 2 Timothy shows us the spiritual father, when face to face with death, strengthening his beloved son, to be strong to face the perils of coming days. The PREFACE xix Epistle to the Hebrews describes the True Son both in his relation to His Father, and in His link with His many brethren : we see the Son in worship, in the power of approach to the Father which true sonship gives : we see the Son in priestliness, in that power of bringing blessings to others which is won by sympathy and by suffering. St James dwells on the completeness of the Christian character, in which profession is tested by performance, in which no distinctions of rich and poor are to interfere with worship, which condemns wars and fightings, and demands justice for the labourer, which does the Father's work in visiting the fatherless, i St Peter shows how the unfeigned love of the brethren should grow stronger in the time of persecution, that the heathen world may be won by their example : 2 St Peter the need of constant growth from virtue to virtue, till love of the brethren merges into a love that knows no limits, that we may be ready to face the coming of the Lord : St Jude the need of keeping the Christian love-feasts free from any teachers or teaching that would lower morality : the Epistles of St John tell of the joy that comes from love, and of the essential bond between the love of God and the love of the brethren ; while the Apocalypse anticipates the ultimate casting out of all evil : in the heavenly Jerusalem the one hundred and forty four thousand of the tribes of Israel stand side by side with, or perhaps are to be identified with, the great multi- xx PREFACE tude which no man can number of all nations and kindreds and people and tongues and join in a common worship. It is when we have grasped the great lines of truth that run through the whole Bible and the central teaching of each particular book, that we come rightly to look for inspiration in particular verses. Without such guidance any text may mislead us into serious error of thought or failure in action ; but with such guidance the message of the individual passage comes with its fullest force and most complete conviction. For the perfect expression of a thought adds to the thought itself. A friendly Jewish critic, Mr C. G. Montefiore, sees in this power of expression one of the chief grounds on which Christians may claim genius and originality for the Synoptic teaching. " For," he adds, " a thought is not merely great and new by its substance, but also by its form. Not merely what is said, but how it is said, gives to a particular teaching its vast stimulus for good, its illumination and haunting power.'*1 No less interesting is the analogy to the writings of the Bible suggested by Mr Pater's description of Plato's style. " The thoughts of Plato, like the language he has to use, are covered with the traces of previous labour and have had their earlier proprietors. ... It is hardly an exaggeration to say that in Plato, in spite of his wonderful savour of literary freshness, 1 Hibbert Journal, July 1905, p. 659. PREFACE xxi there is nothing absolutely new ; or rather, as in many other very original products of human genius, the seemingly new is old also, a palimpsest, a tapestry of which the actual threads have served before, or like the animal frame itself, every particle of which has already lived and died many times over. Nothing but the life-giving principle of cohesion is new ; the new perspective, the resultant complexion, the expressiveness which familiar thoughts attain by novel juxtaposition. In other words the form is new. But then, in the creation of philosophical literature, as in all other products of art, form, in the full signification of that word, is everything." * In this sense we find verbal inspiration in particular passages or verses of the Bible ; it will vary in degree with the writer, it may vary even in different parts of the same author ; but there are passages such as the prologue of St John, the hymn of love in I Cor. xiii., the description of wisdom in St James, in which language has risen to the level of the highest thought, in which therefore we would not wish to see a word or the very position of a word altered : more than that, there are single verses from all parts of the Bible which have been like the angels of God, " ministering spirits, sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of salvation." " As thy days, so shall thy strength be," " Underneath are the everlasting arms," " I know that my Redeemer liveth," " It 1 "Plato and Platonism,'' p. 3, xxii PREFACE is I, be not afraid," " Nevertheless not My will but Thine be done," " Come unto me, all ye that are weary and heavy laden," " Whosoever cometh unto me, I will in no wise cast out" — these and a thousand others, if we could only see them as God sees them, that is to say, with their effects in history made visible, would shine irradiated with the glory of lives saved and souls converted, of duties done and sufferings patiently endured, of the dying embers of faith and hope and love rekindled into a brighter flame. Indeed it would be probably true to say that the sense of the inspiration of Scripture had been carried home to hearts more often by individual texts, divorced at times from their context and even from their original meaning, than it has from a conscious understanding of the greater principles of the whole Scripture; but we should have to put into the other side of the scale the evidence of per versions of Scripture for selfish ends, of false policies initiated on the strength of false analogies from Jewish history, and of hearts made sad by individual texts which the whole of the Scripture's teaching would not have made sad ; and these individual texts have their power of blessing, because they are not really isolated, but because there is known to lie behind them the great con tinuous revelation of God's love to man, and because a permanent witness to the central truths of that revelation has been conveyed down the ages by a living Church. PREFACE xxiii In spite of the special character which is here claimed for the Inspiration of the Bible, I have not hesitated to draw illustrations from lower levels of inspiration, especially from that of the poets : for these are the surest steps by which we can mount to an understanding of the highest level. There is even a real analogy between the coherence of the Bible and the coherence of any national literature, such for instance as that of Greece : that also witnesses to great principles of truth, which are the special property of one nation and its contribution to the sum total of the world's knowledge and delight ; but the coherence in the Bible is more continuous, more conscious, and the principles pierce deeper into the needs of man's moral and spiritual nature. There is again a real analogy between the inspiration of the individual poet and that of the Psalmist or the Prophet : to each there is revealed an insight into the laws that underlie the world clearer than is given to ordinary men ; the faculties of each are quickened in un usual measure to express in speech above that of ordinary men that which it is given them to see ; but the truth which is revealed is different. To the poet it is granted to see all that makes for beauty in the world around and in human life ; he knows the holiness of beauty ; for him a thing of beauty is a joy for ever : to the psalmist or prophet it is granted to see both the world and human life in its Godward aspect, to see all that makes for character and for worship ; he knows xxiv PREFACE the beauty of holiness ; to a writer of the Old Testament a deed of holiness, to a writer of the New Testament an act of love is a joy for ever. The poet attracts by beauty of form ; the prophet by intensity of conviction. The poet interprets the world from within, and strives to find unity amidst its conflicts and struggles : the prophet interprets it from above, and speaks with a fuller consciousness that the word of the Lord has come to him. Religious inspiration stands then on a level higher than poetic, mainly because it deals with a higher subject-matter, and, if we compare the Bible with the Sacred Books of other religions, we have no fear to find that even upon that level, any literature of any religion will be found the equal of the literature of the Christ. It remains for me only to express my thanks to my friend the Rev. F. A. Clarke, for having helped me to revise the proofs, and to the editors and publishers, who have allowed me to republish papers tjiat have appeared elsewhere. The paper on " Moses and Hammurabi " is reprinted from The New York Churchman ; that on " The Old Testa ment an Essential Part of the Revelation of God " from the third series of the Oxford House Papers ; those on " The Christology of the Earlier Chapters of the Acts of the Apostles," " The Sheep and the Goats" from The Expositor ; that on " Balaam " from the Journal of Theological Studies ; that on " Joseph ;' from The Expository Times. THE BIBLE AND CHRISTIAN LIFE THOUGHTS ON INSPIRATION 1. MOSES AND HAMMURABI WHEN the Code of Hammurabi was dis covered, it was said that it raised afresh and in an acuter form the problem of the inspira tion of the Old Testament ; it was meant that we might find that the Mosaic law was mainly borrowed from earlier Babylonian legislation, and that it would be difficult to uphold the theory that that which was natural in Babylonia became supernatural and inspired by transference to Palestine. The statement was exaggerated and unwise, for the problem was not new, and this instance of its working is less striking than the relation of the earlier chapters of Genesis to the Babylonian legends of the Creation and the Flood. Yet it may be well to consider the question anew in relation to this discovery. Before the discovery was made, it was known that Hammurabi was an early king of Babylonia, at a date of about 2000 B.C., who had conquered a 2 ON INSPIRATION the Elamites, combined Northern and Southern Babylonia into one empire and extended its sway as far as Canaan ; and, with more or less pro bability, his name had been identified with that of Amraphel, King of Shinar, who is mentioned in Gen. xiv. i as fighting against the King of Sodom and his allies at the time of the capture of Lot. It was further known that he had to some extent codified the Babylonian law, for " the Judgment of Righteousness which Ham murabi, the great king, had set up " is mentioned as late as 650 B.C., and remained a text-book of Babylonian law even later ; and certain laws had been tentatively assigned by Assyriologists to this code. It was, then, a startling and satisfying con firmation of these hints and conjectures when, at the end of 1901 and commencement of 1902, the French explorers at Susa found the code almost entire. There, on the acropolis,, they found three large blocks of diorite, which it was found easy to fit together ; when they were so reunited, there was seen at the top a clear-cut bas-relief in which a god, probably the sun-god, who was regarded as the god of law, the father of justice and right, is seated on a throne and is handing what seems to be a sceptre, or possibly a writing stylus, to an earthly king, who is standing with his eyes fixed upon the god ; underneath are sixteen columns* of cuneiform writing, with space for five more columns on which the writing MOSES AND HAMMURABI 3 has been erased, and on the reverse side the whole is covered with twenty-eight columns. These columns contain 282 different provisions of the Code of Hammurabi, preceded by an introduction stating the circumstances under which it was set up, and followed by an epilogue enforcing its observance. In the introduction Hammurabi records how, when Ilu, the supreme god, and Bel, the lord of heaven and earth, had established Marduk as the chief divinity of Babylon, these same gods had called to the throne him, Hammu rabi, the famous, the noble, the fearer of his god, that he might establish justice in the country, destroy the wicked, see that no strong man should oppress the weak, and appear, like the sun to mankind, to give light to the country. He then describes how he, the shepherd of his people, had purified and enriched the temples at the various cities, had protected and enlarged the towns (among which Ur is mentioned), had irrigated the country and increased the pasture lands, and had provided plenty in time of dearth ; then, recalling once more the fact that Marduk had invested him with royalty in order to govern mankind, to conduct the universe, to be a teacher of men, he asserts : " Law and justice did I establish in the land : the happiness of my people did I secure " ; whereupon there follow at once the provisions of his code. These imply a state of society which has already attained a high level of civilisation. The king is supreme ; under him are local . magistrates ; he 4 ON INSPIRATION has constables and officials and soldiers who are impressed for his service and sent off to guard his fortresses. There are three grades in society, the gentry, the commoners, the slaves, each clearly marked off from the other, yet able to intermarry ; there are temples with consecrated virgins, allowed, however, to marry, and with their treasuries into which deposits are made and from which captives are ransomed ; the waters of " the holy river " are used for trial by ordeal ; the inhabitants are under obligation to keep in repair the banks of the canals that run by their property ; there are wine-shops, kept apparently by women ; there is already individual property in land ; there is an organised trade and commerce ; merchants lend money to the cultivators on the security of the harvest and send their agents into distant countries. There are doctors with their treatment for acci dents, for enteric fever, for ophthalmia ; veterinary surgeons for the cows and sheep ; house-builders, boat-builders, building three different kinds of boat ; wajer-men, market-gardeners, shepherds, cow-herds, agricultural labourers. Monogamy is the rule of married life, but a man is allowed to take a second wife if his first wife is an invalid ; if she is childless, she may give a slave girl to her husband ; concubinage is permitted under restric tions, and the regulations for divorce are strictly defined, the husband having rather more freedom than the wife. All this busy, seething life throughout his vast MOSES AND HAMMURABI 5 empire, Hammurabi, building no doubt upon pre existing custom and possibly modifying pre-exist ing legislation, attempts to bring under the sphere of law. In two cases the individual is allowed to take the law into his own hands ; a man who steals from a burning house may at once be cast into the flames (§ 25) ; a burglar caught breaking into a house may be killed and buried on the spot (§ 21).1 In two cases also trial by ordeal of water is required, one for the magician who has cast a spell unjustly (2), the other for a wife suspected of unchastity (132) — the one case in which the Jewish law imposed a similar ordeal of drinking bitter water (Num. v. 11). But these are exceptions. The full machinery of the law courts is in existence — judges, witnesses, formal oaths, production of documents, penalties, appar ently an appeal from the judge to the king (cf. Cook, p. 66). Penalties are imposed on the judge for changing his judgment, or perhaps if his judgment is upset on appeal ; on the witnesses for perjury, on suitors for bribery. The rights of the king's agents are carefully guarded in their absence from home ; the marriage relations are fixed with special fulness of detail ; there are prohibited degrees of con sanguinity (mother, daughter, step-mother [?], cf. Cook, p. 1 0 1 ) ; provisions for the purchase money paid by the husband for the wife, for the dower 1 Cf. S. A. Cook : " The Laws of Moses and the Code of Hammurabi," p. 250. 6 ON INSPIRATION given by the father to his daughter, for breaches of promise of marriage, for charges of unfaithful ness, for the relative position of the wife and the concubine, of the wife and her maid, for divorce, for the adoption of children, for the share of property after the death of the father, and a father's power of disinheriting a child is carefully limited. Deeds of violence or of culpable care lessness are regulated by the jus talionis, whether it affects person or property. "In cases of damage to property it is ship for ship (235), goods for goods (232), ox for ox (245, 263), sheep for sheep (263), and similarly as regards persons, it is man for man (229), woman for woman (210), son for son (116, 230), slave for slave (219, 231), limb for limb (197), tooth for tooth (200), eye for eye (196); and whatever punishment a man tried to bring on another is to be inflicted on him (3)" (Cook, p. 249) ; but it is to be noticed that damages are assessed differently for gentry and commoners. " If a man has caused the loss of a gentleman's eye, his eye one shall cause to be lost. If he has shattered a gentleman's limb, one shall shatter his limb " ; but " If he has caused a poor man to lose his eye or shattered a poor man's limb, he shall pay one mina of silver " (196-8). "If a man has made the tooth of a man that is his equal to fall out, one shall make his tooth fall out " ; but " If he has made the tooth of a poor man to fall out, he shall pay one-third of a mina of silver" (200, 201). MOSES AND HAMMURABI 7 Definite penalties are assigned for witchcraft, theft, burglary, brigandage, slander, incest, seduc tion, adultery. Lastly, the code regulates wages and prices of food ; the fees to be paid to a doctor, a veterinary surgeon, a house-builder, a boat-builder, an artisan, a water-man for the hire of his boat, a farmer for the hire of his ox for threshing — all are exactly fixed. Even more than this, damages are assessed, and assessed highly, for bad work ; thus, " If a doctor has treated a gentleman for a severe wound with a lancet of bronze and has caused the gentleman to die, or has opened an abscess in the eye of a gentleman and has caused the loss of the gentle man's eye, one shall cut off his hands" (218); again, '' If a builder has built a house for a man and has not made strong his work, and the house he has made has fallen, and he has caused the death of the owner of the house, that builder shall be put to death" (229). Such is a rough outline of the code, and after it there follows on the monument an epilogue, in which Hammurabi again recounts his exploits and achievements for the good of the Empire, invokes a blessing on those kings who shall carry out his code, and calls down most terrific curses of every kind upon any who shall alter or set it at naught. The whole forms a marvellous illustration of the growth of the principles of civil government and of jurisprudence. It needs a comparative study of jurisprudence to do it full justice. A 8 ON INSPIRATION comparison with other Semitic custom and legis lation will be found in Mr Cook's book ; here we are only concerned with its relation to the Jewish legislation. Now, first, it is important to notice that there is no necessary connection between the two codes as codes. The influence, if there is influence from one nation upon the other, may be the influence of custom upon custom, rather than of code upon code. Each code necessarily implies a pre-exist ing custom which it either formulates or modifies ; and the same custom may have grown up inde pendently in two countries. Thus Abraham's treatment of Hagar is exactly in accordance with the code of Hammurabi, yet is more probably due to the custom of his time than directly to the code. Further, Assyriologists regard Hammurabi as a foreigner who entered Babylonia from out side and obtained the kingdom by conquest : they doubt whether he came from Canaan, in which case he may have introduced into Babylonia Canaanite customs, or from Arabia, in which case both Babylonian and Israelite customs may have sprung from a common Arabian source. Yet, when once this code was established throughout the Babylonian Empire, it would have tended to stereotype custom, and it may, with more or less directness, have influenced Jewish legislation. In considering this, we have to put aside from the Jewish law, the whole of the part which deals directly with religion ; for though MOSES AND HAMMURABI 9 Hammurabi was evidently a religious man and had done much for the temples, yet he does not deal with them in this code. Again, we have to put aside from this code all that is inapplicable to the Jewish nation. This code regulates a large empire, the Mosaic law a small nation : this a great system of trade and commerce, as well as agricultural and pastoral life ; that deals only with the latter : hence we are reduced almost entirely to a comparison of those laws that regulate family life, or that protect property or person from violence or carelessness. We need further to remember that, as this code existed for almost two thousand years, it may have influenced Jewish custom at any period within that space of time, and have affected Jewish legislation at any time when the pro visions of the Jewish civil law were formulated afresh. It may have affected the earliest civil code, " The Book of the Covenant " (Exod. xxi. 2 — xxii. 1 7), the part of the law which has most claim to be considered as the work of Moses, or it may have affected the Deuteronomic legislation of the time of Josiah, or the legislation of the exile embodied in Leviticus ; or, again, passing beyond the canon, it may have affected the " traditions of the elders " which grew up round the written law and controlled civil life in the last centuries before Christ. When we turn to " The Book of the Covenant," there are certainly some striking points of io ON INSPIRATION similarity with the Code. Both are based upon the jus talionis ; in each that principle is modified in its application to slaves, though the modifica tion is different. In the Code the slave receives pecuniary compensation ; in the Book of the Covenant he receives his freedom ; and whereas Hammurabi allows compensation, also, in the case of the poor, Moses treats all the freeborn Israelites as on one level. There are other points of detail which may be seen best by parallel arrangement. Thus : — If a man has struck his He that smiteth his father father, his hands one shall or his mother shall surely be cut off (195). put to death (Exod. xxi. 15). If a man has stolen the He that stealeth a man, son of a freeman, he shall be and selleth him, or if he be put to death (14). found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death (xxi. 16). If a man has struck a man If men contend, and one in a quarrel and has caused smiteth the other with a him a wound, that man shall stone, or with his fist, and swear, " I do not strike him he die not, but keep his bed : knowing" and shall answer if he rise again, and walk for the doctor (206). abroad upon his staff, then shall he that smote him be quit : only he shall pay for the loss of his time, and shall cause him to be thoroughly healed (xxi. 18, 19). Both deal with harm done to a woman with child, so as to cause miscarriage ; but Hammurabi fixes the exact penalty by law (209-214), Moses leaves it to be settled by the husband, perhaps with appeal to the judges (Exod. xxi. 22, but v. Cook, p. 253). Both deal with goring by a MOSES AND HAMMURABI n vicious ox, both making a difference in the penalty, if the ox has been complained of before as being dangerous ; but Hammurabi in this case only requires a money payment (250-253), Moses requires that both the ox and its owner be put to death (Exod. xxi. 29). Both deal again with harm done to a neighbour's crops by the straying of sheep into them (57, Exod. xxii. 5); with the theft of cattle ; with the accidental loss of cattle ; with the destruction of them by wild beasts (244, 266-67, Exod. xxii. 10-12); with the loss of property which has been deposited by another (120-126, Exod. xxii. 7-10). In both a suspected person may clear himself " before God " or " by the oath of the Lord." Both allow of trial by ordeal. There are thus obvious points of likeness ; the two codes deal with the same problems ; in one or two instances, especially in the treatment of debtors, Hammurabi's is the more humane ; but in a larger number of cases this is true of the Book of the Covenant : and it must remain doubtful whether there is a deliberate influence of one code upon another. Mr Cook decides against it ; my own feeling is rather the other way. The civil legislation of Deuteronomy is fuller still, as it deals more with judicial offences (perjury, false judgment), with accidental homicide, with the relations of the sexes, with divorce, and affords many points of contact with the code, yet the resemblance in detail is not so striking ; the general tendency in Deuteronomy, as compared 12 ON INSPIRATION with the Book of the Covenant, is toward a greater humaneness, e.g., in dealing with slaves, strangers and animals, and in modifying the law of retaliation, and it is "still impossible to discover unambiguous examples of borrowing " (Cook, p. 280). On the other hand, it is interest ing to notice that the whole setting of this body of laws is on the exact analogy of Hammurabi's code ; it is preceded by a historical introduction, and it is followed by an invoking of blessings and curs ings ; not, indeed, on rulers who shall or shall not enforce the code, but on the individuals who shall or shall not obey it. After the exile Mr Cook sees a greater effect of Babylonian practice and law, in matters dealing with trade and commerce, and in legal phraseology, and this continued into the subsequent period of the Talmud, but he does not trace this directly to the code of Hammurabi, so that we need not pursue the point further. It is impossible, therefore, to formulate the relation between these two systems of law. It may be that they are only the outcome of parallel but independent customs, or of customs dependent upon one and the same source ; it may be that the Jewish law is the outcome of custom already modified by the Babylonian code ; it may be that the Jewish legislator has known the Baby lonian code and been consciously influenced by it. Yet, on this supposition, his action has not been that of mere transference from country to country ; MOSES AND HAMMURABI 13 it has been a deliberate adaptation and remodel ling of what he found elsewhere to the circum stances of his own people. Yet, even if the dependence had been more obvious and more complete, this would not prohibit us from regarding the Jewish law as a result of inspiration and as having its proper place in the revelation of the Bible. For inspira tion does not necessarily imply originality of conception. To take an instance from a lower level of its working. We do not deny poetic inspiration to Shakespeare in writing " The Merchant of Venice," because we find that the chief incidents, the caskets and the pound of flesh, are borrowed from earlier dramatists ; but we find the traces of it in the skill with which the whole is fused into a poetic unity, in the beauty of treatment, in the truth to human nature. So within the Bible itself. The reality of the inspiration of the records of the Creation and of the Flood has to be reconciled with the fact that they have been influenced by Babylonian legends, and we trace it in their purification of those legends, in their spiritual tendencies, in their unity with the needs of man and with his sub sequent history. The very name of God, El, is confessedly pre-Jewish ; the same may possibly be proved to be true of the more sacred name, Jehovah ; yet, none the less, will the Jewish conception of God remain inspired. Nor, again, does inspiration imply that the 14 ON INSPIRATION Mosaic legislation was the best, the most humane, the most civilised, existing in the world at the time when it was enacted. The code of a small nomad tribe cannot have been so far advanced in many respects as that of the developed city and imperial life of Babylonia and of Egypt. Nay, the very calling of an Abraham and a Moses out of civilisations so mature as we now know those of Babylon and Egypt to have been is a striking mark of the contrast between civilisation and religion, a proof that there are " greater riches than the treasures in Egypt," that the spiritual is higher than the material, and that the material has often to be sacrificed to secure the spiritual. Nor, once more, are the provisions of an inspired code necessarily final and eternally true. The whole process of the history of the Mosaic law, as brought into clear light by modern criticism, refutes such an idea ; but it did not need modern criticism to refute it. Our Lord's own teaching about divorce as permitted by Moses for the hardness of men's hearts had asserted the principle of economy and adaptation in the Jewish law, and his treatment of the very principle of the jus talionis shows its inadequacy : " Ye have heard that it was said, An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth ; but I say unto you that ye resist not him that is evil " (St Matt. v. 38 ; xix. 8). In what more positive ways, then, can we venture to trace the presence of inspiration ? MOSES AND HAMMURABI 15 (1) It implies, first of all, that the civil code as first laid down and as altered from time to time by subsequent legislators, was God's Word to His people, that it was the absolutely right provision for their needs at each stage of their civilisation, emanating from Him, impressed by His Spirit on the mind of the legislator, enforced with all the sanction of divine authority. If it is urged that the same plea might be made for the Code of Hammurabi, that it was the ideally best for the Babylonian Empire of his time, impressed on him by the spirit of Marduk, and sanctioned with the authority of the gods — I see no reason why we should not admit the claim for such inspiration. (2) But we claim more than this for a code inspired by Jehovah. We claim that wherever it passes from mere temporary provisions into the assertion of principles, those principles are eternally true and binding. This rarely happens within the civil provisions, which are necessarily adapted to passing stages of society, yet we can trace it even there in the spirit of tenderness for strangers and for animals ; in the modification of the strict principle of retaliation ; in the development of a stronger sense of individual responsibility ; in the denunciation of all witchcraft, and of immorality in connection with worship. But it is mainly in the Decalogue that this is emphasised ; for there, in a way with which nothing else can be com pared, the duty to man is fused together with the duty to God, and morality is bound by an in- 16 ON INSPIRATION soluble link with religion. It may, indeed, be said, that even within the Decalogue there have been changes made. Our Lord showed that its enactments were incomplete, unless extended from actions to words and thoughts, but this was only to increase its application. It is a greater difficulty that the Christian Church has to a certain extent abrogated the second and fourth Commandments. It has sanctioned artistic re presentations of Our Lord, though believing Him to be the image of the invisible God ; and even at times (whether rightly or wrongly) representa tions of the Father Himself. But the second Com mandment served a special purpose before the Incarnation. Had Jewish art drawn pictures or carved sculptures of the Divine, as art did in Egypt or Babylon or Greece, it would have filled men's minds with the thought of majestic terror, or of terrific power, or of beauty, as the representations of the highest : as it was, the minds of the chosen people were left free to accept as the authentic image of God the perfect love of a perfect Man. Yet even now, the Church reads and values the second Comurr^dment as a warn ing against thinking that even Luman nature at its best can exhaust the conception of God, as a check upon all false anthropomorphism, a safe guard of the mystery of the essence of the Divine Nature. In the same way, the Church has definitely abrogated the observance of the seventh day of the week ; yet it still reads and values the MOSES AND HAMMURABI 17 fourth Commandment as the assertion of the abid ing principle that a definite portion of our time should be specially devoted to the service of God. (3) But the highest result of inspiration has yet to be noted. It is that the inspired civil code is bound up with the highest conception of God, and so the code is placed upon the right line of progress and development. You may take two laws, identically the same in terms, yet one of these shall be still-born, and the other shall live to be a power for ever and the parent of much future legislation ; and the fate of each depends upon the personality of the legislator, the strength of the motive to which he makes his appeal, and the character of the society in which it is pro mulgated. Let it be granted, if you will, that the Jews borrowed their names of God, their theories of creation, their civil laws from elsewhere ; yet when all these have passed over into Judaism, something has happened : the names of God are deepened in content, the legends are purified, the laws are humanised ; they are based upon an appeal to the love of God and of man ; they are in a channel of movement which is carrying them victoriously forward. The name of Jehovah is said to signify " He will become what he will be come " ; it implies a Personal Transcendent Being, standing outside history, guiding it and adapting the revelation of Himself to the growing needs of humanity : and laws that are inspired by His Spirit have in them the secret of an undying vitality. 1 8 ON INSPIRATION Hammurabi's legislation did its work, effective, beneficent, far-reaching throughout the East ; but its record has now to be unearthed under the ruins of Susa. The Decalogue is still a living power throughout the whole world. Moses hath still in every city them that preach him, not only in every Jewish synagogue, but also in every Christian church. Thus, to take the instance of the underlying principle of each code, the jus talionis — " An eye for an eye, and a tooth for a tooth " — this, as a part of Hammurabi's legisla tion, controlled for centuries the unlimited savagery of Oriental vengeance. As found in the legisla tion of Moses, it appeared to have a much less effect, controlling only the savagery of one small nation ; yet even there it had a wider and juster application to all free-born men ; and it was in the true line of development ; it came to be expanded into the still deeper principle, " I say unto you, Resist not evil ; but whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek, turn to him the other also " ; and of that principle there may be many applications in the Christian Church, which are yet scarcely dreamt of. " Now that the pyramids have opened their depths and the Assyrian palaces their portals, the people of Israel, with its literature, appears as the youngest member only of a venerable and hoary group of nations." So writes Professor Delitzsch in " Babel und Bibel." This is quite true ; yet it makes none the less remarkable the faith of MOSES AND HAMMURABI 19 Abraham who left such a civilisation for the sake of the service of God. It is quite true ; yet the youngest member was the Benjamin of the group, the son of God's right hand ; and it is none the less marvellous that it won its way above all its elder brothers and survived their overthrow. It had at its back a conception of God, strong, eternal, with a power to adapt His Revelations to His people's growth. It was this conception which enabled them to move forward, incor porating freely whatever there was of truth and justice in the nations around ; purifying what they received from without, sloughing all that was unworthy within ; going from strength to strength, until they formed the basis on which Christ built His Church and framed His own law. In this sense the Jewish boast still remains true : " What nation is there so great that hath statutes and judgments so righteous as all this law ? " (Deut. iv. 8). " He hath not dealt so with any nation, neither have the heathen knowledge of His laws " (Ps. cxlvii. 20). The youngest member of the venerable and hoary group of nations may take on its lips the words of Elihu : " I am young and ye are very old : wherefore I was afraid and durst not show mine opinion. I said days should speak, and multitude of years should teach wisdom. But there is a spirit in men, and the inspiration of the Almighty giveth them understanding " (Job xxxii. 6-8). THOUGHTS ON INSPIRATION 2. THE SOURCES OF THE PROLOGUE OF ST JOHN'S GOSPEL1 IF it is consistent with due reverence to draw lines within the sacred circle of the Inspired Books, and to say " this is more inspired than that," there is little doubt that the Christian instinct would feel that this Prologue to the Fourth Gospel reaches the very highest level of all. It deals with the deepest mysteries of God, yet all the while it treads firmly on earth and has a sure hold on human life : its range includes all living beings and extends throughout all the centuries of history ; it links time with eternity, the material with the spiritual, being with becom ing, promise with fulfilment, creation with redemp tion, law with love ; and these subjects it touches with an unhesitating delicate precision of touch, with a style direct, symmetrical, stately, in all ways adequate to the theme : here, if anywhere, the Spirit of God has breathed into the spirit of man an insight into the most azure depths of heaven's mysteries, and has empowered him to clothe his 1 A lecture delivered to the Clergy at the Oxford Summer Meeting 1905. THE PROLOGUE OF ST JOHN'S GOSPEL 21 thoughts in words no less inspired than the truth which they enshrine. Yet it is quite consistent with this view of in spiration to feel that the writer is in many ways dependent on previous writers, that both words and thoughts are, perhaps consciously, perhaps unconsciously, due to other sources, and that his achievement lies mainly in the welding of what was before scattered and misty into a complete clearly-defined whole, and in the addition to what he received from previous thinkers of just the central truth which had been revealed to him, and which becomes the corner-stone of the whole. We ask then from whom it is likely that he may have borrowed materials, who are the writers most likely to have influenced him, and we find ourselves face to face with a bewildering possibility of choice. The most conservative critic is scarcely likely to place the date of the Gospel before 90 A.D. But this date implies that there were in existence before the writer's time not only the whole of the Old Testament, but also the Apocryphal books of Judaism, the oral teaching of the earlier Rabbis, the whole of the writings of Philo, opening up to Jewish study a vista into all previous Greek philosophy, and also — and this is more important — practically the whole of the New Testament writings. Nearly all critics would admit that, whatever the date of the Gospel, it is later than the Synoptist Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, the Pauline Epistles, the 22 ON INSPIRATION Epistle to the Hebrews, the First Epistle of St Peter, and the Apocalypse. All these then are possible sources from which a writer of that date might draw : lastly, it is not to be forgotten that, while he was composing the Prologue, the sub stance of his own Gospel would be before his mind, and that therefore his description of " the Word " may spring out of the Lord's own discourses which had been long stored in his memory, and which he was about to record for the faith of others. This store of materials is so large and varied that it may seem almost a hopeless task to attempt to search for points of dependence, but the main thoughts of the Prologue will be our guide ; and these are two, the first is the thought that a being who had been with God at creation had dwelt among men in the life of Jesus Christ, and revealed God to man with a fuller revelation than that given by John the Baptist or by Moses : the second is the sad reflection that that revelation had, like previous revelations, met with a double acceptance among men ; it had been welcomed by some, but rejected by others. We naturally then turn to the account of Creation in the book of Genesis, to the descrip tion of Wisdom and her action in creation and in providence in the books of Proverbs (c. viii.), of Wisdom (c. vii. 2 2- 30), of Ecclesiasticus (c. xxiv.), to the great descriptions of God's character in the Psalms, to the many pathetic wailings over the rejection of their message by the Prophets, and to THE PROLOGUE OF ST JOHN'S GOSPEL 23 the comments upon and echoes of these in Jewish Rabbinical teaching, in Philo, or in the New Testament. Let us then try to look in at the writer's work shop, and watch him choosing his themes and even at times his very words : * or rather let us listen to the religious teacher, as with 'disciples around him (ufnTg xix. 35 ; xx. 30) he proceeds to recall, and probably dictate to one of them, his re miniscences of his Lord, and, before doing so, tries to show the central importance of the life which he is going to illustrate. That life, he has come to see more and more, was no accident in history : each saying, each action had grown in meaning as he had watched each prophecy fulfilled, and seen the power of each act repeated in the experience of the Christian Church ; the life was of eternal significance ; • it came from God and told of God in every detail ; it was the act of that God who had ever been revealing Himself: it was a link, the most 1 The following passage from Professor A. C. Bradley's " Shake spearean Tragedy" is worth quoting in this connection. "The antithesis of art and inspiration, though not meaningless, is often most misleading. Inspiration is surely not incompatible with considerate workmanship. The two may be severed, but they need not be so, and where a genuinely poetic result is being produced, they cannot be so. The glow of a first conception must in some measure survive or rekindle itself in the work of planning and executing, and what is called a technical expedient may ' come ' to a man with as sudden a glory as a splendid image. Verse may be easy and unpremeditated, as Milton says his was, and yet many a word in it maybe changed many a time, and the last change be more inspired than the original " (p. 68). 24 ON INSPIRATION important link, in a chain of continuous revela tion. Now Jewish and Greek and Christian thought alike had long been feeling after some means of expressing this method of revelation, some Being who could mediate between the Infinite God and the Finite creature, who could act as God's organ in creation and in providence : and the writer had seen Jesus Christ control creation, he had known His care for himself and for the Church ; of this, at least, he is sure, that however that Being is to be defined, He is one with Jesus Christ. What title then shall he choose out of the many descriptions and definitions which had been given of Him ? Among these many he has practically a choice of two alternatives, which stood out prominently from among all other titles. Shall he call him " The Wisdom of God " or shall he call him " The Word of God " ? There was much to be said for either. " The Wisdom " would recall at once the whole wisdom-literature of the Old Testament : and it would have support in the Lord's own words (St Matt. xi. 19; St Luke vii. 35 ; xi. 49) : but it would have this drawback ; it would suggest primarily the thought of a quality immanent in the mind of God, the wisdom of the Divine architect, the plan in His mind on which all material things were modelled ; but our writer's aim is rather to show how God has been revealed, interpreted (i^rtyriearo, v. 18) to man ; his thought is not primarily that the world had been the perfect work of a wise Creator and THE PROLOGUE OF ST JOHN'S GOSPEL 25 Jesus Christ the climax of His work, but that ever since creation there had been a revealing of God to man, and that Jesus Christ had been the fullest organ of that Revelation.1 " The Word" then will be the better title for his purpose. It will indeed have many advantages. It will lead up naturally to the stress which he wants to lay on the words of Jesus as being spirit and life (vi. 63), and on His discourses as being the utter ances of Him who claimed to be the Truth (xiv. 6) : they will be sayings of one who had already been described as " the faithful and true witness, the beginning of the creation of God" (Rev. iii. 14). And " the Word " also has its roots in the Old Testament ; it recalls each " God said " of creation (Gen. i. 3, 6, 9, etc.) : it recalls the Psalmist's sum mary of creation (Ps. xxxii. 6 r» ~k6yy rov Kvplou 0/ obgavo! taregiwOrieav), and his use and that of the Apocryphal writers of "God's Word" as the agent of His Providence in healing and delivering his chosen people (Ps. cvi. 20 air'taruXi rbv Xdyov avrou. Wisdom ix. I ; xvi. I 2 ; xviii. I5» iravro&uvaftiOS sou \6yog) : above all, it will take up the Rabbinic reverence, which when speaking of God's manifestation of Himself to man substituted for God the title " the Word of God," "the memra." In using it, he will be speaking of the same Being of whom the Jewish Rabbis thought when they spoke of God protect- 1 Grill (Die Entstehung des vierten Evangeliums, pp. 176-201) suggests that the writer avoids all use of the word " wisdom, "because it was discredited by its use in heretical sects : but would not this argument avail equally against the use of " The Word " ? 26 ON INSPIRATION ing Noah by His Word, making a covenant between Abraham and His word, of Moses bringing forth the people to meet the Word of God at Mount Sinai. There was one further reason why the title would help his purpose ; for through Philo its Greek philosophical meaning had become current throughout the eastern religious world, and even in Christian circles : much of the language associated with it had been adopted by St Paul and the writer to the Epistle to the Hebrews ; and yet there were striking points in which the Philonian doctrine might mislead Christian dis ciples : he would be able to guard against this, while He stated shortly, clearly, authoritatively, what the Word really was. So he commences, i. Ln the beginning: The Lord Himself had spoken of His life with the Father "before the world was" (xvii. 5, 24): so he must trace it back as far as creation : but his actual phrase shall recall the Jewish description of Wisdom created in the beginning (Prov. viii. 22 »)," (viii 58) : probably, also, a conscious antithesis to the frequent ty'iutro of Genesis (i. 3, 5, 6, etc.). Before each created thing came into being, there was one already in full Being. The Word: not simply a word, a power of expression ; not many words, many commands, " Let there be " ; not here even defined as " The Word of God" ; but absolutely, without any limi tation or qualification, The Word : the power of perfect expression of Thought, the one Word of which each command at creation was part and parcel, which embraces all the protective work of "the Word of God," which absorbs all that is true in Philo's Ideal Reason. And the Word was with God. What preposi tion shall he use ? Shall he say " side by side with God " (nrapa tu ha) ? that had the Lord's own sanction (xvii. 5 ™fi aol), that would recall the position of Wisdom (Prov. viii. 20 aufiirapfiiiriv aWti ; Wisd. ix. 4 rZv earn Sgovwv TageSgoy). Yet even that is not strong enough. Something is needed that shall be at least as strong as Philo's description of the Word as an image of God placed in the closest relation to the only God, with no intervening distance between them (0 lyyurdra, /^riShog ovrog [tzdogiov diairfj/Aarog, rou //.o'uou 0 eariv a^ivBSig atpidgv/Aevog. De Profugis c. 1 9 1). The language of Proverbs will suggest something better : there Wisdom had 1I owe this and some other references to Philo to Grill (ubi supra, pp. 106-120). 28 ON INSPIRATION said, " I was daily his delight (jj a-goffe^a/g^), rejoicing always before him " (Prov. viii. 30). That is the thought : not " side by side with God," but " face to face with God," "heart to heart with God," there where cor cordi loquitur, in constant joyful intercourse with God. As in his first Epistle (I. i. 2) he feels that irghg alone can express the real relation. and the Word was — God : not merely " God's " : like " the Word of God " in the mouth of Jewish Rabbis or of Philo (e.g. De opific. mundi c. 6 ; o!idh av irspov ilwoi rhv voqrhv x6a/x,ov thai jj 8iou Xoyov rjdri xofffi-oiroiouvrog) : nor again merely " Divine " as Philo often called it (e.g. De opif. m. cc. 5, 8, 10, 51): nor again in Philo's language " a second God " devngog k6g (Fragm. ii. 625) : nor again, to use the strongest phrase which Philo allowed himself, one who might be called God but only by inferior beings, not by the wise and initiated (ouros yap tj/Luv ruv &re\wv av i"ir\ hog, rum de aotpav xal rsXelut 0 nrg&rog de leg. alleg., iii. 73) : but one who was, as He Himself had said, one thing with the Father (x. 30), one wHo was, without any qualifications or limitations, God. 2. The same was in the beginning with God. This is repeated, partly to emphasise the greatness of the saying, " Yes, such an one, a Word that was God, was in the beginning with God " ; partly to prepare for the following verse ; " Such an one was present at the time of creation, ready to be God's instrument." THE PROLOGUE OF ST JOHN'S GOSPEL 29 3. All things were made by Him : all things — the writer's mind passes through the whole stages of creation in Genesis, with the constant refrain of iy'evero, from which were made is borrowed. by Him, or through Him (margin) : this recalls the work of Wisdom in creation (Prov. viii. 24-3 1 ) ; but the exact preposition had been used by Philo of the Word, by St Paul of Jesus Christ (1 Cor. viii. 6) and by St Paul and the Epistle to the Hebrews of the Son of God (Col. i. 1 6, Hebr. i. 2). The use of it by St Paul in 1 Cor. viii. 6 (0/ ol ra. irdvru) suggests that it was already a common Christian saying, so that it may be quite inde pendent of Philo. And without him was not anything made that was made : the positive statement is not sufficient : there were so many false views of the nature of matter : each must be rejected, and every single thing brought under the creative act of a good God. Philo had explained the saying of the Creator, "Let us make man," on the assumption that God had made use of inferior assistants in order that the evil actions of men might be attributed to them. (De opific. mundi, c. 24). Against such a view, against all Eastern theories of the evil of matter, very possibly with the conscious thought of the various struggles of St Paul's life, in which he had contended — now against Jewish legal prejudice, now against Gentile superstitious belief in idols, now against pseudo-philosophic theories, — that " nothing is common or unclean in itself," but that 30 ON INSPIRATION " every creature of God is good " ( i Cor. viii.-x. ; Rom. xiv. 14; 1 Tim. iv. 4), our writer reiterates his assertion. 4. In him was life : the writer's mind passes to the creation of living things in Genesis i. 2 1 , 24, 30 ; ii. 7. Life is singled out because it is the essential attribute of God, and because the writer is going to show how Christ was always giving or restoring or deepening life, perhaps with conscious reference to the Lord's saying " as the Father has life in Himself, so He gave to His Son to have life in Himself" (v. 36). and the life was the light of men : the light is the second great attribute of God ; so the writer himself had defined God as Light (1 J. i. 5), and the Psalmist had combined light very closely with life, " With thee is the well of life and in Thy light shall we see light " (Ps. xxxvi. 9). It was also the second great gift which the Gospel will show that Christ claimed to give. 5. And the light shineth in the darkness: and the darkness overcame^ (R.V. margin) it not. There lies behind this phrase the thought of the separation between light and darkness in the original creation (Genesis i. 2-4), and the thought of their essential antagonism, and the daily struggle between them (cf. Philo, De Opific. m. c. 9, " After the shining forth of the ideal light which existed before the sun, then its adversary darkness with- 1 I have accepted this translation, though with no feeling of certainty that it is right. THE PROLOGUE OF ST JOHN'S GOSPEL 31 drew, as God put a wall between them and separ ated them," etc.) There may therefore be a sub conscious reminiscence of the similar comparison between Wisdom and the Sun : " For she is more beautiful than the sun, and above all the order of the stars : being compared with the light she is found before it. For after this cometh night, but vice shall not prevail against wisdom. aoivog r^hag ovqeiv 'iyiiv w iftidlSoigi irplg rrjv rojv XapBavovrtiiv "itiyyv ra SiSofibivu ara^arat ; De Posteritate Cain, c. 43). The phrase is then the writer's way of expressing the Lord's saying, " to him that hath shall be given," and is consciously full of and grateful for the constant beneficence of God to the Christian body. 1 7. The law was given by Moses : grace and truth came by Jesus Christ. The first antithesis between law, and grace is due to St Paul ; behind this verse lie the Epistles to the Galatians and the Romans where the same contrast is de veloped : the second antithesis, between law and truth, recalls the epistle to the Hebrews with its contrast between the shadows of the law and the reality of the Gospel. 1 8. No man hath seen God at any time. This is directly from our Lord's words (vi. 46), but it was also a Jewish thought (Exod. xxxiii. 20) THE PROLOGUE OF ST JOHN'S GOSPEL 37 adapted into Christian Liturgies ( 1 T. vi. 1 6) : probably urged frequently against heathen idolatry. The writer had himself insisted on it (1 J. iv. 12). which is in the bosom of the Father, the object of His love and the recipient of His secrets. Cf. xiii. 23-26. It was when he himself had lain on the bosom of his master that he had learnt his secrets : so how could he better express the intimacy of the Word's relation to the Father? he hath declared him : here, as perhaps already before, there is a reminiscence of St Mt. xi. 27, our5s rov irariga rig iifiyivuiexn, el /a?j o vibg xal u> idv fiouXrirai b vibg airoxaXv^ai. But the rarer word ifyiyfoaro takes the place of dntixdX\>~\nv ; perhaps it is suggested by Philo's description of the Word as God's interpreter eg/mivius (leg. alleg. iii. 73) : or it may recall the more classical usage of the word : the Son acted as the Mystagogue ; He initiated us into the Father's secrets (cf. im^ra! in 2 P. i. 16). It will thus correspond to the Synoptists' use of " the mysteries " of the Kingdom. It is interesting lastly to notice how closely the conception of the whole Prologue corresponds to the great thanksgiving of our Lord which is recorded in St Mt. xi. 25-30, St Luke x. 21-24. There is the same reference to the Lord of creation ; there is the same contrast between those who receive and those who reject ; those who receive are here called children of God, there they are babes ; there is the same stress on man's powerlessness to know the Father : on the Son 38 ON INSPIRATION as His only revealer ; there the stress is on revelation, here on interpretation of truth ; there is the promise of rest to the weary, here the characteristic note of grace. That passage too lies behind this Prologue. I have not attempted to interpret the Pro logue ; but rather to indicate the sources from which the thoughts and actual words took their origin. It is difficult to draw out points of depend ence like these with anything but a heavy hand ; there must be an appearance of exaggeration. For the shades of dependence of one writer on another are very various ; they are at times con scious, at times subconscious, at times unconscious, and it is hard for a commentator to draw lines between these shades. My own opinion is that the writer shows a conscious literary dependence upon Genesis i., Proverbs and Ecclesiasticus ; that there is a conscious dependence upon the teaching of our Lord Himself, with perhaps a literary dependence upon theSynoptist record; also upon the teaching of St Paul which is expressed in the Epistle^ to the Romans, Galatians, Ephesians and Colossians, with perhaps a literary dependence upon those Epistles and upon the Epistle to the Hebrews ; that there is a second-hand reference to the teaching of Philo, as learnt through others ; and that all other allusions are subconscious, or scarcely conscious at all. It is no depreciation of its inspired character to say this. Wordsworth's " Ode to Duty " stands THE PROLOGUE OF ST JOHN'S GOSPEL 39 on a very high level of poetic inspiration, but we think none the less of it because we believe that a good deal of the tone and colour springs from Spenser's " Hymn to Heavenly Beauty " or that he has borrowed the phrase " lowly wise " from Milton's " Paradise Lost." It is this combination of the use of previous truth with fresh individual insight which is a sure mark of inspiration ; 1 and in this Prologue, whoever the writer be, and nothing has been said here which seems to me inconsistent with the authorship of St John, we are in presence of a mind which has brooded over the life and sayings of the Lord until it has grasped their eternal value, which has thus seen that it is he who alone fulfils all that Jewish thought had attributed to the Wisdom of God, and all that both Jewish and Greek thought alike 1 Since the above words were written I have lighted upon the following passage about the Greek poets which is full of suggestive- ness, when transferred to the higher level of Biblical Inspiration. "The inventive faculty found ample scope in reinterpreting the known cycle of legends with subtle and significant divergence of detail. "Great and precious origination," says George Eliot, ' ' can only exist on condition of a wide massive uniformity. When a multitude of men have learned to use the same language in speech and writing, then and then only can the greatest masters of language arise. For in what does their mastery consist? They use words which are already a familiar medium of understanding and sympathy in such a way as greatly to enlarge the understanding and sympathy." This which is said in the first instance of style is in its measure also true of the handling of the subject matter. The creative act of genius does not consist in bringing something out of nothing, but in taking possession of material that exists, in appro priating it, interpreting it anew." S. H. Butcher : "Harvard Lectures on Greek subjects," p. 132. 40 ON INSPIRATION were attributing to the Word of God, which has taken the new truths drawn out in the history of the Christian Church by St Paul and the writer to the Epistle to the Hebrews, and then under the influence of the Spirit draws all these truths into one focus, and reveals the crowning truths that this Word really was God, that He really dwelt in one human life, and that He has gifts of grace and truth to give to all who receive Him. As we watch the words drawn with care and thought from this side and from that, as we seem to see the less appropriate word laid aside and the more appropriate chosen, as we note a significance in the very order in which the words are ranged side by side, surely here at least we touch on the possibility, the probability, the full meaning of Verbal Inspiration. We would not have any word other or otherwise placed than we find it, and on such a theme as this what but the inpouring of a Divine Spirit could have kindled a writer to produce such a result ? THOUGHTS ON INSPIRATION 3. THE OLD TESTAMENT AN ESSENTIAL PART OF THE REVELATION OF GOD WHAT is the permanent value of the Old Testament? The difficulty of answer ing the question lies in this, that the value is so multiform. The New Testament scholar claims it as his most important aid to understand the language, the style, the thoughts of the writers whom he is interpreting. The student of letters, again, cannot dispense with literature which will rank with that of any nation in its variety, its beauty of form, its sublimity and intensity.1 But neither of these values are to our present purpose. Neither will it be necessary, with a view to it, to discuss details of the Higher Criticism. No doubt it is quite true that many of the conclusions that are claimed for that criticism are very perplexing. In the first place, they tend to upset the traditional theory of the 1 Cf. Dr Driver, "Sermons on the Old Testament," pp. ix.-xix. Dr Driver summarizes the grounds on which he bases the permanent value of the Old Testament as being ' ' partly its fine literary form, partly the great variety of mode and occasion by which the creed and practice of its best men are exemplified, partly the intensity of spirit by which its teaching is penetrated." 41 42 ON INSPIRATION dates and methods of the composition of many of the books ; and the situation is as perplexing as it was, fifty years ago, to a simple botanist who had been trained to classify flowers on the Linnaean system to find the Linnaean arrangement discarded and a classification by natural order substituted : but the result of the change was to leave the flowers themselves as beautiful as ever, and to make their relationship and growth more in telligible. In the second place, the criticism emphasizes, far more than before, this human element in the Bible, and seems to allow of methods of production which would not be sanctioned by a modern literary morality. But we have long come to recognize heartily the principle of development in the Bible on the far more important line of personal morality and righteousness : if God could sanction lower stages of moral action in life, while moving onward to the full manifestation of His righteousness, is it less credible that He should sanction lower stages of literary method in the revelation of His truth ? We do not give up our faith in Reason because in its name serious mistakes have been made and wrong conclusions, e.g., that the sun goes round the earth, sanctioned and taught ; we do not give up our belief in the Church because in its name cruelties have been perpetrated or injustice ac quiesced in : so neither need we nor shall we surrender our faith in the Bible as the Word of God, even though it sanctions lower stages of THE OLD TESTAMENT 43 action, or though its writers have not hesitated to attribute to a great founder, such as Moses, that which was really the subsequent outcome of his principles. " How the record was brought together, out of what materials, at what times, under what con ditions, are questions of secondary importance " ; x we are, therefore, justified in going forward with the confident assurance that, whatever conclusions may be reached, there will remain a permanent value for the spiritual life ; the inherent beauty of the religious truths will not be less beautiful ; their relationship and growth may become more intelligible. We put these questions aside, and also the relation which the Bible bears to the Church, although the authority of either cannot be ade quately discussed without taking the other into account. Our aim is to treat the Old Testament as a revelation, as the authoritative record of God's dealings with mankind, and especially with one favoured nation — the nation to which the fuller revelation of Christianity was ultimately given. That fuller revelation claims to be an account of the way in which, through the life of Jesus Christ, God revealed His love to all mankind ; in which the capacities of human nature were seen at their highest point ; in which reconciliation was made, for the sin of the whole world ; in which 1 Bishop Westcott, " Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews,'' P- 493- 44 ON INSPIRATION peace with God and brotherhood between men was made possible for all within one Church ; in which all creation was brought back to fulfil its ideal purpose. If, then, we have so full a hope, so complete a revelation, what is the value any longer of that which is less full and less complete ? The answer is twofold. i. We value it because it paved the way for the more complete. This value comes home with special force to our own age, for " in the face of the historical spirit of the age, the study of past theology can never be regarded as a piece of re ligious antiquarianism." 1 And again, it has been finely said that as we always retain hope for a son who keeps his love for his parents, so we shall never despair of an age which retains its love for its own past.2 This instinctive gratitude for the past should be as true of a Church and of a revelation as of an age. In this spirit we recognize gladly all those movements after truth, all the faith in the gods, all the belief in human nature, all the adumbrations of the Incarnation, all the rites of sacrifice, which are found in the religious books of other nations. But whatever can be said of them must be said with tenfold strength of the Old Testament : it, and not they, histori cally produced the New Testament. No other nation had in it such an element of progress and ¦J. R. Illingworth, in "Lux Mundi," p. 182. 2 Sabatier, "S. Francois d'Assise," p. 3. THE OLD TESTAMENT 45 movement both upward and onward ; no other set of religious books put forward so pure, so high, so growing a conception of God's nature, or so hopeful a faith in man : for the Psalter is as strong an expression of the possibilities of man's righteous ness as it is an outpouring of his penitence and sense of dependence.1 Christians, then, cannot neglect or despise the Old Testament. Their relation to it was one of the earliest problems which they had to solve. The Gnostics in the second century, and the Manichseans in the third and fourth centuries, pointed to all the traces of a lower morality, such as the polygamy of the patriarchs and the kings, the cruel wars of extermination sanctioned by Moses, the treachery of Jael, the imprecation against the nation's enemies found in the Psalms and the Prophets, the anthropomorphic representation of God, and they urged that God's hand could not be seen there, that the Christian Church must cut itself free from Judaism and the Old Testament. In the same way a modern theologian has boldly said that, " for our ethics, the Old Testament is superfluous." 2 But both in ancient and modern times the Church has absolutely refused to take 1 " No competent student is ever likely to deny that our increased acquaintance with the religious literature of the ancient world has emphasized the supremacy of the Old Testament Scriptures. They still stand in lonely eminence, as they have always stood, immeasur ably superior to all else of their kind." (J. R. Illingworth, "Bampton Lectures," p. 173.) 2 Schleiermacher, quoted in G. A. Smith's " The Preaching of the Old Testament to the Age," p. 25. 46 ON INSPIRATION this line. Her writers have refused to cut the Gordian knot by declaring that God's hand was not there.1 They could not deny God's presence through the whole history, and they pointed out that morality must be judged relatively to the age in which each patriarch or saint lived, and that God's revelation of Himself is necessarily like that of a father revealing his will and thoughts to a growing child, " here a little, and there a little, line upon line, line upon line." To take one instance, which has often proved a stumbling-block, the conduct of Jael in killing Sisera : of her it has been well said by Dr Liddon : — " Jael is only eulogized because she lived in an age and in circumstances which extenuated what was imperfect or wrong in her act. She could not have been pronounced blessed had she been a Jewess, much less had she been a Christian. And a Christian cannot, if he would, place him self in her position, or divest himself of that higher knowledge of the will of God which has been given him." 2 This progressive character of Christian morality is, of course, clearly marked in the Sermon on the Mount, especially in our Lord's treatment of divorce, but it was realized explicitly in the Gnostic and Manichaean controversies. These 1 Esp. St Augustine, "Contra Faustum." For this whole sub ject, compare Mozley's " Ruling Ideas in Early Ages," especially lects. x., xi., pp. 264-274, and Keble's "Tracts for the Times," No. 89. 2 Dr Liddon, " Sermons on the Old Testament," p. 93. THE OLD TESTAMENT 47 earlier stages were not banned as the work of the devil : they were God's handiwork, right for the time, and with a permanent value as the stages which lead up to the fuller revelation. Though a ministration of death and engraved only upon stones, it was glorious : the old wine was good. But if a child may never forget the love and gratitude which he owes to his parents, neither may he merge his own personality in theirs. He may not act as the Chinese man of seventy years old is said to have done, still playing about on the floor with his child's toys when in the presence of his parents. He has his own life, which is not theirs. So, too, Christianity is Christianity, and not Judaism ; Judaism is the parent, not the child ; the Old Testament may be even unduly exalted, if this element of progress is not recog nized. This has been done at times when acts of cruelty have been imitated, or when the laws of the Jewish Sabbath have been transferred to the Christian Sunday without any consideration of the difference. The Old Testament is " some times the foreshadowing of the New, sometimes its foil," x but it is never its facsimile. The author of the Epistle to the Hebrews has written in complete across the pages of the Jewish Scriptures. " Even that which was made glorious had no glory in this respect, by reason of the glory that excelleth." 2 1 Dr Liddon, "Sermons on the Old Testament," p. 64. 2 2 Cor. iii. 10. 48 ON INSPIRATION " So doth the greater glory dim the less : A substitute shines brightly as a king Until a king be by ; and then his state Empties itself, as doth an inland brook Into the main of waters." 2. But we value the Old Testament, not for the mere historical fact that it has produced the New, but for its intrinsic importance.1 We value it as a child after he has grown up values a good parent, recognizing how much of truth and guid ance he owes him : and perhaps we may fairly single out as our main debt to it the fact that it is the revelation of a living God. The gospel has been described as " the consummation in life of that which was prepared in life," 2 and the Old Testament is the record of this preparation in life. Every side of human life is brought within its scope ; and God is seen to be no mere abstraction, no far-off watcher of a machine which He has created, but a Living Being, giving life, uphold ing life, controlling life, consecrating its every manifestation. The mere form of the Old Testament is an illustration of this truth. The Bible is not, like the Koran, one book bearing the stamp of one man's intellect ; it is a library, and the books on 1 Cf. Gore, "Bampton Lectures," p. 195: "For us the older Scriptures stand not as adding anything to what is revealed in Christ, but, in part, as giving in adequate perfection some elements of the perfect religion — as the Psalms express for ever the relation of the soul to God, and the Prophets the eternal principles in the Divine government of the world." 2 Bishop Westcott " Epistle to the Hebrews," p. 480, THE OLD TESTAMENT 49 the shelves come from many centuries, through many minds, in many forms.1 History, moral codes, ceremonial rites, songs of national victory and of personal religion, philosophic discussions of the perplexities of life, the sententious utter ances of practical wisdom, the cries of pessimism, the lyric of love-poems, the preaching of the prophets, all alike are used as instruments through which God touches life, and through life reveals Himself. There is here a greater variety of form than is offered in the New Testament. But this truth goes deeper than the form of the books. Thus, the very first chapter of Genesis strikes at once the note of this wide extent of God's life. His interests are not limited to human life : all creation is His work, and its continuance is provided for by Him. The whole universe is knit together in one bond ; it is good in itself, and has its aims before it is finally made to sub serve the interests of man. And we have just a hint given us of the happy intercourse between God and man, of the true, natural, unmarred develop ment of God's gifts and man's capacities, which might have been possible, had man's self-will not clogged and postponed that development. The great mass of the Bible narrative (from Genesis iii. onward) is, no doubt, concerned with the restoration of fallen man ; in the technical lan guage of theology, it favours the Thomist view that the Incarnation was due to man's fall : but 1 Cf. Dr Sanday, "The Oracles of God," pp. 2, 3. D 50 ON INSPIRATION these two first chapters are on the Scotist side, and hint that had there been no fall, the perfect intercourse of God and man would have been the true outcome of the Creation. Again, while the Bible soon specializes upon the history of the Jewish nation, yet it reminds us that God has not lost sight or care of the other nations of the world. The Jewish nation is selected that it may be trained to be a source of blessing to all the nations of the earth. And meanwhile we have glimpses of true religion and of real virtue in those nations. In Melchizedek we have an illustration of the heathen priesthood and its power of blessing ; in Balaam, of heathen prophecy, and its power of reaching, however blindly and unconsciously, to truth ; 1 of heathen virtue in Job, praised both by God and man as " a perfect and an upright man, one that feareth God and escheweth evil," and winning from God a special power of intercession for others. The very title of the Lord's Anointed, the Messiah, is applied to the heathen Cyrus;2 and the prophets always imply that all the surrounding nations are under Jehovah'scontrol.and look forward to the time when they will consciously acknowledge His rule. But the mass of the Bible is concerned with the history of the Jewish nation. It treats it as a 1 May the fact that God speaks to Balaam through an animal, which is so exceptional in the Bible, be a link of connection with the many ways by which heathen soothsayers divined through the sounds of animals? 2 Isa. xiv. i. THE OLD TESTAMENT 51 chosen people, chosen indeed for a special task rather than for a special privilege, or, rather, endowed with special privileges with a view to a special task. . Now, it is worth while to notice in passing that this idea of God's special choice, of His " preferential action," which used to be a difficulty to many minds, as seeming to imply favouritism, has been strengthened and developed by the progress of biological study. Science with its application of the principle of natural selection has made far more intelligible the principle of a Divine supernatural selection, which puts the Divine approval on certain views and calls them truth, on certain moral instincts and calls them right, on a certain people and fits it for special works, and calls it God's elect nation. " Science has adopted an idea which has always been an essential part of the Christian view of the Divine economy, and has returned it again to theology, enriched, strengthened and developed." x We will, then, confine ourselves to this special training of the Jewish people as recorded in the Old Testament ; and we will dwell on two points of permanent value. I. God manifests Himself in history. Over and above His self-revelation in Creation and in con science and in reason, He manifests Himself in historic actions : the God of grace is a God of gracious ^action ; 2 and this gracious action has 1 A. J. Balfour, " The Foundations of Belief," p. 320. » Cf. Bruce, " The Chief End of Revelation." 52 ON INSPIRATION taken centuries in which to work itself out. Here is the great contrast between the New Testament and the Old. The New Testament covers a period of seventy years ; if it is taken by itself, the action of God in the Incarnation seems sudden, startling, out of relation to the ordinary facts of life : then we turn back to the Old, and we find that something akin to this act has been working for centuries ; we find a great purpose worked out in all the realities of daily life and of national history, — worked out through progress and retro gression, through success and failure, by means of men of like passions with ourselves. As the subsequent history of the Church has been called " a cordial for drooping spirits," so, " whatever things were written aforetime were written that we, through patience and comfort of the Scriptures, might have hope" (Rom. xv. 4). This sense of the vastness of the periods through which God has worked His will gives us hope in hours of perplexity, but it also lifts our whole conception of what we mean by God and His work and worship, and deepens the reverence with which we think and speak of them. A few instances will make this plain. a. God is revealed in the New Testament as the universal Father, whose chief attribute is Love. To us it may seem strange that such a conception should not have been revealed earlier, yet it is easy to see how readily it might have been per verted by minds untrained in other thoughts of THE OLD TESTAMENT 53 God. The idea of love degenerates very quickly into that of a weak good-nature ; and even the idea of Fatherhood may be misunderstood. The heathen treated God as their Father, but it meant to them little more than the physical ancestor of their race ; it carried with it no sense of obligation upon themselves as sons to show a character worthy of God. The Jews, again, had the con ception of God as the Father of the whole race, but the thought was rarely applied to individuals : the ordinary Jew would not have prayed as a child to a father. Hence the Old Testament shows us the gradual preparation of men's minds to embrace so high a conception of God. God was probably known to the Jews at first, as to surrounding nations, by some title, which simply expressed the idea of lordship or ruling ; or, again, as with the surrounding nations, He was thought of as the embodiment of strength and power (El), as, in His unity, comprising every element of strength, com bining all that surrounding nations attributed to their gods (Elohim). Then a great step was taken in advance : the conception of God was clearly separated off from that of the surrounding Divinities. Israel's God was quite distinct: He was Jehovah, " He will become what he will become," the eternal living Power, whose characteristic was activity, ever alive to His people's needs. choosing them, guiding them when chosen, ready to interfere on their behalf, — one who had at His command the hosts of heaven, and so was able 54 ON INSPIRATION to guide the armies of Israel in battle (Jehovah Sabaoth). Gradually the moral features of His character were emphasized : He was the God of the moral law, merciful and gracious, yet not willing to clear the guilty ; a jealous God, who demanded the entire service of His people ; above all, the Holy One of Israel, who stands high above the earth, who requires that His people shall keep themselves separate from sin, who punishes His people that He may purify them. Thus the moral teachers drew out the moral character of God ; while, on the other side, the thinkers em phasized the wisdom which had been from the beginning with Him, guiding the plan of creation, and watching over the fortunes of the chosen people. So many-sided was the conception of God ! Such ages did it take before the full revela tion was possible ! Then at last He, who had revealed Himself in creation, who had spoken through the prophets, whose hand had been felt in history, revealed Himself in His fulness in a Son who could witness to the full scope of the Father's heart ; and those who had recognized His sovereignty, His strength, His living activity, His righteousness, His wisdom, could welcome His Love. The strength, the moral sternness, the jealousy, the holiness have not passed away. They lie behind the Father's Love, which becomes a stronger, more bracing, more stimulating power when it is felt to include them all, and to be able to use each as its instrument. THE OLD TESTAMENT 55 b. The New Testament gives us in our Lord the type of a perfect human character. In Him we see that the nature of man is akin to that of God, and, therefore, can be united with it ; we see it glorified by service and obedience, and rising to its fullest height through the sense of constant filial dependence upon a Father ; and in the strength of this dependence able to put by tempta tion, able to know the Father's will, sensitive with sympathy for every child of the Father, strong in indignation against all hypocrisy and cruelty, against all that thwarts the Father's will ; ready to face death itself rather than be disloyal to that will. But how little were men prepared at first to accept this as the ideal of man ! And the Old Testament shows how human capacity was gradually developed, how man was trained to be conscious of the power of self-sacrifice and service, of the dignity of his own nature. He is trained in the thought that man can represent God to his fellows : the king rules as the vice gerent of God ; the prophet speaks for God, laying down with authority His commands both in the moral and political sphere ; the high priest blesses for God. Again, the character of man is trained : in Abraham man is taught the power of faith, of standing alone among men through trust in God, of preferring the future to the present ; in the moral code man is taught that obedience in morality is absolutely necessary for God's service ; 56 ON INSPIRATION by the prophets his intellect is trained to under stand the method of God's working ; in the Psalms he is taught the language of true emotion, whether of penitence or of praise.1 Prophets and Psalmists alike bear the strongest witness to man's consciousness of the possibility of intercourse between God and himself, i.e. to the reality of inspiration.2 Once more, the detailed lives of the great men of the Old Testament — such as the story of Abraham willing to sacrifice his own son, of Joseph refusing to sin against God, of Jeremiah witnessing boldly to an unpopular truth among his own people, of Daniel facing death for his religion, and the ideal picture of the suffering servant of the Lord led as a lamb to the slaughter, all opened men's minds to realize the greatness of self-sacrifice and of holiness. Even the cruel exterminating wars against the surrounding nations, whose religion was befouled with immoralities, and the language of denuncia tion in the Psalms against the enemies of the Lord were necessary stages to teach a true hatred for sin. This treatment of human nature is all the more striking that it is perfectly natural. The writers do not treat their characters as types,, or illustrations of moral truth ; they treat them as men, with the virtues and vices of men : that 1 Cf. Dean Church, " The Discipline of the Christian Character. " 2 For this witness of the Prophets, compare J. R. Illingworth, " Bampton Lectures," 1894, lect. vii. ; Sanday, " Bampton Lectures," 1893, lect. iii.; Kirkpatrick, "The Doctrine of the Prophets," lect. xviii. THE OLD TESTAMENT 57 is the charm of the Old Testament, that its characters are so true to human life ; this is its great value for teaching the young. We, looking back upon them, can see that they serve a higher purpose, training our minds to appreciate the truest ideal. If that ideal came to us only in the life of our Lord it might seem hopelessly above us : in the Old Testament, we see the various elements, which go to make up that perfection, existing among men like ourselves ; and again, through patience and comfort of the Scriptures, we have hope, for ourselves and for our fellows. c. But the Old Testament takes no shallow optimistic view of human nature ; it recognizes fully the meaning of sin. And here, too, the seriousness of sin is emphasized in a way different from that in the New Testament. It is true that nothing can emphasize it more than the fact that it needed that the Son of God should suffer upon the Cross in order to undo the work of sin. But that is a doctrine which appeals only to those who believe in our Lord's Divine nature. We turn back again to the Old Testament, and we find much that leads up to this serious view of sin. The sin of Adam brings sorrow, toil, and death upon himself, and confusion on the face of nature ; in the historical narrative the sin of Joseph's brethren brings distress upon them years after their guilt ; x the sins of the fathers are visited upon their children ; the sin of the in- 1 Gen. xiii. 21. 58 ON INSPIRATION dividual, such as Achan or David, affects the whole nation ; the consequences of sin pass out at once beyond the sinner's control. On the other hand, it takes centuries before man knows fully the meaning of sin, sufficiently for entire re demption to be possible. God trains man to hope for recovery from the first ; He gives the law to deepen the knowledge of sin ; He provides atonement for individual sins in the ritual of the temple ; He rises up early, and sends forth His messengers to plead " Why will ye die ? " to all sinners ; the intercession of Job prevails for his children and his friends ; the intercession of Moses and Phinehas for the whole nation ; the servant of the Lord bears the grief and carries the sorrows of others. In the light of all this education, we can see how natural is the New Testament view that the sin of Adam had affected all humanity, what a natural climax it is that God should give His only Son to undo the evil, and that His inter cession should affect the world. d. No less strikingly does the Old Testament widen for us the conception of worship. The New Testament shows us the bloom, the flower of worship — the worship in spirit and truth ; but the Old Testament shows the growth of the flower, shows us all that is needed for the growth to be real. On the one hand, we have the worship of the temple, and all that is associated with the thought of sacrifice. Here we have the great national THE OLD TESTAMENT 59 festivals, in which the great moments in the nation's life, the great days of the agricultural year, or the commemoration of great historical events in the nation's past were made subjects of grateful praise, or the nation's need for atonement was the subject of intercession. Here there is no thought of the needs, the sins, or the blessings of the individual worshipper's own life : he is concerned only with the praise of Jehovah's glory ; he is lifted out of himself by the tidal wave of a national enthusiasm. The ritual rises in dignity and magnificence with the greatness of the festival. But the individual's life is also consecrated by sacrifice : the individual offers of his substance as a sign of tribute, of allegiance to God as his King ; he calls God to share his food with Him as a symbol of fellowship with God ; where he has become ceremonially unclean he offers sacrifice that he may be purified ; where he has committed sins of ignorance he offers the sin-offering for atonement. Sacrifice is put forward as the natural expression of man's feeling towards God, " the response of love to love, of the son to the Father, the rendering to God in grateful use of that which has been received from Him," x the expression of allegiance and of fellowship : but also the expres sion of the sinner's feeling towards an offended God, longing for return, willing to make actual 1 Westcott on " The Epistle to the Hebrews," p. 281. Compare the whole section on "The Pre-Christian Idea of Sacrifice" (pp. 281-292). 60 ON INSPIRATION sacrifices for it, eager to shelter himself under the shadow of that which is purer than himself, eager to be sprinkled with new life that comes from else where. Probably as time went on and the nation became more conscious of its failures and sinfulness, the thought of atonement came more home to it, and the ceremonies of the great Day of Atonement more prominent in the conception of sacrifice : but we shall not appreciate the Lord's work duly unless we see in it the spiritual fulfilment of allegiance and of fellowship, as well as of atonement ; neither will our own worship be adequate, if these various forms of sacrifice do not find expression in it. On the other hand, we have the worship of the synagogue, just organized within the limits of the Old Testament, with its service of prayer and of teaching. Experience had shown that the service of the temple was not sufficient ; it was necessary that the knowledge of the law should be widely diffused, that men should be trained to understand as well as to worship. The Christian Church has often beep treated as the offspring and child of the synagogue, but it is no less so of the temple. For its complete worship it must embody all the principles which were embodied in both. e. In exactly the same way did the experience of the Jewish nation show how many-sided must be the regulation of religious life, if it is to be permanent. It was not sufficient that a prophet like Moses should lay down the moral ideal, or than the later prophets should raise the spiritual THE OLD TESTAMENT 61 conception of Jehovah's nature : it was necessary also that the priest should organize worship, and ensure the due regulation of ritual ; it was necessary further that the scribes should apply the rules to the difficulties of daily life, and should take measures to secure the permanence of the know ledge of God. Prophet, priest, and scribe all contributed their quota to the growth of the Old Testament canon, and also to the regulation of Jewish life ; neither the canon nor the life was complete without all three : and this combination condemns any one-sided Christianity, whether it lays undue stress on a high philosophic ideal and makes preaching its only instrument, or lays undue stress on acts of religious worship and makes mere ritual acts its one aim, or lays undue stress on works of philanthropy to the neglect of the worship of God. In these and many other ways is it true that the Old Testament strengthens our faith in a way that the New Testament cannot exactly do, because it shows us the work of a living God stretching through centuries of time. Touch the New Testament where you will — its conception of God, its conception of man, its conception of sin, of redemption, of sacrifice, of worship, of an ordered religious community — and you find that the roots of the conception run up into the distant ages ; they do not stand alone, but they have their con firmation in the needs and the experiences of 62 ON INSPIRATION countless generations of mankind ; and this is one of the strongest proofs that they are true. II. In another point the Old Testament stands in contrast to the New, and comes as a useful supplement to it. It exhibits God's method of working through a nation. It teaches that the individual gets his true life through belonging to a nation, and that in its turn the nation has a responsibility, a righteousness, a blessing or a con demnation. This truth has two bearings, one of which is taken up in the New Testament, the other is not. On the one hand, it teaches us that no individual stands alone in God's sight : he inherits his bless ings as a member of a nation ; he worships as a member of a nation. " The religious subject, the worshipping individual, Jehovah's son, was not the individual Israelite, but the nation qua nation," 1 and the individual only in virtue of belonging to that nation. Now this truth has passed over, and been widened in passing, into the Christian Church ; there, too, the individual finds his de velopment only through his relation to the whole body, and can claim its blessings only so far as he is loyal to the body. In this respect the Old Testament only strengthens the truth by illustra ting its action on a lower level. But the other side of the truth is the reality of a nation's life and responsibility. This finds 1 W. Robertson Smith, "The Old Testament in the Jewish Church," p. 248. THE OLD TESTAMENT 63 scarcely any expression in the New Testament ; and that for several reasons. The New Testa ment is occupied with the narrower unit of the individual soul or the wider unit of humanity ; for the moment the intermediate unit of the nation falls into the background. Nay, more than that, as far as New Testament writers deal with the unit of the nation, it is in a destructive spirit, it is to break down the thought of national privilege : " in Christ Jesus there is neither Jew nor Gentile." The national unit had got into a wrong position ; it had had its value even as the religious unit : but the time had come when this was no longer right. The universal Fatherhood of God was proclaimed ; and no tie of national privilege, any more than ties of position or wealth, were to separate man from man, or make any difference in God's sight as the ground for religious blessing. Man, as man, was the object of God's love ; all are one in Christ Jesus. Again, the Christians of the New Testament were not in a position to speak to, or to guide, the rulers of the nations. They could give advice to their fellow- Christians as to the duty of subjects towards the Imperial rule ; they could enjoin prayer for kings and all that are in authority : but they could not lay down rules for emperors or principles of national duty. Yet nations still existed as nations ; they still had their duties and responsi bilities and privileges, intermediate between the family and humanity : and a time came when the 64 ON INSPIRATION Christian Church could control their legislation. Then it was that the value of the Old Testament was felt. No doubt mistakes were possible and were made ; it was not possible to transfer the details of the legislation for a small agricultural people to an imperial or commercial nation, — to apply, for instance, Isaiah's protests against foreign alliance or international commerce to modern times : yet the prophetic ideal of a redeemed nation in which righteousness should be carried out, the prophetic interpretation of Jewish history which saw Jehovah's punishment in national calamities and Jehovah's blessing in national prosperity, the prophetic demand for justice and liberty, the prophetic protest against the oppres sion of the poor, told upon legislation and is still a political influence. " Savonarola, besides reviv ing a pure gospel, was a great preacher of civic righteousness : he became so by his lectures upon Amos and other prophetical books. From his day to our own there never was a European city or nation moved to higher ideals of justice and charity, without the reawakening of those ancient voices which declared to Jacob his sin and to Israel his transgression." 1 A living God working through centuries of activity, working in every form of civilization, but working especially through a nation — that is the picture which the Old Testament presents to us. 1 G. A. Smith, "The Preaching of the Old Testament to the Age." (Hodder and Stoughton, 1893.) THE OLD TESTAMENT 65 In Bishop Butler's words, " the general design of Scripture is to give us an account of the world as God's world ; " 1 and therefore the Church has carried the Old Testament, no less than the New, to Gentile nations as well as to Jews. She admits that the Old is always subordinate to the New ; she supplies in her Creed a guide to the central teaching of both Old and New : but she puts both into the hands of her converts. And the Old Testament justifies her trust no less than the New. The missionary finds in it guidance for dealing with elementary stages of civilization ; the mother finds simple stories by which her child's faith and courage are awakened ; the preacher, an inexhaustible store of character, true to life and revealing moral truth in every page ; the religious soul finds in the Psalms all the expression that it needs of faith and hope and penitence ; the pious student turns back from the revelation of the New Testament, and finds fore shadowings, hints, types, of the Incarnation or the Cross in details of the earlier narrative. Just as when we know the issue of a drama, we turn back and find hints of the issue where we had not noticed them on our first reading ; or, as the biologist who knows the final structure of an animal can interpret the meaning of each line or curve in the embryo : so he who knows the meaning of the revelation of the Gospel, can find traces of similar truths in the earlier Scriptures, 1 Butler, "Analogy," ii. c. vii. E 66 ON INSPIRATION nay, finds the same truth there — the Presence of One God ever working for one end, the redemp tion of man. "The believing soul is never anxious to separate its own spiritual life from the life of the fathers." 1 We may venture to prophesy that the Old Testament will justify this trust even more in times to come. It is but a half-worked diamond mine. Bishop Butler saw this, and showed by what methods it would be worked more completely. " As it is owned that the whole scheme of Scripture is not yet understood, so if it ever comes to be understood before the restitution of all things and without miraculous interpositions, it must be in the same way as natural knowledge is come at — by the continuance and progress of learning and of liberty, and by particular persons attending to, comparing, and pursuing intimations scattered up and down it, which are overlooked and dis regarded by the generality of the world. . . . Nor is it at all incredible that a book which has been so long in the possession of mankind should contain many truths as yet undiscovered. For all the same phenomena and the same faculties of investigation, from which such great discoveries in natural knowledge have been made in the present and last age, were equally in the possession of mankind several thousand years before. And possibly it might be intended that events, as 1 Robertson Smith, " The Old Testament in the Jewish Church," p. 192. THE OLD TESTAMENT 67 they came to pass, should open and ascertain the meaning of several parts of Scripture."1 That prediction is being fulfilled : archaeology, literary criticism, the study of the growth of institutions and of doctrines all bring their tribute to the Bible ; and it is the Old Testament, even more than the New, which is the gainer. Meanwhile, the social needs of our age are giving a new value to the ideals of the prophets, and the comparative study of other religious books shows that the Old Testament stands supreme to all but the Christian books in the width and depth and purity of its conception of the living God. 1 Butler, "Analogy," ii. u. iii. THOUGHTS ON THE STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 1. PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY > THE primary question which any student of the Bible has to consider is whether he has to " interpret it as any other book." The demand that he should so interpret it is certainly right and natural, for a revelation that has embodied itself in literature must perforce submit to all the tests of literary criticism. But this demand carries us such an extraordinarily little way on our pursuit, perhaps not much further than the demand that we should test a diamond as we should any other stone, or treat a hero as we should any other man. For really there are no two classes of books that we interpret alike. To the simplest books we bring a simple set of presuppositions ; for a great work of literature we need a more complex set, while finally for the study of the sacred books of religion we need yet more. 1 The main substance of an Inaugural Lecture delivered as Dean Ireland's Professor of Exegesis in the University of Oxford on Feb. S, 1896. 69 70 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT It may be said that this difference only applies to our moral attitude towards the book, that the same literary tests apply to all, but when tested each requires a different treatment. Yet this does not exhaust the whole truth : the fact that we are interpreting a religious book which makes claims upon our life and which deals with the supernatural, affects the literary treatment in two ways. First it makes us more exacting or scrupulous in the application of the lower tests ; we are more anxious to test a diamond and to ascertain its provenance than we are to test an ordinary stone ; more anxious to understand the motives of a hero than those of an ordinary man : so we are more anxious to have the exact text of the Bible, to fix the exact shade of meaning in each writer's use of language, to trace the genesis of its books, to be sure that we are not having that which is apocryphal offered to us as genuine. Undoubtedly, scholars do not hesitate to accept as genuine, classical writings (e.g. the Postics of Aristotle) on evidence which is far inferior to that which can be exhibited for the least well attested book of the New Testament. But at the same time our wider presuppositions necessarily affect the way in which we apply these tests : and I wish to-day to consider some of the simplest presuppositions which we have a right to ask every student to bring to the study of the Bible, and then to illustrate the true methods of PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 71 exegesis by such exegesis as we find in the New Testament itself. I. We approach the work of men who have moved the world, and we have a right to expect to find in them a rich humanity and an intellectual grasp which can sympathize with many sides of human life and which can hold many sides of the one great truth in due proportion. Professor Ramsay has said lately that " there is only one kind of cause that is sufficiently complex to match the many-sided aspects of the Acts of the Apostles, and that cause is the many-sided character of a thoughtful and highly educated man 1 : " and a somewhat similar claim we may make for every writer of the New Testament, certainly in the highest degree for St Paul. Now see how this presupposition at once affects a literary question. The Epistle to the Ephesians is one of the Epistles about whose authorship there is most dispute in the present day : and why ? because its doctrine about our Lord's nature and about the Church is slightly in advance of anything stated in the earlier Epistles of St Paul, although it is ad mittedly a natural advance along the line there laid down : and, again, because the struggle between Jewish and Gentile Christians has changed its phase : the Gentiles are in a majority and are in danger of despising the Jews, and the writer 1 St Paul, "The Traveller and the Roman Citizen," p. 13. 72 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT is throwing his influence against this Gentile arrogance and forgetfulness of their own past history. Now there are two possible explana tions of these facts : either St Paul's thought has itself advanced into clearer and more explicit statement of truth, and he has had power to adapt his moral teaching to a change of circumstances in the Church — a change which must of course be justified on other grounds as possible within his own lifetime ; or some later Paulinist has carried on his teaching by a true development to a slightly further stage, and adapted it to slightly different circumstances some twenty or twenty-five years after his death. Now ultimately, — after all literary tests have been applied, — this question will depend on the presupposition which we have of St Paul himself. If it is that of one who was eminently a contro versialist, the champion of the Gentiles, with one limited and carefully catalogued repertory of ideas, we shajl deny his authorship of the Epistle. If on the other hand our conception is of one who is primarily a spiritual apostle, constantly drawing fresh inspiration from Christ and con stantly aiming at building up the spiritual life of his converts: anxious indeed that the Gentiles should be admitted within the Church, but more anxious that they should behave in a Christian spirit, when admitted ; or if again it is the wider conception still of the constructive ecclesiastical PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 73 statesman,1 ever striving to keep in harmony with the older Apostles, to make the Gentile converts sympathize with the Jews, and to enforce on all the sense of brotherhood which springs from a common redemption, we shall find no difficulty in believing that he wrote this Epistle. I take another instance, this time from the Gospels. There is no doubt that we can find in them two contrary tendencies attributed to our Lord Himself. On the one hand we have what has been called an Ebionite tendency : there is the duty of standing apart from the world, from social life, from marriage, from wealth. " Blessed are ye poor." " Woe unto you that are rich." "Sell all that thou hast and give to the. poor." " Man, who made me a judge or a divider over you?" " There are eunuchs which made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake." " If a man cometh unto me and hateth not his own father and mother and wife and children, he cannot be my disciple : " "I pray not for the world." On the other side there is the marriage feast at Cana of Galilee, the healed demoniac not allowed to come out of the world but sent back to his home, the strengthening of the marriage tie, the blessing on children, the rich disciple from Arimathaea, the disciples sent back to be as salt and leaven in the world, "that the world may believe that Thou hast sent me." The life of 1 Cf. Dr Hort, "The Romans and the Ephesians," esp. pp. 39- 50, 170-184. 74 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT separateness and the life of mingling with the world, monasticism and family life, find themselves equally at home within the four walls of the gospels. Now criticism in the presence of these facts will again depend on its presuppositions. It will trace out clearly these two elements ; it may perhaps be able to identify the earlier docu ments, one emphasizing one side, another the other, out of which the Evangelists have con structed their narrative. So far all students can follow together. But the difference will arise when we attempt to explain the source of these two elements. If criticism starts with a low idea of the Personality of the Teacher, it will find in the Gospel narrative an Ebionite germ worked over in the interests of a later Catholicism ; or a human doctrine of brotherhood and of the consecration of this world corrupted and interpolated by Manichaean and monastic tendencies. They will offer no difficulty to one who believes that that Teacher could gauge, as none other could, both the evil that is in tjie world and its possibilities of good. The tears of men, The death of threescore years and ten, The trembling of the timorous race — These had not so bedimmed the place His own hand made, but he could know To what a heaven the earth might grow, If fear beneath the earth were laid, If hope failed not nor love decayed.1 1 Adapted from W. Morris, "The Earthly Paradise"; "The Love of Alcestis." PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 75 Thus, while criticism presupposes that we can put ourselves in the writer's or speaker's position and see what is rational or psychologically possible, we shall be very slow to limit the psychological possibilities of those who are confessedly greater than ourselves — much more of One who left upon those who knew Him the sense of His being free from all the limitations which sin causes. II. The second presupposition is one on which I shall not dwell, as it would lead so quickly beyond the line of what may seem fitting in a lecture-room ; but it must be referred to. It is this — the presupposition that the writers are all concerned primarily with the ethical and spiritual needs of mankind. Mr Balfour, in speaking of the presuppositions which we bring to the study of all history, has said — " In most cases these questions of antecedent probability have to be themselves decided solely, or mainly, on historic grounds, and failing anything more scientific by a kind of historic instinct. But other cases there are, though they be rare, to whose consideration we must bring larger principles drawn from a wider theory of the world, and among these should be counted as first, both in speculative interest and in ethical importance, the early records of Christianity."1 It may be doubted, indeed, whether this antithesis between the larger principles 1 "The Foundations of Belief," p. 337. 76 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT and the historic instinct is a true one ; rather is it a wider historic instinct to which we appeal, which shall be alive to the historic facts of sin, of remorse, of recovery, and so be able to see what was probable at that moment in the world's history which has most affected all these facts. But we cannot resist Mr Balfour's conclusion that the mood of expectation in which we consider the extant historic evidence of the Christian story will depend upon the view which we take of the ethical import of Christianity and that upon the degree to which it ministers to our ethical needs. This consideration will throw into the second place of importance questions of minor details, e.g., the historical fact of the Crucifixion, and its spiritual significance will not be affected, even if we were obliged to conclude that our two accounts differ as to the day on which it happened : even if the Fourth Gospel is " tacitly but deliberately correcting " 1 a mistake of the Synoptists. At the same time it requires that we should bring wider considerations to the interpretation of the book. If " the student of history is a politician with his face turned backwards," 2 then the inter preter of the N.T. is an evangelist, a missionary, an ecclesiastical statesman with his face turned backwards. Without this we shall misunderstand even the full meaning of the words and fall under S. Chrysostom's canon, ob neriyeig rwv vpayi^druv hia 1 Cf. Dr Hort in the "Expositor," 1892, p. 183. 2 Lord Acton, " Inaugural Lecture," p. 58. PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 77 tovto xal ruv prifidrw exir'iitretg} The requirements of the student of the Bible are so excellently summed up in the following passage that I cannot do better than quote it :— — " Let there be the freest and fullest application of all Eastern lights to the interpretation of Scriptural modes of thought and feeling, and let men bring to the exposition and representation of Scriptural narrative all the knowledge they can acquire of nomade, and desert, and Palestinian life ; but if they do this, and profess to do it, then also must we require of them to bring with them too the eastern and the southern soul — the noble impulses, the deep reverence, the burning love and hate — the faith and freedom and simplicity — which characterise the whole being there of Patriarch and Prophet, of Warrior, Rhapsodist, and Ruler. Merely to bring antiquarian and philological learning, however oriental, to the study of the Scriptures, while the heart remains modern and northern, this is not the way to understand them really, either in their literal or their spiritual sense. To enter into the mere minds and natural feelings of the writers, there is need that the frigidity of the scholar be exchanged for the genial nature of the dweller in the open sunshine of heaven : and for all that is more than this, no due comprehension of such writings as those of either Testament can ever be arrived at without something more than a mere knowledge of the 1 S. Chrys. in Eph. i. 11-14, p. 771. 78 ON STLTDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT external records of man's life however varied — without a certain experimental spirituality — a practical personal interest in the great problems of universal human nature, and a large sympathy with the deepest realities of many souls." (Myers, " Catholic Thoughts on the Bible," p. 124.) III. The third point to be remembered is that we are ultimately dependent upon the evidence of the Master's own disciples. The books can never be simply like the productions of individual authors ; they are also the documents formally put before the world by a society- — as adequate accounts of its own origin, and tests of its future teaching and practice. The conception of what St Paul was, and much more of what the Master was, depends upon the traditions of the Church and their authentication of the records. No doubt to us history has justified their conception or subjective religion has made it real, but it came first to the world on that authority ; we have no contemporary evidence, Jewish or Pagan, by which to check it. Let us see to how large an extent this is true. The chief attestation to the accuracy of the record was given in the first formation of the Canon, when, in the second century or even earlier, definite collections were made either of Epistles or of Gospels, and (to confine ourselves to the Gospels), our present four were separated off and vouched for as true. The beginnings of this PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 79 process are seen within the NT. itself. The Fourth Gospel, for instance, does not come to us solely on the authentication of its author, but with a formal attestation from some persons, who speak with a tone of authority about it. " This is the disciple which beareth witness of these things : and we know that his witness is true " (xxi. 24). The first three verses of the Apocalyse are perhaps a similar attestation to the author's right to be heard given by others. But further in the Gospels themselves how much is the conception of the Master dependent upon the writer. The choice of incidents to be recorded, the grouping of them, the sense of pro portion conveyed by them, all affect our concep tion of Him. Again we are accustomed to speak of the way in which the subjective power of the mind of the writer of the Fourth Gospel has coloured the discourses which he records. This is probably true, although there are clear indica tions (e.g., the absence of the technical language of the Prologue from the narrative) that the writer was conscious of a difference between his own words and the Lord's : but it needs to be re membered that whatever we say of the Fourth Gospel must be said of the Synoptists too. It is almost certain that our Lord spoke in Aramaic ; therefore the discourses in all the Gospels are translations ; no doubt in most cases they are condensations ; the subjective influence of the writers' minds here too has been at work. One 80 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT clear instance of the freedom that a writer would allow himself is St Luke's explanation, " When ye see Jerusalem encompassed with armies " to represent the more original " when ye shall see the abomination of desolation standing where it ought not," and our only securities that that influence has not distorted the substance of the teaching are, first, the internal evidence of sub stantial agreement between the Synoptic and Johannine records, and between them and the teaching of the Epistles, and, secondly, the fact that both alike were accepted by Christians as adequate to express that teaching. Once more — the narrative comes to us from the first illustrated and enforced by comment. Thus if we start from the simple narrative which underlies the Synoptists, we find here a short out line of the life from the ministry of John the Baptist down to the Resurrection : there are no dates, no chronology either external or internal : there is only a grouping of a few striking instances illus trating certain spiritual principles ; one group illustrates* the power, the authority (i^oveia) of the Teacher : another his insistance on that authority in spite of its being challenged : a third the necessity of faith for the reception of his blessings : a fourth the true conditions of service. Through out, the compiler (or compilers) is writing a Gospel and not a chronicle ; he is showing to men the nature of the Teacher and the way to win His blessings. This is made clearer by the few PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 81 comments interspersed in the narrative. The simplest of these are merely explanatory ; such are the interpretation of Golgotha, the statement that the sons of Zebedee were fishers, that the young man was rich, that Judas proved the traitor, or again the note, " one of the twelve," added at the account of the treachery ; this last, however, not so much for identification as to emphasize the ingratitude of Judas. Going rather deeper are the comments which explain the motives of the Scribes in their treatment of the Lord and His motives and His power of reading their thoughts. Most strik ing of all are the interpretation of the history as the fulfilment of prophecy, where John the Baptist's work is connected with " the voice of one crying in the wilderness," and the comment on the Lord's teaching as having authority and standing in sharp contrast to that of the Scribes. The earliest picture then that we can ever hope to reach of the Lord is that of a Teacher standing out in authority above the Scribes, wielding an unusual power in action and in speech, claiming preroga tives which are Divine, fulfilling prophecy, triumphing over death. St Mark takes this narrative and re-edits it and adds his own comments. These do not differ much from those of the earlier narrative : like it, he adds explanations of Aramaic words and Jewish customs, and historical notes to make the scene clear (vi. 14, 31; vii. 3); but he em phasizes even more the slowness of the disciples F 82 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT and of others to understand the teaching, and therefore he dwells more upon the adaptation of His teaching by the Lord to the state of his hearers and the variation in tone from time to time " as they were able to hear " (iv. 34 ; viii. 3 1 ; x. 1 ; xii. 1) ; hinting at a deeper teaching given to the disciples and not revealed to the masses. One note is of special interest in which he shows the bearing of a deep saying of the Lord's, Nothing from without the man going into him can defile him," upon a question of practical interest in Apostolic times, " This he said making all meats clean " (vii. 1 9).1 Finally in his title he unreservedly identifies Jesus with the Messiah, and possibly entitles Him God's Son. This tendency to comment increases both in St Matthew and in St Luke, and is so marked in character that it may be passed over quickly. Both show a desire to meet false current views, St Luke in the introduction to his genealogy, adding ug itopigiro to the statement that Jesus was the son of Joseph ; St Matthew explaining the current view about the body of the Lord, as having been stolen. Both emphasize the supernatural character of the birth : St Matthew adds at each turn the fulfilment of prophecy ; St Luke tries to fit in the chief events into external chronology, also adding references to prophecy where it 1 It may be that the phrase 6 avayiyv&aKwv voeiroi (xiii. 14) is a similar note of the Evangelist, but it has always seemed to me to be a part of our Lord's own words, and so Dr Hort interprets it (" Romans and Ephesians," p. 150). PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 83 pointed to work among the Gentiles (iii. 4, 5 ; v. 2) ; he adds the reason for which several of the parables were spoken, and constantly points out the effect of the Lord's teaching upon the masses who heard it, exciting their amazement. Even St Luke's, which is the most literary, the most purely historical work, yet has for its chief aim to confirm the knowledge of a catechumen in a narra tive taught to him by catechists. His preface reminds us that we have to deal not only with tradition handed down from father to son, but with xarr^mg, that is deliberately chosen incidents deliberately taught to those who were to join the Christian Church. This spiritual commentary woven into the historic facts finds its chief expression in the Fourth Gospel. The writer states that a spiritual aim has motived his choice of incidents : " these are written that ye may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that believing ye may have faith in His name" (xx. 31). He has a definite group of disciples — either literally at his side while he is dictating, or at least in his mind's eye — " that you may believe." So again, " he knoweth that he saith true, that ye also may believe" (xix. 35). Throughout the whole narrative commentary is interspersed. Like all his predecessors he adds explanatory notes of time, of place, of interpretation of Aramaic words : like them all, but especially like St Matthew, he points out the fulfilment of Jewish prophecy. 84 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT Like them all, but especially like St Mark, and in much fuller measure, he explains the motives of the Lord Himself, of the disciples, of the crowds, emphasizing especially the line of cleavage which the Teaching produced among the hearers. More fully than any of them (though again like St Mark in this), he adds the application of the Lord's words to subsequent Church life, and shows how they found confirmation in the experience of Christians. " Of his fulness we all received and grace for grace" (i. 16-18). "He that hath re ceived his witness hath set his seal to this that God is true. For he whom God hath sent speaketh the words of God ; for he giveth not the spirit by measure" (iii. 31-36; cf. iii. 16-21). " This spake he of the Spirit which they that be lieved on Him were to receive" (vii. 39). "Now this he said not of himself, but being high priest that year, he prophesied that Jesus should die for the nation ; and not for the nation only, but that he might also gather together into one the children of God that are scattered abroad" (xi. 51-53). " Now this' He spake, signifying by what manner of death he should glorify God " (xxi. 19), or again, " yet Jesus said not unto him that he should not die, but if he will that he tarry till I come, what is that to thee?" (xxi. 23). Throughout, the Gospel is not so much a history of the Lord, as an account of the growth of a disciple's faith, and his reflection on what he saw is summed up in the Prologue, which explains not only what the PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 85 Teacher was, the fullest Revelation of the Father, but also that the effect of His work among men depended entirely upon their reception of Him. The result of this examination is to show that all our accounts of the Lord come accompanied with comment, and with a comment which is primarily spiritual rather than historical ; it also shows that the Fourth Gospel is on a line with the other three, and that they are on a line with the simple substratum which underlies them. We cannot get back on documentary grounds to a time when the Lord's life was not interpreted as supernatural and as the fulfilment of prophecy. Thus far we are carried by unbiassed literary criticism ; but when we take the next step, and ask whether these were faithful records of what happened, whether events such as the miracles or the Transfiguration were literal facts or whether they were, in Professor Pfleiderer's words, " symbolical legends which sprang up under the co-operation of religious dogmatic ideas and Old Testament images in the unconsciously poetising fantasy of the oldest period of Christianity," x the answer will depend upon certain presuppositions brought from elsewhere as to the possibilities of the effect of spirit upon matter, and as to the value to be given to the testimony of the " oldest period of Christianity." 1 Pfleiderer " Philosophy and Development of Religion," ii., p. 135- 86 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT I may seem to have dwelt too long upon this point, of the element of comment upon the life of our Lord which is contained in the Gospels themselves ; but I have done so for a further reason, because their comments seem to suggest a model of the sort of proportion which an interpreter of Sacred Scripture might well keep before him. I. From the first there has been then the simplest form of interpretation, the lower criticism, which deals with the exact words and their philo logical interpretation, with all which we should now class under the heads of textual and philo logical criticism. Within the region of textual criticism there has probably been more distinct progress within this last generation than in any other period of the study, and there are still many questions which are waiting a solution ; but of these I do not propose to speak, partly because I am not competent, and partly because they form a necessary pre-requisite for the interpre tation of Holy Scripture rather than an essential part of it. In the interpretation of language, Pro fessor Jowett said thirty years ago that "there seem to be reasons for doubting whether any con siderable light can be thrown on the New Testa ment from inquiry into language x " ; such a statement has undoubtedly been falsified, nor have we any ground for despairing of more light 1 " Essays and Reviews," p. 477. PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 87 yet. There seem to me at least three directions in which we may expect it. (a) The language of inscriptions and of the Greek letters and other documents recently dis covered in Egypt may well illustrate and explain points in which the history touches upon secular facts, or the methods and formulae of epistolary correspondence. (b) The fuller application of Aramaic may help to solve some of the discrepancies between the Synoptists. They had to translate Aramaic into Greek for their readers, we have to re-translate it back and to explain Greek by Aramaic. (c) As the dates of the New Testament books are more fixed, and as it becomes clearer that the writers of the later books used the earlier, it may well be that the later will serve as a comment upon the earlier. Thus the recent Oxford editors of the Epistle to the Romans used the language of Hebrews xi. I I, itiaru xal avrfi "idppa hiivafLiv slg xarafioXriv 6-jrip/j.arog 'iXa&iv, to illustrate St Paul's phrase in Rom. iv. 20, ivedvvaf/.u6n rfi nlam, and this illustration seems to make it certain that the words should be translated " waxed strong through faith " (R.V.) rather than " waxed strong in faith " (A.V.). And it may be noticed how in return the passage in the Romans strongly supports the conjecture aurp ?appa in the Hebrews. In the same way there is a growing opinion that St Peter before writing his first Epistle was acquainted with St Paul's Epistles to the Romans and Ephesians ; 88 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT if this is so, it seems to me that i St P. ii. 14, e'ire fiye/iogiv ag 01' airou iref&tfofihoig, el; ixdixrisiv xaxonromv, 'iiraivov di dyahrtomv, may be justly taken as a strong confirmation of the conjecture of Patrick Young approved by Dr Hort, rw ayafaepyp for rip ayaOa 'ipyw in the similar passage Rom. xiii. 3. In a similar way, though perhaps with less certainty, St Peter's advice to heathen wives to be subject to their own husbands, that if any obey not the word they may be won by the conversation of the wives (1 St Pet. iii. 1), is a strong reason for deciding the doubtful language of 1 Cor. vii. 16, t! yap o/Sas, yvvai, el rbv Hvdpa eweeig ; as giving the reason why the Christian wife should not separate from her heathen husband. This is a line which may be fruitful of many interpretations. II. But the Evangelists lead us to a further stage. The attestation of the Fourth Gospel, the Prologue of the Third, the external chronology, the illustration of the narrative by prophecy, these are the beginnings of the Higher Criticism, which deals with the problems of authorship, of historical setting, of the literary ancestry and posterity of the books, of their trustworthiness, of the genesis of the thoughts and doctrines contained in them. Here it is even more clear how much remains to be done and in how many directions materials are accumulating for progress. Many students are at present dealing with the question of the PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 89 exact relation of the Synoptist accounts ; but we want also real living exegesis of the Synoptic narrative. Again, the publication of Jewish and of early Christian apocalypses is preparing a way for a fuller examination of the whole eschatological teaching of the New Testament. Once more, we need very much a short, crisp, interesting but essentially constructive Introduc tion to the New Testament, even as literature, but interpreting literature in that wide sense in which it has been defined as " a revelation of the widening possibilities of human life, of finer modes of feeling, dawning hopes, new horizons of thought, a broadening faith and unimagined ideals." 1 A friend writes to me about the work of the chair : " I fear that Bible reading is not nearly so common as it used to be. Oxford and Cam bridge ' Teachers' Bibles ' and such like are all rubbish. They are suggestive of examinations to be passed and repel the general reader. You don't want to know about animals and plants and musical instruments : the real Bible is over laid and smothered with all this. ... I should like to see an English N.T. with the contents in a different, i.e. chronological, order. ... It is broad living exegesis based on accurate transla tion that is wanted. If the Church of England can do that, she will gather all earnest Christian hearts in the English-speaking world around her." 1 Prof. E. Dowden, "Transcripts and Studies," p. 239. 90 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT For such a chronological arrangement of books the time is probably not yet ripe ; there would have to be cautious and hesitating statements here and there ; but the materials are growing which may make this possible. The work of Baur has been freed from its exaggerations and one-sided- ness, and has left us a real clue to the treatment of the order of the documents in the relations between the Jewish and Gentile elements in the Church : the work of Professor Mommsen, of Professor Ramsay, of Mr Hardy, is giving us another clue in the relation between the Roman government and the Church : the elaborate ex amination of diction, such as many German editors, notably Holtzmann and Von Soden have applied to the Gospels or the Epistles — though it too needs to be cleared from narrowness and exaggeration— will supply another guide to the date of the books. For a while, in the face of hostile criticism, we have held our judgments in suspense ; we have based everything on four Epistles of St Paul, and no doubt they have been found sufficient to bear the weight : but we may keep our mind in sus pense so long as to forget that the function of the mind is to act and to judge. A jury that always returned a verdict of Not Proven would be convicted of incompetence rather than of impartiality. Every time we read the New Testament, the questions of doubt about author ship and about interpretation ought to grow PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 91 fewer ; and we are perhaps liable to forget that, when the decision has been made on a review of the whole evidence, then the points, which without that decision were doubtful, remain doubtful no longer. We may hesitate for a while whether an Epistle is or is not by St Paul, but when we have decided that it is, the points that made us hesitate all contribute something to the con structive picture which results. III. But the interpretations in the Evangelists go much farther than the explanation of words or of historical and intellectual environment, their main object is to interpret the life. Behind the words we have to find the speaker ; behind the thoughts the thinker ; behind the acts the per sonality. " The true use of interpretation is to get rid of interpretation and to leave us alone in company with the author." 1 We need to be able to live with the man, to see his character, his aims, his feelings, his friendships, his favourite books. This is true even of the Evangelists, although in their case the chief feature of character which we have to admire is the suppression of self in the presence of that Greater Life which they record. It is a point in which they differ strikingly from the Apocryphal Gospels ; in the short fragment of the Gospel according to St Peter, the word " I " occurs twice and " we " 1 Prof. Jowett, "Essays and Reviews," p. 466. 92 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT once in the narrative ; neither occurs once in the narrative of the Four Gospels. The writer of the Fourth Gospel, the most individual of the four, yet hides self under a title which is free from all egoism. But it is more true and important of the writers of the Epistles. Much is made of the points of literary contact between i St Peter on the one hand and Ephesians and Romans on the other ; or between Ephesians and the Fourth Gospel ; but have we taken sufficient account of the effect of living contact between St Peter and Sb-Paul, between St Paul and St John ? I cannot resist the conviction that the writer of the Epistle to the Ephesians knew the sub stance of our Lord's High Priestly prayer re corded for us in St John xvii. ; but I see no difficulty in supposing that St Paul should have learnt that from St John at the time when the question of Church unity was discussed at Jerusalem, and they gave to each other the right hands of fellowship. In this respect it seems to me that St Chrysostom remains still the best interpreter of St Paul ; other commen tators excel him in exact philological or dogmatic exposition, but no one combines on such a high level an equal combination of these with a sense that he is dealing with a living character. But besides the life of the individual author the interpreter has to reproduce the life of the brotherhood to which he belongs, the aims, PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 93 doctrines, worship of the whole Church ; and to see the proportion which the doctrine of one book bears to the whole. But this is difficult, because an undue stress is necessarily laid upon those doctrines which were subjects of controversy. Dr Dale has even ventured to assert that " the importance of a doctrine is likely to be in inverse ratio of the number of passages in which it is directly taught." 1 Without insisting on such a paradox, k is yet true that behind the disputed doctrines there is a background of accepted belief which is needed to give them their right setting ; thus, the doctrine of justification by faith implies behind it the righteousness of a holy God, who will judge men according to their works : it is asserted not to overthrow morality and to slight good works, but to establish it on a firmer basis and to make them possible. It may possibly be that the statement which represents St Paul's most central and permanent view of the law is that "the law is holy, and the commandment is righteous and holy and good " (Rom. vii. 1 2). This applies equally to the religious life and worship of the Church : but how little of that ever can be reproduced in literature. History necessarily tends to record that which is unusual and abnormal, the changes, the advances, the strifes, the controversies of life ; an Apostle in writing to his churches mainly dwelt on what was irregular, disorderly, wrong. But the greater part of life is 1 " The Atonement," p. 21. 94 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT that which is peaceful, regular, ordered ; an English historian of the last few months would record only two or three facts, such as the raid of Dr Jameson and the message of President Cleveland ; but the great mass of English life went on, unaffected by these. So too such a verse as Acts ix. 31, " The Church throughout all Judaea and Galilee and Samaria had peace, being edified ; and walking in the fear of the Lord and in the comfort of the Holy Ghost was multiplied," covers a larger ground of fact than whole chapters which tell of controversy (xi., xv.). But history has no room for these broad expanses of ordered life ; their existence is perpetuated and their motives are explained by tradition, and, if it be religious life, by ritual, and the evidence of these is needed to complete the picture of the Church's life. The interpreter of the New Testament will then not be content until each book has rendered up to him its contribution to the conception of the highest life, to the character of God, to the method of redemption, to the ideal of worship ; nor will He stop there ; if he acts on the further presupposition that they are inspired, that there is one Divine Spirit controlling each writer, he will be restless until he finds the higher synthesis in which Johannine, Petrine, Pauline, Jacobean forms of thought are harmonized, that which makes the whole book to be in a sense in which no one part can be, nor all the parts taken separately, the Word of God. PRESUPPOSITIONS OF THE STUDY 95 Such a power of interpreting life, of seeing eternal principles at work, and drawing out their bearing upon the present — this may be called the Highest Criticism ; it is the most difficult task for the Exegete ; for if I may make the quotation reverently, it is only 6 &v e'ig rov xoX-jrov rov irarpog, of whom it could be said that he was the ideal of exegesis, ixenog i\r\yr\earo (St John i. 18), and it was the disciple dvaxsi//,ivog iv rip xoXirw rov 'lrjmv who was his best interpreter ; and this difficulty will reach its climax, as the interpreter deals with the life that lay behind the Gospel story. Yet this too has to be done, and in this sphere much yet remains to do. Such books as Dr Edersheim's " Life of the Messiah " and Mr Latham's " Pastor Pastorum " are instances of the fresh stores of teaching to be drawn from that life : the spread of natural science has drawn out the bearing of His words on " the Gospel of Creation " and the significance of the material world : the interest in missionary effort has recovered the true meaning of the Parable of the Sheep and the Goats ; the growing social tendencies are drawing fresh atten tion to Christ's teaching about brotherhood. Many of the books of the N.T. need such living representation, and parts of books might well be treated in the same way. We need the Sermon on the Mount, the Lord's Prayer for Union, the History of the Eucharist within the N.T., and many parts of the Gospel narrative made to live again for our own days. 96 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT Such expression of life cannot indeed take the place of learning ; it is no doubt very easy to use a few spiritual truths to hide ignorance of details ; like an undergraduate hurrying on his surplice to hide the deficiencies of his toilet in chapel ; but after all, however complete the dress may be underneath, the surplice is needed to give it grace and to fit him for that place. We need ever to have in the background of our minds the sense of the sacred life with which we are dealing, of the grave issues which are at stake ; but these will not warp us, they will steady our studies with a deeper sense of responsi bility : they will not paralyze our faculties but inspire them with a more balanced insight and a surer hopefulness ; and of this all students may feel sure that there is at the present moment no sphere of study, unless it be that of natural science, in which there is so much of movement, of progress, of fresh light, and so certain assurance that toil will meet with its due reward. THOUGHTS ON THE STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 2. THE CHRISTOLOGY OF THE EARLIER CHAPTERS OF THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES THE metaphor. which has often been used of late, that the Church passed into a tunnel in the last quarter of the first century and emerged into the open daylight in the middle of the second, admits of another and an earlier application. The Church may be said to have passed through a shorter tunnel at the very commencement of its course. It entered it after the death of the Lord ; it emerged in the time of St Paul's active work. Whereas from the year 55 to 70 A.D. we have definite authorities and documents of fixed date, between the years 30 and 55 A.D. the case is very different ; our knowledge of the events of those years comes to us either from documents of un certain date or from those of an admittedly later date. Can we then feel any certainty of being able to reproduce the life of that time, of being able to enter into the thoughts, the beliefs, " the love, hope, fear, and faith " of the Christian g 97 98 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT Church before it was dominated by the masterful influence of St Paul ? Necessarily there must be an element of pre- cariousness about our answer to this question, yet there are many lines of evidence which converge to throw light upon the darkness. It is quite probable that the Epistle of St James falls within this period ; possible, though less probable, that the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles is of the same date. Without doubt the Epistle to the Hebrews gives us an account of " the first principles of Christ," as taught in a Hebrew Christian com munity (Heb. vi. i), and an insight into the suffer ings which such a community had to endure (x. 32-34). Without doubt St Paul's epistle to Rome witnesses to a " form of teaching," where- unto Christian converts were delivered in a mixed Church of Jews and Gentiles, in which he himself had never taught (Rom. vi. 17, R.V.). Equally without doubt the common material used by the synoptists points back to an early catechetical substratujn, and one which very possibly may have received even a written form before the preaching of St Paul ; while, lastly, a careful ex amination of the language of the earlier chapters of the Acts of the Apostles makes it morally certain that the writer is dependent on materials, either oral or written, which represent the earliest thoughts of the Christian mind. It is with this last point alone that this article will deal. It is, indeed, not always easy to disengage CHRISTOLOGY OF ACTS I.-XII. 99 these materials from their setting. Here, no less than in the later narrative, where he claims to be an eye-witness, the author has added his explana tions, has commented upon the events, has attempted to interpret the motives of the various actors in the scene, has gauged the effects of each event upon the general history of the Church ; yet, when allowance has been made for this, there still remains a marked difference between the earlier and later chapters, which can only be accounted for either by a personal knowledge of the different circumstances of the time, or by dependence upon different materials. Of this difference the Christology affords the most striking instance. The conceptions of the Lord as they appear in the earlier chapters will be found to be coloured by two influences : first, they are rich with the memories of His life on earth ; secondly, they are moulded on two or three messianic passages of the Old Testament : the Lord is identified from the outset with the prophet foretold by Moses ; with the Christ, the Holy One, the Lord, of the psalmists ; with " the servant of Jehovah " in the latter half of Isaiah. These two influences will be illustrated in turn, though they intertwine so subtly that it is not always possible to keep them apart. First then, the Lord whom the apostles preach is essentially a man. He is a man, with whom indeed God is present in a marked way ; a man who has been raised from the dead, and exalted ioo ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT to the right hand of God : yet a Man anointed by God for His work. He is " a man approved of God unto you by mighty works and wonders and signs, which God did by Him" (ii. 22); " God anointed Him with the Holy Ghost and with power : who went about doing good, and healing all that were oppressed with the devil ; for God was with Him" (x. 38). Once He is called by His own favourite title for Himself, the Son of man : " I see the heavens opened, and the Son of man standing on the right hand of God " (vii. 56). The origin of this title may be traced to the influence of prophecy. In the book of Daniel (vii. 13) we have, indeed, only the much simpler expression, " one like unto a son of man " ; but the fuller phrase seems to be used in the parables of the book of Enoch. Even here Dr Westcott regards the sense as being " equally limited as before " {cf. Additional Note on St John i. 51, § 5); but though the Ethiopic language, in which that book has been preserved for us, has, no article, yet it has certain defining circumlocutions which are used in this case, and both Dillmann and Schodde translate it " the Son of man." It is at least as definitely " the Son of man " in the Ethiopic book of Enoch as it is in the Ethiopic translation of the New Testament.1 Perhaps it would be true to say that the book of Enoch exhibits a distinct advance upon the ex pression in the book of Daniel ; the phrase used 1 R. H. Charles, "The Book of Enoch," pp. 312-317. CHRISTOLOGY OF ACTS I.-XII. 101 in Enoch implies " the definite supernatural being who is the Son of man " ; while yet it may fall short of that fulness of meaning which Dr Westcott would rightly read into it as used by our Lord, " He who stands in a special relation to the human race, as its ideal representative, in whom all the potential powers of humanity were gathered." As used by St Stephen, however, the phrase is not necessarily at all in advance of the concep tion of the book of Enoch ; but it needs to be remembered that the date of the parables, though probably pre-Christian, is not so clearly such that we can build upon it a certain argument of the use of the phrase earlier than the gospels. It occurs nowhere else in the New Testament. In the later Christian writings it is found in a Jewish Christian account of a Jewish Christian apostle, the account of the martyrdom of St James given by Hegesippus. There when urged by the Jews to dissuade people from believing in Jesus as the Messiah, he answers : " Why ask me about Jesus the Son of man ? He sits in heaven at the right hand of the Mighty Power, and is about to come on the clouds of heaven." x This seems to be the only place in Christian literature2 where the phrase is used as a clear title of the Lord, except in direct quotations from the gospels. Again, the Lord is still known as "Jesus of Nazareth," a title in which we partly hear the 1 Quoted in Eusebius ii. 23. 2 Cf. Stanton, " The Jewish and Christian Messiah," p. 243. 102 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT echo of the scorn of the Jerusalem Rabbi, as in the charge against St Stephen : " We have heard him say, that this Jesus of Nazareth shall destroy this place" (vi. 14); or in the words of a Pharisee of the Pharisees : " I verily thought with myself, that I ought to do many things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth : and this I also did in Jerusalem " (xxvi. 9) ; and again, in the Lord's words, accepting the title of scorn, " I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom thou persecutest " (xxii. 8) ; while on the lips of the apostles them selves there is perhaps a tinge of triumphant satire as they glory in a name which excites such scorn and conveys such blessing : " Be it known unto you all, and to all the people of Israel, that in the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, whom ye crucified, whom God raised from the dead, even in Him doth this man stand here before - you whole" (iv. 10 ; cf. ii. 22, iii. 6, x. 38). The title does not reappear after the tenth chapter, except in the two instances quoted above, which really prove the point ; both are referring back to the earlier days : the one, to St Paul's feelings before his conversion ; the other, to the Lord's words to him at the conversion. It does not appear in any of the epistles of the New Testament. As we pass to the deeper conceptions of His nature, the influence of the Old Testament begins to make itself felt. Thus He is the Christ, whose sufferings had been foretold by the mouth of all the prophets ; and notably in the second psalm CHRISTOLOGY OF ACTS I.-XII. 103 (iii. 18-20, iv. 27). He is "the Lord Jesus" (i. 21), the fulfilment of the ideal " Lord " of Psalm ex. 1 (ii. 34-36) ; He is " Lord of all " (x. 36). He is the " prophet '' foretold in the book of Deuteronomy (iii. 22 ; cf. vii. 37). Not less really, although there is no hint of the fact, is the title " Saviour " steeped in Old Testament imagery, whether it be meant consciously to recall the judges whom God raised up as saviours against earthly enemies (cf. v. 31 with Judges iii. 9, 15), or to represent God Himself, the primary source of all salvation (cf. iv. 12 with Isaiah xiv. 21, 22). This title is naturally not peculiar to these chapters. It is not as common as might be expected ; but it is found once again in the Acts (in St Paul's speech to Jews, xiii. 23), in the Philippians, the pastoral epistles, 2 Peter, Jude, and St John. A rarer title, dpyyybi, which is found used either absolutely as " a Prince " (v. 31), or defined as "the Prince or Author of life" (iii. 15), is a word of frequent usage in the LXX. Such instances as Numbers xiv. 4, " Let us make a captain, and return into Egypt," or Isaiah iii. 6, " Thou hast clothing, be thou our ruler" will illustrate its meaning ; but they can scarcely be said to suggest the title as applied to the Lord. Apart from these early chapters, the word occurs in the New Testament only in the epistle most closely associated with Jewish Christians, the Epistle to the Hebrews, in the similar phrases, " the author of their salvation," 104 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT "the author of our faith" (Heb. ii. io, xii. 2). But there is another title which comes direct from the Old Testament, though the mistransla tion of the Authorized Version has long obscured the fact. Philip taught the Ethiopian to see in Jesus the fulfilment of the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah ; and that same context has supplied for Him the title of "the Servant" of God. Peter and John so entitle Him : " The God of our fathers hath glorified His Servant Jesus " ; and again " God, having raised up His Servant, sent Him to bless you, in turning away every one of you from your iniquities" (iii. 13 and 26). The whole company of the apostles re-echo it : " For of a truth in this city against Thy holy Servant Jesus, whom Thou didst anoint (cf. Isa. lxi. 1), both Herod and Pontius Pilate, with the Gentiles and the peoples of Israel, were gathered together" (iv. 27: cf. 30 and viii. 32, 33). The use of this title is the most instructive of all. Within these chapters it occurs five times ; outside them in the NeV Testament only once, in the direct quotation of Isaiah by St Matthew (xii. 1 8), the essentially Jewish-Christian evangelist. It re appears in the Didache (cap. ix., twice), in the Epistle of St Clement (cap. lix., thrice), in the Martyrdom of St Polycarp (cap. xiv.), and several times in the Apostolic Constitutions (viii. 5, 14, 39, 40, 41) ; but nearly always in prayers, as though it were a stereotyped liturgical formula, possibly CHRISTOLOGY OF ACTS I.-XII. 105 adapted from some Jewish original : and even in these places the original meaning of servant seems gradually to have been supplanted by that of son. In the Didache the words are : " We thank Thee, our Father, for the holy vine of David, rov -aidbg gov, which Thou didst make known to us through Jesus, tov naidog aov " ; and again : " We thank Thee, our Father, for the life and know ledge which Thou didst make known to us through Jesus, roD iraidog sou." Here the com parison with David seems to make " servant " far more appropriate than that of son. In St Clement the title is fuller, did row riyavrt/jiivov taidbg ; but this could be equally well referred to the thought of servant (cf. St Matt. xii. 18) or to that of son (cf. St Matt. iii. 1 7, Eph. i. 6, Col. i. 1 3), and there is nothing in the context to decide between these alternative renderings. But the language of the prayer in the martyrdom of St Polycarp, "O Lord, God Almighty, Father oi Thy beloved and blessed Son (vaidbg) Jesus Christ," shows that the idea of Son was by this time the most prominent in the word, and when the Latin trans lation of St Irenaeus was made, iraig was regularly represented by "filius '' (cf. Iren. III., xii. 5, 6). We have then here a title of our Lord which does not appear anywhere in the epistles, and appears outside the New Testament in a form which implies that its original meaning was gradually misunderstood. There remains yet one other set of titles 106 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT perhaps the most interesting of all. Jesus is the Holy, the Righteous One. This is associated mainly with the language of prophecy. One of the words is taken directly from Psalm xvi. I o : " Thou wilt not leave my soul in Hades ; neither wilt Thou give Thy Holy One (rbv leiov eov) to see corruption." Here the stress is laid on character ; it implies one who is essentially holy, one who shares God's character, one who is " duteous in love " (Cheyne ad loc). Elsewhere it stands in close connexion with the idea of God's servant, "Thy holy Servant" (rbv dyiov vatda, iv. 27, 30): but here the different adjective lays stress rather on dedication ; He is one consecrated to the service of Jehovah. Finally, He is the Righteous One (0 dlxaiog), and perhaps no title bears with it so intrinsically the stamp of an early currency. It recalls the first indignant protest of the disciples, smarting under the sense of the injustice of their Master's condemnation. It is on a level with the entreaty of Pilate's wife to Pilate, to have nothing to do with that righteous man (St Matt, xxvii. 19), or with the conviction of the Roman centurion, " Certainly this was a righteous man " (St Luke xxiii. 47). The sinlessness of Jesus is thrown into relief by the injustice of His judges, who preferred a murderer to Him, and " At length Him nailed on a gallow-tree, And slew the Just by most unjust decree." " Ye denied the Holy and Righteous One, and CHRISTOLOGY OF ACTS I.-XII. 107 asked for a murderer to be granted unto you " (Acts iii. 14). But more than this lies hid in the title ; as the Righteous One, He has been the goal to which all the prophets pointed ; they "showed before of the coming of the Righteous One " (vii. 5 2) ; He it is who embodies God's righteousness, the righteous Branch, who will establish righteousness upon the earth (cf. Isa. xi. 5 ; Jer. xxiii. 5). The title appears already fixed as applied to the Messiah in the book of Enoch, where we read that at the end of the world " the Just One shall appear in the presence of the just who are chosen " (chap. 38) ; and this is explained later, " This is the Son of man who has justice, and justice dwells with Him, and all the treasures of secrecy He reveals, because the Lord of the spirits has chosen Him, and His portion overcomes all things before the Lord of the spirits in rectitude to eternity" (chap. 46). This title occurs once in the later chapters of the Acts, but again the exception proves the rule. It is in the record of St Paul's conversion, where it is put into the mouth of a Jewish-Christian, explaining to Saul the meaning of the conversion : " The God of our fathers hath appointed thee to know His will, and to see the Righteous One " (xxii. 1 4). A com parison of Romans x. 3 with Philippians iii. 9 will show what this meant to St Paul. All his life he had been seeking after righteousness ; but before his conversion his aim had been to establish a righteousness of his own ; now he had seen 108 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT righteousness in its completeness, embodied in Jesus Christ ; henceforth his only aim was to submit himself to that, and to receive it into himself. The phrase does not occur as a direct title applied to our Lord anywhere else in the New Testament. This review of the Christology of these chapters certainly has shown us the presence of language which varies from that of later times and which is in many respects peculiarly appropriate in the first days of the Church. It would be easy also to point out the striking absence of the definite theological language, both of St Paul and of St John, or of the Epistle to the Hebrews. To take but one instance, the simple title, " the Son of God," though that is implied in the application of the second Psalm to Jesus, occurs first in the Acts, where the writer summarises the teaching of St Paul (ix. 20) ; and the more definite theological technicalities of the epistles are entirely wanting. But let us get behind the words to the thoughts, and see what points they were which impressed the first Christians in the Lord, what they were most anxious to put forward to those whom they would convert. First then, it was a miraculous Christ ; the evidence which supports the simpler conceptions of Him supports this also from the outset. But more emphasis is laid upon His character : He was to them the ideal of a human life, the type of holiness, of consecration, of righteousness. But He was more than this, He CHRISTOLOGY OF ACTS I.-XII. 109 had the power to communicate this righteousness : He was a Saviour, He could inspire repentance, He could grant forgiveness, He could bless by turning His followers from their iniquities : He was a leader whom they could follow, a prophet who had explained God's will to them ; but at the same time He was the very type of loyal obedience, of all that had been foreshadowed in an ideal servant, in one who was to be as a lamb led to the slaughter, showing the perfection of self-sacrifice and its vicarious force, who was to go as God's triumphant messenger to Jew and Gentile alike. Enthusiasm for character, for righteousness, for holiness, for consecrated obedi ence, this was the first inspiring force of the Christian Church. Two interesting considerations arise out of these facts, the one of a more literary, the other of a more dogmatic kind. First, they have a bearing on Paulinism, as showing that the germs of it were already in existence, and that St Paul's teaching was a true development. The two doctrines most commonly connected with St Paul are the doctrine of justifi cation by faith and that of the catholicity of the Church. But the essential kernel of the doctrine of justification by faith lies in this, that righteous ness is a gift of God, that it is not a height up to which man works in his own strength, but a life embodied in Christ Jesus, given forth from Him to those who put faith in Him. Now the possi- no ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT bility of this is implied in treating Christ as the ideal of holiness and of righteousness. If He was one who fully embodied and expressed the character of God, if He represented the fullest conception of righteousness to which prophets had looked forward, if He was the Just One who was going to establish righteousness and to judge the world, then He and He alone could be the source of hope and faith to those who were seek ing for righteousness : and all this seems involved in the titles, "the Holy One," "the Righteous One " ; and these titles are pre-Pauline. Again, the work of the ideal Servant of Jehovah is clearly described by Isaiah as intended for Jew and Gentile alike : " I will also give Thee for a light to the Gentiles, that Thou mayest be My salvation to the ends of the earth" (Isa. xlix. 6). This thought is indeed not worked out in these earlier chapters ; and many difficulties arose as to the method in which it was to be worked out in fact, nor can we exaggerate the debt which we owe to St Paul#in the efficient working of it out ; yet it is not too strong to say that the identification of the Lord with the ideal Servant of Jehovah carried with it of necessity the catholicity of the Church ; and this identification is pre-Pauline. How much more even than this was implied in the use of the title will be apparent at once to any student who will take such an analysis of it as that given in Dr Driver's Isaiah (pp. 175-178). That analysis does not anticipate the Christian CHRISTOLOGY OF ACTS I.-XII. in application, it draws out only the meaning of it to the writer at the time ; but it shows that the identification of Jesus with that Servant implies that the historic nation had failed in its true work of righteousness, that that work was taken up by one who represented and impersonated all that is true and characteristic in the nation, who became a prophet to the whole world, and suffered and died for the sins of others. On the other hand, these facts may seem to throw discredit on the gospel narrative. It may be said : " Your earliest conceptions of the Lord are so simple ; they do not, on your own showing, treat Him as ' Son of God ' until they come under the influence of St Paul. What then becomes of the gospel accounts, which clearly treat Him as such ? May they not have been modified by subsequent influences ? " To this it is a sufficient reply that the gospels themselves show how gradually the Lord trained His disciples to under stand about His nature. He had been to them the prophet, the miracle-worker, the beneficent healer, before they could be taught the secret of His death and the exact relation which His life bore to God ; and it was but natural that they should try to win converts by the same lessons by which they had been converted themselves, that they should show somewhat of the same reverence for deep truths, the same shrinking from harming their converts by forcing them prematurely to face decisive ques- 112 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT tions, which He had shown in dealing with themselves. This answer leads us to the more dogmatic consideration. We see how the acceptance of mere theological dogma, of intellectual interpreta tion of facts, is never the primary factor in the Christian life. That was and is and will always be trust in a Person. In ordinary life trust in a friend precedes an intellectual analysis of his qualities ; when that trust has to be justified to our own intellectual consciousness, or defended against opposition, or explained to those who have never seen him, we are obliged to analyse, to interpret, to formulate. So the need of teaching new converts, the need of meeting false views about their Master, the need of justifying the worship of their Master and correlating it with their belief in the unity of God or with the presence of evil in the world, drew out the com plete dogmatic conceptions of St Paul and of St John. Before the deeper conceptions, the simple titles of the early Christology pass away ; but they are absorbed, not destroyed, supplemented, not supplanted. The human life, the sinless character, the suffering Redeemer, the type of obedience, these still live on in the deeper theology of St Paul, and of St John, and of the Epistle to the Hebrews. Thus, to take this last epistle only as an illustra tion, none of these titles, of which we have been speaking, reappears in it ; yet, though not called CHRISTOLOGY OF ACTS I.-XII. 113 " the Son of man," He, who is " the very image of God's substance," is still like unto His brethren, touched with the feeling of our infirmities. He is not called " the Righteous, the Holy One," but He is still without sin, holy, guileless, undefiled, separated from sinners ; He is not called the Servant of Jehovah, but He is still the type of obedience, who learned obedience by the things that He suffered. The earlier conceptions are there at the background still, and the later con ceptions are not less true because historically they are formulated later. They are, we may almost say, more true ; at least more fundamental, more operative, more ultimate, inasmuch as the life is always prior to and deeper than its manifestations. The Church had not drawn farther away from the historical Christ, when it knew a Christ after the flesh no more ; it had pierced deeper into the centre of the historic life as it realized its motive power, and knew and formulated with unfaltering exactness the Nature which had given to that historic teaching its soul-piercing inspiration, to that life its infinite meekness and gentleness, to that character its sinlessness. THOUGHTS ON THE STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 3. THE EPISTLES J A GERMAN critic has lately made an analysis of the history of literary correspondence, which is certainly suggestive in its bearing upon the Epistles of the New Testament.2 He has pointed out that there have been four stages in this history : — (i) There is the letter proper, a private com munication from friend to friend, and never intended for other eyes. (2) Secondly there followed the collection and publication of such private letters, generally made not by the writer but by some friend, such as the publication of Cicero's Letters by Atticus and Tiro. These letters remain essentially private letters, but they have emerged into literature ; they have become a means of public instruction and information. (3) As a result of this, the letter became 1 A paper read at the Church Congress, Bradford, September 29th, 1898. 2 G. A. Deissmann, "Bible Studies." Marburg, 1895. pp. 189- 252. Cf. Hastings' "Dictionary of the Bible," s.v. Epistles. THE EPISTLES 115 recognized as a literary public form of teaching, and an author who wanted to teach on some subject admitting of short treatment would throw his teaching into the form of a letter to a friend. But there was an element of literary fiction in this, as his object was not to speak to his friend, but through him to the public. The Ars Poetica of Horace is a case in point. (4) The fourth stage is a natural extension of this literary fiction. A person might as a rhetorical exercise compose such a letter as some historical person might have written, a " letter from a dead author," or, deliberately wishing to teach authori tatively, he might put his teaching in the form of a letter professing to have been written by some great authority. In this case the name of the writer as well as the person addressed was a literary fiction. It is only to these last two classes that our critic would give the name of epistles in contradis tinction to letters. Thus we have four classes of documents : — (1) The private letter never published. (2) The private letter never intended for the public, but published afterwards. (3) The epistle proper, always intended for the public, though in the form of a private letter. (4) The fictitious epistle, written in another's name for the public, whether as a mere exercise, or with a deliberate attempt to draw upon the authority of the imagined author. Our critic, applying his method to the New u6 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT Testament, treats all St Paul's letters as letters proper, never meant to go beyond the person or community addressed ; and he is inclined to class all the other letters of the New Testament as epistles, and to treat most of them as fictitious epistles. He would suppose the order of growth to have been : — (i) Private letters written by St Paul. (2) An early collection of such letters made by someone else. (3) A conscious imitation of the Pauline form of teaching by the authors of the other epistles. Such a simple division will not hold water ; but I will only remark here that, as there were both letters proper and epistles among the Jews, we are not bound to regard St Paul as necessarily the first Christian letter-writer, or to suppose St James (to take one instance) to be necessarily an imitator of him. But, apart from particular applications of the principle, we have here a useful test to apply to each letter of the New Testament. Is it a letter proper ? or is it an epistle ? For several inferences follow from this. If it is a letter, then the exact situation of the writer and of the people addressed is of primary importance for its understanding : if it is an epistle, these are of secondary im portance ; they were never meant to be more than the framework for the teaching, the sockets of silver on which the golden pillars were to be raised. Again, if it is a letter, we have to con- THE EPISTLES 117 sider how far its language is influenced by previous oral conversation or previous correspondence : if it is an epistle, we have rather to consider how far it is indebted to previous literature. Once more, if it is a letter, its teaching was intended for a very special set of circumstances ; it was an inspired answer to the questions and needs of particular people, but it does not necessarily follow that we can at once transfer its teaching to all circumstances : we need first to consider whether our circumstances are the same as those implied in this letter before we can at once adapt the teaching to ourselves. On the other hand, if it is an epistle intended for all Christians, its teaching is more encyclical, more central, more directly applicable to universal needs ; it was inspired for a yet wider purpose. Letters have more of historic and literary interest, epistles more of central teaching and practical guidance. It is, perhaps, a fair conclusion from this that the catholic epistles are a safer guide for the life of the ordinary Christian than the controversial letters of St Paul. With all due respect to Luther, the Epistle of St James is a more helpful manual for the ordinary Christian than the Epistle to the Galatians. That is the first contribution of recent criticism to the study of the epistles. I will mention two other of a general character before I come to details. I. — It has become more clear that in the study of letters we have to study each situation separ- 118 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT ately, and to remember that the circumstances of the people addressed are even more important than the circumstances of the writer's own thought. For instance, Bishop Lightfoot presses the similarity of thought between the Galatians and the Romans as an evidence of contemporaneous date, and makes the fact that justification by faith is mentioned in the Philippians a reason for putting it in date near the second group. But there is no ground for this assumption, unless we also have knowledge that the Galatians and the Romans were perplexed at the same time about the same subject, and that the conditions of the Philippian Church were exactly the same at about the same time as those of Galatia, Corinth, and Rome. The absence of a particular doctrine from an epistle is, therefore, no proof that the doctrine was not held by the writer at that moment ; it is only a proof that it was not being discussed by the people to whom he was writing. II. — Again, it has become more evident that St Paul's language is very often not primarily his own, but that he is taking up phrases, or even whole sentences, which have been uttered by the people to whom he is writing or have been embodied in a letter from them. This is especially true of I and 2 Corinthians, because in this case we know that several letters had passed between St Paul and Corinth. It is scarcely too much to say that the whole historical situation implied in 2 Corinthians has been so successfully recon- THE EPISTLES 119 structed as to give an entirely fresh and more vivid interest to the letter, and I have elsewhere tried to show that the argument of 1 Corinthians viii. is made much more clear if we suppose it to consist of a series of extracts from the Corinthian letter followed by St Paul's comments upon them.1 This consideration and the suggestion that the language of the epistles may be partly due to the amanuensis employed by St Paul 2 help to explain the great variety of his diction. I pass to a few details about each epistle. 1 and 2 Thessalonians are letters, meant for the particular circumstances of Thessalonica ; with regard to them two points may be noted. Mr Rendel Harris has lately made out a fair case for assuming that when St Paul sent Timothy to Thessalonica he sent a letter with him, and that Timothy brought a letter back, and he has made an attempt to reconstruct those letters.3 Again, Spitta has attempted to show that the great Apocalyptic passage in 2 Thessalonians ii. is probably influenced in form by the use of some previous Jewish Apocalypse.4 Galatians is essentially a letter, full of local colouring. To this, too, an entirely new setting has been given by Professor Ramsay's revival of the South Galatian theory. We have a letter 1 Expositor, July, 1897. 2 Sanday, B. L. , p. 342, Spitta, ubi infra. 3 Expositor, September, 1898. 4 F. Spitta, "Zur Geschichte und Litteratur des Urchristen- thums." Gottingen, 1893. Vol. i., pp. 111-155. 120 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT not, as we before supposed, addressed to Churches of which we know nothing, but to the Churches of the first missionary journey, to Antioch, Iconium, Derbe, Lystra. A further result is to make a comparatively early date possible for the letter.1 i and 2 Corinthians are, again, letters. I have spoken of the practical reconstruction of the situation implied in 2 Corinthians. I will only add that this has made it clear that St Paul wrote at least four letters to Corinth ; a good many critics are inclined to the view that the two lost letters, or at least parts of them, have been incorporated into 2 Corinthians. A possible case has been made out for regarding the fragment vi. 1 1 — vii. 1 as a part of the letter implied in 1 Corinthians v. 9 ; a more probable case for regarding x.-xiii. as the letter referred to in 2 Corinthians ii. and vii. Romans is, again, a letter with a definite situation, but the situation is such as almost to turn the letter into an epistle. St Paul was at Corinth at the end of his third missionary journey, about to carry the Gentile alms to the Jewish Christians at Jersualem, hoping thereby to knit together the Jewish and Gentile Christians. But he was in peril of his life from a Jewish plot ; he was uncertain of his fate at Jerusalem ; so, in the face of the possibility of death, he dictates for the Church of the Gentile world the essential 1 Expositor, June, July, August, 1898. "Studia Biblica," IV., pp. 14-57- THE EPISTLES 121 principles of universal, sinfulness and universal redemption on which his Gospel was based. It was " a legacy of peace, such as it was important to bequeath to all the Churches, if the apostle's own guiding hand were to be withdrawn by death."1 This encyclical character would be strengthened if we were to accept the theory that chapter xvi. is a fragment of a later letter to Rome, which has accidentally been added at the end of the earlier.2 Colossians is a letter proper. Here the chief recent gain has been the modification of Bishop Lightfoot's view of the Colossian heresy by Dr Hort, who thinks that we need not attribute anything to Gnostic sources, but that all can be explained as arising out of Jewish soil.3 The Ephesians, on the other hand, should be termed an epistle, as it was a general letter, expressing gratitude to God for the historical growth of the unity of the Church, and laying down the outlines of morality and of family life for the new converts, and it was apparently addressed to a group of Churches in Asia Minor. Philippians is a local letter. We need only note that the new interpretation of rb -npuirwpiov (i. 13), as 'the judges of the imperial court,' throws fresh light upon the date of the letter and upon St Paul's trial.4 1 Hort, "The Romans and the Ephesians," p. 46. 2 See Dr Gifford in " The Speaker's Commentary." 3 Hort, "Judaistic Christianity," pp. 116-129. 4 Ramsay, "St Paul, the Traveller and Roman Citizen," p. 357. 122 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT Philemon is the best type of a private letter, yet even it is addressed to the whole Church in Philemon's house. The Pastoral letters, though intended for the guidance of a community, are essentially private letters. There is no clear proof that they were intended to be rules for the whole Church, but only at first guidance how to deal with the con ditions of Ephesus and Crete. This — which is supported by Dr Hort's translation of I Timothy iii. 15, "an ecclesia of a living God," rather than " the Church of the living God " 1 — perhaps strengthens tt\e case for the Pauline authorship, as does also Dr Hort's examination of the false teaching implied, as he shows that the greater part, at least, is purely Jewish.2 The Epistle to the Hebrews stands in form half-way between an epistle and a letter. It begins as a literary treatise ; it ends as a letter ; the writer calls it a " word of exhortation," a written sermon (xiii. 22). Two theories as to its date are favourite with recent critics — the old and more probable View that it was written about 66 A.D., to reassure Hebrew Christians in the prospect of the destruction of Jerusalem ; the other, that it was written to Roman Christians to strengthen them under the persecution of Domitian, the title. being a late and incorrect addition. 1 Hort, " The Christian Ecclesia," pp. 172-4. 2 Hort, "Judaistic Christianity," pp. 120-146. [Cf. Ramsay, Letters to the Seven Churches, pp. 26-28.] THE EPISTLES 123 St James also occupies this half-way position. It begins as a letter, but ends as a treatise, with no word of greeting. It was intended for a very wide circle of readers ; its subject is very general, being an appeal for perfection in the Christian life. Its writer's mind is steeped in Jewish literature, especially the books of Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus. It is the utterance of a Christian rabbi teaching the true Christian wisdom. So Jewish is it that Spitta has recently maintained the paradox that it is a purely Jewish pre-Christian treatise, subsequently adapted for Christian use. Such a view is useful as bringing out the Jewish element, but it is not tenable, and is adequately discussed by Mr Mayor in the second edition of his Commentary. 1 St Peter is a letter, but being addressed to a very wide circle of readers, to all the Christians of Asia Minor, it tends to become an epistle — " The Epistle of the Cross " — teaching the full message of the Cross for all in suffering and temptation. It presupposes a time of persecution. Professor Ramsay holds that this was the Flavian persecution c. 80 A.D., supposing St Peter to have lived till then.1 Dr Swete 2 and Dr Hort,3 with more probability, hold that it was the Neronian persecution ; Dr Swete suggesting that it was written 1 Ramsay, " The Church and the Roman Empire." — This theory is carefully criticized by Mr E. A. Simms in The Guardian, September 2 ist, 1898. 2 Expositor, August 1897, p. 88. 3 1 St Peter i. 1 — ii. 17, p. 2. 124 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT by St Peter after St Paul's death to reassure his Asiatic converts in case the persecution should reach them. Its language seems to be influenced by the two most encyclical of St Paul's letters, those to the Romans and Ephesians. 2 St Peter would be more rightly called an epistle ; its readers are all christians ; there are no special greetings. The chief question is its author ship, as dependent upon the literary relation which it bears to Jude and the Apocalypse of Peter.1 The Epistle of Jude is parallel to 2 St Peter. I St John has no salutation, and no greeting, and no author named. It might have been a speech or a sermon ; it is least like a letter, though it is full of a strong personal appeal from one who knows to those who are known. Bishop Lightfoot suggested that it might have been a covering letter sent with the Gospel as an intro duction to it.2 2 and 3 St John are letters, but it is not clear whether they are private letters to individuals or open letters for Churches. These afe a few points in which recent criticism has helped to make the Epistles more real and more historic, and the strongest proof of genuine ness is the fact that a document grows naturally out of an historical situation. I also ought to add that the recent examination of the Chronology of New Testament times made by independent 1 Sanday, "Bampton Lectures," vii. 2 "Biblical Essays," p. 198. THE EPISTLES 125 students such as Professor Harnack, Professor Ramsay, and Mr Turner,1 tends to place the dates earlier, to allow of St Paul having reached Rome as early as 59 or 57 A.D., so that there is room for a release and the writing of the pastoral epistles before the Neronian persecution of 64. This allows a longer space after his death in which the other epistles may fall. But any dealing with the epistles, especially before such an audience, would be incomplete which did not go on beyond the literary situation into the spiritual teaching, into some attempt to show the underlying spiritual unity. For Church men canonization erects a letter to the level of an authoritative epistle. I will attempt this only with one small detail. Think what are the main features of the Christian character which result from a combination of these epistles. According to 1 and 2 Thessalonians, the Christian should be orderly, duteous, pure, steady, and not liable to be carried off his feet by any panic ; to Galatians he should realize his dignity as a grown-up son, with his morality springing out of love ; to the Romans he should be strong, powerful (dvvarog), yet forbearing, and loyal to the Government ; to 1 and 2 Corinthians a free man, controlling his knowledge by love, the master and not the slave of law, the master and not the slave of liberty. 1 Harnack, ' ' Chronologie der altchristlichen litteratur. " Ramsay, "St Paul, the Traveller and Roman Citizen." C. H. Turner, in Hastings' "Dictionary of the Bible," s.v., "Chronology of New Testament." 126 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT Colossians would teach him the duty of a full- grown intelligence ; Ephesians to be imitator of God, and to practise the true spirit of love and subordination in his family relations and in the Church ; Philippians, humility and thoughtfulness for others ; Philemon, courteousness to his in feriors ; the Pastoral Epistles sobriety, self-control, dignity, nay, beauty of character. The Epistle to the Hebrews would teach a loyal allegiance, in face of danger, to a captain worthy of that allegiance. St James would not allow him to fall short of perfection ; i St Peter would make him steadfast in the face of peril through the memories of the Cross ; St Jude would make him tenacious of the truth ; 2 St Peter would keep him in peace, even though the Lord seem to delay His coming. 1 St John would make him stern against false teaching, because of his assurance of the reality of Christian knowledge ; it would allow no hypo critical pretence of the love of God without the love of man. 2 St John would teach him a charitable austerity towards false teachers ; 3 St John a chari table willingness to help all helpers to the truth. Each ray is different, yet in what a wonderful ideal do they combine. They bear the witness to the presence of One Spirit ; they present a pattern not yet surpassed ; and while we have that pattern still to present to the world, we may, without panic and without unfair prepossession, face the smaller questions of the literary genesis of each document. THOUGHTS ON THE STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT 4. ST PAUL'S GREATER EPISTLES1 SINCE the time of Baur we have been accustomed to treat these four Epistles as marked off from the rest by a clear line of de marcation : they, at least, were undisputed, certain, authentic ; they, at least, could be used without hesitation for quarrying materials for the life and teaching of St Paul. And Baur had some real facts to rely upon in drawing this line : these Epistles do bear more markedly than the rest the stamp of a strong living personality ; they are closely linked in style and subject-matter one with another ; they also all spring out of the great struggle which necessarily arose between the Jewish and the Gentile Christians, between the narrower and wider views of what Christianity was to be, in which St Paul played so prominent and decisive a part. Baur was right in ranking them together, and in feeling the overwhelming evidence for their Pauline authorship. At the same time, he was wrong in limiting the work 1 A Paper read at the Church Congress, Liverpool, October 1904. 127 128 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT and capacities of St Paul to this one controversy, and I have long felt that many of the arguments used to discredit the other Epistles might have been turned against these. If the difference of style between Romans and Ephesians is sufficient to discredit Ephesians, there is an equal difference of style between Romans i.-xi. and Romans xii.- xv., or, again, between 2 Cor. viii., ix. and the rest of that Epistle. If slight differences in the treatment of marriage in I Cor. vii. and in Ephesians v. or I Tim. v. are fatal to the latter two Epistles, equal differences in the treatment of women in the churches might be found in different chapters in i Corinthians, apparently inconsistent language about Christ's relation to the law in different chapters of the Romans, and about the nature of "flesh" in Romans vii. and 2 Cor. vii 1. Once more, if the silence of the Acts discredited the Pastoral Epistles, there is an equal silence about the circumstances of the Roman Church, or of the rela tions of St Paul to Corinth implied in 2 Corinthians. Still, in the case of these Epistles, such minor points as these were felt to be countervailed by the strong positive marks of genuineness. So the critical position was left by Baur. How has it developed since ? (i.) On the one hand, criticism has strengthened the historical character of these Epistles, and removed certain difficulties. The re-assertion and the confirmation of the South Galatian theory, mainly by Professor Ramsay, has brought the ST PAUL'S GREATER EPISTLES 129 Epistle to the Galatians into touch with Churches well known from the Acts of the Apostles, and has revealed many new points of interesting contact with their life. Again, in the Epistle to the Romans, there are real difficulties about the sixteenth chapter ; is it likely (to take one) that St Paul would have known so many Christians in a Church which he had never visited ? In spite of all that was urged by Bishop Lightfoot and Drs Sanday and Headlam to lessen this, to my mind it still remains real ; but the conjecture of Spitta and Dr Gifford that the chapter is a short letter of greeting sent by St Paul to Rome after his release from imprisonment seems to me to remove it entirely, and, if true, to supply us with a valuable corroboration of the fact of that release. Once more, the careful re-examination of the circumstances implied in 2 Corinthians has made the relations of St Paul with the Church at Corinth far more vivid and interesting than they were before, even if we hold to the integrity of the letter. If we accept the very probable view of Hausrath, already accepted by many critics both abroad and in England, that 2 Corinthians x.-xiii. is to be separated from the rest and identified with the severe letter which St Paul wrote between 1 and 2 Corinthians, and the less probable view that 2 Corinthians vi. 14-vii. 1 is part of the letter which he wrote before 1 Corinthians, then we should have a reconstruction of the whole relation and correspondence of St Paul with 1 130 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT Corinth which is a triumph of literary criticism and a real gain to our knowledge of his character. (ii.) On the other hand, a school of critics has arisen, mainly in Holland and Switzerland, which has lately found English expression in the article by the Dutch Professor van Manen in the Encyclo paedia Biblica on Paul, and in an article in the Hibbert Journal for January, 1903, by an American, Professor W. B. Smith. This criticism holds that the line drawn by Baur round these four Epistles is untenable ; that they, too, are not Pauline, and must be rejected ; and that they arose in heretical circles in the second century, which broke down the narrow Judaism of the early Church, and which composed these Epistles in order to win the sanction of St Paul's name for this wider and freer" conception of Christianity. The grounds on which this view is pressed are two-fold : they are partly literary, partly historical. (a) An attempt is made to shew that these Epistles use documents such as the writings of Philo and Seneca in a way that St Paul would not have done, that they use later Jewish apoca lypses, and assume the existence of written Gospels. Also it is urged that we find no trace of their existence, no quotations from them until the middle of the second century ; further, that they show inconsistencies and awkwardnesses of arrangement which point to compilation. This is a kind of argument that can only be adequately met by a detailed examination of every passage ST PAUL'S GREATER EPISTLES 131 in question, and this cannot be attempted here and now : such a detailed examination will be found in Dr. Know ling's " Witness of the Epistles," c. 3, and more recently in Carl Clemen's " Paulus Sein Leben und Wirken," I., pp. 8-1 10 (Giessen, 1 904 ; cf. also Schmiedel in answer to W. B. Smith in the Hibbert Journal, April, 1903) ; and it must be sufficient to say here that the proof of the dependence on later documents or on written Gospels of any kind seems to me to have entirely failed, and that the evidence of Clement of Rome cannot be brought down later than the first century. Now, Clement's letter makes explicit mention of 1 Corinthians, and almost certainly implies a know ledge of 1 St Peter, which itself has been con clusively proved by Dr. Hort to have been com posed by a writer well acquainted with the Epistle to the Romans. 1 Corinthians, then, was known at Rome as St Paul's before 95, and Romans was used by another writer, almost certainly St Peter himself, some years before that date. (b) But the real stress of the objections does not lie on the literary side, but on the historical. The real gravamen is that these Epistles imply a development of theology, of Church organisation, of the numbers of converts, which is historically impossible. They all claim to have been written, it is urged, within thirty years of the Crucifixion ; yet the facts of the earthly life of Jesus are scarcely mentioned in them ; a metaphysical conception of the Christ has taken its place ; there is a 132 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT developed Christology, and the principle of the universality of the Church is recognised. " So large an experience, so great a widening of the field of vision, so high a degree of spiritual power as would have been required for this, it is im possible to attribute to him (Paul) within so limited a time" (Encyclopedia Biblica iii. p. 3628). And this applies not only to St Paul's own teaching : in writing to the Romans, he writes to a Church which he had never seen, yet he assumes that the same type of teaching is already in exist ence there ; that Jew and Gentile are regarded as having equal rights within the Church ; and the Epistle shows that the Church has already its prophets, teachers, presidents, and almoners. This brings us to the very heart of the position. What are we to say in answer to this ? First, we shall say that before coming to a final decision, we must have the whole of the facts before us, and these constitute only one small portion of them. There i§ the external evidence : the absolutely unanimous evidence of all manuscripts and of all Church tradition is on the side of the Pauline authorship. It may be necessary, in the face of very strong evidence, to put this aside as we are prepared to do with some of the Old Testament books, but in this case the evidence is far stronger both in quality and quantity than there. Again, the internal evidence is by no means all on one side. Think of the many indications of a ST PAUL'S GREATER EPISTLES 133 date before the destruction of Jerusalem that there are ; the expectation of a speedy return of Christ ; the collection for saints at Jerusalem ; the in- definiteness of the Church organisation and of the names of the ministry ; the character of the questions stirred at Corinth, which are exactly the difficulties natural when Christianity was still newly planted in a heathen city — all these point far more strongly to a quite early date, and it is very hard to imagine a writer of the second century throwing himself back into the position, and in venting it or reproducing it so exactly. Once more — -and I think this is a matter in which it is permitted to appeal from the literary student to the true natural human instinct of the ordinary man — I would ask you whether there are any two documents in the world which, more than Galatians and 2 Corinthians, witness to themselves by their own essential character that they are real letters, the outcome of a real and definite historical situation, the utterances of a real and living per sonality ? But let us examine a little more closely the facts which are alleged against the Pauline authorship. First, with regard to the spread of Christianity, the numbers of Christians : let me remind you what little exact knowledge we have on this point. Were there a hundred Christians at Rome .at the time ? or at Corinth ? or in any one of the Churches of Galatia ? or were there a thousand in 134 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT each place ? I do not know ; no one knows with such complete knowledge that it can become the basis of an argument. But there is one fact which we do know for certain, that is, that in the year 64 the Christians at Rome were sufficiently numerous and sufficiently organised to make it worth while for Nero to turn on them the charge of having set fire to the city. Now, whatever numbers were sufficient to account for this in the year 64 were sufficient to account for the phe nomena of the Epistle to the Romans in the year 58. Secondly, with regard to the development of the theology, no doubt it was very great, and yet how much of the materials for it were already prepared to St Paul's hands. If you take as an analogy the even fuller dogmatic statement of the Prologue of St John's Gospel, you will find nearly all the germs of it in the Old Testament itself ; when you add to the Old Testament the develop ment of the thought of the wisdom of God in the ApocryphaJ books, of the Memra in the Jewish Rabbinic Theology or of the Logos in Alexandria, of the expectation of a great Messiah in the Jewish Apocalypses, you will see that it only needed the coming of some real person great enough to correspond to these expectations to cause a rich and varied theology to spring up quickly around His nature and His work. But I have no wish to minimize the extent and importance of what happened in these thirty ST PAUL'S GREATER EPISTLES 135 years. Let us emphasise it as strongly as possible, does it even so become historically impossible ? That will depend upon several considerations, upon the character of the time, upon the person ality of the actors, above all, upon the possibility of the incoming of a Divine Spirit able to raise human effort to higher capacity. There are many sets of thirty years in which such progress might very rationally be thought impossible. But think of the development of political ideas and results within thirty years in France at the end of the eighteenth century, in Germany in the middle, in Japan at the end of the nineteenth century ; on a higher level still, think of the quick way in which theories of the true position of slaves which had long been in the air were suddenly focused and triumphantly asserted in the Civil War in America; or compare the quick changes in religious thought in England or in Germany in the central thirty years of the sixteenth century ; then turn to the time when the Roman Empire had created a great sense of unity in the world ; when philosophy was building up a spiritual conception of the Godhead ; when the scattered Jews were making known the treasures of the Old Testament ; when there was a restless longing for purification from sin, ministered to by wild Oriental cults ; when a religion of love would find a welcome and a missionary in many a well-educated slave in the households of the great ; remember, too, that these 136 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT were the first thirty years of a religion which has changed the face of the world, the formative period in which foundations are laid, in which the signifi cance of central ideas is grasped once and for all by the far-sighted adherents, and I think the measure of progress implied by these Epistles will not surprise us. But all these epochs have been so great because great personalities lived in them. Can we claim that St Paul was a great personality without appealing to the Epistles whose authorship is disputed ? I think we can. It is true that, according to this same critical school, we do not know very much about him. They treat as historical only the main facts about him and his work conveyed in the document that underlies the last part of the Acts. According to Van Manen, he was a Christian, converted later than the other Apostles, but not differing much from them, not emancipated from Judaism or belief in the law. " Paulinism was not yet " : he was a vigorous missionary, preaching, teaching, healing sicknesses, attracting the devotion of his followers and the admiration of outsiders, but nothing more. Now, I contend that such a conception does not account for the impression made by St Paul upon his contemporaries. There were two qualities in him which especially impressed them : his power of endurance and his intellectual ability. Clement of Rome says that he was the noblest ST PAUL'S GREATER EPISTLES 137 type of endurance, and this description might perhaps be satisfied by the Paul of this critical school ; but Polycarp says that no one could equal the intellectual ability of the blessed Paul. This impression is quite unaccounted for by the modern view ; neither does this view explain the bitter hostility to St Paul to which the Clementine writings bear witness, nor show any cause why one who had never taken an anti-Judaic line, nor ever written a letter in his life, should have had these Epistles fathered upon him. This im pression, then, of the second century, demands the presence of a great personality and a great intellectual force in St Paul. We say, then, that there are no literary or critical grounds sufficient to make us suspect these Epistles ; we say that there are strong internal indications of an early date and a real situation ; and we say that the rate of progress is psychologically possible if you consider adequately the time and the person. History must, indeed, show that events are psychologically possible ; but in estimating these possibilities, it must take no mean, no moderate gauge ; it must not ignore the supremacy of the spiritual hero. Criticism, too, may require us to surrender our belief in legendary heroes, but we are in duty bound to look twice, to look thrice, to look a hundred times, at a criticism that would diminish the greatness of the world's great men. And this is exactly where our loss would come. If this 138 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT theory were accepted, we should still possess our Epistles, and the truth of their theology would be as great, if it was only accepted by the Church in the second century. We should still have St Paul as one of our saints. But he would be a smaller man : we should have a less striking example of what a man could be. We should have a great missionary ; we should have lost the great theologian : we should have the tactful, considerate traveller, serene in peril and in panic ; we should have lost the undaunted controversialist with his heart aflame because truth was im perilled : we should have lost the noble picture enshrined in 2 Corinthians of the founder of a Church face to face with the apparent ruin of all his spiritual work, with his motives maligned, his word set at naught, his bodily presence ridiculed, his work undermined, his principles traversed ; and he, the while, searching with the inventive ness of love for new modes of appeal ; baring his heart to his converts, revealing his innermost secrets, teljjng of his prayers to his Master and of his hopes beyond the grave ; downhearted for a moment and inclined to regret the severity with which he had written, yet persevering until he was successful ; taming his own impatience by the thought of the meekness and gentleness of Christ, upheld by that great answer of the Master to his prayer : " My grace is sufficient for thee." That Master — His life and death and teaching have changed the face of the world ; and yet this ST PAUL'S GREATER EPISTLES 139 criticism almost leaves Him out of account when considering the possibility of a quick development of Christian life and teaching in these thirty years. Behind these thirty years there lay another thirty years in which that Master had lived and taught and died and lived again. The substance of His teaching had been handed on to St Paul by those who heard Him, and in it he found the germs of the doctrine of the Son's relation to the Father, of the universality of the Father's love, of the significance of the Master's own death. That portion of the Acts which is left us by this criticism shows us Paul, consciously guided by the Spirit of Jesus, referring everything to the Master Whose he was and Whom he served. We are then in the presence of two great Personalities, not only of one ; and we have to weigh the spiritual effects of both. We cannot feel much regret for the tendency of this recent criticism. On the one hand, it has broken down the too hard line which was drawn round these four Epistles, and which created the misleading title, " the greater Pauline Epistles " : is there any reason whatever for really thinking Galatians, or even Romans, greater than the Epistle to the Ephesians? On the other hand, it has rightly shown that the development was extraordinarily great — greater, it may be, than that of any of the great epochs to which I have referred ; but that is exactly what we should expect who believe that there were extraordinary causes 140 ON STUDY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT to produce these effects — that St Paul was a greater personality than Luther or Bismarck or Abraham Lincoln ; and that he was so great because he threw open his whole nature to the influence of the Spirit of Jesus ; because he beheld with open face the glory of the Lord until he was changed into the same image himself; because he let pour into himself and radiate through his very weak ness the strength of that one human personality which alone could ever adequately reflect and reveal the personality of God. THOUGHTS ON THE BIBLE AND GENTILE RELIGION 1. BALAAM 1 Balaam also, the soothsayer, did the children of Israel slay with the sword. — Joshua xiii. 22. THE character of Balaam offers us an enigma which has always exercised a great fascina tion for those interested in the analysis of the religious life. The early Christians, following the tradition of the Jews, saw in him the type of the false teacher, greedy of gain, enticing to im morality ; and when similar teachers appeared in the Christian Church they were denounced as " following the way of Balaam the son of Beor, who loved the hire of wrong-doing '' (2 P. ii. 15), " they ran riotously in the error of Balaam for hire " (Jude 11, cf Rev. ii. 14). To Bishop Butler the character seemed to present the type of self- deceit, the case of a man who longs to die the death of the righteous and yet to live the life of the unrighteous : of one who refuses to listen to 1 A Sermon preached before the University of Oxford on the Twenty-third Sunday after Trinity, Nov. 18, 1900. 142 THE BIBLE AND GENTILE RELIGION the first clear dictates of conscience that a thing is wrong, and tries to make a composition with the Almighty, and to persuade himself that what he knows to be wrong may after all be right ; " he wanted to do what he knew to be very wicked and contrary to the express command of God ; he had inward checks and restraints which he could not entirely get over ; he therefore casts about for ways to reconcile this wickedness with his duty." 1 And in the great religious stirring which moved English minds in the second quarter of the nine teenth century, there was scarcely one leader of thought who did not turn back to look at this strange religious leader and to endeavour to inter pret his motives. Mr Newman saw in it the story of obedience without love. Balaam was the highly-gifted man, who yet in the main is on the side of God's enemies ; " his end was not to please God, but to keep straight with him ; he was not content with ascertaining God's will, but he attempted to change it " ; " his endeavour was not to please God, but to "please self without displeasing God." 2 Dr Arnold's interpretation is closely allied to this. Balaam was one who had the gifts of the Holy Spirit without the graces : he was one who set up his idols in his heart and yet went to enquire of God ; and so God answered him according to his idols ; and he was sent upon a course from 1 Butler's " Sermons," vii. 2 Newman, " Parochial Sermons, " iv. pp. 32, 33, 35. BALAAM 143 which he could not turn back, and which ultimately led to his death.1 Mr Keble more simply follows the lead of the New Testament writers, and sees in his ruin the result of avarice : No sun or star so bright In all the world of light That they should draw to Heaven his downward eye : He hears the Almighty's word, He sees the Angel's sword, Yet low upon the earth his heart and treasure lie.2 Mr Frederick Denison Maurice, in a sermon which shows much greater insight into the historical problem of the narrative, treats him as the heathen seer to whom God really speaks, and who yet becomes a false prophet because he has been ruined by the sense of his own strange power of insight, which he has tried to strengthen by charms and divinations, until the spiritual has become unreal to him, and material things have grown to be of the strongest attraction. So God strives to educate him by permitting him to feel the effects of his own self-will ; by lifting him out of himself by the sight of a righteous nation : yet he falls back and his language is the utterance of a melancholy spirit, conscious that he is not true to himself.8Mr F. W. Robertson, taking selfishness as the 1 Arnold, " Sermons Chiefly on the Interpretation of Scripture," P-53- 2 " The Christian Year." The Second Sunday after Easter. 3 " Patriarchs and Lawgivers of the O. T.," xiii. 144 THE BIBLE AND GENTILE RELIGION root of his hollowness, dwells on the perversion of great gifts by ambition and avarice and the per version of the conscience by insincerity.1 All find a puzzle hard to read : " Good God," cries Bishop Butler, " what an inconsistency, what a perplexity is here ! " " It was an almost incon ceivable character," writes Archbishop Benson, " one dramatist only has ever lived who could have traced all the windings of a spirit so lofty and so depraved, through light so intense and through shadow so deathly." 2 Now when we feel this perplexity, we are tempted to welcome a solution which is held out to us by the critical analysis of the Hebrew text ; according to which three different accounts have been combined to form the present narrative. There is the Elohistic account, according to which Balaam is a selfish, grasping man, coveting the rewards of Balak, and only restrained from taking them by sordid fear of God, content to know God's will, yet trying by every means to cajole God into changing his mind ; there is the Jehovistit account, in which Balaam acts up to his light with perfect consistency and is loyal to Jehovah : and there is also the Priestly account, in which he is the Midianite soothsayer, the wicked counsellor who persuaded his people to seduce the Israelites by means of immoral rites.3 1 "Sermons," Fourth Series, iv., v. 2 Archbishop Benson, "Fishers of Men," p. 136. 3 Cf. Hastings, "Dictionary of the Bible," s. v. BALAAM 145 We gratefully accept this analysis as explaining many minor inconsistencies ; and we recognize that each writer has emphasized one feature of the character ; but when we are asked further to believe that the writers are dealing with two if not three different men, we must hesitate very much to accept such a solution of the problem, however plausible. We have to face the fact that there are not only three different traditions, but that the compiler of JE combined the first two so closely that they are almost inextricable, and that the ultimate compiler of the Hexateuch, perhaps with a deeper insight into human nature than some of his modern interpreters, has had no scruple in combining the three and treating them all as features of one and the same character ; nor did Bishop Butler with all his sense of the in consistency and perplexity of the character ever doubt for a moment that this inconsistency is truly human. The terrible warning of the character remains, then, still untouched, an awful lesson to all religious men who hold parley with suggestions of avarice : an appalling portrait of the double- hearted man unstable in all his ways ; a warning especially to the preacher that no beauty of utterance, however flawlessly beautiful, no herald ing of truth to others, however unqualifiedly true, is sufficient to prevent a man from being himself a castaway. Yet while the story has all this ethical interest, my present purpose is to suggest that the ethical K. 146 THE BIBLE AND GENTILE RELIGION interest was essentially subordinate in the mind of the narrator and in the permanent lesson of the narrative. The primary interest is not ethical but religious : the narrative is not a study in ethics, but an episode in the history of comparative religion : Balaam comes before us as a type of a lower religion which confronts that of Jehovah, which fails to conquer it, and which stands con demned for ever. The New Testament counter part of Balaam is not so much Judas Iscariot as Simon Magus, — he too a soothsayer, he too one to whom they all gave heed from the least to the greatest, he too attracted by a higher religion, he too with a heart not right with God but .» bent on avarice, he too, if tradition may be trusted, falling back from the highest that he sees and becoming a source of danger and corruption to the true believers. And the New Testament antithesis to Balaam is Saul — himself the representative of that which has become a lower religion in the con trasted glory of Christianity, himself half seeing the greater glory of the higher and kicking against the pricks, himself journeying to destroy the re presentatives of the higher, himself arrested in his journey by a message from heaven ; but he listens whole-heartedly to the message, he is willing to sacrifice all for the higher, and the higher passes into his nature, and moulds it from the very centre. 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