DIVINITY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY GIFT OF Prof. Boland H. Bainton THE FIRST THREE. GOSPELS. THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS THEIR ORIGIN AND RELATIONS BY J. ESTLIN CARPENTER, M.A. SECOND EDITION. ILontion : SUNDAY SCHOOL ASSOCIATION, Essex Hall, Essex Street, Strand, W.C. 1890. TRUTH ALWAYS AND EVERYWHERE IS A SACRED TRUST FROM GOD FOR THE SERVICE OF MAN. From a Sermon preached by the late Rev. Aubrey L. Moore, M.A., at St. Mary's, Oxford, November 24, i88g. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. This little book is an attempt to set before the ordinary English reader some of the results of recent study of the First Three Gospels. A few years ago I endeavoured to draw up a brief -account of the general social and religious conditions amid which Jesus lived and taught. It was my hope then that Life in Palestine might be speedily followed by a short and simple Commentary on the Gospel according to S. Luke. But the preparation of a series of Notes on that Gospel for the use of parents and teachers,1 convinced me that no commentary could be really useful or intelligible until the way had been made ready by a previous exposition of the modes of thought and feeling which helped to shape the Gospel narratives. The following pages are intended to set forth some of these ideas, and describe the growth of the documents in which they were finally embodied. As this book is written for those who may be unfamiliar with the history and the methods of critical enquiry, almost all refer ences to sources which might be closed to them have been avoided ; the notes which might have contained more ample acknowledgement of indebtedness for facts or for ideas, have been suppressed ; and quotations from the Revised Version have been freely placed upon the page. In the enormous literature which surrounds the subject, the attention of English readers should be directed — on the traditional side — to the various tives 1 Sunday School Helper, vols. i. and ii., 1885 and 1886. A 2 vi. PREFACE. of Christ by Archdeacon Farrar, Dr. Geikie, the late Dr. Edersheim, and Dr. Bernard Weiss, with the Introduction to the Study of the Gospels by Dr. Westcott, to whom all students of the New Testament are under such deep obligations. Those who desire a fuller knowledge of different views in the modern critical schools, may turn to the Bible for Young People, vols. v. and vi., to the New Life of Jesus by Strauss, or the great treatise of Keim entitled Jesus of Nazara. Much has been written since these works were produced. In English I have profited most by the labours of Dr. Abbott,1 while the writings of Holtzmann, Weiss, and Weizsacker have often guided me. Above all, Dr. Pfleiderer's most stimulating book, Das Urchrist- enthum, has been my constant companion. Had not the appropriate limits of size been already exceeded, this enquiry should have been opened by a sketch of the great critical movement of our time in its application to the Gospels, with the view of showing what service it has rendered in en abling us to disengage the abiding truths in Christianity from their local forms and national associations. We cannot always rightly estimate the true greatness of Jesus, because we cannot always translate his language into a moral and religious idiom more closely akin to our own hopes and efforts ; we are per plexed by doubts as to how much, after all, is really his ; and we are embarrassed by the seeming conflict between the received interpretation of words attributed to him, and the experience of history. In the seventh chapter of this book a new solution is suggested of one of the most obvious and pressing of these difficulties.2 Whether or not that particular explanation be conceived on the right lines of critical probability and spiritual 1 See his article on the ' Gospels ' in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, and the Common Tradition of the Synoptic Gospels (Abbott and Rushbrooke) . References to Philochristus and The Kernel and the Husk will be found further on. 2 In the Commentary on Luke, which I hope may follow at no very distant date, the great problem of the interpretation of the teaching of Jesus will be treated in detail. For that ampler dis cussion, also, the consideration of the Resurrection must be reserved. PREFACE. vii. harmony with the character of Jesus as it is elsewhere made known to us, is of small consequence, compared with the general results towards which modern investigation is tending. Do these diminish or heighten our reverence for the Teacher ? Chris tianity, as it is presented to us in the great orthodox Churches and in the civilization of our own day, is the result of innumer able influences working through many ages and many minds. But it is no less true that Christianity, as it is presented to us in the New Testament, and even within the limits of the First Three Gospels, is the product of various and complex forces at work in the early Church. It is the object of this book to show some of these forces in actual operation. Can we pass behind them, and, if so, what do we find ? To answer these questions fully, a more searching analysis is needed than is here attempted. It is only possible to observe now that the creation of a new moral and religious ideal such as the Church embodied, demands an adequate historic cause. Whatever uncertainty may attach to large portions of the tradition about Jesus, the attempt to penetrate into the mystery which still surrounds the origin of Christianity will not be fruitless, if it enables us to realise more clearly the force of personality, the boldness of view, the purity of insight, and the elevation of soul, which are winning even now fresh life and growing power for the ideas of the ' Prophet 1 of Nazareth.' J. Estlin Carpenter. Oxford, February 15th, 1890. NOTE TO THE SECOND EDITION. In this edition a few passages have been added, and others slightly expanded ; but the unexpected demand for a re-print has left no time for incorporating any references to the discussions or results of the most recent works in the same field. Different views will be found in The Seat of Authority in Religion by Dr. •viii. NOTE TO THE SECOND EDITION. Martineau, in The Kingdom of God by Dr. A. B. Bruce, and The Composition ofthe Four Gospels by Mr. Wright: while the student may be further referred to Usener's Religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen, Bonn, 1889. To prevent any misapprehension as to the aim or scope of this book, the reader should be warned not to expect in it any treat ment of ' the great moral problems ' of the Gospels. He is not invited to do more than consider their literary and historical problems. No attempt is made in the following pages to investi gate the contents and meaning of the real sayings of Jesus, except incidentally ; the enquiries here conducted only concern the form and character of the records, and the causes which have brought them into their present shape. Not till these enquiries have Teceived provisional answers is the ground cleared, or the way pre pared, for the more penetrating study of the life and words which are still for us the highest personal expression of the relation between the human soul and God. J. E. C. Oxford, September 5th, 1890. ERRATUM. Page 335, line 7 from bottom, for Cor. read Col. TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. THE GOSPELS AND EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. § 1. Literature of the Second Century . § 2. The Four Selected .... (i) Canon of Muratori (Rome) (2) Irenaeus (Lyons) (3) Tertullian (Carthage) (4) Clement (Alexandria) (5) Tatian (the ' Assyrian ') . $ 3. The Gospels before they were Scripture (1) Justin the Martyr (2) Papias .... $ 4. The Value of the Attestation . (1) The Uncertainty of Early Quotations (2) Contrast of Classical Usage (3) Compositions bearing great Names $ 5. The Gospels and the Church (1) The Catholic Church . (2) Gnosticism and the Sects . (3) Montanism and Liberty of Teaching (4) The Choice of the Apostolic PAGE 1 4 558 1011 '+ •418 20 20 232426 2626 2828 TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTEK II. THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS AND THE FOURTH. Meaning of the term Synoptic . $ 1. Their General Arrangement .... (i) Synoptic Plan of the Ministry of Jesus (a) The Preaching in Galilee (4) Journey to Jerusalem and Last Days (c) Duration of the Ministry (2) Johannine Plan (a) The Scene .... (A) The Time .... (3) New Places, Persons, and Incidents . (4) Disappearance of Important Crises . $ 2. Matter and Style (1) Mutual Resemblance of the Synoptics (2) Peculiarities of the Fourth Gospel (a) Narratives of Events [b) Discourses of Jesus (c) Characteristic Themes § 3. Differences of Original Conception (1) The Johannine Prologue . (2) Relations of Jesus and John the (3) Recognition as Messiah (4) Feeding the Multitude (S) Doctrine of Eternal Life . (6) The Death of Jesus . § 4. Influence of a Great Idea Baptist PAGE. 3°31 3131 3i 32 323233 34 3435 35 36363737393941 43 45485i54 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi. CHAPTER III. THE FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TR'ADITIONS. PAGE. Need of the Enquiry . 58 § 1. The Preaching of the Early Church ... 59 (1) The Ministry of the Word . . 59 (2) Apostolic Use of the Old Testament . 60 (3) Rise of Teaching about Jesus . 61 § 2. Transition to Writing ....... 63 (1) Propagation of the Traditions orally. . . 63 (2) Evidence of the Apostle Paul . . . .64 (3) Missionary Preaching ... 65 (4) Incompleteness even of the Written Form . 67 (a) Sayings ascribed to Jesus outside the Gospels . . . . .67 (4) Later Additions to the Gospels . . 67 § 3. External Form of the Traditions . 72 ( 1 ) The Teachings of Jesus 72 (2) Incidents of his Ministry . . . . .74 (a) Connection of Sayings and Incidents . 74 (b) Attachment of the same Saying to Different Incidents . . . 76 (c) Duplication of Incidents . . . -79 (d) Confusion of Symbols and Facts . . 80 (3) Grouping of Incidents . . . .81 (4) Opposite Tendencies ; Vagueness and Precision 82 § 4. Contents of the Traditions ... . . 84 (1) The Messianic Idea . . . .84 (2) Influence on Quotations . . . . .86 (3) Conformity to Prophecy 90 (4) Circumstances of the Church . . . -94 (5) Conceptions of Righteousness . . . .96 (6) The Gospel and the Gentiles . . . .98 (7) Devotional Significance of the Gospels . . 99 TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. THE MESSIANIC IDEA. The Dominant Idea in the First Three Gospels i 1. The Idea and its Forms . (i) Its Roots in Hebrew Prophecy (2) The Book of Daniel (3) Current Expectations. (a) The Two Ages (4) Signs of the End (c) The Kingdom (d) The Messiah (e) The Judgment 2. The Idea in the Gospels . (1) The Framework . (a) The Kingdom (4) This Age and the Age to come (c) The Signs (rf) Eternal Life (e) The Judgment (2) The Person (a) Son of David (4) Son of God (c) Son of Man (d) The Lord (e) The Holy One (/) Application of Prophecies concerning the ' Servant of Yahweh ' . 3. Transformation under the Influence of Ideas . (1) The Prediction of the Wonderful Vine, cribed to Jesus by Papias . (2) The ' Conformities ' of Francis of Assisi (3) The Legend of the Buddha PAGE- IOI 103 103105 107 107107108 109 no II I III III 112"3 114 114116 116 117122 124127 . 128 I31 • 132 • 134 • 136 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii. CHAPTER V. Messiah's preparation, page. Where does Messiah's Career begin ? $ 1. The Birth Stories (i) Comparison of Matthew and Luke . (a) The Popular Cry ' Son of David ' . (4) The Genealogies (c) The Virgin Birth .... (d) Bethlehem and Nazareth (2) Matthew's Story (a) Legendary Character of the Narrative (4) The Magi and the Star (3) Luke's Story ... (a) Its Peculiar Style (4) The Enrolment .... (c) The Governorship of Quirinius (4) Ideal Elements in the Birth Stories . (a) Messiah as Son of David (4) Messiah as Son of God . (c) The Poor and the Gentiles (d) Danger and Deliverance . (e) Fulfilment of Prophecy . (5) Growth of Legend around Historical Characters 158 (a) Plato . . ... (4) Caesar Augustus (c) The Buddha . ... i 2. The Baptism . . .... (1) The Synoptic Narratives .... (2) The Story in other Gospels (3) The Baptism and Messiah's Sinlessness . § 3. The Temptation (1) Messiah's Conflict with Satan . (2) The Three Trials (3) The Temptation of Zoroaster . (4) The Triumph of the Buddha over the Evil One xi*. TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER VI. the miracles. Miracles and early Rationalism § 1. The Atmosphere of Faith (i) Absence of Direct Testimony (2) Indications of Current Belief (a) The Apostolic Age . (4) Roman and Jewish Thought (c) The Church . (d) The Talmud . $ 2. Cure of Demoniacs (1) Messiah's Conflict with Evil (2) Conversion of Figures into Facts : the Demoniac of Gerasa (3) ' Spirit ' and ' Wind ' § 3. Old Testament Elements (1) Prophecy .... (2) Symbolic Language . (3) Influence of Scripture Types 4. Language of Parable and Hymn (1) The Fig-tree (2) Walking on the Waves (3) The Buddha and his Disciples $ 5. Allegorical Composition (1) The Draught of Fishes (2) Feeding the Multitude 6. Growth of Legend around Religious Teachers (1) Wesley and Demoniacal Possession . (2) Israel Baal-Shem and the Chassidim . 177 179 179 182182184 184 185188 188 189192 •93193195 197198 199 201 203205 206 208 212212 213 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xv. CHAPTER VII. THE COMING OF THE SON OF MAN. PAGE. Difficulties attending the Inquiry .... 217 J 1. At Caesarea Philippi 218 (1) The Galilaean Ministry of the Kingdom . . 218 (2) The Appeal to Israel at Jerusalem . . . 220 (3) The Question of Jesus 221 (4) Anticipations of Danger 225 (5) Taking up the Cross 227 J 2. The Faith of the Church 228 (1) Jesus the Messianic Son of Man . . . 228 (2) His Return in Glory ...... 230 § 3. The Transfiguration 232 (1) Diverging Interpretations ..... 232 (2) Old Testament Elements 234 (3) Symbolism 235 (4) The Transfiguration of the Buddha . . . 237 § 4. The Last Things 239 (1) The Discourse on the Mount of Olives . . 239 (a) Its Occasion ...... 239 (4) Its Forms 240 (2) The Siege of Jerusalem and the Coming of the Son of Man 242 (3) The Discourse a Compilation .... 244 (4) A Little Apocalypse 247 (5) Ascription of other Literary Language to Jesus 249 (6) Inconsistency of the Discourse of the Last Things with other Teachings . . . 250 J 5. The Coming of the Son of Man 252 (1) Did Jesus predict the Coming of the Son of Man? 252 (2) The Triumph of the Kingdom . . . .255 (3) The Realisation of the Reign of God. . . 256 (4) The Kingdom without Messiah .... 258 (5) Messiah's Death and Resurrection . . . 262 Summary 264 tvi. TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER VIII. THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. MARK. PAGE. ) 1. The Relations of the First Three Gospels . . . 266 (1) The Facts to be Explained .... 266 (2) Their Common Source .... 268 i 2. The Priority of Mark 270 (1) Mark not compiled out of Matthew and Luke . 270 (2) Originality of Mark's General Arrangement . 273 (3) Superiority of Mark's View of the Galilaean Ministry . . ... 274 (4) Earlier Forms of some Sayings in Matthew . 278 3. The Representation of Jesus ..... 280 (1) His Office as Messiah conferred on him at Baptism . ..... 280 (2) Limitations of his Power and Knowledge . . 281 (3) Personal Characteristics . ... 283 i. Traits of Authorship and Date . 286 (1) Recollections of a Disciple. . 2S6 (2) Familiarity with Palestine . . . 287 (3) Peculiarities of Language . 288 (4) Signs of Date ... . . 289 5. The Witness of Tradition ... . 290 (1) Mark the ' Interpreter ' of Peter . . . 290 (2) Other Materials besides Peter's Recollections 293 (3) Traces of Pauline Influence . . 294 CHAPTER IX. THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. LUKE. The Preface to the Gospel 296 1. Its Relation to Mark 298 (1) Mostof Mark's Contents represented in Luke . 298 (2) Verbal Parallels 299 (3) Correspondences of Order ... . 300 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xvn. Its Relation to Matthew (l) Their Treatment of Matter also found in Mark (a) Luke does not adopt Matthew's Amplifi cations .... PAGE. 302303 and after the (4) Nor follow Matthew's Changes in Mark's Order .... (2) Additional Common Matter in Luke Matthew(a) Its Different Arrangement (4) Earlier Forms in Luke § 3. Peculiarities of Composition . (1) Large Quantity of Unique Matter (2) Indications of Plurality of Sources (3) The Three Divisions of the Gospel § 4. Characteristics of Thought and Feeling. (1) The Heightened Christology (a) The Son of God (4) Triumph over Evil . (c) Development of Appearances Resurrection (2) Thoughts of Forgiveness and Love (3) Sympathy with the Poor . (4) The Claims of the Suffering on God (5) Universal Scope of the Gospel . $ 5. General Aim (1) Relation to Judaism and the Law (2) Relation to Paul (3) The Preaching to the Gentiles . (4) The Reconciliation of Parties . $ 6. Time, Place, and Author (1) Signs of Later Date . (2) Distance from Palestine (3) Evidences of the Author's Education Traditions about Luke . Church 335 TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO S. MATTHEW. 5 3. Intricacy of the Problem .... J 1. Its Framework (i) The two Acts (2) Collections of Sayings (3) Massing of Incidents (4) Sayings and Incidents in Duplicates . 5 2. Its Relation to Mark (1) Variation and Correspondence in Order (2) Parallel Passages show — . (a) Agreement (4) Abbreviation (e) Modification (d) Addition . Relation to Luke (1) Conflicting Facts (a) In the Form of the Common Matter (4) In its Combination or Distribution Additions to the Common Matter of Luke and Matthew Combinations of Mark and Luke Sources . Additions to the Common Matter of all Three Synoptics J 4. The Person and Teachings of Messiah (1) New Elements in his Life . (fl) The Birth Story (4) The Ministry . (c) Death and Resurrection (2) The Motive from Prophecy (3) The Appeal to the Jews (4) Legalism .... (5) Universalism (6) The Church (2) (3) (4) their TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix. PAGE. § 5. Date and Authorship 377 (1) The Jewish Christians of the Dispersion . 377 (2) Existence of Elements of late Date . . . 378 (3) Testimony of Papias 379 (4) The Gospels as Devotional Books . . . 381 Appendix : The Term ' Son of Man ' in the Synoptic Gospels . 382 Index of Gospel Passages 401 CHAPTER I. THE GOSPELS AND EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. [See Westcott, Canon of the New Testament; Sanday, The Gospels in the Second Century ; Abbott, art. ' Gospels,' Encyclopaedia Britannica."] $ 1. Literature of the Second Century. Our New Testament opens with four lives of Jesus which we call Gospels. They are followed by a book of Apostolic history; by letters, bearing the names of the great Apostle to the Gentiles, of some of the Twelve and of their fellow-workers ; and the collection is closed by a book of visions now entitled 'the Revelation of S. John the Divine.' The story of the growth of this collection extends over hundreds of years. It was formed only gradually, by long and slow processes : diversities of opinion had to be brought into agreement, differences of feeling soothed, and opposition endured and resisted till it was overcome. In the meantime books of various sorts sprang up in the 2 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. churches. Some became popular and were widely circulated ; others were known only in the obscure sects in which they had originated, and after a time they disappeared and were forgotten. In this wider literature, what was the place of our Gospels ? During the second century the Christian Church was filled with activity of many kinds. It was zealous for missionary extension, all the way from the Euphrates to the Rhone. Planted in every great city of the Empire, its teachers were confronted with the manifold forms of popular religion, and with the philosophical speculations by which these varieties might be harmonised and reconciled. In the face of the imperial government it was necessary to vindicate the faithful from the cruel charges brought against them by ignorant informers. The contact of Christian with Greek thought led to many new and unexpected developments of doctrine ; while the moral and social difficulties engendered by the great warfare waged by the Church with sin, called forth protests against the relaxation of discipline, which in their turn ended by throwing more power into the hands of the official hierarchy, and giving greater unity and force to the episcopal organisation. Men of wealth and learning devoted themselves with zeal to the work ; they went the round of the schools unsatisfied ; they saw the Christians go joyously to death, and they learned of them the way of peace. These different movements naturally expressed them selves in literature. The travelling preacher desired to leave among his converts some record of the truth he had declared. The champion of the new faith sought to prove its superiority over the common idolatries ; or to THE SECOND CENTURY. 3 show that it gave a deeper foundation for belief than the old philosophies. To the Jews he endeavoured to demonstrate that it fulfilled their ancient prophecies ; or he boldly addressed the imperial throne itself to defend his brethren from the imputations of secret hostility to the government, or hatred of the human race. Each new teacher must justify the form in which he clothed the imperishable word; each new sect must have its own cre dentials of belief. As the Churches were drawn closer together in mutual interest, as they sought each other's advice, or desired each other's sympathy, letters passed to and fro to warn or cheer. And ever and anon, as the great hope of the Master's return burst forth afresh, or the work of the Church loomed through the unknown future before the prophet's eye, the spirit of ancient seers uttered itself again in vision and commandment and similitude. So beside our Gospels we hear of Gospels according to the Hebrews and the Egyptians ; and there are traces of others named after Peter, Bartholomew, Thomas, Judas, Matthias, and the Twelve. There were Acts of Andrew, John, and Thomas. We yet have a Letter of Barnabas (in the Sinaitic MS. of the New Testament), and another of Clement (as in the Alexandrian MS. of the New Testament, now in the British Museum.) Seven other Letters are still extant in the name of Ignatius of Antioch, addressed to the churches of Ephesus, Smyrna, Rome, &c. ; and there is one from Polycarp of Smyrna to the Philippians. The book of visions entitled ' the Shepherd,' ascribed to Hermas, was extremely popular in the second half of the second century; and it is included in the Sinaitic MS. with the Epistle of Barnabas. There was a Revelation of Peter, and even of Abraham, and Adam. 4 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. Many of these works are now known only by name : many more, it may be supposed, have perished without even leaving so faint a sign. These books did not possess the force and elevation which mark our Gospels, and other portions of the New Testament writings ; in the conflict of the sects they failed to hold their own, and disappeared. The same fate has overtaken a still "wider range of literature. Among the defences, or apologies for Christianity, against the objections of Judaism, or the attractions of philosophy, or the claims of government, some precious works still survive, such as those of Justin the Martyr, Tatian, and Clement of Alexandria. On the internal condition of the churches, probably early in the century, vivid light is thrown by the recently discovered work known as the ' Teaching of the Twelve Apostles.' The refutation of heresy employed several pens, but from this period one treatise only on this subject, by Irenaeus of Lyons, has come down to us. Among this mass of literature what traces do we find of our Gospels ? How far back can we carry them, and what authority is ascribed to them ? Let us try briefly to follow them backwards from the period when they come into full view. $ 2. The Pour Selected. It is clear that in the last generation of the second century, the four Gospels as we have them were known and received from East to West. We may call witnesses from different lands, and- we shall find that amid slight divergences their report is substantially the same. THE CANON OF MURATORI. 5 (i) The so-called Canon of Muratori is a fragment copied from an older MS., which was itself imperfect. It was discovered in the Ambrosian library at Milan, and derives its name from the learned historian and archae ologist Muratori, who first published it in 1740. Its author is unknown, but internal evidence renders it probable that it was drawn up in Rome, or at least in Italy: its date is variously placed between 170 and 200 a.d.1 It begins abruptly with what was presumably a reference to the Gospel according to Mark, the account of Matthew having been lost altogether. It continues : ' Third is the book of the Gospel according to Luke,' the fourth being that of John. A remarkable passage follows : Though various principles [or ' beginnings '] are taught in the separate books of the Gospels, still there is no difference for the faith of believers, inasmuch as all things are declared in all of them by the one and chief Spirit concerning the nativity, the passion, and the resurrection, his conversation with his disciples, and his two-fold advent, the first when he was disposed in lowly estate, which has been, and the second, glorious in royal dignity, which is to be. Here the four Gospels are clearly regarded as in some sense or other inspired. There is, however, a distinct perception of their variations ; yet within and beneath these, it is affirmed, is a deeper unity. No mysterious meaning is attached to number four. (2) Irenaus was among the most distinguished of the teachers of his age. Born in Asia Minor, he had been a hearer of the famous Polycarp of Smyrna. But he passed 1 This is the range of a large consensus of critics. It has been put as early as 160, and as late as the third century. The late Bishop of Durham in a letter to the Academy, Sept. 21, 1889, attributed it to Hippolytus, possibly about 185 or 190. 6 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. westwards, and joined the church at Lyons, where he served first as an elder (presbyter), and afterwards, on the death of the venerable Pothinus in the terrible persecution of the year 177 a.d., under Marcus Aurelius, succeeded to the office of Bishop. His treatise ' Against Heresies 'was written between the years 180 and 188. It was directed chiefly against the various forms of speculative Christianity known as Gnosticism (see § 5, 2), and laid special stress on the argument of the historical transmisson of the faith. Naturally, therefore, the four Gospels have peculiar importance in his eyes ; yet how curious are the reasons which he alleges, iii. n, 8 : It is not possible that the Gospels can be either more or fewer in number than they are. For since there are four zones of the world in which we live, and four principal winds, while the church is scattered throughout the world, and the pillar and ground of the Church is the Gospel and the Spirit of life, it is fitting that we should have four pillars breathing out immortality on every side, and quickening men afresh. From which facts it is evident that the Word, the artificer of all, he that sitteth upon the Cherubim and contains all things, he who was manifested to men, has given us the Gospel in four-fold form, but bound together by one Spirit. Similarly, there were four animals about the throne, Rev. iv. 7; they were the symbols of the four evangelists ; the lion representing John, the calf Luke, the creature with a human face Matthew, the eagle Mark.1 And if 1 The curious reader may notice that the symbols here enumerated do not appear with their usual ecclesiastical applica tion, and the order of the Evangelists also varies. The problem suggested various answers to the Christian Fathers. Mark being identified with each of the four ' creatures ' in turn. Speculation was still rife at the beginning of the fifth century, IRENAEUS. 7 this was not proof enough, were there not four covenants made, with Adam, Noah, Moses, and Christ ? But these were not, after all, the real reasons which moved Irenaeus. Doubtless, such harmonies of number had a great influence on his imagination, and helped to justify in his mind the practical fact that the churches received these Gospels, on the supposition that they had descended from the Apostolic age. He endeavours, therefore, to trace them back to their authors, and the view which he expresses has a deep interest, inasmuch as he combines in a peculiar way the learning and the tradition of both the East and the West. Like the unknown author of the Canon of Muratori, he attributes some kind of inspiration to the Gospels, for he uses the phrase 'the Holy Spirit says by Matthew' (iii. 1 6, 2). So he places them on the footing of Scripture, a term hitherto applied chiefly to the books of the Old Testament. But he does the same also with the ' Shepherd ' of Hermas, generally believed by modern scholars to have been written about 140 a.d. If he mistook this book, written in his own life-time, for a production of the apostolic age (e.g. of the Hermas mentioned in Rom. xvi. 14), he might have been equally in error with respect to other works circulating under Augustine mentioning two different interpretations, one following that of Irenaeus, and another afterwards adopted by our own Bede, though neither was ultimately received. The series which finally established itself in the Latin Church, and passed into Western Art, — Matthew represented by the man, Mark by the lion, Luke by the ox, and John by the eagle, — bore the sanction of two venerated names, Jerome and Gregory the Great. 8 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. apostolic names. If, on the other hand, he admitted so recent a composition to the rank of Scripture, with full knowledge of its date, the argument that this character could attach only to the ancient and apostolic, breaks down. (3) Tertullian, the most vigorous and original writer of the Latin Church, belonged to Carthage, being an elder in the African capital, about 197 a.d., and onwards. Like Irenaeus he was largely occupied with the refutation of heresy. This might be conducted on two grounds. It might be shown that the views of the so-called heretics were in opposition to the doctrine of the sacred books, or that they did not accord with the teaching current in the oldest churches, where the tradition of the apostolic preaching had been most carefully preserved. The first line of argument was often met by the contention that the sacred books had been designedly altered or corrupted by those in whose charge they had been placed. The pro duction of what seemed to be conclusive proof out of the Gospels failed to convince opponents who declared that the passage could not be accepted as genuine. In some moods, therefore, Tertullian proposed to abandon the appeal to Scripture altogether ; it had no other result, he said, than to 'upset either the stomach or the brain.' He relied, in this predicament, on the concurrent testimony of churches of ancient and apostolic foundation, who could not, he ' thought, have all gone astray on the same point and in the same way. What was believed to be Christian truth from East to West, must be accepted on the ground of a common tradition. But in other parts of his writings, Tertullian invoked this tradition to vindicate the apostolic origin of the Gospels, of which he speaks in the following terms : — TERTULLIAN. 9 We lay down in the first place that the evangelical instrument has Apostles for its authors to whom this office of publishing the gospel was assigned by the Lord himself. . . . Of the apostles, John and Matthew first instil faith into us, whilst, of apostolic men, Luke and Mark renew it afterwards, starting with the same rules [of faith] so far as relates to the One only God the Creator, and his Christ, born of the Virgin, the fulfilment of the law and the prophets. Nevermind if different arrangement causes changes in [the order of] the narratives, provided that there be agreement in the essential matter of the faith. {Against Marcion, iv. 2.) Tertullian, it is plain, like the author of the Canon of Muratori, was not unconscious of the difficulties arisingfrom the variations of the Gospel story. But he accepts the four narratives as Scripture, places them at the head of a collection of evangelic and apostolic writings, to which he is the first to give the name New Testament, and sets them as inspired beside the Old. But it must be confessed that it was not difficult for a book to secure such recognition from Tertullian. Among the numerous writings setting forth the Jewish hope of the triumph of their religion and the judgment on their foes, was a strange work which went under the name of Enoch.1 Its earliest portions were written in the second century, b.c, and it received large additions in subsequent generations, some of them from Christian hands. This book was a great favourite with Tertullian, and he claimed for it a patriarchal origin (Gen. v. 2 1 -24). This is his explanation. I am aware that the Scripture of Enoch . . . . is not received by some, because it is not admitted into the Jewish Canon either. I suppose they did not think that having been published before the deluge, it could have safely survived that world-wide calamity, the abolisher of all things. If that is the reason (for 1 See Life in Palestine, p. 162. 10 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. rejecting it), let them recall that Noah, the survivor of the deluge, was the great-grandson of Enoch himself ; that he, of course, had learned through domestic renown and hereditary tradition about his own great-grandfather's grace in the sight of God, about all his preachings, since Enoch had given no other charge to his son, Methusaleh, than that he should hand on the knowledge of them to his posterity. Noah, therefore, no doubt might have succeeded in the trusteeship of his preaching, though even otherwise he would not have been silent, both about the general providence of God his preserver, and about the particular glory of his own house. {On Female Dress, 3.) It might be supposed that this is aparodyof the reasoning which was thought adequate to establish the apostolic authorship of the Gospels. But it is intended in the most simple seriousness. Does it not, however, throw vivid light on the manner in which books bearing great names might be accepted by minds ready to approve their teaching ? (4.) Clement of Alexandria, learned, gentle, and devout, was head of the school of Christian catechumens there during the last decade of the second century, while Irenaeus was bishop at Lyons and Tertullian an elder at Carthage. He had travelled widely and had attended the lectures of many famous teachers, in Syria, Greece, and Italy, as well as in his native Egypt. He had a prodigious acquaintance with the literature of antiquity, and he shared the breadth of view and liberality of thought and sentiment which were characteristic of the Alexandrian school. His treatment of earlier Christian writings shows at once his catholic spirit and the absence of precise ecclesiastical or theological limitations. He quotes from our Four Gospels freely, but he quotes also as ' Scripture ' a saying of Jesus which none of them TATIAN. 11 contains, and which he must have drawn either from tradition or (more probably) from some other gospel, ' Be ye approved money-changers.' He cites Barnabas and Clement of Rome as apostles. The ' Shepherd' of Hermas is in his eyes a revelation whose words are divine. He seems to regard the ' Preaching of Peter ' as an apostolic work ; he ascribes language to Paul in which the apostle recommends the Sibylline verses; and he attributes prophetic character to a book current in the second century under the name of Hystaspes, predicting the fall of the Roman empire, and the destruction of the world by fire. What were the arguments on which such judgments rested? They were simply the general harmony of these works with his own views, the reverence paid to ancient and honoured names, the willingness to accept what bore the outward impress of antiquity, with out a corresponding power to test its worth. (5.) The teachers just enumerated were all at work nearly at the same time, in the latter part of the second century; they all belonged to the lands of the Mediterra nean. A little earlier, perhaps by one or two decades, stands the first writer who specifically uses our Four Gospels, Tatian. He describes himself as an Assyrian : that is, he came from the great valley of the Tigris and the Euphrates. He, too, was educated in the learning of his time ; as a wandering enquirer he studied one system of religion and philosophy after another, not forgetting the Jewish Scriptures and Christianity itself. But it was not until he became a hearer of the Christian philosopher Justin, at Rome, probably between 1 50 and 1 60 a.d., that he resolved to profess the new faith, and in an ' Address ' to the Greeks ' publicly defended his change. At a 12 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. later date Tatian returned to the East, and there, so ran the tradition, he composed a Diatessaron (a gospel ' by four'), a sort of harmony of the works of the four Evangelists. Little was known of this early endeavour to fuse the divergent narratives into one, beyond the state ment of a Syriac writer, of the twelfth century, that it had formed the subject of a commentary by the venerable Ephraim the Syrian in the fourth, and that it began with the opening words of the Gospel according to S. John. Of this commentary an Armenian translation has recently been made accessible. This has proved clearly that the Diatessaron was founded on our Four Gospels ; that it started with the prologue of John, and that it omitted the genealogies of Matthew and Luke.1 The attempted combination implies the diffusion and importance of the Gospels which we now possess. Those of John and Matthew seem to have supplied Tatian's chief material, Mark and Luke being only used secondarily. The work consisted of a continuous narrative, formed out of sections taken in succession from the different Gospels. But the freedom with which these were treated shows us that the compiler did not ascribe to his documents an exclusively canonical or sacred character. Bold changes were made in the order, especially in the arrangement of passages from the Fourth Gospel. Some portions were dropped. The excision of the genealogies has been 1 It is thought likely that it was compiled after 160 a.d., in Syriac, the language of the Christians of Edessa and the neigh bourhood round the Euphrates. The following summary is derived from Zahn's work. The reader may also refer to the article on Tatian in Smith and Wace, Dict. of Christian Biogra phy, and to Hemphill, Diatessaron of Tatian, London, 1888. TATIAN. 13 already mentioned — this probably was due to doctrinal considerations ; the second feeding miracle of Mark and Matthew may have been left out as a mere duplicate ; but for the suppression of the woes on Bethsaida, Chorazin, and Capernaum, no such explanations can be suggested. Some passages were curtailed ; but others, on the contrary, were enriched with fresh detail, or extended with additions from unknown sources. At the Baptism, it is affirmed, light arose over the water. In Matt. xv. 4 appear the unexpected words ' and he who blasphemes God, let ' him be crucified.' Jesus says to the woman of Samaria, ' My water cometh down from heaven.' The account of the Paschal supper has evidently been affected by that of the apostle Paul in 1 Cor. xi. But it seems further to have contained a very singular account of how Jesus ' washed ' the bread before he handed it to Judas, who was not worthy of the bread given in covenant to the rest of the Apostles. With Matthew's story of the death of Judas the different version of Acts i. 18 was incorporated. / The Diatessaron, thus compiled, acquired the rank of Scripture elsewhere assigned to the Gospels separately. For hundreds of years it served in their stead. As late as 453 a.d., Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus on the Euphrates, found more than two hundred copies in use in the churches in his diocese, which he replaced by the complete works of the Evangelists, f Tatian thus marks for us the time when our Gospels were acquiring their place in the Church at the head of a new collection of sacred writings. He stands between their recognition as in some way authoritative and inspired, and the older view of them as simply apostolic ' recollections.' 14 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. §3. The Gospels before they were Scripture. What do we know of our Gospels before the period which we have just described ? The books themselves bear no dates, nor — save by tradition — do they carry any names.1 What indications are there, then, of their existence and use prior to the days of Tatian ? Tatian had been himself a disciple of Justin the Martyr, who is believed to have perished in Rome about 163 a.d. Justin was a copious writer, and some of his works. have been preserved ; the most important being two ' Apologies,' (one addressed to the Emperor Antoninus Pius, the other to the Romans) and the ' Dialogue with Trypho ' which states the case between Christianity and Judaism. These were composed after 140 a.d. (1.) Justin was a native of Neapolis, the ancient Shechem, the modern Nablus, lying between Mount Ebal and Mount Gerizim in the heart of Palestine.2 Like many of the earnest-minded men of his day, he passed restlessly from one system of thought to another, quitting the Stoics 1 This statement is true, even of the Fourth Gospel. No doubt the appendix to that Gospel, John xxi. 24, speaks of the disciple which 'beareth witness of these things and wrote these things.' But even he is not named ; and it is not clear whether the ' writing ' ascribed to him is limited to the particular narrative in this chapter, or is meant to cover the whole previous book. The Church has certainly understood him to be the Apostle John, and has claimed him as the author of the entire Gospel. But the history of the criticism of the Gospel shows that other interpre tations may be at least possible. ! Life in Palestine, p. 20. JUSTIN THE MARTYR. 15 for the Peripatetics, leaving the Peripatetics for the Pytha goreans, and abandoning the Pythagoreans for the Platonists, till he fell in with a certain venerable old man of gentle manners who told him of teachers more ancient than all the philosophers — the Hebrew prophets — and bade him pray that the gates of light might be opened to him. The old man went his way, but his words were fruitful, and Justin found, as Clement of Alexandria said half-a-century later, that philosophy had been his ' tutor ' to bring him to Christ.1 His study of the Old Testament was extensive, and he quotes it repeatedly. It is his sacred and inspired authority. No book outside of it is ever cited by him with the phrase 'Thus saith the Holy Spirit.' But his quotations are by no means always exact. Words are often omitted or altered, and he groups together, as though theyjwere continuous, passages that are widely separated, or even come from different books. Is it surprising, then, that he should apparently deal in the same manner with Christian writings? What were the Christian writings with which Justin was acquainted ? No single book in the whole of our New Testament is ever referred by him to any individual author, save the Revelation, which he ascribes to ' John, ' one of the apostles of Christ.' Fixing our attention on the gospel narratives, we may put aside the Fourth Gospel, which does not come within our present scope, and the traces of which are so indistinct that critics of the highest eminence are in doubt whether Justin knew it; Dr. Drummond, for example, believing that he did, and Dr. Abbott arguing that he did not. The question is narrowed to his use of our First Three. 1 Cp. Gal. iii. 24. 16 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. Now there are scores of quotations from the teachings of Jesus in Justin's writings which run parallel with passages in Matthew and Luke, and much more rarely with passages in Mark. Whence are they taken ? They are taken from what he calls the 'Memoirs' or 'Recol lections ' of the Apostles. These were the sources of Christian teaching, these were the church-books, now employed in public worship. ' On the day called Sun- ' day,' he tells us, ' all who live in the cities or in the ' country, gather together to one place, and the memoirs ' of the apostles, or the writings of the prophets, are read ' as long as time permits.'1 Elsewhere he speaks of the memoirs composed by the apostles ' which are called gospels.' In only one passage does he couple with such writings any apostolic name. Quoting a phrase now found only in the Gospel according to S. Mark, he refers it to the ' Recollections ' of Peter.2 But when Justin's citations are compared with our Gospels, it is found that they present just the same kind of variations which have been already noted in his use of the Old Testament. Some passages agree closely, some differ slightly, some a good deal. And the question arises, how far may we infer from these divergences that Justin employed other gospels in addition to, or instead of, those which we possess ? Is such an inference, indeed, legitimate at all ? The answer to this question must really depend on a careful collection of all the quotations, and a comparison of them with our gospel texts. It would be necessary then to estimate the parallel evidence afforded by the Old Testament quotations. And other considerations, founded on the value of the manuscript of Justin's works, and the 1 First Apology, 67. 2 See below, chap. viii. $ 5, 1. JUSTIN THE MARTYR. 17 chances of its corruption or alteration would enter in, needing a highly-trained and balanced judgment to decide upon them. We must be content with one specimen of the kind of deviation which Justin presents : — This devil, when [Jesus] went up from the river Jordan, at the time when the voice spake to him, Thou art my son, this day have I begotten thee, is recorded in the Memoirs of the Apostles to have come to him and tempted him. The words uttered by the heavenly voice-are given in one form by Mark and Luke, in another by Matthew, but with neither of these does Justin agree. They run thus : — Mark i. 1 1, Thou art my beloved Son, in thee I am well pleased. Luie'iW. 22, Thou art my beloved Son, in thee I am well pleased. Matt. ii. 7, This is my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased. Now is Justin's form, which rests upon Psalm ii. 7, merely due to a confusion of memory, or is it an independent tradition, or is it quoted from some other Gospel ? The latter suggestion is made at least possible by the fact that this version of the utterance of the heavenly voice did occur in one edition of the Gospel according to the Hebrews.1 This possibility, moveover, is strengthened by the existence of other signs of Justin's acquaintance with a wider range of gospel narrative and tradition. Thus, for example, he relates that when Jesus came up out of the Jordan, fire appeared on the surface of the water. So also said one version of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. There are other statements not made by our First Three 1 Namely in the Ebionite form, where it is combined with the words now in Mark and Luke. It may be observed that in one of the oldest MSS. of Luke (the gift of Beza to the University of Cambridge) the words run ' Thou art my son, this day have I begotten thee.' C 18 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. Evangelists, such as that Jesus was born in a cave, that the Wise Men came from Arabia, that all the children in Bethlehem were massacred, that Jesus made ploughs and yokes. Whence were these derived ? They may be due to the ever-operating tendency to make tradition more fixed and definite by adding details to fill up gaps in the narrative, as it passes on from mouth to mouth ; or they may be Justin's own inferences from the language of ancient prophecy which he thought Jesus must have fulfilled; or they may be derived from other gospel sources. The probability that they were so drawn from Gospels which afterwards passed out of use, is fully conceded by Dr. Sanday. If this be so it shows that our Gospels were not then regarded as separate and inspired ' Scripture.' The sayings of Jesus are occasionally set side by side with the authoritative words of prophecy ; but the Memoirs which contain them, though their use in public worship indicates the growing appreciation of their value, are not yet in themselves the sole channels and organs of the Spirit. (2) Among the contemporaries of Justin was Papias of Hierapolis in Phrygia, who died somewhere between 161 and 163 a.d. He, too, had been a tolerably copious writer, for in the decade 140-1501 he composed five books of ' Expositions ' or ' Explanations ' of ' the Lord's sayings.' The term ' sayings ' (Greek logid) or ' oracles' is the same as that used to designate the divine utterances in Hebrew prophecy. Messiah's words have equal rank 1 This is the date adopted by Dr. Westcott and Prof. Holtzmann. In the Dict. of Eccl. Biography, art. ' Papias," Dr. Salmon places it about 130. Others have carried it down below 150. PAPIAS. 19 with these; but no such significance as yet attaches to any written memoirs about him. The treatise of Papias has perished ; but the historian Eusebius has preserved a few extracts of great interest. In these Papias affirms that 'Matthew wrote the logia in the Hebrew tongue, " and everyone interpreted them as he was able'; and that ' Mark, as the interpreter of Peter, wrote down accurately, ' though not in order, all that he remembered that was ' said or done by Christ.' 1 Such language treats the Evangelists' narratives as ordinary human literature. The work of Matthew, in the Aramean vernacular of Palestine,2 was left for each reader to translate as best he could ; the feature of Mark's version of Peter's recollections was its want of proper arrangement, which must (one would think) have impaired the accuracy of the record./ The criticism shows at least that Papias did not view the books of which he spoke (whether identical or not with our present Gospels of Matthew and Mark) in the light of later ideas of inspiration. Indeed, he frankly tells us that he attached much more value to oral tradition than to written documents : — '/ I shall not regret to subjoin to my interpretations also for your benefit whatever I have at any time accurately ascertained and treasured up in my memory, as I have received it from the elders. If I met with anyone who had been a follower of the elders anywhere, I made it a point to enquire what were the 1 For the bearing of these statements on the history of our Gospels see below, chap. viii. $ 5, i, Mark ; and chap. x. § 5, 3, Matthew. As Eusebius quotes nothing relating to Luke and John, it has been inferred that Papias was not acquainted with the books under these names. From an opposite point of view, however, this inference has been disputed. 2 Life in Palestine, p. 32. 20 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. declarations of the elders, what was said by Andrew, Peter, or Philip, what by Thomas, James, John, Matthew, or any other of the disciples of our Lord, what was said by Aristion,1 and the elder John, disciples of the Lord; for / do not think that I derived so much benefit from books as from the living voice of those that are still surviving. § 4. The Value of the Attestation. No name, we have seen, is connected with any Gospel in extant Christian literature for upwards of a hundred years after the death of Jesus.3 Are there, however, no earlier references to his words or deeds which may be identified with passages in one or other of our evangelic books ? (i) To those who have learned to attach great importance to the actual utterances of the Teacher, it will appear strange that so few of them should be directly quoted. How little we should know of the Master's thought and speech, had we only the letters of the Apostle Paul ! Even in the books which relate the story of his life, how small a proportion of his teaching is recorded I We can easily understand that there may have been many sayings of his current in the churches, or enshrined in other Gospels, which have not come down to us. Here and there we can catch one ere it passes from hearing or from memory, as when Paul reminds the Elders of Ephesus at Miletus of the words of Jesus, ' It is more 1 Of this ' disciple ' nothing more is known. 2 The precise length of the period before Papias wrote cannot be determined. Assuming the date given above, it will exceed a century. According to Dr. Salmon it would be about 95 years. QUOTATIONS OF THE WORDS OF JESUS. 21 ' blessed to give than to receive,' Acts xx. 35. So Clement in his Letter to the Corinthians (above, § 1, p. 3) quotes certain ' words of the Lord,' but in a form so loose and free that they cannot be claimed as witnesses to the existence of our Gospels in their present form. They may have been drawn from tradition; they may have come from earlier editions of our Gospels ; or they may be cited from some one of the numerous attempts to set forth the Christian story, mentioned in the preface to our Third Gospel, Luke i. i.1 For instance, the Letter of Barnabas (chap, iv.) contains this passage : Let us 'beware lest we be found, as it is written, "Many ' " called, but few chosen'' ' Is this a quotation of Matt. xxii. 14, ' For many are called but few chosen ' ? It is to be observed first that Matthew is not named at all. In the next place, the words are introduced with the phrase usually reserved for passages from the Scriptures of what we now call the Old Testament. The application of this phrase to a Gospel citation at the date commonly assigned to this letter (100-125 a.d.,) would be in the highest degree remarkable. Is it possible that the writer, vaguely recalling the words, ascribed them wrongly to some ancient Scripture source ? Let another quotation (chap, xvi.) answer this question : ' The Scripture saith, ' "And it shall come to pass in the last davs that the Lord ' " will deliver up the sheep of his pasture, and their ' " sheepfold and tower, to destruction. And it so happened ' "as the Lord had spoken. " ' This passage is unknown in the Old Testament. We are not then surprised that the only words which the same writer ascribes to Jesus 1 Compare chap. iii. § 2, 4. 22 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. (vii). are not in any extant Gospel : — ' Those who will ' see me, and obtain possession of my kingdom, must lay ' hold of me through anguish and suffering.' These are from some unknown source, whether oral or written : what proof is there that the words ' Many called, but few ' chosen ' have not the same origin ? In another case we have positive historical testimony of the employment of other Gospels beside those in our New Testament. The longer form of the Epistles of Ignatius contains three or four striking sayings peculiar to Matthew embedded in the writer's own words. But the only utterance actually attributed to Jesus does not occur in any of our Gospels : 'And when he came to those about Peter, he said to ' them, " Take, handle me, and see that I am not a '"bodiless demon."' The historian Eusebius, writing two hundred years after, says that this was derived from a source unknown to him. A little later, Jerome, who had studied the different forms of Jewish Christianity in Palestine, asserts that they were found in a Gospel read in his day by the Nazarenes. The case may be illustrated thus. Let us suppose that there is a royal suite of jewels, various in origin, shape, and size ; the present setting of the gems can be shown not to be their original setting ; and the style in which some of them have been cut is plainly more recent than that of others. The collection has been evidently formed out of diverse stones gathered from many lands, so that they do not always harmonise with each other in brilliance, colour, or shape. Imagine now that some poet living during the century in which the jewels were thus brought together, mentions a stone bearing a motto found on one of the smaller gems in the collection. Could that be VALUE OF QUOTATIONS. 23 regarded as sufficient evidence of the existence of the whole suite in its present setting ? Plainly not. In the first place, though the probability might be strong that the stone in the collection was identical with the stone of which the poet sang, yet it is quite conceivable that there might have been other jewels like it bearing the same motto. And secondly, even the identification of one single stone cannot be taken as a guarantee that it had been already placed in its present setting, and still less that the poet knew the entire suite to which it is now attached. (2) The uncertainty attaching to the early Christian quotations stands in remarkable contrast with the greater precision of the classic writers of Rome. Their usage is thus described by Strauss : — Cicero, for instance, alludes variously to different writings of his own in his letters, and in his ' Brutus ' to Caesar's ' Commen taries ' ; Virgil, Horace, and Ovid, refer in later writings to earlier ones ; Pliny the Younger supplies in one of his letters certain particulars for the use of his friend Tacitus which the latter wished to treat of in the history he was then writing : in another letter he enumerates the works of his uncle, the Elder Pliny, mentioning their order and subdivisions. The latter point is essential, and the description ought to be exact, in order to render the proof of authorship satisfactory, since the authentic writing attested by the author or some acquaintance of his may have been lost, and another substituted for it afterwards. Only when some near contemporary, in speaking of the work, cites passages which are still read in it, as Pliny for instance does an epigram of Martial, does his testimony reach the highest degree of attainable reliability.1 On the other hand, when Papias speaks of Matthew as the author of a collection of the ' sayings (oracles) of the 1 New Life of Jesus, i. p. 48. 24 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. Lord,' in Aramean, we cannot identify our ' Gospel according to Matthew ' with this work, for two reasons : (i) because our Gospel is in Greek, and in the process of translation it may have been modified or enlarged ; and (2) because it contains a great deal more than ' sayings,' or even ' sayings ' with their setting in incident and anecdote ; it is a continuous and elaborately arranged life-story, beginning with genealogy and nativity, and ending with resurrection-triumph. And when Barnabas or Ignatius uses the words or expressions of our Gospels without specifying their source, we can have no security in inferring that they were really derived from those Gospels, for we know that other Gospels were also employed, in which these phrases might also have been found. (3) It must further be remembered that the literary habits and usages of those days differed widely from our own. Literary habits, indeed, the early Christians had none. Fictitious compositions abounded; and pious authors again and again sheltered themselves behind the great names under whose sanction they sought to gain currency for their productions. Alongside the ' Memoirs of the Apostles ' Justin cites as authentic documents the 'Acts of Pilate.' They related the story of the trial, the death, and the resurrection of Jesus, in the form of a report addressed by Pilate to the Emperor Tiberius. Justin appeals with confidence to the original, which he supposes to be laid up in Rome. But the ' Acts ' seem to be now embodied in the 'Gospel of Nicodemus,' and no one ascribes to them any official character or historic value. The resemblance of some passages in the works of the philosopher Seneca to others in the letters of the GROWTH OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. 25 apostle Paul led to the idea that their writers must have been acquainted ; and this expressed itself in the form of a correspondence between them, which still survives, but is admitted on all hands to be perfectly worthless. The historian Eusebius even quotes with the utmost gravity the letter which (it was alleged) Abgar, King of Edessa, sent to Jesus, entreating him to come and heal him of his malady, and the Lord's reply ! The confusion by which the works of one author are ascribed to another, is not unknown in our own literary history ; for all is not Shakespeare's which is found within the covers of the 'Plays.' And the deliberate adoption of another per sonality for specific ends finds a remarkable illustration in the well-known 'Eikon Basilike,' published imme diately after the death of Charles the First, in his name, as his composition. The tests and methods by which authorship may be now proved or disproved, were unknown in the second century ; the works which seemed in harmony with current teaching were received and circulated ; in due time they might be quoted as Scripture ; accepted in churches of apostolic foundation, they were themselves regarded as of apostolic antiquity, and they were ascribed like the letter of Barnabas, or the ' Shepherd ' of Hermas, to the pen of the founders' companions and friends. EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. § 5. The Gospels and the Church. (i) The four Gospels which come clearly into view in the second half of the second century, had attained a unique position by its close. Events were then moving rapidly. Tendencies that had been for some time working obscurely, became vigorous and powerful, and claimed and received a definite shape. It was a period of intense and eager life among the churches. They had been feeling after a union of faith, a union of discipline, a union of usage ; and they attained it. For more than two generations distinguished teachers and eminent church-officers had been eagerly discussing, travelling to collect information, meeting for conference on diversities of practice, corresponding, issuing decrees, asserting pretensions and repudiating them, smoothing down difficulties, softening bitterness, and conciliating opposi tion : and the result was the gradual growth into light and strength and beauty of the ' holy Catholic Church.' Here lay the rule of faith; to this and to this alone belonged the Scriptures and the Sacraments. On one side this movement led to the formation of a New Testament beside the Old. On another, it resulted in committing the guardianship of the truth and the main tenance of ecclesiastical order into the charge of the bishops, who rose into monarchical eminence above the collective body of presbyters. In each of these two directions the Church was driven in self-defence against dangers which threatened it not from outside but from within. (2) During the first half of the century Christianity had THE GOSPELS AND THE CHURCH. 27 been brought into close contact with Greek thought and life, and had begun to incorporate into itself elements from many different sources. There was an aspect in which it seemed like a new and better philosophy, and many of those who took this view of it, laid special stress on its doctrine of Gnosis, or 'knowledge.' Desiring at all costs to maintain a religious spirituality unimpaired by contact with earthly and material things, they criticised many of the representations of God in the Old Testament, and would have nothing to do with the ancient Jewish law. When once this speculative tendency had started into life, it created all kinds of sects. Their teachers multiplied, especially in the East ; and some of them, in the course of time, made their way to Rome. When they were questioned about the authority of their teaching, they made precisely the same answer as the orthodox believer. They, too, affirmed that they drew their doctrine from the Apostles. They invoked the names of Peter or James or John. They claimed to be in possession of an Apostolic tradition, ' which we also,' said they, ' have received by succession.' So, when the Gnostic Marcion came to Rome, soon after 140, to be the head of a school founded there shortly before by Cerdo, he made it his avowed aim to restore the true Gospel of Jesus, which had been corrupted by the Jerusalem Apostles. He produced as the credentials of his system a Gospel founded on that ' according to Luke,' and ten Letters ascribed to the Apostle Paul, not including those to Timothy and Titus. The book of Acts and the Apocalypse he rejected. Here was the first instance of a Christian Canon, a collection of books to serve as the rule or standard of faith. Marcion was 28 EARLY CHRISTIAN LITERATURE. content with a single Gospel. To this the Church, in the second half of the century, opposed its sacred Four. (3) About the same time that Marcion was teaching in Rome, a remarkable movement arose in Phrygia, in Asia Minor, led by a man named Montanus. His teaching was not heretical, and his followers were at first dis tinguished by their earnestness and purity of life. Montanus laid Stress on the prophetic elements in Christianity. He brought the doctrine of the Paraclete or ' Comforter ' into prominence, and made it a living and powerful religious force. Disregarding priestly pretensions, he protested against the growing claims of a sacred order, pleaded for the right of free teaching concerning divine things, and denounced all attempts to restrict it in favour of exclusive church-officers, such as bishops and presbyters. The movement of Montanus was of course based on ' apostolic ' literature : but its 'new prophecy' professed to represent a maturer develop ment even than the Gospels. It spread far and wide beyond the limits of its Phrygian birth-place, and urged its plea for liberty, and its demand for an austere holiness, in city after city through the West. From another side the Church felt itself threatened. As it met Gnosticism with a standard collection of Christian Scriptures, guaranteed by tradition, so it suppressed Montanism by the aid of an official body, divinely appointed to be the keepers of the sacred deposit of the truth, and the guardians of the unity of discipline and practice. (4) So the formation of the Canon of the New Testament, and the organisation of the Catholic Church, proceeded together with steps which though slow were sure. The two movements were closely related, and THE GOSPELS AND THE CHURCH. 29 ought never to be separated in our thought. The one aim which presided over both was the desire to maintain and work out what was supposed — whether in doctrine or in usage — to be ' apostolic' The ultimate decision on some of the books now in our New Testament might yet be delayed for centuries ; but our Gospels had a general reputation as ' apostolic ' in the broad sense. The Gospel of the Hebrews, in the forms current among the Ebionites and the Nazarenes, continued for a long while to be used in the Judseo-Christian sects ; but our Four, representing the union of the Jewish origin of Christianity with its Hellenic adaptation, remained the permanent possession of the Church. CHAPTER II. THE FIRST THREE GOSPELS AND THE FOURTH. No enquiry into the structure of the First Three Gospels can wholly pass by their relation to the Fourth. Before we endeavour to trace the origin and formation of the gospel tradition, we must have some idea of the two great types under which it is presented. Early in the history of Gospel criticism it was observed that the First Three Gospels took the same general view of the life and teachings of Jesus ; and the great scholar Griesbach, near the beginning of this century, gave them the name ' Synoptic ' (looking-together) to show that they were bound together by many common resemblances. What is the character of these resemblances ? In what respect does the Johannine version of the gospel story differ from that of the Synoptics ? 1 1 For purposes of reference it will be convenient hereafter to use the personal names as the titles of the Gospels. But this must not be supposed to imply any special theory of their authorship. THE ORDER OF EVENTS. 31 $ 1. Their General Arrangement. (i) The First Three Gospels all agree in their general presentation of the career of the Teacher. It opens, so they relate, with the baptism on the Jordan, which is im mediately followed by the temptation in the wilderness. The imprisonment of John is the signal for Jesus to take up the prophet's word, ' The kingdom of God is at hand,' and he returns into Galilee to preach. The ministry thus inaugurated falls into two clear divisions. (a) There is, in the first place, a period of active work in Galilee. Its starting point is at Capernaum ; its centre is the lake with its busy towns ; and among these does Jesus pass and repass, with only a rare departure into the remoter regions of Phoenicia (though Luke omits this), or the sources of the Jordan under the cliffs of Mount Hermon. Similar epochs mark the progress of events, the choice and mission of the Twelve, the execution of the Baptist, the retirement of Jesus to the north, the memorable declaration of Peter at Caesarea Philippi, and the Transfiguration, after which Jesus first announces his coming journey to Jerusalem and his expected death. This is the prelude to the second great act of the Synoptic drama. (b) The scene is now transferred from Galilee to Jerusalem. The route of the journey lay on the east of the Jordan, according to Matthew and Mark ; or in Luke (with less historical probability, see chap. ix. § 3, 3) through Samaria. At Jericho the Synoptic accounts join once more. They relate in common the. triumphal entry from the Mount of Olives ; the cleansing of the temple ; 32 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. the conflicts with the authorities ; the great discourse con cerning the 'last things'; the approach of the Passover; the celebration of the Paschal supper; the agony in Gethsemane ; the arrest, the trial, and the crucifixion. (c)- The fulness with which the brief days at Jerusalem are described is in strange contrast with the too meagre narrative of the Galilaean preaching. But it is evident that the Synoptic distribution of the ministry of Jesus into these two parts of unequal length brings the whole within the compass of a year. Jesus attends only one Passover. Not many days were spent in Jerusalem before the end. The journey, even on foot, could not have occupied, at the outside, more than two or three weeks. And the Master's labours in Galilee during the imprisonment of John, and after his death, do not seem to cover more than a few months. So some of the Christian Fathers found in this chronology the fulfilment of the ancient prophecy about ' the acceptable year of the Lord.' (2) In the Fourth Gospel there are no such clear divisions. The Johannine story opens indeed with the preaching of the Baptist ; but he stands in a very different relation to Jesus (see § 3, 2). Leaving the Jordan, Jesus passes, without any interval in the wilderness, to Galilee ; but the scene of his first appearance there is not Capernaum, it is the hill village of Cana, and when he moves down to the town on the lake-side, it is only for a brief sojourn — ' he abode there not many days.' (a) From this time the scene is constantly changing between north and south. Without any further develop ment of the ministry in Galilee, Jesus goes up to the Pass over at Jerusalem. It is the first of several visits which he will pay to the holy city. He does not, indeed, enter NEW PLACES, PERSONS, INCIDENTS. 33 it with a crowd of disciples, amid the acclamations of the multitude ; but he proceeds at once to the expulsion of the money-changers from the temple, and casts out the dealers in animals for sacrifice. In the oldest Synoptic tradition this act concentrates on him the priestly wrath, and finally costs him his life. But the Johannine Christ moves about unscathed ; and his signs draw believers around him. When he leaves the capital, it is to tarry in Judaea, and baptise (iii. 22), while John — 'not yet cast 'into prison' — was at no great distance, baptizing also. From Judaea a second visit is paid to Galilee, where the Galilaeans ' having seen all that he did in Jerusalem at the feast,' received him. But Jesus only stays to heal the nobleman's son at Capernaum ; another feast is at hand, and he returns to Jerusalem. This, is indeed, the true scene of his ministry, and one festival after another in the yearly round finds him there, with occasional brief excursions to Galilee between. (3) The result is that the time through which the ministry continues is greatly lengthened. The Passover at which he suffers is the third recorded in the narrative, so that his career as Teacher is spread over more than two years. We have already noted the important chrono logical misplacement of the cleansing of the temple. There is another significant time-difference between the Synoptic and Johannine narratives. It concerns the day on which Jesus died. The First Three Gospels all repre sent the supper which Jesus ate with his disciples as the Paschal feast. Jesus, therefore, was crucified on the day after the Paschal lamb was slain.1 But in the Fourth 1 For the details of the Passover celebration see Life in Palestine, \ 33, p. 111. 34 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. Gospel the last meal is held before the feast ; and Jesus dies on the veiy day when the victim is sacrificed.1 (3) Differences such as these are naturally accompanied by the mention of places, persons, and incidents, unnamed by the Synoptics. There is a second Bethany, ' beyond Jordan ' (ii. 28), there are Cana and Aenon, Salim and Sychar. One after another fresh characters appear and pass away — Nathaniel, the Israelite ' in whom ' is no guile,' Nicodemus the Pharisee, the Samaritan woman, the man at Jerusalem who had been born blind ; while beside Martha and Mary stands Lazarus. The Sanhedrin send a deputation to John to ask who he is ; after the Baptist's testimony to Jesus, two of his disciples (one of them being Andrew, brother of Simon) leave him and attach themselves to the new Teacher, while Andrew goes to fetch his brother Simon, telling him ' We have ' found the Christ.' 2 Even more remarkable is it that John alone represents Jesus as baptizing (iii. 22, though he afterwards limits the statement to the disciples, iv. 2) ; John alone describes the people of Galilee as wishing to make Jesus king ; John alone relates the striking miracles of the conversion of the water into wine at Cana, the cure of the paralytic at Bethesda, and, above all, the raising of Lazarus at Bethany. (4) On the other hand, some of the important crises of the Synoptic story disappear from the Johannine narrative. Here is no Baptism recorded, though the reference to the ' Some eminent critics of different schools, like Dr. Westcott and Dr. Abbott, think this historically the more correct. 2 The Fourth Evangelist here represents Jesus as at once con ferring on Simon the name Cephas (Peter), which Mark and Matthew reserve for later occasions, DIFFERENCES OF MATTER. 35 descent of the Spirit (i. 32) immediately recalls the state ments of the First Three Evangelists. The Temptation is in the same way omitted. The first day at Capernaum, so vividly related in Mark, is ignored ; the boat on the lake-shore from which Jesus told the story of the Sower, the choice of the Twelve and their mission, Peter's confession of his Master's Messianic dignity, the Trans figuration, and the Agony, — all these which mark so many turning-points in the great drama, disappear. The demoniacs, the lepers, the publicans and sinners, fade out of sight. The characteristic synagogue scenes, where the Teacher again and again enforced the broadest principles of conscience against a rigid legalism, pass out of view ; and but for one single reference (vi. 59) it would not appear that Jesus ever taught in one, through out his ministry. $ 2. Matter and Style. (1) The differences of plan and arrangement just noted lead to the closer consideration of the substance of the Synoptical Gospels. Not only do they present the same general view of the ministry of Jesus, they show a striking resemblance in their contents, and they deal with their materials in much the same style. They abound in anecdotes, short narratives of incidents, which often seem to be quite independent, and possess no inner marks of necessary order. They are introduced with similar phrases, but their arrangement may often vary. It has been reckoned that if the common matter of the gospel-story be divided roughly into sixty sections, forty 36 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. will be found belonging to Matthew and Luke, and twenty will unite Mark either to Matthew or Luke.1 Even the passages peculiar to the several Synoptics share the same general character of narrative and speech. The teachings in Matthew's Great Sermon, the parables of Luke, do not differ in style, in quality, in kind, from those which they report together. The study of their common matter, however, reveals a still closer relation. Its distribution along certain general lines of order leads nevitably to but one explanation (to be established here after at greater length), viz., that the Synoptic narratives are all more or less closely related to a single type. In parables, such as that of the Sower, in incidents like the cure of the paralytic, even in Old Testament quotations of peculiar form containing rare words or expressions, it becomes apparent either that one Evangelist borrowed from another, or that an older and more original form lies behind them all. (2) But in the Fourth Gospel the narratives and dis courses are of a different kind. (a) The frequent references to 'other signs' which won belief, shows that the writer has carefully selected a special series of the ' works ' of Jesus, and arranged them so as to produce a particular effect. The Synoptics 1 The common matter and the peculiarities in each Gospel, are valued numerically in the following table, where the total contents of the several Gospels are represented by 100. Peculiarities. Coincidences. St. Matthew 42 58 St. Mark 7 93 St. Luke 59 41 St. John 92 8 Westcott, Introduction, p. 195, quoting Stroud, Harmony qf ^he Gospels, p. 117, DIFFERENCES OF MATTER. 37 relate a score of miracles, or more ; John tells but seven. Moreover his reports are as unlike as possible to the rapid movement of Synoptic anecdote. They are often lengthy and circumstantial, and constantly pass into explanatory or allegorical address. (£) In the', same way the discourses of Jesus are extended and continuous. Instead of the short pregnant sayings, after the manner of ancient Hebrew wisdom, which the First Three Gospels record, the Fourth presents us with speeches which develop some idea much as a musician works out his theme, and occasionally run without warning into the writer's own comments or exposition (e.g. iii. 16-21, 31-36). Even the great collections of sayings in the Synoptics, such as the Sermon on the Mount, never lose the impress of their national form. The maxims of conduct and religion, ascribed to the Master, though of various value, are all coined in the same mint. But the Johannine Christ does not utter his thought in these compact and incisive sentences. The profound conceptions which he has to unfold, the deep emotions which he communicates, need as their vehicle a consecutive argument, or an elaborate allegory. So the exquisite simplicity of the parables is replaced by care fully wrought symbols, — the well — the bread of life — the true vine — which sometimes seem the product of con scious reflection, and appeal rather to the intellect than to the heart. (c) And lastly, the problems of life which arise so unexpectedly — ' Who is my neighbour ? ' ' Speak to my ' brother that he divide the inheritance with me,' ' How * oft shall my brother sin against me, and I forgive him ? ' 'What shall I do to inherit eternal life?'— the Sabbath 38 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. questions, the great themes of self-denial, of service, of saving the lost, of the coming of the kingdom, — these either lose their prominence, or disappear. The rich background of nature and society, the variety of occupa tions, the manifold touches' which reveal the Teacher's close and loving observation both of his country and his countrymen, are merged in a few great and universal ideas, in whose glow all local colour has been blanched away. Over against 'the Jews,' almost always hostile, blundering, and unintelligent, stands the incarnate Word ; but the personality of the prophet of Nazareth, alive at every point, in sympathy with all forms of human need, whose teachings reflect every phase of the community around him, and who speaks with equal ease of 'my father' and 'your father,' seems mysteriously changed. Through words whose crystal clearness hides rather than reveals their spiritual depth, one pair after another of opposite though related terms comes into view. God and the world stand out in sharp antagonism. They are as far removed as light and darkness, truth and lying, life and death. In contrast to their warfare is the mystic union of 'the Father' and 'the Son,' and the process by which the eternal glory of the Son 'before the world was' shall be realised anew. These ideas pervade the Gospel from one end to the other, and the story of the life of Jesus is arranged so as to exhibit them to the best effect. The Synoptical narratives, it has been truly said, are mere aggregates of detail, much of which might have been differently distributed without appreciably affecting the result ; one miracle more or less would have mattered little ; and the whole must be collected from its com- ponentparts. But in the Fourth Gospel each episode is THE DOCTRINE OF THE WORD. 39 vitally connected with the principle which shapes them all. Nothing can be omitted without surrendering some thing of permanent significance. Every detail is related to an idea which lives in the author's mind, and guides the choice and order of his materials. The successive incidents do not in fact tell all their story by themselves ; they only become intelligible when they are interpreted by a great conception which is independent of them. The whole is in reality something more than can be gathered from the parts. § 3. Differences of Original Conception. These diversities of form are but the external counter part of inner differences of what we may call spiritual imagination. All the Gospels seek to show that Jesus was the Messiah ; ' the beginning of the gospel of Jesus 'Christ, the Son of God,' says Mark i. i; 'these are ' written that ye may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the ' the Son of God,' says John xx. 31. Yet how wide an interval separates the national and prophetic ideas of the one from the universal and philosophic conceptions of the other. (1) The prologue in John i. 1-18, unlike the simple beginning of Mark, or the birth-stories of Matthew and and Luke, starts with a theological exposition. The writer's theme is the great doctrine in which Greek thought had effected so singular a union with Hebrew faith, viz., the ' Word.' How the Word (or Logos) was related to God on the one hand, and how it ' became flesh' in Jesus on the other hand — this is what he desires 40 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. to set forth. This was the new form in which he sought to express Christianity ; this was the mould in which the features of the Teacher were to be cast afresh ; this was the pattern by which the Master's life was to be again described. The union of the divine Word with a human body was not a union of a person of the Godhead with a man. There were not in Jesus two natures, each with its own mind and will. That element in man's conscious ness which the Biblical writers call spirit, was replaced in him by the Incarnate Word.1 The peculiar being of the divine Logos remained unchanged. His relation to the Father remained unchanged. It was only his mode of self-manifestation that was altered. He had been ever active, for both the material and the spiritual creation had come into being through him. Through this activity he had been continuously giving himself to the world. That self-communication now passed into a fresh phase. It entered on a new stage of historic energy among men in the form of Jesus, who was in virtue of it the Son of God, and so also the Christ, in a sense wider and deeper than the Messiah of the Jews. And when he passed 1 This interpretation, which begot the Apollinarian heresy, is not that usual in the Churches ; but it is the one which the book appears to me to require.. Into the difficult question how far such a being could suffer pain or want in our fashion, or feel our sorrow and share our griefs, it is not necessary here to enter. But when we read the words ' now is my soul troubled,' John xii. 27, it must be remembered that the Greek word translated ' soul ' {psyche) had not the spiritual meaning we attach to the term ' soul.' It denoted rather the complex mass of feelings and impulses which had their root in the bodily organism. In using it of the Incar nate Word the writer seems to drop for a moment on to the lower level of our common experience. So also xi. 33, xix. 30. JESUS AND JOHN THE BAPTIST. 41 away, it would assume a third character as a continuous and abiding revelation in the hearts of the true disciples, who would receive him and his Father, and be one with them both. The second of these great processes is the subject of the Fourth Gospel. — To see how this potent conception is worked out, it would be necessary to com pare the Johannine story step by step with the Synoptic narratives ; some typical instances, however, may be selected. In introducing them it may be observed that the real significance of the continued movements of Jesus which the Fourth Evangelist depicts between Judaea, Samaria, and Galilee, is that Palestine serves him as the miniature of the world, which the Word traverses at all times freely, lighting every man that cometh in. The unbelieving Jews are but the types of the enemies of the light in every time and place ; and Jesus is much more than the redeemer of Israel, he is the revealer of God to humanity, and thus as ' way, truth, and life,' he stands in a universal relation to all men. (2) The first element in the gospel-tradition with which the Fourth Evangelist deals, is the connection of Jesus with John the Baptist. The Synoptic accounts of the Baptist's ministry are in general harmony, though the events of the baptism of Jesus are variously recorded. Mark (i. 9-1 1) implies no recognition of his Messianic character by John. Were it not for the bodily form with which Luke endows the holy Spirit on its descent (iii. 22), the Third Gospel would be equally silent ? and with this absence of open or public indication of any special calling the Baptist's subsequent message of enquiry, 'Art thou he that cometh, 'or look we for another?' (vii. 20), is quite consistent. 42 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. But in the Fourth Gospel, John, in reply to a deputation from Jerusalem, bears emphatic testimony to Jesus from the first. Appropriating to himself the quotation from Isaiah xl. 3, by which the Synoptics had described him, he applies to Jesus (i. 26, 27) the language employed by the Baptist in the Synoptics to portray the great manifestation of divine power for which he looked.1 But there is more than that. On the next day he sees Jesus approaching; 'Behold,' he cries, 'the Lamb of God ' which taketh away the sin of the world,' — not, be it observed, by way of atonement for guilt, but as the purifying and consecrating power which removes the evil by dispersing it and driving it for ever from its sight. Immediately after, the pre-existence of the Logos is affirmed, ' he was before me,' though in that earlier con dition he had not yet been manifested, for John adds (ver. 31) 'I knew him not.' But now his true character has been disclosed, for John bears witness, saying, 'I ' have beheld the Spirit descending as a dove out of ' heaven, and it abode upon him.' What Mark and Matthew describe as a personal experience of Jesus,2 is here transferred to John, for the Word needed no such 1 Compare Bible for Young People, v. pp. 130, 138. 2 Mark i. 10. Matthew iii. 16. And straightway coming up And Jesus, when he was out of the water he saw the baptised, went up straightway heavens rent asunder, and the from the water, and lo, the Spirit as a dove descending heavens were opened unto him, upon him. and he saw the Spirit of God descending as a dove, and See below, chap. v. § 4- coming upon him. RECOGNITION AS MESSIAH. 43 supernatural confirmation of the character which was not conferred upon him there, but was his own by spiritual nature. And in the same way the Synoptic attestation by the heavenly voice, ' Thou art my beloved Son, in thee ' I am well pleased,' is not rendered by God to Jesus, so as to designate him Messiah, it is made in the third person by John (ver. 34), ' I have seen and have borne ' witness that this is the Son of God.' (3) There is no mention here of the baptism of Jesus. Is this implicitly assumed, or designedly omitted ? The question is answered differently by interpreters of different schools : but it seems likely that the next incident of the Synoptic story — the Temptation — appeared unsuitable to the august being of the Incarnate Word, and was intentionally set aside. Instead, therefore, of being driven by the Spirit into the wilderness (Mark i. 12) to be tempted forty days by Satan, Jesus remains by the Jordan, and on the day after John's emphatic testimony he is a second time described by him as the ' Lamb of God ' {John i. 36). Two of the Baptist's disciples at once abandon him for the new Teacher; one of them is Andrew, who loses no time in seeking out his brother Simon, and announces to him, 'We have found the Messiah' (ver. 41). Simon then accompanies him to Jesus, who at once bestows on him the name of Peter (ver. 42). — How many are the variations between this narrative and the Synoptic tradition ! There, Jesus only enters public life after the Baptist has been thrown into prison : here, he begins to exert at once his wondrous influence, and his first followers are the disciples of his predecessor. There, Simon and Andrew are called from their nets by the lake-side : here, they are among 44 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. the crowd gathered on the banks of the Jordan around John. There, Simon only receives the name Peter on his declaration, after months of discipleship, that Jesus is the Christ (Matt. xvi. 16-18) ¦> here, it is conferred upon him at the outset. And there, above all, a certain development may be traced which culminates in the impetuous burst with which Peter claims for his Master, at Caesarea Philippi, the dignity of Messiah, of which Jesus had hitherto said not a word :2 here, that high function is recognised at once by the Baptist and the disciples, and assumed (e.g. i. 49, 50) at the outset by the Teacher himself. The great scene by the Jordan springs, which in the Synoptic narratives is the crisis of the Master's whole career, loses in the Johannine story all its significance ; it serves only to mark the difference between the faithful and the faithless among the disciples, it makes no era for Jesus himself. When the two are set side by side, it seems at first sight impossible to find any points of contact between them ; yet the comparison of the two declarations of Peter renders it practically certain that the second is only a variation of the first. Mark viii. 27-31. John vi. 66-70. And Jesus went forth, and his Upon this many of his dis- disciples, into the villages of cipies went back, and walked no Csesarea Philippi ; and in the more with him. Jesus said way he asked his disciples, say- therefore unto the twelve, ing unto them, Who do men Would ye also go away ? 1 Mark represents it as bestowed earlier, apparently in connection with the choice and mission of the Twelve, iii. 14-16. 2 This statement anticipates conclusions which will be ex pounded further on. See especially chap. vii. § 1, 1 -3 ; chap. viii. $ 2, 3. FEEDING THE MULTITUDE. 45 say that I am ? And they told Simon Peter answered him, him, saying, John the Baptist : Lord, to whom shall we go P and others, Elijah ; but others, Thou hast the words of eternal One of the prophets. And he life. And we have believed asked them, But who say ye and know that thou art the that I am? Peter answereth Holy One of God} Jesus and saith unto him, Thou art answered them, Did not I the Christ. And he charged choose you the twelve, and one them that they should tell no of you is a devil P Now he man of him. And he began to spake of Judas the son of Simon teach them that the Son of man Iscariot, for he it was that must suffer many things, and should betray him, being one be rejected by the elders, and of the twelve. the chief priests, and the scribes, and be killed, and after three days rise again. (4) The method by which the Synoptic incidents are employed in the Fourth Gospel as the foundations of allegorical discourse may be illustrated from the story of the feeding of the Five Thousand. It is preceded, according to John, by the cure of the sick man at the pool of Bethesda in Jerusalem. From there Jesus ' went ' away to the other side of the Sea of Galilee ' (vi. 1), a description which would have been natural enough if he had set out from Capernaum, but is hardly more appropriate geographically than to speak of going from Manchester to the other side of Windermere. Does it not show that the writer, in adapting his older materials, is not so much concerned with historical and local accuracy as with the portrayal of the central thought, the 1 The ' Holy One of God ' is ' the Christ,' who is marked off and hallowed for God's service, comp. x. 36. The term is rare, but it occurs in Mark i. 24, and parallel in Luke iv. 34. See chap. iv. 2, ae, 46 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. unceasing activity of the divine word in Jesus ? The miracle which follows is related much as in the First Three Gospels, save for the tendency to rob it of its spontaneous character, and convert it into a designed display of superhuman power ; 1 and it produces so profound an effect that the multitude propose to come and take Jesus by force and make him king (ver. 15). In Mark and Matthew the sequel of the first feeding miracle, after their return across the lake, is a continua tion of the beneficent healing activity of Jesus in city and village (Mark vi. 53-56, Matt. xiv. 34-36), and the second (for Mark and Matthew apparently incorporate duplicate forms of the same original story, see chap. vi. § 5) leads up to the demand of the Pharisees for a sign and the discourse about leaven (Mark viii. 11-21, Malt. xvi. 1-12). Neither of these narratives is adopted by John. He founds upon the event which has just occurred a great discourse, having for its fundamental idea 'the ' meat which abideth unto eternal life.' It is delivered, apparently, in the synagogue at Capernaum (vi. 59) ; but the hearers who only the day before desired to crown him, and, when they discovered his departure, crossed the lake to find him, cannot understand his mystic speech ; forgetting the enthusiasm with which they had greeted the sign of the loaves (ver. 14), they eagerly demand a fresh one (ver. 30), and when one 'hard saying' succeeds another, they finally succumb under their predestined unbelief (vv. 64, 65), and quit his side. What, then, is the essence of the teaching which causes 1 Note especially vv. 5, 6, 'Jesus saith unto Philip, Whence are ' we to buy bread, that these may eat P And this he said to prove 'him, for he himself knew what he would do,' SACRAMENTAL ALLUSIONS. 47 so great a shock ? It is, first of all, the unqualified demand for faith, which pervades the whole of the Fourth Gospel, ' This is the work of God, that ye believe ' on him whom he hath sent ' (ver. 29) : ' This is the will ' of my Father, that every one that beholdeth the Son, ' and believeth on him, should have eternal life ' (ver. 40). Secondly, it is the contrast between the manna in the wilderness and ' the true bread out of heaven,' the divine Word which comes down and gives life to the world.1 The implication of an earlier heavenly existence in this passage (ver. 33), is made still more clear in the words that follow (ver. 38) : ' I am come down from heaven, not ' to do mine own will but the will of him that sent me.' Lastly, by a sudden and unexpected turn Jesus identifies the 'living bread' with his own flesh (ver. 51), and meets the question of the Jews with the further declara tion, ' Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and ' drink his blood, ye have not life in yourselves.' From the end of the second century these words were universally understood as an allegory of the Lord's Supper, the Eucharist or ' Thanksgiving.' We are accustomed, in accordance with the language of Paul and the First Three Evangelists, to speak of the body and the blood of Jesus rather than of his flesh. But the account of the rite which Justin Martyr gives us, also contains the word flesh : — For not as common bread and common drink do we receive these ; but in like manner as Jesus Christ our Saviour, having been made flesh by the word of God, had both flesh and blood 1 Philo, observes Dr. Abbott, had already interpreted the manna allegorically of the Logos, the imperishable and heavenly food of the soul, 48 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. for our salvation, so likewise have we been taught that the food which is blessed by the prayer with his word, is the flesh and blood of that Jesus who was made flesh (First Apology, 66). It will be remembered that the Fourth Gospel does not relate the institution of the service of remembrance. But, if the interpretation just mentioned be correct, in this passage it seems to be assumed, and the writer expounds its deep and inner meaning. Does this appear strange ? It will be found less so, if it be also allowed that the Church has been likewise right in discovering a reference to the doctrine of Baptism in the words to Nicodemus, ' Except a man be born of water and the ' Spirit, he cannot enter into the kingdom of God ' (iii. 5). The Evangelist's aim is to teach what he believes to be spiritual truth; the occasion and the words are but the vehicle for conveying thoughts. He is not concerned with history or the events of time, he moves in a circle of ideas belonging to an unseen world ; and he gladly escapes from the seeming roughness of their contact with material forms like flesh and blood, into the higher realm in which, after his ascension, the Eternal Word will resume his former glory (vv. 62, 63) : — Doth this cause you to stumble ? What then if ye should be hold the Son of Man ascending where he was before P It is the spirit that quickeneth (giveth life), the flesh profiteth nothing; the words that I have spoken to you are spirit, and are life. (5) Somewhat resembling the difference in the treat ment of the Eucharist, is the new form of the doctrine of ' the kingdom ' and the ' last things.' In the First Three Gospels the background of thought is everywhere DOCTRINE OF ETERNAL LIFE. 49 the national faith and hope.1 ' Repent,' cries John the Baptist, 'for the kingdom of heaven is at hand.' The ' good news of the kingdom ' is the substance of the first preaching of Jesus. It is a conception which he boldly applies to this world ; it will involve a vast social change, and when it is fully established, it will effect a complete alteration in the outward relations of men, because it will first have transformed their hearts within. Round this spiritual thought gathered a multitude of popular expecta tions. The ' age to come ' was to be introduced with troubles and sufferings, dangers and persecutions. The armies of the Gentiles would assemble round Jerusalem, and perhaps lay it low ; and portents among the heavenly bodies would be followed by the appearance of the sign of the Son of Man in the sky, whence he should come in clouds with great power and glory. All this vivid imagery has vanished from the Fourth Gospel like ' the * unsubstantial fabric of a vision.' Once only does the term ' kingdom of God ' appear (iii. 3, 5) ; once only does Jesus speak of his kingdom (a phrase of very rare occurrence in the Synoptics), when he says to Pilate ' My kingdom is not of this world ' (xviii. 36). What is its substitute or equivalent ? It is the word of common Jewish speech, ' eternal life,' but with a new meaning. This is not to be ' inherited ' by * doing ' anything ; it is something bestowed, not earned ; it does not carry with it admission to earthly privilege — a place at the Messiah's feast, — it involves a spiritual relation to God, in which he takes the first step from his great heart of love, chooses the faithful soul, and draws it to him. Hence it is a gift, 1 Compare Life in Palestine, chap. vi. 50 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. whose source is God, and whose channel is the Word in Christ. So we read such passages as these : — No man can come to me except the Father which sent me draw him (vi. 44). No man can come unto me except it be given unto him of the Father (vi. 65). Father, the hour is come ; glorify thy Son, that the Son may glorify thee; even as thou gavest him authority over all flesh, that whatsoever thou hast given him, to them he should give eternal life (xvii. 1, 2). The condition of possessing this eternal life is belief : — He that heareth my word, and believeth him that sent me, hath eternal life (v. 24). And its result is knowledge : — This is life eternal, that they should know thee the only true God, and him whom thou didst send, even Jesus Christ (xvii. 3). This knowledge is a spiritual state ; and the conception of ' eternal life ' to which it belongs is consequently wholly free from the local and national associations of Hebrew piety ; it has undergone a profound transforma tion, and has been placed, as it were, in a new plane of thought. The same is true with the doctrines of the resurrection, the second advent, and the judgment. The resurrection is an inward change in the hearts of the disciples, described in imaginative language as passing from death to life. And there is to be the scene of Christ's coming, when the love of God and of Jesus rises with full free stream within the soul. Sometimes it is the Comforter, sometimes the Father, sometimes Jesus him self, who will come. But the coming is never outward or visible ; it is heralded by no catastrophes in earth or heaven, announced by no angels' trumpet-blast. It is THE DEATH OF JESUS. 51 the realisation of an inward fellowship, a spiritual presence, which does not seek the definiteness of pictorial form, but rather translates the shifting symbols and images of historic hope into the abiding con ditions of the divine life within the soul. In that day ye shall know that I am in my Father, and ye in me, and I in you. He that hath my commandments and keepeth them, he it is that loveth me; and he that loveth me shall be loved of my Father, and I will love him, and will manifest myself unto him. Judas (not Iscariot) saith unto him, Lord, what is come to pass that thou wilt manifest thyself unto us, and not unto the world ? Jesus answered and said unto him, If a man love me, he will keep my word; and my Father will love him, and we will come unto him, and make our abode with him. — (xiv. 20-23, CP- xvi- l3> &c0 (6) It has already been pointed out that the Fourth Gospel represents the death of Jesus as taking place on the day before the celebration of the Passover, whereas the Synoptics place it after the Paschal supper (above § 1, 2). The difference may seem at first sight unimportant. But when it is combined with other statements peculiar to the Johannine narrative, it seems to acquire a deeper significance. Here and here alone do we read that the Jews asked Pilate that the legs of the sufferers on the cross might be broken, and the bodies removed, so that they should not remain upon the cross on the approaching feast-day (xix. 31). When the soldiers came to Jesus, they found him already dead, and they left the body unharmed. This, it is said (ver. 36), 'came to pass, that ' the Scripture might be fulfilled, a bone of him shall not ' be broken.' It is commonly supposed that this is an allusion to the treatment of the Paschal lamb, ' Neither 'shall ye break a bone thereof (Exod. xii. 46, Num. 52 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. ix. 12). If this be so, the writer intends to suggest a parallel betweed the Paschal lamb and Jesus, and by identifying the day on which Jesus died with that on which the lamb was killed and sacrificed, he gives a quasi-historic shape to Paul's triumphant words, ' Our • Passover also hath been sacrified, even Christ ' (/ Cor. v. 7). The seamless robe (xix. 23), resembling the high priest's vestment, already applied by Philo as a symbol of the Logos, which, without being itself divided, held together the parts of the universe, was early understood to be the emblem of the indivisible unity of the Church, — the body of Christ which it enveloped. And the strange story of the blood and water which issued from his side, when it was pierced (xix. 34), seems only intelligible as an allegory of the sacraments of baptism and the eucharistic blood, which derived their efficacy from his death. That death was not the ' ransom ' by which Messiah bought believers' souls : nor was it the inauguration of the ' new covenant ' by the ancient method of shedding blood. Nor, again, was it the means by which Messiah escaped from the limits of his Jewish nationality, and by entering on the risen life broke through the restraints of the Law and abolished its power for ever. It was the crowning proof of his love : the ' good shepherd ' gave his life for the sheep ; and Jesus, in the same way, laid down his life for his friends (x. n, xv. 13). By this devotion of himself he broke the power of evil ; the prince of this world was judged and cast out, and the world itself was overcome (xvi. 11, 33.). Moreover, it was the necessary passage to his glorification (xii. 23, 24) ; when the hour arrived for him to resume the glory which he had with the Father before THE DEATH OF JESUS. 53 the world was (xvii. 5), he must needs lay aside his earthly form, and go unto the Father (xiv. 28). So even his death, which was in one sense Satan's work, through his tool Judas, was in another the free exercise of his own right ; he had power to lay down his life, and power to take it again (x. 17, 18). As the last hour drew nigh, it cost him no agony to do the Father's will ; he needed no disciple to keep the watch of sympathy while he bowed in prayer ; no angel, pitying his struggle with unwilling flesh, came from heaven to strengthen him.1 His majestic demeanour so awes the troops — no rabble of ill-armed 1 Compare, on the other hand, the passage in xii. 27, on which Dr. Abbott writes as follows, ' Gospels,' Encycl. Brit. x. p. 827 : ' " Now is my soul troubled." Thus the Saviour avows a certain ' conflict in his heart, yet by the very deliberateness (as well as by ' the publicity) of the avowal, takes from it something of the ' intense and almost passionate humanity of the Synoptic narrative. ' Immediately after these words, the Saviour, in the Fourth ' Gospel, deliberately suggests to himself the Synoptic prayer, and ' repeats it : " What shall I say ? ' Father, save me from this 'hour?' But for this cause came I unto this hour." At once ' triumphing over the — from the point of view of the Fourth ' Gospel — unworthy suggestion, he exclaims " Father, glorify thy ' name." Upon this comes the heaven-sent message, but not (as in ' Luke) an angel to " strengthen " one " in an agony praying more ' earnestly " ; on the contrary, the voice does but ratify the ' Saviour's utterance ; " I have both glorified it, and will glorify it 1 again." . A soul " troubled," a prayer to be saved from the 'trouble; the suppression of that prayer, after more or less or ' conflict, and the substitution of another prayer in its place ; and ' lastly a message or messenger from heaven. — The facts are much 'the same both in Luke and in John, yet how different is the 'treatment of the facts, and what a world of difference in the 1 spiritual result J ' 54 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. priest's servants, but a Roman cohort from Antonia five or six hundred strong— that they fall on the ground unable to proceed with the arrest. Instead of the silence, which, in the Synoptic story, roused Pilate's wonder at a prisoner who made no effort to justify himself, we catch the echoes of past words as Jesus calmly declares (to the still greater astonishment of his questioner), 'To this end ' have I been born, and to this end am I come into the ' world, that I should bear witness unto the truth. Every < one that is of the truth heareth my voice ' (xviii. 37)- No more, upon the cross, the anguished cry ' My God, ' my God, why hast thou forsaken me ? ' The divine Word, quitting his tabernacle of flesh, in full assurance of union with the Father, looks back upon the work he has achieved, and departs with the triumphant exclamation, ' It is finished ' (xix. 30). \ 4. Influence of a Great Idea. The foregoing illustrations of the differences between the Johannine story and the Synoptics may serve to show the cause to which they are to be ascribed. The Fourth Evangelist has framed for himself a theory of the person of Jesus. He has discovered, as he thinks, an explana tion of the part which the Teacher played in the great drama of human destiny. To that theory he gives concrete shape in his narrative : that explanation under lies every discourse which he sets down, every act which he relates. Taking up some of the material supplied by his predecessors, he produces a new biography, not of INFLUENCE OF GREAT IDEAS. 55 Jesus of Nazareth, ' anointed with holy spirit and with power,' but of the Word made flesh in the person of the Christ. This is the central doctrine which governs the Gospel from the opening to the close. The Jewish Messiah is divested of his robes of sovereignty, but the writer has thrown round him, instead, the ethereal splendour of the Greek Logos ; and he presents him to the world no longer as the Son of David, but as the Son of God existing in glory, ere David, or Abraham, or the world itself, began to be. Far from anticipating twelve thrones for the twelve apostles to judge the twelve tribes of Israel, he is a spiritual king. Hence the national ideas which could not live in the higher atmosphere of universal thought, drop out of sight ; and only those are retained which seem to have a meaning for all time. This is why many of the conceptions of the Fourth Gospel are felt to belong so much more closely to our inner life than some of the Jewish elements of the First Three. They are thrown into forms which have a wider scope, they attach themselves more easily to our per manent experience. But none the less must we recognise that they are an interpretation of the Master's thought ; they are a translation from a dialect of antique usage and narrower range into a speech of general currency. In short, the Fourth Gospel is a version or rendering of the life and teachings of Jesus composed under the influence of a great idea. This is not the only instance of what may be called dramatic presentment in the literature of the Bible, though it is undoubtedly the noblest. The Old Testa ment contains more than one example of this method of setting forth what were believed to be principles of vital 56 THE FOURTH GOSPEL. import. When the early traditions of the Deliverance from Egypt and the Wanderings had been consolidated around the figure of Moses, and ancient custom had been reduced to Law in the shape of the First Code,1 a new development of what was regarded as Mosaic religion took place, and in the glowing utterances of Deuteronomy a little band of unknown teachers pleaded, in the name of their great predecessor seven hundred years before, for the sole deity and the sole worship of Yahweh. And when, later still, in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah, the community in the restored Jerusalem needed a programme of law to preserve the truths which had been won through suffering and captivity, it was again under the solemn sanction of Moses, with Aaron by his side, that the great priestly legislation was drawn up and established. Com pare the David of history with the David of the Chronicler's imagination, and the same process will be seen anew. The past is reconstructed in the light of later practice and belief. In all these cases, the influence that guides the author's mind is largely conscious. He works under known assumptions, towards a given end. The Fourth Evangelist, as we have seen, deliberately desires to combine two widely separate ideas, that of the Jewish Messiah and of the Greek Word. His purpose was clear, and the trans formation which the figure of the Christ undergoes at his hands, can be largely, if not completely, traced. But when we pass backward to the materials with which the Synoptics supply us, can we escape from similar enquiries ? Are these stories, simple and artless 1 See Exodus xxi.-xxiii.j Life in Palestine, p. 87. INFLUENCE OF GREAT IDEAS. SI as they so often seem, a genuine deposit of trustworthy tradition? Do they represent the facts as they occurred ? Or do they, too, betray the influence, conscious or unconscious, designed or accidental, of the ideas and feelings, the hopes and expectations and beliefs, of their narrators ? This is the enquiry that now lies before us. The path is not easy, and the way is long. We must encounter many difficulties, and we may. often have to lament that our results must remain after all uncertain. One thing only is clear, that whoever would try to know and understand Jesus, must honestly make the attempt. CHAPTER III. THE FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. How came our First Three Gospels to be written? Were they produced independently of each other, or did the later writers use the work of the earlier ? In what order were they composed, and at what dates ? Why do they sometimes agree so closely, as in the parable of the Sower, or the story of the paralytic let down through the roof; and why do they sometimes vary so widely about important sayings of the Teacher, or no less important incidents in his career ? From what sources did the author of the earliest Gospel derive his knowledge about Jesus ; and what other materials were at the command of the succeeding Evangelists ? It is easier to ask these questions than to answer them. They are only specimens of the kind of problems which beset all enquiry into the origin of the Synoptic narratives. But before we seek for some clearer light upon them, let us examine first of all the general conditions under which our Gospels came into existence. How did men know THE MINISTRY OF THE WORD. 59 anything about Jesus before the lives of him were drawn up ? They could only know what they were told by his friends and followers. They depended, that is, on the witness of the Church. Of what did this testimony consist, and how was it formed into a body of definite teaching ? § 1. The Preaching of the Early Church. (i) Jesus committed nothing to writing. The words which he traced upon the Temple floor in presence of the guilty woman, while her accusers slunk away (John viii. 6, 8), vanished without a record. The founders of Christian sects have left behind them, like John Wesley, copious discourses to serve as standards of the faith.1 Mohammed armed his followers with revelations which were afterwards collected into the book on which Islam rests, viz. the Koran. But Jesus, like Socrates, was content with ' speaking the word,' Mark ii. 2. After his first appearance in the synagogue at Capernaum, his amazed hearers cried out 'What is this? A new teaching ! ' Mark i. 27. And all through his public life, in the villages of Galilee, or the crowded temple- courts at Jerusalem, he moves among men as the 'Teacher.' Nor is there any trace that his disciples 1 A curious difference has been observed in the case of two of the world's greatest teachers in another sphere. Dante showed no solicitude for his great Commedia. Most of Shakespeare's plays would have perished, in the absence of any pains on his part for their preservation, but for the unasked labour of Hemynge and Condell. 60 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. wrote anything during his life. There were, indeed, no scribes among them who might have been used to letters. The most eminent apostles, the most intimate companions of Jesus, Peter, James, John, were fishermen. The best educated of them is supposed to have been Matthew, the tax-gatherer.1 Even after the Master had passed away, the Church at Jerusalem consisted mostly of the poor and unlearned. So was it at Corinth, 'not many wise ' after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble,' were among the called, / Cor. i. 26. And what was true of the chief cities of Jewish piety and Greek culture, was no doubt true of many lesser centres of the new faith. The outward circumstances of the Church, therefore, were not at first favourable to literary composition. (2) Moreover, the ministry of the apostles, like that of their Master, was a ' ministry of the word.' Follow them through the pages of the Book of Acts, and whether it is at Jerusalem or in Samaria, at Damascus or Antioch, they are busy preaching. They argue and discuss, they meet objections, they confute opponents, all with one aim, viz., to prove that Jesus is the Christ. And to what authority do they appeal? By what means do they vindicate their claim ? Their justification lies in the Old Testament. In the temple-halls, before the tribunal of the Sanhedrin, at sabbath-worship in the synagogues, even among the friends of the centurion Cornelius, it is on law and prophet and psalmist that they rely. There were revealed already, so they believed, the facts of Messiah's life and death and resurrection. They had but to apply them to Jesus, and the evidence was 1 On the ' publicans ' see Life in Palestine, § 5. USE OF THE OLD TESl'AMENT. 61 complete. ' The written Gospel of the first period,' observes Dr. Westcott, ' was the Old Testament, inter- ' preted by a vivid recollection of the Saviour's ministry.' The passages on which they relied, may not seem to us very conclusive. But to the first Christians they came with a new and unexpected force. They often carried with them the venerable sanction of the synagogue, where they had been so understood for generations. Their adaptation to Jesus rested on analogies which we cannot accept ; it was a work of pious imagination, which was indifferent to their original meaning, and seized on some feature of doubtful likeness with a fervour of conviction defying refutation. It was, indeed, the only method open to Jews in argument with Jews; and it continued efficacious for more than a hundred years. The principal work of Justin the Martyr, in the middle of the second century, is a dialogue with a Jew named Trypho, in which he seeks to prove from the Old Testament that Jesus was the Messiah whom the prophets had foretold. (3) This line of reasoning, however, was only intelligible to those who accepted the apostolic statements about Jesus. To enforce it successfully it was necessary that the facts about him should be known. It must be shown that they conformed to the prophetic requirements. From this inevitable demand a body of teaching about Jesus took its rise. The story of his life was shaped under this idea, for this was the outward principle on which the Church was founded. To understand why he was to be acknowledged as Messiah was indispensable, in face of persecutions in the synagogue, or the scourge and imprisonment at the hands of a magistrate. But to 62 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. the believer, this was not enough for the ordering of his daily conduct, or the satisfaction of the new love and hope aroused within him. In the community at Jeru salem, and in those that were founded from it, some kind of rule and organisation were required. When the great ' change of heart,' called ' repentance,' had taken place, and taken place sincerely, there still remained fresh ideas to be worked out in practice, fresh habits to be formed, fresh affections to be regulated and maintained. What were the principles which should govern all behaviour ? Plainly the principles of the ' kingdom ' as laid down by the Teacher. So, more and more stress came to be laid on the knowledge of the ' laws of life ' announced by Jesus. This knowledge could be drawn from one source only, — the followers to whom he had imparted it. The first attempts to throw it into a shape in which it could be communicated to others, must have proceeded from them. They would arise naturally in the Church at Jerusalem, to meet the simplest cases of daily need. They sprang out of the recollection of the Master's words; they consisted, therefore, in remin iscence, guided by faith, and prompted and shaped by the circumstances and conditions of the time. These memories, gathered out of the vanished year of their discipleship, they related to each other, and to the new converts. Like their public preaching, this private instruction was given by word of mouth. Here, then, were all the elements of a tradition. PROPAGATION OF THE TEACHING. 63 $ 2. Transition to Writing. (i) The length of time which would elapse before such traditions would be reduced to writing, cannot possibly be determined. It must have depended on many circumstances which it is no longer in our power to trace. But it is plain that the conditions were not at first favourable to the conversion of an oral into a written gospel. Those who were actively engaged in preaching, would not pause to record their message. The ministry of the word was much easier to the unlearned than that of the pen ; and the pauses of travel and hardship, and the moments of safety from danger, seemed always to be occupied by some more immediate need. How little is left out of the years of toil from such a correspondent even as the Apostle Paul ! Moreover, in the expectation of the speedy return of Jesus, who would usher in the new time of the 'age to come,' the claims of the present possessed an urgency which threw the idea of a literary provision for the future into the shade. Who would record the apostolic recollections, for the sake of a posterity that would never see the light? And who would devote to such unprofitable labour the hours and the strength which might yet avail to rescue some lost souls from the doom that must otherwise overtake them ? Besides, it was the method of the time to pass on by memory the stores of accumulated learning ; and the Rabbis, who had piled up a mountain of oral law beside the Pentateuch, were in the highest degree averse to the idea of arranging it in literary form. ' Commit nothing 'to writing,' was a well known maxim of the Schools. 64 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. The sayings of the famous teachers, their interpretations of obscure or doubtful rules, their decisions in perplexing cases, were handed on from one generation to another, until, after the final overthrow of the Jewish national hope, the first collection of them was made in the second century of our era, under the name of the Mishna. For hundreds of years in India, the ancient hymns, the books of ritual and philosophy, were transmitted in the same way. And at this day, in the schools at Jerusalem connected with the Mosque of Omar, on the very site of the Temple, the Koran is learned in like manner by constant repetition. But these instances are not really parallel. The sacred lore of the Hindus was committed to a special caste, and the most careful safeguards were devised for its accurate preservation. The Christian tradition, on the other hand, was no fixed deposit, no rigid and unalterable form. As it passed from mouth to mouth, no years of initiation were demanded before it could be mastered and again handed on. Those who received and propagated it were not trained ' repeaters ' ; 1 they were gathered from the harbour, the market-place, the shop, and there was no guarantee that nothing should be added, changed, or dropped, upon the way. (2) That this was the actual method of early Christian instruction, is proved, for example, by the language of the Apostle Paul. His allusions to the incidents in the life of Jesus are, indeed, but few. He speaks of his descent from David and his birth ; he mentions the last supper, the betrayal, death, and resurrection. All these events 1 The name given to reciters of different books of the sacred canon of the Buddhists. THE APOSTLE PAUL. 65 had their place in his doctrine of redemption. But much more may have been included in what the Apostle — addressing the Church at Rome — describes as ' that form ' of teaching whereunto ye were delivered ' (Rom. vi. 17). This was to be firmly retained in personal memory, and in the life and usage of the community. ' Hold fast the traditions' (literally 'the deliverings '), he urges on the Corinthians, ' even as I delivered them to you ' (/ Cor. xi. 2). The character of these traditions may be in part inferred from two prominent examples, that of the institu tion of the Lord's Supper, / Cor. xi. 23-25, and that of the Resurrection, / Cor. xv. 3-8. It is noteworthy that the account of the Lord's Supper is not followed by the text of any of our Gospels, though additions may be traced in the narrative of Luke bringing it into closer harmony with that of Paul. The beginnings of a collec tion of Christian literature may (in one aspect) be carried back to the Apostle's injunction that his letter to the Thessalonians should be read at a Church-meeting (/ Thess. v. 27). But so remote is it from the Apostle's mind to attach any weight to his literary productions, that among the different 'gifts' which he enumerates there are teaching and prophecy, there are tongues and their interpretation, but of writing and authorship there is not a word. There was absolutely no intention, there fore, of adding a fresh set of Scriptures to those already in existence. None would have been more surprised than its chief authors at the elevation of the New Testament to divine authority beside the Old. (3) It is, however, easy to understand that the extension of missionary preaching would stimulate the demand for a permanent record of the traditions. The very fact of their F 66 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. propagation beyond the limits of their native home in Palestine, among those who knew little or nothing of the places and the persons with which they chiefly dealt, would make their committal to writing desirable. In the first place, few hearers would be satisfied with the meagre outlines supplied by such reports of apostolic discourses as that of Peter to Cornelius, Acts x. 34-43- These bare general statements helped to convey a few leading ideas ; but they needed immediate enlargement with illustration and detail. The travelling preacher, again, who must pass on to the next town, and carried away with him the precious store of apostolic recollections, would naturally desire to leave behind him some memorial of the truth. He might even himself record in his own fashion the words and deeds of the Master which he was accustomed to relate,1 and from such sources might have proceeded some of those numerous attempts to present the Teacher's life mentioned in the preface to the Third Gospel, Luke i. 1-4. Many, says the author, had taken in hand to draw up a narrative of the things that had been fully established among them, in accordance with the traditions handed on by the original eye-witnesses and teachers (i.e. the apostolic followers of Jesus). These traditions were already the subject of oral instruction. Theophilus, for whom he wrote, had been trained in them. To confirm Theophilus in this knowledge, he himself undertook to set forth the traditions in order, after having traced the course of all things accurately from the first. It is 1 The impulse to writing may often have proceeded from the necessity of fixing in Greek what had been originally ' delivered' in Aramean. Cp. below, { 3, 1, p. 72. INCOMPLETENESS OF THE RECORD. 67 impossible to indicate more clearly that the reduction of the traditions to writing was not undertaken by apostolic hands. (4) Even when the oral Gospel had acquired literary shape, we may readily comprehend that no single com position would embrace all the materials that were circulating through the Churches. (a) Sayings that were received in one place might be unknown or even rejected in another : and narratives involving important doctrines might be repudiated by those to whom the doctrines seemed unreasonable. It is known, for instance, that the Gospel current among the Jewish Christians who were called Ebionites ('the poor'), did not contain either of the narratives of the birth of Jesus now prefixed to our Matthew and Luke. The Book of Acts, xx. 35, reports the Apostle Paul as reminding the Elders at Ephesus of the words of the Lord Jesus, ' It is more blessed to give than to receive.' In various early Christian writings such sayings as the following are attributed to Jesus : On account of the weak I became weak ; on account of the hungry I was an-hungered ; and on account of the thirsty I was athirst. Those who will see me, and obtain possession of my kingdom, must lay hold of me through anguish and suffering. Be ye good money changers. If you are gathered in my bosom, and keep not my commandments, I will put you away, saying, ' Depart from me, I 'know you not, ye workers of iniquity.' (b) But the Gospels themselves enable us to trace the manner in which the traditions might be gradually shaped, by defining what seemed indefinite, by modifying 68 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. what seemed impracticable or austere, by filling up detail and thus completing and strengthening the general effect. Here are some instances: the margin of the Revised Version will supply plenty more. Sometimes the additions were on a tolerably large scale. The story of the woman taken in adultery was incorporated at an early date, into the Fourth Gospel (John vii. 53-viii. 11), and was then generally received. The following Sabbath anecdote is inserted in the Codex Bezae (an ancient MS. preserved in the library of the University of Cambridge) after Luke vi. 5 : — On the same day, seeing one working on the sabbath, he said to him, O man, if indeed thou knowest what thou doest, thou art blessed : but if thou knowest not, thou art accursed, and a trans gressor of the law. But this addition did not win acceptance, and failed to find a permanent place. On the other hand the abrupt conclusion of Mark xvi. 8, 'for they were afraid,' was obviously incomplete ; and two different endings to the Gospel were afterwards provided. That which is printed in the Revised Version, as an appendix, xvi. 9-20, is plainly later than the narrative of Luke (w. 12, 13, referring to the Emmaus incident, Luke xxiv. 13-33), an<^ shows some affinity also with the close of Matthew, cp. ver. 15, Matt, xxviii. 19; ver. 20, Matt, xxviii. 20. The other ending ran thus : — And all that had been enjoined on them they reported briefly to the companions of Peter. And after these things Jesus himself, from the east even to the west, sent forth by them the holy and incorruptible preaching of eternal salvation. Sometimes the addition only serves to fill out the picture, as in Mark ii. 16, ' He eateth with publicans and sinners.' ADDITIONS TO THE RECORD. 69 Eating implied drinking, and this in due time found its way into the text, which now runs ' He eateth and ' drinketh with publicans and sinners.' — The Church was accustomed to close the Lord's Prayer with an ascription of praise to God. Later generations attributed the words to Jesus himself ; they were then attached to the prayer in Matt. vi. 13, ' For thine is the kingdom, and the 'power, and the glory, for ever. Amen.'1 — When the disciples had failed to cast out a particularly violent evil spirit, they asked the reason of their Master privately. ' This kind,' so ran the answer, Mark ix. 29, ' can come ' out by nothing save by prayer.' Christian prayer, like its Jewish counterpart, was often accompanied with fasting. Here again later usage claimed the Teacher's sanction, and an augmented text ran 'by prayer and fasting.' The corresponding story in Matt. xvii. 20 ascribed to Jesus a different answer assigning the apostles' difficulty to their little faith. But the harmonizers of after days, desiring to bring them into some kind of agreement, added the enlarged verse of Mark, introducing it with a but : — But this kind goeth not out save by prayer and fasting. In the first of the great contrasts between the old teaching and the new, Jesus introduced the new law of love thus, Matt. v. 21, 22 : — 1 A remarkable instance of the tendency to fill up gaps will be found in comparing the two forms of the Lord's Prayer, Luke xi. 2-4, according to the earlier text of the Revisers, and the textus receptus of the Authorised Version. The Christian Scribes added whole clauses to bring the prayer in Luke up to the standard of that in Matthew. See below, chap. ix. $ 2, 2b, 70 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. Ye have heard that it was said to them of old time, Thou shalt not kill; and whosoever shall kill shall be in danger of the judgment. But I say unto you that every one who is angry with his brother shall be in danger of the judgment. Here was an austere prohibition of all wrath, for within the kingdom all men were brethren. It seemed a demand too great for human attainment, and the Church took away its difficulty by limiting the doom to him who was ' angry with his brother without cause.'— When Jesus warned the disciples against pious display of charity and devotion, he bade them give alms and pray in secret, adding ' Thy Father which seeth in secret, shall 'recompense thee.' Should not the world, then, know that love and piety received their reward ? In the interests of religion it was desirable that the blessing should be visible to all ; and accordingly an amended version of the promise ran, Malt. vi. 4, 6, 18 : — Thy Father which seeth in secret shall recompense thee openly. On the refusal of the Samaritans to receive Jesus and his disciples on their way to Jerusalem, James and John burst out in indignation, Luke ix. 54 : — Lord, wilt thou that we bid fire to come down from heaven to consume them? The incident of Elijah (2 Kings i. 10) was- no doubt in the writer's mind, though he did not expressly allude to it. But a later scribe recalled it to the attention of his readers by adding the words ' even as Elijah did ; ' and these were very widely copied. The story went on to relate that Jesus turned and rebuked them. ' What did ' the Teacher say ? ' enquired some devout disciple, anxious to lose no profitable word. In due time an answer found its way into some manuscripts : — ADDITIONS TO THE RECORD. 71 Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of. Yet this was not enough. The case was only a particular application of a general principle, which a few versions of the story stated thus : — For the Son of Man came not to destroy men's lives, but to save them. The story of the Passion and the Resurrection, in Luke, has, in like manner, received many additional touches. The appearance of the angel in Gethsemane, and the sweat-like drops of blood, xxii. 43, 44, are marked by Dr. Westcott and Dr. Hort as early insertions, probably made in the West. How much simpler is the narrative of inward struggle, in its sublime intensity of anguish and self-surrender. The words of Jesus on the cross, xxiii. 34, ' Father, forgive them ; for they know not what ' they do,' are, in the same way, the early utterance of the Church, in the Master's spirit. The tendency to expand and define may be traced in the margin of the Revised Version all through Luke xxiv. Sometimes the additions are simply explanations ; e.g. ver. 3, ' found not the body ; : no reader could really be in doubt whose body ; but for the sake of clearness, the words ' of the Lord Jesus' were appended. Other insertions are of more consequence, as in w. 12, 36, 40,-51. If the traditions could thus continuously grow after they had been reduced to writing in the original forms of our Synoptics, it was still more easy for them to take up new elements before that process was complete. 72 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. $ 3. External Form of the Traditions. Out of what materials would the traditions be composed, and what form would they assume ? (i) Naturally the teachings of Jesus would first of all rouse interest and claim attention. Every reader of the Gospels must have observed the tendency, common more or less to all the Synoptics, to throw them into groups. A whole sheaf of stories may be gathered out of the last days at Jerusalem. Mark iv. contains a little series of parables delivered by Jesus from the boat on the lake side. The same series, modified and enlarged to the sacred number seven, reappears in Matt. xiii. Luke assigns to the Teacher a Discourse upon the Plain (vi.) ; Matthew has a counterpart to it in the Sermon on the Mount (v.-vii.), which critics of all schools agree in regarding as a collection of utterances which were not really pronounced on a single occasion in consecutive order. Into the great denunciation of the Scribes, Matt. xxiii., with its sevenfold ' Woe,' the Evangelist has thrust all that he could find of indignant rebuke amongst the Master's sayings. The prophecy concerning the 'last things ' in Matt, xxiv., Mark xiii., Luke xxi., is based on various elements circulating in the early communities (see chap. vii. § 4, 3). These collections passed as specimens of the teachings of Jesus on particular topics. They served as ' lessons ' for the instruction of the Church. They obviously tended to incorporate into themselves more or less of the interpretations, the current ideas and phrases, as well as the positive reminiscences, of the Apostles. To take but one single instance : — Examine THE SAYINGS OF JESUS. 73 the literary structure of Mark iv. The scene is the boat, where the Teacher sits, pushed off a little way from the crowd beside the water's edge. He tells the story of the Sower and his seed (w. 3-9). It is the first parable which the Evangelist relates, and he seems to feel that it needs an explanation. This is accordingly immediately inserted (w. 11-20). But the boat was evidently no suitable place for such private exposition ; it is introduced, therefore, by the statement (ver. 10), 'when he was alone.' Passing over w. 21-25, (see below 2, b), we find more parables, w. 26, 30, linked together by the words ' and he said.' These were, of course, addressed to the whole assembly from the boat. In ver. 34 there is a further allusion to subsequent explanations. But the time for them, at any rate, had not yet come. The Teacher is still face to face with the crowd. With untiring patience he speaks, they listen, all day long. Only at eventide does he propose to escape from their eagerness by crossing to the other side (ver. 35). The disciples, then, 'leaving the multitude, take him with 'them, even as he was, in the boat.' The narrative passes on with its usual rapid movement. There is the storm, the calm, the cure of the Gerasene demoniac, and the return across the lake. In all this swift succession, where is the quiet hour for the long-deferred questions of the disciples ? Is it not clear that there are here two layers of thought, the original story and the later interpretation? The story is primary, the explanation is secondary.1 In these ways did the reports of the 1 Sometimes the story itself is secondary, and the explanation later still. In Matt. xiii. there is reason to think that the parable 74 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. Master's sayings take up into themselves a considerable amount of material shaped under the necessities of the community. Such collections naturally began at Jerusalem. The language in which they were first made was the Aramean vernacular of the men among whom they arose.1 But they were by no means confined to the Jewish capital. They may have passed (as the statement of Paul shows us they passed, / Cor. xi. 23), at first by oral transmission to other centres, to Antioch, Ephesus, Corinth, Rome. They did not always preserve the same form upon the way. First of all they were transferred into a new language — Greek. This would at once introduce divergences in the choice of word or phrase. Next the connections of specific sayings might be forgotten. The sayings themselves, detached from their context, might be modified. Independent explanations might be offered by one or another of the apostolic teachers, and these in turn might be imperfectly understood or remembered by their hearers. Variations would thus inevitably creep in, and when the sayings were reduced to writing, they would be recorded in different order by different hands. (2) The same liability to- unconscious change would attend the reports of the events of the Teacher's ministry. (a) In the first place the narrators would naturally endeavour to connect some pregnant saying with what of the wheat and the tares, w. 24-30, is a secondary formation out of the beautiful parable of the husbandman and the seed, Mark iv. 26-29. Then the interpretation, Matt. xiii. 36 sqq., is a sort cf tertiary deposit, when the original significance of the story had been lost. 1 See Life in Palestine, § 9, p. 32. SAYINGS AND INCIDENTS. 75 they believed to be the incident which called it forth. But the recollection of the precise circumstances might have become confused ; it might have become doubtful whether the scene was a synagogue or a house; the disease beneath which some sufferer was labouring might have been forgotten. Yet the principle for which Jesus was contending impressed itself deeply on the thought of his followers. His pointed questions, his homely illustrations, remained fixed in their minds. Accordingly we have such variations as the following around a common theme, ' Is it lawful to heal (or to do •good) on the sabbath day ? ' Matt. xii. 9-13. Luke vi. 6-10.1 Luke xiv. 1-6. And he departed And it came to pass And it came to thence, and went in- on another sabbath, pass, when he went to their synagogue ; that he entered into into the house of one and behold, a man the synagogue and of the rulers of the having a withered taught : and there Pharisees on a sab- hand. And they ask- was a man there, and bath to eat bread, ed him, saying, Is it his right hand was that they were lawful to heal on the withered. And the watching him. And sabbath day ? that scribes and the Phar- behold, there was they might accuse isees watched him, before him a certain him. And he said whether he would man which had the untothem, Whatman heal on the sabbath ; dropsy. And Jesus shall there be of you, that they might find ans weringspake unto that shall have one how to accuse him. the lawyers and sheep, and if this fall But he knew their Pharisees, saying, Is into a pit on the sab- thoughts, and he said it lawful to heal on bath day, will he not to the man that had the sabbath or not ? lay hold on it, and his hand withered, But they held their lift it out ? How Rise up, and stand peace. And he took much then is a man forth in the midst, him, and healed him, 1 Compare Mark iii. 1-5. 76 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. of more value than a And he arose and and let him go. And sheep ! Wherefore it stood forth. And he said unto them, is lawful to do good Jesussaid untothem, Which of you shall on the sabbath day. I ask you, /* it law- have an ass or an ox Then saith he to the ful on the sabbath fallen into a well, man, Stretch forth to do good, or to do and will not straight- thy hand. And he harm ? to save a life way draw him up on stretched it forth ; or to destroy it /And a sabbath day ? and it was restored he looked round And they could not whole, as the other, about on them all, answer again unto and said unto him, these things. Stretch forth thy hand. And he did so, and his hand was restored. Here Matthew combines into one story the sayings which Luke distributes over two. The question was remembered; but it was uncertain who asked it. Matthew attributes it to the authorities in the synagogue, Luke (in both cases) to Jesus. The substance of the illustration was remembered, but Matthew specifies a poor man's only sheep, while Luke mentions the common animals of burden and labour, an ox or an ass. (b) In this way it becomes quite intelligible how the same saying may appear in different incidents. Thus it was remembered that Jesus had warned his followers against self-seeking and ambitious desire of power. Here are two forms of the same utterance. Mark x. 42-44. Luke xxii. 25-26. Ye know that they which are accounted to rule over the The kings of the Gentiles Gentiles lord it over them; and have lordship over them; and their great ones exercise au- they that have authority over thority over them. But it is them are called Benefactors. SAYINGS AND INCIDENTS. 77 not so among you ; but whoso ever would become great among you, shall be your minister : and whosoever would be first among you, shall be servant of all. But ye shall net be so ; but he that is the greater among you, let him become as the younger ; and he that is chief, as he that doth serve. In Mark the words are addressed to the disciples when their indignation is roused by the request of James and John for the posts of honour on the right and left hand of Jesus in his glory, and the incident occurs on the journey to Jerusalem. Luke, with less probability, transfers them to the Paschal supper, and represents them as called forth by a dispute among the apostles as to which should be accounted greatest. In this case the meaning and force of the words remain unchanged. But in others the arrangement of the sayings in new connections may completely alter their significance. Consider, for instance, the diversity of interpretations which the following words receive in varying forms and contexts, starting from the place and meaning assigned to them by Mark, in the discourse delivered from the boat : — Mark iv. 21-22. And he said unto them, Is the lamp brought to be put under the bushel, or under the bed, and not to be put on the stand? For there is nothing hid, save that it should be manifested ; neither was any thing made secret, but that it should come to light. Luke viii. 16-17. And no man, when he hath lighted a lamp, covereth it with. a vessel, or putteth it under a bed ; but putteth it on the stand, that they which enter in. may see the light. For nothing- is hid, that shall not be made manifest; nor anything secret, that shall not be known and come to light. 78 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. The passage occurs in connection with the parable of the Sower, and obviously refers to the propagation of 'the word,' which is not to be hidden away privately, but brought forth for the public good. But Luke again introduces the first saying in a slightly altered form elsewhere, xi. 33, as the prelude of the comparison to the eye which is the lamp of the body, thus : — No man when he hath lighted a lamp, putteth it in a cellar, neither under a bushel, but on the stand, that they which enter in may see the light. The lamp of thy body is thine eye : when thine eye is single, thy whole body also is full of light ; but when it is evil, thy body also is full of darkness. Finally Matthew provides yet another application, v. 14-16, viz. to the duty of citizens of the new kingdom to show forth the light in their lives : — Ye are the light of the world. A city set on a. hill cannot be hid. Neither do men light a lamp, and put it under the bushel, but on the stand ; and it shineth unto all that are in the house. Even so let your light shine before men, that they may see your good works, and glorify your Father which is in heaven. The second maxim, Mark iv. 22, was again susceptible of varying adaptation. In slightly modified terms Luke employs it on another occasion, xii. 2, as a warning against false assumptions of piety and righteousness which were certain in the long run to be unveiled : — Beware ye of the leaven of the Pharisees, which is hypocrisy. But there is nothing covered up, that shall not be revealed : and hid, that shall not be known. Once more Matthew uses the very same words to encourage the disciple in times of danger or persecution, x. 25-26, by the assurance that the truth will triumph over all opposition : — SAYINGS IN DIFFERENT FORMS. 79 If they have called the master of the house Beelzebub, how much more shall they call them of his household I Fear them not, therefore; for there is nothing covered, that shall not be revealed ; and hid, that shall not be known. A similar tendency to variation maybe easily traced through the verses that follow the passage already quoted from Mark; cp. Mark iv. 23 with Luke xiv. 35, Matt. xi. 15; Mark iv. 24 with Luke vi. 38, Matt. vii. 2; Mark iv. 25, with Luke viii. 18, Matt. xiii. 12, and with Luke xix. 26, Matt. xxv. 29. (c) The same cause supplies us with an explanation of the repetition or duplication of incidents. They become embedded in the traditions in different places ; one collector adopts one and rejects another ; a second editor finds a place for both. Thus Matthew and Mark each have two accounts of the feeding of the multitude ; Luke has but one. Matthew and Mark each report twice over a stormy passage across the lake, when the disciples are in danger or labour hard at the oars. In one case, Jesus is with them in the boat ; he is asleep, but they awake him ; he rebukes the storm, and the waves grow calm : in the other, he comes to them, walking upon the water ; he joins them in the boat, and the wind ceases. But Luke, perhaps regarding the second story only as a variation on the first, passes it by in silence.1 Here is a pair of obvious duplicates : — Matt. xii. 38-39. Matt. xvi. I, 2a, 4.2 Then certain of the scribes And the Pharisees and and Pharisees answered him, Sadducees came, and tempting saying, Teacher, we would see him asked him to shew them a a sign from thee. But he sign from heaven. But he 1 See chap. vi. $ 4, 2. 2 See Revisers' Margin. 80 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. answered and said unto them, answered and said unto them, An evil and adulterous genera- An evil and adulterous genera tion seeketh after a sign ; and tion seeketh after a sign ; and there shall no sign be given to there shall no sign be given it but the sign of Jonah the unto it but the sign of Jonah. prophet. Later editors of the Gospel recalled a passage where Jesus had contrasted the popular skill in interpreting the indications of the weather, with the failure to read aright the meaning of the age in which they lived, and the changes that were imminent. In Luke xii. 54-56, this thought is thus expressed : — And he said to the multitudes also, When ye see a cloud rising in the west, straightway ye say, There cometh a shower ; and so it cometh to pass. And when ye see a south wind blowing, ye say, There will be a scorching heat ; and it cometh to pass. Ye hypocrites, ye know how to interpret the face of the earth and the heaven ; but how is it that ye know not how to interpret this time ? The same thought was early combined with the second demand for a sign in Matthew, by the insertion of the following words before the condemnation of the evil generation : — When it is evening, ye say, It will be fair weather : for the heaven is red. And in the morning, It will be foul weather to-day ; for the heaven is red and lowering. Ye know how to discern the face of the heaven ; but ye cannot discern the signs of the times. (d) Lastly, it would seem (in one case at least) that the tradition may have actually transformed the original material into a wholly new shape. The account of the fig-tree which withered away beneath the curse of Jesus, Mark xi. 12-14, 20-24, Matt. xxi. 18-22, has long been a INCIDENTS IN THE MINISTRY. 81 stumbling-block to apologists for the Gospel narratives. But there is reason to believe that it is a kind of translation into incident of what was in reality a parable of the fate of unbelieving Israel, comp. Luke xiii. 6-9,1 so that the tradition converted a story of symbolic meaning into the record of an actual occurrence. (3) The incidents once fixed in more or less determinate shapes would tend, in many cases, to fall together into more or less firmly knit successions. Thus Mark opens the account of the ministry in Galilee with the call of Simon and Andrew, James and John, i. 14-20; then follows the synagogue incident at Capernaum, i. 21-28; from the synagogue Jesus passes to the house of Simon, i. 29-31, where the mother-in-law of his host lies ill; the crowd gathers through the evening at the door, i. 32-34; to escape the concourse Jesus rises before the dawn and goes forth into a place apart to pray, i. 35; there Simon and his friends pursue him, and they go forth together into the next towns, i. 36-39. This series, which may have depended on Peter's reminiscence,2 relates the events of but one single day. It was the introduction to the record of the Master's preaching; and served, like the groups of parables, or other discourses, as a Church ' lesson ' describing how he set about the work. It was followed substantially by Luke, though Matthew, following other principles of arrangement, departs widely from it.3 A similar group, consisting of five anecdotes illustrating the kind of 1 For further discussion of this case, cp. chap. vi. § 4, 1. 2 See below, chap. viii. § 4, 1 ; $ 5, 1. s See chap. x. § 2, 1. G 82 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. criticism to which Jesus was exposed from different quarters, and the character of the opposition which his bold unconventionality at once excited, follows in Mark ii.-iii. 6, cp. Luke v. 17-vi. 11. Other instances will be found in the combination of the scene at Caesarea Philippi where Jesus is greeted as the Messiah by Peter, with the first warnings of his approaching death, and his Transfiguration; or the succession of incidents on the journey to Jerusalem, the blessing pronounced upon little children, the question of the rich young man, the petition of James and John, the passage through Jericho, and the entry from the Mount of Olives, this last set (like the first) having a definite time-order running through it. These show the Teacher moving among men, among the religious parties whose discussions filled the air, among the common needs of daily life, in retirement with his disciples, or on the public highway. They are as clearly groups of incidents for instruction in the Master's methods of dealing with the circumstances round him, as the discourses are collections of his sayings for the edification of believers. (4) The artless manner in which these incidents follow each other, will be constantly observed. Two tendencies are in fact always at work as a tradition is propagated, in seemingly opposite directions; one is towards a certain vagueness, an absence of detail, a want of precision; while the other strives to correct these very defects by inserting names, and fixing places, and specifying dates and times. Many readers may have felt half consciously that the presentment of the last days in Jerusalem has about it a greater air of vividness, a closer relation to the actual order of the occurrences, than the record of the OPPOSITE TENDENCIES. 83 Galilaean ministry. It is because the tradition was really formed first in Jerusalem. It was already, therefore, removed from the scene of the Master's early labours. Cut off from its local base, it appears to have less exactitude ; but in dealing with the events in the city, the Temple, the supper-room, it is on familiar ground. At a later stage, the desire for definiteness will assert itself. In the next century, the Syrophoenician woman will be called Justa, and her daughter Berenice. Yet further on, the names of every one of the seventy disciples (Luke x. i) are known. This tendency is not without examples even in the Gospels. John alone — confessedly the latest of all — mentions that the name of the high priest's servant whose ear was struck off at the arrest of Jesus, was Malchus ; John alone attributes the blow to Peter. The tradition of Mark, with which Matthew agrees, is content to state that Jesus sent two of the disciples to make ready the passover : Luke only identifies them as Peter and John. After the first day in Capernaum, Mark relates, i. 39=— And he went into their synagogues throughout all Galilee, preaching and casting out devils. Matthew, however, proceeds direct from the call of Simon and Andrew, James and John, without the opening scenes in Capernaum, to the far more comprehensive, and at the same time detailed, statement, iv. 23-25 : — And Jesus went about in all Galilee, teaching in their synagogues, and preaching the gospel of the kingdom, and healing all manner of disease and all manner of sickness among the people. And the report of him went forth into all Syria ; and they brought unto him all that were sick, holden with divers diseases and torments, possessed with devils, and epileptic, and 84 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. * palsied ; and he healed them. And there followed him great multitudes from Galilee and Decapolis and Jerusalem and Judaea and from beyond Jordan. And this before a single word has been reported, or a single specific act described! Thus has the tradition become both generalised and defined. § 4. The Contents of the Traditions. The foregoing examples have illustrated the effect of varying circumstance on the outward form of the traditions. It remains to be asked whether the contents correspond to the actual fact. It has already been shown that the same sayings might bear different meanings in varying combinations. But are the sayings themselves always correctly recorded ; are the incidents with which they are linked accurately described ? The whole of our enquiry will deal, in one form or another, with these questions. Only a few illustrations, therefore, are now offered, of the kind of influences which helped to mould the traditions on their way into our Gospel narratives. (i) The apostolic witness all centred round one great idea. Jesus of Nazareth was the Messiah. When he had passed away, all reminiscence was steeped in this belief. By what processes his followers had arrived at this conviction need not now be examined. It is sufficient to observe that the recollections of his words and deeds were suffused with the glow of feeling which this faith excited. All memory palpitated with emotion, which could hardly fail to impart to imagination a certain BELIEF IN JESUS AS MESSIAH. 85 • quickening power. Under its stimulus the testimony even of eye-witnesses rose unconsciously to meet the high demand for a fit account of Messiah's work. The magic of a wondrous personality, and the ardour of new-born trust, affection, hope, lifted men's thoughts into an activity greater than they knew. All the enthusiasm of the early Church for Jesus was poured into the Gospel tradition. With singular elasticity it gathered up elements derived from various sources, but all penetrated with the same assurance, and fused them with more or less completeness into the common mass. It has been shown how a presentment of Jesus as the Incarnate Word led to modifications of the Gospel story. These modifications were to a large extent conscious and intentional. In many of the Synoptic narratives a similar influence has been at work ; but it has not operated so much by design, as by the unsuspected changes wrought by time and faith. The idea of the Messianic dignity governs the whole. Again and again in the history of religion may like processes be observed. The legends of the saints are full of them ; read the lives of our own Dunstan or Becket, of Francis of Assisi or Bernard, and you will find the traces of them at every step. In India, the story of the life of Gotama, the founder of Buddhism, was early cast in the mould supplied by the theory of the 'Buddha' or the 'Enlightened One,' and all his teachings and the incidents of his career were conformed — partly by the unconscious work ing of creative imagination, and partly by purpose and method, — to this type. The Bible itself, it has been already observed, presents more than one instance of the same kind of development. In the patriarchal stories, in 86 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. the narratives of the exodus, the wanderings, the conquest, in the successive codes of the law, in the representations of the origin of Israel's royal power, it is possible to trace the growth and manipulation of the traditions of centuries. In one case, imagination works on ancient legend, handed on orally from generation to generation ; in another, it founds itself on actual written documents, which it embodies, or leaves on one side, as it likes, to suit its ends. Can we find any trace of the same treatment of its materials, oral or written, by the early Church ? (2) Not even Scripture itself was exempt from the danger of unconscious falsification under the potent influence of preconceived interpretations. The very words, though they could be verified at once, underwent transformation to suit the doctrines which they were to illustrate or support. For instance, in the second century, men began to ask themselves where Jesus had gone in the interval between death and resurrection, while his body remained in the grave. He had descended, it was thought, to the underworld, to preach to the spirits who waited his advent in She61. If that was so, it would of course be found already intimated in the Old Testament; and Clement of Alexandria1 discovered the witness of it in the following passage2 : — Wherefore the Lord preached the Gospel to those in Hades. Accordingly the Scripture saith, Hades saith to Destruction, We have not seen his form, but we have heard his voice. There are no such words in the Old Testament. What Clement cites as a Scripture testimony, is his own (or the 1 See above, p. 10. 2 Stromata, vi. 6. INFLUENCE ON QUOTATIONS. 87 Church's) transformation of a verse in the magnificent description of Wisdom, Job xxviii. 22 : — Destruction and death say, We have heard the fame thereof with our ears. A little earlier, Justin the Martyr1 actually charges the Jews with having cut out of the prophecies of Jeremiah the decisive proof of the doctrine in these terms : — The Lord God remembered his dead people Israel who lay in the graves, and he descended to preach to them his own salvation. If such could be the effect of doctrinal belief in creating additions to the written records of ancient prophecy, it is hardly surprising that similar additions should be made to the unwritten prophecies of Jesus himself. When the Teacher was asked for a sign by certain of the Scribes and Pharisees, he replied, Matt. xii. 39, 41, cp. Luke xi. 29, 32 :— An evil and adulterous generation seeketh after a sign ; and there shall no sign be given to it but the sign of Jonah the prophet. The men of Nineveh shall stand up in the judgment with this generation, and shall condemn it ; for they repented at the preaching of Jonah ; and behold, there is more than Jonah here. But later editors of the tradition were not satisfied with the parallel which Jesus suggested. They demanded a closer conformity between the Messiah and the prophet ; and they found it in an analogy between the interment of the Son of Man in the ground and the sojourn of Jonah in the 'great fish' which had swallowed him. This expressed itself in an addition, thrust in between w. 39 and 41, and shattering their connection : — 1 See above, p. 14. Dial, with Trypho, 72. 88 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. For as Jonah was three days and three nights in the belly of the whale, so shall the Son of man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth. The words have caused great difficulty to apologists, for on no theory of the Resurrection was Jesus three days and three nights in the tomb. Moreover, they are clearly out of place in the story, for they imply a reference to his death, of which nothing has as yet been said. Their absence from the corresponding passage in Luke affords a strong presumption that they are among the latest additions to the Evangelic sayings.1 — The foregoing instance does not, indeed, concern the actual quotation of Scripture. But examples of this, too, are not wanting in the Gospel narratives. Thus, the following parallels contain a common remodelling of a declaration in Malachi : — Matt. xi. 9-10. Luke vii. 26-27. But wherefore went ye out ? But what went ye out to see ? to see a prcphet ? Yea, I say a prophet ? Yea, I say unto unto you, and much more than you, and much more than a a prophet. This is he of prophet. This is he of whom whom it is written, it is written, Behold I send my messenger Behold I send my messenger before thy face, before thy face, Who shall prepare thy way Who shall prepare thy way before thee. before thee. The application is here to John the Baptist, who prepares Messiah's way. And under the impression of this meaning, the words have been appropriately adapted to it. For they really ran thus, Mai. iii. 1 : — Behold I send my messenger, and he shall prepare the way 1 See chap, x., $ 3, 10. INFLUENCE ON QUOTATIONS. 89 before me; and the Lord whom ye seek shall suddenly come to his temple. The prophet here describes a manifestation of Yahweh himself. But the Church seized on the relation between the messenger and the Lord, and fitted it on to John and Jesus. The next step was to incorporate it into the Master's teachings ; and in the process the words assumed a new shape.1 — It would, indeed, have been interesting had the modern literary habit of reference guided our Evangelists. Then we should have known what was in the mind of the writer of Matt. ii. 22, 23 :— Being warned of God in a dream, he [Joseph] withdrew into the parts of Galilee, and came and dwelt in a city called Nazareth : that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophets, that he [Jesus or Messiah] should be called a Nazarene. No known oracle corresponds to this allusion. Had the Evangelist some lost or apocryphal document in his thought, or was his fancy only playing round some ancient word in which he imaginatively saw the name of Nazareth foreshadowed ? The latter is the more probable : does it not, however, show with what ease doctrinal interpretations could be converted into facts, and known events could react on prophecy ? 1 The same words are prefixed in Mark i. 2, to a quotation from Isaiah xl. 3, and appear under the name of that prophet. They are probably an insertion here, by some editor who was acquainted with their application in Luke or Matthew, and thought this a suitable place for adding this prophetic testimony to Mark. Then later copyists perceived the mistake of ascribing Malachi's words to Isaiah, and corrected thus ' Even as it is written in the prophets' 90 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. (3) The conformity of the outlines of Messiah's life to prophetic intimations was a fruitful source of influence not only on the quotation of Scripture but on the Evangelical tradition itself. By degrees, the whole career of Jesus from birth to death was cast into this frame. It must be remembered that the application ot Scripture in the Jewish Schools was often wholly independent of its original sense. In the discussions reported in the Talmud the argument is again and again concluded by the citation of a passage entirely remote from the matter in hand, and only externally connected with it by some casual word. The letters of the Apostle Paul show that the faintest resemblances sufficed to justify the combination of sayings which in their proper connection had no bearing on each other, or on the subject which they were employed to illustrate.1 Moreover, the variations of the Greek version of the Scriptures known as the Septuagint (LXX.), and the habit of uniting into a consecutive whole utterances that were drawn from different parts of a book, or even from different books, further tended to give a forced significance to declarations which were thus distorted in form and wrenched from their proper context. The astounding misapplications of prophecy which may be seen in Justin's Dialogue with the Jew 7'rypho, in the second century, show to what extravagances this method 1 Thus in the vindication of the preaching of the Gospel to the Gentiles, Rom. x. 15-20, a series of citations occurs which all receive in the Apostle's use a meaning which they do not bear in their original context. Note especially the manner in which Ps. xix. 4 is diverted from the poetic expression of the language of the heavens to support the proclamation of Christianity beyond the limits of Israel. CONFORMITY TO PROPHECY. 91 might be pushed. But the Gospels themselves contain clear instances of the way in which this reacted on the recollections of Jesus, shaping their contents and filling up their deficiencies. Reserving for future discussion the incidents of the nativity at Bethlehem,1 let us examine one or two lesser illustrations of the same tendency. When Jesus is about to enter Jerusalem, he sends two of his disciples with these instructions : — Mark xi. 2. Luke xix. 30. Matt. xxi. 2. Go your way into Go your way into Go into the village the village that is the village over that is over against over against you : against you ; in the you, and straightway and straightway as which as ye enter ye shall find an ass ye enter into it, ye ye shall find a colt tied, and a colt with shall find a colt tied, tied, whereon no her; loose them, and whereon no man ever man ever yet sat ; bring them unto me. yet sat ; loose him, loose him, and bring and bring him. him. Mark and Luke, it will be observed, agree nearly word for word ; and they mention only one animal. Matthew, on the other hand, names two. Why ? The Evangelist himself explains : Now this is come to pass, that it might be fulfilled which was spoken by the prophet, saying, Tell ye the daughter of Zion, Behold, thy King cometh unto thee, Meek, and riding upon an ass, And upon a colt the foal of an ass.2 The method of Hebrew poetry is to repeat, with a kind of rhythm, in the second part of the verse or clause, what has been already said in the first. The Evangelist, misunderstanding the parallel style, supposed that the 1 See chap, v., j 1,4*. 2 Zech. ix. 9. 92 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. prophecy really referred to two animals. He accordingly put them into his story, and actually represented Jesus as riding into the city upon both : — Mark xi. 7. Luke xix. 35. Matt. xxi. 7. And they bring And they brought And [they] brought the colt to Jesus, and him to Jesus, and the ass and the colt, cast on him their they threw their gar- and put on them garments, and he sat ments upon the colt, their garments, and upon him. and set Jesus thereon, he sat thereon. Again in recording the events of the Passion, a singular variation betrays a similar influence : — Mark xv. 23. Matt, xxvii. 34. And they offered him wine They gave him wine to mingled with myrrh ; but he drink mingled with gall ; and received it not. when he had tasted it, he would not drink. Mark's statement refers to the custom of offering to the sufferer a draught which should at once stupefy and support him under his pain. But Jesus would not thus deaden his thought, or die benumbed in spirit; he would endure all with full consciousness. Matthew, however, turns the drink embittered with gall, into an aggravation of the torture. For what reason? Because (it would seem) he recalls and applies the Psalmist's word1 : — They gave me also gall for my meat ; And in my thirst they gave me vinegar to drink. In the sufferings and death of Jesus the Church found abundant fulfilments of the description of the fate of the Servant of Yahweh, Isaiah Iii. 13-liii. These passages were readily applied by pious believers, who may have written them first on the margin of their Gospel-scrolls, 1 Psalm lxix. 21, cp. Luke xxiii. 36. CONFORMITY TO PROPHECY. 93 whence they finally passed into the text itself. Thus to Mark's narratives xv. 27 : — And with him they crucify two robbers ; one on his right hand and one on his left — later copyists added the prophetic application 1 — And the Scripture was fulfilled, which saith, And he was reckoned with transgressors. But in another version of the tradition, Luke xxii. 37, these words are awkwardly put into the mouth of Jesus himself, as he bids his disciples prepare for the future by taking purse and wallet and sword : — For I say unto you, that this which is written must be fulfilled in me, And he was reckoned with transgressors : for that which concerneth me hath fulfilment. And they said, Lord, behold, here are two swords : — where the answer refers to the words preceding the quotation. Messiah's death was, in fact, the great difficulty which the early Church had to overcome. Paul found that it was ' to the Jews a stumbling-block, and to ' the Greeks foolishness.' There was all the more need, therefore, to show that it was in conformity with prophecy. Accordingly we find such variations as the following, where Luke justifies by reference to the. prophets, the warnings which the Evangelists attribute to Jesus. Mark x. 33, 34. Matt. xx. 18, 19. Luke xviii. 31-33. Behold we go up Behold, we go up Behold, we go up to Jerusalem ; and to Jerusalem ; and to Jerusalem, and all the Son of Man shall the Son of Man shall the things that are be delivered unto the be delivered unto written by the pro- chief priests and the the chief priests and phets shall be ac- scribes ; and they scribes ; and they complished unto the 1 Isaiah liii. 12. 94 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. shall condemn him shall condemn him Son of Man. For he to .death, and shall to death, and shall shall be delivered up deliver him unto the deliver him unto the unto the Gentiles, Gentiles ; and they Gentiles to mock, and shall be mocked, shall mock him, and and to scourge, and and shamefully en- shall spit upon him, to crucify ; and the treated, and spit and shall scourge third day he shall be upon ; and they shall him, and shall kill raised up. scourge and kill him ; him ; and after three and the third day he days he shall rise shall rise again. again.The motive of Luke's variation is plain. But behind this lesser modification, stands a further question, how far do these detailed predictions represent the language of the Teacher himself, or how far are they rather to be understood as the pious expression of the faith of the Church ? It will be more easy to form some opinion on this enquiry when the group of beliefs relating to the 'Son of Man' has been examined.1 It need only be observed now that these repeated announcements (e.g. Mark viii. 31, ix. 31, x. 33-34) wholly failed in their object. They did not succeed in preparing the minds of the disciples. The Master's death crushed all the hopes of his followers : the first tidings that he was risen were not received as a triumphant confirmation of a trust which ignominy and ruin could not overwhelm : they were scorned as ' idle tales.' Does not the Gospel narrative itself reveal to us the later growth of these elements in the tradition ? (4) Another powerful factor in shaping the contents of the Teacher's word, is doubtless to be found in the social circumstances of the community. The Gospel was at 1 See chap. vii. § 1, 4, and onwards. CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE CHURCH. 95 first addressed to the poor, and it was among the poor that it found its warmest reception and its most earnest support. It was, indeed, supposed by some that the afflicted and needy were in a special sense the objects of the providence of heaven. A certain merit seemed to be associated with innocent suffering ; want might almost be taken to imply virtue ; poverty and desert went hand in hand. This belief, for instance, underlies the form in which Luke presents the Beatitudes, in comparison with Matthew. Consider the influences which have led to such modifications as these l : — Matt. v. 3-12. Luke vi. 20-26. Blessed are the poor in Blessed are ye poor : for spirit; for theirs is the king- yours is the kingdom of God. dom of heaven. Blessed are ye that hunger Blessed are they that hunger now : for ye shall be filled. and thirst after righteousness: Blessed are ye that weep for they shall be filled. now : for ye shall laugh. Blessed are they that mourn .****** for they shall be comforted. But woe unto you that are rich, for ye have received your consolation. ****** In the same way the references to reproach and persecu tion, to expulsion from synagogues, to trials before foreign governors and kings (e.g. Matt. v. 11, x. 17-18, Luke vi. 22, xii. 11, &c), seem rather the reflection of later difficulties and dangers than the actual utterance of Jesus in the first flush of Galilaean success. The words (in their present form) express rather the comforts of the Church for believers than the expectations of the Teacher 1 See chap. ix. $ 2, 2b. 96 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. himself. Similar influences have given point to pre dictions . of internal dissension, of false prophets, and unauthorised performers of mighty works, cp. Matt. vii. 15, 22, &c. So, also, in the regulations for pious observance, for alms and prayer and fasting as a kind of religious duty or sacred service, each in turn confirmed by the rhythmic promise 'thy Father which seeth in ' secret shall recompense thee,' Matt. vi. 1-18, we hear the voice of later ecclesiastical usage. Why should the disciples of the new Teacher fast ? ' New wine must be ' put into fresh wine-skins ; ' new truth could not be thrust into old forms and rites, cp. Mark ii. 18-22. And when they prayed, it should be in faith, for strength for heroic enterprises, not as a modification of Jewish custom in a better spirit, cp. Mark xi. 22-25. The rules for dealing with a brother who has sinned, .betray the same influences in the form in which they now stand, Matt, xviii. 15-18. The 'church' whose authority may be invoked, is very different from the Master's ' kingdom ' of God ; ' and the rejection of the unrepentant evil doer on to the level of the heathen or the publican hardly savours of the tireless love which came to seek and to save the lost. Here, likewise, may we not say, the practice of the later community seeks shelter under the Founder's sanction ? (5) The Gospel tradition sprang up on Jewish soil, and those who gave to it the first outline of its shape were Jews. Many of the questions which arose in the new community, issued from their customs and obliga tions as Jews. Their ideas of conduct and religion were naturally those of Jews. Their conceptions of right eousness and faith were consequently closely related to CONCEPTIONS OF RIGHTEOUSNESS. 97 the ancient Law. It was from that side that they approached the teachings of Jesus. Whatever in them seemed to harmonise with their own notions — modified as they had been by their intercourse with the Master — they naturally emphasized. And that which stood on a different plane of thought and life they would record imperfectly, because they had understood it imperfectly- On the other hand, at an early period a new principle emerged into view through the labours of the Apostle Paul. It presented . the Christian character in a fresh light. It was not the result of a higher legalism, the fulfilment of a law — diviner, indeed, but still a law; it was the outcome of a spiritual affection, which, under the name of faith, transfigured the whole nature into a fellowship with God and Christ. This produced out of the fulness of inner life the richest fruits of holiness, which were rather a spontaneous growth from the new quickening infused into the heart, than the positive achievements of a regulated and disciplined will. Both these aspects were blended in the soul of Jesus. But they could only have been reproduced by those who, through kinship of spirit, fully understood and realised them. It was inevitable that they should be only partially apprehended ; and it is not surprising that the tendency to the old type of legal r-ighteousness should occasionally assume exaggerated forms, so as apparently to sanction the extremest demands of rigid observance. Standing on the broad ground of humanity in its relation to God, Jesus lays down in the briefest terms the resulting principle governing, for instance, all sabbath-doings, Mark ii. 27 : — The sabbath was made for man, and not man for the sabbath. 98 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. Yet elsewhere, Matt, xxiii. 2, 3, cp. v. 17-19, the same Teacher is said to lend his authority to that mountain of sabbath-legislation piled up by the Rabbis, which, as they observed, hung suspended by a hair l : — The Scribes and the Pharisees sit on Moses' seat ; all things therefore whatsoever they bid you, these do and observe. Here the permanent obligation of the whole body of scribe-made law is strictly enforced, including, of course, the rules for the hallowing of the sabbath. How can we reconcile this with the declaration but a short while before, Matt. xxii. 40, that on the two commandments of love to God and love to man ' hangeth the whole law, ' and the prophets ? ' 3 (6) Connected with these different views of the essential nature of the Christian life was the question of the scope of the gospel, and the relation of the Gentiles to the kingdom of God. This was the battle which was fought and won by the Apostle Paul. The cause of freedom was not gained without long struggles and bitter opposition. The advocates of the obligation of the Law sent out their emissaries into Asia and Greece. Parties were formed bearing rival names, Paul, Apollos, Cephas (Peter) ; while, at Jerusalem, the most austere devotion to the Law was supposed to have been practised by James. These conflicts left their marks on the gospel- tradition formed in their very midst. Had Jesus author ised or had he prohibited the preaching to the Gentiles ? ' Go not into any way of the Gentiles, and enter not into 1 Life in Pal. § 34, cp. p. 128. 2 On the legal elements of Luke and Matthew see chap. ix. J 5, 1, and x. § 4, 4. THE GOSPEL AND THE GENTILES. 99 ' any city of the Samaritans,' says Matthew's Jesus to the Twelve (x. 5). But Luke's Jesus organises a special mission of Seventy disciples on his way through Samaria to Jerusalem (x. 1). Nay, Matthew's Jesus himself gives contradictory instructions. The injunction to go to the lost sheep of the house of Israel exclusively (x. 6) is explained by the belief that the ' end of the age ' was so near at hand that they should ' not have gone through 'the cities of Israel till the Son of Man be come' (x. 23). But in the last scene of all, the end of the age is indefinitely postponed. Instead of a Son of Man who is to come in clouds of heaven with power and great glory, there is a risen Christ who tells his disciples he is with them ' alway, even to the end of the age ; ' and the command then is, ' Go ye and make disciples of all the nations ' (xxviii. 1 9-20). So, even the same Gospel may contain, without really combining, widely different views, resulting from different periods and representing different tendencies of Church development.1 (7) Besides the influences thus operating upon a positive tradition, which was rooted in actual reminiscence of the Master's life, there are further elements for which it is difficult to believe that there is real historic ground. The accounts of the Nativity are not only mutually inconsistent,2 but they cannot be fitted into the rest of the narrative. They must be regarded as symbolic ; they express beliefs, they portray ideas, they do not relate facts. In other stories we may discern a similar 1 On Matthew, see below, chap. x. § 4, 5 ; on Luke, chap. ix. § 5, 3. 2 See chap. v. $ 1, 1. 100 FORMATION OF THE GOSPEL TRADITIONS. significance. Their function is not biographical but devotional. The Temptation does not describe a literal event ; its succession of scenes is ' imaginative and dramatic ; it is not concerned with the times and places of earth; it belongs to another world of thought and feeling, where truth is conveyed by pictures which awake emotion, rather than by the methods of documentary history, of science, or philosophy. The Transfiguration, and many other narratives, do but throw into the forms of personal incident the reflections of the Church on the Master's life, viewed at one time in relation to the spiritual powers which preceded him, at another in connection with the great movement which issued from him. The gospel-traditions were shaped at a time when love and insight were in the highest degree creative. In their treatment of the past the Christian teachers did not deal with it on modern principles, endeavouring to estimate the conditions, calculate the forces in operation, measure their interaction, and read off the effect. They fixed their gaze always on the divine goal to which they saw all things tending. In their view this was no 'far-off event,' it was close at hand. The purpose of God, as they understood it, was their standard. What ever brought that into clear prominence, deserved their trust. Hence it is that the Synoptic narratives present to us the Jesus of ecclesiastical belief, the idealised Christ as he was interpreted and received now by one party, now by another. To find the real Jesus we must learn to penetrate through the radiant haze with which he has been invested by tradition and faith. CHAPTER IV. THE MESSIANIC IDEA. We all know how easily our judgments of persons and events are affected by our particular sympathies and prepossessions. The same acts are attacked or defended from opposite points of view in politics. The lives of eminent statesmen have been written in our own day in the spirit of enthusiastic devotion or of bitter hostility, and though the same incidents might be related, and the same speeches quoted, the two portraits came out entirely different. If this is the case where events are recent, facts easy to ascertain, and words within reach of verification, how large an allowance must be made for the transforming influence of ideas and feelings upon a tradition detached from its native soil, translated into another language, and propagated by men who had had no part in the circumstances which it described. Aspects of character and thought are variously apprehended by diverse minds. The Greek teacher Socrates was described in one way by one of his hearers, Xenophon, and in quite another way by another, Plato ; while a 102 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. third observer, Aristophanes, portrayed him differently from both. And when imagination endeavours to delineate the past in the light of great principles, it tries to picture to itself what must have happened, and frames its narrative so as to give these principles full scope. The writer of the Book of Chronicles, believing in the antiquity of the religious institutions of his own day, and of the ideas embodied in them, carried them back to the pious kings of ancient time, and drew a picture of David and Asa and Hezekiah which expressed to his thought the traditional repute of these princes, much in the same way as later English stoiy delighted to depict the heroic forms of Arthur and Alfred. We have already seen (chap, ii.) that a similar process has been at work in the Fourth Gospel. Is there any one great idea influencing the representation of Jesus in the First Three ? This question has, in fact, been answered by anticipation, chap. iii. § 4, i. The dominant idea in the Synoptic narratives is that Jesus is the Messiah or Christ. The Gospel according to S. Mark opens with the words — 'The beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ.' This was the theme of apostolic preaching from the earliest days : ' Let all the house of Israel know 'assuredly that God hath made him both Lord and 'Christ,' Ads ii. 36. This, according to the Book of Acts, is the word of Peter at Jerusalem or Caesarea; Philip proclaims it in Samaria; Paul carries it to Damascus, through Asia Minor, into Greece, and never stops till in Rome itself he preaches the kingdom of God, and teaches ' the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ,' Acts xxviii. 31. All great ideas have a history behind them; they have gathered up into themselves ITS ROOTS IN PROPHECY. 103 many elements; they have expressed themselves in changing forms. What elements of this Messianic expectation do we find in the Gospels, what form did it assume in the minds of the followers of Jesus ? § 1. The Idea and its Forms.1 (i) The roots of this enduring hope lay in the teachings of the Hebrew prophets about Yahweh and his people Israel. Looking out upon their people in the land they loved so well, they sought to explain to themselves how it was that Israel alone possessed the precious knowledge of Yahweh, while the nations around worshipped other gods. They found the answer in the thought that Yahweh had chosen Israel, and placed it in its fruitful country, and made it a people, out of his pure love. To that love he would be always faithful : from that choice he would never swerve. But such love laid on Israel the high duty of being worthy of it ; and such a choice contained within it a secret purpose. If the true religion was committed to Israel, it was in order that Israel might be the instrument for spreading it among the nations. So, on the one hand, the prophets told of the need of Israel's purification, and of the discipline by which it would be cleansed from its 1 For fuller details see Life in Palestine, chap. vi. To the books there named may be added The Jewish and the Christian Messiah, by V. H. Stanton, 1886, in which a different view of the Messianic elements in the Gospels is set forth. 104 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. idolatries and sins ; and they held up before it the idea of right conduct for all classes within it. And on the other they uttered glowing words of a future when the knowledge of Yahweh should be diffused by its means through all the world. The prophets of the monarchy thought that the first great aim — the internal purification of Israel — would be attained under a righteous king, who would rule with justice and wisdom beneath the guidance of the divine spirit.1 He would be of the house of David, and would restore the ancient glory of his house. And then the nations would flock to Jerusalem ; thence would the teaching go forth which should tell all men how to walk in the ways of Yahweh. When the monarchy was overthrown, the hope of a Davidic prince faded into the back-ground. But in the hour of triumph, at the restoration of Israel after the captivity, the new joy broke out in the ringing cry ' Yahweh is King,' and poured itself forth in psalms of praise of the heavenly rule, made manifest in the return of the people to their ancient home. This strain did not soon fade away. Even later still it might be clearly heard, as in these verses, Psalm cxlv. 10-13 : 1 Inasmuch as the king of Israel reigned in the name of Yahweh, God of Israel, and was consecrated by the ceremony of anointing with oil, he was called Yahweh's ' Anointed,' (Hebrew Mashiach, Greek Christ). Thus Saul is called Yahweh's Messiah (in the Greek version 'the Lord's Christ'), 1 Sam. xxiv. 10. The name might even be applied to a foreign king acting under the purposes of Yahweh. It is thus given to Cyrus by one of the Prophets of the Captivity, Is. xiv. 1, 'Thus saith Yahweh to his ' Messiah (Greek, Christ) to Cyrus.' Hence the title came to be employed in later times to designate the ideal king round whom gathered so much of the national hope. THE BOOK OF DANIEL. 105 All thy works shall give thanks unto thee, O Yahweh, And thy saints shall bless thee. They shall speak of the glory of thy kingdom, And talk of thy power ; To make known to the sons of men his mighty acts, And the glory of the majesty of his kingdom. Thy kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, And thy dominion endureth throughout all generations. (2) On this conception the thought of Israel fixed with a tenacity which no suffering could shake. In time of trouble the cry for justice went up with passionate plea, calling for a great world-assize, when the nations should be summoned to the judgment before the throne of God, and the persecutors should be overthrown. The Book of Daniel, written under the stress of the persecution by Antiochus Epiphanes, which began in 168 b.c, gave vivid utterance to it. Looking back over the later history of his people, the writer traced the succession of mighty empires East and West — Babylonian, Median, Persian, Greek — which had, as he thought, ruled over it. They bore the shapes of beasts of prey, symbolic of brute strength, greed, and ferocity. The thrones were placed, and the Ancient of Days sat in the midst; thousand thousands ministered unto him, and ten thousand times ten thousand stood before him. The nations were gathered for the judgment, and the books in which the deeds of men had been recorded were opened. The dominion of the beasts was taken away ; the sway of the alien powers was broken; but to whom was the sovereignty awarded ? Through the darkness of the night the seer gazed, until a new form appeared, Dan. vii. 13-14 : — And behold, there came with the clouds of heaven one like 106 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. unto a son of man, and he came even unto the ancient of days, and they brought him near before him. And there was given him dominion, and glory, and a kingdom, that all the peoples, nations, and languages should serve him ; his dominion is an everlasting dominion, which shall not pass away, and his kingdom that which shall not be destroyed. Who is this mysterious figure ' like unto a son of man ? ' It is plain at once that it is a symbol like the lion, the bear, the leopard, which represented the great Gentile empires. But it is nobler than they, it wears a human form, and stands for other qualities than those of bestial appetite and worldly might. We are not long left in doubt ; the writer explains his own vision ; the majestic personage to whom the perpetual sovereignty over all the nations is assigned is the purified Israel, who will rise into glory and receive the obedience of all worldly powers : — And the kingdom, and the dominion, and the greatness of the kingdoms under the whole heaven, shall be given to the people of the saints of the Most High ; his kingdom [i.e. the kingdom of the holy people] is an everlasting kingdom, and all dominions shall serve and obey him. Dan. vii. 27, comp. vv. 17-18. So the great hope won fresh expression, and book after book in Palestine or Egypt bore witness to the activity of Jewish imagination as it played round the central themes of deliverance, judgment, and the triumph of the true religion over the hostile powers of the world. Some of these books, like the Sibylline Verses, the Book of Enoch, the fourth Book of Ezra, became popular among the early Christians, and after a common literary fashion received considerable additions at their hands. It has even been thought, and not perhaps without good ground, that the book now placed last in our New Testament, the Apocalypse, or Revelation, was originally THE TWO AGES. 107 a Jewish work, dealing with the national hope, which was adapted for Christian purposes and suited to the ideas of the Church. (3) Current expectation, then, had already its doctrine of the ' kingdom,' long before John or Jesus proclaimed that it was at hand. (a) In the first place, it would be in no distant scene ; Jerusalem would be its centre ; the familiar hills would witness the great judgment. The questions concerning its manifestation related to its time and not its place. This epoch was hastening to its end, and a new era would begin; 'this age' would be brought to a close, and the mighty world-event would usher in ' the age to come.' All life on earth, therefore, was distributed between these two periods : happy would it be for those who should be fitted to enter the coming age by well doing in this. ' This age,' said a famous Teacher, ' is ' like a vestibule to the age to come. Prepare thyself at ' the vestibule, that thou mayest be admitted into the hall.' ' Great is the Law,' said another Rabbi, ' which gives life 'to those who practise it in this world and in the life ' to come.' (b) It could hardly be supposed, however, that the age then running out would pass away without any sign ; still less would the coming age arrive unobserved. The language of prophecy had delighted to depict the sympathy of nature with man; under the reign of righteousness the moon should be as bright as the sun, the sun should shine with sevenfold brightness, and even among the fiercest beasts of prey there should be universal peace. The convulsions which would attend the last efforts of the heathen against Israel, would, in 108 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. like manner, be mirrored in the world without. The heavens would reflect the carnage below; there would be swords in the sky, said the Sibyl, and battles in the clouds, while the sun would be eclipsed. No rain would fall upon the earth, predicted Enoch ; the fruits would be stopped, the moon would not appear, and the stars would wander from their courses. When the world around was thus out of joint, it would not be surprising that society should suffer, and crime multiply. These things would be the 'birth-pains' of Messiah. Ere he appeared,, voices long silent would be heard once more with a last warning ; Elijah, Jeremiah, Moses himself, would come again, to prepare the way for the new kingdom. (c) The kingdom itself bore different names, and might be viewed under 'different aspects. Inasmuch as it was a kingdom set up, in the language of Daniel (ii. 44), by 'the God of heaven,' it might be called the 'kingdom of God,' the 'kingdom of heaven,'1 or even 'the kingdom of the firmament.' But these latter names were in no way descriptive of the locality of the realm of the future; they implied its character, they did not indicate its site. There was, indeed a sense in which the kingdom of God — the acknowledgment of his sovereignty, — the endeavour to obey his will — was a 1 This use of the word ' heaven ' as equivalent to ' God ' is not uncommon in Jewish writings. Even in the New Testament it is not without example, Luke xv. 18, ' I have sinned against heaven.' In China, the great sage Confucius always preferred to speak of the supreme power under the ancient designation Tien, sky, ' heaven,' rather than as Shang-te, ' supreme ruler,' the personal title bestowed also on the Emperor. THE KINGDOM. 109 present spiritual fact. Whoever repeated the great confession of Jewish faith called (after its first Hebrew word) the Shemd, beginning ' Hear, O Israel, the Lord ' thy God is one God,'1 was said to ' take upon himself 'the kingdom.' But pious fancy always loved to cast its thoughts into pictures ; and as in the Book of Daniel the writer had portrayed the awful form of the Ancient of Days upon the throne of judgment, so did the author of the Revelation behold the throne set in heaven, whereon sat the Lord God, the Almighty, before whom the four and twenty elders gave thanks because he had taken his great power and did reign, Rev. iv. 2-1 1, and xi. 16-18. (d) These visions of the heavenly rule seemed to dispense with any earthly representative of the Most High. But it was sometimes thought that God would choose for himself some other being, human, or superhuman, to be the instrument of carrying out his purposes. His will might realise itself, so the Sibyl taught, through the prophets, as judges and just kings of mortals ; or again through a single ruler : — Then shall God send a king from the sun, who shall cause the whole earth to cease from wicked war, when he has slain some, and exacted faithful oaths from others. Neither shall he do all these things of his own counsels, but by trust in the beneficent decrees of the great God. 2 Whether the king would appear in the age that then was, or in that which was to come, or in some interval between the two, was indeed uncertain. Springing from 1 See Life in Palestine, § 32, p. 106. 2 Sibylline Oracles, iii. 652-6. For the beautiful description in the Psalms of Solomon, see Life in Pal. \ 44, 4, p. 168. 110 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. the ancient royal line, he would be known as ' Son of ' David ; ' the heathen enemies would be overthrown ; some would perish, but some would be converted ; and over these he would extend his beneficent sway, the seat of which would be in the City of David. The venerable walls of Jerusalem should be miraculously glorified, and a new temple should arise within it. By this renovation, indeed, it would correspond to the ideal city, the heavenly Jerusalem, as it had existed from the beginning of the world ; and there the outcasts of Israel, scattered through many lands, should reassemble. (e) Not Israel only, however, would be gathered at their ancient capital. Fondly supposed to be the mid point of the earth, Jerusalem would be the scene of what the Apocalyptic writers called ' the great Judgment,' 'the great Day,' 'the day of Judgment,' 'the last 'Judgment for all eternity,' the concourse of nations being marshalled in the valley of Jehoshaphat beneath the city walls. Would this tremendous event take place before or after Messiah's reign ? The question was answered by different seers in different ways. So, too, was another question — who would be the judge ? Said the Rook of Enoch : — The Most High will exalt himself in that day to hold the great judgment upon all sinners. But in the Psalms of Solomon judgment is regarded as a permanent function, rather than as a single event, and it is entrusted to the ideal king : He shall bring together the holy people, whom he shall lead in righteousness, and he shall judge the tribes of the people made holy by the Lord his God. And he shall not suffer iniquity to abide in their midst, nor shall any man dwell with them knowing" THE JUDGMENT. Ill wickedness. He shall judge peoples and nations by the wisdom of his righteousness. Lastly, the judgment would not be passed exclusively upon the living. The dead also would be summoned to % For them, therefore, a resurrection was decreed : they would assume again the bodily forms which they once had worn. Yet these would not be needed long ; they would undergo transformation corresponding to the lot assigned to their possessors, the wicked being cast into Gehenna, while the good were exalted to the splendour of angels or the brightness of stars. § 2. The Idea in the Gospels. (i) Conceptions similar to these meet us in the First Three Gospels at every turn. They are expressed in the language of the common hope, with which they are often in clear correspondence. In some cases they have doubtless acquired new meanings;- but the general framework which they supply for the teaching^ of Jesus, closely resembles the forms just described. A few instances will make this plain. (a) The message of John the Baptist was summed up in the words ' Repent ye, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand : ' and this, in the same manner, according to Matt. iii. 2, iv. 17, was the first utterance of Jesus. It is not necessary now to ask what was the difference between the idea of the kingdom as Jesus taught it, and that of his fellow-countrymen. A single saying implies it : X12 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. ' The kingdom of God is within you.'1 It is sufficient to observe that this was from first to last the main theme of his teaching. Parable after parable sets forth the silent diffusiveness of its growth ; one discourse after another lays down the way of life for those who would belong to it: and as though to verify the Jewish maxim that that prayer is not a prayer which contains no mention of the kingdom, the prayer which Jesus taught his disciples comprises the petition 'Thy kingdom come,' with its explanatory sequel ' Thy will be done on earth as it is 'in heaven.' Save in one passage, Luke xxii. 29, 30. 3 Jesus does not speak of the kingdom as his, any more than did his predecessor John the Baptist, or the disciples whom he sent forth to preach, appropriate the kingdom as theirs. The rule and sovereignty belong to God alone. (b) The doctrine of the inwardness of the kingdom might seem to render distinctions of time superfluous. But the First Three Gospels contain frequent references to the age that now is, and the age that is to come. ' In ' this time ' shall the disciple who has given up all for 1 This saying, Luke xvii. 21, may be understood as the margin of the R.V. suggests, in another sense ; it may only mean ' the ' kingdom of God is already here in the midst of you.' The chief objection to the first and more spiritual interpretation appears to be that as the saying was addressed to the Pharisees, it was not true that the kingdom of heaven was within them. But the emphasis does not lie on the pronoun ; and in the announcement of the fundamental principle of the inwardness of the true recognition of the rule of God, Jesus passes beyond the opponents to whom he is immediately replying, and speaks to humanity at large. 2 Of doubtful authenticity on other grounds. Cp chap ix J 6, 1. THE FRAMEWORK IN THE GOSPELS. 113 the Teacher's sake, receive houses and brethren and sisters and mothers and children and lands a hundred fold, with persecutions, and ' in the age to come,' eternal life, Mark x. 28-30. When the Sadducees seek to throw discredit on the doctrine of a life hereafter by an absurd case of complicated relationships, they are met by a reply which assumes this distinction, Luke xx. 34, 35 :— The sons of this age marry and are given in marriage ; but they that are accounted worthy to attain to that age, and the resur rection from the dead, neither marry nor are given in marriage. On the gravest of sins, blasphemy against the Holy Spirit, is pronounced the awful doom, Matt. xii. 32 : — It shall not be forgiven him, neither in this age nor in that which is to come. (c) By what marks, then, would the passage from one to the other be recognised ? When Messiah would appear to usher in the coming time, what warnings would inform the faithful that he was near at hand ? ' Tell us,' cried some of the twelve to Jesus as he sat on the Mount of Olives, 'what shall be the sign of thy ' coming, and of the end of the age ? ' Matt. xxiv. 3. The discourse which answers this question ignores the principle laid down elsewhere by Jesus, ' The kingdom ' of God cometh not with observation,' Luke xvii. 20, and describes at some length the commotions in earth and sky which will attend the calamities in which the age that now is will expire. There will be wars, earthquakes, and famines, Mark xiii. 8 ; these will be the beginning of travail, the 'birth-pains' of Messiah are at hand. They will be followed by portents above ; the sun shall be eclipsed, and the moon will cease to shine ; the stars 114 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. will fall from their places, and the powers that are in the heavens shall be shaken, Mark xiii. 24, 25.1 (d) When ' the age to come ' is inaugurated, on what terms may life amid its blessings be secured ? That is the meaning of the question put to Jesus by the lawyer, Luke x. 25, or the rich young man, Mark x. 17. The ' eternal life ' which they desired to win, was in reality admission to the privileges of the kingdom, a share in the glories of Israel's future. That future was sometimes known as 'the regeneration,' Matt. xix. 28, or rather 'the renovation' or 'renewal' — the renovation of Nature, the renewal of Jerusalem. Or again, as it would be preceded by the resurrection, it was itself designated by that term. 'In the resurrection,' ask the Sadducees, ' whose wife shall she be ? ' of all the seven who had her to wife, Mark xii. 23. 'Thou shalt be recompensed' is the promise of Jesus to the generous host 'in the 'resurrection of the just,' Luke xiv. 14. The nature of the resurrection-body was a frequent subject of dis cussion in the Jewish schools; would the dead rise maimed and halt, or whole and sound? They would enter into life as they quitted this ; for Jesus, using the physical imagery of the time, declares it better to ' enter ' into life ' with only one eye, or hand, or foot, rather than having two eyes to be cast into the fiery Gehenna, Mark ix. 43, 48, cp. Matt, xviii. 8-9. The Rabbis settled that the lame or the dumb would rise with their defects, and then be healed. (e) Finally, all future expectation converges in the Gospels on the judgment day. There must men give 1 On this discourse see chap. vii. $ 4. THE JUDGMENT. 115 account of every idle word that they may speak, Matt. xii. 36 ; there will the terrible sentence be passed on the unfaithful who are still clamouring 'Lord, Lord' — 'I ' never knew you,' Matt. vii. 22, 23. Then will the Son of Man ' render to every man according to his deeds,' Matt. xvi. 27 ; and as he sits on the throne of his glory, all the nations shall be gathered before him, Matt. xxv. 31 sqq. Beside the picture drawn in this parable, let us place an earlier one from the Book of Enoch, where God himself, the Lord of the sheep, casts out the wicked and gathers in the good : — And lo ! I saw them all in bonds as they stood before him. And judgment was passed first on the stars, [i.e. the fallen angels] ; and they were found guilty, and went to the place of condemnation, and were thrown into a fiery deep, full of spires of flame. And those seventy shepherds [the Gentile powers] were judged in like manner, and thrown into that fiery deep. And then I saw how a similar deep, full of fire, was opened amid the earth ; and the sheep that were blinded were brought up for trial and all judged guilty, and thrown into that fiery deep : there they burned : and this deep was to the right [i.e. the south] of that house [Jerusalem].1 And I saw how those sheep burned, and their bone burned. And I stood up to see, till he wrapped up that old house, and did away with all the pillars, and all the beams and ornaments of that house were wrapped up with it : and it was cast out, and put in a place at the south of the land. And I beheld the Lord of the sheep, till he brought a new house [Jerusalem] greater and higher than that first, and set it up on the site of the first which had been wrapped up : all its pillars were new, and its ornaments were new, and exceeded the former old ones which he had cast away : and all the sheep were in it. And I saw all the sheep that had remained, and all the beasts of the earth, and all the birds of heaven, how they fell down and did homage before those sheep, and entreated them and obeyed them in every 1 The deep is ' Gehenna,' the ancient valley of Hinnom. 116 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. word. And after that, the three in white clothing who had previously led me up, took my hand ; and the hand of that young man [Elijah] holding me, they set me down among those sheep, before the judgment took place. And those sheep were all white, and their fleece thick and pure. And all the ruined and scattered sheep, and beasts of the field, and birds of the air, were gathered in that house ; and the Lord of the sheep had great joy, because they were all good, and returned to his house. And I beheld till they laid down that sword which had been given to the sheepj and brought it back into his house, and sealed it up before the face of the Lord, and all the sheep were gathered into that house, and it could not hold them. And the eyes of all were opened, so that they saw the good, and there was not one among them that had not sight. And I saw that that house was great and wide and very full. ' (2) The framework of the Messianic idea in the First Three Gospels thus corresponds point by point with the externals of the popular expectation. What further indications do these documents offer concerning the central figure which this framework encloses ? (a) The prophets had declared that the ideal king would spring from David's house. This hope further expressed itself in the Targums by which the sacred Hebrew books were rendered into the common speech of the people,2 and the interpretations handed down in the Rabbinical schools. It was uttered likewise by the poet of the Psalms of Solomon not long after 48 B.C. Behold, O Lord, and raise up for them their king, son of David, for the time which thou knowest, O God, that he may reign over Israel thy servant. 1 Quoted by Dr. Martineau, ' Early History of Messianic Ideas,' National Review, vol. xviii., 1864, p. 569. 2 See Life in Palestine, p. 32. 'SON OF GOD.' 117 The popular greeting, accordingly, which hailed Jesus as Messiah, addressed him by this title. Under this name did the blind beggars of Jericho appeal to him, as he passed out of their city on his way to the capital, Matt. xx. 30-31 ; in this capacity did the multitude herald his entry into Jerusalem, Matt. xxi. 9. When Jesus enquired of the Pharisees 'What think ye of the Christ? ' whose Son is he ? ' the answer came promptly back ' the ' Son of David.' Jesus, indeed, appears to have disowned the name. Quoting a passage from the 110th Psalm, popularly, though unhistorically, attributed to David, and supposed to refer to the Messiah, ' The Lord said unto 'my Lord,' he observed that if David described the Christ as his Lord, the Christ could not be his Son, Matt. xxii. 41-45; and to this argument the representatives of the traditional expectation seem to have been unable to reply. (b) Another title bears an unmistakable official meaning, ' Son of God.' It is quite true that this phrase might be used in a high spiritual sense. It took its rise from very early ideas of the kinship between a people and its God. In ancient days the Deuteronomic prophet had on this ground bidden his people avoid all heathen customs of mutilation and mourning for the dead, Deut. xiv. 1 : — Sons are ye of Yahweh your God ; ye shall not cut yourselves nor make any baldness between your eyes for the dead. The relationship thus indicated might be conceived more and more inwardly; 'those who enter future blessedness,' said the Sibyl, ' are called sons of the great God ; ' ' they ' are all sons of their God ' declared the poet of the Psalms of Solomon ; ' blessed are the peacemakers,' said Jesus, ' for they shall be called sons of God.' But 118 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. when it is applied to Jesus specifically, it is undoubtedly employed with a different and more technical purpose ; it is, in fact, the express designation of the Messiah. Thus in the opening verse of Mark i. 'the beginning of 'the gospel of Jesus Christ,' this title was afterwards added, and now stands in our Revised Version, ' Son of God.' It is, however, never used by Jesus of himself. The echo ot it is heard in the divine voice at the baptism, ' Thou art my beloved Son ; ' it is attributed to the tempter in the wilderness, ' If thou art the Son of God;' it is the sum of Peter's triumphant declaration, ' Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God ; ' it is the attestation on the mount of transfiguration, ' This is ' my beloved Son, hear ye him ; ' it is the essence of the high priest's charge upon the trial, ' Art thou the Christ, ' the Son of the Blessed ? ' it is the verdict of the centurion beside the cross, ' Truly this man was the Son of God.' It would seem from these instances that it was one of the current Messianic terms, but it cannot be discovered in any of the earlier literature concerning the Messianic idea.1 Yet it is not perhaps difficult to 1 In one passage, common to the First and Third Gospels, occurs a remarkable phrase of a rather different order, ' All ' things have been delivered unto me of my Father, and no one ' knoweth the Son save the Father ; neither doth any know the ' Father save the Son, and he to whomsoever the Son willeth to 'reveal him,' Matt. xi. 27, Luke x. 22. Here 'the Son' is the counterpart to ' the Father,' much in the fashion of the related pairs in the Fourth Gospel, see above chap. ii. § 2, 2c, and the peculiar doctrine of their mutual knowledge introduces us to a different circle of ideas wholly unlike the national hope centred in the Messianic ' Son of God.' It should, however, be observed that 'the Son' and 'the Father' occur in an unmistakably •SON OF GOD.' 119 account for its employment.1 In prophetic thought Israel had been the child of Yahweh's love. ' Thou shalt ' say unto Pharaoh,' so ran the commission of Moses, * thus saith Yahweh, Israel is my son, my firstborn,' Ex. iv. 22. ' When Israel was a child,' said Hosea, pleading in Yahweh's name, 'then I loved him, and 'called my son out of Egypt,' Hos. xi. i. When the monarchy was established, and the king ruled as God, as the very angel or representative of Yahweh, cp. Zech. xiii. 8, so that his throne was founded and guaranteed by the powers of heaven, this title passed to him. ' I will ' establish the throne of his kingdom for ever, I will ' be his father and he shall be my son.' Such was the promise of Yahweh to David, 2 Sam. vii. 13-14, in the language of prophecy ; and it was repeated in the poem which described the reign of the expected king, Psalm lxxxix. 26-27: — He shall cry unto me, Thou art my Father, My God, and the rock of my salvation. I also will make him my first-born, The highest of the kings of the earth. This exalted view of the sovereign was, indeed, common to many ancient nations. Before the days of Moses it was carved upon the Egyptian temples. Among the copious inscriptions of Rameses the Great, in the fourteenth century, b.c, occurs the following dialogue between the great god Amun-Ra and the king : — Messianic passage, Mark xiii. 32, cp. Matt. xxiv. 36. For proof that this discourse has taken up later elements into itself, see chap. vii. § 4, 3, 4. 1 In the Theological Review, 1866, p. 465, Mr. R. B. Drummond has sought to prove that it originated with the Apostle Paul. 120 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. The God. ' I am thy father, I have begotten thee like a god, all thy limbs are divine. I have fashioned thee to be the joy of my person. I have brought thee forth like the rising sun.' The King. ' I am thy son, thou hast put me on thy throne, thou hast transmitted to me royal power, thou hast made me after the resemblance of thy person, thou hast transmitted to me what thou hast created. I shall answer by doing all the good things which thou desirest.' With such thoughts as these it was natural for the Hebrew poet, describing the vain efforts of the nations against Yahweh and his Messiah, to portray in dramatic colloquy the high dignity of the king, who might be said, on the day when he received power, to be begotten if Yahweh, Psalm ii. 4-8 : — The Poet. He that sitteth in the heavens shall laugh : Yahweh shall have them in derision. Then shall he speak unto them in his wrath, And vex them in his sore displeasure : — Yahweh. Yet have I set my king Upon my holy hill of Zion. The King. I will tell of the decree : Yahweh said unto me, Thou art my son, This day have I begotten thee. Yahweh. Ask of me, and I will give thee the nations for thine inheritance, And the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession. This passage was applied to the Messiah in the Jewish schools, and hence probably arose the designation ' Son ' of God.' Its employment was doubtless facilitated by another meaning which the phrase bears in the Old Testament. The belief in One God which Israel attained through the labours of the prophets was not incompatible with belief in many other exalted powers also. Between •SON OF GOD.' 121 man upon earth and the 'Most High' in heaven there was a vast interval which Hebrew imagination filled with superhuman beings. These were called in the language of poetry ' Sons of God ' ; they formed the retinue of the King above the skies ; when the world was made they ' shouted for joy,' Job xxxviii. 7, and they offered to the sovereign of the universe perpetual worship of thank fulness and praise, Ps. xxix. 1. But they were not confined to the abodes above. They sometimes passed to earth as messengers of the divine will, and returned to present themselves before their Lord, cp. Job i. 6, ii. 1. So they acted as protectors or guardian spirits of the righteous, Dan. iii. 25, 28. Or, with larger functions, they served as patrons or prince-angels of whole nations.1 Such was Michael, the 'prince' of Israel, and such were the ' princes' of Persia and Greece, Dan. x. 13, 20, 21. Might not Messiah, as the agent of Yahweh's purpose for his people be likened to these manifestations of superhuman power ? This meaning of the term ran side by side with its application to the Davidic king, and each may have strengthened and supported the other. Opposite conclusions have, indeed, been drawn from the same facts ; and certainty in these difficult enquiries is impossible. But the use of the title by the Apostle Paul, e.g. Rom. i. 4, as well as its employ ment by the high priest when Jesus was brought before the Sanhedrin, implies that it had a recognised significance in this connection. Messiah was already, as Israel's guide and representative, what the whole people should be ; nay, according to Paul, what all humanity was in the 1 Comp. Cheyne, Psalms, on Ps. lxxxii. 122 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. divine intent ; for the official meaning passes over in Paul's thought into the spiritual, as he realizes that ' as 'many as are led by the Spirit of God, are Sons of God,' and looks forward to the time when ' the creation itself 'shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption into the ' glorious liberty of the children of God,' Rom. viii. 14, 21. (c) One more title ascribed to Jesus in the Synoptic Gospels bears upon it the Messianic impress, ' Son of Man.' This is the name by which Jesus again and again speaks of himself in the forms of his sayings which have come down to us. Many of what we think his most characteristic utterances embody it ; ' The Son of Man is ' come to seek and to save that which was lost ; ' ' The ' Son of Man hath not where to lay his head ; ' ' The 'Son of Man came not to be ministered unto, but to ' minister.' In passages of this description it has been supposed that the term was used in the prophetic sense, in which the prophet Ezekiel, for example, is repeatedly addressed as ' Son of Man ' by ' the word of Yahweh ; ' or it has been explained as the title by which Jesus desired to show his oneness in the broadest sense with men's sufferings and needs, and offered himself as the humble self-abasing servant of humanity. There are, however, other sayings in which the name has a plainly different meaning, as at the trial, when Jesus replies to the question of the high priest, ' Ye shall see the Son of ' Man sitting at the right hand of power, and coming with 'the clouds of heaven,' Mark xiv. 62, cp. viii. 38 and xiii. 26. Whether Jesus really intended in these words to identify himself with the ' Son of Man ' must be reserved for enquiry later on.1 It is sufficient to note here (1) what 1 See chap. vii. § 5, and appendix. ' SON OF MAN' 123 was the origin of this imaginative language, and (2) what was the application made by the disciples. It was founded unquestionably on the description of the judgment in the vision of Daniel (see above § 1, 2), where the kingdom was given to 'one like unto a son of man' who 'came ' with the clouds of heaven ; ' and it was undoubtedly applied by the apostles to the Teacher himself. How far the words in Daniel were popularly understood to refer to the Messiah, it is not now possible to determine1: in later days it was said that ' if Israel behaved worthily the ' Messiah would come in the clouds of heaven : if other- ' wise, humble and riding upon an ass.' If, however, the disciples imagined that Jesus was himself the Son of Man in the Messianic sense, it is probable that this is the meaning intended by the Evangelists in all the passages 1 In Rev. xiv. 14, a passage, supposed by some to belong to the older Jewish section of the Apocalypse, the Seer beheld ' a white 'cloud, and on the cloud one sitting like unto a son of man, ' having on his head a golden crown, and in his hand a sharp ' sickle.' This figure, whose aspect appears to have been suggested by the language of Daniel, seems to be marked as regal by ' the ' round and top of sovereignty.' If so, it is most naturally interpreted of the Messianic king. But it is noteworthy that the king only proceeds to action when an angel comes out from the heavenly temple and bids him send forth his sickle and reap. Nor is this office peculiar to him. Another angel comes forth also with a sharp sickle, and he in like manner waits till an angel from the altar directs him to gather the clusters from the great Earth-vine. The crowned being ' like unto a son of man,' and the angel with the sickle, are both appointed to the same office, and neither discharges it of his own accord without a celestial summons. If the first is the Messianic king, is it not clear that the conception in the writer's mind was still vague and indefinite, and that no sharp distinction separated him from other angelic powers ? 124 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. where the name occurs. They understood these utterances to contrast the lowliness of Messiah's earthly lot, both with the popular expectations of his royal pomp and with the heavenly glory which they believed he would one day assume. (d) Another term deserves a word of notice, 'the Lord.' Though it occurs but once in the First Three Gospels on the lips of Jesus himself, it is used with special frequency in narrative by Luke. The title ' lord,' (Greek Kurios, Hebrew Adhon) is applied in the New Testament through a wide range of relations. It denotes ownership, as in the case of the possessors of the colt on which Jesus rode into Jerusalem, Luke xix. 33, and designates the master who rules a household of slaves. It is the respectful address of the Pharisees to Pilate, Matt, xxvii. 63, R. V. ' Sir', and marks the submission of Festus to the imperial Caesar, Acts xxv. 26. In a higher scale it is the natural salutation for an angel, Acts x. 4 ; and finally, it is the equivalent of God, Mark v. 19, Luke viii. 39, in the Old Testament sense.1 Within these limits what is its significance when applied to Jesus?2 1 It is well-known that the later Jews shrank from pronouncing the sacred name Yahweh. They accordingly replaced it, in reading their Scriptures, by the word Adhonay, ' my Lord.' In the Greek translation known as the Septuagint this was rendered by Ho Kurios, ' the Lord,' in which form it appears in our English version. It is quite possible that the application of the same term to God and to Jesus, though in different senses, aided the processes of thought and imagination which finally led to the belief that they were ' of the same substance.' 2 It may be added that its Babylonian equivalent Mar some times bore the meaning of Teacher, and was also employed in address like the title Rabbi which is bestowed on Jesus in the 'THE LORD.' 125 It may be nothing more sometimes than the title of courtesy from an inferior to a superior, Luke v. 1 2 ; the parallel in Mark i. 40 omits it. An intenser but still undefined meaning may lie in Peter's exclamation ' Depart from me, for I am a sinful man, Lord,' Luke v. 8.1 Elsewhere it is distinctly associated with the character of Jesus as Messiah, through its combination with the recognition of him as ' Son of David,' Matt. xv. 22, xx. 30. This is its undoubted sense when it is used of him descriptively again and again in Luke vii. 13, x. 1, 39, &c.2 Here it means something more than the Teacher, it is equivalent to the Christ. The origin and significance of this special application are somewhat difficult to trace. But it certainly implies the exalted, and possibly even the superhuman, nature of Messiah. In the ancient speech of the Deuteronomic prophet, Yahweh is ' God of gods and Lord of lords,' Deut. x. 17, where the term ' lord ' coupled with ' god ' appears to denote an order of beings beyond those of earth.3 The phrase in Ps. ex. 1, ' Yahweh said unto my lord,' commonly interpreted in the Jewish schools in reference to Messiah,* does not necessarily carry with it this higher Gospels. In the Aramaic phrase in / Cor. xvi. 22, ' Mardn athd,' ' Our Lord is coming,' it stands for Kurios in the Pauline sense. 1 The addition of the English ' O,' which manifestly improves the rhythm, and gives greater solemnity, is no more needed here than in similar cases of address. 2 It may be noted that Mark and Matthew only employ it thus after the Resurrection, Mark xvi. 19, 20, Matt, xxviii. 6. 3 So also Is. xxvi. 13, ' O Yahweh our God, other lords beside 'thee have had dominion over us.' 4 Cp. Mark xii. 36, 37, and parallels. 126 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. meaning. Neither does the expression 'Christ [the] Lord,' which occurs in the Psalms of Solomon,1 require it. But the language of the Apostle Paul seems clearly to approach the antique sense of Hebrew Scripture, when he observes / Cor. viii. 5, 6 : — There are gods many and lords many, yet to us there is one God, the Father, of whom are all things, and we unto him ; and one Lord, Jesus Christ, through whom are all things, and we through him.2 The frequency of the title ' lord ' in the writings of the Apostle must have struck every reader ; again and again it replaces the name Christ; 'the Lord's death,' for example, which is proclaimed every time that the bread is broken in remembrance of him ' till he come,' / Cor. xi. 26, is, of course, Jesus Messiah's crucifixion. The current identification of Messiah with the 'Lord' in Ps. ex. 1, was at once transferred to Jesus, who is said to have been made by God ' both Lord and Christ,' Acts ii. 36. In this sense it passed into narrative about him, and in this sense it is placed once, but only once, on his own lips. When he is about to enter Jerusalem for the last time, he sends two of the disciples to fetch the colt on which he will ride and he adds, Mark xi. 3 : — And if any one say unto you, Why do ye this ? say ye' The Lord hath need of him ; and straightway he will send him back hither. How far this actually represents the language of Jesus himself, who does not elsewhere thus directly assert a 1 Ps. Sol. xvii. 36. There does not seem adequate reason for doubting the reading. Comp. Luke ii. 11. 5 In the phrase ' king of kings and lord of lords,' Rev. xix. 16 the word seems to be somewhat differently employed. THE 'HOLY ONE OF GOD.' 127 Messianic claim,1 must remain doubtful. It can hardly however, be pleaded that the title here means nothing more than 'the Teacher.' Is it, perhaps, one of the delicate signs that the Gospel according to Mark (as well as Luke) was written under influences proceeding from the Apostle Paul?3 (e) When the unclean spirits fell down before Jesus, according to Mark iii. n, they cried, saying 'Thou art ' the Son of God' In the synagogue at Capernaum, so the same gospel relates, Mark i. 24. the man with an unclean spirit addressed Jesus in these words, ' I know 'thee who thou art, the Holy One of God.' It is plain from the usage of these two terms that they are practically identical, and are both employed as designa tions of Messiah. What is intended, then, by the title ' Holy One of God ? ' Like the corresponding designa tion ' Son of God,' it is a survival or application of an older phrase. The ancient meaning of the word ' holy' seems to be that which is ' separated,' marked off from the rest, as the clean from the unclean, the heavenly from the earthly, the divine from the human. So it came to be in some special sense a name of Him who transcended all mortal weakness and sin, as when Yahweh says, Hos. xi. 9 : — I am God and not man, the Holy One in the midst of thee. Hence it is often used in prophetic speech to designate the national God. Yahweh is emphatically the ' Holy 'One of Israel.' But it was also extended to the larger circle of superhuman beings who surrounded Yahweh's throne and constituted his heavenly court, like the ' Sons of God.' 1 On this subject see chap. vii. 2 See chap. viii. $ 5, 3. 128 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. And the heavens shall praise thy wonders, O Yahweh ; Thy faithfulness also in the assembly of the holy ones. For who in the skies can be compared unto Yahweh ? Who among the sons of God is like unto Yahweh ? A God very terrible in the council of the holy ones, And to be feared above all them that are round about him ? Ps. lxxxix. 5-7. Here it is plain that the 'Holy Ones' are identical with the ' Sons of God ' or ' sons of the gods,' the angel- powers who carry out the will of the great King who reigns in incommunicable majesty above them all.1 From their abodes in heaven they watched the ways of the children of men, and from time to time descended with some message revealing the rule of the Most High, Dan. iv. 13, 17. Out of such a band came forth Messiah, leader and champion of the righteousness of heaven against the demonic powers, whom he would arrest and overthrow.2 The spirits of evil discerned in him the consecrated agent of their doom : and as the disciples afterwards confessed Jesus to be ' God's Messiah,' so with earlier recognition did the demons acknowledge him as ' God's Holy One ' or ' Son of God.' (f) One more conception associated with Jesus in his Messianic character must be briefly considered. Beside 1 Compare Deut. xxxiii. 2, 3, Zech. xiv. 5 (read ' with him ' instead of ' with thee,' following the Greek of the LXX), Job. v. 1, xv. 15. It is to be regretted that in Ps. xvi. 10 (cp. Acts ii. 27, xiii. 35) our translators have used the term 'holy' to express another Hebrew word, better rendered ' godly,' though the Greek version correctly employs a different term. 2 In Acts iii. 14 the word 'Holy' passes from the special Messianic sense into the higher moral meaning, associating with itself the further description ' the Righteous One.' THE 'SERVANT OF YAHWEH.' 129 the ideal king whom ancient prophecy and later hope awaited, stands another figure embodying a different thought. The ' Servant of Yahweh,' as he is presented to us in the prophecies of the Captivity, holds no dominion, and is invested with no sovereignty. His first function is that of Teacher, he is to carry forth the truths of Israel's religion to the world, Is. xiii. 1-4 : — Behold my servant, whom I uphold ; my chosen in whom my soul delighteth : I have put my spirit upon him ; he shall bring forth judgement [religion] to the nations. He shall not cry, nor lift up, nor cause his voice to be heard in the street. A bruised reed shall he not break, and the dimly burning wick shall he not quench : he shall bring forth judgement in truth. He shall not burn dimly nor be bruised, till he have set judgement in the earth ; and the isles shall wait for his teaching. It is not necessary now to discuss the exact scope of this beautiful symbolic personality, in its relations either to the different classes of captive Israel, or to mankind at large. The Servant has many functions ; when he first appears, it is his duty to proclaim the good news of Yahweh's redemption of his people ; he is charged to declare the message of comfort, grace, and hope. For this he has been specially chosen and endowed ; and so, from the anointed King, Cyrus,1 the divine instrument, through Babylon's overthrow, of Israel's liberation, the prophet turns to the anointed Teacher,3 the divine instrument, through his word, his sufferings and death, of Israel's justification. Now in later times, the interpreters of the prophetic writings boldly identified the ' Servant of Yahweh' with the Messiah. Without stopping to enquire how far the lowly messenger of ' judgment ' could really 1 Isaiah xiv. I. 2 Isaiah lxi. I. 130 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. blend with the kingly form of David's son, they inserted in the traditional paraphrase used in public worship x the word ' Messiah ' after ' my servant ' in Is. xiii. i and xliii. io ; and the same addition was made at the opening of the remarkable passage in Iii. 13. Nor was the identifica tion thus effected altogether dropped in subsequent stages of the description of the Servant's fate. The strange name applied to Messiah in the Talmud, ' the Leprous,' was founded on his bruised and stricken form, liii. 4, 5 ; while his future glory, when ' he should see his seed,' liii. 10, was to be realised 'in Messiah's kingdom.' Thus did the Scriptures seem to portray another type of Messianic function; and this type acquired important prominence in the early Church. In the method of the Teacher who sought to keep his healing acts concealed, the believer saw the likeness of one who would not strive nor cry, Matt. xii. 16-21. When the 'possessed' went away sane, it was because he had taken their infirmities and borne their diseases, Matt. viii. 17, cp. Is. liii. 4. Nay, according to the Gospel of Luke, Jesus formally assumed, as his first public act, the Messianic character in this special sense. In the synagogue at Nazareth he opened the roll one Sabbath day, and read, Luke iv. 18 :— The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, Because he hath anointed me to preach good tidings to the poor r and then declared the prophetic word fulfilled in himself.2 As at the beginning, so likewise at the close of his 1 These paraphrases of the Scriptures into the vernacular Aramean were known as Targums. Comp. Life in Pal. § 32,. p. 107. 2 On the significance of this incident, see chap ix. § 4, 5, § 5, 3^ THE 'SERVANT OF YAHWEH: 131 ministry is the same thought implied ; for in his death, Jesus, like the Servant, was ' numbered with transgressors,' Luke xxii. 37. How far this aspect of Messiah's work had been realised by popular imagination at the time of Jesus, it is impossible to estimate. In the stream of Apocalyptic literature it has no place at all. It is unconnected with the doctrine of the two ages ; it is independent of the royal line of Judah ; it seems on a different plane from the visions of the New Jerusalem, or the great judgment of the Son of Man. It lies altogether apart from the expectations of those who hoped that Messiah would 'restore the kingdom to Israel,' Acts i. 6. Yet its presence in the Gospels is palpable. We may not always be able to accept as genuine the incidents or sayings through which it is expressed. But when we try to trace it back to its source, shall we be wrong if we ascribe it, at least provisionally, to Jesus himself ? 3. Transformation under the Influence of Ideas. Here, then, are numerous elements in the Gospel story connecting it with contemporary thought and hope. When the life of Jesus was told under their influence, it was inevitable that recollection should shape itself into accord with them, and that when recollection failed, imagination should supply its place. As ' Son of David ' his descent is traced from David, and he is born at 132 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. Bethlehem. As 'Son of God' he is conceived by miracle ; and his Messianic function is divinely attested at his baptism and transfiguration. As" ' Son of Man ' he is expected to return in clouds of glory with pomp of angels and with trumpet blast. These conceptions worked on the actual remembrance of his words and deeds, and where the tradition was silent, called fresh stories into being in which the same ideas sometimes took divers forms. That this process went on outside the Gospels is certain : let us examine a case reported to us by Papias, whose preference for what he supposed to be first-hand oral testimony has been already mentioned (chap. i. § 3, 2). (i) Among the features which would mark the Messianic age, prophets and poets had loved to dwell on the sympathy of nature, typified by the increased productiveness of the ground. Round this theme, also, later fancy fondly played. Here is a description in the Book of Enoch : — In those days shall the earth be cultivated in righteousness, and shall be quite planted with trees, and shall be full of blessing. All trees of pleasure shall be planted on it, and vines shall be planted on it. The vine which is planted on it shall bear fruit in abundance, and of every seed that is sown on it shall one measure bear ten thousand, and one measure of olives shall produce ten presses of oil. Once started, this idea ran to yet further and wilder developments. The Apocalypse of Baruch, written after the destruction of Jerusalem, apparently between the years 70 and 119 a.d. gave still fuller promises : — The earth shall yield her fruits a thousand-fold ; and one vine there shall bear a thousand branches, and on one branch a THE WONDERFUL VINE. 133 thousand clusters, and on one cluster a thousand grapes, and one grape will yield a cor1 of wine. Now compare with these the following description attributed by Papias to Jesus, and quoted by Irenaeus.2 The elders who saw John, the disciple of the Lord, related that they had heard from him how the Lord used to teach in regard to these times and say : ' The days will come in which vines shall ' grow, each having ten thousand branches, and in each branch ' ten thousand twigs, and in each true twig ten thousand shoots, ' and in each one of the shoots ten thousand clusters, and on ' every one of the clusters ten thousand grapes, and every grape ' when pressed will give five and twenty metretes of wine. And ' when anyone of the saints shall lay hold of a cluster, another 'shall cry out, "I am a better cluster; take me, bless the ' " Lord through me." ' And these things are borne witness to in writing by Papias, the hearer of John, and a. companion of Polycarp, an ancient man, in his fourth book ; for there were five books compiled by him. And he says in addition, ' Now these things are credible to believers.' And he says that when the traitor Judas did not give credit to them, and put the question, ' How then can things about to bring forth so * abundantly be wrought by the Lord,' the Lord declared, ' They ' who come to these [times] shall see.' The process in the growth of this story is highly instructive. A somewhat vague and indistinct re membrance of the prediction now found in the Apocalypse of Baruch was shaped into more definite precision of detail. Cut loose from its original source, it was referred to Jesus, and its exaggeration was still more exaggerated. Then came the question, ' What did 'the disciples say?' and the incredulity which would not be repressed, was ascribed to Judas, the Apostle's enquiry in its turn calling forth a reply from 'the Lord.' 1 About 75 gallons, 5 pints. 2 See chap. i. § 2, 2. 134 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. Finally, in the confused state of current testimony, the whole story was attributed to the ' disciples of the Lord.' Irenaeus no doubt supposed that Papias had heard it direct from John. No one believes that Papias intentionally invented it ; but no one believes either that he had received it from an apostle. It shows how easy it was for the Church to mould and shape the tradition of the sayings of Jesus under the unconscious influence of existing ideas, and even to ascribe to him words founded upon a book not written till long after he had passed away. If this might happen with a tradition outside the present Gospel range, why should it not have occurred within their limits?1 We may doubt how far it is possible to trace this tendency ; but we cannot doubt that it was actually at work. Before we proceed to investigate in detail its operation in the Gospel narratives, let us glance at one or two similar instances of its influence in other fields. (2) One of the biographers of Francis of Assisi, his disciple Thomas of Celano, relates that towards the close of his life the saint resolved to celebrate the Nativity at Christmas tide with a real manger. The peasants from the country round flocked into the church, and lo, within the manger there lay the infant Jesus, asleep. In an ecstacy of gratitude and adoration the saint bent over him, and the babe awoke and smiled. Even so, says Thomas, did Christ awake anew in men's hearts through the labour and the love of Francis. The good father tells his story, as if it were a real occurrence, and then, in all simplicity, lets his readers into the secret ; it was, 1 On Luke xi. 49-51, Matt, xxiii. 34 sqq. see chap. x. § 3, lb. ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI. 135 after all, only an idea translated into an event. But the idea, once started, grew with astonishing speed, until mediaeval Italy saw in Francis the reproduction of the Saviour's life. All kinds of stories arose to show the resemblance between the saint and his Lord : and these were finally gathered up into the ' Book of Conformities,' in which the wonders of St. Francis were set side by side with those of Christ. The list was introduced by an astonishing series of Old Testament parallels and types. Concerning his birth, which had been foretold beforehand by an angel, it was related that as Simeon took the child Jesus in his arms, so did a pilgrim which was an angel come to the house and ask to see and touch the infant Francis ; and when at length, in consequence of his importunity, the babe was brought to him, he embraced it, and after declaring his future greatness, straightway disappeared; nor did anyone in Assisi see him more. Like his Master, Francis knew what was in man ; nor did he read the human heart alone, he under stood the animals as well, so that every creature obeyed his sign. As Jesus ate with publicans and sinners, so Francis, being in the forest, desired certain thieves to come and eat with him, saying ' Brother thieves, come ' and eat with us, for we are brethren ; ' and thus he sought and saved the lost. Before him the winds grew calm and the air serene ; fire abated its heat, and water turned into wine. At his touch disease disappeared; he cleansed lepers by the laying-on of his hands ; and through him the Lord Jesus raised more than thirty dead. Ere his death he was transfigured, being seen by the brethren raised aloft in the air, with his arms outspread after the manner of a cross, and encompassed with a 136 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. shining cloud. His prayer for participation in the sufferings of Christ was answered by the appearance of the marks of the nails on his hands and feet. After his death his body could not be found ; he had risen, and he appeared again and again to his disciples. — Was all this only a tissue of crude inventions, of deliberate false hoods ? By no means ; it was the manner in which pious veneration gave form to the profound impression which Francis made on his age. As no other man had ever done, he renewed the Christian ideal, and revived the impulse of the Christian life. The religious imagina tion had no sooner perceived one analogy, than it created another. The life of the saint must have resembled that of his Lord not only in its spirit, but also in its details. The force of this inference is not apparent to us ; but it was felt with undiminished energy by generations of disciples who shaped the legend of Francis to match the Gospel story, without any consciousness that they passed the bounds of truth. (3) But, it may be alleged, in the case of Francis of Assisi the Christian type was in the field already, and had already possession of men's hearts. Given the Gospels, we can understand that the devotion of ignorant and superstitious monks should produce something bearing a far-off resemblance to the figure they portray. But the Gospel stories cannot themselves be explained by this process, for the ideal which they delineate did not exist beforehand. Is this objection conclusive ? Let us briefly consider a parallel instance from the history of religion in India. More than five hundred years before the birth of Jesus, there seems to have been a wide-spread expectation in LEGEND OF THE BUDDHA. 137 certain portions of the valley of the Ganges, that a 'Great Man' would appear. It was believed that this hope was founded upon the ancient Mantras or Scrip tures ; and it was anticipated that the ' Great Man ' would fulfil one of two careers. If he chose the ordinary life of the householder, he would become a Universal Monarch, ruling in righteousness; but if he resolved to leave his home and give up the world and seek for truth, for the sake of his fellowmen, he would become a Buddha, an Enlightened One, Teacher of gods and men. When it was enquired how such a Being would be recognised, the Brahmans answered that according to their sacred books there were thirty-two marks by which he would be distinguished. Whoever could show that he possessed these upon his person, was entitled to be received as the Great Man. Now about this time a young man of good family named Gotama did leave his home, and devote himself to the search for truth as a wandering ascetic. After years of penance and struggle he found what he believed to be the secret of life. He went forth to preach it, and disciples gathered round him. By and by he formed them into a simple Union or Order, and then sent them out two and two to preach and make disciples as he did himself. Year after year he laboured ; his followers multiplied and spread ; the Order grew ; till at last old age and infirmity came on him, and he died. Later generations gathered up the traditions of his words and deeds. The theory of the Buddha was applied to him. How much of it he appropriated to himself we do not know. But his Order unquestionably regarded him as fulfilling the conditions laid down in 138 THE MESSIANIC IDEA. the sacred books. Story after story in the collection of the discourses which they ascribed to him, relates how some eminent Brahman, hearing of his fame, sends one or two of his own disciples to enquire if he is really the Blessed Buddha. The question is exactly parallel to that which the Baptist, through two of his followers, puts to Jesus, ' Art thou he that should come, or do we look ' for another ? ' Then Gotama engages them in earnest talk, and by his wisdom convinces them that he is in truth the Enlightened One ; and sometimes, ere they depart, he reveals to them the mystic marks. Under the influence of this conception there arose a legend of the way in which he had attained his knowledge. The story of his ' Great Renunciation ' when he gave up home and wife and child, of his struggles in the quest for supreme enlightenment, of the inner conflict before he finally resolved to undertake the task of converting the world — all this took shape under the influence of the idea. Nor did love and reverence stop there. The Buddha, it was thought, had not been born like other men. He came down from heaven to deliver mankind from suffering and sin ; conceived miraculously, he was born amid the songs of angels, and as he entered the world the dumb spake, the deaf heard, the blind saw, the lame walked, and the fires of hell were quenched. On his name-day a venerable sage, like Simeon in the Temple, foretold his future greatness. When he is about to enter on his career as Teacher, he must first vanquish the Tempter and drive him away impotent. He is endowed with miraculous powers, and before his death he passes through a kind of transfiguration. Here is a legend which shows so many corres- LEGEND OF THE BUDDHA. 139 pondences with that of the prophet of Nazareth, as to have given rise to the hasty conjecture that one must have helped to shape the other. It is in the highest degree improbable that there was any mutual influence between India and Palestine. The essential features of the story of Gotama were well established centuries before the birth of Jesus, but there is no trace of their transmission to the West. These two great pictures of self-sacrificing love remain sublimely independent; the ideals for which they stand, in spite of many resem blances, are profoundly different ; their likeness, in some outward details, is due to a common cause — the impulse of great thoughts and impassioned reverence to invest the simplicity of historic fact with the glory of creative imagination. CHAPTER V. MESSIAH'S BIRTH AND PREPARATION. The tendency of the Messianic idea to assume pictorial shape is seen in its fullest operation in the narratives prefixed to the accounts of the actual teaching ministry of Jesus. The First Three Evangelists all bring him to Galilee fresh from the struggle in the wilderness which followed his baptism by John. On the Jordan's bank does he receive the Spirit which endows him for his high office ; in the recesses of the desert beyond does he pass through the conflict which gives him the mastery over the powers of evil, and completes his preparation for his work. In its first form, that of Mark, the story of Messiah begins here. But Matthew and Luke have yet more to tell. They carry back Messiah's origin from the hour when he became ' Son of God ' by the descent of the Spirit, to the Virgin-birth at Bethlehem ; and thus present a spiritual relation as a physical event. What tiaces do these stories show of the influence of popular conceptions ? Must we accept them as historical, or may we find in them the utterances of faith and love set free from the restraints of historical reality, and express ing feeling rather than recording fact ? MESSIAH'S BIRTH. 141 $ 1. The Birth Stories. According to the Synoptic narratives the fellow- townsmen of Jesus were in no doubt about his family : ' Is not this the carpenter's son ? ' they cried, ' Is not his 'mother called Mary?' Matt. xiii. 55, cp. Mark vi. 3, Luke iv. 22. But Matthew and Luke ascribe to him a more august parentage. In the language of the Apostles' Creed, he was ' Conceived by the Holy Ghost, Born of ' the Virgin Mary.' Does a comparison of the narratives confirm this faith ? (1) Readers of the Gospels will doubtless agree with Dr. Westcott that ' each picture is drawn with perfect ' independence ; ' can we also concur with his view ' that ' the separate details are exactly capable of harmonious ' adjustment ? ' Let us first examine three points which they have in common; they both represent Jesus as sprung from the ancient line of David, as born of a Virgin, and as entering the world at Bethlehem. (a) It has been already remarked that the Messiah was expected to be a descendant of David, and that Jesus was again and again greeted as his ' Son.' The popular cry, however, can hardly be regarded as conclusive evidence of his ancestry; it has an official, not a historical meaning. There is no recognition of it among the members of the synagogue at Nazareth. Jesus never employs it himself, and in his colloquy with the Pharisees at Jerusalem his argument is directed against the sup posed necessity that the Messiah must come from the royal line.1 It was, however, undoubtedly believed by 1 Comp. chap. iv. § 2, za, p. 117. 142 MESSIAH'S BIRTH AND PREPARATION. the early Church. Our first witness, the Apostle Paul, describes Jesus as ' born of the seed of David according 'to the flesh,' Rom. i. 2, and in the discourses in the Book of Acts it is emphasised both by Peter and by Paul, ii. 30, xiii. 23. Had Paul really inquired into the Master's lineage, and satisfied himself of the justice of the Church's faith ? There were doubtless cases in which the claim was acknowledged by contemporary judgment. The famous Teacher, Hillel, who had come to Jerusalem from Babylonia,1 belonged by general consent to the royal house ; and so, a little later, did Gamaliel, while the genealogies of the priests were carefully scrutinised by a special tribunal which held its sittings in the ' Square Hall ' at Jerusalem. But it does not appear that any particular attention was paid to the ancestry of the ordinary layman, though Paul knew that he belonged to the tribe of Benjamin ; and it seems on the whole more likely that the belief in the Davidic descent of Jesus arose out of the conviction that he was the Messiah, than that the popular greeting was founded on any examination of his family pedigree. (b) At any rate the genealogies supplied in our First and Third Gospels must rather be taken as attempts to give literary form to this belief than as actual justifica tions of it. They cannot be reconciled by any ingenuity. It is of small consequence that Matthew is satisfie