1 DIVINITY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS THE Psychology of Jesus A STUDT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF HIS SELF-CONSCIOUSNESS BY Albert Wellman Hitchcock, Ph. D. (Clark) boston CHICAGO Copyright, 1907, by Frank K. Sanders The Plimpton Press Norwood Mass. UJSJL. DelicaUB to CENTRAL CHURCH WORCESTER MASSACHUSETTS PREFACE The standpoint from which this study is made is rather that of a layman than of a theologian, and the treatment of questions of theology is fuller and simpler in some places on that account. Each age must get at the truth through the forms of thought given into its keeping. Out of the inherited words and the old methods of approach, the student gathers up the essential truth in every sphere and recasts it in the newer and more familiar shapes of his day. The study of the psychological development of Jesus was assured from the time when in 1863 H. Holz- mann asserted that Jesus did not claim to be the Messiah until after the episode at Csesarea Philippi. The battle-ground of criticism has been chosen in the realm of psychology of late, and scholarship is divided upon the question whether we are justified in treating the Gospels as of such historic value as to afford material for a psychology of Jesus. Our day and race do not judge historic accuracy in the same way that the first century and the writers of Palestine viii PREFACE estimated it. We demand objectivity where they were often satisfied with purely subjective experiences; and our prosaic, matter-of-fact minds do not always appreciate the poetic at mosphere through which the Semites saw things, and in which they wrote. This failure is the chief cause of the absurd multiplication of the sects of Protestantism. Men of small literary culture, enthusiastic in advocating a new faith, could hardly be expected to escape subjective bias and the trend of the times. And yet, beneath all recognizable current influences without and within, an assured kernel remains in the Gospels which brings to us an outline sketch of one dominant character in un mistakable originality and power. Making all due allowances for Oriental imagination and the zeal of eager partizans; for disagreements among the evangelists due to their various points of view, and the historic conceptions which they share with writers like Livy and Tacitus, we are war ranted in a careful and critical endeavor to trace the development and inner life of the man whose personality was the compelling power be hind their lives as well as their narrative, and whose teachings are the chief treasure of the civilized world. There is none too much ma terial, and it is none too well arranged, for a PREFACE ix Psychology of Jesus; but surely there is enough to afford us ground for study. This is an age of psychological approach in all biography. Facts are dead until they are brought into living contact with a person, and made to take their places as contributory to his person ality. We do not know a person until we have gained access to him on this inner side. How he acted, and how he reacted to experience, how he grew, and what his point of view was at successive stages of his life, what influences his experiences had upon him, and what the pre dominant motives were which ruled his spirit — these are the considerations raised in studying a life. If there was no life of Christ, apart from the Gospels, until modern times, the multiplication of such attempts at biography within the last fifty years is proof of the value found in them. These lives of Christ make use of a genetic order more or less clearly traced in the Gospel story, but nowhere in English, at least, has any one given a thorough study of the psychological development of Jesus Christ. The nearest ap proach to it is in a book by a German scholar (Baldensperger's Das Selbstbewusstsein Jesu) which has recently appeared in a new edition and which has earned a high place in the litera- x PREFACE ture of the New Testament student. A fertile field of suggestion and vision is opened by the psychological approach for the study and the understanding of this fascinating personality as it is pictured in the Gospels. If Jesus was perfectly human, then we must conclude with Frederic Denison Maurice that he was therefore divine. H the race is in any true sense the offspring of God, as both Old and New Testament declare, then a perfect human being is divine. I find the character of Jesus such that he is rendered exceptional among men by his finer quality. It is therefore with a free hand that this study is undertaken, on the purely human basis. To apply the common methods of study to Jesus is not rendered impossible, even if he be all that the New Testament claims for him. A normal person, developed psy chologically to fullest spiritual being, would not be removed from the action of ordinary psy chological laws. He would not acquire knowl edge otherwise than as his fellows do, nor would he become an authority upon matters he never studied. His mind would be keen, and his intuitions acute and accurate, but he would live like other men and grow according to genetic laws. The story which is more revered and loved PREFACE xi than any other told by the lips of man; the life which opens our eyes to the fuller meanings of life as no other has done; the character which has moved the world upward more than any other — story, life, character, cannot be ac counted for as the creation of imagination, how ever strongly the person of Jesus may have acted to draw the myths and fancies of the centuries and the races after him. Jesus is not merely an ideal of our highest dreams; he came to be that because he was a character in history first. As such a character he must be studied, in all rever ence, and yet with perfect frankness, that we may read between the lines the processes by which he came "unto a fullgrown man, unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ." The writer would express his great debt to the Rev. T. T. Munger, D.D., of New Haven, Con necticut, and Prof. F. C. Porter, D.D., of Yale University, who have given valuable criticism of the manuscript, and to President G. Stanley Hall, LL.D. of Clark University, under the inspiration of whose instruction and friendly interest the task has been completed. INTRODUCTION The author of this volume was suddenly removed by an untimely death, leaving a family and a church to mourn his loss. He had just received the degree of Doctor of Philosophy from Clark University, and this book in manu script form had been accepted as his thesis. It is now printed as he intended, but by his widow, and without his final revision. Some fifteen years ago, when he was a student in Germany, the idea of a psychology of Jesus was first sug gested to his mind by Baldensperger's Selbst- bewusstsein Jesu. It has since grown with his growth, and in it are incorporated not only many of the best results of an unusually rich pastoral life, but also of diligent reading and study. Two prominent lines of thought seem to have dominated his work: first, the progressive realism of how much Jesus owed to the best thought of his own time and to the teachings of the Hebrew schools of his own century and of that immediately preceding; and, secondly, the naturalness of Jesus' life and development. xiv INTRODUCTION The one, while it made Jesus not less sublime, showed him to be less isolated and more con nected with the best tendencies of his own age of which he was the culmination. The other made him seem sane, normal, and less dependent upon the supernatural in claiming the reverence of the children of men. What he did and said were all human, but they were phenomena of altitude directly in the line of man's highest development, only indefinitely farther along and higher up than any others had yet attained, although not hopelessly beyond the possibilities of the higher superman that is to be, if optimism is true and if evolution is to continue. The supernatural birth was an honor, a diploma summa cum laude that his followers sometime after his death conferred upon him, not with deliberate purpose but by the deep instinct that animates the folk soul, so that it is to us a precious and standing memento of the affection and respect he inspired in those who wrought under his influence and in his spirit. So the resurrec tion, which the author briefly treats in Chapter XI, was chiefly a psychic or spiritual truth not less but more valid and precious as a pledge of im mortality than if it were merely a crass carcous reanimation. So of miracles: "Once men be lieved in Christ because they believed in INTRODUCTION xv miracles. Now, they believe the miracles because they believe in Christ" (p. 195). This too will only illustrate the operations of higher laws of the moral order and are supernatural, as mind and will are. "Law and not its infraction is the sign of God's presence," even though the law may not be known. He was certainly a mar velous physician, using the therapeutics of his age with superlative efficiency. Our author was profoundly impressed, as are a few other of the most progressive minds of to-day, with the con viction that the mind has a vastly greater power over the body than the world has ever yet be lieved and that the ministrations of religion may with great propriety begin with hygiene, bodily and spiritual. The historicity of the three resur rections which the Gospels report Jesus to have effected, the author could possibly resign with no sense of essential loss (pp. 211-13). The temptations are veracious records of the typical struggles of great souls between selfish and altruistic plans of life. Love, service of God and man are the substance of the record of both Jesus' words and deeds. Old forms of belief are deciduous and fall away of themselves when new and higher types of faith and deeper in sights arise. It is worse than folly to destroy them, for the pedagogy of nature provides that xvi INTRODUCTION they shall quietly lapse from consciousness when higher principles appear. This book is a wit ness of the tendency now more and more apparent to get behind tradition and all the records and reconstruct the ideal of Jesus' life and deeds. The world needs and is slowly evolving a psy chology of the evangelists and of Jesus himself. His great achievements of conscious Messianity, of divine Sonship, and of conceiving and found ing a kingdom of God in the world are all in accord with the principles of a psychology vaster and higher than any that has yet been wrought out or even conceived by any of the experts now so very actively cultivating that department. He is a way more than a goal ; his method of ful filling by ever deeper explanation rather than by destroying, will make him normative for the world till there is a higher and stronger faculty in the soul than love, a loftier object for it to cleave to than God, or a nobler object to serve than mankind. G. Stanley Hall. March, 16, 1908. CONTENTS PART I THE ENVIRONMENT OF JESUS CHAPTER PAGE I The Literature Behind the Life of Jesus . . 3 II The Theology of the Jews 27 UI The World-view: Jewish, Greek and Roman . 56 IV The Social Atmosphere of Palestine ... 73 PART II THE DEVELOPMENT OP JESTTS V The Youth of Jesus 89 VI The Temptation 117 VII The Kingdom of God, According to Jesus . . 130 VHI The Messianic Titles, as Jesus Used Them . . 143 IX Jesus as a Teacher 167 X The Miracles and the Attitude of Jesus Toward Them 194 XI The Death and Resurrection of Jesus as He Re garded Them 218 XII The Psychological Approach to Jesus . . . 246 PART I THE ENVIRONMENT OF JESUS THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS CHAPTER I the literature behind the like of jesus Or the two forces which seem to determine life, Heredity and Environment, the latter may be more accurately traced and more exactly esti mated. No study of the psychological develop ment of Jesus can be undertaken without a careful examination of the elements engaged, however meagerly, in the shaping of his mental life and the equipment of his spirit for the work he did. Atmospheres are not easily measured, and spiritual forces cannot be traced back, like streams, with certainty to their sources, but no human being can exist in utter indifference to his sur roundings nor be impervious to the influences which work upon him in his youth. It cannot be that Jesus, so intensely human in his make-up, so delicately poised and responsive as he was in the midst of friends and foes alike, grew to man hood without imbibing much from the intimate 3 4 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS environment of his home, his race, and the wider social forces which played upon him. We are not only warranted, but compelled, to ask what these influences were. In the first part of this study the task will be to discover the nature of the mental, moral, and physical environment of Jesus, and to set it forth accordingly. The Old Testament is the first source of in formation as to the background of the life of Jesus. Under the devoted nurture of the scribes, the sacred books were not only cherished but dis cussed and commented upon in every word and letter. The Law in particular was expanded and refined until it was applied with nicest casuistry to every possible event, and wherever it proved inconvenient as a "regula fidei," it was handled so as to obviate difficulties and enable its devotees to evade awkward situations. The Hebrew Scriptures were read in every synagogue, and interpreted in the dialect of the people, each Sabbath day. They were studied in the schools, and no books were so familiar to the average child as these. The Old Testament, as arranged by the scribes, was classified as Law, Prophets, and Sacred Writings, and was given veneration in that order in a descending scale. The legal traditions, later gathered into the Mishna and Talmud, existed side by side with the Scriptures, LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 5 as a code of current practise. This oral law was called Halacha, or "The Way"; and Hillel was regarded as the first to organize it into a system. Haggada, "utterance," or "narrative," was the designation of all non-legal traditions, the free and various expositions of Scripture which had not the authority of the Halacha, and had to do with thoughts and fancies, not with rules for conduct. There was great literary activity among the Jews. The Pseudepigraphical literature was growing out of the efforts to readjust the form of Old Testament history to the new conditions in which the nation found itself in religious matters, during the last Jewish and the first Christian century, and to prepare for the future. Enoch, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Elijah, Solomon, Isaiah, Baruch, and Ezra were thus honored in being made to speak to the needy hearts. Not all of these writings appeared under assumed names, nor were they all apocalyptic in content, but they shared these two characteristics quite generally. The sixteen Apocryphal Books of the Old Testament are similar to these in their origin, but different in the style of their composition. They are in part imitations or supplements of the older books, rather than modern adaptations; in part histories of their own time. They form a body of national literature arising after the age 6 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS of canonical utterance, and, like the Pseudepi- graphs, some of them pass under respected names of antiquity, although the apocalyptic element is generally wanting. While they come nearer to the historical parts of the Old Testament, they lack the prophetic power that lifts to the heights of great Messianic hopes. A German writer has called them the golden ring which weds the Old and the New Testaments. The source of the Apocalyptic literature was the Jewish religious nature; and veneration for the canonical Scriptures determined the form. The age after the captivity was barren of great spirits. Originality and inspiration were gone. "There is no more any prophet; neither is there among us any that knoweth how long" (Psalm 74: 9; I Mace. 4: 46; 9: 27; 14: 41). Good men were desperate as regards their day. Pessimism was the prevalent mood. The need of spiritual comfort and hope was keenly felt, but was pointed backward, to what had been, for its satisfaction. Hence grew the reverence for the words of those who had spoken as inspired by God, and hence the growing wall about the canon.1 Schools of students of the Law and the Prophets began to write books, expounding and expanding their precious legacy. From the same tendency sprang » Schultz, Alttest. Theol., p. 371. LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 7 books which addressed the present age as the hero or father whose name they bore might have spoken, had he been in the writers' place. They represented a transcendent God and a people hopeless of better things in the present, but bound at last to recover themselves and to become supreme. When the Haggada drew out into long dissertations the words of Scripture, or turned them by a quibble or an argument of casuistry, the result was not so different in outer form from the books bearing the name of a prophet or a holy man in whose spirit they were supposed to speak. There was no hesitancy about issuing books under other men's names, for most Jewish writers, except the prophets, working in honor of God and the Church, wrote anonymously, and literary proprietorship in the modern sense was unknown. Probably the first readers did not think of the books written under the name of Enoch or Baruch or Ezra as actually emanating from the worthy named. No thought of deceit entered, on either side. As Dillmann observes, it was only a step further than the classical authors went in putting long speeches into the mouths of their heroes. Only as time passed and places changed did there arise any danger that the assumed would be confused with the real utterances of the ancients. 8 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS Since a religious need called forth these pro ductions, their chief motives are religious instruc tion, warning, encouragement, and comfort. They have been styled " Tracts for Bad Times." The form yielded itself naturally to these purposes, and furnished a starting-point and an aim; the former, in the character of the one assumed to speak; the latter, in the Messianic hope. The apocalyptic motif begins with the Day of Jehovah, which was in an earlier time the day of conquest foretold of all the prophets, when Jehovah would scatter the enemies of the nation. More and more the Day became a time of vengeance, and only a pious remnant was to escape. The fancy of the apocalyptic writers was set free to depict, with every embellishment of Oriental symbolism run riot, the idea of this awful Day. It seems, as Mathews suggests,1 as if a people forbidden to set forth their dreams in stone or color were driven, under tutelage of the familiar animal myths of Babylon, to paint in words the wildest visions of their fancy. Under such forms the Hope lived and flourished. Daniel and Revelation represent this literature in the Bible. A chronological classification would be the most satisfactory for our purpose, were it not so difficult of attainment. Baldensperger has 1 The Messianic Hope in the New Testament. LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 9 attempted it, but with much uncertainty. Pro fessor Charles has done the same, and his work marks progress in the study of their contents; but the careless handling of the facts most sig nificant for us by early Christian readers makes it difficult to estimate the value of these books, and lessens the significance of their dates.1 It seems better to present the material in classes according to form of composition, and then to indicate their chronological contribution to the Messianic Hope. They can be arranged under three divisions : — (1) Prophetic matter, including Apocalypses and Testaments. (2) Historical Books, which work over his torical material, and (3) Lyrical and Oracle Poems. Some such division is followed by both Dill mann and Zockler. The Apocalypses are in the style of the old Prophets, from the standpoint of those who held prediction to be the great and peculiar gift of prophets, and who believed that to the lucky solver of its riddles the prophetic Scripture would yield secrets of all the future. Consequently, mingled with practical comfort and hope, there is much that is vague and mysterious. A new 1 Encyclopedia Biblia, Article Apoc. Lit. 10 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS idea of God, the world and human life was born in the Apocalypse. Vision is the favorite vehicle to carry one into the future and onward to the consummation; and so characteristic of the age is this tendency that it appears in other than the Apocalyptic Books. 1. Prophetic Matter. — The largest and most important book of this class is the Ethiopic Enoch, which includes, according to Dillmann, fragments of an Apocalypse of Noah. The one hundred and eight chapters are divided into sec tions which betray widely differing dates, from before 170 b.c. (chaps. 1 to 36), to as late as 64 B.C. (parts of 37-70).1 Enoch gives us the full system of the compiler's philosophy, — natural, mental and spiritual. It is a cycle rather than a book. It treats of the fall of the angels and its consequences, narrates parables of the Kingdom of the Messiah, enters the realm of astronomy and physics, and carries us in vision to the future consummation, ending with warnings of Enoch, addressed to his descend ants. The text has been treated with a free hand by Christians, and is occasionally interpolated. There is an earnest Old Testament spirit per vading the whole, as the thoughts of the Messiah and his kingdom and the secrets of the seen and 1 Charles. LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 11 the unseen world are revealed. The key-note is judgment. There is close relationship to the book of Daniel. The Son of man is described in similar language, but here (chaps. 37-70) the term is undoubtedly applied to a person, the Messiah, rather than to the people of Israel. The aim is particularistic, — to rid the readers of personal faults, rather than national, like the aim of Daniel. It is Pharisaic, rather than Sadducaic or worldly. The righteous and the sinners are the two classes. A union of Daniel's metaphysical picture and the material promises of the prophets is attempted. A new type of Messiah, appearing first in judgment at the consummation, was thus produced. Preexist- ent, as were Moses, the ceremonial implements, and the law, the Messiah is revealed to men and has power over their fate. He is addressed in prayer. He is called Son of man, the Elect, the Anointed, the Righteous. His principal function is that of Judge; and in the judgment he is to sit on the throne of God. The resurrec tion and judgment are the grand climax of all things, a poetically conceived event falling be tween the earth and heaven, between this age and the age to come. The fate of all men is fixed at the day of judgment. The expected punishment is in quenchless fire. Re- 12 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS wards are in some parts of the book purely physical, as a life of five hundred years, one thousand children, and a peaceful death at last. Fields are to be marvelously fruitful, and joy and gladness will reign. The heathen will be converted, Jerusalem is to be the center of the world, and the empire of the Jewish king will become universal. The Messiah in one vision is symbolized as a white bull, but he is given no duties of judge or general; he merely receives the kingdom from the hand of God (chaps. 83-90). The whole collection lacks unity. There is no one mastering idea in it. The changes are rung upon these four conceptions: a divine deliverance, a day of judgment, punish ment of the wicked in fire, and resurrection of the righteous. There was in part a cutting loose from the earthly-political ideal, to go over to the supernatural. Yet by no means was there an approach to the conception of an inner spiritual kingdom in the hearts of men. Baldensperger styles the author " a Jewish Dante " ; but he was without the great Italian's genius, and devoid of his inspiration in a nobler theme. Professor Charles has cited over one hundred passages where he finds contact between Enoch and the New Testament. Two of these appear in the Gospels, where Jesus tells the Sadducees that LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 13 the angels do not marry, and where the evil spirits are represented as beseeching Jesus not to tor ment them before their time. The Assumptio Mosis is " an apocalyptic bird's- eye view of Moses over Israel's history,"1 and some parts indicate the date to be as late as from 6 a.d. to 30 a.d. It seems to have emanated from one devoted to the hope of his nation, a Pharisee who protests against Sadducees or against Zealots, and it belongs to a high spiritual trend of apoca lypse. No Messiah is mentioned, but the ten tribes are to return and the theocratic kingdom will be set up. God will punish his enemies in Gehenna, and the Remnant will be glorious. Under the name of Moses many books appeared, in both Jewish and Christian literature. Fourth Ezra (2 Esdras 3 : 14) is an important apocalypse written perhaps thirty years after the destruction of Jerusalem. It contains strik ing points of likeness to St. Paul in regard to the significance of Adam, the power of sin in human nature, and the impotency of the law. The apocalypse of Baruch is perhaps a composite work, written in Hebrew chiefly about 90 a.d., and comes to us only in Syriac. Schiirer finds in it attempt to answer the question, "How is the calamity of Israel and the impunity of its oppres- 1 Dillmann. 14 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS sors possible and conceivable ? " It treats of the resurrection in a way that calls to mind the words of St. Paul in 1 Corinthians 15. Ascensio Isaice, a composite, combines Jewish and Christian authorship, and began to appear early in the first Christian century, in Greek. The Visio Isaice, a Christian apocalypse of the end of the century, represents Christ descending through the seven heavens to liberate captives of death in Hades and then ascending to the throne of God. It employs the title "The Be loved" of the Messiah as it is used of Israel in Deut. 33: 12; Isa. 44: 2, etc. Of Testaments, we have still a Testamentum Duodecim Patriarchorum, written in Hebrew and preserved to us in Greek and other versions. It is the work of two or more Jews and dates from about 130 B.C. to the early Christian decades, after which it was fully and frequently changed by additions and interpolations of a Christian character. 2. Historical Books. — Here we have illus tration and application of the Old Testament historic narrative in various parts, with frequent use of legends and fairy tales for this purpose. Sometimes exegesis, and sometimes mere narra tive, affords the groundwork. The purpose is prophetic, to give comfort and hope, so that there LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 15 is close relationship to the apocalypses. Little Genesis or Jubilees is the most interesting book of this class, presenting in haggadic fashion the history of the time from creation to Moses, in fifty periods of forty-nine years each. It shows a dependence upon Enoch, and ignorance of the destruction of Jerusalem. It must fall very near or just before the time of Christ. It is the work of a Pharisee in Palestine. It is anti-Roman, and seeks to ground the nation's cultus in the earliest age of history. It is of interest, as Baldensperger says, more because of the pious Jewish outlook on the world at the beginning of our era which it gives, than because of specific Messianic expressions. Ronsch calls it a "For mula concordia? filiorum Israel," in a time when the temptation was strong to leave the old faith. It declares that God will gather the people, build among them his sanctuary, and dwell with them. 3. Lyrical Poems and Oracles. — The Sibylline Oracles in twelve books and fragments, probably of Alexandrian origin, are of varying age and interest. They were compiled in the sixth century and originally numbered fourteen. The third book, which interests us most, is dated from 168 B.C. to 124 B.C. and is the work of an Alexandrian Jew. Other books date from 30 to 200 a.d., and are mostly from Christian hands. 16 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS These Oracles did not have much formative in fluence in Palestine at an early date, because of their Alexandrian origin and essentially Greek character. The work aimed to oppose the Gentiles rather than to proclaim the Messiah. The form it assumed was popular among the Romans, who held certain sibylline oracles in very high esteem. This fact gave unusual cur rency to these books, and a certain fictitious value. The most striking lines of the Oracles are the following: — " Kai t6t d-w 7/eXtoto 6eos ire'fj.'f/ei paa-iKqa $s irao-av yatav 7rai5ffet to\£[loio kclkoTo 60s p.lv &pa Kreivas oh d' optaa incTa TeXtotras. oijde ye rats tStats fiovXcus rdde irdvra iroi-fio-ei. dXXa 0eoi/ fj.eyd\oio iridyo-as Sdyixaaiv eVflXcus." — Ill, 652-656. ai/Tij yap p.eyd\oio 6eoC Kplcris -qSe Kai apxtf." — Ill, 783. "And then from heaven God shall send a King, Who shall restrain all lands from evil war, Destroying some, with others keeping oath, Nor of his counsel shall he do all this, Obeying wise decrees of the great God." "For this is now God's judgment and behest." The Psalter Solomonis sprang from the highest spiritual level of the pious Jew, and approaches the spirit of the canonical Old Testament litera- LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 17 ture more closely than anything else of that period. Eighteen in number, these psalms are all devout prayers addressed to God as the only true King. They are of Pharisaic origin, and it is possible that they were used in the synagogue service. They bear certain marks which indicate their origin as between 63 and 48 B.C. In them the Christian can find true reverence and devo tion. They reflect an unholy political usurpation on the one side, and on the other a strong ex pression of earnest longing for the kingdom of God (2: 36; 5: 22; 17: 1, 38). Fulfilment of the Messianic promises is expected (7: 9; 11: 16); the Anointed, the promised Son of David, is anticipated (17 : 23 ; 18 : 6) and Xptoros is the very word employed. The tone of high religious hope is sustained throughout, which fact led to the incorporation of these psalms in a few manu scripts of the Greek Bible. A comparison of them with the so-called Maccabean Psalms of our Psalter, such as 44, 74, 79, 83, gives a reason for following Calvin, Hitzig, Schiirer and others in the opinion that many psalms were written in these years of inter-Testamental silence, and that here, too, one might find proof of the ten dencies of the age to turn from a far-off God of glory to a gracious God of the Covenant and the theophanies of the Fathers. 18 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS In these Scriptures, most of them originating before the Christian era, we have an unconscious exhibition of the Jewish thought of the time on religion. To understand these books one must associate them with their model and father, the Book of Daniel. To understand that and its train, one must recall the history of the people about the beginning of the second century B.C. Successful for a time in their struggles against oppressors, there seemed great promise of a reali zation of the nation's hopes, and this literature began as an expression of them, but continued even when the struggle became desperate. Thus far we have considered only that thought which preceded and surrounded Jesus. The best authorities, however, for his life and thought are his contemporaries. But how much have they given us of fact and reliable incident? The Gospels are still under searching criticism. The strongest opponent to those who reject the major part of the text as unhistorical and untrust worthy is the character of Jesus himself which the Gospels have pictured. If the early tradi tion was now and then in error, and the writers blundered here and there, they did succeed in preserving for us a most artistic result, and a priceless treasure. One must admit the validity of the criticism which discovers a certain homi- LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 19 letic tendency in the Gospels. Events are applied and expanded, teachings are explained and turns of expression or of thought are given, which the writers, however careful and exact, would naturally adopt because they had a per sonal interest in what they wrote. Moreover, the oldest of the Gospels, that of Mark, has least of this element, and the latest of them, the Fourth Gospel, has most of it, as one would naturally expect. Jesus was doubtless often misunder stood by his hearers, and by those who gathered and edited the Gospels, which were written to serve the practical purpose of awakening and confirming faith. Are they for this reason less exact as historical records, or are they the more accurate? They dealt with the inner life of Jesus as the most important matter in the world to the writers. This supreme interest ought to have made them more faithful witnesses to the essential and spiritual content of the gospel they cherished. They betray the Hebrew mode of thought, the Aramaic dialect, and the atmosphere of Greek thought in part, through which media we look back at the whole history and the Person who dominates it all. A discerning and cultured English scholar has lately written:1 "Whatever doubt men may 1 From a College Window, by A. C. Benson, p. 346. 20 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS feel as to the literal accuracy of these records in matters of fact, however much it may be held that the relation of incidents was colored by the popular belief of the time in the possibility of miraculous manifestations, yet the words and sayings of Christ emerge from the narrative, though in places it seems as though they had been imperfectly apprehended, as containing and ex pressing thoughts quite outside the range of the minds that recorded them; and thus possess an authenticity which is confirmed and proved by the immature mental grasp of those who com piled the records, in a way in which it would not have been proved if the compilers had been obviously men of mental acuteness and far- reaching philosophical grasp." Mark excels in vivid narrative and his Gospel is commonly thought to present an orderly scheme of the life of Jesus. Matthew reports the teaching of Jesus, and evidently writes with Jewish readers in mind, in part after an Aramaic written tradition. Luke comes next to these in time, and closely follows the same tradition, with intent to give a more chronological account.1 John belongs to the second stage of thought and interest concerning Jesus and his message. The Fourth Gospel is not to be rejected as a witness, 1 Luke 1 : 1-1. LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 21 but stands rather as an interpreter of truth than as an authority for the "ipsissima verba" of history. It does not purport to be primarily a historical work, but is frankly doctrinal from the first. In general, reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of Mark, Matthew, and Luke in that order, with added assurance through agree ment among them. Jesus applies prophecy to himself only four times, according to the Gospels, — once in Mark (12: 10, 11), and three times in Luke (4: 18,19; 20: 17; 22: 37). He does not plainly say in any one of these allusions that the passage, or indeed any Old Testament prophecy, had original reference to himself. Dr. Macfarland in his recent book x finds explicit denial of such use in the passages Mark 12 : 36, 37 and Matthew 11 : 10. If I fail to find denial there, I fail also to find demonstrable claims of prophetic endorsement made by Jesus for himself as Messiah. His use of quotations seems rather to be either on the basis of the scribal custom, to meet his hearers' needs, or else as a purely spiritual assistance in making an impression for good. The witness of other New Testament books to the thought-forms of the age and the course of events, especially the Acts and the epistles, 1 Jesus and the Prophets. 22 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS has not been overlooked. The reaction of St. Paul against the traditional training he had received is one of the best expositions of the theology of his day and people. It may not be amiss to print here one of the psalms of Solomon, in a translation from the Greek which generally follows that of Ryle and James, but preserves the future tense of the verbs where their rendering uses the historic tenses. This psalm contains the fullest and finest exposition anywhere to be found in Jewish writings of the conception of the Messiah which we may assume to have been most widely current in the time of Christ. Psalm of Solomon, XVII 1. O Lord, thou art our King, henceforth and forevermore, for in thee O God our soul exulteth. 2. And what is the time of man's life upon the earth? Even according to the measure of his time, so is his hope in it. 3. But as for us, we will hope in God, our Saviour, for the might of our God endureth for ever with mercy. 4. And the kingdom of our God forever, over nations in judgment. 5. Thou O Lord didst choose David king over Israel and didst swear unto him concern ing his seed forever, that his kingdom should not fail before thee. LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 23 6. But in our sins, sinners rose up against us; they fell upon us and thrust us out; they to whom thou gavest no promise plundered us with vio lence. 7. And they esteemed not thy glorious name in praise; they set a kingdom above their own excellence. 8. They laid waste the throne of David in a tumultuous shout of triumph. But thou O God didst cast them down and remove their seed from the earth. 9. When there arose against them a man a stranger to our race. 10. According to their sins shalt thou reward them O God! May it befall them according to their works. 15. In that he was an alien, the adversary wrought insolence, and his heart was alien from our God. 16. And all things whatsoever he did in Jeru salem, just so the Gentiles do in their cities unto their gods. 18. They that loved the assemblies of the saints fled from them; they were scattered as the sparrows from their nest. 20. Over all the earth were they scattered, and driven by lawless men. For the heaven ceased to drop rain on the earth. 21. Because there was none among them 24 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS who did righteousness and judgment, from their ruler to the least of the people, they were alto gether sinful. 22. The king was a transgressor and the judge was disobedient and the people were sinful. 23. Behold, O Lord, and raise up unto them their king, the son of David in the time when thou O God knowest, that he may reign over Israel thy servant. 24. And gird him with strength that he may break in pieces them that rule unjustly. 25. Purge Jerusalem from the nations that trample her down in destruction, with wisdom and with righteousness. 26. Thrust out the sinners from the inheri tance to annihilate the haughtiness of the sinful, as a potter's vessel with a rod of iron, to break in pieces all their substance. 27. To destroy the ungodly nations with the word of his mouth, so that at his rebuke the nations may flee before him and to convict sinners in the word of their heart. s- 28. And he shall gather together a holy people whom he shall lead in righteousness; and shall judge the tribes of the people that hath been sanctified by the Lord his God. 29. And he shall not suffer iniquity to lodge in the midst of them; and none that knoweth evil shall dwell with them. 30. For he shall know them well that they all are sons of their God, and shall divide them according to their tribes upon the earth. 31. And the sojourner and the foreigner shall LITERATURE BEHIND LIFE OF JESUS 25 no more dwell with them. He shall judge the peoples and the nations in the wisdom of his righteousness. Selah. 32. And he shall possess the peoples of the nations to serve him beneath his yoke; and he shall glorify the Lord in a place to be seen of the whole earth. 33. And he shall purge Jerusalem in holiness as in the days of old. 34. That the nations may come from the ends of the earth to see his glory, bringing as gifts her exhausted sons, 35. And to see the glory of the Lord where with God hath glorified her. And he shall be a righteous king and taught of God over them. 36. And there shall be no unrighteousness in his days in the midst of them, for all shall be holy and their king shall be the Lord. 37. For he shall not put his trust in horse and rider and bow, nor shall he multiply unto him self gold and silver for war, nor by ships shall he gather hopes for the day of battle. 38. The Lord himself is his king, the hope of him that is strong in the hope of God. And he shall have mercy upon all the nations before him in fear. 39. For he shall smite the earth with the word of his mouth forever. 40. He shall bless the people of the Lord with wisdom, with gladness. 41. And he is pure from sin, to rule a great people, to rebuke princes and overthrow sinners by the might of his word. 26 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS 42. And he shall not faint in his days, resting upon his God ; for God shall cause him to be mighty with the holy spirit, and wise in the counsel of un derstanding, with strength and righteousness. 43. And the blessing of the Lord is with him in strength, and his hope in the Lord shall not weaken. 44. And who can avail anything against him? He is mighty in his deeds and strong in the fear of God, 45. Shepherding the flock of the Lord in faith and righteousness; and he shall suffer none among them to faint in their pasture. 46. In holiness shall he lead them all, and there shall be no pride among them to cause any to be oppressed. 47. This is the majesty of the king of Israel, which God knew to elevate him over Israel, to instruct him. 48. His words shall be purified above fine gold, yea above the choicest gold. In the congregation will he judge among the peoples, the tribe of the sanctified. 49. His words shall be as the words of the holy ones in the midst of the sanctified people. 50. Blessed are they coming into being in those days to behold the good things of Israel when God shall bring to pass in the gathering of the tribes together. 51. May God hasten his mercy toward Israel! may he deliver us from the defilement of unhal lowed enemies. The Lord he is our King forever and ever. CHAPTER II the theology of the jews Whatever the facts may be as to the person and the development of Jesus we cannot under stand him or his teachings until we form some conception of the thought-forms and instruments of expression current in the world into which he came and to the use of which he was of necessity confined. An exhaustive study of Hebrew thought is neither necessary nor possible in pursuing the task of this book. But the Jewish theology, especially its Messianic conceptions, in so far as it seems to condition at least the expression, if not the form, of the Christian con sciousness, must be known to the student of the mind of Christ. Two dominant principles controlled Jewish religious thought throughout the period forma tive for the New Testament. They sprang from the popular attitude toward the Law and the popular need of a Deliverer; and thus they repre sent the ancient schools of the priests and the prophets. A new conception of God which 27 28 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS governed the religious attitude of Judaism be came almost universal. The emphasis upon the Law, itself springing from and intended to carry out the national idea of God's supremacy, soon began to draw attention to the Law itself and away from God. The means superseded the end, the channel the source. An absence of great spirits to inspire and point the nation to God as King, the difficulties and oppression experienced in the State, the disheartening strife within their own numbers, where the more religious lost control and the very place and instruments of worship were in impious hands, resulted in a practical substitution of the Law for the living presence of God.1 He was always the Creator, to the Jews. He was ever exalted. But the old prophets and poets of Israel had brought him near, into daily life. Now there were no such leaders; their places were filled by the growing school of scribes, who studied the Scriptures and extolled the Law. To them, too, God was exalted, and because he was so lofty in his being he was not involved in the low affairs of daily history and life. He had given to Israel 1 " God stands in connection with a man in so far as the man is in connection with the Thorah. This forms the bond of union between God and men." — Weber, Die Lehren des Talmud, p. 47. THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 29 a law by which his will was made manifest. That the scribes declared is all they need.1 Their duty is to the Law, not to God in any personal relation, for God is transcendent. The only worthy part of the Old Testament is the Law; had it not been for sin the remainder had never been given to men. It is a perfect revelation for eternity (Baruch 4: l). God has fixed his will for men there, and to it men must account. So the study of the Law is man's highest calling. God himself sits in a white robe and studies the Thorah many hours of the day. Such a God, unrelated to men save by closed decrees, cannot even be named. He is the Holy, blessed be His Name, the Place (Q1P£), the Eternal. His true name is secret (Enoch 69: 14 ff.); it dare not be pronounced by profane lips (Weber, p. 144; Baldensperger, p. 40). Such an idea of God must have rested upon the consciences of the people like a constant haunting terror. The men who made study of the Law were ever in doubt and dispute them selves as to when and how the various rules they set in and about it might be broken. Nothing but uncertainty could prevail as to one's status 1 "To learn the Thorah and to fulfill the Thorah are the two chief ends of life for the pious Israelite." — Weber, Die Lehren des Talmud, p. 28. 30 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS before God. But that condition was intolerable. There must be some way of approach to God. There must be an avenue of escape. It was sought through intermediate beings, hypostatized Wisdom (Prov. 1: 20 and 8: Iff.; Enoch 42: 1, 6), Memra, Metatron, Schechina, etc.1 The aim was "to help the God of Judaism in his need." Because their God was so very far removed, angels were brought in to fill the space between him and his children to whom he was not a father. So angelology flourished in high development in those days, as we see in Daniel, Enoch (39 : 12), Jubilees, and in Ezekiel and Zechariah.2 The Apocrypha and the post-exilic psalms reveal the same belief, and picture God as acting through his spiritual servants. Paul's epistles bear traces of this belief also (Gal. 4: 3, 9; Col. 2: 8, 20.) The second temple had not the power of the first in representing to the people the dwelling-place of God. They no longer saw his presence in offering and sacred furniture, and sought the absent Deity in distant speculation. But this was not enough. It gave no escape; rather the way was prolonged and the difficulties grew with the distance. i Weber, p. 172; Edersheim, I, p. 47; II, p. 660. 2 Ezekiel 3: 12, 14; 8: 2ff.; 11: 24; 43: 5; Zechariah 1: 9, 13, 14, 19; 2: 3; 4: 1, etc. THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 31 The other principle underlying Jewish religious thought was the great heart-center of the nation's history, the Messianic Hope. Legalism and the Hope, these controlled religious thought and life; the one negative, the other positive; the one attracting about it the lawyers and theorists, the men of influence and of power, the other strong in a latent force among the people, opera tive in them because they stood on Jewish ground, because they sought not theory but life. But how reconcile the two, the lofty God and the present Messiah ? There were two ways : — one in asserting the medium of a forerunner, on the basis of such comforting passages as those in Malachi; the other in vague but splendid representations of a new national life, a judgment, and after that a Messianic reign, when men shall have been so prepared that they can stand before the Son of God. One way seemed more closely allied to the teaching of the prophets and looked for some thing similar to their work. The other took a step further and pictured in rich fancy the glory and greatness of the one coming on the clouds of heaven, typifying the Messiah who would judge them and all the earth, and reign over them. Immortality was asserted, and hope thus afforded to those whose death prevented their 32 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS eyes from seeing that day. This picture of Daniel's is taken up by Enoch and carried out; the Son of man becomes the Messiah, not only in type but in reality, and reigns in glory over all true and faithful souls, alive or risen from the dead. The heavenly court of Daniel fitted well the regal idea of God. And yet the softening of the prospect through the age to come gave great relief. Enoch sought to make this view prac tical to his readers by combining with it the promises of the old Prophets which they craved. The Psalms of Solomon took their stand still firmer upon the ground of this expectation. Thus there was a double line of influence in the age, — one that of extreme legalism, the other a revolt against it in the popular heart, which found expression here and there in spiritual psalms, in apocalypse, and even in the restless and impatient schemes of Zealots and revolu tionists. We must review these ideas and others which make up the theology that was current when Jesus lived, and which must have had their influence, positive or negative, upon him. God was so infinitely above the world and so ineffably pure that he held no relation with the creation save through intermediates. He dwelt THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 33 apart in a heaven of everlasting happiness and feasting. Man could win his approval only through the keeping of the Law, which was the revelation of his will. The two most important duties of a religious man were, first to preserve ceremonial purity (John 18: 28; Matt. 23: 25), and second, to observe all fasts and feasts and ceremonies prescribed by the Law or by its accumulated tradition. Not morals, but cere monial, became the expression of religion. To meet God one must segregate himself from his fellows, not deal lovingly with them. The man who kept the Law was pleasing unto God, what ever his spirit or his conduct toward men. Angels were deputed to fill in the vast chasm between a God who was too holy to approach his creation and his creatures on the earth. The ancient polytheistic and animistic beliefs in ministering spirits which serve God had never wholly disappeared among the Jews. The He brew word for angels (D^S^btt, messengers) is not their only designation; they are elsewhere termed sons of God, gods, powers, heroes, holy ones, and the heavenly host. They partake of the nature of fire (Ps. 104: 4), and are in numerable. "Holy is the Lord of spirits," Enoch says (39: 12), "he filleth the earth with spirits." Names are assigned to various indi- 34 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS viduals among them. Tobit (12: 15) mentions seven archangels, and Enoch (20) names six: Uriel, Raphael, Raguel, Michael, Saraquael, Gabriel; and Jeremiel is added in other passages. Tobit's archangels present the prayers of the saints, and go in before the glory of the Holy One like the seven counselors of the Persian king. There are references to them in 1 Thess. 4: 16; 1 Tim. 5: 21; Jude 29; Rev. 4: 5; 8: 2. Many other names are given here and there, and ranks are assigned to them. Uriel (TiK, light) is the regent of heaven and its starry hosts (Enoch 20: 2; 33: 3); Raphael is the angel of healing (Tobit 3: 17; Enoch 40: 9); Michael is the guar dian angel of Israel (Enoch 10: 13, 21); Gabriel is given first place in the Mohammedan angel ology; Jeremiel rules the spirits of the dead (Enoch 20; 4 Es. 4: 36); Sandalphon stood on the earth, but his head arose a journey of five hundred years beyond the living creatures, where he made crowns for the Creator; Sagsagel taught the Sacred Name to Moses, and beheld his death on Nebo. These ranks and orders of ministering spirits betray a Persian influence. They did the work of creation; they built the ark of the covenant; they dwelt in all natural forces, thunder and lightning, storm and wind, and hail; in springs, THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 35 plants, animals; they gave the Law to Moses, guarded the wealth deposited in the temple, acted as guardians of the good, and carried their souls at death to Abraham's bosom. New Testament references to them are fairly numerous, but do not approach those of the rabbinic lore in frequency (Matt. 13: 39 ff.; 16: 27; 18: 10; 24: 31; 25:31; Mark 8: 38; 12:25; 13: 32; Luke 16 : 22). Progress in the doctrine was rapid, from the close of the canon until the time of Christ. A new angel was said to be created to discharge every commandment of God. "There is not a stalk of grass upon earth," said the rabbis, "but it has its angel in heaven." The four chief angels, Gabriel, Raphael, Michael and Uriel stood about the throne. Evil spirits also existed for the Jew, in an organized kingdom of darkness, under the reign of Mastenia, Satan, Belial, Beelzebub, Azazel, the Devil, the Tempter, the Tormentor, or the Prince of Darkness, as their king was called. There are unnumbered hosts prepared to do his bidding, the " powers of the air," the " powers of darkness." They wander about, often in dry and desolate places. They cause disease like rabies, angina pectoris, asthma, croup, leprosy, and possess themselves of both body and spirit. 36 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS They may be exorcised by him to whom God gives the power, through the agencies of prayer and touch. The origin of these evil spirits is traced to the union of the sons of God and the daughters of men (Gen. 6). Physical evil crept into the world through these fallen angels. Be lief in demons is older than belief in the devil, for it sprang from the earliest animism and sur vived everywhere 1 in the age of Jesus, even in the Pauline epistles, as well as the Gospels. The hidden realms of beneficent and malevo lent beings all about them gave the Jews a con stant sense of the supernatural. It seemed to be ever on the point of breaking through into their own experience in signs and miracles. Whatever was not understood was explained by reference to this mysterious sphere. In the Jewish thought of righteousness a national rather than an individual asset was postulated. It began in political emancipation, and after that repentance was a necessary ele ment. Here, if anywhere, came in the prophetic idea of the presence of God and vital religious feeling. The best of the spiritual leaders taught a faith in the moral supremacy of God, subject ing the world to himself, and believed that 1 Enoch 7: 8; 65: 69; Jubilees 10: 11; Josephus Ant. VIII, 46 f.; War, VII, 180 f. THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 37 through the reign of righteousness blessings were to come upon all. Sin was recognized, as it always has been by religious minds, as the antithesis of the best, against which the soul must struggle. Man was considered a free moral agent, but two unavoid able sources of corruption lay deep within each life. These were, first, the body itself, which was from the ground, and essentially evil; and secondly, the historic and hereditary taint derived from the Fall. The task of all was to make good conquer evil, through obedience to the Law of God. Through the Tempter, man became mortal, and since then goodness is harder to acquire and therefore more meritorious. Guilt, but not sin, is handed down from father to son. The Talmud teaches that some men are sin less, even after the Fall, because they keep the whole Law. A child cannot sin. Sin is univer sal only in the sense that all men are potentially under evil influence. Physical evil is the punish ment of sin. Death is the result of the Fall, though it is sometimes referred to natural causes, or even to foreordination. The soul is pre- existent, as all good things are in Jewish thought. It is compelled to enter the body, even against its will. At death the soul will return to the 38 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS upper world. It should therefore be kept pure, if possible, in the body. According to the Midrash Tanchuma, seven things existed before the world was : — the throne of God, the law, the temple, the patriarchs, Israel, the name of Messiah, and repentance. Sometimes paradise and hell are added; some times they are substituted for the patriarchs and Israel in the list. Elsewhere these are spoken of not as preexisting, but merely as prearranged. Immortality was not by any means the univer sal faith of the Jews. As the Old Testament in many places fails to declare definitely for any thing more than a sort of unconscious, pallid life beyond the grave, and gives us no settled doctrine of the future of the soul, so the Jews lacked a fixed eschatology. Some held to a transcendental view of the coming Kingdom, and a resurrection of the dead to participate in it; others denied both articles of belief. On the other hand, the Hellenistic ideas of immortality, based in phil osophy, attained considerable influence. Thus there were three tendencies in respect to immor tality : — that which followed the book of Daniel, connecting the new faith with the future King dom; that which fell under Greek philosophical influence, coming in upon the Jews from Alex andria; and that which pinned its faith to the THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 39 earthly kingdom and denied both immortality and resurrection. The Kingdom was the central and common factor in all shades of belief. Israel, to all the Jews, was itself the Kingdom of God. He had chosen the nation, as the prophets taught. He had covenanted with them. The sufferings of past years and centuries was the discipline from which should emerge a nation purified and fit to be the people of God. Their loss of inde pendence was a great strain upon this faith, and the rise of the world-powers around them dazed and discouraged them. But their thought was enlarged and deepened. They held fast to this ancestral faith, and persisted in expecting a re establishment of a dynasty and a power on the earth all their own. At present they could only dream; for the future there was hope. They made a sharp distinction between present and future, earth and heaven. God is there, not here, and his place on earth has been usurped. The lower Israel sank in the scale, the keener was this distinction made. No gradual change could ever bring things out as they should be, but sudden cataclysms must occur to set things right. God alone can restore the Kingdom to Israel in his good time. The only thing a man can do is to practise righteousness and keep the 40 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS Law assiduously. He can help things along by repentance for past and present lapses and trans gressions, but into the midst of the saddest moral degradation the powers of heaven must come to bring the Kingdom in. This expected triumph of the Jews involved an earthly realm, to be world-wide in its extent, and promised all earthly bliss for the faithful, but punishment and desolation unspeakable for the unfaithful Israelite as for the nations in their pride. It had a decided tinge of vengeance in it, often luridly portrayed. Since it was to come from heaven,1 where in one sense it already existed, the popular phrase was "The kingdom of heaven " rather than " The kingdom of God." Political and religious hopes were merged in extricably. This tendency of thought prepared the Jew for the Greek transcendentalism of Alexandria. The Hebrew mind traveled from the thought of a divine revelation to which it always clung, downward toward earth, which it found so hostile to God and all goodness, and asked an explanation of matter and life. The Greek mind 1 The origin of the phrase " kingdom of heaven " is probably not in the apocalyptic localizing of the kingdom directly, but, as Schiirer points out, in the use of heaven for God, according to Jewish veneration for the name. Note this practise in Daniel and 1 Maccabees. THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 41 reversed the process, seeking for divine revelation as a solution of the problem of human thinking which it did not trust. Instead of endless speculation, the Greek demanded an immediate knowledge, through vision or ecstasy. The conse quent transcendentalism led to essential dualism. Matter and spirit took their places over against each other. Matter was the eternally formless stuff from which God made the world. It was the source of evil, as the Persians taught. Sal vation was sought through knowledge, by which they meant a mystical vision and spiritual sympathy. Ignorance thus, as well as matter, be comes a source of sin. Thus a more individual istic movement began under Greek influences than was possible in the stiff nationalism of the Palestinian faith. But even then no man was sure of the favor of God save by his doing prescribed things, and no man ever knew exactly where he stood in the reckoning. Pride and grave uncertainty went hand in hand. Contrary to the rabbis, these new teachers held that man is by nature sinful, and did not rest back upon the Fall in accounting for sin. They imputed free will to the soul, and taught that this choice was exercised even when the soul came into the body it was to inhabit. The most significant doctrine for us in ap- 42 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS proaching the study of the spiritual development of Jesus is that of the Messiah. It might be treated as part of the doctrine of the Kingdom, with which it is indivisibly united, but it has secured a field and form of expression all its own. In New Testament times it was developing rapidly, both generally and in definite content. It was the abiding kernel of the Hope which had warmed the hearts of a discouraged and well- nigh desperate people for four hundred years. Utopias are always interesting, and a natural history of the Utopias of literature would be a readable book. These dreams of ideal condi tions are born not in times of plenty and pros perity like our own, but under the pinch of want, or in the woes of oppression. When people cannot get what they need, when their state is impoverished and their liberties are curtailed, they resort to dreams, and imagination builds them houses for a season. Thus Plato's Republic, More's Utopia, and Bacon's Atlantis sprang into being. The eternal Hope of Israel produced its fairest flowers when the nation suffered most and the need was greatest for the comfort and reenforcement of the individual soul. Thus, too, it chances that with dreams of their own betterment join visions of a vengeance upon their foes which is almost as sweet to them as their THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 43 joy, by the satisfaction of the sense of justice which it brings. Many a helpful and uplifting psalm is spoiled for us by this fly in its precious ointment, and the vindictive, even brutal words seem foreign to the noble spirit that appeals to our religious sense. Yet both parts belong to the people who produced these psalms, and both elements have a place as obverse and reverse in the Messianic Hope of the Jews. On the one side vengeance is assured upon their enemies; on the other the nation is to be supreme. The Jews, in the time of our Lord, were con trolled largely in their Messianic expectation by what they had inherited. The mediate gifts of prophecy and the first temple had been over shadowed and displaced in the hands of its mediators, their fathers, so that the life of it was gone. A spiritless age, when no prophet appeared, led to writing in the name and after the method of the older prophets, by men who felt within them conviction of truth, or longing to comfort the dejected. Another development was seen in scribism, from the time of Ezra on. He was both priest and scribe. Gradually, the subject of the Law and its teaching became the possession of a class of learned scholars who held no priestly office. They assumed or won a place of author ity in all questions of interpretation, and in their 44 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS zeal at protecting and applying the Law they magnified it as the only hope of the nation. So the class called D^BID, ypafn.fw.Teii, vofuKot, vo/xoSi- Sao-KaXot, arose, winning highest respect of the people, and the title, later in our New Testament age, of "'Si . These men were zealous Israelites, and naturally shaped the religious life of the people. By choice most of them were Pharisees. For the laity, for the priest, the sacred Book and the sacred Letter became ever more uniquely authoritative.1 "Ethic and Theology were swal lowed up in Jurisprudence."2 After two centuries of effort to attenuate per sonal faith and to translate the spiritual into legalism, we cannot expect to find the purest and the best spirit of the Davidic Psalms, combined with the noblest product of later prophecy, in the popular conception of the time of Christ. On the other hand, it is equally an error to deny all expectation of a personal Messiah. The books that were then popular combine the wheat and the chaff, and we cannot be untrue to his tory, as it is surely not untrue to human nature, if we claim that the craving for the living truth made them read and treasure these books. The general idea of God was a colorless one. He 1 Ewald in Schultz. 2 Schiirer. THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 45 was cold, unmindful, pitiless. But the very per fection of the transcendental led to the union with it of something else by the people. It must always be so. The Huguenots in a godless land and even at the licentious court of the Regent Duke of Orleans; the Puritans by the side of the Cavaliers of Charles I; John Wesley's protest against dead dogmatism and proclamation of free grace; to say nothing of the brightness in the "Dark Ages" kindled by the Orders which had lighted their torches at the altar of God's love, — every new start in the progress of re ligion and of truth can be seen to develop from darkness and opposition. So the fact of spirit ual life among the Jews (proved by such writings as we have cited, climaxed in the Psalms of Solomon) necessitates an expression of itself somewhere among the people whose history had always been governed by "one far-off, divine event" looked for through the ages. It is im possible to conceive of all Messianic expectation as having died out among them. "It was by no means a religiously torpid age; on the con trary, there is reason to believe that there was a well-defined feeling of discontentment in the best minds; — a desire for something purer and higher than had yet been attained."1 At the i Toy, p. 417. 46 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS same time it is equally impossible that the hope they entertain could be free from the many de fects and formative influences of their national and personal training. The Law had usurped the place of sacrifice, of temple and of God to such a degree that it dominated the religion of the day in many minds. God was represented by it. The temple, accord ing to the Talmud (Jer. Taanith 65), did not contain many things that the tabernacle and Solomon's temple held. Among the missing was the Holy Spirit, even in the gorgeous building of Herod. At least they were not sure of God's presence in the temple (Enoch 89: 73; Psalms of Solomon 1: 8; 2: 3; 8: 12, 26). Josephus (Ant. iii, 8, 9) declares that the stones in the high priest's breastplate ceased to shine during his official services about 100 B.C. Yet the temple was by no means forsaken. The warm spiritual piety of the Psalms and the Prophets never wholly forsook it. It was "his Father's House" to the ideal Jewish youth. Twenty- nine years later, the popular reverence for it was great enough to make an accusation of threatening to destroy it a charge sufficiently grave to justify sentence of death. And ten years later still, a mass of people of all ages fairly besieged the Governor Petronius for forty days, petitioning THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 47 him not to desecrate the sacred building with the statue of Caligula the emperor. The oldest Rabbinical books set the Thorah at a higher worth than this temple. And the multiplication of synagogues proves the tendency among leaders to substitute for the centralized system a dependence on the Thorah; for worship, moral observance; for the cultus, faithful study of the scribal deliverances and interpretations. Essenism, in its revolt against the temple sacri fices and ritual, was only a symptom of wide spread discontent. Hellenism had come into the nation with its philosophy, and Rome with its idolatry and power. The former brought assurances of immortality of the soul, the latter drove the Jew further on in his conception of the exaltation of Jahveh. The Pharisee was the only faithful follower of Law and God, and of a hope which made a resurrection possible and assured him of a new age and a Kingdom to come, because it was written in the book in heaven. All history is but an unfolding of what God has fixed there (Daniel 10: 21; 12: 1; Enoch 39: 2; 81: 1). This religious hope called for those things which the present denied to the religious nature. They may be gathered about two centers: — (l) God's presence, on earth, in wisdom, in 48 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS the temple, in communion with men, in his Son. (2) The Kingdom of God, in his Son, in know ing him here, in judgment, in the teleology of a Messianic age. Herod the king was troubled at the birth of one expected by Wise-men, and chief priests and scribes could tell him, in the wisdom of their lore, where the Anointed should be born. An aged Simeon and Anna in the temple were waiting for the consolation of Israel, with an audience of " all them that were looking for the redemption of Jerusalem," to whom to speak of the "light for the unveiling of the Gentiles, and the glory of thy people Israel." The same expectation is found in the preaching of John, whose disap pointment in a course of action so un-Messianic as was Jesus' life speaks plainly of the character of his hope. The anxious mother would never have brought her sons to ask for them places in the Master's kingdom, if she had not had natural and definite ideas as to that which she asked, gained from other sources than her sons' accounts of the Master's teaching. But we have other proofs in the rising of Theudas the enthusiast and of Judas of Galilee, mentioned by the Pharisee Gamaliel (Acts 5: 33 ff.) and by Josephus as well. From pa- THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 49 triotic Galilee some had gone forth, earnest men, lovers of country, feeling that the time had come for throwing off the foreign yoke. The pro phetic great sorrow and tribulation seemed to many a heart to have been upon them, and the only reason for delay in bringing out the concealed Messiah seemed the inactivity of the people. A personal Messiah was expected. Josephus assigns the title to Vespasian, in his double oracle. Herod thought to win the Messiah's crown by building the temple, as the prophecies of Zechariah suggest that the temple-builder will be the nation's deliverer. One cannot fail to endorse the opinion of Hausrath, that this expectation of a personal Messiah is the basis of the presentation of the New Testament history.1 (Matt. 11: 2; 17: 10; 27: 11; Luke 2: 25-38; Matt. 15: 22; Luke 24: 2-7; compare Acts 1:6; Luke 3: 15). "It is not a wonder," says Haus rath (p. 184), "that Jesus came as Messiah, but that he came just now." The conception of a personal Messiah was, in some respects, the hardest one for the age. It was in things and states, not in personal repre sentation of God as King, that the main hope lay. So the conception of a Forerunner was frequent, from Malachi (3: 1-5) to Sirach (48: 9 ff.) 1 Hausrath, I, p. 181. 50 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS and 1 Maccabees (45: 46; 14: 41), to which the apocalyptic representation in Daniel fitted ad mirably. But the correlation of Forerunner and Messiah was rarely if ever completed in one mind. Some held to the one, some to the other. Even in Samaria there was religious excitement under a certain Goet (Josephus xviii, 4, 1), at about the time of the preaching of John the Baptist (compare 2 Mace. 2: 4-8, where such activity as Goet's in restoring old relics is assigned to the Messiah). John the Baptist carried the teaching of Enoch and the schools of the scribes into action. Leaving promises, he laid founda tions for the Kingdom, and offered a definite outlet for the faith of the age. The Kingdom ceased to be a matter of distant visions, and be came a near and present reality. The Samari tans confused the Kingdom with the restoration of physical conditions; the Jews still expected to use force of arms; John alone taught a King dom of ethical fitness and spiritual renewal. A saying of the schools, possibly after Christ, but normative of the thought, ran as follows: "If all Israel would together repent for a single day, the redemption by Messiah would ensue." There was a section of the more seriously minded among the people who looked for a Messiah of superhuman nature, but even they expected that THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 51 he would use his divine powers to overthrow the Roman might and establish a kingdom on earth. Wendt x has analyzed the Hope into three separate phases : expectation of a Messianic King; a conception of the personal salvation of individual pious men; and an emphasis upon the ethico-religious character of the expected con dition of salvation. Zockler affirms that the Messianic was bounded by a narrow circle among the people, that with the masses it was a side issue, or latent. One can readily grant his assertion, but at the same time add the convic tion that it was latent as the magnetism of the magnet is latent, only waiting for an exciting cause to respond. "This ardent hope with re spect to the nation, which existed in all true Jewish hearts, was directed into a more definite channel when they believed in a Messiah, and all the beliefs involved in or suggested by the vaguer hope naturally came to be connected more or less directly with the Messiah and his time. They may thus, not unfitly, themselves be called Messianic. The figure of the Messiah looms on the view of the Jewish people, gradually gathering more and more distinctness, against the background of such anticipations as these."2 1 Inhalt der Lehre Jesus, II, 132. 2 Stanton. 52 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS The old prophetic expectation was treated much as the later Catholic Church treated the chiliasm of the apostolic eschatological expecta tion; yet there was an earnest inner looking for relief of heart and life, just as there has always been an optimism in the Christian Church that looks for ultimate conquest by the life-power of Christ. Our analysis of the Hope of the age results in the emphasis of two elements of power, — a national and a personal. The national element was dim, far off, general in its form, of many phases; and through long postponement of its satisfaction had developed into the vagueness of apocalyptic visions. Yet there was earnestness and reality in it, for in time of greatest oppression it grew brightest and found more frequent expression. Historically, it was a continuation of the promises of the prophets. It is also evident, alike in the apocalyptic literature and in the New Testament, that there was a more personal, religious, ethical side to the Hope of the Jews. The long waiting and the fearful suffering had operated to focus in a Deliverer the religious faith of many. How could the Jews of the second Christian century have come into possession of such a strong and definite personal hope, if they had not received THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 53 it, at least in germ, from their predecessors of the time of Christ? This purely personal element was a reaction against the legalism of the scribes and its en tailed notions of God and of the relation of man to him. It grew and found force among the people, fed on the Psalms, on the Prophets, and on all elements of religious hope which came to it, whether from Semite or from Greek. It sought an avenue to God, a representative of him, a communion with him. It found utter ance in the Maccabean Psalms of our canon, in the Psalms of Solomon, and in the restless, crying needs of the people seeking John and Jesus. To sum up the Messianic doctrine briefly, its chief points were these: The present is a time of evil, for Satan rules, and we must suffer pain, disease, and death at his hands. Judgment will surely come, when the enemies of Israel will all be punished. The Gentiles will be extinguished utterly, or at least subdued. Then the age of joy and gladness will come in, the gift of God through that great catastrophe by which God will ascend his throne of judgment. The new kingdom then will appear, the Kingdom of heaven. It is limited by some writers to four hundred years, by others one thousand years, 54 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS until God assumes the rule of all men. The righteous, it was generally believed, would rise from the dead and enter into the joys of this Jewish kingdom on the earth. The transition to the new age was to be with fearful birth-pangs. Usually a personal Messiah was expected, al though mention of him is often obscure. He was to be especially set apart, and was even super natural in character. Here and there the com ing of Elijah as his forerunner was proclaimed. Justin Martyr alludes to a tradition that the Messiah would not know his own mission, as Saul and David did not know theirs, until he was anointed by Elijah.1 He was to be hidden until suddenly revealed by Elijah. An ideal man, a prophet, he was to be sinless and pure. Thus the two ages, this, and the age to come, were dis tinguished in the program of the theologians; and the hardships of the present were resolved in the glory of the prospect set before the pious souls. Judaism as it ebbed away in its latter days and evaporated under the hot sun of oppression, de feat, and its own zealous legalism, left a residuum of real value, which indeed was destined to pro vide Christianity with its richest treasure. This legacy was provided under three fundamental 1 Dialogue c. Trypho., Sec. 8. THE THEOLOGY OF THE JEWS 55 forms of thought: First, the Hebrew system gave us a settled idea of God the Creator, behind and beneath all things, a sovereign power. Secondly, we have received from this source a system of morals which, if it was negative, was strict, and if it insisted too strongly upon good works, did not want inner spirit and the true requirements of a righteous life. Thirdly, Judaism handed on the beginnings of a doctrine of the resurrection, not only for the race in apocalyptic vision, but also for the individual, because of this wider expectation. It was the religion of hope, and therefore it was bound itself to rise again to newness of life in Christianity. CHAPTER III the world-view: Jewish, greek and roman The Jews of the days of Jesus were dispersed over the entire Roman world. Those in Pales tine held closely to the ideas and prejudices of their ancestors. With a tenacity born of racial spirit, and bred by generations of strictest re ligious training, protected by the hard shell of their peculiar ceremonial and their extreme veneration for the Law, they looked out upon the world from their little ancestral valley of the Jordan and the surrounding hills with the same vision that their fathers had had for five hundred years. The growth of world-powers about them, the trampling down of their country by contend ing armies, the tossing to and fro of their little province as a slight and despised pawn in the greater game of nations, — all this experience tended to shut them in more securely than ever, and to increase to hatred their religious disdain of all Gentiles. They were convinced that the world was made for them; that they were the Chosen of God, who in his own good time would 56 WORLD-VIEW: JEWISH, GREEK, ROMAN 57 restore to them their lost autonomy, and entrust to them the government of the world after he had sufficiently punished all their enemies. With a national consciousness so severe, so audacious, so insurmountable and indestructible, the Jews had very definite notions about things. They despised and hated Greek and Roman alike. Upon all their civilization they looked down with contempt. They were often engaged in quarrels with their neighbors, the Samaritans, who were enough like them to excite their bitter ness. Those of their own number who in any way betrayed the nation's pride or compromised with the world about them, or forgot the rites of their religion or sold themselves to the foreigner for gold, were looked upon with holy horror and were outcasts everywhere. The strictest sect, the Pharisees, having in their hands the educa tional forces of the synagogues scattered every where among the people, impressed the Law upon each plastic mind and hunted any heresy with keenest scent. Religion was a form of patriotism, institutional in method and formal in content. The temper of the Jewish mind was ethical rather than speculative, and practical rather than philosophical. The production of well-wrought epigrams and striking phrases, rather than reasoned systems, was in accord with 58 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS the inheritance of a people whose literature included no distinctly philosophical book, and whose language possessed no word equivalent to the Greek 6 koct/xos.1 After more than seventy-five years of attempted union of civil and religious leadership in the per son of the high priest, upon the death of Alex ander Jannseus in 78 B.C., a new instrument of government appeared in the Sanhedrin. It was an ecclesiastical body, and was early tempered to the Pharisaic standards. At that time the severity of the Pharisees forced most of the people of a broader culture into sympathy with the Sadducees, and laid the foundations for years of bitter opposition between the two parties. In 63 B.C., Pompey took Jerusalem for Rome with dreadful slaughter. In 40 B.C., Herod was estab lished by the will of Rome as king, and pro ceeded to destroy every sign of the Asmonean family which had been claimants of the ecclesias tical and civil power for more than one hundred and twenty-five years. Upon these people, of such stormy history, so hard to conquer, so unable to realize when they were defeated, the Greek and the Roman in turn looked with contempt as keen as that which the Jew felt for his Gentile overlord. Everywhere 1 Dalman, The Words of Jesus, p. 162. WORLD-VIEW: JEWISH, GREEK, ROMAN 59 society was divided into two parts by race pecu liarities. Thrown upon their own resources, herding together, compelled to rely upon their countrymen for everything, and avoiding all close contact with the foreigner, the Jews were a peculiar people to the Romans, who could not understand their temper or appreciate their better qualities. There was a middle wall of partition between Jew and Gentile in actual practise higher than that prescribed by the Law. In spite of their segregation the Jews did receive much from others. It was an age of syncretism in religion which none could resist. "At no other time perhaps," writes Harnack, " in the history of religion, and in no other people, were the most extreme antitheses so closely asso ciated under the binding influence of religion." They looked upon matter as evil in itself, as the Persians were wont to do. They had adopted a dualism that ran through life, and divided not only the visible but the invisible, and even the world to come. They had begun to work out a doctrine of immortality for the righteous. They had also adopted a scheme of angelology, partly at least of Persian origin, and peopled the earth with spirits good and bad. Through these un seen but ever-present attendants, they accounted for the unaccountable, and were ready to explain 60 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS disaster as a sign of bad spirits at work upon them or about them. There were two forms of Messianism among them. One was transcendental, and exhausted itself in writing and reading apocalypse. The other was revolutionary, and with short patience was seeking to hurry on the crisis. The upper classes, having suffered less, and being better trained in thought, were given to transcendental ism; but the poor, the oppressed, the ignorant and suffering were ready for the torch and vio lence against the foreigner who lorded it over them. Small chance had they of success, but thus they expressed their Hope. One common cause for restlessness was the generally accepted belief that theirs was an age of transition between the futile past and a future big with promise. The prophetic forecast of the Kingdom belonged to the nation as a whole. Only those who had gone over to the Greek influence altogether, failed to cherish this an cestral Hope. It warmed the hearts of the common people and became a watchword with the pious everywhere. It was a favorite topic of speculation with the rabbis and the scribes. It filled and vitalized the imaginative pages of the writers of Apocalyptic literature. It was the theme of the loftiest poetry of the day. It was WORLD-VIEW: JEWISH, GREEK, ROMAN 61 almost an obsession of the people, and whenever their lot was hardest to bear this demand upon the future was made with renewed intensity. "The religion of a given race at a given time is relative to the mental attitude of that time."1 We must therefore seek to estimate the main currents of the mental life of the dominant races in Palestine at the beginning of the Christian era, in order that we may understand the atmosphere which one born there would breathe. We must look not only to the immediate Jewish environ ment, but also to the forceful influences of Greece and Rome which penetrated every nook and cranny of the land. Philo had not hesitated to lay hands upon the treasures of Greek philosophy, Platonic and Stoic alike, and to wed them to the scriptures of his people, so that every Hellenizing Jew was becoming familiar with the resultant teaching. Jewish thought was not a stranger to Greek forms, as is proved in the writings of the Sibyl and the Septuagint. The Jew of the Dispersion, who had inherited no philosophy, was striving to adjust his theology to the current dualism of the Platonic school or the monism of the Stoics. The practical Romans and the metaphysical Greeks influenced the Hebrews by indirection more than by immediate contact, 1 Hatch, Hibbert Lectures, 1888. 62 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS but none the less deserve consideration as factors in the making of the medium in which Jesus grew. Rome was at her highest in power, and her best in expression of it, when the first Christian century dawned. She ruled the world, and saw the influence of her civilization dominating life upon three continents. The world was a Roman world. Greek culture and Roman law were amalgamated in social institutions, and prevailed in the state. Happiness of the individual was the universal end. Egoism ruled, and even those who followed Plato in his doctrine that the only happiness rests in virtue, and that the highest good lies in God, dropped to a very com mon egoism in concrete action. The school of Aristotle, more practical, was no less egoistic; and the Stoic taught the virtue of a safe ritual within the soul itself, where no appeal to outer things could reach. The high-minded teaching of Epicurus was open to interpretation which made it a system of palliation for wrong-doing and defense of personal weakness. He formu lated a scheme of morals which should guarantee a happy life, and noble men like Lucretius sought to realize it. His far successors lowered the standard of happiness which he set. Under shelter of his name, and using his theory that vir- WORLD-VIEW: JEWISH, GREEK, ROMAN 63 tue is of no value save as it contributes to an agreeable life, they forgot that true pleasure must be for the whole life, not in the enjoyment of the hour, — for the soul, not for the body, — and gave themselves up to sensual delights and im moralities. The fifth philosophic school, the New Academy, set as its standard of right that which is considered honorable. Decorum, not inner worth, was their aim, and whatever left a man unblamed by his fellows was virtuous. There was no inclusive idea of humanity, but instead of it, each man saw the immediate rela tion of the various classes and conditions to him self. Self-interest, as Epictetus was wont to say, became the father, brother, country, god of men. Cicero confessed, "We have neither true right, nor true justice; we have only a shadow, a feeble reflection."1 No man existed apart from the state, of which he was a part and to which he owed everything. The Greek and Roman de fined all other men as "barbarians," not quite on the level of their humanity, but nearer that of the slave, who by nature was inferior. A deep and settled contempt for all who were not Greek or Roman pervaded the age. Men like Cicero regarded every foreigner as an enemy. Indeed, the Latin word for stranger means a foe. No i Schmidt, The Social Results of Early Christianity, p. 108. 64 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS idea of one human race was found in their phil osophy. Aristotle's idea, that only those with property enough not to be obliged to work de serve the title of citizen, was generally held; and the consequent aristocrary of wealth, the most dangerous and unworthy aristocracy possible, was in power. Humility, meekness, self-sacrifice, were regarded with contempt. No friendship was thought worth while which did not prove advan tageous, and it rarely lasted through time of need. Roman society was indifferent to the traits we associate with high sentiment and fine character. It was self-centered and mean. Woman was oppressed and considered inferior to man. Mar riage was regarded rather as a duty to the state than a matter of personal preference or affection. Public morals were in a general decay. Even Vespasian and Marcus Aurelius were not ashamed to maintain their concubines before the world. Thus woman was debased in her most sacred self, and made the tool of the lustful impulses of the sex in power. A pure and loyal wife was a rarity in Rome, and even women of noble families caused their names to be enrolled among the courtezans that they might escape punish ment for their amours. In spite of legislation and imperial edicts, woman sank to lower depths and marriage became a farce. WORLD-VIEW: JEWISH, GREEK, ROMAN 65 Plato and Aristotle both taught that it was not worth while for the state to rear deformed or puny children, and advised the poor to practise abor tion rather than load undesired infants upon the public. Education was planned to fit the child to serve the state. Plato suggested that all children of aristocratic families should be given over to public nurses and their identity lost to their parents. Boys were trained for politics and girls for lives of submission. As parents grew dissolute, children were neglected, left to incom petent and corrupting servants, or sent to public schools, where they were subject to few ennobling influences and no moral restraints. No boy could learn a trade, for that would lower him in popular esteem. Artisans of every kind were held in disdain. All money-getting occupations, excepting the professions or great commercial enterprises, were rejected as unworthy of citizens and fit only for slaves. In consequence those who were compelled to work hated it. Slaves were considered to be of a lower order of being and a natural necessity. They did most of the work. A mass of turbulent, dissatisfied ' people filled Rome and grew poor in the midst , of its luxury. They had no place of refuge in sickness, and no charity was open to them in distress. 66 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS These conditions extended to the provinces, and there the experiences of Rome were re peated. Human life was cheap and often sold for a holiday. Man had fallen miserably into a false philosophy and an inhuman practise. He needed_to be rescued and given a new ideal, abetter philosophy, and a kindlier spirit. Coarse ness, crueltyTpassion, and vanity were character istic of men in personal relations, and the pillars / of society tottered in their places. Greed and luxury had brought their inevitable degeneracy, with ennui from surfeit.1 The cruelties of the arena, and the butcheries of pagan captives to make sport for the crowd, were popular with rich and poor alike. One honors those Saxon prisoners who, when condemned to fight each other before a crowd, were found to have taken their own lives. Here and there a nobler mind saw with indig nation the trend of society. Tacitus mourned over his Annals, Lucretius wrote his high phil osophies in the style of the ancient Greeks, and Juvenal composed his mordant satires on the times; while Seneca the Stoic wrote his moral treatises and Cicero speculated "On the Nature of the Gods." Popular religions and established rites of sacrifice indicated human need of expres- 1 Seneca, De Ira, II, 8. De Brev. Bit., 16. WORLD-VIEW: JEWISH, GREEK, ROMAN 67 sion for the spiritual sense, but their influence ended in a moral impotence. It is doubtful if the Greeks, recognized by St. Paul as "very religious," surpassed the Romans, who gathered together all the "shreds and patches" of religion that the world produced, and developed a deep and general superstition. " Never did the religious life of man offer a more \ bewildering multiplication and variety."1 As a ' measure of safety, they undertook to treat all gods alike, and thus, offending none, to aid their chances of good fortune. Such an eclecti cism could issue only in doubt. As usual when doubt prevails, faith in the miraculous was wide spread. The social changes that brought new and uncultivated people, even slaves, into wealth and position, maintained in them the ancient faiths upon which they relied as safeguards for their new possessions. But the active principle of their religion was fear, lest somehow harm come upon them from some unpropitiated source. The confusion of a divided worship led to loss/ of clear vision of duty and to dissatisfaction of . soul. The mean and unworthy character of the ' gods, which men had multiplied after the image of their own natures, brought disillusion to the thoughtful, and encouraged them in practical iDill, Roman Life, p. 384. 68 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS ' irreligion or atheism. Nothing was assured beyond the grave, and each chose the way by which he thought to get the most out of life. The gods themselves would not do otherwise. They even throve on lust and were honored in debauchery. The best men of Rome were impatient of divinities in whom they could not believe. The intelligent classes felt a contempt for the ever-present augurs and their oracles.1 Lucretius declared that religion was the cause of all evils, but he gave man nothing to take its place. Cicero thought that the ancient faith should be preserved, as a necessity in governing the people, but he saw its doom impending. When emperors were apotheosized, and a man like Domitian spoke of himself in his decrees as "lord and god," worship could be nothing more than tradition, and piety was dead. Then men had recourse in their need to every super stition and religious nostrum of the world, — magic, soothsayers' arts, theosophy, and every foreign faith. Augustus consulted star-readers from the East, and Nero was a slave to supersti tion. The forum was crowded full of gods whom no one could respect or trust, and religion was as nearly snuffed out as a fundamental passion of the human heart can be. Tacitus » Cicero, De Div., II, 24. WORLD-VIEW: JEWISH, GREEK, ROMAN 69 says the emperor Tiberius admitted that the remedy could be found, not in outer additions to the number of their gods, nor by the elabora tion of ritual, nor through any outer mechanism, but only in the soul of man itself. The Greek mind was more free to speculate than the Roman. The inheritance of the one had been a legacy of ideas, independent of a state they had not maintained; of the other a legacy of deeds intimately bound up with the state. The growing appreciation of personality for the individual and for God influenced the Greek toward the thought of an ordered uni verse. The Stoics standing on their one world- stuff debated with the Platonic dualists, and both made monotheism familiar, whether God were producing the world by his own self-evolution or creating it by his causal thought. There was much more culture of an intellectual sort among the Greeks than among the Romans. They were devoted to rhetoric and its practise in public speech, and provided the majority of teachers in the schools of Rome. There was little or no original thinking, but a constant drawing upon the ancient sources for material. In consequence, there was less of affirmation, and a tendency to rest content in old positions or to deny them altogether. 70 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS There was an ethical struggle against the evident decline in social life and in religion, and the issue was often carried to asceticism. This same trend affected theological thought to make it more monotheistic, and God was conceived as himself an ethical being. The popular mental exercise was metaphysical, and philosophy was current everywhere to a remarkable extent. Greek ethics rested on the reason, while Hebrew thinking derived its ethical sanction from revela tion. There was a general search for new religious values, and a certain expectancy of better things to come. While the Roman treated religion as a matter of the state, and had little sympathy with those who found the highest personal interest in it, the Greek had a keener perception of the inner worth of faith. He sought religion for itself rather than as a means to political ends. The Greek education, carried on in schools at Athens, Rome, Alexandria, and in all larger Greek and Roman cities, attracted multitudes, even from among the poor. Teachers were held in high regard and amassed fortunes by the practise of their profession. Justin Martyr was willing to enroll at least two of the Greek philosophers, Heraclitus and Socrates, as Christians. Plato's doctrine of WORLD-VIEW: JEWISH, GREEK, ROMAN 71 ideas, among which the soul found a fitting home, and the ethical idealism which he taught, commended him to thoughtful Jews. His con trast between the ideal and the reality, and his insistence that man must conquer the world in himself, appealed to their way of thinking. Platonic ethics, founded upon the reason, and finding an intrinsic worth in goodness, did not seem so far away from the revealed ethics of the Law. Likewise Stoicism made its worth felt by those who had been reared in the Old Testa ment wisdom. They agreed with it that virtue or righteousness is itself the highest good, and that the only happy man is the righteous man. They too found in God a wise Providence, of perfect moral character, and in the soul a power of survival which death could not destroy. Alex andrian Judaism developed the Logos doctrine, of a spirit of wisdom with God, mediating for him the creative task, in which philosophical monism and Jewish theism seem to unite. Philo ' enthusiastically joined Greek philosophy and . Hebrew theology, bridged the gulf between the Infinite and the world by his "Ideas," the chief of which were the angel guardians about the throne of God, and of these the greatest was the Logos. Philo dipped his brush in every pigment, 72 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS Platonic, Stoic, Hebrew, and painted his pictures with the free hand of an impressionist. Man's soul was a prisoner in an evil body, joined to God by faith, and vision of him is the highest mortal experience. He insisted upon a deeper religious life than can be attained through formal offerings or keeping of the Law, and brought the warmth of the Greek spirit into the cold formalism of the Jewish faith, to vitalize it and lift the members of his race into the immediate presence and fellowship of God. No direct influence of Philo upon Jesus can be proved, or even thought of, but the service he rendered in preparing for the acceptance of the teachings of Christ at a later day requires that he be included in this discussion, and his work illustrates how intimately blended the thought-life of the day had come to be. Out from the heart of such a civilization, in which the Roman was submerged in things and monopolized by the State, the Greek was seeking to adjust his old philosophies to new conditions, and the Jew was hiding his prophetic treasure in a priestly napkin, came forth Jesus Christ. He heard each voice as it spoke the message of the people to his eager heart, and in himself he gave the answer to them all; the Way for the Roman, the Truth for the Greek, the Life for the Jew. CHAPTER TV THE SOCIAL ATMOSPHERE INTO WHICH JESUS CAME The social atmosphere of Palestine was con trolled by three main influences, emanating from the education of Jewish youth, from political and religious parties, and from Greek and Roman thought and institutions in the land. But be neath all was the ever-present Messianism. It could not brook the cool, collected, and patient waiting for something cataclysmic to occur, which the Pharisee counseled, but felt impelled to move, and to originate the Kingdom and its better state so painfully delayed. The radicals always demand a chance to act. This element in the population had no taste for apocalypses and their idle, futile dreams. Carlyle's eternal conjugation of the verb To Do was more to its mind. Just as the more educated classes in Russia wait and hope and frown on revolution, passing good resolutions of loyalty in their meet ings, and even in the Zemstvo, while the peasant, the ignorant man who was not so long ago a serf, will not wait, but demands ever more, and 73 74 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS enforces his demands by strikes, by forceful revolution, fire and blood; so there were two sections of society in those old days among the Jews. The lower, poorer party broke out now and then in action under some impromptu leader, who was quickly given his reward of martyrdom by the powers that be. There was less chance of success than there is for the muzhik, but the burning hope was in their hearts. That is one reason why the common people heard the words of Jesus gladly. He spoke of present relief, not of future glory, and he spoke directly to their hearts. Outbreaks of greater or lesser moment frequently occurred all down the years, from the Maccabees to the time of Christ. Pharisee and Zealot, each of these classes was stirred by the Messianic Hope, — but the one to sedition, the other to submission. The common people vented their impatience and asserted their religious zeal through these local and limited, but not infrequent, attempts, in ways inadequate and pathetically abortive, to realize something of their God- promised Hope. The other people, the thinking people, trained by the Pharisees, read and wrote apocalypses, which transported them from the evil present to the time when all would be well. They took a profane delight in calling down anathemas upon the heads of their enemies whom SOCIAL ATMOSPHERE OF PALESTINE 75 they dared not touch, whom indeed they were assured they did not need to touch, for they must see to it only that they themselves were ready for the good gift when God gave it, which he surely would do soon. Lifted above the oppressive conditions of the poor, not constrained to rebel lion by actual physical distress, they looked down upon the seditious acts of their poor neighbors with condemnation, as Josephus tells us now and then. Both inheritances from the ancient Hope must have affected the mind of Jesus, and made him more appreciative of the need, and more sympathetic with each, than either class could be with the other. Education meant much to the Hebrew. It was a religious duty. The school was hard by or within the very walls of the synagogue. The earliest lessons of a child were given him from Deuteronomy (6: 4, 5; 7: 7). Scripture stories and selections from the poetry of the Psalms followed. David and Moses and the patriarchs, — all were made familiar to every child. From the age of six until twelve every boy was ex pected to attend the synagogue school and to recite his catechism on the Sabbath. Thus he became a "Son of the Commandment." But in the synagogue the Thorah was the real lesson book. " We take most pains of all," said Josephus, 76 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS "with the instruction of children, and esteem the observation of the laws and the piety cor responding with them the most important affair of our whole life." Josephus boasts of his own minute knowledge of the Law at the age of fourteen. Books of the Scriptures were fre quently in possession of private individuals, and writing as well as reading was no rare accom plishment.1 Occasionally a family owned, as a precious heirloom, a roll of the Law or the Prophets or of Psalmody, and used it for home reading with veneration. There were three main parties developed in the chance of the religious situation, but one of these was so divided as to make practically four. These were the Pharisees, with their lesser division, or related group, the Essenes; the Zealots and the Sadducees. This last group was more political than religious, busying itself with the perquisites of ecclesiasticism and caring little for the faith. It was the aristocratic party, of little principle, with "laissez-faire" as its motto, courting the favor of the foreigner, and affecting all his culture. Of them there need be said no more, save that they had absolutely nothing in common with Jesus, and he finally died at their hands. 1 Schiirer. SOCIAL ATMOSPHERE OF PALESTINE 77 The Pharisees were the religious people of the day. But their bent was scholastic rather than social, individualistic more than universal, legal and not definitely spiritual, because of this legalistic practise. Yet here if anywhere was the hope for Israel, and doubtless to this party, if to any, Jesus would belong. They had pos session of the schools, and ruled the synagogues, which were their refuge over against the Sad- ducean perversion of the temple. They held that the Jews were a peculiar possession of God, and that they in turn possessed him uniquely as their King. The "Shemoneh Esreh," recited daily by the faithful, includes these words: "Be King over us, Thou alone, O God." It was the duty of the people to drive out the Roman when they could. The Gentile had a right for a time to rule, but the time was short. A universal kingdom would soon come, in which the tables would be turned, and the Hebrew would ad minister affairs under guidance of a King to come from the skies to supernatural power and authority. A judgment would precede, like that which John preached. Once more would the Gentiles make assault upon the Messiah, but in vain, for they would be surely overthrown forever. The Essenes were not a distinct party, but a 78 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS purist sect of the Pharisees. They formed a monastic brotherhood, and their name prob ably means The Pious. They wore white gar ments, they made a cult of ceremonial purity and went about ministering to the poor and sick and needy. They were extremely liberal in their attitude toward the Law and the ritual of the temple. Their legalism was of another sort. They prayed at dawn for the coming of the Judge, and regarded the glory of the setting sun with awe as typical of paradise for which they strove. They had many customs, like their grouping of teacher and disciples, their common purse, their common religious meal, their abound ing service to the sick, which Jesus afterward practised with his followers. If they did not influence him in these externals, and they were themselves influenced by Greek thought through the neighboring cities of Decapolis or the Thera- peutse of Alexandria, then Jesus himself may have come more or less under these same Greek influences also. But the spirit and tendency of the Essenes were far from being in harmony with Jesus. They separated themselves from the world, to live in some chapter-house in town or country, on the ground that contact with life was contaminating. Refuges and monasteries in the desert were their final habitation. Their spirit SOCIAL ATMOSPHERE OF PALESTINE 79 was overmastered and smothered by their cult of purity. The Zealots, as their name implies, were the party of action, the opportunists who sought continually for a chance by force to bring about a better state of things and liberate the nation from a galling yoke. They were well watched, and their numbers were never very large. They are more important as representing an element in the national status than for anything they did. They appeared at an attempt to tax the people when Judea became a Roman province in 6 a.d. under a procurator. Then came forth one Judas of Gaulonitis, a Galilean, according to Josephus (War II, 8: 1. Ant. 8: 1, 6), who organized this party of revolt against the foreign power (Ant. xviii : 1 ; 1, 6). A strong socialistic spirit of the masses against the classes characterized all the history of the party. They burned the houses of the rich, even the archives of the state, and tried to destroy all evidence of debt, that they might start anew. They caused the death of many men of wealth, and several high priests. They were a sort of religious nihilists, and the idealism of the members naturally oozed away, although they insisted upon their party cries of " No King but God," and " A new and worthy state," with the prophets for their comforters and guides. 80 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS John the Baptist may possibly have been an inconsistent Essene, reacting against the ex tremes of his party, and preaching independently the message given him, of the Kingdom near at hand and repentance that must prepare for it. A popular preacher in the neighborhood of Nazareth, even if he were not a relative, as the Gospels of the infancy declare, nor an acquaint ance, as the Fourth Gospel implies, John surely would attract Jesus to his mission on the banks of the Jordan among the crowds which flocked from every side to hear his prophet's cry. One other influence could not fail to reach even up to Nazareth among the hills, and must have stared in the face every pious Jew when ever he went down to his annual feasts in Jeru salem. The foreigner was in power everywhere. The usurper had erected his fortresses in every commanding spot, and even overtowered the temple on its sacred hill. The Greek culture was maintained in all the cities, and the men of affairs dealt with Greeks and Romans more than with Jews in foreign trade. Hellenist influences per vaded the country. Greek was spoken in every place where foreigners gathered, and every coin that passed a Hebrew hand — denarius, drachma, tal- anton — was marked in Greek letters, until every intelligent man knew something of the language SOCIAL ATMOSPHERE OF PALESTINE 81 spoken by all foreign Jews so familiarly when they came home to attend the festivals of their religion. The name of their Supreme Council, and fre quently that of the High Priest, was Greek. The touch of Hellenic culture was a broadening in fluence which no mind alert and open could have failed to feel and gather up for future use. Those Greeks who sought Jesus at the feast may not have needed the Greek-named disciples, Andrew and Philip, to act as interpreters for them when they wanted to hold speech with him.1 The Greek cities in Palestine were administered according to Greek ideas, through magistrates and senates, as independent commonwealths. Herod and others after him also built towns here and there inhabited by Gentiles, like Sebaste, Csesarea, Gaba in Galilee, and Esbonitis in Perea. These were Herod's outer defenses, and centers of Greek influence over the people. Even in Jerusalem he built a theater and amphitheater. All this empha sized the hatred for the Gentile in the Jewish heart, while it gradually and inevitably altered opinion and made familiar what was once repulsive. The rabbis laid down the law, but convenience, necessity, and time became a sterner law to break down their barriers. The Jew might avoid the Greek cities as plague-spots, but he could not i John 12: 20 ff. 82 THE PSYCHOLOGY OF JESUS shut out a certain atmosphere which came in on every breeze that blew from Alexandria, where so many Jews were congregated, nor could the influence of theaters, statues, and paintings be altogether withstood, even while they were an abomination in Jewish eyes. The Greek lan guage was spoken upon the streets of every Jewish town of any size, and more or less of contact with Greeks and Romans in trade was unavoidable. The Septuagint was the version of the Old Tes tament generally in use, if we may judge from the quotations found in the New Testament. It was alike more common, cheaper to buy, and even more easily understood than the ancient Hebrew version. In the court of the Gentiles in the temple at Jerusalem, upon the well- wrought marble screen which ran across the court, a sign was placed in both Latin and Greek, instructing strangers concerning the proprieties of the place. There were many Greek words, especially those connected with trade, which crept into the Aramaic dialect. The Hebrew had no term corresponding to many philosophical ideas, nor even to the word