QE 'I give theft SpoM •tkifpuntUag'iif, o, CoUegi. ov^^Cplott^'' 0 •Y^LE«¥]MII¥EI^SflirYe DIVINITY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY COMMENTARY ON THE ORIGINAL TEXT OP THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES. B T HORATIO B. HACKETT, D.D. PROFESSOR OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE IN NEWTON THEOLOGICAL INSTITUTION. A NEW EDITION, REVISED AND GREATLY ENLARGED. BOSTON: GOULD AND LINCOLN. 69 WASHINGTON STREET. NEW YORK: SHELDON, BLAKEMAN 4 CO. CINCINNATI : GEOROE S. BLANCHARD. 1859. Eutered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by GOULD AND LINCOLN, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. Stereotyped and Printed by W. F DRATER, ANDOVER, MASS. THE AUTHOR Is praitMr ta Insm&t tYu Wahm T O AUGUSTUS THOLUCK, D. D., WHOSE WRITINGS IN ILLUSTRATION OF THE SACRED WORD, AND WHOSE PERSONAL INSTRUCTIONS, HAVE CAUSED HIS INFLUENCE TO BE FELT AND HIS NAME TO EE HONORED IN FOREIGN COUNTRIES AS WELL AS HIS OWN. PREFACE FIRST EDITION. It has been the writer's endeavor to present to the reader in this volume the results of the present state of biblical study, as applied to the illustration of the Acts of the Apos tles. Although our language contains already some valuable works devoted to the same general object, it is hoped that the dependence of the work here offered to the public on the original text, and the advantage taken of the latest investi gations in this department of criticism, will render it not superfluous. Of the importance of an acquaintance with the contents of the Acts, it must be unnecessary to speak. A single re flection will render this sufficiently obvious. No person can be prepared to read the Epistles of the New Testament with the greatest advantage until he has made himself familiar vi PRTIEACE TO FIRST EDITION. with the external history of the Apostle Paul, and with his character and spirit, as Luke has portrayed them in his nar rative. Those portions of the Acts, constituting the greater part of the whole, which relate to the great Apostle, must be thoroughly mastered before any proper foundation is laid for the exegetical study of the Epistles. It is the object of these Notes to assist the reader in the acquisition of this knowl edge and discipline ; to enable him to form his own inde pendent view of the meaning of the sacred writer in this particular portion of the New Testament, and, at the same time, furnish himself to some extent with those principles and materials of criticism which are common to all parts of the Bible. If the plan of the work and the mode in which it is executed are such as to impart a just idea of the process of biblical interpretation, and to promote a habit of careful study and of self-reliance on the part of those who may use the book, it will be a result much more important than that all the opinions advanced in it should be approved ; it is a result beyond any other which the writer has been anxious to accomplish. The grammatical references and explanations will enable the student to judge of the consistency of the in terpretations given with the laws of the Greek language. The authorities cited will show the state of critical opinion on all passages that are supposed to be uncertain or obscure. The geographical, archaeological, and other information collected from many different sources, will unfold the relations of the PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. VII book to the contemporary history of the age in which it was written, and serve to present to the mind a more vivid con ception of the reality of the scenes and the events which the narrative describes. No single commentary can be expected to answer all the purposes for which a commentary is needed. The writer has aimed at a predominant object ; and that has been, to deter mine by the rules of a just philology the meaning of the sacred writer, and not to develop the practical applications, or, to any great extent, the doctrinal implications of this meaning. With such a design, no one will object to the use which has been made of the labors of foreign scholars ; it would have been a matter of just complaint not to have used them, although with a different aim it would be equally in excusable not to have brought into view more frequently the connections which exist between the Acts and the practical religious literature contained in our own language. ******** I am indebted to various friends for advice and cooperation in the performance of this labor. Among these it becomes me to mention in particular the Rev. B. B. Edwards, D. D., Professor at Andover. It is doubtful whether I should have undertaken the work, or persevered, in it, had it not been for his generous sympathy and encouragement. ******** The author can recall no happier hours than those which viii PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION. he has spent in giving instruction on this book of the New Testament to successive classes of theological students. May the fruits of this mutual study be useful to them in the active labors of the sacred work to which they are devoted. They are now sent forth into a wider sphere ; — and, here also, may God be pleased to own them as a means of contributing to a more diligent study and a more perfect knowledge of his Holy Word. Newton Theological Institution, October 31, 1851. PREFACE TO THE REYISED EDITION. The present edition as compared with the former has been in parts rewritten, and, also, enlarged by the addition of about a hundred pages. In the interval since the work was first published, the writer has continued to study the Acts both in a private way and occasionally as the teacher of theological classes. As the result of this further labor, the view on some passages has been modified ; expressions that were found to be obscure have been made plainer ; new points in the text have been elucidated; former explanations of a debatable character, according to the apparent evidence in the case, have been placed in a stronger light, or advanced with less confidence; and, in general, pains have been taken in this revised form to render the notes not less critical than before, and yet freer and more varied in their contents. The last six years, too, have been signally fruitful in the appearance of valuable works relating to the Acts, either directly exegetical or subsidiary to that end. The reader will find ample proof in the following pages of the extent of my indebtedness to these contributions to biblical literature, and at the same time, will appreciate the difficulty of using the abundant ma terial with independence and judgment. 2 X PREFACE TO SECOND EDITION. It has been of some service to me that since the publica tion of the first edition, I have been enabled to visit the countries in which the Saviour and the apostles lived, and the cross gained its earliest victories. The journey has made it ten fold more a labor of love to trace again the footsteps of Paul and his associates, and should add something to the'in- terpreter's power to unfold the history of their sufferings and their triumphs. Not to render the Commentary too heterogeneous, it has seemed best to discard the idea of a supplement for the dis cussion of certain miscellaneous topics, as was proposed at first. As a substitute for such an appendage, the points which it was designed to embrace have been enlarged upon more fully in the present notes, and references have been given to appropriate works in which the student who desires will find more complete information. I will only add that the Greek text has been reviewed more carefully in this edition, and, unless I have erred through some inadvertence, all the variations which affect the sense materially have been brought to the reader's notice* At the suggestion of various friends, the Greek words in the notes have been translated in all cases where the remarks might otherwise be obscure to the English reader, and thus the explanations will be readily understood by all into whose hands the work may fall. May the Divine blessing rest upon this renewed endeavor to illustrate this portion of the Holy Scriptures. Newton Centre, March 1, 1858. INTRODUCTION. § 1. The Writer op the Acts. The evidence that the book of Acts was written by Luke, to whom the Christian world are accustomed to ascribe it, is of a three-fold character. It will be sufficient for the object here in view merely to indicate the line of argument which establishes the correctness of that opinion. A more complete and systematic view of the evidence must be sought in works which treat pro fessedly of the formation and transmission of the Canon of the Scriptures. In the first place, we have the explicit testimony of the early Christian writers, that Luke wrote the Acts of the Apostles. Irenseus, who became bishop of Lyons in A. D. 178, and who was born so early that he was intimate with those who had seen the apostles, says expressly that Luke was the author of the Acts ; he quotes from him various single passages, and, in one place, gives a distinct summary of the last twelve chapters of the book (Adv. Hssres. 3. 14. 1). He treats this authorship of the work as a matter which he had no occasion to defend, because iio one of his contemporaries had called it in question. From the generation which separated Irenaeus from the age of Luke, we have only a few scanty remains ; but these, although they contain expressions1 which, according to the admission of nearly all critics, pre-suppose an acquaintance with the Acts, are silent respecting the writer. To have mentioned him by name would have been at variance with the informal mode of citing the Christian Scriptures, which distinguishes the writings of that 1 See the passages, In Kirchhofer's Sammlijng zur Geschichte des N. T. Canons, p. 161 sq., in Lardner's Credibility, and similar works. 12 INTRODUCTION. early period. The next witness is Clemens of Alexandria, who flourished about A. D. 190. This father not only speaks of Luke as having composed the Acts, in his Stromata (Lib. 5), but is known to have written a commentary on it, which has not been preserved. Tertullian, who lived about A. D. 200, offers the same testimony. He has not only quoted the Acts repeatedly, but named Luke as the author, in such a way as makes it evi dent that he merely followed in this the universal opinion of his age (De Jejun. c. 10; De Prescript. Haeret. c. 22; De Bapt. c. 10, etc.). Eusebius wrote about A. D. 325. He has recorded both his own belief and that of his time, in the following impor tant statement : " Luke, a native of Antioch, by profession a physician, was mostly Paul's companion, though he associated not a little with the other apostles. He has left us examples of the art of healing souls, which he acquired from the apostles, in two divinely inspired books ; first, in the Gospel which he testi fies to have written according to what eye-witnesses and minis ters of the word delivered to him from the beginning, all which, also, he says that he investigated from the first ; 1 and, secondly, in the Acts of the Apostles, which he composed, not from report, as in the other case, but according to his own personal observa tion." (Hist. Eccl. 3. 4.) It would be superfluous to pursue this testimony further. It may be proper to add, that no trace of any opposition to it, or dis sent from it, has come down to us from the first ages of the church. Some of the early heretical sects, it is true, as the Mar- cionites, Manicheans, Severians, rejected the religious authority of the Acts ; but as they did this because it contradicted their peculiar views, and as they admitted without question the source from which their opponents claimed to receive it, their rejection of the book, under such circumstances, becomes a conclusive tes timony to its genuineness. In the second place, the relation in which the Acts of the Apostles stands to the Gospel which is ascribed to Luke, proves that the author of the two productions must be the same individ ual. The writer introduces his work as a continuation or second part of a previous history, and dedicates it to a certain Theophi lus, who can be no other than the person for whose special in formation the Gospel was written. As to the identity of the writer of the Acts with the writer of the Gospel attributed to 1 As the relative may be neuter or masculine, many take the sense of the Greek to be, all whom he accompanied ; but the manifest allusion to Luke 1 2. 3 renders the other the more obvious translation. WRITER OF THE ACTS. . 13 Luke, no well-founded question has been, or can be, raised. Consequently, the entire mass of testimony which proves that Luke the Evangelist wrote the Gospel which bears his name, proves with equal force that he wrote also the Acts of the Apos tles. Thus the Acts may be traced up to Luke, through two independent series of witnesses. And it may be confidently asserted, that, unless the combined historical evidence from this twofold source be admitted as conclusive in support of Luke's claim to the authorship of the Acts, there is then no ancient book in the world, the author of which can ever be ascertained by us. In the third place, the literary peculiarities which distinguish the Gospel of Luke mark also the composition of the Acts, and show that it must have come from the same hand. The argu ment here is founded on a different relation of the Gospel to the Acts from that to which we have just adverted. Luke being acknowledged as the author of the Gospel, we know from that source what the characteristics of his style are ; and it is main tained that these re-appear in the Acts to such an extent, that we can account for the agreement only by referring the two pro ductions to the same writer. The reality of the resemblance here asserted is conceded by critics of every name. It will be necessary to restrict the illustration of it to a few examples.1 In Luke's Gospel, verbs compounded with prepositions are more numerous than in the other Evangelists ; they are found in the same proportion in the Acts. Matthew has o-w three times, Mark five times, John three times, or, according to another read ing, but twice ; while Luke employs it in his Gospel twenty-four times, and in the Acts fifty-one times. Luke has used a™.? in his two books thirty-five times ; whereas it occurs in all the others but nine times. vopeveo-Sai is found in the Gospel forty- nine times, and in the Acts thirty-eight times, but is rarely found in other parts of the New Testament. The construction of threw and \a\eiv with vpos, instead of the dative of the person addressed, is confined almost exclusively to Luke. No other writer, except John in a few instances, ever says uwtiv 7rpos, and XaXelv Ti-po's occurs aut of Luke's writings only in 1 Cor. 14, 6 ; Heb. 5, 5 and 11, 18. As in Luke's Gospel, so in the Acts we 1 They are drawn out, more or less fully, in Gersdorf's Beitraege, p. 160 sq. ; Credner's Einleitung in das neue Testament, p. 130 sq. ; Ebrard's Kritik der evangelischen Geschichte, p. 671, ed. 1850 ; Guericke's Gesammtgeschichte des N.T., p. 166 sq.; Lekebusch's Composition und Entstehung der Apostelge- schichte, p. 37 sq. ; and Dr. Davidson's Introduction to the New Testament, Vol. I. p. 190, and Vol. II. p. 8. 14 INTRODUCTION. have a characteristic use of oe kol to express emphasis or grada tion, a similar use of /cot avro's or avrot, the insertion of the neuter article before interrogative sentences, the omission of U after ph ovv, the uniform preference of 'lepova-aX-qiJ. to 'Iepoo-6\vfia, and still others. Credner, in his Introduction to the New Testament, has enumerated not fewer than sixty-five distinct idioms which he considers as peculiar to Luke's diction as compared with that of the other New Testament writers ; and nearly all these he points out as occurring at the same time both in the Gospel and the Acts. It is impossible, then, to doubt, unless we deny that any confidence can be placed in this species of criticism, that, if Luke wrote the Gospel which we accredit to him, he must have written also the Acts. § 2. Biographical Sketch of Luke. According to Eusebius, as already quoted, and Jerome, who may be supposed to represent the opinion of their times, Luke was a native of Antioch. As he appears in the Acts to have spent so much time at Philippi, some modern writers have con jectured that he may have been a native or inhabitant of that city. The historical testimony deserves more regard than an inference of that nature. That he was a Gentile by birth appears to be certain from Col. 4, 11. 14, where Paul distinguishes him from those whom he denominates ot ovres Ik Trepn-ofifjs. His for eign extraction is confirmed also by the character of his style, which approaches nearer to the standard of classical Greek than that of any other writer of the New Testament, with the excep tion of the apostle Paul. This feature of his language renders it probable that he was of Greek origin. Some have inferred this also from his Greek name ; but it was not uncommon for Jews, as well as Komans and other foreigners, to assume such names at this period. "Whether he was a proselyte to Judaism before his conversion to Christianity, or ,not, is a question on which critics differ. The supposition that he adopted first the Jewish religion, and had done so perhaps in early life, accounts best for his intimate acquaintance with the opinions and customs of the Jews, his knowledge of the Septuagint, and the degree of Hebra istic tendency which shows itself in his style. It appears from Col. 4, 14, that Luke was a physician ; and the general voice of antiquity, in accordance with that passage, represents him as having belonged to the medical profession. The effect of his fol lowing such an employment can be traced, as many critics think BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF LUKE. 15 • in various passages of Luke's writings ; comp. the Note on 28, 8. The fact that he was trained to such a pursuit, that he was a man, therefore, of culture and observing habits of mind, is an im portant circumstance. It has been justly remarked, that, as many of the miracles which the first promulgators of the gospel wrought in confirmation of its truth were cases of the healing of maladies, Luke, by virtue of his medical skill and experience, was rendered peculiarly competent to judge of the reality of such miracles.1 Of the manner in which the writer of the Acts was brought to a knowledge of the gospel, we have no information. The sug gestion of some of the later fathers, that he was one of the seventy disciples, is not only without ground, but opposed to his own statement in the introduction of his Gospel, where he dis tinguishes himself from those who had been personal attendants on the ministry of Christ. It is evident that, after his conversion, he devoted himself to public Christian labors, for the most part in connection with the apostle Paul, whom he accompanied from place to place, and aided in his efforts for the extension of the gospel. The first explicit allusion which he makes to himself occurs in 16, 10 sq., where he gives an account of the apostle's departure from Troas to Macedonia. In that passage Luke em ploys the first person plural, and thus shows that he was one of the companions of Paul on that occasion. He goes with the apostle from Troas to Philippi, and speaks of himself again in 20, 6, as one of the several individuals who sailed with Paul from the same city on his last journey to Jerusalem. Whether Luke had been separated from Paul during the interval, or re mained with him, cannot be certainly known. It is eminently characteristic of the sacred writers, that they keep themselves out of view in their narratives. Hence some have argued that we are not to infer that Luke was necessarily absent when he employs the third person, but rather that it was a sort of inadver tence, as it were, against his design, that he has now and then disclosed his personal connection with the history. The other opinion is the surer one. We cannot be certain that Luke was in the company of Paul, except at the times when his language shows that he was personally concerned in what he relates. It is clear, even according to this view, that Luke, in addition to his accompanying Paul on his first journey from Troas to Philippi, 1 I have made no allusion in the text to 2 Cor. 8, 18 ; for it is barely possible that the author of our narrative can be meant there as " the brother whose praise is in all the churches." See De Wette's note on that passage in his Exegetisches Handbuch zum N. Testament. 16 INTRODUCTION. * remained with him, without any known interruption, from the period of his leaving Philippi the second time to the end of his career. He goes with the apostle to Jerusalem, where the latter was apprehended and given up to the custody of the Eomans (20, 6 sq. ; 21, 1 sq.) ; he speaks of himself as still with him at the close of his imprisonment at Caesarea (27, 1) ; proceeds with him on his voyage to Eome (27, 1 sq.) ; and, as we see from the Epistles which Paul wrote while in that city, continued to be associated with him down to the latest period of his hfe of which any record remains. The apostle mentions Luke as residing with him at Rome in Col. 4, 14 ; Phil. v. 24 ; and in 2 Tim. 4, 11. Of his subsequent history, nothing authentic has been preserved. The traditions which relate to this period are uncertain and contradictory. According to Gregory Nazianzen, whom several later writers follow, he suffered martyrdom ; ac cording to others, and those whose testimony has greater weight, he died a natural death. § 3. Authenticity of the Acts. The foregoing sketch shows us how ample were Luke's means' of information in regard to the subjects of which his history treats. Of most of the events which he has recorded, he was an eye-witness. The materials which compose the body of the work lay within the compass of his own personal knowledge. The particulars which he communicates respecting Paul's hfe and labors before his own acquaintance with him, he could have learned, at a subsequent period, in his intercourse with that apostle. His extensive journeyings could hardly fail to have brought him into connection with most of the other persons who appear as actors in the history. Some of his information he derived, no doubt, from written sources. The official documents which he has inserted (15, 23 sq. ; 23, 26 sq.) were public, and could have been copied. We assume nothing at variance with the habits of antiquity in supposing that the more extended dis courses and speeches, which Luke himself did not hear, may have been noted down by others at the time of their delivery or soon afterwards, while the impression made by them was still vivid. If the writer of the Acts had any occasion for the use of such reports, his travels from one country to another must have given him access to the persons who could furnish them.1 1 Some critics, as Schleiermacher, Bleek, De Wette, have thrown out the idea that Luke may have derived those parts of the Acts in which the narrator em- AUTHENTICITY OF THE ACTS. 17 We are to recollect, further, that the declaration which Luke makes at the commencement of his Gospel applies equally to the Acts. It was his habit, as we learn there, to avail himself of every possible source of inquiry, in order to ascertain the certainty of what he wrote. With such opportunities at his command, and with such a character for diligence in the use of them, the writer of the Acts, considered simply in the light of an ordinary histo rian comes before us with every title to confidence which can be asserted in behalf of the best accredited human testimony. But this is not all. We have not only every reason to regard the history of Luke as authentic, because he wrote it with such facilities for knowing the truth, but because we find it sustaining its credit under the severest scrutiny to which it is possible that an ancient work should be subjected. First. This history has been confronted with the Epistles of the New Testament ; and it has been shown as the result, that the incidental correspondences between them and the Acts are numerous and of the most striking kind. They are such as pre clude the supposition of their being the result either of accident or design. It is impossible to account for them, unless we admit that the transactions which Luke records really took place in the manner that he has related. It is the object of Paley's Horae Paulina? to develop this argument ; and the demonstration of the truth of the Acts, and of the New Testament in general, which he has furnished in that work, no objector has ever attempted to refute. Secondly. The speeches in the Acts which purport to have been delivered by Peter, Paul, and James, have been compared with the known productions of these men ; and it is found that they exhibit an agreement with them, in point of thought and expression, which the supposition of their common origin would lead us to expect. The speeches attributed to Peter contain peculiar phrases and ideas, which impart a characteristic similar ity to them as compared with the other speeches, and which appear again in his Epistles, but in no other portion of the New Testament. In like manner, the speeches of Paul evince an affinity both to each other and to his Epistles, in the recurrence of favorite words, modes of construction, and turns of thought, such as belong to no other writer. We have but one address ploys the first person plural from a history of Paul's missionary labors written by Timothy ; see the note on 20, 6. Among the writers who have shown the unten- ableness of that hypothesis, are Ebrard, Kritik, u. s. w., p. 732 sq. ; Lekebusch, Composition, u. s. w., p. 131 sq. ; and Davidson, Introduction, Vol. II. p. 9 sq. 3 18 INTRODUCTION. from James, but even here we discover striking points of connec tion with _ the Epistle which bears his name. Occasion will be taken, in^ie course df the Commentary, to illustrate this pecu liar feature of the history. Thirdly. We have a decisive test of the trustworthiness of Luke in the consistency of his statements and allusions with the information which contemporary writers have given us respect ing the age in which he lived and wrote. The history which we read in the Acts connects itself at numerous points with the social customs of different and distant nations ; with the fluctu ating civil affairs of the Jews, Greeks, and Romans ; and with geographical or political divisions and arrangements, which were constantly undergoing some change or modification. Through all these circumstances, which underlie Luke's narrative from commencement to end, he pursues his way without a single instance of contradiction or collision. Examples of the most unstudied harmony with the complicated relations of the times present themselves at every step. No writer who was conscious of fabricating his story would have hazarded such a number of minute allusions, smce they increase so immensely the risk of detection ; and still less, if he had ventured upon it, could he have introduced them so skilfully as to baffle every attempt to discover a single well-founded instance of ignorance or oversight. It adds to the force of the argument to remark, that in the pages of Luke every such allusion falls from him entirely without effort or parade. It never strikes the reader as far-fetched or contrived. Every incident, every observation, flows naturally out of the pro gress of the narrative. It is no exaggeration to say, that the well-informed reader, who will study carefully the book of the Acts, and compare the incidental notices to be found on almost every page with the geography and the political history of the times, and with the customs of the different countries in which the scene of the transactions is laid, will receive an impression of the writer's fidelity and accuracy, equal to that of the most forci ble treatises on the truth of Christianity. The objections which sceptical writers have urged against the authenticity of the Acts relate chiefly to the supernatural charac ter of its narrations. It does not belong to the province of Bibli cal criticism to reply to such objections. They have adduced also a few instances of alleged offence against history, or chron ology, or archaeology ; but these result from an unnecessary inter pretation. We may understand the passages which are said to contain the inconsistency in a different manner, and thus remove entirely the occasion for it. OBJECT AND PLAN OF THE BOOK. 19 $ 4. Object and Plan of the Book. The common title of the Acts — irpdtgevs ru>v dvoo-ToXwv — is ancient, but is supposed generally to have been prefixed, not by the author, but by some later hand. It is read differently in dif ferent manuscripts. It is too comprehensive to describe accu rately the contents of the book. The writer's object, if we are to judge of it from what he has performed, must have been to fur nish a summary history of the origin, gradual increase, and ex tension of the Christian church, through the instrumentahty chiefly of the apostles Peter and Paul. In fact, we have not a complete history, but a compendium merely of the labors of these two apostles, who were most active in their efforts to advance the gospel, while the other apostles are only referred to or named incidentally in connection with some particular occurrence. It is not to be supposed that Luke has recorded all the facts which were known to him respecting the early spread of Christianity. On what principle he proceeded in making his selection from the mass of materials before him, we cannot decide with certainty. He may have been influenced in part by the personal relation which he sustained to the individuals introduced, and the events described by him. It is still more probable, that the wants of the particular class of readers whom he had in view may have shaped, more or less consciously, the course of his narrative ; and these readers, in the absence of any surer indication, we may consider as represented by Theophilus, who was, in all proba bility, a convert from heathenism. (See note on 1, 1.) In writing for such readers, we should expect that Luke would lean towards those aspects of the history which illustrated the design of God in reference to the heathen ; their right to partici pate in the blessings of the gospel without submitting to the forms of Judaism ; the conflict of opinion which preceded the full recognition of this right, and the success more particularly of those apostolic labors which were performed in behalf of heathen countries. It cannot be denied that the contents of the Acts exhibit a predilection for this class of topics ; and to that extent the book may be said to have been written in order to illustrate the unrestricted nature of the blessings of the gospel. On the other hand, it should be observed that this predilection is merely such as would spring naturally from the writer's almost uncon scious sympathy with his Gentile readers, and is by no means so marked as to authorize us, according to the view of some writers, 20 INTRODUCTION. to impute to him any thing like a formal purpose to trace the relation of Judaism to Christianity. In accordance with this trait of the Acts here alluded to, we have a very particular account of the manner in which Peter was freed from his Jewish scruples. The reception of the first hea then converts into the church is related at great length. The proceedings of the council at Jerusalem, with reference to the question whether circumcision should be permanent, occupy one of the leading chapters of the book. Aid the individual of the apostles who preached chiefly to the Gentiles, and introduced the gospel most extensively into heathen countries, is the one whom the writer has made the central object of his history, and whose course of labor he has described in the fullest manner. Luke has pursued no formal plan in the arrangement of the Acts. The subject of his history, however, divides itself natu rally into two principal parts. The first part treats of the apos tolic labors of Peter, and hence particularly of the spread of Christianity among the Jews, occupying the first twelve chap ters ; the second, of the labors of Paul, and hence the promulga tion of the gospel in Syria, Asia Minor, Greece, and Rome, occu pying the remaining chapters. But the book contains other topics which are related to these only in a general way. The following division marks out to view the. different sections more distinctly. 1. Outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost, and the antecedent circumstances. 2. Events relating to the progress of the gospel in Judea and Samaria. 3. The transition of the gospel to the heathen, in the conversion of Cornelius and others. 4. The call of the apostle Paul, and Iris first missionary tour. 5. The apostolic council at Jerusalem. 6. The second missionary tour of Paul. 7. His third missionary tour, and his apprehension at Jerusalem. 8. His imprisonment at CEesarea, and voyage to Rome. § 5. Time and Place of Writing the Acts. The time when the Acts was written could not have been far distant from that of the termination of Paul's imprisonment at Rome, mentioned at the close of the history. The manner in which Luke speaks of that imprisonment implies clearly that at the time when he wrote, the apostle's condition had changed • that he was no longer a prisoner, either because he had been lib erated, or because he had been put to death. It does not affect the present question whether we suppose TIME AND PLACE OF WRITING THE ACTS. 21 that he was imprisoned twice, or only once (see note on 28, 31). If we suppose that he was set at liberty, we have then a most natural explanation of the abrupt close of the book, in the fact that Luke published it just at the time of the apostle's release ; or so soon after that event, that the interval furnished nothing new which he deemed it important to add to the history. On the other hand, if we suppose that Paul's captivity terminated in his martyrdom, it is not easy to account for the writer's silence re specting his death, except on the ground that itwas so recent and so well known in the circle of his readers, that they did not need the information. Thus, in both cases, the time of writing the Acts would coincide very nearly with the end of the Roman cap tivity of which Luke has spoken. The question arises now, Do we know the time when that captivity ended, whether it may have been by acquittal or death. Here we must depend upon the surest chronological data which exist, though it is not pretended that they are certain. Accord ing to a computation which has received the assent of most critics, Paul was brought as a prisoner to Rome in the year A. D. 61 or 62. In the year 64 followed the conflagration in that city, which was kindled by the agency of Nero, but which, for the sake of averting tho odium of the act from himself, he charged on the Christians. This led to the first Christian persecution, so called, which is mentioned by Tacitus (Annal. 15. 44), Suetonius (Ner. 16), and possibly Juvenal (Serm. 1. 146 sq.). If now Paul was set at liberty after his confinement of two years, it must have been just before the commencement of Nero's persecution, that is, in the year A. D. 63, or near the beginning of 64. But if, according to the other supposition, the two years were not com pleted until the persecution commenced, he must, in all probabil ity, as the leader of the Christian sect, have soon shared the common fate, and so have been put to death about the year 64. Hence we may consider this date, or the close of A. D. 63, as not improbably the time when Luke wrote, or at least published, the Acts of the Apostles. But if Luke wrote the book thus near the expiration of the two years that Paul was a prisoner at Rome, it is most natural to con clude that he wrote it in that city. This was also the opinion of many of the early Christian fathers. The probability of this con clusion is greatly strengthened by the fact, that Luke makes no mention of Paul's liberation, or martyrdom, as the case may have been. At Rome, every reader of the apostle's history knew of course what the result of his captivity there was ; and if Luke 22 INTRODUCTION. wrote it at that place, the absence of any allusion to his fate would not seem to be so very surprising. On the contrary, if Luke wrote it at a distance from the scene of the apostle's cap tivity, the omission would be much more extraordinary. § 6. Chronology of the Acts. The subject of the chronology of the Acts is attended still with uncertainties, which no efforts of critical labor have been able wholly to remove. " After all the combinations," says Schott,1 " which the ingenuity of scholars has enabled them to devise, and all the fulness of historical learning which they have applied to the subject,, it has been impossible to arrive at results which are satisfactory in all respects." The source of the diffi culty is, that the notations of time are for the most part entirely omitted ; or, if they occur here and there, are contained in gen eral and indefinite expressions. We must content ourselves, therefore, with endeavoring to fix the dates of a few leading events, which may be ascertained with most certainty ; and must then distribute the other contents of the book with reference to these, on the basis of such incidental intimations as may be found to exist, or of such probable calculations as we may be able to form. 1. The Year of Paul's Conversion. The date of this event is very uncertain ; but an attempt has been made to approximate to it by means of the following combi nation. In Gal. 1, 15-18, it is stated that Paul went up to Jeru salem from Damascus three years from the time of his conver sion ; and we learn from 2 Cor. 11, 32, that Damascus, when Paul made his escape from it on that occasion, was in the hands of Aretas, king of Arabia. As this city belonged to the Romans, it is remarkable that it should have been, just at that time, wrested from them ; and the circumstances under which such an event took place must have been peculiar. It is conjectured that a juncture like this may have led to that occurrence. Josephus relates that an army of Herod Antipas had been defeated about this time by Aretas, king of Arabia. Upon this, the Emperor Tiberius, who was a friend and ally of Herod, directed Vitellius, Roman, Governor of Syria, to collect an adequate force, and to i Erorterung einiger chronologischcn Punkte in der Lebcnsgeschichte des Apostel Paul, § 1. CHRONOLOGY OF THE ACTS. 23 take Aretas prisoner, or slay him in the attempt. Before Vitel lius could execute this order, news came that the emperor was dead, and as a consequence of this, the military preparations on foot were suspended. This sudden respite afforded A-etas an opportunity to march upon Damascus, and reduce it to his pos session. The city, however, supposing him to have become master of it, could not have remained long in his power. We find that the difficulties with Arabia were all adjusted in the first years of the reign of Caligula, the successor of Tiberius, i. e. within A. D. 37-39 ; and the policy of the Romans would lead them, of course, to insist on the restoration of so important a place as Damascus. If now we place the escape of Paul in the last of these years (so as to afford time for the incidental delays), and deduct the three years during which he had been absent from Jerusalem, we obtain A. D. 36 as the probable epoch of the apostle's conversion. It is in favor of this conclusion, says Nean der, that it gives us an interval neither too long nor too short for the events which took place in the church between the ascen sion of Christ and the conversion of Paul. Among others who fix upon the same year, or vary from it but one or two years, may be mentioned Eichhorn, Hug, Hemsen, Schott, Guericke, Meyer, De Wette, Anger,1 Ebrard, Aford, Howson.2 This date deter mines that of Stephen's martyrdom, which took place, appa rently, not long before Paul's conversion, and also that of Paul's first journey to Jerusalem, and his subsequent departure to Tarsus. 2. The Death of Herod Agrippa. This occurred at Caesarea in the year A. D. 44. The state ments of Josephus are decisive on this point. He says that Agrippa, who, under Caligula, had reigned over only a part of Palestine, received the entire sovereignty of his grandfather, Herod the Great, on the accession of Claudius, viz. in the year A. D. 41 (Antt. 19. 5. 1); and further, that at the time of his death he had completed the third year after this extension of his power (Antt. 19. 8. 2). This date fixes the position of several other important events ; such as the execution of James the elder, the arrest and dehverance of Peter, the return of Paul to 1 De temporum in Actis Apostolorum ratione, p. 121 sq. 2 Wieseler (Chronologie des Apostolischen Zeitalters, pp. 175-213) assigns Paul's conversion to A. D. 40. It was gratifying to me to find that, with this exception, all his other dates agree with those which I had been led to adopt before consulting his able treatise. 24 INTRODUCTION. Antioch from his second visit to Jerusalem, and his departure on his first missionary excursion. 3. The Third Journey of Paul to Jerusalem. In Gal. 2, 1, the apostle speaks of going up to Jerusalem after fourteen years, which are to be computed, in all probability, from the time of his conversion. It has been made a question, whether this journey is to be understood as the second or third of the several journeys which Paul is mentioned in the Acts as having made to Jerusalem. The general opinion is, that it should be understood of the third ; first, because the object of that journey, as stated in 15, 1 sq, coincides exactly with that which occasioned the one mentioned in the Epistle to the Gala tians ; and, secondly, because the circumstances which are de scribed as having taken place in connection with the journey in 15, 1 sq., agree so entirely with tkose related in the Epistle.1 Supposing, then, the identity of the two journeys to be estab lished, we add the fourteen years already mentioned to the date of Paul's conversion, viz. 36, and we have A. D. 50 as the year when he went up to Jerusalem the third time after he had be come a Christian.2 With this year coincides that of holding the Council at Jerusalem. Paul departed on his second missionary tour soon after his return to Antioch from this third visit to Jeru salem ; and hence we are enabled to assign that second tour to the year A. D. 51. 4. The Procuratorship of Felix. The time of this officer's recall, on being superseded by Fes tus (see 24, 27), is assigned by most critics to the year A. D. 60 or 61. The names of both these men are well known in secular history ; but it so happens that we meet with only indirect state ments relating to the point which concerns us here. It is gen- 1 The reasons for this conclusion are well stated by Hemscn, in his Der Apos- tel Paulus, u. s. w., p. 52 sq., translated by the writer in the Christian Review 1841 p. 66 sq. Dr. Davidson has discussed the question with the same result 'in his Introduction, Vol. II. pp. 112-122. See, also, Conybeare and Howson, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, Vol. I. p. 539 sq., (2d ed.) and Jowett on Galatians p. 252. ' 2 It is proper to apprise the reader that some reckon the fourteen years in Gal. 2, 1, from the apostle's first return to Jerusalem (Gal. 1, 18) ; and in that case his third journey to that city would be dated three years later. But few comparatively adopt this view. The apostle's conversion is the governing epoch to which the mind of the reader naturally turns back from Gal. 2 1 as" well as from Gal. I, 18. CHRONOLOGY OF THE ACTS. 25 erally agreed that these statements justify the following opinion. It is certain that Felix could not have been recalled later than the year 62. Josephus states (Antt. 20. 8. 9) that Felix, soon after his return to Eome, was accused before the emperor, by a deputation from the Jews in Palestine, of maladministration while in office, and that he would have been condemned had it not been for the influence of his brother Pallas, who stood high at that time in the favor of Nero. This Pallas now, according to Tacitus (Ann. 14, 65), was poisoned by Nero in the year 62. The only circumstance which impairs the certainty of this con clusion is that Tacitus states (Ann. 13. 14) that Pallas had lost the favor of Nero some time before this, and had been entirely removed from public business. Hence some have placed the appointment of Festus as successor of Felix several years earlier than A. D. 61. But there is reason to believe that the disgrace of which Tacitus speaks may have been only temporary, and that Pallas may afterwards have recovered his influence with the em peror. Since it is certain, according to Tacitus himself, that the death of this favorite did not occur till A. D. 62, it can be more easily supposed that Nero was again reconciled to him than that this revengeful tyrant should have suffered hirn to live several years after he had become odious to him. De Wette, Anger, Meyer, Wieseler, and others, admit this supposition, under the circum stances of the case, to be entirely natural. It is less easy to fix the limit on the other side. The general belief is that Festus could not have succeeded Felix earher than A. D. 60 or 61. Josephus relates (Antt. 20. 8. 11) that Festus, after having entered on his office, permitted a deputation of the Jews to repair to Rome, in order to obtain the decision of Nero in a controversy between himself and them ; and that Poppaea, the wife 1 of Nero, interceded for them, and enabled them to gain 1 Some, as Neander, Wieseler, object to the stricter sense of ywh in the pas sage of Josephus, but it is defended by Schrader, Meyer, and others, as the more obvious sense, whether we consider the historical facts or the usage of the word. Neander (Pflanzung, u. s. w. Vol. I. p. 493) expresses himself with much hesitation respecting this date of the succession of Felix and Eestus. It is important, for the purpose of laying up in the mind a connected view of the history, to settle upon the precise years as nearly as possible ; and we ought not to deprive our selves of this advantage, merely because some of the conclusions, or the grounds of them, cannot be placed entirely beyond doubt. It is admitted that of the dates proposed in the above scheme of chronology, the second (that of Herod's death) and the last in a lower degree (that of Paul's arrival at Rome) are the only ones that can be brought to a state of comparative certainty. In regard to the others, I have not meant to claim for thein anything more than the character of an approximation to the truth. 26 INTRODUCTION. their object. But this woman did not become the wife of Nero until the year 62 (Tac. Ann. 14. 49 ; Suet. Ner. 35) ; and hence, as Festus must have been in Judea some time before this diffi culty with the Jews arose, and as, after that, some time must have elapsed before the case could be decided at Rome, Festus may have received his appointment in the year 60 or 61. The best recent authorities, as Winer, De Wette, Anger, Meyer, Wieseler, adopt one or the other of these years. We reach very nearly the same result from what Josephus says of his journey to Rome in behalf of the Jewish priests whom Felix had sent thither for trial before his removal from office. He informs us in his Life (} 3), that he made this journey in the twenty-sixth year of his age, and as he was born in the first year of the reign of Caligula, i. e. A. D. 37 (Life, § 1), he visited Rome on this occasion about 63. His narrative, without being definite, implies that Felix, at this time, had not only been re called, but must have left Palestine two or three years earher than this. Festus was the immediate successor of Felix. It is the more important to settle as nearly as possible some epoch in this portion of the apostle's history, since there would be otherwise so much uncertainty as to the mode of arranging the events in the long interval between this and Paul's third journey to Jerusalem. Upon this date depends the year of the apostle's arrest in that city on his fifth and last visit thither, before he was sent to Rome. His captivity at Cssarea, which followed that arrest, continued two years, and must have com menced in the spring of A. D. 58 or 59. 5. The Arrival of Paul in Pome. The extreme limit beyond which we cannot place this event may be regarded as certain. It could not have been later than the year 62 ; for after 64, when the Christians at Rome began to be persecuted by the Roman government, their situation was such that the apostle could not have remained there and preached the gospel for two years without molestation, as stated by Luke at the end of the Acts. It is impossible to obtain a more definite result than this from secular history.1 But the date in question follows as a deduction from the one considered in the last para graph. It is evident from the Acts, that Paul proceeded to Rome almost immediately after the entrance of Festus on his office ¦ and if this took place in A. D. 60 or 61, he must have arrived in i Whether this result is confirmed by •?£ o-TpaToireUpXri in 28, 16, depends ou the explanation of the article ; seo the note on that passage. CONTENTS IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER. 27 Rome early in the spring of 61 or 62. Hence, if he arrived even in A. D. 62, he could have remained two years in captivity, and then have regained his freedom (if we adopt that opinion), since Nero's persecution of the Christians did not commence till the summer of A. D. 64. § 7. The Contents in Chronological Order. a. D. 33. Ascension of Christ. Appointment of Matthias as an apos tle. Outpouring of the Spirit at Pentecost. The gift of tongues conferred. Discourse of Peter. Three thousand are converted. — Pilate, under whom the Saviour was crucified, is still procurator of Judea. Tiberius continues emperor till A. D. 37. 33-35. Peter and John heal the lame man. They are arraigned before the Sanhedrim, and forbidden to preach. Death of Ananias and Sapphira. The apostles are scourged. Dea cons appointed. Apprehension and martyrdom of Stephen. Saul makes havoc of the church. 36. Persecution scatters the believers at Jerusalem. Philip preaches the gospel in Samaria. Hypocrisy of Simon the Magian. Baptism of the. Eunuch. The word is made known in Phoenicia, Cyprus, and at Antioch in Syria. Christ appears to Saul on the way to Damascus. Con version of Paul. 37-39. Paul spends these three years at Damascus and in Arabia. During the same time other laborers spread the gospel in Judea, Galilee, and along the coast of the Mediterranean. — Caligula becomes emperor in A. D. 37. 39. Paul escapes from Damascus, and goes to Jerusalem for the first time since his conversion. Barnabas introduces him to the disciples. He remains there fifteen days, but is persecuted and departs thence to Tarsus. 40—43. During this period Paul preaches in Syria and Cilicia. Churches are gathered there. Barnabas is sent to search for him, and conducts him to Antioch. In the mean time Peter visits Joppa, Lydda, and Caesarea. Dorcas is re stored to life. Cornelius is baptized. Peter defends him self for visiting the heathen. — Claudius becomes emperor in the beginning of A. D. 41. On his accession he makes Herod Agrippa I. king over all Palestine. 28 INTRODUCTION. 44. Paul labors " a whole year " with Barnabas at Antioch. Agabus predicts a famine in Judea. James the elder is beheaded at Jerusalem. Peter is cast into prison ; his lib eration and flight. — Herod Agrippa dies at Caesarea in the summer of this year. Judea is governed again by pro curators. 45. Paul goes to Jerasalem the second time, on the alms-errand, accompanied by Barnabas. He returns to Antioch, and under the direction of the Spirit, is set apart by the church to the missionary work. La the same year, probably, he goes forth with Barnabas and Mark on his first mission to the heathen. 46, 47. He was absent on this tour about two years. He pro ceeds by the way of Seleucia to Salamis and Paphos in Cyprus ; at the latter place Sergius Paulus believes, and Elymas is struck blind. Crossing the sea, he lands at Perga, where John Mark abruptly left him. He preaches in the synagogue at Antioch. Labors with success at Iconium. At Lystra he is about to be worshipped as a god, and afterward is stoned. Escapes to Derbe. Re traces his way to Perga ; sails from Attaleia and comes again to Antioch in Syria. 48, 49. Here he abode, it is said, "a long time.'' We may assign these two years to that residence. He extended his labors, no doubt, to the neighboring regions. 50. Apostolic council at Jerusalem. Paul makes his third jour ney to that city, in company with Barnabas and others, as delegates from the church at Antioch. Returns to Antioch with the decrees. Paul and Barnabas separate. 51-54. The apostle's second missionary tour. Silas, Timothy, and Luke are associated with him. Paul revisits the churches in Syria and Cilicia. Plants the churches in Galatia. At Troas he embarks for Europe, and, among other places, visits Philippi, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens Corinth. In this last city he remained at least a year and a half. Labored with Aquila at tent-making. Left the synagogue and preached to Greeks. He is arraigned before Gallio. In this city Paul wrote the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians.1 In the spring, probably, i The reasons for assigning the different Epistles to the times and places men tioned are stated in the body of the Commentary. CONTENTS IN CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER. 29 ¦ of A. D. 54, he leaves Corinth, embarks at Cenchrea, touches at Ephesus, lands at Caesarea, and from tliere goes for the fourth time to Jerusalem, and thence to Anti och. We may allot three years, or three and a half, to this journey. — Felix became procurator of Judea in A. D. 52. In A. D. 53, Claudius bestowed on Herod Agrippa II., the former tetrarchy of Philip and Lysanias, with the title of king. In A. D. 54, Nero succeeded Claudius as emperor. 54-57. In the autumn of A. D. 54, according to some, or early in A. D. 55, accordmg to others, Paul entered on his third missionary tour. He goes through Galatia and Phrygia to Ephesus, where he spends the greater part of the next three years. Just before his arrival, Apollos left Ephesus for Corinth. Certain disciples of John are baptized. Nearly all Asia hears the Gospel. The Exorcists defeated. An uproar at Ephesus. The Asiarchs befriend Paul. During this sojourn here, Paul wrote the Epistle to the Galatians, and the First Epistle to the Corinthians. Within the same time he made, probably, a short journey to Corinth, either directly across the .ZEgean, or through Macedonia. While on this excursion, some suppose that he "wrote the First Epistle to Timothy, and after his return to Ephesus, that to Titus. 58, 59. In. the spring of A. D. 58, or perhaps A. D. 57 (if this tour began in 54), the apostle leaves Ephesus, and pro ceeds to Macedonia, where he writes his Second Epistle to the Corinthians. He spent the summer in that region, and travelled probably as far west as Illyricum. In the autumn or early winter of this year, he arrives at Corinth, and remains there three months. The Jews plot his destruction. At this time he wrote the Epistle to the Romans. In the ensuing spring, he returns through Macedonia to Troas, where he preached and "broke bread." Miraculous recovery of Eutychus. At Miletus he addressed the Ephesian elders. Landing at Ptolemais, he proceeded to Caesarea, and thence to Jerusalem, which is his fifth and last visit to that city. This journey occu pied about four years. 58 or 59. At Jerusalem Paul assumes a vow, to conciliate the Jewish believers. He is seized by the Jews in the tem ple, but is rescued by Lysias the chiliarch. Speech to ' 30 INTRODUCTION. the mob from the stairs of the castle. His Roman citizen ship saves him from the torture. He stands before the Sanhedrim and narrowly escapes with his life. Forty Jews conspire against him. Lysias sends him as a state- prisoner to Felix at Caesarea. 59-61. His captivity here continues two years. He pleads his cause before Felix, who detains him in the hope of a bribe. The Jews renew their charge against him before Festus. Paul is compelled to appeal to Caesar. He speaks in the presence of king Agrippa, and is pronounced innocent. — Felix was superseded by Festus in A. D. 60 or 61. 62-64. In the autumn of A. D. 60 or 61, Paul embarked at Caesarea for Rome, and arrived there early in the follow ing spring. He remains in custody two years. During this period he wrote the Epistles to the Ephesians, Colos sians, Philippians, Philemon, and, if he suffered martyr dom at this time, the Second Epistle to Timothy, just before his death. The Epistle to the Hebrews was written, probably, in this latter part of the apostle's hfe. Most of those who maintain that Paul was imprisoned twice at Rome, suppose (the correct opinion, as it seems to me) that he wrote the First Epistle to Timothy, and that to Titus, in the interval between his first and second captivity, and his Second Epistle to Timothy in the near prospect of his execution, after his second arrest. COMMENTARY. FOR THE READER. The works on the Greek language to which most frequent reference has been made, are the following : — W., Winek's Grammatih des neutestamentlichen Sprachidioms, sixth edition, 1855 (the divisions in the English Translation, fourth edition, sometimes differ). S., Prof. Stuart's Grammar of the New Testament Dialect, second edition. IC, Kuehnee's Greek Grammar, translated by Edwards and Taylor. C, Crosby's Greek Gramrar. B., Buttmann's, Robinson's Translation. Mt., Matthi__e's, third edition of the original, or Blomfield's Translation. Green's Gr., Grammar of ihe N. T. Dialect by T. S Green (London 1842). Bernh. Synt., Bernhardt's Wissenschaftliche Syntax. Hart. Partkl., Hartung's Lehre von den Partikeln, u. s. w. ¦ Kl. Devr., Dev arius de Gr. Ling. Particulis edidit Klotz. Lob. Phryn., Phrynichi Eclogae Nominum edidit Lobeck. Tittm. Synm., Tittmann de Synonymis in N. Testamento. Pape Lex., HandwSrterbuch der Griechischen Sprache, von Dr. W. Pape (Braunschweig 1842). R. and P. Lex., Passoio, HandwSrterbuch der Gr. Sprache, neu bearbeitet, u. s. w., von Dr. Host und De. Palm (Leipzig 1841-57). Some other names, especially those of commentators or critics, mentioned often, as well as titles of books quoted often, have been abbreviated. A list of such contractions will be found at the end of the volume. COMMENTARY. CHAPTER I. Verses 1-3. Relation of the Acts to the Gospel of Luke. V. 1. p.hr, solitarium, i. e., without any following Si. This omis sion, which occurs in the best writers, is very common in this book ; see v. 18 ; 3, 13 ; 19, 4 ; 26, 4, etc. K. § 322. R. 4 ; W. § 63. 1. 2. e. The writer frames the clause in which he refers to his first history (p.ev), as if he had intended to add here (Se) that he would now relate how extensively the name of Jesus had been made known, and by what means. Being led by the allusion to the ascension of Christ to state the circumstances of that event, he drops the proposed antithesis, and leaves the subject of the book to unfold itself from the course of the narrative. — irparrov stands for the stricter trpoTepov, like the interchange of first and former in English; comp. John 1, 15, 30; 15, 18; and per haps Luke 2, 2. — \6yov, history, as in Herod. (6. 19), and thence onward. — ®eov rjpiaro, k. t. A.., which fesus both did and taught from the beginning, viz. of his career. — Siv stands by attraction for a. fjp£aro carries back the mind to the commencement of the Saviour's history, and is equiv alent in sense to i£ apx^s. Hence this verb marks the limit of the narrative in one direction, as a^pt rjs i^tcpas does in the other. This adverbial sense belongs usually to the participle (Mt. $ 558), but may be admitted also in the verb. (Hmph.1 adopts this an alysis in his 2d ed.) It gives the same result, though less directly, if we consider the expression as elliptical : which he began and proceeded both to do, etc. ; comp. v. 22 ; Matt. 20, 8 ; Luke 23, 5. See W. § 66. 1. c. Other explanations have been proposed. Meyer finds in it an implied contrast between the labors of Christ and those of the apostles ; he laid the foundation — they were to build upon it and finish what he began. This seems to me far-fetched. (But in his last edition Meyer retracts this opinion, and says justly that 'Iijo-oCs with that contrastive force would naturally precede the verb.) Olshausen thinks that Luke intended to suggest by rjpiaro, that Christ only commenced his work on earth — that he still continues, and will complete it in heaven. Baumgarten2 (p. 8 sq.) contends for the same view, and deduces from it what he supposes to be Luke's special design in writing the Acts, viz. to represent the Saviour after his ascension as still acting through the apostles, and thus carrying forward, by their agency, the merely incipient labors of his life on earth. Of course this ac tivity of Christ, who is ever present with his people (Matt. 28, 20), could not fail to be recognized in the history (as in 3, 26 ; 4, 30; 19, 13; etc.); but it is impossible that the writer, with that object in view, should have left it to be so obscurely intimated. This alleged contrast between Luke's Gospel as simply a begin ning, and the Acts as a continuation of Christ's personal work, so far from being put forward with prominence, as we should expect, is not distinctly drawn out in a single passage. The truth is as Lekebusch remarks ( Composition, u. s. w., p. 203), the narrative 1 A Commentary on the Acts of the Apostles, by W. G. Humphry B. D. late Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, etc. (London 1854.) 2 Die Apostelgeschichte oder der Entwickelungsgang der Kirche von Jerusalem bis Kom, von M. Baumgarten (1852). Chap. 1, 2. 3. COMMENTARY. 35 contains no hint of any such relation of the two histories to each other, unless this be found in rjpfaro; and even this word, as we have seen, admits much more naturally of a different explanation. A caution against regarding this verb as superfluous here, or in any passage, can hardly be needed. See W. § 65. 7. d. V. 2. ^s ^/xepas = tt}s 17/iepas y, as in Matt. 24, 38 ; Luke 1, 20. — evretXa/xei/ov, I understand, with Meyer and others, as referring to Christ's command to preach the Gospel to all the world, as re corded in Matt. 28, 1 9 ; and which, from its memorable character, Luke could assume as well known to his readers. De Wette supposes it to be the command in v. 4 ; but we have then an un necessary repetition of the same thing, and, contrary to the nat ural order, the allusion first, and the fuller notice last. Some have proposed to extend the meaning of the word so as to em brace all the instructions which Christ gave to the apostles in relation to their future work ; but the term is too specific for so general an idea, and, besides, the obvious implication is that the giving of the command was something almost immediately ante cedent to the ascension. — Sia irvevfuaTos aylov, through the Holy Spirit, his influence, guidance. This noun, as so used, may omit the article or receive it, at the option of the writer, since it has the force of a proper name. W. $ 19. 1. See also Ellicott's note on Gal. 4, 5. These words attach themselves naturally to the .participle 'which they accompany, and it is forced, as well as un necessary, to connect them with the verb in the next clause. This passage, in accordance with other passages, represents the Saviour as having been endued abundantly with the influences of the Spirit, and as having acted always in conformity with its dictates; see 10, 38; Luke 4, 1 ; John, 3, 34, etc. That subjec tion was one of the laws of his dependent nature. That he re vealed the command through the Holy Spirit cannot be meant, for the history shows that he gave this direction to them in person. — ovs efeAefaro, whom he had chosen. The aorist stands often for our pluperfect after a relative or relative expression. W. § 40. 5. — a.veXrjv, k. t. X., during forty days appearing to them, (as in all the earlier E. Vv.), i. e. from time to time, as related by the Evangelists ; not pass., seen by them (E. V.). oVravoTtej'os, (not elsewhere in N. T.), agrees best as middle, with the active sense of the other verbs, and with 1 Kings 8, 8 (Sept.); see Tromm's Concord, s. v. Wahl (Clav. Apocr. s. opam) should not have put down the use in Tob. 12, 9, as certainly pas sive. Some have argued too positively from this word, that Christ rose from the grave with a glorified body. It represents his appearing to the disciples perhaps as occasional and sudden (comp. &0 for ip.ot after eo-eo-5e. — eV^di-ou, sc. /Aepous. Compare the lan guage here with Matt. 28,49; Mark 16, 15. It is impossible that the disciples should not have understood from it that their sphere of labor was to be coextensive with the world. See the remarks on 2, 39. The foregoing conversation may have taken place on Olivet (see v. 12), or during the walk thither. V. 9. TaSra ei7rv owek&ovriov .... av8pSiv depends prop erly on 'iva, in v. 22, where the connection so long interrupted is reasserted by tovtwv. — iv ttovtI xp°vt>> iri every time. The concep tion divides the period into its successive parts. — iv & . . . . i rjp.a.'s, in which he came in unto us, and went out, i. e. hved and as sociated with us. The entire hfe or course of life is described by one of its most frequent acts. It is a Hebrew mode of speak ing (comp. Deut. 28, 19 ; 31, 2, etc.), and is used properly of those who sustain official relations, or perform public labors. See 9, 28. An exact construction of the Greek would have placed i 57/tas after the first verb, and inserted d GeM8 Benedict Winer (3d ed. 1848) See Professor Staarfs article on the meaning of this title in the New Test* ment, Bibl. Repos., Vol. I. p. 733 sq. esWr Chap. 1, 25. 26. COMMENTARY. 49 which one, or perhaps in apposition, whom, viz. one that he, etc. Tynd. and Gen. render that the one may take, etc. V. 25. For KXrjpov, see on v. 17. — SiaKon'as .... d7rocn-oA-_}s, this ministry and (that) an apostleship. Kat adds a second term ex planatory of the first, i. e. essentially an instance of hendiadys (Mey. De Wet.), the ministry of this apostleship. — i£j ijs Trapeftrj, from which he went aside, as opposed to the idea of adhering faithfully to the character and service which his apostleship re quired of him ; " ad normam Hebr. ito sq. "jo = deserere munus" (Wahl). — iropev&rjvai .... "Siov, that he might go unto his oivn place. The clause is telic, depending on irapeji-q. So long as Judas retained his office, he was kept back, as it were, from his proper destiny. He must relinquish it, therefore, in order to suffer his just deserts. In this way the apostle would state strongly the idea, that the traitor merited the doom to which he had been con signed. The following comment of Meyer presents the only view of the further meaning of the passage which has any re spectable critical support : " What is meant here by 6 roVos 6 iSios is not to be decided by the usage of roVos in itself considered (for toVos may denote any place), but merely by the context. That requires that we understand by it Gehenna, which is con ceived of as the place to which Judas, in virtue of his character, properly belongs. Since the treachery of Judas was in itself so fearful a crime, and was still further aggravated by self-murder (which alone, according to Jewish ideas, deserved punishment in hell), the hearers of Peter could have had no doubt as to the sense to be attached to toVos iSios. This explanation is demanded also by the analogy of Rabbinic passages, e. g. Baal Turim on Numb. 24, 25 (see Lightfoot, Hor. Hebr. ad loc.) : Balaam ivit in locum suum, i. e. in Gehennam." De Wette assents entirely to this interpretation. toVos iSios, therefore, " is a euphemistic desig-* nation of the place of punishment, in which the sin of Judas rendered it just that he should have his abode." ( Olsh.) V. 26. Kai eSoiKav KXrjpovs, and they placed (probably = "jina as often in New Testament) their lots in a vase or something simi lar ; or perhaps gave them to those whose business it was to col lect them, airuiv (T. R.) or auTois (Lch. Tsch.), for them, refers to the candidates because the lots pertained to them. The two names were written probably on slips of parchment, perhaps sev eral duplicates of them, and then shaken up ; the one first drawn out decided the choice. The idea of throwing up the lots agrees better with j3dXXeiv KXypow; than with this expression. — eweaev fell, came out, without reference to any particular process. — 6 KXrjpos, 7 50 COMMENTARY. Chap. II, 1. the lot, definite because it was the decisive one. — o-vyKa.Teil/-q (see v- 3). 7rvoj7 = irvevp-a. The more uncommon word is chosen here perhaps on account of the different sense of rrvevp-a in this con nection, e. g. v. 4. As used of the wind, cpipeo-9ai denotes often rapid, violent motion ; see the proofs in Kypke's Obss. Sacr. Vol. II. p. 11, and in Kuin. ad loc. — iirX-qpwo-ev, sc. ^xos» 'which is the only natural subject furnished by the context. — oIkov is probably the house referred to in 1, 13 ; not the temple, for the reasons there stated, and because the term employed in this absolute way does not signify the temple or an apartment of it. V. 3. Kai &wvrj has been taken as synonymous with 4>VM: now when this report arose, i. e. the report concerning this. The meaning is good, but opposed to the usage of the noun, while it puts Tavnjs in effect for 7repi tovtov, which is a hard construction. Many of the older critics and the authors of nearly all the E. Vv. un derstood the expression in this way. (3.) We may regard epwvrjs as repeating the idea of ^x°s ln v' 2 : now when this sound — that of the descending Spirit — occurred. For that signification of yjo-eTai.. The moon, too, shall give forth signs of the coming distress. It shall exhibit an appearance like blood. Men shall see there an image of the car nage and misery which are to be witnessed on earth. — impdvBr]. On the augment in verbs which begin with ev, see W. § 12. 1. 3 ; K. § 125. R. 1. — rj yXZcro-d p.ov stands for I'jia?, my glory, i. e. soul, whose dignity the Hebrews recognized hi that way. The Greek has substituted the instrument which the soul uses in giving expression to its joy. We may render both verbs as present if we suppose them to describe a permanent state of mind. K. § 256. 4. — hi 8e Kai, but further also, climacteric, as in Luke 14, 26. — 17 o-dp£, p.ov, my flesh, body as distinguished from the soul. — Karao-K-qviao-ei, shall rest, viz. in the grave, as denned by the next verse. — eV cXtti'Si, in hope, = na_$, in confidence, i. e. Chap. II, 27-29. COMMENTARY. 65 of a speedy restoration to life. The sequel exhibits the ground of this confident hope. V. 27. on ... . els aSou, because (not that) thou wilt not abandon my soul unto hades, ^vxrjv p.ov = "uses, my soul, according to Hebrew usage, an emphasized pronoun. aSi;s=^istiz5, denotes properly the place of the dead, but also, by a frequent personification, death itself, considered as a rapacious destroyer. See Gesen. Heb. Lex. s. v. The sense then may be expressed thus : Thou wilt not give me up as a prey to death ; he shall not have power over me, to dissolve the body and cause it to return to dust. On the ellip tical S.8ov, see K. § 263. b. Later critics (Lchm. Tsch.) read a8rjv, after ABCD, and other authorities. — iSeiv, to see, experience, as in Luke 2, 26. V. 28. eyviipio-as, k. t. X., thou didst make known to me the ways of life, i. e. those which lead from death to life. The event was certain, and hence, though future, could be spoken of as past. The meaning is, that God would restore him to life, after having been put to death and laid in the grave. Kuinoel, De Wette, Meyer, concede that this is the sense which Peter attached to the -words ; and if so, it must be the true sense. The Greek here expresses the exact form of the Hebrew. — p.era tov irpoo-ia- wov o-ov, with (not = Sid, by) thy presence, i. e. with thee where thou art, viz. in heaven. The Redeemer was assured that he would not only escape the power of death, but ascend to dwell in the im mediate presence of God on high. It was for that " joy set before him, that he endured the cross, despising the shame, and is set down at the right hand of the throne of God." (Heb. 12, 2). V. 29. The object of the remark here is to showthat the pas sage cited above could not have referred to David. — i£6v, sc. eiTTi, not ecrru), it is lawful, proper. — pierb. rrapp-qo-ias, with freedom, without fear of being thought deficient in any just respect to his memory. His death was recorded in the Old Testament ; no one pretended that he had risen, and the Psalm, therefore, could not apply to him. — David is called Trarpidpxris, as being the founder of the royal family. This title in its stricter use belonged to the founders of the nation. — ev fjp2v, among us, here in the city. The sepulchre of David was on Mount Zion, where most of the kings of Judah were buried ; see on 5, 6. The tomb was well known in Peter's day. Josephus says, that it was opened both by Hyrcanus and Herod, in order to rifle it of the treasures which it was supposed to contain. The Mosque, still shown as Neby Dauid, on the southern brow of Zion, cannot be far from the true site. 9 66 COMMENTARY. Chap, n, 30-32. V. 30. ¦trpo'hrrT-q's, a prophet, i. e. divinely inspired (see on v. 17), and so competent to utter the prediction. — ovv, therefore ; since, unless David meant himself, he must have meant the Messiah. — Kai eiSws, and knowing, viz. that which follows. This knowledge he received from the prophet Nathan, as related in 2 Sam. 7, 12. 16 ; see also Ps. 132, 11; 89, 35-37. The resur rection of Christ in its full historical sense involved two points : first, his restoration to hfe ; and, secondly, his elevation to perma nent regal power. Peter inserts the remark made here to show that David, in predicting the main fact, had a view also of Christ's office as a Sovereign. — KaBio-ai, sc. Tivd, to cause one to sit, place him, comp. 1 Cor. 6, 4 (Whl. Mey. De Wet.) ; or (intrans. oftener in N. T.) that one should sit (Rob.). This descendant was to oc cupy the throne as ruler in Zion, as Messiah ; comp. Ps. 2, 6. The Greek omits Tivd often before the infinitive. K. § 238. R. 3. e. — After oacpvos avrov, the received text adds to koto. adpKa dvaxr- rqo-eiv tov ~X.pia-Tov, viz. that he would raise up the Messiah after the flesh. Scholz retains the words, but most editors omit them, or mark them as unsupported. V. 31. TrpoiSJiv repeats the idea both of wpoc^njs and eiSws. Having the knowledge derived from the sources which these terms specify, David could speak of the Messiah in the manner here represented, —tov Xpio-rov is the official title, not a proper name. — ovre iyKareXeitpBrj (Tsch.) k. t. X., neither was left or ov KareXeicpBr] (T. R.), teas not left behind (given up) unto hades ; aorist here (note the fat. in v. 27), because the speaker thinks of the prediction as now accomplished, v ijwxri avrov (T. R.) should probably be dropped after the verb. V. 32. tovtov tov 'Itjo-ovv, This (looking back to v. 24) Jesus, the subject of such a prophecy. — ov k. t. X., whose (masc. as Wicl. after Vulg., comp. 5, 32; 13, 31) ; or, as the verb suggests a natural antecedent (neut), of which, viz. his resurrection, ice all are witnesses (Mey. and E. V). See note on 1, 22. V. 33. The exaltation of Christ appears here (ovv, therefore) as a necessary consequent of the resurrection ; see on v. 28. 30. tjj 8e£a, k. r. X., having been exalted to the right hand of God (Neand. De Wet. Olsh. Bmg. Will. Rob.) ; not by the right hand (Calv. Kuin. Mey. Alf. E. Vv.). The connection (see especially v. 34. 35, and comp. 5, 31) directs us quite inevitably to the first sense ; and though the local dative whither may not occur in the New Testament out of this passage and 5, 31, yet all admit that it is one of the uses of the later Greek generally, and was not unknown to the earlier Greek poetry. See Bemh. Synt. p. 94. Chap. II, 33. 34. COMMENTARY. 67 Winer says (§ 31. 5) that we may translate here to the right hand, without any hesitation. — ttjv iirayyeXiav, k. t. X., having received the promise (i. e. its fulfilment in the bestowal) of tlie Holy Spirit ; genit. of the object. See on 1, 4. — e^ee, poured out. The effu sion of the Spirit which is ascribed to God in v. 17 is ascribed here to Christ. — fSXhrere refers to the general spectacle of so many speaking in foreign tongues, or possibly to the tongues of fire, vis ible on the speakers. dKovere refers both to the languages spoken, and to what was spoken in them. V. 34. ydp confirms tywBeis. The exaltation was not only in cident to the resurrection, but. was the subject of an express pre diction, and that prediction could not apply to David ; for he did not ascend to heaven, i. e. to be invested with glory and power at the right hand of God. The order of thought, says De Wette, would have been plainer thus : For David says, Sit at my right hand, etc. ; but he himself did not ascend inlo heaven, i. e. he says this not of himself, but the Messiah. — Xiyei, viz. in Ps. 110, 1. In Matt. 22, 43, and Mark 12, 36, the Saviour recognizes David as the author of the Psalm, and attributes to him a divine inspi ration in speaking thus of the Messiah. He cites the same pas sage as proof of David's acknowledged inferiority to himself. — KaBov (imper.) is for the purer KaBrjo-o. W. § 14. 4 ; Mt § 236. — «K SefiSv p.ov, on my right hand (see on v. 25) i. e. as the part ner of my throne. The following remarks of Professor Stuart1 are pertinent here. " In the . New Testament, when Christ is represented as sitting at the right hand of divine majesty, Heb. 1,3; or at the right hand of God, Acts 2, 33, and Heb. 10, 12 ; or at the right of the throne of God, Heb. 1 2, 2 ; participation in supreme dominion is most clearly meant. Compare 1 Pet. 3, 22 ; Rom. 8, 34 ; Mark 16, 19 ; Phil. 2, 6-11 ; Eph. 1, 20-23. At the same time, the comparison of these passages will show most clearly that Christ's exaltation at the right hand of God means his being sealed on the mediatorial throne as the result and reward of his sufferings (see particularly Phil. 2, 6-11, and comp. Heb. 12, 2) ; and that the phrase in question never means the original dominion which Christ as Logos or God possesses. The sacred writers never speak respecting the Logos, considered simply in his divine nature, as being seated at the right hand of God ; but only of the Logos incarnate, or the Mediator, as being seated there. So in Heb. 1, 3, it is after the expiation made by the Son of God, that he is represented as seating himself at the right 1 Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews, p. 559 sq. (1833). 68 COMMENTARY. Chap. II, 35-38. hand of the divine majesty. And that this mediatorial dominion is not to be considered simply as the dominion of the divine na ture of Christ as such, is plain from the fact, that, when the me diatorial office is fulfilled, the kingdom of the Mediator as such is to cease. Moreover, that the phrase, to sit at the right hand of God, or of the throne of God, does not of itself mean original divine dominion, is clear from the fact, that Christ assures his faithful disciples they shall sit down with him on his throne, even as he sat down with the Father on his throne, Rev. 3, 21. It is exaltation, then, in consequence of obedience and sufferings, which is designated by the phrase in question." V 35. ?v, unto your descendants (see 13, 33) ; not your little ones (Alf.) with an appeal to v. 17 ; for the sons and daughters there are so far adult as to have visions and to proph esy. — 7rSo-i toTs ehp-aKpdv, to all those afar off, i. e. the distant nations or heathen. So, among others, Calvin, Bengel, Olshausen, Harless,1 De Wette, Neander, Lange.2 The expression was current among the Jews in that sense; comp. Zech. 6, 15; Is. 49, 1; 57, 19; Eph. 2, 13. 17 (where see Dr. Hodge in his recent Commentary). Even the Rabbinic writers employed it as synonymous with the heathen. (Schottg. Hor. Heb. Vol. I. p. 761.) It has been ob jected, that this explanation supposes Peter to have been already aware that the gospel was to be preached to the Gentiles ; whereas, it is said, he afterwards hesitated on the subject, and needed a special revelation to point out to him his duty ; see 10, 10 sq. But the objection misstates the ground of the hesitation ; it related to the terms on which the Gentiles were to be acknowl edged as Christians, not to the fact itself. On this point how is it possible that he should have doubted ? The Jews in general, who expected a Messiah at all, believed in the universality of his reign. The prophets foretold distinctly that the Gentiles under him should form one people with the Jews, that they should both acknowledge the same God, and be acknowledged of him ; see, e. g. Mich. 4, 1 sq. ; Am. 9, 12 ; Is. 2, 2 sq. ; 40, 5 ; 54, 4 sq., etc. Add to this, that the Saviour himself before his ascension had charged his disciples to go into all the world and preach the gospel to every creature. The relation in which the Gentile believers were to stand to Judaism, how far they were to practise its rites, and in that respect assimilate to the Jews, was not so well under stood. On that question, it is true, they needed and received further instruction as to the course to be pursued. Those who reject the foregoing explanation suppose 7rao-i tois eis p,aKpdv to de note the foreign Jews. But they are included already in vplv, since many of those addressed were pilgrims who had come to Jerusalem to celebrate the present feast. This sense of the phrase 1 Commentar fiber den Brief Pauli an die Ephesier, p. 213 sq. 51 Das apostolische Zeitalter, zweiter Band, p. 42 (1853). 70 COMMENTARY. Chap. II, 40^2. renders it superfluous. — oo-ovs dv, *. t. X., whomsoever the Lord shall have called. For the verbal form, see the note on v. 21. The expression imports, that as many would secure a part in the promise as it should prove that the divine purpose had embraced. V. 40. Copies fluctuate between Siep-aprvpero and 8iep.aprvpaTo. The imperfect agrees best with the next verb — o-mBrjTe, save yourselves. For this middle sense, see W. § 39. 2. — d-n-o t^s yeveds, k. t. X., from this perverse (Phil. 2, 15) generation, i. e. from par ticipation in their guilt and doom; comp. 1 Cor. 11, 32; Gal. 1, 4. V. 41. ovv, therefore, viz. in consequence of Peter's exhorta tion. — ol piv, k. t. X., they (who were mentioned as penitent in v. 37) having received his word, viz. that in v. 38 sq. (De Wet. Mey.). Many adopt the substantive construction: they who re ceived (Bng. Kuin. E. Vv.). The first view identifies those who believe here more distinctly with those in v. 37, who evince such a preparation for the exercise of faith, and may be preferable on that account ; but the use of the participle in other respects (as we saw on 1, 16) involves an ambiguity. do-p-eVus, gladly, elicits a correct idea, but is hardly genuine. — i/ar^ai, souls, persons, see v. 43 ; 3, 23 ; 7, 14 ; 27, 37. The frequency of this sense may be He braistic, but not the sense itself. — ijia-KTio-Brjo-av, were baptized, not necessarily at once after the discourse, but naturally during the same day, if we unite the next clause (rfi fjp,ipa eVeiVg, see on 8, 1) closely with this. But the compendious form of the narrative would allow us with some editors to place a colon between the two clauses ; and then the baptism could be regarded as subse quent to irposeTeBrjo-av, taking place at such time and under such circumstances as the convenience of the parties might require. It is proper to add (against Alf.) that the pools so numerous and large which encircled Jerusalem, as both those still in use and the remains of others testify at the present day, afforded ample means for the administration of the rite. The habits of the East, as every traveller knows, would present no obstacle to such a use of the public reservoirs. V. 42. irpoo-KaprepovvTes, k. t. X., constantly applying themselves unto the teaching of the apostles ; they sought to know more and more of the gospel which they had embraced. — Kai tyj koivwvio. (comp. elxov Koivd in v. AA), and unto the communication, distribution, i. e. of money or other supplies for the poor (Heinr. Kuin. Olsh. Bmg. Hmph.) ; the fellowship, i. e. the community, oneness of spirit and effort which bound the first Christians to each other (Bng. Mey. Rob.) ; the communion, meals in common, dydTrai, which were followed by the Lord's supper (Bez. Grot. De Wet.) ; Chap. II, 32. 43. COMMENTARY. 71 the Sacrament itself (Lightf. Est. Wlf.) I prefer the first sense of this doubtful word, because all the other nouns denote an act, not a state of mind or feeling ; because the participle applies to an act rather than an abstract quality (which are objections to the second sense) ; because this use of the term is justified by Rom. 15, 26 ; 2 Cor. 8, 4 ; especially Heb. 13, 16 ; and because, as the contributions would naturally be made at their meetings, the sev eral nouns relate then to a 'common subject, viz. their religious assemblies. It may be added, that their liberality towards the poor was so characteristic of the first Christians, that this sketch of their religious habits might be expected to include that partic ular. Koivmvta in the sense of our communion, the Lord's Supper, appears not to have prevailed before the fourth century (Suicer Thesaur. s. v. as cited by Hmph.), and hence the last of the meanings given above may be laid out of the account here. The meals in common or dyd-n-ai were known to be a part of the «Xdo-is tov dprov (see below), and consequently would not need to be specified in this connection by a separate term. The E. V. unites d7roo-To'Xiov with both nouns : the apostle's doctrine and fellowship (also Tynd. Cranm. Gen.) With that combination we should have had regularly the genitive after the second noun, without a repe tition of the article. See W. § 19. 3. c. Some assume a hendia dys : the communion in the breaking of bread (Vulg. Wicl. Blmf.). The analysis is not only awkward, but opposed by ttj before KXdcrei. — Tf} KXdcrei toB dpTou denotes the breaking of the bread as performed at the Lord's Supper. See 20, 7. 11 ; 1 Cor. 10, 16. The expression itself may designate an ordinary meal, as in Luke 24, 35 ; but that here would be an unmeaning notice. There can be no doubt that the Eucharist, at this period, was preceded uni formly by a common repast, as was the case when the ordinance was instituted. Most scholars hold that this was the prevailing usage in the first centuries after Christ. We have traces of that practice in 1 Cor. 11, 20 sq., and, in all probability, in v. 46 below. The bread only being mentioned here, the Catholics appeal to this passage as proving that their custom of distributing but one ele ment (the cup they withhold from the laity) is the apostolic one. It is a case obviously in which the leading act of the transaction gives name to the transaction itself. Verses 43-47. Benevolence of the First Christians; their foy, iheir Increase. V. 43. 7rdcr»7 ipvxfj, unto every soul of those who heard of the 72 COMMENTARY. Chap. II, 44-46. events just related, viz. the descent of the Spirit, the miracle of tongues, the conversion of such a multitude ; comp. 5, 5. — favor> approbation, (Luke 2, 52.) — tous o-o-p.ivovs (perf.), to signify that they had already secured their salvation ; and toi>s croiBr)o-op,evovs (fut.) to signify that they were certain of its completion. See Green's Gr. p. 28. The expres sion implies a certainty resulting not so much from God's pur pose, as from human conduct. The doctrine is that those who embrace the gospel adopt the infallible means of being saved. — TrposeriBei, added, (imperf. with reference to koB' rip,ipav,) brings to view God's agency in that acceptance of the gospel which ensures salvation. CHAPTER III. Verses 1-10. Healing of the Lame Man by Peter and John. V. 1. im to avrd, together, in company, see 1, 15. — dvifiaivov, were going up ; because the temple was on Mount Moriah, and even from the gate where the miracle occurred (v. 3), a flight of steps led to the court of the Israelites. — ttjv iwdrrjv, the ninth. This was our three o'clock, P. M., at which time the evening sac rifice was offered ; see on 2, 15. The apostles and other believers at Jerusalem had not yet withdrawn from the Jewish worship (see also, 21, 23 sq.), and it is probable that most of them con tinued to adhere to the services of the temple, until the destruc tion of the temple abolished them. But the spirit with which they performed these services was no longer the Jewish spirit. Instead of -regarding their compliance with the ordinances of the law as an act of merit, they recognized Christ as " the end of the law for righteousness to every one that believeth." They viewed the sacrifices which continued to be offered, not as having any efficacy to procure the remission of sin, or as typical of an atone ment still to be made, but as realized already in the death of 10 74 COMMENTARY. Chap. Ill, 1 . 2. Christ, and hence as mementos, as often as they beheld them or participated in them, of the "one sacrifice for sms" effected " through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ." As in the case of circumcision, so undoubtedly the Jewish Christians rehn- quished the other rites of Judaism only by degrees. They were brought fully to this, in part by obtaining a clearer insight mto the relation of the ancient economy to the new, and in part by the occurrence of national circumstances which hastened the result. From the Jewish synagogues, on the contrary, they must have separated at once, as soon as their distinctive views became known. It was impossible to avow the Christian faith, and re main connected with those communities. Compare the note on 9, 2. We have seen in the second chapter, that, in connection with the worship of the temple, the believers at Jerusalem main tained separate religious worship among themselves. V. 2. ejSao-Td£eTo, was carried along (relative imperf.) just then as the apostles arrived. — irlBovv is imperf. with reference to the custom of placing the cripple here. — ttjv Xeyop-iv-qv &paiav, the one called Beautiful. Most interpreters think that this was the gate described by Josephus (Bel. Jud. 5. 5. 3; Antt. 15. 11. 3), as composed chiefly of Corinthian brass, and as excelling all the other gates of the temple in the splendor of its appearance, though it is not mentioned by him under this particular appella tion. If this be so, the gate then was on the east side towards Olivet (-fj dvaroXiK-rj says Jos.), and was an inner gate (irvXrj tov ivSoripov xaXKrj ovo-q), leading from the court of the Gentiles into the court of the Israelites. It is not against this that Josephus speaks also of this gate as v e&Bev tov ved> ; for he must mean (the term is not iepov) the one exterior to the temple strictly so called, the sanctuary ; not (as Mey.) opening from without into the enclosure of the sacred precincts. The folds of this brazen gate were fifty cubits high and forty broad, and were covered with plates of gold and silver. Luke's epithet — wpalav — could not have had a more pertinent application. Some have thought that the gate to which he refers must have been one of the outer gates, because what is related in v. 1 1 sq. took place in Solomon's porch, which was in the court of the Gentiles. But we may suppose, as Lightfoot suggests, that, the apostles having been with the lame man into the temple, i. e. the court of the Israel ites (see v. 8), were returning, and had reached the court of the Gentiles, when the concourse of the people there spoken of took place. — tov aiTeiv, telic, in order to ask. This use of the infinitive with toij to denote the object for which an act is performed Chap. Ill, 3-8. COMMENTARY. 75 (comp. 18, 10; 26, 18 ; Mark 4, 3, etc.), results naturally from the nature of the genitive as the whence-case. The older writers supplied eveKa or x^PLV I Dut the construction is neither elliptical nor Hebraistic. W. $ 44. 4. b. ; S. § 165. 3. 2 ; K. § 308. 2. b. — tg>v elo-7ropevop.ivuiv eis to iepov, those entering into the temple, i. e. the court where the Jews worshipped ; if, as suggested above, the lame man sat at the gate of that court to Iepov here too may be the temple in its aggregate sense ; not perforce the outer court (Mey.). If a noun follows an intransitive verb compounded with a preposition, it is common to repeat the preposition before the noun ; see v. 3. 8 ; 22, 6 ; Matt. 7, 23, etc. W. $ 56. 2. V. 3. 6's, who, stands often where ovtos, this one, would be the ordinary connective. K. § 334. 3. — Xa^elv (omitted in v. 2) is not strictly pleonastic, but expands the idea of ripmra. W. § 63. 4. d. It is left out of some copies, but is genuine. V. 4. fiXiij/ov eis 7)p.as, look upon us. Their object appears to have been to gain his attention more fully to their words ; so that, as they said, " In the name of Jesus Christ," etc. (v. 6), he might understand to whom he was indebted for the benefit conferred upon him. V. 5. iireixev avrois s'c. tov vovv (comp. Luke 14, 7), fixed his mind upon them. The man's eager expectation looked through his countenance. — ti, something in the way of alms. We have no evidence that he recognized Peter and John as the disciples of Christ, and expected that they would heal his infirmity. Their address to him in the next verse precludes that supposition. V. 6. ev t<3 6v6p.aTi, k. t. X., i. e. we speaking in his name, by virtue of his authority ; comp. 16, 18. The language of Christ, on the contrary, when he performed a miracle, was, 0-01 Xiyoi, or to that effect ; see Luke 5, 24. — toS Na£copaiou is added for the sake of distinction, as in 2, 22. — TrepiiraTet. is imperative present, and not aorist, like eyeipai, because it denotes a continued act ; comp. 8, 26 ; 13, 8, etc. W. § 43. 3. b. ; S. $ 141, 5. V. 7. mdo-as, *. t. X., having taken him by the right hand, and thus encouraged him to obey their command. See Mark 9, 27. omtov exemplifies the rule that a genitive which belongs to two or more nouns usually precedes them. W. § 30. 3. 4. — /Jdcreis, feet; o-v ip.Civ, in the presence cf you all; and hence they must acknowledge that no other means had been used to effect the miracle. V. 17. Having set before them their aggravated guilt, the apostle would now suggest to them the hope of mercy. d8eXrfuiv, instead of being taken strictly, may be viewed as a phrase : the prophets as a whole. For this restricted use of was in such general expressions, see Matt. 3, 5 ; Mark 1, 37 ; John 3, 26. Most of the books of the Old Testament foretell distinctly the sufferings and death of the Mes siah. Compare Luke 24, 27. Olshausen regards the entire his tory of the Jews as typical, and in that view maintains that all the ancient prophets prophesied of Christ. — 7ra^eiv tov Xpicn-dv, that the Christ (who was to come) would, or must suffer (De Wet.). After verbs which signify to declare, believe, and the like, the infinitive implies often the idea of necessity or obligation. W. § 45, 3. b. — ovtoi refers to the previous verse: thus, in this way, viz. by their agency ; comp. 13, 27. It is incorrect to understand it of the accordance between the fulfilment and the prediction. V. 19. p-eravo^o-are ovv, repent therefore, since your guilt is not such as to exclude you from the mercy procured by the Saviour whom you have crucified. — imo-rpixl/are, turn, i. e. from your present course or character unto Christ (9, 35; 11, 21); or unto God (14, 15 ; 15, 19). What is required here includes faith as a constituent part of the act to be performed. — eis ... . dpapnas, that your sins may be blotted out, obliterated as it were from the book or tablet where they are recorded ; comp. Col. 2, 14 ; Is. 43, 25. — 6Vo>s dv, k. t. X., in order that (telic, comp. Matt. 6, 5) the times of refreshing may come, i. e. to you personally, that you may have part in the blessings of the Messiah's kingdom, for which men can be prepared only by repentance and the pardon of their sins, dv after oVws followed by the conjunctive represents the act of the verb as dependent, i. e. in this case, on iheir com pliance with the exhortation. W. § 42. 6 ; Hart. Partik. Vol. II p. 289. oVus as a particle of time, when (as in E. V.) is foreign to the New Testament idiom. See Green's Gr. p. 77. We must discard that translation here. Scholefield (Hints,1 etc., p. 40) pleads 1 Hints for Improvements in the Authorized Version of the New Testament, by the late Rev. James Scholefield, Professor of Greek in the University of Cam bridge, England (4th ed. 1857). 80 COMMENTARY. Chap. IH, 19. 20. faintly for retaming it, but admits that the weight of evidence is against it. It is not entirely certain whether Kaipol dvai/nj'feios re fers to the present consolations of the gospel, or to the blessedness which awaits the followers of Christ at the end of the world, when he shall return and receive them to himself in heaven. The expression, in itself considered, would very aptly describe the peace of mind and joy which result from a consciousness of • pardon and reconciliation to God. So one class of commentators understand it. Others think that the time here meant must coin cide with that in the next verse ; and hence suppose the apostle to have in view Christ's second coming, when those who have believed on him shall enter upon their eternal rest in heaven. Compare Heb. 4, 9-11. Taken thus, the image of the future state in dvai/fvfecos is that of relief or refreshment of the wearied soul after toils and sorrows, and is strikingly similar to Paul's dveo-is, relaxation, rest which God allots to the afflicted in the day of final recompense ; see 2 Thess. 1, 7. This is the interpreta tion of Chrysostom, Olshausen, De Wette, Meyer, and others. The order of the clauses decides nothing against the latter opin ion, since it may be as natural in this instance to think first of the effect, and then to assign the cause or occasion, as the reverse. It is in favor of this opinion that it refers eXBwo-i and diroo-TeiXri to the same period or event, as the close succession of the verbs would lead us to expect. -*- a7r6 Trpoo-dnrov tov Kvplov, from the presence of the Lord, since the blessings in question (a Hebrew idiom) are laid up where he is (see 2, 28), and must be received thence. Kvplov, which may refer to Christ or God (see on 1, 24), applies to the latter here, since it prepares the way for the subject of the next verb. V. 20. Kai diroo-TelXri, k. t. X., and that (dependent still on oVws) he may send forth, viz. from heaven, see v. 21 ; comp. 8ei£ei 6 uok- dpios Kai pdvos Swdar^s, *. t.X., in 1 Tim. 6, 15. — irpoKexeipio-piivov ip.1v, before appointed or prepared for you, i. e. from eternity, see 1 Pet. 1, 20. TrpoKeK.ripvyp.kvov, announced before, is a less approved reading. Nearly all critics understand this passage as referring to the return of Christ at the end of the world. The similarity of the language to that of other passages which announce that event demands this interpretation. The apostle enforces his ex hortation to repent by an appeal to the final coming of Christ, not because he would represent it as near in point of time, but be cause that event was always near to ihe feelings and consciousness of the first believers. It was the great consummation on which the strongest desires of their souls were fixed, to which their Chap. HI, 20. COMMENTARY. 81 thoughts and hopes were habitually turned. They lived with ref erence to this event. They labored to be prepared for it. They were constantly, in the expressive language of Peter, looking for and (in their impatience as it were) hastening the arrival of the day of God (2 Pet. 3, 12). It is then that Christ will reveal himself in glory, will come " to take vengeance on them that obey not the gospel, and to be admired in all them who believe " (2 Thess. 1, 8), will raise the dead (John 5, 28. 29), invest the redeemed with an incorruptible body (Philip. 3, 21), and introduce them for the first time, and for ever, into the state of perfect holiness and hap piness prepared for them in his kingdom. The apostles as well as the first Christians in general, comprehended the grandeur of that occasion. It filled their circle of view, stood forth to their con templations as the point of culminating interest in their own and the world's history, threw into comparative insignificance the present time, death, all intermediate events, and made them feel that the manifestation of Christ, with its consequences of indes cribable moment to all true believers, was the grand object which they were to keep in view as the end of their toils, the com mencement and perfection of their glorious immortality. Jii such a state of intimate sympathy with an event so habitually present to their thoughts, they derived, and must have derived, their chief incentives to action from the prospect of that future glory. As we should expect, they hold it up to the people of God to encour age them in affliction, to awaken them to fidelity, zeal, persever ance, and on the other hand appeal to it to warn the wicked, and impress upon them the necessity of preparation for the revelations of the final day. For examples of this habit, the reader may see 17, 30. 31 ; 1 Tim. 6, 13 sq. ; 2 Tim. 4, 8 ; Tit. 2, 11 sq. ; 2 Pet. 3, 11 sq., etc. Some have ascribed the frequency of such passages in the New Testament to adefinite expectation on the part of the apostles that the personal advent of Christ was nigh at hand ; but such a view is not only unnecessary, in order to account for such references to the day of the Lord, but at variance with 2 Thess. 2, 2. The apostle Paul declares there, that the expecta tion in question was unfounded, and that he himself did not en tertain it or teach it to others. But while he corrects the opinion of those at Thessalonica who imagined that the return of Christ was then near, neither he nor any other inspired writer has in formed us how remote that event may be, or when it will take place. That is a point which has not been revealed to men ; the New Testament has left it in a state of uncertainty. " The day of the Lord so cometh as a thief in the night ; " and men are ex 11 82 COMMENTARY. Chap. HI, 20. 21. horted to be always prepared for it. It is to be acknowledged that most Christians, at the present day, do not give that promi nence to the resurrection and the judgment, in their thoughts or discourse, which the New Testament writers assign to them ; but this fact is owing, not necessarily to a difference of opinion in regard to the time when Christ will come, but to our inade quate views and impressions concerning the grandeur of that oc casion, and the too prevalent worldliness in the church, which is the cause or consequence of such deficient views. If modern Christians sympathized more fully with the sacred writers on this subject, it would bring both their conduct and their style of reli gious instruction into nearer correspondence with the fives and teaching of the primitive examples of our faith. V. 21. dv . . . . 8i£ao-Bai, whom the heavens, indeed, must (accord ing to the divine plan) receive; not retain, which the usage of the verb forbids. Though the ascension had taken place, we have Sei and not e'Sei, because the necessity of the event is a permanent fact. Meyer explains Sei as in effect an imperfect, an instance merely of the rhetorical present for the past. De Wette shifts the peculiarity of the expression from Sei to 8i£aaBai, and renders whom it is ne cessary tlie heavens should receive. He alleges for this future sense that the ascension could be viewed as still incomplete because it was so recent. But the apostle having just referred to Christ as already in heaven, whence he is to appear again (v. 20), would not be apt to speak in the very next words as if he thought of him as still lingering on the earth. Many of the Jews believed that "when the Messiah appeared, he would remain permanently among men, see John 12, 34. Peter corrects here that misappre hension : the Saviour must return to heaven and reign there for a season, before his final manifestation. The piv (which no Se follows) has its antithesis in dxpi XP°VWV> k. t. X. (De Wet.) : Christ would not be absent always, but for a certain time only ; not in the preceding diroo-TeiXy, K. t. X. (Alf.), since that would make this the Se' clause, not the pe'v as it is now. — d^pi .... Trdvrwv, until (during is incorrect) the times of the restoration of all things, i. e. to a state of primeval order, purity, and happiness, such as will exist for those who have part in the kingdom of Christ, at his second coming. The expression designates the same epoch as Kaipoi dva^v'|eus (Olsh. Mey. De Wet). — &v, *. t. X., which God spake of, announced ; comp. v. 24. The relative refers to Xpovoiv as the principal word, and stands by attraction for ovs or Trep! S>v. It does not refer to mwrw, the accomplishment of all things which, etc., for dTroKaTaoTdo-eios will not bear that meaning. — dtt' Chap. Ill, 22-24. COMMENTARY. 83 aiSvos, from the beginning, from the earliest times of prophetic rev elation. Such a period of restoration to holiness and happiness is the explicit or implied theme of prophecy from the beginning to the end of the Old Testament. Some omit the expression, or put it in brackets, but the evidence for it preponderates. V. 22. ydp here (T. R. and E. V.) should be left out. -n-pos toijs Traripav. — Xeyuv, k. t. X., viz. in Gen. 12, 3. God repeated the promise to Abraham and the other patri archs, at various times ; see Gen. 18, 18 ; 22, 18 ; 26, 4, etc. ev tc3 airippari crov, in thy seed, viz. the Messiah (v. 26) as one of his posterity; agreeably to Paul's view in Gal. 3, 16. V. 26. up.iv, tinto you, dependent on direWeiXev (see 13, 26 ; 28, 28) ; not for you, dat. comm. (Mey.), dependent on dvao-TiJo-as. — irpSirov, first in the order of time, comp. 13, 46 ; Luke 24, 47 ; Rom. 1, ] 6. Here, too, Peter recognizes the fact that the gospel was to be preached to the heathen ; see on 2, 39. — dvaor^o-as, hav ing raised up, as in v. 22. — mu8a, servant, as in v. 13. The E. V. follows the common text, which inserts 'l-qo-ovv after avrov, but con trary to the best authorities (Grsb. Tsch. Mey.). — euXoyoiWa, blessing, apphes the idea of the preceding evevXoyr^o-ovTai to the Jews, and requires upas to be read with emphasis. — iv r<3 drro- urpiipeiv k. t.X., states how he blesses them : in that he turns away each one from your sins, to wit, by his gospel, which secures the pardon and sanctification of those who accept it (see on 2, 47). This verb has elsewhere an active sense in the New Testament Some (Kuin. De Wet.) disregard that usage and render, in that Chap. IV, 1.2. COMMENTARY. 85 each one turns away, etc. This is opposed also to euXoyouvra, which represents Christ here as the actor, men rather as recipi ents. CHAPTER IV. Verses 1—4. The Imprisonment of Peter and John. V. 1. iirio-rrjo-av implies commonly a hostile purpose, see 6, 12 ; 17, 5 ; Luke 20, 1. The arrest appears to have taken place while the apo*les were still speaking. — oi iepeis, the priests who offi ciated in the temple at the time, or some of their number. The priests were divided into twenty-four classes, each of which had charge of the temple service for a week at a time. See 1 Chron. 24, 3 sq. ; 2 Chron. 8, 14 ; and also Jos. Antt. 7. 14. 7. The par ticular duties from day to day were assigned to individuals by lot, see Luke 1, 9. During the observance of the festivals, the num ber of priests was increased, as the labors to be performed were greater. Win. Pvealw. Vol. II. p. 273. It is possible that the feast of Pentecost (2, 1) had not yet terminated. — 6 arpaTTjyos tov iepov, the commander of the temple, was an officer liaving a body of Levites under his command, who preserved order about the temple, and in that respect performed a sort of military service. See Jahn's ArchEeol. $ 365. In 5, 26, the Levites so employed are called his wrqpirax, servants. Josephus speaks repeatedly of this guard (e. g. Bell. Jud. 6. 5. 3), whose commander he designates in the same manner. In 2 Mace. 3, 4, he is termed o irpoo-TdTrjs tov Iepov, the guardian of the temple. We read of o-Tpar/jyoiis tou iepou, commanders of the temple, in Luke 22, 52, which is best ex plained by supposing that the temple guard was divided into sev eral companies, each of which had its crrpaTijyo's, though this title belonged distinctively to the chief in command. — ol SaSSouKaToi, the Sadducees as a sect, since those who acted in this instance represented the spirit of the party; comp. Matt. 9, 11; 12, 14; Mark 8,11; John 8, 3. Meyer supposes the article to point out those of them who were present at this time. It was probably at the instigation of this class of men that the apostles were now apprehended. V. 2. 8iaTrovoup,evoi, being indignant ; restricted by some (Mey. 86 COMMENTARY. Chap. IV, 2-4. De Wet.) to the nearest noun, since the motive assigned for the interference in KaTayye'XXeiv,K. t.X., applies only to the Sadducees, who denied the doctrine of a resurrection ; see 23, 8 ; Matt. 22, 23. But perhaps we may regard Sid to SiSdcnceiv aurous tov Xadv as more comprehensive than KaTayyiXXeiv, k. t. X., instead of being merely denned by it, and in that case may refer the participle to the priests as well as the others. The priests, though they might not share the hostility of the Sadducees to the doctrine of a future state (see on 23, 8) would naturally be indignant that their office as teachers should be assumed by men like Peter and John (see Matt. 21, 23), and especially that the Jesus whom they themselves had crucified should be proclaimed as the Messiah (see 5, 28). — KarayyiXXeiv iv ™ 'Ii/crou, are announcing in fesus the resurrection, i. e. in his example, in the fact of his alleged restora tion to life ; comp. eV vp.1v in 1 Cor. 4, 6. This is the be^J and the generally approved interpretation (Bng. Kuin. De Wet. Mey.). Others render are announcing the resurrection in virtue of fesus,by his power ; see 1 Cor. 15, 22. The E. version, through fesus, while the earlier E. Vv. have in him, appears to express that meaning. But it was not so much the general resurrection as that of Christ himself which the apostles proclaimed at this stage of their min istry ; see 1, 22 ; 2, 24 ; 3, 15, etc.. The single concrete instance, however, as the Sadducees argued, involved the general truth, and, if substantiated, refuted their creed. V. 3. eis Trjprjcnv, into prison ; comp. ev Tiypr/o-ei Siyp,oo-ia, in 5, 18. This word denotes a place of custody (see Pape Lex. s. v), as well as the act ; though the latter is the proper force of such a termination. K. § 233. b. a. — eis ttjv aiJpiov, unto the morrow as the limit ; see Matt. 10, 22 ; 1 Thess. 4, 15. — rp> ydp, K. t. X., for it was already evening, and hence no judicial examination could take place until the next day. It was three o'clock when the apostles went to the temple ; comp. 3, 1. V. 4. tov Xoyov, the word, the well-known message of Christ. — eyevT)&7 = iyivero, became, i. e. in consequence of the present addition. The use of this form is peculiar to the later Greek. W.i 15 ; Lob. ad. Phryn. p. 108. — 6 dpi5p6s t£v dvSpfiv, the num ber of the men who had embraced the gospel up to this time (Kuin. Mey. De Wet. Alf.) ; see 1, 15; 2, 41. A retrospective remark like this was entirely natural after having spoken of the many who believed at this time. Some suppose the new con verts alone to have amounted to five thousand; but that is less probable, as the apostles could hardly have addressed so great a multitude in such a place. dvSpfiv comprehends probably both Chap. IV, 5. 6. COMMENTARY. 87 men and women, like ifmx™ m 2, 41 ; comp. Luke 11, 31. An emphasized or conscious restriction of the term to men would be at variance with that religious equality of the sexes so distinctly affirmed in the New Testament ; see Gal. 3, 28. Verses 5-7. Their Arraignment before the Sanhedrim. V. 5. avrwv before dp^ovres refers to the Jews as implied in w. 1 and 4 (De Wet. Win.) ; not to the believers as if to contrast their conduct with that of their rulers (Mey. formerly, but now as above), and certainly not to the apostles (Stier). ] — tous dp^ovras, k. t. X. The Sanhedrim is here described by an enumeration of the three orders which composed that body, viz. the chief priests, who are mentioned last in this instance, the elders or heads of families, and the scribes or teachers of the law; comp. 5, 21 ; Matt. 2, 4 ; 26, 59. dpxovTa<; designates the Sanhedrists in general, since they were all rulers, while Kai annexes the respective classes to which they belonged : and (more definitely, comp. 1 , 14) the elders, etc. It was unnecessary to repeat the article, because the nouns have the same gender. W. § 19. 4; S. k 89. 9. — eis 'Iepovo-aX^p., unto ferusalem, as some of the rulers may have lived out of the city (Mey. De Wet.), especially at that season (see 2, 1) when the heat had begun to be severe, eis is not put loosely for ev (Kuin.) ; for the distinctive force of the prepositions may always be traced, and the notice merely that they assembled in Jerusalem would be unnecessary. The substitution of iv for eis in the text (Lchin. Tsch.) is unwarranted. V. 6. Those named here are prominent individuals among the rulers (v. 5), not a separate class. "Awav tov dpxiepia. The actual high-priest at this time was Caiaphas, see John 11, 49; but An nas, his father-in-law, had held the same office, and, according to the Jewish custom in such cases, retained still the same title. He is mentioned first, perhaps, out of respect to his age, or be cause his talents and activity conferred upon him a personal supe riority. See John 18, 13. It is entirely unnecessary to charge Luke with committing an error here, as Zeller so confidently af firms.2 It is a familiar usage in every language to speak of •" the 1 Die Reden der Apostel nach Ordnung und Zusammenhang ausgelegt, von Ru dolf Stier, Zwei Biinde. 2 Theologische Jahrbiicher, Jahrgang 1849, p. 60. It is due to the reader to place before him some examples of this writer's style of criticism. His articles on the Composition and Character of the Acts, published in different numbers of the Periodical named above, are considered as remarkable for the industry and acute ness which they display in setting forth the internal difficulties that are supposed to 88 COMMENTARY. Chap. IV, 6. 7. governor," " the president," " the senator," and the like, though the person so termed is no longer in office. — Iwdw-qv koX 'AXe'£avSpov. We know nothing positive of these men beyond the intimation here that they were priests, and active at this time in public af fairs. Alexander is another instance of a foreign name in use- among the Jews, see 1, 23. It is improbable that he was the Alexander mentioned in Jos. Antt. 18. 8. 1, who was a brother of Philo, and alabarch of the Jews at Alexandria. In that case he must have been visiting at Jerusalem, and hence was present in the council as a guest only, or else had not yet removed to Egypt. — Kai do-oi .... dpxiepariKov, and as many as were of the pontifical family, i. e. those nearly related to the dp^iepels = dpxiepariKov, em bracing, as that title was applied among the Jews, the high priest properly so called, his predecessors in office, and the heads of the twenty -four sacerdotal classes (see on v. 1). Many points relating to the organization of the Sanhedrim are irretrievably obscure ; but it is generally agreed that the twenty-four priestly orders were represented in that body. See Win. Realw. Vol. II. p. 271. The attendance of so many persons of rank on this occasion evinced the excited state of the public mind, and gave importance to the decisions of the council. This is Meyer's view of the meaning. But a narrower sense of apxieparucov may be adopted. It appears to nie more simple to understand, that John and Alexander were related to Annas and Caiaphas, and that the oo-oi, «. t. X., -were the other influential members of the same family. That the family of Annas was one of great distinction appears in the fact that five of his sons attained the office of high-priest. See on 9, 1. Some vary the meaning of yivovs, and translate, as many as wet e of the class of the chief priests. This sense renders the description of the different branches of the Sanhedrim more complete, but assigns a forced meaning to the noun. V. 7. aurou's, them, viz. the apostles last mentioned in v. 3. — ev pe'o-M, in the midst, before them so as to be within the view of all; comp. John 8, 3. It is said that the Jewish Sanhedrim, sat in a circle or a semi-circle ; but we could not urge the expression here as any certain proof of that custom — ev irola 8vvdp.ei, by what power, efficacy ; not by what right, authority, which would require i£ovo-ia as in Matt. 21, 23. See Tittm. Synm. p. 158. — rj iv iroio> dvdpaTi, or (in other words) in virtue of what uttered name. This appears to be a more specific form of the same in- embarrass Luke's history. The articles have been thrown into a volume, but I have not seen them in that form. Chap. IV, 8-10. COMMENTARY. 89 quiry. — tovto, this, viz. the cure of the lame man. Olshausen un derstands it of their teaching, which is not only less appropriate to the accompanying words, but renders the answer of the apos tles in v. 9. 10 irrelevant. Verses 8-12. Testimony of Peter before the Council. V. 8. irXr]o-Beh irveu/AaTos dyiov, filled with the Holy Spirit, i. e. anew, see v. 31 ; 2, 4. Peter was thus elevated above all human fear, and assisted at the same time to make such a defence of the truth as the occasion required. The Saviour had authorized the disciples to expect such aid under circumstances like the present; see Mark 13, 11 ; Luke 21, 14. 15. For the absence of the article, see on 1, 2. V. 9. ei dvaKpiv6p.eBa, if we are examined, as is confessedly the case, ei in the protasis with the indicative, affirms the con dition, and is logically equivalent to iirei, since. K. § 339. I. a; W. $ 41. b. 2. The occasion for the present defence was a re proachful one to the Jews, and hence the speaker alludes to it thus dubiously, in order to state the case with as little offence as possible. The apodosis begins at yvojordv eWu). — im evepyecria, k. r. X., in respect to a good deed, benefit conferred on an infirm man ; comp. John 10, 32. Observe that neither noun has the ar ticle. dvBpimov is the objective genitive; comp. 3, 16; 21,20; Luke 6, 7. S. h 99. 1. c ; K. \ 265. 2. b. — iv ran, whereby, how (De Wet. Mey.), not by whom (Kuin.). The first sense agrees best with the form of the question in v. 7. — ovtoi, this one. The man who had been healed was present, see v. 10, 14. He may have come as a spectator, or, as De Wette thinks, may have been been summoned as a witness. Neander conjectures that he too may have been taken into custody at the same time with the apostles. — o-io-oxTTai, has been made whole. The subject of dis course determines the meaning of the verb. V. 1 0. ev t<3 6v6p,an 'hjaov Xpiorou, by the name of fesus Christ (the latter appellative here), through their invocation of his name. The question how (v. 9) is here answered. — tou Na£a>pai'ou iden tifies the individual to whom the apostle applies so exalted a name ; see on 2, 22. — ov . . . . eV veKpSiv is an adversative clause after dv icn-avpioo-aTe, but omits the ordinary disjunctive. For this asyndetic construction, see W. $ 60. 2 ; K. § 325. It promotes compression, vivacity of style. For the anarthrous veKpGv, see on 3, 15. — ev tovtio may be neuter, sc. dvop.aTi (Mey.) ; or masculine, in this one (Kuin De Wet.), which is more natural, since ov is a nearer an- 12 90 COMMENTARY. Chap. IV, 11. 12. tecedent, and ovtos follows in the next verse (and so also Mey. at present). irapeVn^ev, stands (E. V.) ; perf. = present (see on 1, 10). V. 11. outos, this one, viz. Christ, who is the principal subject, though a nearer noun intervenes; see 7, 19. W. j 23. 1 ; S. $ 123. N. 1. Compare the note on 3, 13. For the passage referred to, see Ps. 118, 22. The words, as Tholuck1 remarks, appear to have been used as a proverb, and hence are susceptible of various applications. The sense for this place may be thus given : the Jewish rulers, according to the proper idea of their office, were the builders of God's spiritual house ; and as such should have been the first to acknowledge the Messiah, and exert themselves for the establishment and extension of his kingdom. That which they had not done, God had now accomplished in spite of their neglect and opposition. He had raised up Jesus from the dead, and thus confirmed his claim to the Messiahship ; he had shown him to be the true author of salvation to men, the corner-stone, the only sure foundation on which they can rest their hopes of eternal life. Compare Matt. 21, 42; Luke 20, 17.— The later editors consider oiKoSdptov more correct than oiKoSopouVrav. — 6 yev- dpevos .... ycovias, which became the head of the corner ; predicated, like 6 it.ovBevriBei's, of 6 XLBos as identical with ovtos. KeaXrjv ywvias is the same as XiBos aKpoyoviaios in 1 Pet. 2, 6 ; comp. Is. 28, 16. It refers, probably, not to the copestone, but to that which lies at the foundation of the edifice, in the angle where two of the walls come together, and which gives to the edifice its strength and support. See Gesen. Heb. Lex. s. ttisn. 4. V. 12. i) o-hiTvpia, the salvation which the gospel brings, or which men need; comp. John 4, 22. For the article, see W. $ 18. 1. The contents of the next clause render it impossible to under stand the term of the cure of the lame man. It was not true that the apostles proclaimed the name of Christ as the one on which men should call in order to be healed of their diseases. ovre ydp, *. t. X., for neither is there any other name. It has just been said, that Christ is the only Saviour. It is asserted here that he is such because no other has been provided. to SeSope'- vov, which is given, since the gospel is the fruit of mercy. — ev dvBpunrois, among men as the sphere in which the name is known ; not dat. comm., for men. See W. § 31. 6. The latter is a result ing idea, but not the expressed one. — ev $ ^pas, in which we (as men, and hence true of the human race), must be saved. SeZ 1 Uebersetzung und Auslegung der Psalmen, p. 496. Chap. IV, 13-15. COMMENTARY. 91 is stronger than efeori, and means not may, but must, as the only alternative, since God has appointed no other way of salvation. The apostle would exclude the idea of any other mode of escape if this be neglected. See Heb. 2, 3. Verses 13-18. Decision of the Sanhedrim. V. 13. ^eupovvres is the appropriate word here. It denotes not seeing merely, like /JXeVovTes (v. 14), but seeing earnestly or with admiration. Tittm. Synm. p. 121. — KaTaXa/Jdpevoi, having per ceived, from intimations at the time, such as their demeanor, lan guage, pronunciation (Str.), comp. Matt. 26, 73 ; or having ascer tained by previous inquiry (Mey. Alf.). Meyer in his last edition prefers the first meaning to the second. The tense, it will be ob served, differs from that of the other participle. — d-ypdppaToi «ai iSiuJTai, illiterate, i. e. untaught in the learning of the Jewish schools, see John 7, 15; and obscure, plebeian (Kuin. Olsh. De Wet.). It is unnecessary to regard the terms as synonymous (E. V. Mey. Rob.). Their self-possession and intelligence as tonished the rulers, being so much superior to their education and rank in life.1 — eVeyivioo-Kov .... ^o-av, and they recognized them that they were with fesus during his ministry, were among his fol lowers ( Wicl. Tynd.) ; not had been (E. V.). Their wonder, says Meyer, assisted their recollection, so that, as they observed the prisoners more closely (note the imperf.), they remembered them as persons whom they had known before. Many of the rulers had often been present when Christ taught publicly (see Matt. 21, 23 ; Luke 18, 18 ; John 12, 42, etc.), and must have seen Pe ter and John. That the latter was known to the high-priest is expressly said in John 18, 15. V. 14. The order of the words here is admirably picturesque. — ovv outois, with them, viz. the apostles, not the rulers ; comp. avrou's just before. — iorwra, standing there, and by his presence, since he was so generally known (see 3, 16), uttering a testimony which they could not refute. Bengel makes the attitude signifi cant : standing firmo talo, no longer a cripple. — ovSev, k. t. X., had nothing to object, against the reality of the miracle, or the truth of Peter's declaration. V. 15. KeXeuoavTes, k. t. X., having commanded them to depart out of the council. The deliberations of the assembly were open to others, though the apostles were excluded ; and hence it was 1 Walch maintians this distinction in his Dissertationes in Acta Apostolorum, p. 59 sq., (Jena 1766). 92 COMMENTARY. Chap. IV, 16-19. easy for Luke to ascertain what was said and done during their absence. Some of the many priests who afterwards believed (see 6, 7) may have belonged to the council at this time, or, at all events, may have been present as spectators. It is not improba ble that Saul of Tarsus was there, or even some of the Christian party who were not known in that character. V. 16. on pev, k. t. X., for that a notorious miracle, a deed unde niably of that character, has been done. yvmo-rov in the sense of widely known adds nothing to the text, since it merely repeats the subsequent epavepov. — Si' avrajv, through them ; and hence accredited (see on 2, 22) as the agents of a higher power. — rpavepov agrees with on ... . avrSiv, and is the predicate nominative after io-n un derstood. — ou 8wdp,eBa, *. t. X., we are not able to deny it. See 3, 9. 11. They would have suppressed the evidence had it been possible. V. 17. iva ... . 8iavep,7]Bfj, that it (sc. to o-rjp.ei.ov) may not spread. With a knowledge of the miracle the people would as sociate inevitably the doctrine which the miracle confirmed. The subject of the verb involves the idea of SiSa^i;, but it would be arbitrary to supply that word as the direct nominative. Some have supposed the last clause in the verse to require it. — direiXfj .... auTois, let us severely (lit. wilh a threat) threaten them. Winer ($ 54. 3) regards this combination of a verb and noun as an ex pedient for expressing the infinitive absolute with a finite verb in Hebrew. See Gesen. Heb. Gr. § 128. 3. But we meet with the idiom in ordinary Greek ; see Thiersch de Pent. Vers. p. 169. The frequency of the construction in the New Testament is un doubtedly Hebraistic. — eVi no ov6p.ari tov™, upon this name as the basis of their doctrine or authority; comp. v. 18; 5, 28. 40. W. $ 48. c. V. 18. to before Beyyeo-Bai points that out more distinctly as the object of the prohibition. It is not a mere sign of the sub stantive construction. W. $ 44. 3. c. — p.v8e SiSdo-Keiv, k. t. X., nor to teach upon the name of fesus, specifies the part of their preaching which the rulers were most anxious to suppress. The other infinitive does not render this superfluous. Verses 19-22. The Answer of Peter and John. V. 19. ivamov tov Beov, in the sight of God (Hebraistic), whose judgment is true, and which men are bound to follow as the rule of their conduct. — dKov'eiv, to obey, see Luke 10, 16 ; 16, 31 ; John 8,47. — pdXXov, not more, bnt rather; see 5, 29. The question Chap. IV, 20-23. COMMENTARY. 93 was, whether they should obey men at all in opposition to God, not whether they should obey him more or less. See further, on 5, 29. V. 20. ou 8wdp.eBa ydp, k. t. X., confirms the answer supposed to be given to their appeal in ei SiWov, k. r. X. We must obey God ; for we cannot (morally, i. e. in accordance with truth and duty) not speak, i. e. withhold, suppress our message. The double negation states the idea strongly. The impossibility which they felt was that of refraining from giving publicity to their knowl edge ; it was not sufficient that they taught no error. To be silent would have been treachery. — d e"8op,ev, k. t. X., which we saw and heard, i. e. during the life of the Saviour when they beheld his mighty works, and listened to his instructions. The verbs are in the aorist, not perfect (as in E. V.). V. 21. Trpoo-aTreiXrjo-dp.evoi airov?, having threatened them further, i. e. than they had done already, see v. 18. — p^Sev evpio-Kovre?, finding nothing, no means, opportunity. — to wfis, namely, how, on what pretence ; comp. 22, 30 ; Luke 1, 62 ; 9, 46, etc. This use of the article before single clauses distinguishes Luke and Paul from the other writers of the New Testament. It serves to awaken attention to the proposition introduced by it. See W. $ 20. 3. — Sid tov Xadv belongs to the participle (Mey.), rather than dire'Xvo-av. The intervening clause breaks off the words from the latter connection. The idea, too, is not, that they were able to invent no charge against the apostles, but none which they felt it safe to adopt, because the people were so well disposed towards the. Christians. V. 22. irSiv, k. t. X., for he was of more years, etc. The cure wrought was the greater the longer the time during which the infirmity had existed. eYGv depends on rp> as a genitive of prop erty. K. h 273. 2. c. ; C. k 387. — reo-oupaKovra, sc. irSiv, than forty years, governed by irXaovoiv as a comparative ; comp. 25, 6. De Wette assumes an ellipsis of ij, which puts the numeral in the genitive, because that is the case of the preceding noun. But most grammarians represent tJ as suppressed only after irXeov, irXei'io, and the like ; comp. Matt. 26, 53, as correctly read. K. § 748. R. 1 ; Mt. § 455. A. 4. — rfc Ido-eai?, the healing, the act of it which constituted the miracle ; genitive of apposition. W. $ 48. 2. Verses 23-31. The Apostles return to the Disciples, and unite with them in Praye, and Praise. V. 23. 7rpos rovs iSiousj unto their own friends in the faith ; 94 COMMENTARY. Chap. IV, 24-26. comp. 24, 23 ; Tit. 3, 14. Nothing in the context requires us to limit the term to the apostles. — oi dpxiepeTs Kai oi irpeo-^repoi, the chief priests (those of the first class) and the elders. This is another mode of designating the Sanhedrim, see v. 5. V. 24. 6p.oBvp.a86v must denote as elsewhere (1, 14 ; 2, 46; 7, 57 etc.) a concert of hearts, not of voices. If they all joined aloud in the prayer, the proof must not be drawn from this word or from ^pav denotes the power, yj f}ovXr) the counsel, purpose, of God. rrpouipio-e adapts itself per zeugma to both nouns. The verbal idea required by the former would be executed. V. 29. Kupie, Lord, i. e. God, which is required by Beos in v. 24, and 7ratSds o-ov in v. 30 ; comp. on 1, 24. — eViSe .... airZv, look 1 Bahr's Symbolik des Mosaischen Cultus, Vol. II. p. 171 sq. 2 A Course of developed Criticism on passages of the New Testament materi ally affected by various Readings. By Rev. Thomas Sheldon Green, late fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge, etc. (London 1856). 96 COMMENTARY. Chap. IV, 30-32. upon their threats, in order to see what grace his servants needed at such a crisis. They pray for courage to enable them to preach the word, not for security against danger. — Trdcnys, entire, the ut most, see 13, 10 ; 17, 11, etc. In that sense Trds does not require the article. W. U8. 4 ; K. \ 246. 5. V. 30. ev t<3 . . . . eKTeiveiv oe, in that thou dost stretch forth thy hand for healing, the effect of which as a public recognition of their character on the part of God would be to render them fear less ; or as some prefer, the construction may denote time, while thou dost stretch forth, etc. ; so that in the latter case they ask that they may declare the truth with power as well as with courage. — Kai o-vp-ela, k. t. X., and that signs and wonders may be wrought (Kuin. Mey. De Wet.). The clause is telic and related to eKTei veiv, like eis I'ao-iv. Some make it depend on Sds, which is too re mote, and others repeat ev t<3 after Kai. — -n-aiSo's o-ov, thy servant. V. 31. io-aXevBrj 6 to7tos, the place ivas shaken. They would naturally regard such an event as a token of the acceptance of their prayer, and as a pledge that a power adequate to their pro tection was engaged for them. — e7rXr;o-5-_7o-av, *. t. X., were all filled with the Holy Spirit, etc. They were thus endued both with courage to declare the word of God, and with miraculous power for confirming its truth. They had just prayed for assist ance in both respects. Verses 32-37. The Believers are of one Mind, and have all Things common. V. 32. Se, slightly but, turns our attention from the apostles (v. 31) to the church at large. — tou irXrjBovs ™v ¦jnorevo-dvTwv, the multitude of those who believed, like to TrXrjBos tZv p.aBrp-Siv in 6, 2. This description of the union of heart and the liberality which dis tinguished the disciples, applies to all of them, as the unqualified nature of the language clearly intimates. Meyer supposes those only to be meant who are mentioned as new converts in v. 4 ; l but the mind does not recall readily so distant a remark. — ouSe eis, not even one. — eXeyev iStov eivai, said that it was his own, i. e. insisted on his right to it so long as others were destitute, see v. 34. — Koivd, common in the use of their property, not necessarily in the possession of it. Compare the note on 2, 44 sq. " It is proper to remark," says Bishop Blomfield,2 " that although an ab- 1 1 am not surprised to find that Meyer has corrected this opinion in his new edition. 2 Lectures on the Acts of the Apostles, third edition, p. 28. Chap. IV, 33-36. COMMENTARY. 97 solute community of goods existed, in a certain sense, amongst the first company of believers, it was not insisted upon by the apos tles as a necessary feature in the constitution of the Christian church. We find many precepts in the Epistles, which distinctly recognize the difference of rich and poor, and mark out the re spective duties of each class ; and the apostle Paul, in particular, far from enforcing a community of goods, enjoins those who were affluent to make a contribution every week for those who were poorer (1 Cor. 16, 2. 3). Yet the spirit of this primitive system should pervade the church in all ages. All Christians ought to consider their worldly goods, in a certain sense, as the common property of their brethren. There is a part of it which by the laws of God and nature belongs to their brethren ; who, if they cannot implead them for its wrongful detention before an earthly tribunal, have their right and title to it written by the finger of God himself in the records of the gospel, and will see it estab lished at the judgment day." V. 33. p-eydXy Suvdpei, with great power, with convincing effect on the minds of men, see Matt. 9, 29 ; Luke 4, 32. Among the elements of this power we are to reckon, no doubt, the miracles which the disciples performed ; but the singular number forbids the supposition that Svvdp.ei can refer to miracles except in this indirect manner. — x the money, which is the proper sense of the plural ; comp. 8, 18. 20 ; 24, 26. CHAPTEK V. Verses 1-11. The Falsehood of Ananias and Sapphira, and their Death. V. 1. We enter on a new chapter here in a two-fold sense of the expression. As Olshausen remarks, " the history of the infant church has presented hitherto an image of unsullied light ; it is now for the first time that a shadow falls upon it. We can'imao-- ine that a sort of holy emulation had sprung up among the first Christians; that they vied with each other in testifying their readiness to part with every thing superfluous in their possession, and to devote it to the wants of the church. This zeal now bore away some, among others, who had not yet been freed in their hearts from the predominant love of earthly things. Such a person was Ananias, who, having sold a portion of his& property, kept back a part of the money which he received for it. The root 1 See Saalschtitz, Das Mosaische Recht, Vol. I. p. 149. Chap. V, 2-4. COMMENTARY. 99 of his sin lay in his vanity, his ostentation. He coveted the repu tation of appearing to be as disinterested as the others, while at heart he was still the slave of Mammon, and so must seek to gain by hypocrisy what he could not deserve by his benevolence." — Se' puts the conduct of Ananias in contrast with that of Barnabas and the other Christians. — Kri}p.a, a possession of the nature de fined in v. 3. V. 2. ivoo-cpio-aTo diro t?}s Tip^s, kept back, reserved for himself, from the price. The genitive, which in classical Greek usually follows a partitive verb like this (K. I 271. 2), depends oftener in the New Testament on a preposition. W. $ 30. 7. c. — o-uveiSvias, being conscious of it to herself, aware of the reservation just men tioned (comp. v. 9.) ; not sc. aunji, knowing it as well as he, since it is the object of Kai to hint the collusion of the parties. — p.epos ti, a certain part, which he pretended was all he had received. V. 3. SiaTi, why, demands a reason for his yielding to a temp tation which he ought to have repelled. The question recognizes his freedom of action. Compare James 4, 7. The sin is charged upon him as his own act, in the next verse. — eVXijpwcrev rrjv KapSiav o-ov, lias filled, possessed, thy heart ; comp. John 13, 27. — if/evo-ao-- Bai .... dyiov, that thou shouldst deceive the Holy Spirit, i. e. the apostles, to whom God revealed himself by the Spirit. The in finitive is telic (Mey. De Wet.), and the purpose is predicated, not of Ananias, but of the tempter. Satan's object was to insti gate to the act, and that he accomplished'. Some make the infin itive ecbatic, and as the intention of Ananias was frustrated, must then render that thou shouldst attempt to deceive. This is forced and unnecessary. — tou x^ptov, the estate, field ; see 4, 34. V. 4. ovxL pivov, sc. KTtjp,a, k. r. X., Did it not, while it remained unsold, remain to you as your own property ? and when sold was it not, i. e. the money received for it, in your own power ? This language makes it evident that the community of goods, as it ex isted in the church at Jerusalem, was purely a voluntary thing, and not required by the apostles. Ananias was not censured be cause he had not surrendered his entire property, but for false hood in professing to have done so when he had not. — ti oti stands concisely for ti eonv oti, as in v. 9 ; Mark 2, 16 ; Luke 2, 49 (Frtz. Mey. De Wet.). It is a classical idiom, but not common. — eBov, k. t. X., didst thou put in thy heart, conceive the thing ; comp. 19, 21. The expression has a Hebraistic coloring (comp. a^S) taiia in Dan. 1, 8 and Mai. 2, 2), though not unlike the Homeric ev eppeo-l Bio-Bai. The aorist (not perf. as in E. V.)rrepresents the wicked thought as consummated. — ovk ifevo-oi .... BeS> is an in- 100 COMMENTARY. Chap. V, 5. 6 tensive way of saying that the peculiar enormity of his sin con sisted in its being committed against God. David takes the same view of his guilt in Ps. 51, 6. Ananias had attempted to deceive men as well as God ; but that aspect of his conduct was so un important, in comparison with the other, that it is overlooked, denied. Compare Matt. 10, 20; 1 Thess. 4, 8. See W. $ 59. 8. b. It is logically correct to translate ovk .... dXXd, not so much . ... as, but is incorrect in form, and less forcible, iij/evo-io gov erns the dative here, as in the Septuagint, but never in the class ics. W. § 31. 5. V. 5. i£i\j/v£e, expired. — Kai iyivero, k. t. X., and great fear came upon all, etc. Luke repeats this remark in v. 11. It applies here to the first death only, the report of which spread rapidly, and produced everywhere the natural effect of so awful a judgment. Some editors (Lchm. Mey. Tsch.) strike out TauTa after dKovovTas. It is wanting in A B D, Vulg. et al., and may have been inserted from v. 11. If it be genuine, however, it may refer to a single event, especially when that is viewed in connection with its at tendant circumstances. The plural does not show that the writer would include also the death of Sapphira, i. e. that he speaks here proleptically, which is De Wette's view. V. 6. ol vewrepoi = veavta-Koi in v. 1 0. They were probably the younger men in the assembly, in distinction from the older (Neand. De Wet. Af.). It devolved on them naturally to perform this service, both on account of their greater activity and out of respect to their superiors in age. So also Walch decides (Dis- sertationes, etc. p. 79 sq.). Some have conjectured (Kuin. Olsh. Mey.) that they were a class of regular assistants or officers in the church. That opinion has no support, unless it be favored by this passage. — oWoreiXav is less certain than has been com monly supposed. The E. V. renders wound up, shrouded or cov ered, which is adopted also by Kuin. De Wet. Alf. and others. Rost and Palm (Lex. s. v.) recognize this as the last of their def initions, but rely for it quite entirely on this passage and Eurip. Troad. 382. Walch (Dissertationes, etc., p. 79 sq.) argues in favor of this signification, and with success, if it be true, accord ing to his assumption that irepioreXXeiv and o-voreXXeiv denote the same thing as used of the rites of burial. The Vulgate has amo- verunt, which the older E. Vv. appear to have followed : thus, moved away ( Wicl.) ; put apart (Tynd. Cranm.) ; took apart ( Gen.) ; removed (Rhem.). This sense is too remote from any legitimate use of the verb, to be defended. A third explanation which keeps nearer both to the etymology and the ordinary meaning, is placed Chap. V, 7. 8. COMMENTARY. 101 together, laid out or composed his stiffened limbs, so as to enable the bearers to take up and carry the body with more convenience. Meyer insists on this view, and contends that ireVXois o-uveo-TdX^o-av in Eurip., as referred to above, can be translated only were laid out (dressed at the same time,) in robes. It is certain that no mode of preparing the body, which was formal at all, requiring delay, could have been observed in an emergency like the present. — e£evey- Kavres, having carried forth out of the house and beyond the city. Except in the case of kings or other distinguished persons, the Jews did not bury within the walls of their towns. See Jahn's Archsol. $ 206. This circumstance accounts for the time which elapsed before the return of the bearers. It was customary for the Jews to bury the dead much sooner than is common with us. The reason for this despatch is found partly in the fact that de composition takes place very rapidly after death in warm cli mates (comp. John 11, 39), and partly in the peculiar Jewish feeling respecting the defilement incurred by contact with a dead body; see Numb. 19, 11 sq. The interment in the case of Ananias may have been hastened somewhat by the extraordi nary occasion of his death ; but even under ordinary circumstan ces, a person among the Jews was commonly buried the same day on which he died. See Win. Realw. Vol. II. p. 1 6. Even among the present inhabitants of Jerusalem, says Tobler,1 burial, as a general rule, is not deferred more than three or four hours. V. 7. iyivero .... Kai, Now it came to pass, — an interval of about three hours, — then, etc. ojs . . . . 8ido-rqpjx is not here the subject of eye'veTo, but forms a parenthetic clause, and Kai (see on 1, 10) introduces the apodosis of the sentence (Frtz. De Wet. Mey.). For the same construction, comp. Matt. 15, 32; Mark 8, 2 (in the correct text) ; Luke 9, 28. See W. $ 62. 2. The minute specification of time here imparts an air of reality to the narrative. — elo-rjXBev, came in, i. e. to the place of assembly. V. 8. drreKpiBn auTTj, addressed her ; Hebraistic after the manner of His, see on 3, 12. De Wette inclines to the ordinary Greek sense : answered, i. e. upon her salutation. — too-outou is the geni tive of price : for so much, and no more, pointing, says Meyer, to the money which lay there within sight. Kuinoel's better view is that Peter named the sum ; but, it being unknown to the writer, he substitutes for it an indefinite term, like our " so much," or " so and so." This sense is appropriate to the woman's reply. 1 Denkbliitter aus Jerusalem, von Dr. Titus Tobler, p. 325 j(St. Gallen 1853). 102 COMMENTARY. Chap. V, 9-11. V. 9. rt on, k. t. X., Why is it that it was agreed, concerted, by you ? The dative occurs after the passive, instead of the genitive with viro, when the agent is not only the author of the act, but the person for whose benefit the act is performed. K. § 284. 11, — mipdo-ai to m/eupa, to tempt, put to trial, the Spirit as pos sessed by the apostles, whether he can be deceived or not ; see on v. 3. — iSov oi iro'Ses, k. t. X., behold, the feet of tliose who buried thy husband. IBov directs attention to the sound of their foot steps as they approached the door. What occurred before their entrance occupied but a moment. V. 10. 7rapaxprjp.a, immediately after this declaration of Peter. It is evident that the writer viewed the occurrence as supernatu ral. The second death was not only instantaneous, like the first, but took place precisely as Peter had foretold. The woman lay dead at the apostle's feet, as the men entered who had just borne her husband to the grave. V. 11. See note on v. 5. — 7rois tovtois some join with 7rpoo-e\eT<-, take heed unto yourselves in respect to these men (E. V.) ; others 1 Hertzog's Real-Encyklopadie fur die protestantische Theologie und Kirehe. HO COMMENTARY. Chap. V, 36. with ti p-iXXere irpdo-aeiv, what ye are about to do in respect to these men (Kuin. De Wet. Mey.). Both constructions are ad missible (W. $ 55. 4), but as irpdo-o-eiv ti irrl tivl is not uncommon in Greek (see examples in Wetst. N. T), it is better to recog nize an instance of that expression here. V. 36. 7rpd tovtwv tSv rjp.epa>v, Before these times. This is not the first time that zealots or seditionists have appeared; they may have come forth with great pretensions, but ere long have closed their career with defeat and ignominy. For the sake of effect (observe ydp), Gamaliel puts the case as if the prisoners would turn out to be persons of this stamp ; but before closing he is careful to remind his associates that there was another pos sibility ; see v. 39. — ®evSds. Josephus mentions an insur rectionist, named Theudas, who appeared in the reign of Clau dius, some ten years after the delivery of this speech. Ga maliel, therefore, must refer here to another man of this name ; and this man, since he preceded Judas the Galilean (v. 37), could not have lived much later than the reign of Herod the Great. The year of that monarch's death, as Josephus states, was re markably turbulent ; the land was overrun with belligerent par ties, under the direction of insurrectionary chiefs, or fanatics. Josephus mentions but three of. these disturbers by name ; he passes over the otliers with a general allusion. Among those whom the Jewish historian has omitted to name, may have been the Theudas whom Gamaliel has here in view. The name was not an uncommon one (Win. Realw. Vol. II. p. 609) ; and it can excite no surprise that one Theudas, who was an insurgent, should have appeared in the time of Augustus, and another, fifty years later, in the time of Claudius. Josephus gives an account of four men named Simon, who followed each other within forty years, and of three named Judas, within ten years, who were all instigators of rebellion. This mode of reconciling Luke with Josephus is approved by Lardner, Bengel, Kuinoel, Olshausen, Anger, Winer, and others.i Another veiy plausible supposition is, that Luke's Theudas may have been identical with one of the three insurgents whom Josephus designates by name. Sonntag, who agrees with those who adopt this view, has supported it with much learning and ability.2 He maintains that the Theudas 1 Jost, the Jewish historian (Geschichte der Israeliten, Band II. Anh. p. 76) assents to this explanation, and admits the credibility of Luke as well as of Josephus. '' In the Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1837, p. 622 sq., translated by the writer in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1848, p. 409 sq. Chap.V, 37. COMMENTARY. HI mentioned by Gamaliel is the individual who occurs in Josephus under the name of Simon, a slave of Herod, who attempted to make himself king, in the year of that monarch's death. He urges the following reasons for that opinion : first, this Simon, as he was the most noted among those who disturbed the public peace at that time, would be apt to occur to Gamaliel as an illus tration of his point ; secondly, he is described as a man of the same lofty pretensions (efvai dfios iXirto-aq Trap ovtivouv = Xeyujv elvai Tiva eavrdv) ; thirdly, he died a violent death, which Josephus does not mention as true of the other two insurgents; fourthly, he appears to have had comparatively few adherents, in conformity with Luke's wo-el TerpaKoaioiv ; and, lastly, his having been origi nally a slave accounts for the twofold appellation, since it was very common among the Jews to assume a different name on changing their occupation or mode of life. It is very possible, therefore, that Gamaliel speaks of him as Theudas, because, having borne that name so long at Jerusalem, he was best known by it to the members of the . Sandedrim ; and that Josephus, on the contrary, who wrote for Romans and Greeks, speaks of him as Simon, because it was under that name that he set himself up as king, and in that way acquired his foreign notoriety. (Tacit. Hist. 5. 9.) — There can be no valid objection to either of the foregoing suppositions ; both are reasonable, and both rriust be disproved before Luke can be justly charged with having com mitted an anachronism in this passage. — elvai Tiva, was some one of importance. tIs has often that empliatic force. W. $ 25. 2. c. V. 37. MouSas o TaXiXaios, k. t. X. Josephus mentions this Ju das the Galilean, and his account of him either confirms or leaves undenied every one of the particulars stated or intimated by Luke. See Bell. Jud. 2. 8. 1 ; Antt. 18. 1. 6; 20. 5. 2. He calls him twice, d TaXiXaios, though he terms him also 6 ravXovirTys in Antt. 18. 1. 1., from the fact that he was born at Gamala, in lower Gaulonitis. He was known as the Galilean, because he lived subsequently in Galilee (De Wet.), or because that province may have included Gaulonitis. The epithet served to distin guish him from another Judas, a revolutionist who appeared some ten years earlier than this. — ev Tals ^pepais r?}s aTroypa^s, in the days of the registration, i. e. in this instance, of persons and property, with a view to taxation (Jos. Antt. 15. 1. 1). The diroypari in Luke 2, 2, which is so carefully distinguished from this tumult and which took place' at the birth of Christ, is sup posed generally to have been a census merely of the population. We learn from Josephus, that soon after the dethronement of 112 COMMENTARY. Chap. V, 38. 39. Archelaus, about the year A. D. 6 or 7, the Emperor Augustus ordered a tax to be levied on the Jews. The payment of that tax Judas instigated the people to resist, on the ground of its being a violation of their allegiance to Jehovah to pay tribute to a foreign power ; comp. Matt. 22, 17. He took up arms in defence of this principle, and organized a powerful opposition to the Roman government. — KaKeivos, k. t. X. Josephus relates that this rebellion was effectually suppressed, and that many of those who had taken part in it were captured and crucified by the Ro mans. He says nothing of the fate of Judas himself. Sieo-xop- Trio-B-qo-av, were dispersed, describes very justly such a result of the enterprise. Coponius was then procurator of Judea, and Quirinus, or Cyrenius (Luke 2, 2), was proconsul of Syria. V. 38. Kai Ta vvv, and now, in the fight of such examples. — edo-ore avTovs, let them alone ; not sc. direXBelv, suffer them to depart. — e| dvBponroiv, from men in distinction from God (v. 39), comp Matt. 21, 25. — v ySouXi) .... tovto, this plan, enterprise, or (more correctly) work, since it was already in progress. — KaTaXvBrjo-eTai, will be frustrated, i. e. without any interference on your part. V. 39. In ei . . . . eo-nV (comp. edv j? just before), the speaker reveals his sympathy with the prisoners. See on 4, 9. Without declaring the truth to be on their side, he at least argues the question from that point of view. — pfyrore .... evpeBrjre. Critics differ as to the dependence of this clause. Some supply before it Spare or an equivalent word (see Luke 21, 34) : Take heed lest ye be found (in the end) also fighting against God, as well as men (Grot. Kuin. Rob.). Others find the ellipsis in oi 8vvao-Be KaTaXvo-ai auTous, thus : Ye cannot destroy them (more correct than aurd) and therefore, I say, should not attempt it, lest ye also, etc., (Bng. Mey.). Kai, in both cases, includes naturally the idea both of the impiety and the futility of the attempt. De Wette assents to those who connect the words with edo-aTe avrous, in the last verse. This is the simplest construction, as u.rpr0Te follows appropriately after such a verb, and the sense is then complete without supplying anything. In this case some editors would put what intervenes in brackets ; but that is incorrect, inasmuch as the caution here presupposes the alternative in ei Se iK Beov i rejoicing, not of the verb. — imkp tov dvdparos, in behalf of ihe name, i. e. of Jesus, which is omitted, either because it has occurred just before, or more properly be cause " the name" was a familiar expression among the disciples, and as such required no addition (comp. 3 John v. 7). It is a loss to our religious dialect that the term in this primitive sense has fallen into disuse. The common text, indeed, reads avrov after dvdpaTos, but without sufficient authority. — KaTrjiMrjo-av dTip.ao-Br]vai, — a bold oxymoron, — were accounted worthy to be disgraced. For an explanation of the paradox, see Luke 16, 15.- The verbs refer to different standards of judgment. V. 42. ko.t oTkov, from house to house, or at home, refers to their 15 114 COMMENTARY. Chap. VI, 1. 2. private assembhes in different parts of the city as distinguished from their labors in the temple. Those who reject the distributive sense in 2, 46, reject it also here. — ovk iiravovro SiSdo-Kovres, ceased not to teach, in defiance of the prohibition which blows as well as words had" just now enforced on them (v. 40). The Greek in such a case employs a participle, not the infinitive, as the com plement of the verb. K. $ 310. 4. f. ; W. } 45. 4. — euayyeXi£dpevoi, k. t. X., announcing tlie glad tidings of the Christ (first as em phatic) Jesus; the latter the subject here, the former the predi cate (comp. 9, 20. 22). This clause defines the preceding one. CHAPTER VI. Verses 1-7. Appointment of Alms- Distributers in the Clvurch at Jerusalem. V. 1. ev Tais ^pepais TauYais, in these days. See on 1, 15. We may assign the events in this chapter to the year A. D. 35. I/They relate more or less directly to the history of Stephen, and must have taken place shortly before his death, which was just before Paul's conversion. — TrXr]Bw6vrtiiv, becoming numerous. — tSv cEXX^- vuttSiv should be rendered, not Greeks ="EXXi;ves, but Hellenists. They were the Jewish members of the church who spoke the Greek language. The other party, the Hebrews, were the Pales tine Jews, who spoke the Syro-Chaldaic, or Aramasan. See Win. Chald. Gr. p. 10 sq. — 7rape5eu)pouvTo, were overlooked, is im perfect, because the neglect is charged as one that was common. — SiaKovia, ministration, distribution of alms, i. e. either of food or the money necessary to procure it. Olshausen argues for the former from rfj KaBrjpepivfj. V. 2. oi SdiSeKa, the twelve. Matthias must have been one of them, and the validity of his choice as an apostle is placed here, beyond doubt. See on 1, 26. — to ttX^os tGv po^™v, the multi tude, mass, of the disciples. It has been objected, that they had become too numerous at this time to assemble in one place. It is to be recollected, as De Wette suggests, that many of those who had been converted were foreign Jews, and had left the city ere this. — ^//.as KaTaXeityavras, k. t. X., that we, forsaking the word of God, etc. It is not certain, from the narrative, to what extent this labor of providing for the poor had been performed by the Chap. VI, 3. 4. . COMMENTARY. 115 apostles. The following remarks of Rothe present a reasonable view of that question. " The apostles, at first, appear to have applied themselves to this business ; and to have expended per sonally the common funds of the church. Yet, occupied as they were with so many other more important objects, they could have exercised only a general oversight in the case, and must have committed the details of the matter to others. Particular indi viduals may not have been appointed for this purpose at the beginning ; and the businegfs may have been conducted in an informal manner, without any strict supervision or immediate direction on the part of the apostles. Under such circumstances, especially as the number of believers was increasing every day, it could easily happen that some of the needy were overlooked ; and it is not surprising that the Hellenistic Christians had occa sion to complain of the neglect of the widows and other poor among them."1 The complaint, therefore, implied no censure of the apostles, but was brought naturally to them, both on account of their position in the church, and the general relation sustained by them to the system under which the grievance had arisen. — Suxkov^iv Tpa7re'£ais, to serve tables, provide for them, comp. Luke 4, 39 ; 8, 3. Some render the noun money-tables, counters, as in John 2, 15 ; but the verb connected with it here forbids that sense. The noun is plural, because several tables were support ed. " Locutio indignitatem aliquam exprimit ; antitheton minis- terium verbi" (Bng.). V. 3. imo-Kiifrao-Be, k. t. X., look ye out, etc. The selection, therefore, was made by the body of the church ; the apostles confirmed the choice, as we see from KaTaoriJo-opev, we will ap point, and from the consecration in v. 6. Kanum/o-copev (T. R.), we may appoint (E. V), is a spurious form. — papTupovpevovs, testified to, of good repute, see 10, 22 and 16, 2. — xPe'as> business, lit. an affair which is held to be necessary. V. 4. rfj irpoaevxy, the (service of) prayer. The article points out the importance of the duty (1, 14). Prayer, evidently in this connection for the success of the word, is recognized as their legitimate work, as much as preaching. — TrpoaKapreprjo-op-ev, we will give ourselves. This remark does not imply that they had been diverted already from their proper work, but that they wished to guard against that in future, by committing this care to others. They now saw that it required more attention than they had bestowed upon it. 1 Die Anfange der Christlichen Earche und ihrer Verfassung, p. 164. 116 COMMENTARY. Chap. VI, 5-7. V. 5. dvSpa, k. t. X., a man full of faith and of the Holy Spirit. We may retain dyiov, but the word is uncertain. The same terms describe the character of Barnabas in 11, 24.— Of Philip, we read again in 8, 8 sq. ; 21, 8. The others are not known out of this passage. That Nicolaus was the founder of the sect mentioned in Rev. 2, 6, is a conjecture without proof. Many have supposed that the entire seven were chosen from the aggrieved party. Gieseler thinks that three of them may have been Hebrews, three Hellenists, aijd one a proselyte. Ch. Hist. $ 25. Their Greek names decide nothing ; see on 1, 23. The distributers would be taken naturally from both sides, but in what proportion we cannot tell. It would depend on their per sonal traits, after all, more than on their nationality, whether they were able to satisfy the disaffected. — Luke does not term the men SiaKovoi, though we have an approach to that appellation in v. 2. In 21, 8, they are called the Seven. Some of the ancient writers regarded them as the first deacons ; otliers, as entirely dis tinct from them. The general opinion at present is, that this order arose from the institution of the Seven, but by a gradual extension of the sphere of duty at first assigned to them. V. 6. iiriB-qKav, viz. the apostles. The nature of the act dic tates this change of the subject. The imposition of hands, as practised in appointing persons to an office, was a symbol of the impartation of the gifts and graces which they needed to qualify them for the office. It was of the nature of a prayer that God would bestow the necessary gifts, rather than a pledge that they were actually conferred. V. 7. The prosperity related here is a proof that harmony had been restored, and that the prayers and labors of the apostles had suffered no interruption. — d Xdyos, k. t. X., the word of God grew, spread and strengthened itself as a system of behef or doctrine. The next clause repeats the idea concretely by stating how rapidly the recipients of this faith were multiplied. See note on 12, 24. — 7roXus Te, k. t. X., and a great midtitude of priests. According to Ez. 2, 36-38, the priests amounted to 4,289 at the time of the return from Babylon. They must have been still more numerous at this period. Such an accession of such con verts was a signal event in the early history of the church. — rrj morei, the faith, faith-system, i. e. the gospel ; comp. Rom. 1, 5 ; Gal. 1, 23, etc. This mode of epitomizing the plan of salva tion confirms the Protestant view of it, in opposition to that of the Catholics. See Rom. 11, 6. Chap. VI, 8. 9. COMMENTARY. 117 Verses 8-15. The Zeal of Stephen and his Violent Apprehension. V. 8. wXijpiys x<*-PLT°s> fuM °f grace> i- e- DY metonymy, of gifts not inherent, but conferred by divine favor, see v. 3. This is the correct word rather than mo-Teas, which some copies insert from v. 5.— Suvdpews, power, efficiency (1, 8) which was one of the gifts, and as indicated by the next words, included an ability to work miracles. — eVoiei-( imperf.) shows that he repeated the miracles. V. 9. Tives .... AijSeprivwv, certain from tlie synagogue so called of the Libertines, i. e. libertini, f reed-men, viz. Jews, or the sons of Jews, who having been slaves at Rome, had acquired their freedom, and, living now at Jerusalem, maintained a separate synagogue of their own. When Pompey overran Ju dea, about B. C. 63, he carried a vast number of the Jews to Rome, where they were sold into slavery. Most of these, or their children, the Romans afterwards liberated, as they found it inconvenient to have servants who were so tenacious of the pe culiar rites of their religion. The Jews usually named their synagogues from the countries whence those who attended them had come, and hence Luke inserts here tijs Xeyop,ivr]$, the so called, in order to reconcile the ear as it were to this almost unheard of designation. Some contend that Ai/JepTivwv is also a palrial name, Libertinians, i. e. Jews from a place named Libertum. Not only has the participle no apparent force in this case, but the existence of such a town is altogether uncertain. — Kai Kupryvadov, k. t. X. The construction here is doubtful. The simplest view is that which repeats Tive? before each of the genitives with the implication that the Cyreneans, Aexandrians, Cilicians and Asiatics formed so many distinct synagogues, i e. including the Libertines, five different assemblies in all (De Wet. Mey.). The Rabbinic writers say, with some exaggeration, no doubt, that Je rusalem contained four hundred and eighty synagogues. tu>v would be proper before Kup^vaiW and 'AXe^avSpeW, but as they refer to towns well known, could be omitted as before Aiyv7mW in 7, 22 and OeooraXoviKeW in 20, 4. — t5v a7rd KiXiKias may be simply =Ki'Xik€s, and the article does not arise, necessarily, out of a different relation to Tives. Some repeat ck t^s owayaiy^s as well as Tives before the successive genitives with the same result, of course, as to the number of synagogues. It is awkward to sup ply so many words, and also to shut up rijs Xeyopivrys to the first clause, as we must in that case, since it is so plainly inappropri ate to the other names. According to others we are to connect KupiyvaiW Kai AXe£av8pe«>v with Ai/Uepriviov, understanding these 118 COMMENTARY. Chap. VI, 10-13. three classes to constitute one synagogue, and the Cilicians and Asiatics to constitute another. See W. $ 19. 5, marg. It may be objected to this, (though no interpretation is wholly unencum bered) that it unites Xeyop-ivqi too closely (for the reason given above) with the second and third noun, and also that so large a number of foreign Jews as the populous cities referred to would be likely to send to Jerusalem, could not meet con veniently in a single place of worship. Wieseler, (Chronologie, p. 63) in support of his opinion that Paul acquired his Roman citizenship (22, 28) as libertinus or the descendant of a liberlinus, would take Kai before KvpijvaiW as explicative, namely, to wit; so that they were all libertini, and belonged to one syna gogue. This is extremely forced and arbitrary. — Among the Cilicians who disputed with Stephen may have been Saul of Tarsus, see 7, 58. For the extent of Asia, see on 2, 9. V. 10. ™ irvevpari, the Spirit, see v. 5. — In (S eXdXei, with which he spake, the relative belongs in sense to both nouns, but agrees with the nearest; comp. Luke 21, 15. Stephen experienced the truth of the promise recorded in that passage. V. 11. hrifiaXov, secretly instructed, suborned. It was con certed between them what should be said, and to what point it should be directed. — /3Xdo-cprjpa, blasphemous in the judicial sense, which made it a capital offence to utter such words. Contempt of Moses and his institutions was contempt of Jehovah, and came within the scope of the law against blasphemy as laid down in Deut. 13, 6-10. It was on this charge that the Jews pro nounced the Saviour worthy of death; see Matt. 26, 60 sq. V. 12. tous irpeo-^vrepovs Kai tous ypappaTeis, the elders and the scribes, i. e. those of these classes who belonged to the Sanhe drim. The appeal was made more especially to them, because, in addition to their influence, they were mostly Pharisees, and the present accusation was of a nature to arouse especially the spirit of that sect. Hence they take the lead at this time, rather than the Sadducees. — o-uv-qpirao-av. The subject here is strictly Tives (see v. 9), but we think of them naturally as acting in con cert with those whom they had instigated to join with them. - V. 13. eo-nrjo-av, placed before them, introduced (see 4, 7) ; others, set up, procured. — pdprvpas i^evSeis, false witnesses. They accused Stephen of having spoken contemptuously of the law and the temple, and of having blasphemed Moses and God. Their testimony in that form was grossly false. It was opposed to every thing which Stephen had said or meant. Yet, as Nean der and others suggest, he had undoubtedly taught that the Chap. VI, 14. 15. COMMENTARY. H9 Christian dispensation was superior to that of Moses ; that the gospel was designed to supersede Judaism ; that the law was unavailing as a source of justification ; that, henceforth, true worship would be as acceptable to God in one place as another. In the clearness with which Stephen apprehended these ideas, he has been justly called the forerunner of Paul. His accusers distorted his language on these points, and thus gave to their charge the only semblance of justification which it possessed. — For dvBponros outos, see 5, 28. — ou iraverai, does not cease, betrays the exaggerating tone of a " swift witness." — tou tottov tov dyiov, the holy place, is the temple (21, 28 ; Ps. 24, 3, etc.), in some part of which they were assembled, as appears from tovtov in the next verse. V. 14. Xe'yovros, k.t.X. They impute to Stephen these words, as authorizing the inference in v. 13. — ovTocpBr) points to that sense here ; see also v. 55. Paul speaks of this symbol in Rom. 9, 4 as one of the peculiar distinctions with which God honored the Hebrew nation. Those miss the sense who resolve the genitive into an adjective = evSofos, the glorious God (Kuin. Hmph.). — ovti iv rrj ~M.eo-oirorap.ia, when he was in Mesopotamia; imperf. as often in narration. W. §46. 6. Abraham resided first in Ur of the Chaldees (Gen. 11, 28), which lay probably in the extreme north of Mesopotamia, near the sources of the Tigris. The Chaldee branch of Peleg's family, to which Terah and his sons belonged, spread themselves originally in that region. • Xenophon found. Chaldeans here in his retreat from Babylonia with the Ten Thousand. See further, on v. 4. — ev Xappdv. Charran =yin (Gen. 11, 31), was also in the north of Mesopotamia, but south of Ur. It was the later Carres of the Greeks and Romans, where Crassus was defeated and slain by the Parthians. Its position tallies remarkably with the sacred narrative. The ruins have been identified a few miles south of Urfa, on a road from the north to the southern ford of the Euphra tes. It is a perversion of the text to suppose Stephen so ignorant of the geography here, as to place Charran on the west of the Euphrates. His meaning evidently is that Abraham's call in that city was not the first which he received during his residence in Mesopotamia. We have no account of this first communication to the patriarch in the Old Testament, but it is implied distinctly in Gen. 15, 7 and Neh. 9, 7. Philo and Josephus relate the his tory of Abraham in accordance with the statement here, that he was called twice. V. 3. ei7re irpoi avrov, said unto him in Ur before the migration to Charran. — e$eXBe, k. t. X., go forth from thy country, etc. This is quoted from Gen. 12, 1 sq., where it appears as the language addressed to Abraham when God appeared to him at Charran. But his earlier call had the same object precisely as the later; and hence Stephen could employ the terms of the second com munication, in order to characterize the import of the first. — Sevpo, hither, with an imperative force ; the term adapted to the speaker's position, like TavV^v in v. 4. — rjv dv, whichever (see on 2, 21) ; since he "went forth not knowing whither he goes" (Heb. 11, 8). V. 4. ToVe, then, after this command. — i&XBlbv, K. t. X., having gone forth from the land of the Chaldees ; which, therefore, did not extend so far south as to include Charran. It is barely pos- 1 Eor the ethnography of the subject, see Knobel's Volkertafel der Genesis p. 170 sq. Chap. VII, 4. COMMENTARY. 125 sible that i^eXBwv may reach forward to p.eT}s XaXSaiW suggests a region rather than a city, and Ur (for which the Sept. renders " country " in Gen. 11, 28) was probably the name of a district among the steppes of northern Mesopotamia. Some would identify Ur with the modern Urfa, the Edessa of the Greeks ; but though the name (dropping the last syllable) may seem to favor that combination, the surer etymology derives Urfa (as a corruption) from the Syriac Urhoi, and thus destroys all connection between Ur and Urfa. See Tuch (p. 284) and Delitzseh (p. 407) iiber die Gen esis. Had Ur either as a city or region been in Babylonia as some conjecture, Charran, so far to the west, would have been out of the way in a migration to Canaan. — p,erd to diroBavelv, /c. t. X., after his father was dead. According to Gen. 11, 32, Terah died at Haran, at the age of two hundred and five ; and, accord ing to the usual inference drawn from Gen. 11, 26, he was only seventy years old at the birth of Abraham ; so that since Abra ham left Charran at seventy-five ( Gen. 12, 4), Terah instead of being dead at that time, must have lived (205 — 70-|-75=) sixty years after his son's departure from Charran. Here again some writers insist that Stephen has shown a gross ignorance of the patriarchal history. But this apparent disagreement admits of a ready solution if we suppose that Abraham was not the oldest son, but that Haran, who died before the first migration of the family (Gen. 11, 28), was sixty years older than he, and that Terah, consequently, was one hundred and thirty years old at the birth of Abraham (130-f7 5=205). The relation of Abraham to the Hebrew history would account for his being named first in the genealogy. We have other instances entirely parallel to this. Thus, in Gen. 5, 32, and elsewhere, Japheth is mentioned last among the. sons of Noah; but, according to Gen. 9, 24 and 10,' 21, he was the oldest of them. Lightfoot has shown that even some of the Jewish writers, who can be suspected of no desire to reconcile Stephen with the Old Testament, concede that Abraham was the youngest son of Terah. The learned Usher founds his system of chronology on this view. The other explanations are less probable. It appears that there was a tradition among some of the Jews that Terah relapsed into idolatry during the abode at Haran, and that Abraham left him 126 COMMENTARY. Chap. VII, 5. on that account, i. e. as the Talmudists express it, after his spirit ual death. Kuinoel, Olshausen, and others, think that Stephen may have used aTro^aveiv in that sense ; so that the notice of Terah's natural death in Gen. 11, 32 would be proleptic, i. e. in advance of the exact order of the history. The tradition of Terah's relapse into idolatry may have been well founded. Ben gel offers this suggestion : " Abram, dum Thara visit in Haran, domum quodammodo paternam habuit in Haran, in terra Canaan duntaxat peregrinum agens ; mortuo autem patre, plane in terra Canaan domum unice habere coepit." The Samaritan Codex reads one hundred and forty-five in Gen. 11, 32, which would remove the difficulty, had it not been altered probably for that very purpose. The Samaritan text has no critical authority when opposed to the Masoretic. 1 — peT^Kio-ev, sc. Beos, caused him to re move, to migrate by a renewed command, see Gen. 12, 1 sq. — eis Jjv, into which, because KaToiKeiTe implies an antecedent motion. — ip.el's, you, instead of ^peis, we ; because as a foreign Jew Stephen excludes himself. V 5. Kai ovk .... ev avWj, and he gave to him (during his life) no inheritance in it, no actual possession, but a promise only that his posterity should occupy it at some future period. It is not at variance with this that he subsequently purchased the field of Ephron as a burial-place (Gen. 23, 3 sq.); for he acquired no right of settlement by that purchase, but permission merely to bury " his dead," which he sought as a favor because he was " a stranger and a sojourner" in the land. Lest the passage should seem to conflict with that transaction, some (Kuin. Olsh.) would render ovk as ovmo, not yet, and eScoKev as pluperfect. De Wette agrees with Meyer in restricting the remark to the period of Abraham's first arrival in Canaan. He purchased the field of Ephron near the close of his life. — ouSe fifjp.a iroSds, not even a foot-breadth, a single foot, comp. Deut. 2, 5. — avr& .... aurijv, that he would give it to him for a possession, not necessarily in his own person, but in that of his descendants. The country might be said to be Abraham's in prospect of that reversion. So in Gen. 46, 4, God says to Jacob on his descent into Egypt: " I will bring thee up again," i. e. him in his posterity. Others under stand KaTd(rxeo-iv of Abraham's own residence in the land of promise. — ovk ovtos avrw tckvov, when he had no child. This clause as well as the general connection, recalls to mind the strength of Abraham's faith. It was in that way that he pleased God and 1 See Gesenius de Pentateuchi Samaritani Origine, Indole, et Auctoritate. Chap. VII, 6. COMMENTARY. 127 obtained the promise, and not by legal observances ; for circum cision had not yet been instituted, or the law given. Paul reasons in that manner from Abraham's history, both in Rom. 4, 9 sq. and in Gal. 3, 17 sq. Stephen may have expanded his speech at this point so as to have presented distinctly the same conclusion; or, as remarked in the first analysis, most of his hearers may have been so familiar with the Christian doctrine on the subject, that they perceived at once that import of his allusions. V. 6. The speaker quotes here the passage to which he had merely alluded. — Se, now, subjoins this fuller account of the promise; not but, although he was childless (Mey., taken back in his last ed.). — ou'tios, thus, to this effect, viz. in Gen. 15, 13-16. — lorai, shall be; not should (E. V.). The citation mingles the in direct form with the direct. — SouXaJcrouo-iv, strangers shall enslave, sc. dXXdVpioi as the subject, involved in ev yfj dXXorpia. See W. § 64. 3. b.^-eV?7 TerpaKoo-ia, four hundred years, in agreement with Gen. 15, 13 ; but both there and here a round number, since in Ex. 12, 40 "the sojourning of Israel who dwelt in Egypt" is said to have been four hundred and thirty years. But here arises a chrono logical question, to which it is necessary to advert. In Gal. 3, 17, Paul speaks of the entire period from Abraham's arrival in Canaan until the giving of the law as embracing only four hun dred and thirty years ; a calculation which allows but two hun dred and fifteen year's for the sojourn in Egypt ; for Isaac was born twenty -five years after that arrival, was sixty years old at the birth of Jacob, and Jacob was one hundred and thirty years old when he went to reside in .Egypt (430— 25-4-60-|-130=215). The Seventy, in Ex. 12, 40, and Josephus, in Antt. 2. 15. 2, follow the same computation. Tliere are two solutions of this difficulty. One is, that the Jews had two ways of reckoning this period, which were current at the same time ; that it is uncertain which of them is the correct one, and for all practical purposes is wholly unimportant, since, when a speaker or writer, as in this case of Stephen, adopted this mode or that, he was understood not to propound a chronological opinion, but merely to employ a familiar designation for the sake of definiteness. The other solution is, that the four hundred and thirty years in Ex. 12, 40 embrace the period from Abraham's immigration into Canaan until the depar ture out of Egypt, and that the sacred writers call this the period , of sojourn or servitude in Egypt a potiori, i. e. from its leading characteristic. 1 They could describe it in this manner with so 1 Baumgarten in common with others inclines to this view in his Theologischer Commentar zum Pentateuch, Vol. I. p. 190. 128 COMMENTARY. Chap. VII, 7-10. much the more propriety, because even during the rest of the time the condition of the patriarchs was that of exiles and wan derers. The current chronology, Usher's system, adopts 215 as the number of years during which the Hebrews dwelt in Egypt. V. 7. KpivS eya>, I (emphatic as one able to punish) will judge (Hebraistic), implying the execution of the sentence. — perd Taura, after these things, after both so long a time and such events. TauVa refers to KpivS, as well as to the other verbs. — Kai Xarpevo-ovo-i . . . Tovrif, and shall worship me in this place. This clause is taken from a different passage ; viz. Ex. 3, 12, which records the declara tion that God would bring the Israelites where Moses then was. But as the words there also relate to the dehverance from Egypt, Stephen could use them to express more fully the idea in Gen. 15, 16. In the communication to Moses, tottw refers to Sinai or Horeb, but is applied here very properly to Canaan, since the worship in the desert was a pledge of its performance in the promised land. XaTpeuVouo-i may intimate that God accepted their worship before they had any temple in which to offer it. V. 8 SiaB-rJKrjv irepiTop.fjs, the covenant of circumcision, i. e. the one of which circumcision is the sign ; comp. o-qp-elov 7repiTopiJs in Rom. 4, 11. — Kai ouVws, and thus, i. e. agreeably to the covenant God gave the promised child, and Abraham observed the ap pointed rite. Such briefly were the contents of the covenant (see Gen. 17, 2 sq.), and eyewijo-e and 7repierep,e very naturally recall them here, ou'rws as merely then (Mey.), in lieu of Se' or Kai in this speech elsewhere, expresses too little in such a place. — rfj r/pipq., n.. t. X. See Gen. 21, 4. V. 9. dTre'Sovro, sold (5, 8) into Egypt, i. e. to be carried thither ; thus concisely in Gen. 45, 4 (Heb. and Sept.). — d Bebs per avrov, God was with him, though he was exposed to such envy and injustice. It was a memorable instance in which the rejected of men was approved of God and made the preserver of his people; see on v. 37. The analogy between Joseph's history in this respect and that of Christ must have forced itself on Ste phen's hearers. V. 10. x^ Ka' o-o&av, favor (with the king) and wisdom; both the gifts of God, but the latter helping in part to secure the for mer. Meyer, contrary to his first opinion, understands xdpiv of the divine favor towards Joseph; but the two nouns belong alike to evavnov Sapaci, and associate themselves readily as cause and effect. The wisdom was that which Joseph displayed as an in terpreter of dreams, as the king's counsellor and minister — tov Chap. VII, 12-14. COMMENTARY. 129 oJkov avrov, his house ; the palace of the sovereign, from which, in the East, all the acts of government emanate. In other words, Joseph was raised to the office of vizier, or prime min ister. V. 12. For the history, see Gen. 42, 1 sq. — ovra, instead of the infinitive after aKouo-as, represents the plenty in Egypt as in dubitable, notorious. K. § 311. 1. The place of the abundance was well known, and ev AiyuVno after the participle ( T. R.) is a needless corruption for eis Ai-yu^n-ov, which belongs to the next verb. — e&nrecrreiXe k. t. X., sent our fathers first, while Jacob him self remained still in Canaan. See v. 15. V. 13. dveyvo>pid-5r/, was recognized by his brethren (De Wet. Mey.), on declaring his name to them; comp. Gen. 45, 1. The reflexive sense, made himself known (Rob.), would be excep tional, and is not required here. — Kai avepbv .... 'I ol yevopievoi airo) ev yrj Alyvirria ijruxal iwia, and adding these nine to the sixty-six in v. 26 makes the number seventy-five. It is evident from this interpolation that the Seventy did not obtain their number by adding the five sons of Ephraim and Manasseh ( 1 Chron. 7, 14—23) to the seventy persons mentioned in the Hebrew text. That mode of accounting for their compu tation has frequently been assigned. If viol be taken in its wider sense, those sons and grandsons of Joseph may have been among the nine whom they added to the sixty-six, but it is not known how they reckoned the other two. They may have included some of the third generation, or have referred to other sons of 17 130 COMMENTARY. Chap. VII, 16. Joseph, of whom we have no account. But in whatever way the enumeration arose, its existence in the Greek version shows that it was current among the Jews. That it was an erroneous one, is incapable of proof; for we do not know on what data it was founded. At all events, Stephen could adapt himself to the popular way of speaking with entire truth as to the idea which he meant to convey ; for his object was to affirm, not that the family of Jacob, when he went down to Egypt, consisted of just seventy-five persons, in distinction from seventy-six, or seventy, or any otlier precise number, but that it -was a mere handful com pared with the increase which made them in so short a time "as the stars of heaven for multitude;" see Deut. 10, 22. That among those whom Joseph is said to have called into Egypt were some who were already there, or were born at a subsequent period, agrees with Gen. 46, 27 ; for it is said that " the sons of Joseph" were among " the souls of the house of Jacob that came into Egypt" with him. That representation springs from the Hebrew view, which regarded the descendants as existing al ready in their progenitor; comp. Gen. 46, 15; Heb. 7, 9. 10. It is equivalent here to saying, that the millions to which Israel had grown on leaving Egypt were all comprised in some seventy-five persons at the commencement of the residence there.1 V. 16. It is mentioned in Gen. 50, 13, that Jacob was buried in Abraham's sepulchre, at Hebron (see Gen. 23, 19), and in Josh. 24, 32, that the bones of Joseph were laid in Jacob's tomb at Shechem, or Sychem ; as to the burial of Jacob's other sous, the Old Testament is silent. In this passage, therefore, ol irarioes rjpZv may be taken as the subject of pieTeriBrjo-av without auTo's. Such brevity was natural in so rapid a sketch, and not obscure where the hearers were so familiar with the subject in hand. That Joseph's brothers were buried with him at Sychem rests, doubtless, on a well-known tradition in Stephen's time. " Ac cording to Josephus (Antt. 2. 8. 2) the sons of Jacob were buried at Hebron. According to the Rabbins (Light. Wetst), the Isra elites took the bones of their fathers with them to Palestine, but say nothing of Sychem ; since, however, they do not include the eleven patriarchs among those who were buried at Hebron, they probably regarded Sychem as the place of their burial." (De Wet.). Jerome, who lived but a day's journey from Sychem, says that the tombs of the twelve were to be seen there in his time ev t<3 p,vijp.aTi, k. t. X., in the tomb, etc., presents a more serious dif- 1 See Hengstenberg's Authentie des Pentateuches, Vol. II. p. 357 sq. Chap. VII, 16. COMMENTARY. 131 ficulty. It is clear from Gen. 33, 19, that Jacob purchased the family tomb at Sychem, and from Gen. 23, 1 sq., that Abraham purchased the one at Hebron. On the other hand, according to the present text, Stephen appears to have confounded the two transactions, representing, not Jacob, but Abraham, as having purchased the field at Sychem. It is difficult to resist the im pression that a single word of the present text is wrong, and that we should either omit 'AySpadp. or exchange it for 'IaKuJ/3. — iSvijo-aTo without a subject could be taken as impersonal : one pur- chased=was purchased. See W. § 58. 9. That change would free the passage from its perplexity. It is true, manuscripts con cur in the present reading, but this may be an instance where the internal evidence countervails the external. The error lies in a single word ; and it is quite as likely, judging a priori, that the word producing the error escaped from some early copyist, as that so glaring an error was committed by Stephen ; for, as a Jew, he had been brought up to a knowledge of the Scriptures, 'had proved himself more than a match for the learned disputants from the synagogues (6, 10), and is said to have been "full of the Holy Spirit" (6, 5). Some attribute the difficulty to the con cise, hurried style of the narrative. Biscoe states that opinion in the following terms :. — " The Hebrews, when reciting the his tory of their forefathers to their brethren, do il in the briefest manner, because it was a thing well known to them. For which reason they made use of frequent ellipses, and gave but hints to bring to their remembrance what they aimed at. This may be the case here ; and as nothing is more easy than to supply the words that are wanting, so, when supplied, the narra tion is exactly agreeable to history delivered in the Old Testa ment : And were carried into Sychem, and were laid,' i. e. some of them, Jacob at least, ' in the sepulchre that Abraham bought for a sum of money,' and others of them 'in that (bought) from the sons of Emmor, the father of Sychem.' Here we repeat merely Kai ev ™ (or eKeiva>) before irapd twv vi5v ; which words were easily understood and supplied by those to whom Stephen addressed himself." ' Again, some have deemed it sufficient to say that Stephen was not an inspired teacher, in the strict sense of the expression, and that, provided we have a true record of the dis course on the part of Luke, we may admit an error in the dis course itself, without discrediting the acccuracy of the sacred writers. Dr. Davidson thinks that Luke must have been aware 1 The Acts of the Apostles, confirmed from other Authors, p. 395, ed. 1840. 132 COMMENTARY. Chap. VII, 17-19. of the discrepency, and has exhibited his scrupulous regard for the truth by allowing it to remain, instead of correcting it. Cal vin sanctions a still freer view : " In nomine Abraham erratum esse palam est ; quare hie locus corrigendus est." — 'Ep/xuip, sc. tou waTpo's, Emmor, the father of Sychem. See on 1, 13. Verses 17-46. The Age of Moses, or the Jews under the Law. V. 17. koBois, not when, but as, in the degree that; hence r/yyi£ev, was approaching. — d xpovos, *. t. X., the time of the (fulfil ment of the) promise (v. 7); see on 1, 4. — Instead of wpooev (T. R.), sware, we are to read probably wp-oXoy-qo-ev, declared- (Lchm. Tsch. Mey.). — rfiiyio-ev and iirXrjBvvBr] represent the growth in power as consequent on the increase of numbers ; not a citation, but reminiscence probably of Ex. 1, 7. 20. V. 18. dxpis ov, until ; for this signal prosperity had its limit. Though baffled in his first scheme, Pharaoh tried other means more effectual ; see on v. 1 9. — os . . . . 'luo-rjcp, who knew not Jo seph, had no regard for his memory or services ; not was ignorant that such a person had lived (Mey.). How could the author of such important reforms have been forgotten among a people ad dicted like the Egyptians to recording their national events ! It has been supposed that a new dynasty may have ascended the throne at this time. According to Sir J. G. Wilkinson,1 this " new king" was Amosis, or Ames, first of the eighteenth dynasty, or that of the Diospolitans from Thebes. Some hold (e. g. Heeren, Jost) that the Hyksos or shepherd kings had just been expelled from Egypt, and that the oppressor of the Hebrews was the first native prince who reigned after that event. The present knowl edge of Egyptian history is too imperfect to admit of any posi tive conclusion on such a point. For the later views and lit erature, see on Ancient Egypt in Hertz. Encyk. Vol. I. p. 138 sq. V. 19. KaTao-ocpio-dp.evos to ye'vas rjp,oiv, treating subtly our race, see Ex. 1, 10 ; Ps. 115, 25. His policy is characterized in this man ner, because his object, without being avowed, was to compel the Hebrews to destroy their children, that they might not grow up to experience the wretched fate of their parents. — eVaKuo-e, k. , . X., oppressed our fathers in order that they sJwuld cast out their infants, that these might not be preserved alive. Both infinitives are telic ; the first states the king's object in the oppression, the second the object of the exposure on the part of the parents. It ' Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, Vol. I. p. 42 sq., 2d ed. Chap. VII, 19-22. COMMENTARY. 133 was using the parental instinct for destroying the child ; it was seething the kid in the mother's blood. For tou ttoiciv, see on 3, 2. The plan of the Egyptians failed ; for " the more they afflicted the Hebrews, the more they multiplied and grew" (Ex. 1, 12) ; i. e. they spared their children, instead of putting them to death, and continued to increase. Pharaoh, after this, took a more di rect course to accomplish his object; he issued a decree that all the male children of the Hebrews should be killed at birth, or thrown into the Nile ; see Ex. 1, 16. 22. The sense is different if we make tou 7roieiv ecbatic : so that they cast out their infants, etc. According to this view, the king's policy was in part suc cessful; the Hebrews exposed their children of their own accord, that they might not see them doomed to so hopeless a bondage. But the infinitive construction with tov is rarely ecbatic ; and, further, had the Hebrews destroyed their children as a voluntary act, a subsequent decree for murdering them would have been un necessary (Ex. 1,16.22). It is harsh to make tou 7roieiv epexegetical : oppressed them (viz. by a decree) that they must cast out, etc. It is difficult with this sense to see the force of Karao-ocpio-dp.evo's. Be sides, the histoiy shows that the Egyptians were to execute the inhuman order (Ex. 1, 22), not the Hebrews. The object of putting Moses in the ark was to save, not destroy him. V. 20. ev cS Kaip<3, in which time, viz. this season of oppression. — doreTos tu> Bern, fair for God, i. e. in his view, who judges truly; comp. 7toXls p-eydXr) ™ BeS> in Jon. 3, 3 (Sept.). It is a form of the Hebrew superlative. W. § 36. 3 ; Green's Gr. p. 277. For the dative, see on 5, 34. Josephus (Antt. 2. 9. 7) speaks of the ex treme beauty of Moses. See also Heb. 11, 23. — tou mvrpos, his father, named Amram (Ex. 6, 20). V. 21. auTov, with the participle, is not an accusative absolute, but depends on the verb, and is then repeated ; comp. Mark 9, 28. It is changed in some of the best copies to auroB. — dvelXaro, took up, not from the water or the ark, but like tollere liberos, adopted. This use both of the Greek and the Latin word is said to have arisen from the practice of infanticide among the an cients. After the birth of a child, the father took it up to his bosom, if he meant to rear it ; otherwise, it was doomed to per ish. — eis viov, as a son, appositional like h before that which a person or thing becomes (W. § 32. 4. b.) ; not telic, to be a son (Mey.), since the relation was an immediate one and not pros pective merely. V. 22. iiraiSevBri Trdo-g o-o his), see Jer. 3, 16. — imo-Kiifiao-Bai, k. t. X., to visit his brethren in or der to show his sympathy for them and minister to their relief. The Hebrews lived apart from the Egyptians, and Moses as a member of the royal family may have had hitherto but little in tercourse with his countrymen. V. 24. dSiKovpevov, wronged, injured, viz. by blows, which the Hebrew was then receiving, as stated in the history ; see Ex. 2, 11- — iiroirjo-ev eKSiKrjcriv, wrought redress, avenged; see Luke 18, 7. — t<5 KaTa7rovoupe'va), the one overpowered, lit. exhausted, worn out; implying a hard contest, and (the participle is present) a rescue just in time to ward off the fatal blow. — mxTa&s tov AiyuWiov, by smiting the Egyptian (who did the wrong) so as to kill him, see v. 28. V. 25. evdpife, was supposing in this interposition, and as the reason for it. This use of de-, for (E. V.), is one of its metabatic offices. Hart. Partkl. Vol. I. p. 167. On what ground Moses ex pected to be known so readily, we are not informed. He may have thought that his history, so full of providential intimations, had pointed him out to the Israelites as their predestined deliv erer. Stephen makes the remark evidently for the purpose of reminding the Jews of their own similar blindness in regard to the mission of Christ ; comp. y. 35.— Si'Sow, not would give°(E. V), hut gives; present either because the event was so near (see on 1, 6), or because the deliverance begins with this act (Mey.). V. 26. &vrj Kvplov, the voice of the Lord. It will be seen that the angel of Jehovah in v. 30 (comp. Ex. 3, 2) is here called Jehovah himself. Examples of a similar transition from the one name to the other occur often in the Old Testament. 136 COMMENTARY. Chap. VII, 32-35. It has been argued from this usage, as well as on other grounds, that the Revealer, under the ancient dispensation, was identical with the Revealer or Logos of the new dispensation.1 V. 32. eyi) d £eds, k. t. X. In this way Jehovah declares him self to be the true God, in opposition to the idols of the heathen, and especially the author of those promises to the patriarchs which were now on the eve of being fulfilled. — ouk eVoXp-a KaTa- voijo-ai, sc. to dpapa. In Ex. 3, 6, it is said further, that " Moses hid his face ; " an act prompted by his sense of the hohness of Him in whose presence he stood; comp. 1 Kings 19, 13. V. 33. Xuoov, k. t. X., loose the sandal cf thy feet. iiroS-qpia is a distributive singular, for the plural. W. $ 27. 1. It was a mark of reverence in the East to take off the shoes or sandals in the presence of a superior, so as not to approach him with the dust which would otherwise cleave to the feet. On this principle the Jewish priests officiated barefoot in the tabernacle and the tem ple. Hence, too, none enter the Turkish mosques at present, except with naked feet, or, in the case of foreigners, with slip pers worn for the occasion. — In yi} dyia io-rlv, Luger finds a special reference to w. 30. 32. The God of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob was present, and where he appears the place is holy, though it be in the wilderness. V. 34. i8wv eXSov = ippjo nio, Truly I saw ; and so in the fol lowing verbs the tense is aorist: I heard when they groaned and came down (not am come) when I saw and heard. In Hebrew the infinitive absolute before a finite verb denotes the reality of the act, or an effect of it in the highest degree ; after the verb, it denotes a continuance or repetition of the act. See Gesen. Heb. Gr. §128. 3 ; W. § 45. 8. The easier Greek construction for this idiom is that noticed on 4, 17. For dTroo-TeXu (T. R.), read d-rroo- Tei'Xw (Tsch. Mey.), but with a future sense. See W. $ 13. 1. V. 35. tovtov is here emphatic, ovtos introduces the next three verses with the same effect. — ripv/jo-avro, denied. The verb is plural, because, though the rejection was one person's act (v. 27), it revealed the spirit of the nation. — dpXovTa koI XvrpwTrjv, as a ruler and redeemer; comp. 5, 31. Stephen selects the words evidently with reference to the parallel which he would institute 1 The subject is an interesting one ; but does not fall properly within our pres ent limits. The reader will And it discussed in Smith's Scripture Testimony to the Messiah, Vol. I. p. 482 sq., and in Hengstcnberg's Christology, Vol. I. p. 165 sq. Valuable supplementary matter (for the object is to deaf only with the later objections) will be found in Kurtz's article, "Der Engel des Herm," in Tholuck's Littevarischer Anzeiger, 1846, Nos. 11-14, and inserted for substance, in the author's Geschichte des alten Bundes, Vol. I. pp. 121-126. Chap. VII, 36-38. COMMENTARY. 137 between Moses and Christ. — ev x«pi stands for *n_a, by the hand, agency (comp. Gal. 3, 19), since it was through the angel in the bush that God called Moses to deliver his people. Tischendorf reads ovv x«pt (unusual but well supported), with the hand, i. e. attended by the angel's aid and power, an adjunct of tovtov rather than the verb. — ttJ /3aTa> is feminine here and in Luke 20, 37, but masculine in Mark 12, 26. V. 36. e^i/yayev aurou's, led them forth out of Egypt. Hence we cannot render 7roiijcras, after he had shown, performed (E. V.), be cause the miracles in the desert were not antecedent to the exodus. The participle expresses here an accompanying act of e£rjyayev, performing (Vulg., faciens) ; since the leading forth formed a general epoch with which the associated events, whether historically prior or subsequent, could be viewed as coin cident in point of time. On the force of the participle in such a case, see on 21, 7. — For the difference between Tipara and o~qp.e1a, see on 2, 22. Lachmann inserts ttj before yfj, but on slight evi dence. — AiyuVro) is more correct than AiyuVTov (T. R.). V. 37. irpoep-fjrrjv, *. t. X. For the explanation of this prophecy, see on 3, 22. No one can doubt that Stephen regarded Christ as the prophet announced by Moses ; yet, it will be observed, he leaves that unsaid, and relies on the intelligence of his hearei-3 to infer his meaning. Here is a clear instance in which the speech adjusts itself to those suppressed relations of the subject, on which, as I suppose, its adaptation to the occasion so largely depended. By quoting this prediction of Moses, Stephen tells the Jews in effect that it was they who were treating the law giver with contempt ; for while they made such pretensions to respect for his authority, they refused to acknowledge the prophet whom he foretold, and had commanded them to obey. — xvpios before and rip.G>v after #eds ( T. R.) are doubtful. — aurou aKovo-eo-Be, him shall ye hear, was inserted probably from 3, 22 (Lchm. Tsch. Mey.). V. 38. d yevdp.evos .... tow rraripoiv r)p.uiv, who was (lit. became, entered into connection) with the angel and with our fathers. The meaning is, that he brought the parties into association with each other, acted as mediator between God and the people ; see Gal. 3, 19. This fact is mentioned to show how exalted a service Moses performed, in contrast with the indignity which he experienced at the hands of his countrymen. He was a type, Stephen would say, of the Jesus despised, crucified by those whom he would reconcile unto God. — ev rrj iKKXrjo-ia, in the con gregation, i. e. of the Hebrews assembled at Sinai at the time of 18 138 COMMENTARY. Chap. VII, 39-41. the promulgation of the law. So all the best critics and the older E. versions (Tynd. Cran. Gen. Rhem.) translate this word. It is evident that iKKXrjo-ia here affords no countenance to the idea that the Hebrew nation as such constituted the church under the "ancient economy. — £d>vTa characterizes Xoyia with reference, not to their effect (comp. Rom. 8, 3; Gal. 3, 21), but their nature or design : life-giving oracles, commands ; comp. Rom. 7, 12. The inadequacy of the law to impart life does not arise from any in herent defect in the law itself, but from the corruption of human nature. V. 39. io-Tpd(j>r]o-av .... eis Ai'yu7TTov, turned with their hearts unto Egypt, i. e. longed for its idolatrous worship, and for the sake of it deserted that of Jehovah (Calv. Kuin. De Wet. Mey.). The next words are epexegetical, and require this explanation. Some have understood it of their wishing to return to Egypt ; but that sense, though it could be expressed by the language, not only disregards the context, but is opposed to Ex. 32, 4 and Neh. 9, 1 8. The Jews are there represented as worshipping the golden calf for having brought them out of Egypt, and not as a means of enabling them to return thither. V. 40. Beovi, oi rrpoiropevo-ovTai r/piSiv, gods who shall go before us, to wit, as guides, protectors. This is a literal translation from Ex. 32, 1. The plural is best explained as that of the pluralis excellenlice, since Aaron made but one image in compliance with this demand of the people (called Beol, rrfts in Ex. 32, 8), and since the Hebrews would naturally enough transfer the name of the true God to the object of their idolatrous worship. De Wette hesitates between this view and that of -Jeods as abstract, deity, divine power. The latter is better perhaps than Meyer's categor ical plural : gods such as the calf represented. — d ydp, k. t. X.,for as to this Moses who led usfo/th, etc. ovtos is contemptuous, like iste. The nominative absolute strengthens the sarcasm. W. § 29. 1. ydp alleges the disappearance of Moses as a reason why they should change their worship; possibly, because it freed them from his opposition to their desires, but more probably because, whether he had deserted them or had perished, it showed that the God whom he professed to serve was unworthy of their confidence. V. 41. ip,oo-xorroi7)o-av is elsewhere unknown to the extant Greek. They selected the figure of a calf, or more correctly bullock, as their idol, in imitation, no doubt, of the Egyptians, who worship ped an ox at Memphis, called Apis, and another at Heliopolis, caUed Mnevis. Win. Realw. I. p. 644 ; Hertz. Encyk. Vol. VIL Chap. VII, 42. 43. COMMENTARY. 139 p. 214. Mummies of the animals so worshipped are often found in the catacombs of Egypt. — eicppaivovTo, rejoiced, made merry, refers doubtless to the festive celebration mentioned in Ex. 32, 6. — toTs epyois is plural, because the idol was the product of their joint labors. Meyer supposes it to include the various imple ments of sacrifice, in addition to the image ; (in his last edition : works such as this.) V. 42. eo-rpeij/e, turned aivay, withdrew his favor. — 7rape'SiDKev, gave up (Rom. 1, 24), = e"ao-e in 14, 16 ; he laid for the present no check upon their inclinations. In consequence of this desertion they sunk into still grosser idolatry. — tt} crrpana tov ovpavov, the host of heaven, i. e. the sun, moon, and stars. This form of wor ship is called Sabaism, from _*ns, as applied to the heavenly bodies. — ev fitjiXw w 7rpo<^Tj™v, in the book of the prophets,!, e. the twelve minor prophets, whom the Jews reckoned as one col lection. The passage is Amos 5, 25-27. — pi) o-tpdyia, *.. t. X. This sign of a question requires a negative answer, and that an swer is to be understood in a relative sense. See W. § 57. 3. Did ye offer unto me sacrifices and offerings ? i. e. exclusively. The reply is left to their consciences. Even during the eventful period in the wilderness, when the nation saw so much of the power and goodness of God, they deserted his worship for that of other gods, or, while they professed to serve him, united his service with that of idols. The question ends here. V. 43. Kai dveXd/3eTe, k. t. X. The tacit answer precedes : No, — ye apostatized, and took up the tabernacle of Moloch, i. e. to carry it with them in their marches, or in religious processions. This tabernacle was intended, no doubt, to resemble the one con secrated to Jehovah. Stephen follows the Septuagint. MoXdx stands there for tDS&o, i e. the idol worshipped as your king, which was the Moloch of the Amorites. The Seventy supply the name of the idol as well known from tradition. But there is almost equal authority, says Baur,1 for reading d'sia, Milkom, a proper name. That variation would bring the Greek into still closer conformity with the Hebrew. — to do-rpov tov Beov, the star of the god, i. e. an image resembling or representing a star worshipped by them as a god. — By 'Pep.jyayov, em ployed suggestively : brought the tabernacle into the land, and retained it until (inclusive) the days of David. Some join the words with mv efwo-ev, which exalts a subordinate clause above the principal one, and converts the aorist into an imperfect : was expelling from Joshua until David. V. 46. os ... . tou Beov, who found favor, etc. Compare 13, 22. The tacit inference may be, that, had the temple been so impor tant as the Jews supposed, God -would not have withheld this honor from his servant. — yT-rjo-aro, asked for himself us a privilege. We have no record of this prayer, though it is implied in 2 Sam. 7, 4 sq., and in 1 Chron. 22, 7. In the latter passage David says : " As for me, it was in my mind to build an house unto the name of the Lord my God." In that frame of spirit he indited the hundred and thirty-second Psalm. — eupeiv .... 'laKwfi coincides with Ps. 132, 5 (Sept.). To express the object of David's re quest, Stephen avails himself of the language contained in that passage. Translate, a habitation (= oTkov in v. 48, place of abode, temple) for the God of facob ; not tabernacle (=o-Krjvrj in v. 44), as in the E. version. The tabernacle existed already, and it was not that structure, but a temple, which David was anxious to build. The confusion arises from rendering the different Greek terms by the same word. Verses 47-53. Period of the Temple and the Prophets. V. 47. Se, adversative. What was denied to David was granted to Solomon ; see 2 Chron. 6, 7. 8. Yet even the builder of the temple acknowledged (2 Chron. 6, 18) that God is not 142 COMMENTARY. Chap. VII, 48-53. confined to any single place of worship. The tenor of the speech would be apt to remind the hearers of that admission. V. 48. dXX' ovx ... ¦ KaroiKel. The temple was at length built ; but was never designed to circumscribe the presence of the in finite Architect (see v. 50), or to usurp the homage that belongs to him alone. The remark here was aimed, doubtless, at the superstitious reverence with which the Jews regarded the tem ple, and at their proneness in general to exalt the forms of reli gion above its essence. For ovx m this position, see on 2, 7. vaois is probably a gloss from 17, 24. — KaBus, _v. t. X. To give greater effect to his reproof, Stephen quotes the testimony of the proph et, viz. Is. 66, 1. 2. V. 51. There is no evidence that Stephen was interrupted at this point. Many critics assume that without reason. The sharper tone of reprehension to which the speaker rises here belongs to the place ; it is an application of the course of remark which precedes. We have no right to ascribe it to Stephen's irritation at perceiving signs of impatience or rage on the part of his hearers. — direpiTp,r]Toi .... oio-iv, uncircumcised, etc., i. e. des titute of the disposition to hear and love the truth, of which their circumcision should have been the sign ; comp. Lev. 26, 41 ; Jer. 6, 10 ; Rom. 2, 29. For rfj KapSta. see 2, 37. — vp,eis dei, k. t. X., Ye do always resist the Holy Spirit, under whose influence the messengers of God, e. g. Christ and the apostles, spoke to them. To reject their testimony was to reject that of the spirit himself. What follows appears to restrict the language to that meaning. — Kai upeis, also you, where outcos would state the comparison more exactly. See W. } 53. 5. V. 52. Tiva toiv TrpocprfTuiv, k. t. X., wliom of the prophets, etc. Stephen would describe the general conduct of the Jews tow ards their prophets ; he does not affirm that there were no ex ceptions to it. Other passages, as 2 Chron. 36, 15. 16 ; Matt. 23, 37, and Luke 13, 33. 34, make the same representation. — rous TrpoKaTayyei'XavTas, *. r. X., those who announced beforehand, etc., designates the prophets with reference to the leading subject of their predictions. See on 3, 21. 24. — tou SiKai'ov, the Just one, (3, 14) slain by them as a malefactor. — vvv, now, as the climax of the nation's guilt. — irpoSoVai, traitors. See 3, 13. V. 53. Those who were thus guilty (v. 52) acted in the character of those who (ogives, such as) received, etc. — tov vdpov dyye'XXuv, the law as (eis predicative sign, see on v. 21) ordi nances (plural with reference to vdp.ov as an aggregate of single acts) of angels ; the latter not as the authors of them, in which Chap. VII, 53-55. COMMENTARY. 143 sense they were God's, but as communicated through them; comp. d Si' dyye'Xwv XaXrjBeis in Heb. 2, 2, the word spoken through angels, and especially SiaTayeis Si' dyyeXw in Gal. 3, 19, ordained on the part of God through angels. The elliptical explanation, reckoned unto ordinances, as of that rank or class, affords the same meaning, but is not so simple. See W. $ 32. 4. b. Some translate upon the ministrations, agency of; but that both strains the use of the preposition (not necessary even in Matt. 12, 41) and employs the noun differently from Rom. 13, 2 (not elsewhere in N. T.). The presence of angels at the giving of the law is not expressly stated in the Old Testament, but is alluded to in Gal. 3, 19, and Heb. 2, 2. Philo and Josephus testify to the same tradition. The Seventy translate Deut. 33, 2 in such a manner as to assert the same fact. It is implied perhaps in Ps. 68, 18. The Jews regarded this angelic mediation as both ennobling the law, and as conferring special honor on themselves, to whom the law was given. For a striking proof of this Jewish feeling, see Jos. Antt. 15. 5. 3. From another point of view, viz. that of Christ's superiority to angels, this angelic intervention showed the inferi ority of the lav/ to the gospel ; which is the view taken in Heb. 2, 2, and probably in Gal. 3, 19. — Kai ovk i offered to them money. This act has originated our word simony, which Web ster defines as " the crime of buying or selling ecclesiastical pre ferment, or the corrupt presentation of any one to an ecclesias tical benefice for money or reward." It is fortunate for us, that our religious institutions in this country require us to obtain our knowledge of the term from a lexicon. V. 19. Kap-oi, to me also, that I may possess it like you ; not lo m,e as well as to others, since no example of such transfer was known to him. — ?> "vp-ith an allusion to that fact, becomes an expressive metaphor to denote the malice or moral corruption of the wicked. Compare this 152 COMMENTARY. Chap. VIII, 24-26. with Job 20, 14 ; Rom. 3, 13. pi'£a mKptas, in Heb. 12, 15, is a different figure. TriKpias describes a quality of x°Mv> and is equivalent to an adjective, bitter gall (see on 7, 30) ; so that, transferring the idea from the figure to the subject, the expres sion imports the same as malignant, aggravated depravity. — Kai cruVSeo-pov dSiKias, and in the bond of iniquity, i. e. not only wicked in principle, but confirmed in the habit of sin, bound to it as with a chain. — eis (lit. unto) belongs also to the second clause, and in both cases implies the idea of abandonment to the influence or condition spoken of. V. 24. SeriBrire, k. t. X. We may infer from Luke's silence as to the subsequent history of Simon, that the rebuke of the apos tle alarmed only his fears; that it produced no reformation in his character, or his course of life. This conclusion would be still more certain, if it were true, as some maintain, that this Simon was the person whom Josephus mentions under the same name as the wicked accomplice of the procurator Felix (Antt. 20. 7. 2). Neander held at one time that they were the same, but after wards receded from that opinion. So common a name is no proof of their identity, and it is proof against it, that this Simon, * accordmg to Justin Martyr, belonged to Samaria, while the other is said to have been a native of Cyprus. Verses 25-35. Conversion of the Ethiopian. V. 25. oi peV, viz. Peter and John, probably unattended by Philip. — evriyyeXlaavTo (T. H.) , preached, may state the result of their labors while they had been absent, or what took place on their return to Jerusalem.. The latter view agrees best with the order of the narrative, and is required if we read i-rrio-rpetpov and evr]yyeXit,ovTo (Lchm. Mey. Tsch.), were preaching. This verb, ac cording to a later Grecism (Lob. ad Phryn. p. 267), may take its object in the accusative, as well as the dative ; comp. v. 40 ; 14, 15. 21 ; 16, 10 ; Luke 3, 18; Gal. 1, 9. W. § 32. 1. V. 26. Se' answers to pe'v in v. 25. — eXdXijcre, k. t. X. Philip appears to have received this direction in Samaria (v. 13), and soon after the departure of the apostles. Zeller conjectures (Theol. Jahrb. 1851) that he had come back to Jerusalem in the mean time ; but the terms of the communication are against that view. — dvdo-rrjBi involves an idiom explained in the note on 9, 18. — Tropevov. For the tense, see on 8, 6. — KaTa peo-ijp^pi'av, down to the south, because in Samaria he was so far to the north of Jerasalem. This expression points out, not the direction of Chap. VIII, 26. COMMENTARY. 153 the road from Jerusalem to Gaza, but that in which Philip was to travel, in order to find the road. The collocation joins the words evidently to the verb, and not, as some have represented, to the clause which follows. — Gaza was about sixty miles southwest from Jerusalem. — auVij ecn-iv eprjpos, This is desert. Some refer the pronoun to Tdt,av, and, as that city was demolished a short time before the destruction of Jerusalem, they suppose that Luke by epijpos would describe its condition in consequence of that event. This is the opinion of Hug, Scholz, Meyer (formerly), Leke- busch, and others. But unless Luke wrote the Acts later than A. D. 64 or 65,1 this explanation cannot be correct ; for Gaza was not destroyed by the Romans till after the commencement of the Jewish war which resulted in the overthrow of Jerusalem. Most of the critics who contend for a later origin of the book derive their chief argument for it from this assumed meaning of epijpos. But further, even supposing Luke to have written just after the destruction of Gaza, it appears improbable that the novelty merely of the event would lead him to mention a circumstance so entirely disconnected with his history. Others refer avrrj to • dSdv, but differ on the question whether we are to ascribe the words to Luke or the angel. According to Bengel, Olshausen, Winer (Realw. I. p. 395), De Wette, and others, they form a par enthetic remark by Luke, who would give the reader an idea of the region which was the scene of so memorable an occurrence. I prefer this opinion to any other. According to some, the words belong to the communication of the angel, and were intended to point out to the evangelist the particular road on which he would find the eunuch. In that case it seems to me that the relative pronoun would have introduced them more naturally than auV?7 (yet see W. $ 22. 4) ; and besides, if it were so that any one road to Gaza was known as " desert " beyond others, Luke may have inserted the epithet for the reader's information, as well as the angel for the sake of Philip. " There were several ways," says Dr. Robinson, " leading from Jerusalem to Gaza. The most frequented at the present day, although the longest, is the way by Ramleh. Anciently there appear to have been two more di rect roads; one down the great Wady es-Surar by Beth-Shemesh, and then passing near Tell es- Safieh ; the other through Wady el-Musurr to Betogabra or Eleutheropolis, and thence to Gaza through a more southern tract." Bibl. Res. II. p. 640 ; or p. 514 (ed. 1856). Another route still proceeded by the way of Bethle- 1 See Introduction, § 5. 20 154 COMMENTARY. Chap. VIH, 27. hem and Bethzur to Hebron, and then turned across the plain to Gaza. It passed through the southern part of Judea, and hence through a region actually called "the desert" in Luke 1, 80. This description would apply no doubt to some part of any one of the roads in question. The Hebrews termed any tract "a desert" which was thinly inhabited or unfitted for tillage. See more on v. 36. Lange ] spiritualizes the expression : this is des ert (morally) ; the angel's reason why the evangelist should seek to enlighten also this benighted region. V. 27. AlBiotj/, an Ethiopian, may refer to the country where he resided (comp. 2, 9), or to his extraction. Hence some sup pose that the eunuch was a Jew, who lived in Ethiopia, but most that he was a heathen convert to Judaism. Observe the mean ing of AiBioiruiv in the next clause. It -was customary for prose lytes, as well as foreign Jews, to repair to Jerusalem for worship ; comp. 20, 2; John 12, 20. — euvouxos, a eunuch in the proper im port of the word ; not a minister of state, courtier, to the exclusion of that import, because it would then render Suvdo~njs superfluous. The latter term, a state officer, is a noun both in form and usage (De Wet. Rob.), and is not to be translated as an adjective with euvouxos (Kuin. Mey.). — KavSaKijs ri}s /Jaa-iXi'o-orys AiBioiruiv, Candace, ihe queen of the Ethiopians. Ethiopia was the name of the por tion of Africa known to the ancients south of Egypt, of which Meroe, a fertile island formed by two branches of the Nile, con stituted an important part. Win. Realw. II. p. 439. " It is evi dent both from Strabo and Dio that there was a queen named Candace in Ethiopia, who fought against the Romans about the twenty-second or twenty-third year of the reign of Augus tus Cajsar. (Dio calls her queen of the Ai^iWes v7rep AiyuVrou oJkouvtcs.) It is clear also from Pliny, who flourished in the reign of the/ Emperor Vespasian, that there was a queen of Ethiopia named Candace in his time ; and he adds, that this had been the name of their queens now for many years. It is beyond all doubt, therefore, that there was a queen of Ethiopia of this name at the time when Philip is said to have converted the eunuch. Eusebius tells us that this country continued to be governed by women even to his time." See Biscoe, p. 47. Can dace was the name, not of an individual, but of a dynasty, like Pharaoh in Egypt, or Ca;sar among the Romans. — im t^s ydf>?s, over (as in 12, 20) the treasure. — Trpoo-Kuv^ow, in order to worship proves, not that he was a Jew, but that he was not a heathen. 1 Das apostolische Zeitalter, zweiter Band, p. 109. Chap. VIII, 28-32. COMMENTARY. 155 V. 28. dveyiWrKe, was reading, aloud as we see from v. 30, and probably the Greek text, hot the Hebrew, since the Septuagint was used mostly out of Palestine. It is still a custom among the Orientals, when reading privately, to read audibly, although they may have no particular intention of being heard by others.1 It was common for the Jews to be occupied in this way, especially when they were travelling (Schottg. Hor. Heb. II. p. 443). — It is not improbable that the eunuch had heard, at Jerusalem, of the death of Jesus, and of the wonderful events connected with it, of his claim to be the Messiah, and the existence of a numerous party who acknowledged him in that character. Hence he may have been examining the prophecies at the time that Philip ap proached him, with reference to the question how far they had been accomplished in the history of the person concerning whom such reports had reached him. The extraordinary means which God employed to bring the ^Ethiopian to a knowledge of the gos pel, and the readiness with which he embraced it, authorize the behef, that in this way, or some other, his mind had been spe cially prepared for the reception of the truth. V. 29. koXXtj^ti t<3 dppan tovtio, attach thyself to this chariot, keep near it, follow it. He heard the eunuch read for a time unobserved before he addressed him. V. 30. Spdye, k. r. X., Dost thou understand then what thou readest ? ye serves to render the question more definite. The answer after Spa is more commonly negative ; comp. Luke 18, 8. Klotz ad Devar. II. p. 180 sq. ; W. $ 57. 2. This is given as the rule for prose. — yivioo-xeis d dvayivdWeis is a paronomasia (comp. 2 Cor. 3, 2) and is too striking to be accidental. Philip spoke no doubt in Greek, and would arouse the mind througli the ear. V. 31. 7r5s ydp, k. t. X., For how could I ? The form of the reply attaches itself to the implied negative which precedes. — oSrjyrjo-n, should guide, instruct, similar to John 16, 13. V. 32. rj Se irepioxv, k. t. X., Now the contents (comp. 1 Pet. 2, 6) of the passage (De Wet. Mey.); not of the Scripture in general, section, because ypa avrrj, was this, viz. Is. 53, 7. 8, quoted almost verbatim from the Septuagint. — VX^V' was ted, sc. SiiiYi 155>, ihe servant of Jehovah, or the Messiah. — Kai u>s dpvds, k. t. X., and . as a lamp, etc. This comparison represents the uncomplain ing submission with which the Saviour yielded himself to 1 See Jowett's Researches in Syria, p. 443. 156 COMMENTARY. Chap. VIII, 33-35. the power of his enemies. The death of -Christ was so dis tinctly foretold in this passage, that Bohngbroke was forced to assert that Jesus brought on his own crucifixion by a series of preconcerted measures, merely to give the disciples who came after him the triumph of an appeal to the old prophecies 1 V. 33. ev rfj Taireivuio-ei, k. r. X., admits most readily of this sense : In his humiliation, i. e. in the contempt, violence, outrage, which he suffered, his judgment was taken aivay, viz. the judg ment due to him; he had the rights of justice and humanity withheld from him. The Hebrew is n^ BSdE-?> issa, which yields essentially the same meaning : Through violence and pun ishment he was taken away, i. e. from life (De Wet.). — t^v Seyevedv, k. t. X., and his generation who shall fully declare ? i. e. set forth the wickedness of his contemporaries in their treatment of him (Mey. De Wet. Rob.). The Hebrew sustains fully that trans lation. It is possible, also, to render the Greek and the original thus : Who shall declare his posterity, the number of his spiritual descendants or followers ? The prophet in this case points, by an incidental remark, from the humiliation of Christ to his subse quent triumph, or glorification. Hengstenberg prefers the last meaning.2 — on ... . avrov conforms to the first sense of the clause which precedes, better than to the second. V. 34. diroKpiBeis, addressing (see 3, 12), or answering in fur> ther reply to the question in v. 30 (Mey.). The passage from Isaiah is cited for the information of the reader, and this verse follows historically after v. 31. — 7repl eaurov, k. t. X. The perplex ity of the eunuch in regard to the application of the prophecy indicates that he was a foreigner, rather than a Jew. The great body of the Jewish nation understood this portion of Isaiah to be descriptive of the character and sufferings of the Messiah.8 " The later Jews," says Gesenius, " no doubt, relinquished this interpretation, in consequence of their controversy with the Chris tians.'' V. 35. dvoi£as to oT-dpa aurou is an imperfect Hebraism, i. e. was not peculiar to the Hebrew or Hellenistic writers, but most common in them. See W. $ 3. It arises from the Oriental fond ness for the minute in description, the circumstantial. The ex- 1 Chalmers, Evidences of Christianity, Chapter VI. "¦ Eor a fuller view of the original passage, the reader is referred to Hengsten- berg's Christology, Vol. I. p. 518 sq.; and to Professor Alexander's Commentary on Isaiah. 3 See the proofs in Hengstenberg's Christology, Vol. I. p. 484 sq., and Schott gen's Hor* Hebraicas, Vol. II. p. 647 sq. Chap. VIII, 36. COMMENTARY. 157 pression occurs properly before important, weighty remarks ; comp. 10, 34; Job 3, 1; 32, 20. — Kai dp£dpevos a7rd -rijs ypacprjs Tavrijs is elliptical for and beginning from this passage, and pro ceeding thence to others. W. $ 66. 1. c. Verses 36-40. The Baptism of the Eunuch. V. 36. KaTa i-ijv dSdv, along (5, 15) the way. — im ti vSwp, unto a certain water ; not some, as the genitive would follow that parti tive sense. C. \ 362. /_}. — ti koiXuei, *.. t. X., What hinders (what objection is there) that I should be baptized? This is the modest expression of a desire on the part of the eunuch to declare his faith in that manner, provided the evangelist was willing to ad minister the ordinance to him ; comp. 10, 47. As De Wette remarks, the question presupposes that Philip, among other things, had instructed him in regard to the nature and necessity of bap tism. As the road on which the eunuch journeyed is unknown (see on v. 26), it cannot be ascertained where he was baptized. It may interest the reader to state some of the conjectures. Eu sebius and Jerome concur in saying that it took place at Bethzur (Josh. 15, 58 ; Neh. 3, 16), near Hebron, about twenty miles south of Jerusalem. The site has been identified, bearing still the an cient name. The water there at present issues from a perennial source, a part of which runs to -waste in the neighboring fields, and a part is collected into a drinking trough on one side of the road, and into two small tanks on the other side. It was formerly objected that no chariot could have passed here on account of the broken nature of the ground; but travellers have now dis covered the traces of a paved road and the marks of wheels on the stones. See Ritter's Erdkunde, XVI. 1. p. 266, and Wilson's Lands of the Bible, I. p. 381 The writer found himself able to ride at a rapid pace nearly all the way between Bethlehem and Hebron. The veneration of early times reared a chapel on the spot, the ruins of which are still to be seen. Von Raumer1 defends the genuineness of this primitive tradition. In the age of the crusaders, the baptism was transferred to Ain Haniyeh, about five miles south-west of Jerusalem. A fountain here on the hill-side, which irrigates freely the adjacent valley, is known among the Latins as St. Philip's Fountain. One of the ancient roads to Gaza passed here, but appears to have been less trav elled than the others. Dr. Robinson thinks that the parties must have been nearer to Gaza at the time of the baptism, and would 1 Paliistina, von Karl von Raumer (1850), p. 411 sq. 158 COMMENTARY. Chap. vTII, 37-39. refer the transaction to a Wady in the plain near Tell el-Hasy. Bibl. Res. II. p. 641 ; or p. 514 (1856). V. 37. This verse is wanting in the best authorities. The most reliable manuscripts and versions testify against it. The few copies that contain the words read them variously. Meyer suggests that they may have been taken from some baptismal liturgy, and were added here that it might not appear as if the eunuch was baptized without evidence of his faith. Most of the recent editors expunge the verse. In regard to the passage, see Green's Developed Criticism, p. 97, and Tregelles on the Text of the N. T., p. 269. Yet the interpolation, if it be such, is as old certainly as the time of Irenaeus; and Augustine in the fourth century, though he objected to a certain misuse of the text, did not pronounce it spurious. See Humphry's note here. Those who contend for the words remind us that the oldest manuscripts represent a later age, than that of these fathers. Bornemann puts them in brackets as entitled still to some weight. — tov viov tov Beov is the predicate after eivai. V. 38. Kai eKe'Xeuo-e, k. t. X., And he ordered (viz. the charioteer) that the carriage should stop, lit. stand ; an instructive use of the word for 9, 7. The eunuch's equipage corresponded with his rank. — koI Kare/Jijo-av, «.. t. X., and both went down into ihe water ; not here unto it (which eis may also mean) for it stands opposed to Ik tou u'SaTos, in the next verse ; besides they would have occa sion to enter the stream, or pool, in order to be baptized into it; comp. ipdirTio-Bn eis tov 'IopSdv^v, was baptized into the Jordan, in Mark 1, 9. See Rob. Lex. p. 118. The preposition in KaTe/^oav may refer to the descent from the higher ground to the water, or to the entrance into the water ; but not to the descent from the chariot, for this verb corresponds to dve/Jtjo-av in v. 39, they went up, whereas the eunuch only returned to the carriage. V. 39. iK tov v'SaTos, out of the water ; where some render from, which confounds Ik with diro. — irvevp.a, K. t. X., the Spirit of the Lord seized (hurried away) Philip. The expression asserts that he left the eunuch suddenly, under the impulse of an urgent monition from above, but not that the mode of his departure was miraculous in any other respect. This last certainly is not a necessary conclusion. — eTropeuero, K. T. X., for he went his way, re turned to his country, rejoicing. Xaipwv belongs logically to a separate clause, but is put here for the sake of brevity. — Tradi tion says that the eunuch's name was Indich, and that it was he who first preached the gospel in Ethiopia. It is certain that Christianity existed there at an early period, but its introduction, Chap.EC, 1. COMMENTARY. 159 says Neander, cannot be traced to any connection with his la bors. V. 40. eipiBrj, k. t. X., not was = rp> (Kuin.), but was found at (lit. unto, from the idea of the journey thither) Azotus, i. e. was next heard of there, after the transaction in the desert. This place was the ancient Ashdod, a city of the Philistines, near the sea-coast. The ruins consist of a mound covered with broken pottery, and of a few pieces of marble (see Amos 1, 8). A httle village not far off, called Esdud, perpetuates the ancient name. — 7rdXeis does not depend on the participle, but on the verb, as in v. 25. Among the towns through which he passed between Azotus and Cassarea must have been Lydda and Joppa. Caesarea was Philip's home. Here we find him again, after the lapse of more than twenty years, when the Saul who was now "breathing menace and murder against the disciples " was entertained by him as a Christian guest ; see 21, 8. — Luke's narrative brings us frequently to Ccesarea. . It was about sixty miles northwest from Jerusalem, on the Mediterranean, south of Carmel. It was the ancient _§TpaTiovos Trupyos, which Herod the Great had rebuilt and named Casarea in honor of Augustus. It was now the resi dence of the Roman procurators. Its inhabitants were mostly heathen ; the Jewish population was small. For an account of this city in its splendor, and in its present state of desolation, see Howson's Life and Epistles of St. Paul, Vol. II. p. 344 sq. CHAPTER IX. Verses 1-9. Christ appears to Saul on the way to Damascus. V. 1. Se, but, turns the attention again to Saul. — en connects this verse with 8, 3. — ipnrviuiv .... $dvou, breathing menace and murder; in 26, 11, ip,p.aiv6u.evos. The figure is founded apparently on the fact, that a person under the excitement of strong emotion breathes harder and quicker, pants, struggles to give vent to the passion of which he is full (Wetst. Kyp. Kuin. Olsh.). rrvelv tivos, to breathe of something, to be redolent, is a different expression. The genitive in this construction denotes properly that from or out of which one breathes, as the cause, source ; the accusative, that which one breathes, as the substance, element. See W. $ 30. 9. c; Mt. h 376. Meyer translates ipjirviuiv, inhaling; bu* ev in 160 COMMENTARY. Chap. IX, 2. this compound was generally lost; see Tromm's Concord, s. v. — ti3 dPXiepe1. If Saul was converted in A. D. 36, the high-priest was Jonathan, the successor of Caiaphas (deposed in A. D. 35) and a son of Ananus, or Annas; but if he was converted in A D. 37 or 38, the high-priest was Theophilus, another son of Annas. V. 2. imo-ToXds, letters, which were not merely commendatory, but armed him with fidl power to execute his object; see v. 14; 26, 12. For the apostle's age at this time, see on 7, 58. The Jews in every country recognized the Sanhedrim as their highest ec clesiastical tribunal. In 26, 10 (comp. v. 14 below), Paul says that he received his authority from the dpx«peis, and in 22, 5, from the -rrpeo-pvripiov, which are merely different modes of designating the Sanhedrim ; see on 4, 5. He says here that he had his commission from the high-priest ; which harmonizes entirely with the other passages, since the high-priest represented the Sanhe drim in this act. On receiving Saul's application, he may have convened that body, and have been formally instructed to issue the letters. The proposal was sufficiently important to engage the attention of the entire council. — eis Aapao-Ko'v states the local destination of the letters. This ancient capital of Syria was still an important city, and had a large Jewish population. It lay northeast of Jerusalem, distant about one hundred and forty miles, making for those times a rapid journey of five or six days. The route of Saul on this expedition can only be conjectured. If the Roman roads in Syria had been opened as early as this, he went probably for the sake of despatch by the way of Bethel or Gophna to Neapolis, crossed the Jordan near Scythopolis, the ancient Bethshean (now Beisan),and proceeded thence to Gadara, a Roman city, and so through the modern Hauran to Damascus. By another track which coincided in part with the. preceding, he passed along the base of Tabor, crossed the Jordan a few miles above the Sea of Tiberias (where Jacob's bridge now is), and then either ascended to Csesarea Philippi, at the foot of Hermon, or turned more abruptly to the right, and traversed the desert as before on the east of Antilebanon. For the details, see How- son's Work, Vol. I. p. 102 sq. — irpds tus o-uvayoryds, unto the syna gogues, i. e. the officers of them, who were the dpxio-uvdyooyos (Luke 8, 49), and the Trpeo-fivrepoi associated with him (Luke 7,3). The former term was sometimes applied to them both ; see 13, 15; Mark 5, 22. These rulers formed a college, whose province it was, among other duties, to punish those who deserted the Jewish faith. De Wet. Heb. ArchseoL $ 244. Hence it belonged Chap. IX, 3-6. COMMENTARY. 161 to them to discipline those who joined the Christian party ; or, as it was proposed in this instance, to carry them to Jerusalem, it was their duty to aid Saul in his efforts to apprehend the delin quents. — rijs dSou, i. e. KaT efaxrjv, of the (well-known Christian) way in regard to faith, manner of life, etc.; comp. 19, 9. 23; 22, 4 ; 24, 14, 22. See the idea expressed more fully in 16, 17; 18, 25. W. \ 18. 1. dSou depends on dvras under the rule of appur tenance, property. K. § 273. 2 ; C. h 387. V. 3. ev Se t<3 7ropeueo-^ai, k. t. X., Now while he journeyed, it came to pass ( Hebraistic) that he, etc. — A.ap.ao-Ko> depends on the verb (K. § 284. 3. 2) ; not the dative of the place whither. — Treptrj- o-Tpaifrev avrov cpios, a light gleamed around him. The preposition in the verb governs avrov. In 22, 6, it is repeated, according to the rule stated on 3, 2. In 22, 6, Paul says that the light which he saw was a powerful light, and in 26, 13, that it exceeded the splendor of the sun at noonday. That Luke's statement is the more general one, while the intenser expressions occur in Paul's recital, is what we should expect from the truth of the his tory. V. 4. ireow eVi rrjv yijv, having fallen to the earth, probably from the animal which he rode ; see 22, 7. — rjKovo-e, k. t. X. See also 22, 7 ; 26, 14. The necessary inference is, that Saul heard audi ble words, and not merely that an impression was made upon him as if he heard them. It was a part of the miracle that those who accompanied him heard the voice of the speaker, but failed to distinguish the words uttered. The communication was in tended for Saul, and was understood, therefore, by him only. V. 5. tis ef, Kvpie; Who art thou, Lord? He did not know yet that it was Christ who addressed him. Hence Kvpie has the sig nificance which belongs to it as recognizing the fact, that an angel, or perhaps God himself, was now speaking to him from heaven. To suppose it used by anticipation, i. e. as denoting him who proved to be Christ, makes it Luke's word, and is unnatural. Yet Saul's uncertainty could have been but momentary : " con- scientia ipsa facile diceret, Jesum esse " (Bng.). — The remainder of the verse, as it stands in the common text, viz. ovcX^pdv .... XaKTi'£eiv, has been transferred to this place from 26, 14. See Green's Developed Criticism, p. 98. V. 6. Most of the manuscripts begin this verse with dXXd. The sentence Tpip.uiv .... iroiijcrai (which the Enghsh translation has copied) is wanting in the best authorities. It rests chiefly upon some of the early versions. The words Kai d Kupios 7rpds auro'v have been derived from 22, 10. — dXXd occurs often before 21 1(32 COMMENTARY. Chap. IX, 6. 7. a command abruptly given; comp. 10, 20; "26, 16. W. § 53. 7; K. $ 322 ; R. 12. — Kai XaXrjB-rjo-eTai, k. t. X. It would appear from the speech before Agrippa (see 26, 16-18), that Christ may have made to Saul, at this time, a fuller communication than Luke has reported in this place. The verb here (it shall be told thee, etc.) does not exclude that supposition; for it may import that, on his arrival in the city, he should be confirmed in what he had now" heard, or instructed further, in regard to his future labors. But some prefer to consider Paul's narrative before Agrippa as the abridged account. The message which Ananias delivered to Saul (intimated here in v. 15, but recorded more fully in 22, 14-16) was a message from Christ ; and as the apostle makes no mention of Ananias in 26, 16 sq., it is very possible that he has there, for the sake of brevity, passed over the intermediate agency, and referred the words directly to Christ, which Christ communicated to him through Ananias. This would be merely applying the common maxim, Quod quis per alium facit, id ipse fecis.se putalur. — ti o-e Sei iroielv, ivhat thou must do, is the answer probably to Saul's question ti ttoiijo-io, what shall I do, recorded in 22, 9. Sei refers not to duty, but the divine purpose, destination ; see 22, 10. V 7. eio-TrJKeio-av ivveoi, were standing (see on 1, 10) speechless, having stopped instantly, overcome by amazement and terror; comp. ep<£o/_?oi e'ye'vovTo in 22, 9. The adjective is more correctly written eveoi. W. \ 5. 1. This verb often means to stand, not as opposed to other attitudes, but to be fixed, stationary, as opposed to the idea of motion ; comp. 8, 38 ; Luke 5, 2. See the Class. Lexx. s. v. In this sense the passage is entirely consistent with 26, 14, where it is said that when they heard the voice they all fell to the ground. Plainly it was not Luke's object to say that they stood erect in distinction from kneeling, lying prostrate, and the like; but that, overpowered by what they saw and heard, they were fixed to the spot; they were unable for a time to speak or move. The conciliation which some adopt (Bng. Kuin. Bmg.) is that they fell to the ground at first, but afterwards rose up and stood. It is unnecessary to urge this view ; but Zeller's objection to it that eiortjKeio-av as pluperfect excludes a previous falling is ungrammatical. — aKouWes pkv t^s <£uivrjv, and here in v. 7 uivfjs, some would attribute to the genitive a partitive sense, i. e. something of the voice, or indistinctly. But the difference does not hold ; for in 22, 7, Paul says of himself r/Kouo-a <£v?)s, where he cannot mean that he had only a confused perception of what was said to him. Some prefer to vary the sense of = "0|(i. This answer implies that the person hears, and waits to listen further; comp. Gen. 22, 1. 7 ; 27, 1 ; 1 Sam. 3, 8, etc. V. 11. For dvaords, see on v. 18. — pupiyv, street, or more strict ly alley, lane (comp. Luke 14, 21) ; = o-Tevfcra-ds in the later Greek. See Lob. ad Phryn. p. 40, and R. and P. Lex. s. v. — rijv KaXoupe'- vr\v evBelav, which is called straight. The principal street in Da mascus at present runs through the city from east to west, and is remarkably straight in some parts, as well as narrow. The Ori ental Christians say that this is the street in which Saul lodged. The traces of a triple colonade are reported to be found in the adjacent houses on both sides of the street, and if so they show that the present street, though not so wide, follows at least the line of an ancient street of the city. But even in that case it maybe questioned whether pvp.ii would be apphed to a thorough fare adorned with works of so much splendor. — Tapo-e'a, a native of Tarsus (22, 3), see on v. 30. — ydp irpoo-evxerai, for he prays. The act is then taking place, and is mentioned as a reason why Ana nias might be sure of a favorable reception. He is informed of the vision also because that served in hke manner to prepare the way for his visit. V. 12. Kai eTSev, k. t. X., and saw a man, (made known to him Chap. IX, 13-15. COMMENTARY. 165 in the vision as) Ananias by name ; a breviloquence like that in 15, 9. — imBevTa auTu x£'Pa» placing hand upon him, as a sign of the benefit which he was to be the medium of communicating ; comp. on 6, 6. The expression is indefinite, like that in 12, 1. Lachmann thinks the authority sufficient to read Tas xe4°as> as m v. 17. — dvafiXefri, might look up, open, his eyes and see. This sense is not common out of the New Testament. It is found (a case not usually cited) at the close of Plut. de sera Num. vin- dicta. V. 13. The reply of Ananias shows how fearful a notoriety as a persecutor Saul had acquired. Compare 26, 10. — do-a KaKa, how great evils. — tois dyi'ois crou, unto thy saints, i. e. those conse crated to him, and so his. This term, as applied in the New Testament, refers to the normal or prescribed standard of Chris tian character, rather than the actual one. See 1 Cor. 1, 2, as compared with 1 Cor. 3, 2 ; 11, 21, etc. It belongs to all who profess to be disciples, and does not distinguish one class of them as superior to others in point of excellence. V. 14. exei e^ouo-i'av. Ananias may have received letters from the Christians at Jerusalem ; or those who came with Saul may have divulged the object of the journey since their arrival. — tous eiriKaXoupe'vovs to ovopd o-ov, those who call upon, invoke in prayer, thy name ; comp. 2, 21 ; 7, 59 ; 1 Cor. 1, 2. This partici ple is middle, not passive. The Greek for those on whom thy name is called would be like that in 15, 17. The expression here is the one which the Seventy commonly use to translate Diin snjj, a well known formula in the Old Testament signifying to worship. Gesenius (Lex. p. 938) says with reference to this phrase : To call on the name of God is to invoke his name, i. e. to praise, cel ebrate, worship God. Of course, we are to attach the same meaning to the words in the New Testament. Hence this lan guage, which states a fact so characteristic of the first Christians that it fixed upon them the name of callers upon Christ, shows that they were accustomed to offer to him divine honor. See on 7, 59. V. 15. o-Kevos eVXoy^s, a vessel (2 Cor. 4, 7), instrument, of choice, i. e. a chosen instrument. For this use of the genitive, see on 7, 30. The similar examples in Greek belong rather to poetry. It is a common idiom in Hebrew. Gesen. Heb. Gr. $ 104. — fiao-- Tao-ai, to bear, continues the metaphor in o-Keuos (Alf.). — jSacriXeW, kings, rulers of the highest class ; comp. 17, 7 ; John 19, 15. Paul stood as a witness for Christ before the governors of Cyprus, Achaia, and Judea, ijjid before Herod Agrippa and probably Nero. — vifiv 'Io-paijX. The progress of the narrative will show how 166 COMMENTARY. Chap. IX, 16-18. faithfully he executed this part of his mission. Though he was the great apostle of the Gentiles, he never ceased to preach to his countrymen. V. 16. eyio ydp, *. t. X., For I will show him by experience,, will cause him to learn in the course of his life (Bng. Mey.). Ac cording to De Wette, it .means that God would teach him by revelation ; but this verb is not employed to denote the commu nication of knowledge in that manner. The statement here con firms the declaration that Saul would accomplish so much for the cause of Christ ; for (ydp) he was to suffer much, and his labors would be efficient in proportion to his sufferings. V. 17. ei7re, *. t. X. The address of Ananias to Saul is reported more fully in 22, 14 sq. He salutes him as brother (d8eXv Tpotfv, liaving taken food after the fast of the three days, see v. 9. Chap. IX, 19-23. COMMENTARY. 167 Verses 19-22. Tlie Labors of Paul at Damascus. V. 19. peTa tuiv p.aBr]T rev Kvplov, in the fear of 172 COMMENTARY. Chap. IX, 32-35. the Lord, in conformity with that state of mind ; dative of rule or manner. W. § 31. 6. b. — Kai rfj irapaKX-qcrei tov dyiov 7rvevpaTos, belongs not to iropev6u.evai, but to eVX^uvovTO, of which it assigns the cause : and by the aid, persuasive energy, (Kuin. Mey. Rob.), cf the Holy Spirit ivere multiplied. That sense of irapaKXrio-ei is not certain. De Wette : The power of consolatory discourse con ferred by the Spirit on those who preached ; comp. 4, 36. V. 32. Peter may have left Jerusalem soon after the departure of Paul ; see on v. 27. — Siepxo'pevov, *. t. X., passing through all the believers in that part of the country. After rrdvTwv supply dyduv (Bng. Mey. De Wet.), not toVwv (Kuin. Wiesl.) ; comp. 20, 25; Rom. 15, 28. The narrative assumes that the gospel had been preached here already (see 8, 44) ; and this was a tour of visitation. — Kai, also, includes the saints at Lydda among the rrdvTwv. In crossing the plain from Yafa or Joppa to Ramleh, the traveller sees a village with a- tall minaret in the southeast, and on inquiring the name is told that it is Lud or Lid. It stands on the ancient line of travel between Jerusalem and Cffisarea. It is the modern representative of the Lydda in our text. V. 33. His name may indicate that JEneas was a Greek, or Hellenistic Jew. He was probably a believer, as faith was usu ally required of those who received the benefits of the gospel. — e£ iriov oktui, since eight years, for so long a time. — Kpaj3(3dTw, pal let, as in 5, 15. V. 34. o-Tp&o-ov o-eauTw, spread for thyself, i. e. thy bed, not in future (Kuin.), but immediately (De Wet. Mey.). Others had performed that office for him hitherto. He was now to evince his restoration by an act which had been the peculiar evidence of his infirmity. The object of the verb suggests itself; it is not strictly an ellipsis. V. 35. eTSov avrov, saw him after his recovery, whom they had known before as a confirmed paralytic. — TrdvTesmay be restricted, as suggested on 3, 18. — tov Sdpuva = ymn, the Plain. It ex tended along the sea-coast from Joppa to Caesarea, about thirty miles. Here the part nearest to Lydda appears to be meant. Some have thought (Win. Realw. II. p. 383) that Saron may designate here a village of that name. — oirives irrio-Tpetyav, k. t. X., who, influenced by the miracle, turned unto the Lord, see v. 42 ; not ivho had turned (Kuin.). In the latter case, the import of the remark would be that the miracle was a credible one, because it was so well attested. Such an apologetic interest is foreign to Luke's manner. Chap. IX, 36-40. COMMENTARY. 173 Verses 36-43. Peter visits Joppa. V. 36. 'loirirrj, Joppa (Jon. 1, 3) was northwest from Lydda (nee on v. 32), the present Japha, or Yafa, on the sea-coast. — Tab itha = NBiaa is Chaldee, and means a gazelle. We may infer from it her Jewish origin. To her Greek friends she may have been known also by the other name. — Kai eXei7p,oa-uv£v, and (es pecially) alms, deeds of charity ; Kai, explicative. V. 37. Xouo-avres, k. t. X., having washed, they placed her in the upper chamber of the house where they were. As the limitation suggests itself, the article is omitted. W. } 19. 1. It is inserted in v. 39, because there it points back to this place. It was cus tomary among the Hebrews for women to perform this rite ; but as Luke would specify here the act rather than the agency, he employs the masculine of the participle, equivalent to the indefi nite " they." W. § 27. 6. V. 38. eyyu's governs 'Io7r7nj as an adverb. The distance be tween the places is ten or twelve miles. — d-TreVreiXav. It is not said that they sent for him with any definite expectation of a miracle. It was natural that they should desire his presence and sympathy at such a time. V. 39. eis to iirepiaov, into the upper chamber. The body was usually kept here when for any reason the interment -was de layed. See Jahn's ArchseoL § 204 ; Win. Realw. I. p. 467. Tliey had been waiting in this instance for the arrival of Peter. — al XVPaL> the widows, -who had been the objects of her benevolence, and who now mourned the death of their benefactress. Every one must be struck at the natural manner in which this beautiful incident is introduced. — x'™vas K<" Ip-dria, tunics and coats, such as were worn by men and women. The omission of the article (suggestive of a wrong sense as inserted in E. V.) shows that they presented specimens only of her industry. Some of the garments may have been worn by those present, and others have been laid up for future distribution. — do-a, which all, which so many, not = d simply, which. — iwolei (imperf.), was accustomed to make. V. 40- iKpaXuiv .... Trdvras, But having put all forth, caused them to retire ; not with violence, see Mark 5, 40 ; John 10, 4. The object may have been to secure himself from observation and interruption, while he prayed with fervor and agony. Elisha pursued the same course, for the same reason probably, when he restored to life the Shunamite's son; see 2 Kings 4, 33; also 174 COMMENTARY. Chap. X, 1. Matt. 9, 25. — irpoo-rjv^aTo. Peter would address his prayer to Christ ; for the apostles wrought their miracles in his name ; see v. 34 ; 3, 6. 16 ; 4, 10. — avdo-r-qBi, arise, stand erect. Peter speaks as one who felt assured that his prayer had prevailed, see Matt. 17, 20. V. 42. eye'veTo draws its subject from the context, viz. the mir acle. — fal Tdv Kupiov, upon the Lord, Christ, whose gospel had been so signally attested as true. V. 43. Peter remained here many days, because the place was large, and the people evinced a preparation for the reception of the word. — (Hvpo-el, a tanner. The more scrupulous Jews regarded such- an occupation as unclean, and avoided those who pursued it. The conduct of Peter here shows that he did not carry his preju dices to that extent. CHAPTER X. Verses 1-8. Tlie Vision of Cornelius, ilie Centurion. V. 1. eKaTovTdpxrp; is often interchanged with eKaTovTdpxos (21, 32; 22, 25, etc.). The first is the prevalent form in the later Greek. W. { 8. 1. The word has a uniform termination in some copies of the text. — o-ireipr]^ 'IraXudjs. Some suppose this cohort to have belonged to the legio Italica, or Ilalica prima, of which we read in Tacitus (Hist. 1. 59, 64, etc.) ; but the fact stated by Dio Cassius (55. 24) is overlooked, that this legion was raised by Nero, and consequently was not in existence at this period of our narrative. While no ancient writer has left any notice confirm ing Luke's accuracy in this passage, it so happens that an inscrip tion in Gruter ] informs us that volunteer Italian cohorts served in Syria, i. e. Italian or Roman soldiers, who enlisted of their own accord, instead of being obliged to perform military service (see Diet, of Antt. art. Velones). It is generally supposed that the Roman cohorts, instead of being incorporated always with a particular legion, existed often separately. It is probable that such an independent cohort was now stationed at Csesarea, 1 Cofried in Ackerman's Numismatic Illustrations of the Narrative Portions of the New Testament, p. 34. Chap. X, 2-5. COMMENTARY. 175 called the Italian, because it consisted of native Italians, where as the other cohorts in Palestine were levied for the most part from the country itself. See Jos. Antt. 14. 15. 10; Bell. Jud. 1. 17. 1. Compare the note on 27, 1. It is worthy of remark, as Tholuck 1 suggests, that Luke places this Italian cohort precisely here. Caesarea was the residence of the Roman procurator (see on 8, 40) ; and it was important that he should have there a body of troops on whose fidelity he could rely. V. 2. euo-e/Jrjs .... Beov, devout and fearing God. All the cen turions in the New Testament appear in a favorable light (Hmph.). See 27, 3 ; Matt. 8, 5 ; Luke 7, 2. The one here was a worshipper of Jehovah, but had not submitted to circumcision, or avowed publicly the Jewish faith. The opinion that he was a proselyte disagrees with v. 28. 34 ; 11, 1. 8 ; 15, 7 ; for those pas-: sages show that he was regarded by the Jews at this time as belonging still to a heathen community. Cornelius was one of those men, so numerous in this effete age of idolatry, who were yearning for a better worship, and under that impulse had em braced the pure theism of the Old Testament, so much superior to every other form of religion known to them. They attended the synagogues, heard and read the Scriptures, practised some of the Jewish rites, and were in a state of mind predisposing them to welcome the gospel of Christ when it was announced to them. This class of persons furnished the greater part of the first Gentile converts. — to! XacS, the people, -viz. of the Jews ; comp. v. 42 ; 26, 17. 23 ; 28, 17. Perhaps Luke 7, 5 brings to view one of the ways in which he applied his benefactions. V. 3. ev dpdpan may be understood of an inner or of an out ward vision (Neand.). — avep5s, distinctly, applies better to a per ceptive act than to an act of consciousness. eiSev is ambiguous in that respect. — &>o-el wpav iwd-rr/v, about the ninth hour, in the course of it; accusative of time how long. Bernh. Synt. p. 116. This hour was one of the Jewish hours of prayer (3, 1). V. 4. Tieori; What is it which is designed or desired? — For Kupie, see the remark on 9, 5. — irpoo-evxai and iXe-qp.oo-vvai, which belong to one verb here, are assigned to two verbs in v. 31. — eis pvripoo-vvov, for a memorial, as such (see on 7, 21), i. e. he was now to receive evidence of his being remembered, inasmuch as God was about to open a way for his attainment of the peace of mind which he had so anxiously sought. V. 5. Joppa was about thirty miles south of Csesarea. — perd- 1 Die Glaubwiirdigkeit der Evangelischen Geschichte, p. 174. 176 COMMENTARY. Chap. X, 6-10. mp-xj/ai is middle, because he was to execute the act through the agency of others. K. J 250. R. 2; B. § 135. 8. — 2,(p.uiva IleVpos. Both names are given, so as to prevent mistake as to the individual whom the messengers were 1o find. This, too, is the reason for describing so minutely his place of abode. V. 6. mxpd BdXao-o-av, by the seashore, viz. that of the Mediter ranean. Luke states a fact here ; the ground of it we learn from other sources. The sanatory laws of the ancients, it is said, re quired tanners to live out of the city ; " non solum ob mortua animalia, quorum usum ipsa eorum opificii ratio efflagitabat, sed etiam ob fcetidos in eorum officinis et sedibus odores et sordes.' Walch, Dissertationes, etc., Vol. I. p. 125. The convenient pros ecution of their business required that they should be near the water. — ovtos XaX^o-ei o-oi ti oe Sei 7roieiv, at the close of this verse, in the common text, was inserted in conformity with 9, 6 ; 10, 32. V. 7. (is Se dirrjXBev, *. t. X. He despatched the messengers, therefore, on the same day, although it was so far advanced (v. 3); comp. e£aur>5s in v. 33. — d XaXw must be taken as imper fect; comp. John 9, 8 (De Wet.). — tuiv TrpoaKapTepovvToiv aur<3, of those (sc. soldiers) who waited upon him, who stood ready to per form those personal services which he might require. Kuinoel's idea is that they acted as a house-sentry. — euo-e/ifij accords wilh the description of the centurion's family in v. 2. Verses 9-16. The Vision of Peter. V. 9. rj5 eVavpiov, on the morrow, after their departure from Csesarea. — im to 85>p.a, upon ihe house-top, the roof which, accord ing to the Oriental manner, was flat, or but slightly inclined. It was the place often chosen for the performance of religious du ties. Jahn's Archseol. k 24. The situation does not expose one necessarily to public view. A wall or balustrade three or four feet high surrounds many of the roofs in the East, where a person may sit or kneel without being observed by others. Moses required (Deut. 22, 8) that every house should have such a pro tection. V. 10. 7rpdo-7reivos occurs only here. The law of analogy shows it to be intensive, very hungry. — rjBeXe yeu'o-ao-5-ai, desired to eat ; not would have eaten. — 7rapao-Keva£o'v™v Se eKeivuv, While they now (not but) were preparing, i. e. for the evening repast; see v. 9. The pronoun refers to those in the family where Peter was en tertained. — eWracris = ev 7rveup,aTi (Rev.. 1, 10), i. e. a trance, or rapture, whereby (if we may so express it) he was transported Chap. X, 11-15. COMMENTARY. 177 out of himself, and put into a mental state in which he could dis cern objects beyond the apprehension of man's natural powers. See 11, 5; 22, 17. — In the mode of instruction which God em ployed in this instance, he adapted himself to the peculiar cir cumstances in which Peter was placed. " Tlie divine light that was making its way to his spirit revealed itself in the mirror of sensible images, which proceeded from the existing state of his bodily frame " (Neand.) V. 11. Beuipel, beholds with wonder (see on 4, 13). — o-Keuds n, a certain vessel, receptacle, which dis oBovrjv peydXijv describes more definitely as a great sheet. — Teo-o-apcriv .... y^s, bound by four corners or ends (anarthrous, since the number was not definite of itself), and (thus) let down upon the earth. The conception of the scene suggested by the text is that of the sheet upheld by cords attached to its four points, and suspended from above by an unseen power. This is the common view, and, I think, the correct one. Meyer understands dpxais of the four corners of heaven, i. e. east, west, north, and south, to which the four ends of the sheet were fastened. Neander inclines to that interpreta tion, dpxais with such a reference would seem to demand the article, as much as the translation into English and German. — Lachmann expunges SeSepeVov Kai, after A, B, C, and some other authorities; but probably the omission of the words in '11, 5 led to their omission here. V. 12. irdvTa Ta TeTpdiroSa, all the quadrupeds, i. e. as to their varieties, not individually. The text here is confused, tijs yijs is to be retained, no doubt, but should follow ep7rerd (Lchm. Mey. Tsch.). — Kai Ta Brjpia before Kai Ta epirerd is not found in the con trolling manuscripts. It is evident that the text in 11, 6 has in fluenced the text in this passage. V. 13. dvaards. See on 9, 18. Yet Peter may have been kneeling, or reclining, at that moment (Mey.). — Bvo-ov Kai 4>dye, slay and eat, i. e. any one of the creatures exhibited to him, with out regard to the distinction of clean or unclean. V. 14. 7rdv, preceded by the negative, is a Hebraism for ovSev ; comp. Matt. 24, 22 ; Rom. 3, 20 ; Eph. 5, 5. The two modes of expression present the idea from different points of view. That of the Hebrews excepts every thing from the action of the verb ; that of the Greeks subjects nothing to it. Gesen. Heb. Gr. § 149. 1 ; W. § 26. 1. — koivov is the opposite of dyiov, common, unholy As this sense was unusual, the more explicit aKaBaprov follows. V. 15. d d #eds iKaBdpixre, What God cleansed, i. e. declared by this symbolic act to be clean. The aorist and perfect should not 23 17& COMMENTARY. Chap. X, 16-20. be confounded here. Verbs in Hebrew have often this declar ative sense; comp. Lev. 13, 3. 8. 13; 16, 30; Ezek. 43, 3; Jer. 1, 10, etc. See Gesen. Heb. Lex. s. itto. An approximating usage exists in Greek. — ov p.r) koivov, call not thou common, av is con trasted with Beos. It is not usual to insert the first or second personal pronoun as the subject of a verb, unless it be emphatic. K. $ 302. 1 ; B. § 129. 14. The imperative is present because he was committing the prohibited act at the time. Compare the note on 7, 60. V. 16. tovto refers to the repetition of the voice, not to the vision as seen three times. Those who understand it in the lat ter way overlook 7rdXiv eK Sevripov just before. The command was reiterated, in order to impress the words more deeply on the mind of Peter. Verses 17-22. The Messengers arrive at foppa. V 17. Sirpropei, was perplexed, uncertain. — ti dv el-q, what it might be, signify; comp. Luke 8, 9; John 10, 6. He must have been convinced that such a revelation was not designed merely to announce the abolition of a ceremonial custom ; but it was not yet evident to him how much the principle comprehended, and especially in what practical manner he was to exhibit his libera tion from the scruples by which he had been bound hitherto. — o elSe, which he had seen ; comp. on 1, 2. — Kai iSoi', then behold, as in 1, 10. — SiepuT^cravTes, a strengthened sense, having inquired out. The tanner was an obscure man and not to be found in a moment. — e^i tov irvXwva, unto the gate, which opened directly into the house or court; not the porch, vestibule, since the more splendid houses only had that appendage (De Wet.) ; comp. Matt. 26, 71. V. 18. cpuivrjo-avTes, sc. Tivd (see v. 7), having called some one, or, without any object, having called, announced their presence. — ei ievi^erai, if he lodges. The present tense turns the question into a direct form. The use of the two names again (v. 5) is not unmeaning. So many persons were called Simon, that the stran gers must be minute in their inquiry. V. 19. 8ievBvp.ovp.ivov is stronger than ivBvp.ovp.ivov in the com mon text : earnestly considering. The first is the better attested word. — Tpeis after dvSpes should be omitted. It was added from v. 7; 11, 11. V. 20. dXXd, but, turns the discourse to a new point ; comp. 9, 6. — pijSev 8iaKpivdp,evos, making no scruple, i. e. to go with them, Chap. X, 21-25. COMMENTARY. 179 although they are heathen. — eyoi = 7rveup.a in v. 19. — d7re'cn-aXKa auTous, sent them; not perfect (E. V.). V. 21. tous a7reo-TaXpevous a7rd tou KopvijXiou wpds avrov defines avSpas; and since, in the public reading of the Scriptures, a new section began here, the words were necessary in order to suggest the connection. This accounts for our finding them in a few copies. The preponderant testimony is against them. V. 22. paprupoup.evos occurs, as in 6, 3. — ixpripaTlo-Bri, was di vinely instructed; comp. Matt. 2, 12. In the classics this word refers to a communication made in reply to a question ; but in the New Tetsament and the Septuagint it drops that relative sense. — 6-rjp.aTa, words, instruction; comp. XaXijo-ei o-oi in v. 32. The first account of the vision (v. 4 sq.) omits this partic ular. Verses 23-33. Peter proceeds to Ccesarea. V. 23. ttJ eVaupiov, on the morrow after the arrival of the mes sengers. — tiv« tuiv dSeX^Sv. They are the six men mentioned in 11, 12. We are not informed of their object in accompanying the apostle. They may have gone as his personal friends merely, or from a natural desire to know the result of so extraordinary a summons. In his defence before the church of Jerusalem (see 11, 1 sq.), Peter appealed to these brethren to confirm his state ments. Some have conjectured that he may have foreseen the necessity of that justification, and took the precaution to secure the presence of those who would be acknowledged as impartial Jewish witnesses. V. 24. tjj eVaupiov, on the morrow after leaving Joppa ; comp. v. 9. Thirty miles (see on v. 5) was more than a single day's jour ney in the East. It must be the truth which brings out such accuracy in these details. — For eis in the verb repeated be fore the noun, see on 3, 2. — tous dvayKai'ovs epiXovs, his intimate friends. The classical writers combine the words with that meaning (Kypk. Wetst). V. 25. dis Se, k. t. X., Now as it came to pass that Peter was en tering, Cornelius having met him,, viz. at the door, or in the court of the house. The first interview appears to have taken place there, and then the centurion^ and the apostle proceeded to the room where the company were assembled ; see v. 27. — eVi tovs Tro'Sas, upon the feet, viz. of Peter, which he may have embraced at the same time ; comp. Matt. 28, 9, — wpoo-eKvVijo-ev, paid rever ence, viz. by prostrating himself in the Oriental manner. Since 180 ¦ COMMENTARY. Chap. X, 26-28. Cornelius acknowledged Jehovah as the true God, and must have regarded him as the only proper object of worship, it is difficult to believe that he intended this as an act of religious homage. The description of his character in v. 2 and v. 22 cannot be easily reconciled with the imputation of such a design. See more on the next verse. V. 26. avrdv rjyeipe, raised him up, caused him to rise by the command addressed to him. — Kdyw avrds, k. t. X., I also myself am a man, as well as you. Peter may have been surprised at such a mode of salutation from a Roman, whose national habits were so different ; he had reason to fear that the centurion had mistaken his character, was exceeding the proper limits of the respect due from one man to another. He recoiled at the idea of the possi bility of having a homage tendered to him, which might partake of the reverence that belongs only to God. In other words, it is more probable that Peter, in his concern for the divine honor, warned the centurion against an act which he apprehended, than that the centurion committed an act so inconsistent with his re ligious faith. That inconsistency is so much the less to be ad mitted, because Peter had just been represented in the vision so distinctly as a man. The apostles claimed no ability to know the hearts or thoughts of men, except as their actions revealed them. Compare with this conduct of Peter that of Paul and Barnabas at Lystra (14, 14 sq.). The Saviour, on the contrary, never re pressed the disposition of his disciples to think highly of his rank and character. He never reminded them of the equality of his nature with their own, or intimated that the honor paid to him was excessive. He received their homage, whatever the form in which they offered it, however excited the state of mind which prompted it. This different procedure on the part of Christ we can ascribe only to his consciousness of a claim to be acknowl edged as divine. V. 27. 0-vvop.iXuiv au™, conversing with him (Whl. Rob.); comp. opiXeiv in 20, 11 ; 24, 26; Luke 24, 14. 15. Some render accom panying him, which is too self-evident to be stated so formally. The first sense is peculiar to Luke. — eio-r}X#e, went in, perhaps into an upper room ; see on 1, 13. V. 28. dis may qualify the adj ective, how, in what degree ( Mey.) , or io-riv, how it is (knowledge and fact accordant). — dBipiirov, un lawful. The Jews professed to ground this view on the laws of Moses; but they could adduce no express command for it, or just construction of any command. No one of the N. T. writers employs this word, except Peter here and in 1 Pet. 4, 3. — Chap. X, 28-30. COMMENTARY. 181 KoXXao-^ai, k. t. X., to associate with (5, 15), or come unto, one of another nation. The second verb evolves the sense of the first. dXXocpvXot. is applied to the Philistines in 1 Sam. 13, 3-5 (Sept.), and to the Greeks in 1 Mace. 4, 12. It has been said that Luke has betrayed here an ignorance of Jewish customs ; since the Jews, though they refused to eat with the uncircumcised (Gal. 2, 12), did not avoid all intercourse with them. But the objection presses the language to an extreme. We are to limit such gen eral expressions by the occasion and the nature of the subject. The intercourse with the Gentiles, represented here as so repug nant to Jewish ideas, was such intercourse as had now taken place ; it was to enter the houses of the heathen, partake freely of their hospitality, recognize their social equality. In accord ance with this, we find KoXXdo-Bai exchanged for o-uve'ayes in 11, 3 ; the word there may be supposed to define the word here. De Wette objects that the act of eating has not been mentioned ; but it is not mentioned anywhere, and yet the subsequent accu sation against the apostle alleges it as the main offence. The act was, doubtless, a repeated one ; see v. 48. An instance of it may have preceded the utterance of the words here in question. Nothing would be more natural, at the close of such a journey, than that the travellers should be supplied with the means of refreshment before entering formally on the object of the visit. Considered in this light, Peter's declaration in this verse agrees entirely with that of Josephus ( Cont. Ap. 2. 28) : " Those for eigners (dXXdc^uXoi) who come to us without submitting to our laws, Moses permitted not to have any intimate connections with us ; " see also Ib. 2. 36. Compare John 18, 28. - Kai epoi, n. t. X, and (in opposition to that Jewish fueling) God showed me, viz. by the vision. V. 29. Sid Kai, k. t. X., Therefore I also came, i. e. he was not only instructed, but obeyed the instruction. Kai connects rjXBov with e'Seife. — dvavTipp^rms = dvap.i/_>dXa)s, without delay, (Heysch.). It is a later Greek word. — ti'vi Xdya>, with what reason, for what object; dative of the ground or motive. W. $ 31. 6. c. Peter was already apprised that Cornelius had sent for him in conse quence of a revelation, but would desire naturally to hear a fuller statement of the circumstances from the centurion himself. The recital may have been necessary, also, for the information of those who had assembled. V. 30. dird TerdpTr]s ijpepas, k. t. X., has received different ex planations. (1.) From the fourth day (prior to the vision) was I fasting unto this hour, i. e. unto an hour corresponding to that 182 COMMENTARY. Chap. X, 30-33. which was then passing, viz. the ninth (Hnr. Neand. De Wet.). According to this view, Cornelius had been fasting four days at the time of the angel's appearance to him. (2.) From the fourth day (reckoned backward from the present) unto this hour, i. e. he was observing a fast which began four days before and extended up to the time then present. It was on the first of the days that he saw the angel. But r/p.r]v as past represents the fast as having terminated, and so would exclude Tavrqs rijs wpas. Meyer in his second edition abandons this view for the next. (3.) From the fourth day (reckoning backward as before) i. e. four days ago unto this hour in which he was then speaking (Bng. Kuin. Olsh.). The fast commenced with the day and had continued unbroken until the ninth hour, when the angel ap peared. This view agrees with the number of days which had elapsed since the angel's communication, viz. four, and allows time enough for the abstinence to justify the use of vrjo-Tevuiv. — -ijpijv is an imperfect middle, rare out of the later Greek. W. $ 14. 2. b ; B. § 108. IV. 2. — Kai ttjv iwdnjv Sipav, and during the ninth hour (accusative as in v. 3) ; so that (Taunjs = iwdTr/v) it was about three o'clock in the afternoon when Peter arrived at Cse sarea. — dvrjp iv io-BiJTi Xapurpa. = dyyeXov tou Beov in V. 3. See 1 , 11. V. 31. ehrjKovo-Bri, was heard (not is in E. V.), and so epvijo-^r;- o-av, were (not are) remembered ; comp. also v. 4. He is assured now of the approval of his acts ; the acts were approved when he performed them. — r) irpoo-evxrj refers more especially to his prayer at this time. But the answer to this prayer was an answer to his other prayers, since the burden of them had doubt less been, that God would lead him to a clearer knowledge of the truth, and enable him to attain the repose of mind which a conscience enlightened, but not yet " purged from a sense of evil," made it impossible for him to enjoy. Hence irpoo-euxai'in v. 4, could be exchanged here for the singular. V. 32. iripij/ov ovv, Send, therefore, because in this way he would obtain the evidence that he was approved. — peTaKaXecrai exemplifies the usage of the middle noticed on v. 5. — The ver bal accuracy here as compared with v. 5, is natural. There was but one way to report the words of such a message. The angel's voice and mien had left an impression not to be effaced. V. 33. iiavrrj's agrees with the narrative in v. 7. — KaXSs iiroiv- o-as, thou hast done ivell (see 3 John v. 6) ; a common phrase ex pressive of the gratification which a person derives from the act of another ( Wetst. Raph.). For the construction, comp. Phil. 4, Chap. X, 34-36. COMMENRARY. 183 14. — ivuimov tou ^eou , in the sight of God, with a consciousness of his presence ; and hence prepared to hear and obey his mes sage. This is a reason why Peter should speak with freedom and confidence. " Terra bona; inde fructus celerrimus" (Bng.) Verses 34-43. The Address of Peter. V. 34. See the remark on dvoi'£asTd o-Topa in 8, 35. — irpoo-unro- Xiyimjs is a word coined to express concretely the idea of dijs utta : respecter of persons, \. e. here partial in the way of regarding one man as better than another, on the ground of national descent. V. 35. Scktos au™ eon, is acceptable to him, i. e. his righteous ness, his obedience to the divine will, as far as it extends, is as fully approved of God, though he be a Gentile, as if he were a Jew. It is evident from KaTaXap.fidvop.ai, that d <£o/3oup,evos avrov Kai epya£dpevos SiKaioo-uVijv describes the centurion's character be fore his acceptance of the gospel, and, consequently, that Scktos avnS applies to him as a person still destitute of faith in Christ. That Peter did not intend, however, to represent his righteous ness, or that of any man, prior to the exercise of such faith, as sufficient to justify him in the sight of God, is self-evident ; for in v. 43 he declares that it is necessary to believe on Christ, in order to obtain " the remission of sins ; " comp. also, 15, 11. The antithetic structure of the sentence indicates the meaning, d tpofiovpievos, k. i . X., is the opposite of ovk Trpoo-unroXijirTTjs, i. e. God judges man impartially; he approves of what is exceUent, in those of one nation as much as in those of another ; he will con fer the blessings of his grace as readily upon the Gentile who desires to receive them, as upon the Jew. In other words, since the apostle has reference to the state of mind which God requires as preparatory to an interest in the benefits of the gospel, the righteousness and the acceptance of which he speaks must also be preparatory, i. e. relative, and not absolute.1 V. 36. The construction is uncertain, but the most simple is that which makes Xdyov depend on oiSaTe, in apposition with pijpa : The word which he sent .... (I say) ye know the thing that was done, etc. So essentially, Kuinoel, Meyer, Winer, and others. See W. $ 62. 3. Others refer Xdyov to what precedes, and supply KaTa or take the accusative as absolute : the word ( viz. that God is thus impartial) which he sent, etc. (Bng. Olsh. De Wet.). That mode of characterizing the contents or message of the gos- 1 Neander's remarks on this passage, in his Planting of the Christian Church, deserve attention ; see the close of the first Section or Book. 184 COMMENTARY. Chap. X, 36-37. pel is unusual. The structure of the sentence is no smoother in this case than in the other. A recent writer1 has proposed to construe euayyeXi£dpevos as a predicate of d oj3ovp.evos, «.. t. X. : he that fears God is acceptable to him .... having announced (to him) as glad tidings, peace, etc. But the participle in this position can not be separated without violence from the subject of d7reo-TeiXe, nor is the accusative in any other instance retained after this verb in the passive; comp. Matt. 11,5; Heb. 4, 2. The con struction would be correct in principle, but is not exemplified. — d7reo-TeiXe, k. t. X., sent to the sons of Israel, i. e. in the first instance, as in 3, 26 ; 13, 26. That priority Peter concedes to the Jews. — eipr\vr\v, peace, reconciliation to God procured through Christ; comp. Rom. 5, 1. 10; not union between the Jews and Gentiles (De Wet.), an effect of the gospel too subordinate to be made so prominent in this connection. The apostle restates the idea in v. 43. — oSros .... Kvpios, This one is Lord of all. rravruiv is masculine, not neuter. Peter interposes the remark as proof of the universality of this plan of reconciliation. The dominion of Christ extends over those of one nation, as well as of another; the}' are all the creatures of his power and care, and may ah avail themselves of the provisions of his grace. Compare Rom. 3, 29. 30; 10, 12. V. 37. olSare, k. t. X., implies that they had already some knowledge of the life and works of Christ. The fame of his miracles may have extended to Caesarea (see Matt. 15, 21; Mark 7, 24) ; or Philip, who resided there (8, 40), may have be gun to excite public attention as a preacher of the gospel. Some think that Cornelius was the centurion who was present at the crucifixion of Christ (Matt. 27, 44 ; Mark 15,39; Luke 23, 47), since it was customary to march a portion of the troops at Caesarea to Jerusalem, for the preservation of order during the festivals. It is impossible to refute or confirm that opinion. Peter proceeds to communicate to them a fuller account of the Saviour's history, and of the nature and terms of his salvation. — prjpa = Xdyov in v. 36 (Kuin. Mey.); or thing (De Wet), which is more congruous with yevdpevov, and associates the word with the indubitable facts on which it rested. — perd to Paimo-p-a, after the baptism, i. e. the completion of John's ministry. The Sa viour performed some public acts at an earlier period, but did not enter fully on his work till John had finished his preparatory mis sion. The difference was so slight that it was sufficiently exact 1 In the Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1850, p. 402 sq. Chap. X, 38-41. COMMENTARY. 185 to make the beginning or the close of the forerunner's career the starting-point in that of Christ. See on 1, 22. V. 38. 'Iijo-ouv transfers the mind from the gospel-history to the personal subject of it. The appositional construction is kept up still. d?rd Na£apeV, from Nazareth, as the place of his resi dence ; see Matt. 2, 23. — As expurev, k. t. X., how God anointed him with the Holy Spirit, etc. See note on 1, 2, and on 4, 26. Suvdpei is defined by what follows as power to perform miracles. — SvqXBev, went from place to place ; comp. 8, 4. — iupevos, k. t. X., healing those oppressed by the devil. His triumph over this form of Satanic agency is singled out as the highest exhibition of his wonder-working power. V. 39. eo-pev supplies the correct word after ^peis, but is not genuine. — ev re rrj x^PI-' K- T- ^-> °°th in ihe country of the fews and in ferusalem ; the capital of the nation, and its territory here op posed to each other. The Jews inhabited not only Judea, but Galilee, and a region on the east of the Jordan. — ov Kai, whom also, an additional fact (Luke 22, 24) in the Saviour's history (De Wet.) ; showing the extent of their animosity and violence. Winer (5 66. 3) suggests a brachylogy : whom (of which also we are witnesses) they slew, etc. This is too complicated. — Kpepdo-avres, by hanging. See note on 5, 30. Here again the E. version represents the Saviour as put to death before he was sus pended on the cross. V. 41. oi rrovTi tu Xaoj, not unto all ihe people, i. e. of the Jews ; comp. on v. 2. — dXXd p-dprvo-i, k. t, X., but unto witnesses before appointed by God. The choice of the apostles is ascribed indif ferently to Him, or to Christ (1, 2.) irpo in the participle repre sents the selection as made before Christ rose from the dead; not as purposed indefinitely before its execution. — The ex ception here made to the publicity of the Saviour's appearance accords with the narrative of the Evangelists ; they mention no instance in which he showed himself to any except his personal followers. Paley founds the following just remarks on that representation of the sacred writers. " The history of the resur rection would have come to us with more advantage, if they had related that Jesus had appeared to his foes as well as his friends ; or even if they asserted the public appearance of Christ in gen eral unqualified terms, without noticing, as they have done, the presence of his disciples on each occasion, and noticing it in such a manner as to lead their readers to suppose that none but dis ciples were present. If their point had been to have their story believed, whether true or false ; or if they had been disposed to 24 186 COMMENTARY. Chap. X, 41-43. present their testimony, either as personal witnesses or as histo rians, in such a manner as to render it as specious and unobjec tionable as they could ; in a word, if they had thought of any thing but the truth of the case as they understood and believed it, — they would, in their account of Christ's several appearances after his resurrection, at least have omitted this restriction. At this distance of time, the account, as we have it, is perhaps more credible than it would have been the other way ; because this manifestation of the historian's candor is of more advantage to their testimony than the difference in the circumstances of the account would have been to the nature of the evidence. But this is an effect which the Evangelists could not foresee ; and is one which by no means would have followed at the time when they wrote." — oirives . , . . avra>, who ate and drank with him. See Luke 24, 43; John 21, 13. Hence they testified to a fact which they had been able to verify by the most palpable evidence. Compare the note on 1, 3. — perd to dvao-T^vai avrov iK veKpiov, after he rose from the dead, belongs to the clause which immediately precedes. It was after his resurrection that they had this intercourse with him. The punctuation of some editors refers the words incorrectly to v. 40. V. 42. K-rjpv^ai Tip Xau, to preach to the people, as above. Peter alludes to the sphere of their ministry which they were directed to occupy at first; comp. 1, 8; 3, 26, etc. — on aurds, that himself and no other. W. $ 22. 4. — Kpmys £«vrav Kai veKpCiv, judge of tlie living and dead, i. e. of all who shall be on the earth at the time of Ms final appearance (1 Thess. 4, 17), and of all who have lived previously and died. For other passages which represent Christ as sustaining this office of universal judge, see 17, 31 ; 2 Tim. 4, 1 ; 1 Pet. 4, 5. Olshausen and some others, understand the living and dead, to be the righteous and wicked; but we are to attach to the words that figurative sense only when the context' (Matt. 8, 22), or some explanatory adjunct (Eph. 2, 1), leads the mind distinctly to it. V. 43. tovto) .... paprvpovo-iv, For this one (dat. comm.) testify all the prophets ; comp. on 3, 24. — d^eo-iv .... eis auro'v states the purport of their testimony. This clause presents two ideas : first that the condition of pardon is faith in Christ ; and secondly, that this condition brings the attainment of pardon within the reach of all : every one, whether Jew or Gentile, who believes on him shall receive remission of sins. See Rom. 10, 11. For the explanation of tov dvdpaTos aurou, see on 2, 21. Chap. X, 44^7. COMMENTARY. 187 Verses 44-48. Cornelius and others receive the Spirit, and are baptized. V. 44. en XoXouvtos, still speaking. Hence Peter had not finished his remarks when God vouchsafed this token of his favor ; see 11, 15. — to irvevp.a, ilie Spirit, i. e. as the author of the gifts men tioned in v. 46. The miracle proved that the plan of salvation which Peter announced was the divine plan, and that the faith which secured its blessings to the Jew was sufficient to secure them to the Gentile. A previous submission to the rites of Ju daism was shown to be unnecessary. It is worthy of note, too, that those who received the Spirit in this instance had not been baptized (comp. 19, 5), nor had the hands of an apostle been laid upon them (comp. 8, 17). This was an occasion when men were to be taught by an impressive example how little their accep tance with God depends on external observances. — irdvTas re stricts itself to the Gentiles (v. 27) since they were properly the hearers to whom Peter was speaking, and not the Jews. V. 45. ol iK irepiTop,fjs, they of the circumcision, i. e. the Jewish brethren, mentioned in v. 23 ; comp. 11, 2 ; Rom. 4, 12 ; Col. 4, 11. — mo-ro'i = irio-TeuovTes. See 16, 1 ; John 20, 27. " Verbal ad jectives in tos, which have usually a passive signification, have often in poetry, and sometimes in prose, an active signification." See K. Ausfiihr. Gr. § 409. 3. A. 1. — oti Kai iirl rd IBvr], that also upon the heathen, as well as upon the Jews. The assertion is universal because this single instance established the principle. V. 46. tjkovov avTuv, were hearing them while they spoke. — yXdWais, with tongues new, before unspoken by them. The ful ler description in 2, 4 prepares the way for the conciser statement here. V. 47. pffri to vSuip, n. t. X., Can periiaps any one forbid ihe water that these should not be baptized? The article may con trast vScop and 7rveupa with each other, or more naturally desig nate the water as wont to be so applied. The import of the question is this : Since, although uncircumcised, they have be lieved and received so visible a token of their acceptance with God, what should hinder their admission into the church? Who can object to their being baptized, and thus acknowl edged as Christians in full connection with us ? As kuiXvui in volves a negative idea, pf) could be omitted or inserted before (3aTrrt.o-Brjvai. The distinction may be, that the infinitive with pfj expresses the result of the hinderance ; without pfi, that 188 COMMENTARY. Chap. XI, 1-4. which the hinderance would prevent. See Woolsey on the Al- cestis, v. 11. pfi after such verbs has been said to be superfluous (K. § 318. 10), or simply intensive (Mt. $ 534. 3). Klotz ad Devar. (II. p. 668) suggests the correct view. See also Bernh. Synt. p. 364. — Ka^ois Kai ^p.eis, as also we received, viz. e'v dpxrj (see 11, 15), in the beginning. V. 48. irpoo-eTa^e, commanded that the rite should be performed by others ; he devolved the service on his attendants. Peter's rule in regard to the administration of baptism may have been similar to that of Paul; see 1 Cor. 1, 14. — imp.e1vai, sc. eV' auTois; comp. 28, 14. CHAPTER XI. Verses 1-18. Peter justifies himself at ferusalem for his visit to Cornelius. V. 1. Peter, John and James were among the apostles now at Jerusalem (8, 14 ; 12, 2), and no doubt others. — Kara rrjv 'IovSai'av, throughout (comp. 15, 23) fudea, since the brethren belonged to different churches in this region; see Gal. 1, 22. — rd eBvrj, the heathen while still uncircumcised (see v. 3). V. 2. dVe dvijirj, when he went up. There is no evidence that Peter was summoned to Jerusalem to defend his conduct. He had reason to fear that it would be censured until the particulars of the transaction were known, and he may have hastened his return, in order to furnish that information. — oi e'/c irepi-op-_ys, they of the circumcision, are the Jewish believers, as in 10, 45 ; not here a party among them more tenacious of circumcision than the others. It is imphed that this tenacity was a Jewish character istic. The narrower sense of the expression occurs in some places. V. 3. See the remarks on 10, 28. Notice the ground of the complaint. It was not that Peter had preached to the heathen, but that he had associated with them in such a manner as to vio late his supposed obligations as a Jew. Compare the note on 2, 39. We may infer that he had avoided that degree of intimacy when he himself entertained the Gentile messengers (10, 23). V. 4. dp^dpevos, k. t. X., commencing, i. e. proceeding to speak (see on 2, 4), or beginning with the first circumstances he related unto them, etc. This repetition of the history shows the impor- Chap. XI, 5-17. COMMENTARY. 189 tance attached to this early conflict between the gospel and Ju daism. V. 5. For the omission of rrj before iro'Xei, see on 8, 5. — dpap.a denotes here what was seen, and differs from its use in 10, 3. — TeWapo-iv dpxais Ka^iepe'vjjv, let down, suspended, by four corners, i. e. by means of cords fastened to them. Luke abbreviates here the fuller expression in 10, 11. V. 12. By a mixed construction, SiaKpivdpevov agrees with the suppressed subject of o-uveA_Mv, instead of poi. C. \ 627. ft. ; Mt. } 536. — oi t£ dSeXc^ol ovtoi, these six m,en (see 10, 23) ; they had, therefore, accompanied Peter to Jerusalem, either as witnesses for him, or for his own vindication, since they had committed the same offence. V. 13. tov dyyeXov, the angel known to the reader from the previous narrative (10, 3. 22). Those addressed had not heard of the vision, and must have received from Peter a fuller account of it than it was necessary to repeat here dvSpas has been transferred to this place from 10, 5. V. 14. 7ras d oTko's o-ov, all thy family. The assurance embraces them because they were prepared, as well as Cornelius, to wel come the apostle's message ; comp. 10, 2. This part of the com munication has not been mentioned before. V. 15. dpfco-Bai is not superfluous (Kuin.), but shows how soon the Spirit descended after he began to speak : see on 10, 44. W. § 67. 4. — ev dpxfj, in the beginning, i. e. on the day of Pente cost. The order of the narrative indicates that the conversion of Cornelius took place near the time of Paul's arrival at Antioch. Some ten years, therefore (see on v. 26), had passed away since the event to which Peter alludes ; comp. on 15, 7. V. 16. ipv-rjo-Briv, k. t. X., And I remembered the declaration of the Lord, i. e. had it brought to mind with a new sense of its meaning and application; comp. Matt. 26, 75; John 12, 16. The Saviour had promised to bestow on his disciples a higher baptism than that of water (see 1, 5 ; Luke 24, 49) ; and the result proved that he designed to extend the benefit of that promise to the heathen who should believe on him, as well as to the Jews. — ms eXeyev, how he said. See on 1, 5. V. 17. e'StuKev, gave, as mentioned in 10, 44. — Kai, also, con nects 17p.1v with auTois. — fl-ioreuo-ao-iv, having believed, refers to both pronouns (De Wet. Mey.), i. e. they all received the same gift in the same character, viz. that of believers. Bengel (to whom Mey. assents now) limits the participle to 17p.1v. — eyo> Se tis t/p^v, k. t. X., combines two questions ( W. § 66. 5.) ; Who then was I? Was 1 190 COMMENTARY. Chap. XI, 18. 19. able to withstand God ? i. e. to disregard so distinct an intimation of his will that the heathen should be recognized as worthy of all the privileges of the gospel, without demanding of them any other qualification than faith in Christ. SuvaTo's suggests that such opposition would have been as presumptuous and futile, as a con test between man's power and infinite power. Se' with tis strength ens the question, as in 2 Cor. 6, 14. It is left out of some copies, but not justly. V 18. fjo-vxao-av, were silent, refrained from further opposition (v. 2) ; comp. 21, 14. — eSd£a£ov expresses a continued act. The sudden change of tenses led some to write eSdfao-av. — dpaye, therefore, then (Matt. 7, 20; 17, 26); more pertinent here than the interrogative dpdye (8, 30). The accentuation varies in differ ent editions. — For rfv p.erdvoiav eSoiKev, see the note on 5, 31. — eis £u>rjv, ecbatic, unto life, i. e. such repentance as secures it ; comp. 2 Cor. 7, 10. Verses 19-24. The Gospel is preached at Antioch. V. 19. oi pev ouv Siao-n-apevres, those therefore dispersed, recalls the reader to an earlier event in the history ; see 8, 4. — dird ri}s BXtyeuis,from (as an effect of) the persecution (Whl. Win. Mey.) ; comp. 20, 9 ; Luke 19, 3. This is better than to render since the persecution. It is more natural to be reminded here of the cause of the dispersion, than of the time when it began. — em 2,Tedvu>, upon Stephen, on his account; comp. 4, 21; Luke 2, 20. W.'{ 48. c. — SiijXBov. See 8,4.40. — $oivikt;s. Phoenicia in this age lay chiefly between the western slope of Lebanon and the sea, a narrow plain reaching from the river Elutherus on the north to Carmel on the south. Its limits varied at different times. Among the Phoenician cities were Tyre and Sidon ; and the statement here accounts for the existence of the Christians in those places, mentioned so abruptly in 21,4; 27, 3.— 'AvTioxei'as. Here we have the first notice of this important city. Antioch was the cap ital of Syria, and the residence of the Roman governors of that province. It was founded by Seleucus Nicator, and named after his father, Antiochus. It stood "near the abrupt angle formed by the coasts of Syria and Asia Minor, and in the opening where the Orontes passes between the ranges of Lebanon and Taurus. By its harbor of Seleucia it was in communication with all the trade of the Mediterranean; and, through the open country be hind Lebanon, it was conveniently approached by the caravans from Mesopotamia and Arabia. It was almost an Oriental Rome, Chap. XI, 20-23. COMMENTARY. 191 in which all the forms of the civilized life of the empire found a representative." Howson, I. p. 149. See further, on 13, 4. It is memorable in the first Christian age as the seat of missionary operations for the evangelization of the heathen. V. 20. Whether the preachers came to Antioch before the con version of Cornelius or afterward, the narrative does not decide. Some prefer to place the arrival after his baptism, lest Peter might not seem to be the first who preached the gospel to the Gentiles. See the note on 15, 7. — Se, but, distinguishes the course pursued by certain of them, from that of the other Siao-7rap- evres. The general fact is first stated, and then the exception. — KuVpioi, i. e. Jews born in Cyprus ; see 2, 5. 9. — wpds tous "EXX17- vas, unto the Greeks, opposed to 'IouSai'ois, Jews, in the foregoing verse. The received text has 'EXX-qviords, Hellenists (see on 6, 1) and the mass of external testimony favors that reading. Words worth's note1 presents the evidence on that side in a strong light. On the contrary, the internal argument appears to demand "EXX17- vas. Some of the oldest versions and a few manuscripts support that as the original word. The majority of critics in view of this two-fold evidence decide for "EXXijvas (Grsb. Lchm. Tsch. De Wet. Mey.). It would have been nothing new to have preached, at this time, to the Greek- speaking Jews ; see, e. g. 2, 9 ; 9, 29. If we accept "EXXijvas, the Greeks addressed at Antioch must have been still heathen in part, and not merely Jewish proselytes. No other view accounts for Luke's discrimination as to the sphere of the two classes of preachers. — KupijvaToi. See on 2, 1 0. V. 21. For xelP Kvplov, comp. 4, 30; Luke 1, 66. — per' avrwv, with Ihem who preached at Antioch. The subject of discourse, both in the last verse and the next, requires this reference of the pronoun. V. 22. rjKovo-Br] eis rd urra is a Hebraism, says De Wette, with out any instance exactly parallel in Hebrew. — d Xdyos, the report. Trepl airiiiv excludes the idea that it was a communication sent from the brethren at Antioch. — i£airio-feiXav derives its subject from ev 'Iepoo-oXupois ; comp. Gal. 2, 2. — SieX^eTv, with the direc tion that he should go (comp. 20, 1 ) ; left out of some of the early versions as if unnecessary. See W. § 65. 4. d. — Bapvd/3av. See 4, 36 ; 9, 27. V. 23. x°-PLV T<™ ^eo"» ^e grace, or favor of God, as manifested in the conversion of the heathen. — mxpeKdXei Travras, exhorted all 1 The New Testament in the Original Greek with Notes, by Chr. Wordsworth, D. D., Canon of Westminster (London 1857). 192 COMMENTARY. Chap. XI, 24-26. who had believed. We find him exercising here the peculiar gift for which he was distinguished ; see on 4, 36. — rfj irpoBioei TTJ's KapSias, with the purpose of the heart, i. e. a purpose sincere, earnest. V. 24. on rjv, «.. t. X., because he was a man good and full of the Holy Spirit, etc. This description states why he exerted himself so strenuously to establish the converts in their faith. i^airio-reiXav in v. 22 is too remote to allow us to view it as the reason why they selected him for such a service. — Kai irpoo-eTiB-q, k. t. X. The labors of Barnabas resulted also in the accession of new believers. Verses 25. 26. Paul arrives at Antioch, and labors there. V. 25. Our last notice of Paul was in 9, 30. — dva^rijo-ai, in order to seek out, find by inquiry or effort. It was not known at what precise,, point the apostle was laboring; see Gal. 1, 21. eupwv indicates the same uncertainty. Barnabas would naturally direct his steps first to Tarsus, whither he would proceed by sea from Seleucia (see on 13, 4), or track his way through the defiles of the intervening mountains. Howson : " The last time the two friends met was in Jerusalem. In the period since that interview, ' God had granted to the Gentiles repentance unto life' (v. 18). Barnabas had 'seen the grace of God' (v. 23), and under his own teaching ' a great multitude ' (v. 24) had been ' added to the Lord.' But he needed assistance ; he needed the presence of one whose wisdom was greater than his own, whose zeal was an example to all, and whose peculiar mis sion had been miraculously declared. Saul recognized the voice of God in the words of Barnabas ; and the two friends travelled in all haste to the Syrian metropolis." V. 26. eviaurdv dXov, a whole year, viz. that of A. D. 44, since it was the year which preceded Paul's second journey to Jerusa lem, at the time of the famine. See on 12, 25. The apostle had spent the intervening years, from A. D. 39 to 44, in Syria and Cilicia (see on 9, 30). — ovvaxBrjvai, k. t. X., they came together in the church, the public assembly, i. e. for the purpose of worship, and, as we see from the next clause, for preaching the word : and taught a great multitude (comp. 14, 21) ; many of whom, no doubt, they won to a reception of the truth. Meyer explains ovvaxBrjvai of the hospitality shown to the teachers, with an appeal to Matt. 25, 35. But the context which should indicate that sense, is op posed to it here, — xW'(m'crat • • • • Xpioriavous, and the disciples Chap. XI, 26-28. COMMENTARY. 193 were first named Christians at Antioch. Thus ten years or more elapsed after the Saviour left the earth before the introduction of this name. Its origin is left in some uncertainty. Xpioriavoi has a Latin termination, like 'HpwSiavoi' in Matt. 22, 16, and Mark 3, 6. We see the proper Greek form in Na£u.paTos in 2, 22, or 'ItoXiko's in 10, 1. Hence some infer (Olsh. Mey.) that it must have been the Roman inhabitants of the city, not the Greeks, who invented the name. The argument is not decisive, since Latinisms were not unknown to the Greek of this period. It is evident that the Jews did not apply it first to the disciples ; for they would not have admitted the implication of the term, viz. that Jesus was the Messiah. It is hnprobable that the Christians themselves assumed it ; such an origin would be inconsistent with its infrequent use in the New Testament. It occurs only in 26, 28 ; 1 Pet. 4, 16, and in both places proceeds from those out. of the church. The KaXdv dvopa to eiriKXr/Bev i upas in James 2, 7 may be the Christian name. The believers at Antioch had become numerous ; they consisted of Gentiles and Jews ; it was evident that they were a distinct community from the latter ; and probably the heathen, whether they were Greeks or Romans, or native Syrians, needing a new appellation for the new sect, called them Christians, because the name of Christ was so prominent in their doctrine, conversation, and worship. The term may not have been at first opprobrious, but distinctive merely. Verses 27-30. Barnabas and Saul are sent with Alms to Jeru salem. V. 27. iv rauVais TaTs -ijpepais, in these days, i. e. about the time that Paul himself came to Antioch ; for it is reasonable to sup pose that an interval of some extent occurred between the pre diction and the famine. — Trpo<$>r)rai, inspired teachers; see on 2, 17. Agabus, at least, possessed the prophetic gift, in the strict sense of that expression. V. 28. dvacn-ds, having stood up, in order to declare his message more formally. — "AyafZos is known only from this passage and 21, 10. — io-qpm/e, made known (see 25, 27), not intimated merely. — Xipo'v, in the later Greek, is masculine or feminine ; hence some copies have piyav, others p.eydXr/v. See W. § 8. 2. 1. — pe'XXeiv weo-Bou contains a double future, as in 24, 15 ; 27, 10. The read ing varies in 24, 25. As one of its uses, the first infinitive in such a case may represent the act as fixed, certain ; the second as future. The famine that was to take place was decreed. See 25 194 COMMENTARY Chap. XI, 28. 29. Mt. § 498. e ; C. $ 583. — i oX-qv ttjv o'iKovp.evvv, sc. yi?v, over all the inhabited land, i. e. Judea and the adjacent countries, or accord ing to some, the Roman empire. The Greek and Roman writers employed i) oiKovp.ivri to denote the Greek and the Roman world ; and a Jewish writer would naturally employ such a term to denote the Jewish world. Josephus appears to restrict the word to Pal estine in Antt. 8. 13. 4. Speaking of the efforts of Ahab to find the prophet Elijah, he says that the king sent messengers in pur suit of him Kara irdo-av ttjv oiKovp.ivijv, throughout all the earth or land, i. e. of the Jews. Ancient writers give no account of any universal famine in the reign of Claudius, but they speak of several local famines which were severe in particular countries. Josephus (Antt. 20. 2. 6; Ib. 5. 2) mentions one which prevailed at that time in Judea, and swept away many of the inhabitants. Helena, queen of Adiabene, a Jewish proselyte who was then at Jerusa lem, imported provisions from Egypt and Cyprus, which she dis tributed among the people to save them from starvation. This is the famine, probably, to which Luke refers here. The chronol ogy admits of this supposition. According to Josephus, the fam ine which he describes took place when Cuspius Fadus and Tiberius Alexander were procurators ; i. e. as Lardner suggests, it may have begun about the close of A. D. 44, and lasted three or four years. Fadus was sent into Judea on the death of Agrippa, which occurred in August of the year A. D. 44. If we attach the wider sense to oiKoupe'vijv, the prediction may import that a famine should take place throughout the Roman empire during the reign of Claudius (the year is not specified below), and not that it should prevail in all parts at the same time. So Words worth, Notes, p. 58. — im KXauSiou, in (lit. upon) the reign of Clau dius. On iiri, in such chronological designations, see K. § 273. 4. b. The Greek idiom views the events as resting upon the ruler as their source or author ; the English idiom as taking place un der his guidance or auspices. — Kaid-apos after KXauSi'ov (T. R.) is not warranted. V. 29. tSv p,aBrrru>v depends by attraction on tis. The ordinary construction would be oi p.aBrjTa.1 koBuis ^uTropeiTo tis airav (Mey. De Wet.) : The disciples in proportion as anyone was prospered de termined each of them, etc. The apostle Paul prescribes the same rule of contribution in 1 Cor. 16, 2. For the augment in rjiwopelTo, see on 2, 26. For eVao-ros after a plural verb, see on 2, 6. — eis SiaKovi'av, for relief, lit. ministration, i. e. to their wants. The act here suggests the idea of its result or object. — Trep^ai sc. n.— iv Tfj 'IovSaia, in Judea; not the capital merely but other parts Chap. XII, 1. COMMENTARY. 195 also, since the famine was general and believers were found in different places (see v. 1 and Gal. 1, 22). V. 30. Kai connects eirolrjo-av with wpio-av : they executed their determination. — 7rpds tous irpeo-fZvrepos, unto the elders, either those at Jerasalem who could easily forward the supplies to the desti tute elsewhere, or those in Judea at large whom the messengers visited in person. The latter idea presents itself very readily from 'IovSai'a just before, and has also this to commend it, that Paul would have had an opportunity to preach now in that province, as mentioned in 26, 20 (see note there). — For the office of the presbyters, see on 14, 23. — Bapvd/3a is the Doric gen itive; comp. 19, 14; Luke 13, 29, John I, 43, etc. W. § 8. 1 ; K. § 44. R 2. — Meyer finds a contradiction between this passage and Gal. 2, 1, as if Paul could not have gone to Jerusalem at this time because he has not mentioned it in the Epistle. It is impos sible to see why the reason commonly assigned for this omission does not account for it. Paul's object in writing to the Galatians does not require him to enumerate all his journeys to Jerusalem. In the first chapter there, he would prove that as an apostle he was independent of all human authority, and hi the second chap ter that the other apostles had conceded to him that independ ence. He. had no occasion, therefore, to recapitulate his entire history. Examples of the facts in his life were all that he needed to bring forward. He was not bound to show how often he had been at Jerusalem, but only that he had gone thither once and again, under circumstances which showed in what character he claimed to act, and how fully the other apostles had ac knowledged this claim. CHAPTER XII. Verses 1. 2. Renewed persecution at Jerusalem, and Death of James. V. 1. KaT eKeivov tov Kaipov, about that time, i. e. when Barnabas and Saul went to Jerusalem, as has just been related. See on v- 25. — 'HpwSijs. This Herod was Herod Agrippa the First, son of Aristobulus and grandson of Herod the Great. On the acces sion of Caligula, he received as king the former possessions of Philip and Lysanias, see Luke 3, 1 ; at a later period, the tetrarchy of Antipas ; and in the year A. D. 41, Samaria and 196 COMMENTRY. Chap. XII, 2.3. Judea which were conferred on him by Claudius ; so that, like his grandfather Herod, he swayed the sceptre, at this time, over all Palestine.1 — iiriftaXe Tas x€ty>as does not mean attempted (Kuin.), but put forth violent hands; comp. 4, 3 ; 5, 18; 21, 27. — KaKwo-ai, to oppress, maltreat. The E. version derives " vex " frorn Tyn- dale. — dirb -njs eKKXijo-ias, of the church, (lit. from), since the idea of origin passes readily into that of property, adherence. W. } 47. 4. V. 2. dveIXe p-axaipa, slew him with the sword, beheaded him. The article fails, because the idea is general, abstract; comp. 9, 12. W. § 19. 1. On the mode of execution among the Jews, see Jahn's ArchseoL § 257. Agrippa had the power of life and death, since he administered the government in the name of the Romans. See the note on 7, 59. The victim of his violence was James the Elder, a son of Zebedee and brother of John .(Matt. 4, 21 ; 10, 2 ; Mark 1, 19, etc.). He is to be distinguished from James the Younger, the kinsman of the Lord (Gal. 1, 19), who is the individual meant under this name in the remainder of the history (17; 15, 13; 21, 18). The end of James verified the prediction that he should drink of his Master's cup ; see Matt. 20, 23. Eusebius (2. 9) records a tradition that the apos tle's accuser was converted by his testimony and beheaded at the same time with him. " The accuracy of the sacred writer,'' says Paley, " in the expressions which he uses here, is remarka ble. There was no portion of time for thirty years before, or ever afterwards, in which there was a king at Jerusalem, a per son exercising that authority in Judea, or to whom that title could be apphed, except the last three years of Herod's life, within which period the transaction here recorded took place." The kingdom of Agrippa the Second, who is mentioned in 25, 13, did not embrace Judea. Verses 3-5. The imprisonment of Peter. V. 3. iSiv on dpeo-To'v, k. t. X., seeing that it is pleasing, etc. The motive of Agrippa, therefore, was a desire to gain public favor. Josephus (Antt. 19. 7. 3) attributes to this ruler the same trait of character ; he describes him as eager to ingratiate him self with the Jews. — irposiBero, *. t. X., he apprehended still further Peter also ; an imitation of the Heb. tfow with the infini tive, comp. Luke 20, 11. 12. W. $ 54. 5; Gesen. Heb. Gr. h 139. — d'Cvpuiv, the days of unleavened bread, i. e. the festival of the 1 See Introduction, S6. 2. Chap. XII, 4-6. COMMENTARY. 197 Passover, which continued seven days ; and was so named be cause during that time no leaven was allowed in the houses of the Jews. The common text omits ai before ^pepai, which the best editors insert as well attested. It is not grammatically necessary. W. $ 19. 2. V. 4. Kai, also, carries the mind back to cniXXafielv in v. 3, the idea of which iralo-ai repeats. — rio-o-apo-i rerpaSioK, to four quater nions, four companies of four, who were to relieve each other in guarding the prison. The Jews at this time followed the Roman practice of dividing the night into four watches, consisting of three hours each. Of the four soldiers employed at the same time, two watched in the prison and two before the door ; or perhaps in this case (see on v. 10) were all stationed on the outside. — j3ouXdpevos, meaning, but disappointed in that purpose. — p,erd rd Trdoxa, after the Passover, i. e. not the paschal supper, but the fes tival which it introduced; comp. Luke 21, 1 ; John 6, 4. The reason for deferring the execution was that the stricter Jews regarded it as a profanation to put a person to death during a religious festival. Agrippa himself may have entertained, or af fected to entertain, that scruple. — dvayayeiv avrov, to bring him up, i. e. for trial and execution; comp. Luke 22, 66. But Herod was nearer his end than Peter. — ™ Xa<3, for the people (dat. comm.), i e. that they might be gratified with his death. V. 5. ouv, therefore, committed to such a guard. — iv -rfj epvXaK-g in the prison mentioned in v. 4. — eWev^s, intent, earnest, not unceasing, constant. See Luke 22, 44 ; 1 Pet. 4, 8. It is a word of the later Greek. Lob. ad Phryn. p. 31 1. All the English translators from Wiclif downward adopt the temporal sense. — iKKX-rjo-ias. The members of the church were so numerous, that they must have met in different companies. One of them is mentioned in v. 12. Verses 6-11. The Miraculous Liberation of Peter. V. 6. vukt! iKeivrj, in that night preceding the day when he was to have been executed. — SeSepivos dXuo-eo-i Suo-4 bound with two chains. The Roman mode of chaining prisoners was adopted in this case, and was the following : " The soldier who was ap pointed to guard a particular prisoner had the chain fastened to the wrist of his left hand, the right remaining at liberty. The prisoner, on the contrary, had the chain fastened to the wrist of his right hand. The prisoner, and the soldier who had the care of him, were said to be tied (alligati)to one another. Sometimes, 198 COMMENTARY. Chap. XII, 7-10. for greater security, the prisoner was chained to two soldiers, one on each side of him." Diet, of Antiq. art. Catena. Paul was bound with two chains on the occasion mentioned in 21, 33. — ^uXaKe's re, k. t. X., and keepers before the door (perhaps two at one station and two at another) were guarding the prison ; not after v. 5, were keeping guard (Raph. Walch). V. 7. iv tm o'lKrjpan, in the abode = the prison. This was an Attic euphemism which passed at length into the common dialect. — 7rard£as, having smitten, in order to rouse him from sleep. — dvdora is a second aorist imperative ; comp. Eph. 5, 14. Gramma rians represent the form as poetic in the earlier Greek. K. $ 172. R. 5 ; W. § 14. 1. h. — efeVeo-ov .... xetP"J/» his chains fell off from his lia.nds, or wrists. x^P the Greeks could use of the entire fore arm, or any part of it. V. 8. irepilu>o-ai. For convenience he had unbound the girdle of his tunic while he slept. The ipaTiov which he threw around him was the outer coat, or mantle, worn over the xL™v- There was no occasion for a precipitate flight ; and the articles which he was directed to take would be useful to him. Note the tran sition to the present in the last two imperatives. V. 9. dXij^e's, true, actual, as distinguished from a dream or vision. Peter's uncertainty arose from the extraordinary nature of the interposition ; it was too strange to be credited. He was bewildered by the scene, unable at the moment to comprehend that what he saw and did was a reality. V. 10. SieX^dvres .... Sevripav, having passed through the first and second watch, i. e. as Walch de vinculis Petri suggests, first through the two soldiers stationed at Peter's door (v. 6), and then through two others near the gate which led into the city. He supposes the two soldiers to whom Peter was bound (v. 6) were not included in the sixteen (v. 4), since their office would not require them to remain awake, and consequently to be changed during the night, like the others. A more common opinion is, that the first watch was a single soldier, before the door, and the second another at the iron gate, and that these two soldiers, with the two by the side of Peter, made up the quaternion then on duty. But SieX^dvres, having passed through, suggests a plural sense of . James is distinguished from the others on account of his office as pastor of the church at Jerusalem ; see on v. 2. — Kai i^eXBuiv, and (probably on the same night) having gone forth, i. e. from the house, as the context most readily suggests; hence eis eVepov to7tov is indefinite, and may denote unto another place, in the city or out of it. It is most probable that he left the city for a time, as he must have fore seen (see v. 19) that vigorous efforts would be made to retake and destroy him. We find him at Jerusalem again a few years after this ; see 15, 7. He may have returned even sooner than that, as Agrippa lived but a short time after this occurrence. Catholic writers and some others hold that Peter proceeded to Rome at this time, and labored for the Jews there as the apostle of the circumcision (Gal. 2, 7 ; 1 Pet. 1, 1). If this be true, he must then have been the founder of the church in that city, or at all events have established a relation to it personal and official, Chap. XII, 18. 19. COMMENTARY. 201 stronger than that of any other teacher. It is entirely ad verse to this view, that Paul makes no allusion to Peter in his Epistle to the Romans, but writes with a tone of authority which his avowed policy, his spirit of independence (2 Cor. 10, 16), would not have suffered him to employ, had it belonged more properly to some other apostle to instruct and guide the Roman church. The best opinion from traditionary sources is that Peter arrived at Rome just before the outbreak of Nero's persecution, where he soon perished as a martyr. It is related that he was placed on the cross, at his own request, with his head downward, as if unworthy to suffer in the posture of the Master whom he had denied. Verses 18. 19. Trial and Execution of the Soldiers. V. 18. yevopivrjos. One is that it means comrade, lit. one brought up, educated with another. It was very common for persons of rank to associate other children with their own, for the purpose of sharing their amusements and studies, and by their example serving to excite them to greater emulation. Jose phus, Plutarch, Polybius, and others, speak of this ancient prac tice. So Calvin, Grotius, Schott, Baumgarten, and others. The more approved opinion is that it means collactaneus, nourished at the same breast, foster-brother. Kuinoel, Olshausen, Tholuck, De Wette, and others, after Walch de Menachemo, adopt that meaning. The mother of Manaen, according to this view, was Herod's nurse. In either case the relation is mentioned as an honorary one. V. 2. XeiToupyou'vTwv refers here to the rites of Christian wor ship, as prayer, exhortation, fasting, see v. 3. 15; 14, 23. — au™v, i e. the prophets and teachers. The participation of others in the service is not asserted, or denied. It is possible that they were observing a season of prayer with reference to this very question, What were their duties in relation to the heathen. — d^opio-aTe 8-q pm, Separate now for me, i. e. for the Holy Spirit The Spirit makes the revelation, selects the missionaries, assigns to them their work. The personality of the agent may be in ferred from such acts. The command in this form was ad dressed to the associates of Barnabas and Saul, but the latter would hear the same voice pointing out to them their duty and directing them to perform the service laid upon them. — Si} strengthens the command; see 15, 36; Luke 2, 15. K. $ 315. 1. The verb contains the idea both of selection and consecration. — 206 COMMENTARY. Cha?. XIII, 3. 4. o, unto which, without the preposition because the antecedent has it ; comp. $ r)pxov m 9> 17- — irpoo-KeVX^pai has a middle sense. W. § 39. 3. The nature of this work, not stated here, we learn from the subsequent narrative ; they were to go into foreign countries and publish the gospel to Jews and Gentiles. The great object of the mission was doubtless to open more effectually " the door of faith to the heathen." V. 3. Tore, k. t. X., Then having fasted, etc. This was a differ ent fast from that spoken of in v. 2, and observed probably by the body of the church. — On imBivres Tas x"Pa? auTois, see 6, 6. The act was a representative one, and though performed by a part involves the idea of a general participation. Paul was al ready a minister and an apostle (see Gal. 1, 1 sq., where he claims this character from the outset), and by this service he and Barna bas were now merely set apart for the accomplishment of a specific work. They were summoned to a renewed and more sys tematic prosecution of the enterprise of converting the heathen ; see on 9,30; 11,20. — direXvo-av, sent away. That the subject of this verb includes the Antiochian Christians in general, may be argued from the analogous case in 15, 40. The brethren commended Paul to God as he departed on his second mission. Verses 4-12. The fourney to Cyprus, and its Results. V. 4. eWep^evTes. We may place this mission in the year A. D. 45. It does not appear that they remained long at Antioch before their departure. See the note on 12, 25. — eis rrjv SeXeu- Keiav. Seleucia lay west of Antioch, on the sea-coast, five miles north of the mouth of the Orontes. It was situated on the rocky eminence, forming the southern extremity of the hilly range called Pieria. The harbor and mercantile suburb were on level ground towards the west. A village called Antakia and interest ing ruins point out the ancient site. " The inner basin, or dock, (there were two ports) is now a morass ; but its dimensions can be measured, and the walls that surrounded it can be distinctly traced. The position of the ancient flood-gates, and the passage through which the vessels were moved from the inner to the outer harbor, can be accurately marked. The very piers of the outer harbor are still to be seen under the water. The stones are of great size, some of them twenty feet long, five feet deep, and six feet wide ; and are fastened to each other with iron cramps. The masonry of ancient Selucia is still so good, that not long since a Turkish Pacha conceived the idea of clearing Chap. XIII, 4. 5. COMMENTARY. 207 out and repairing the harbor." See authorities in Howson. Those piers were still unbroken, this great seaport of the Seleucids and the Ptolemies was as magnificent as ever, under the sway of the Romans, when Paul and Barnabas passed through it on their present mission. Whether they came down (KarrjXBov) from the interior to the coast by land, or by water, is uncertain. The windings of the river make the distance about forty-one miles, but by land it is only sixteen miles and a half. At present, the Orontes is not navigable, in consequence of a bar at the mouth, and other obstructions ; but Strabo says (16. 2), that in his time they sailed up the stream in one day. The road, though it is now mostly overgrown with shrubs, was then doubtless a well worn track like the road from the Pirasus to Athens, or from Ostia to Rome. At Seleucia, the two missionaries with their companion went on board (diriirXevo-av) one of the numerous ves sels which must have been constantly plying between that port and the fertile Cyprus. " As they cleared the port, the whole sweep of the bay of Antioch opened on their left, — the low ground by the mouth of the Orontes, — the wild and woody country beyond it, — and then the peak of Mount Cassius, rising symmetrically from the very edge of the sea to a height of five thousand feet. On the right, in the south-west horizon, if the day was clear, they saw the island of Cyprus from the first. The current sets northerly and north-east between the island and the Syrian coast. But with a fair wind, a few hours would ena ble them to run down from Seleucia to Salamis ; and the land would rapidly rise in forms well known and famihar to Barnabas and Mark." Howson, I. p. 169. The fact that Barnabas was a native of Cyprus (4, 36) may have induced them to give this direction to their journey. V. 5. Kai yevdpevoi ev SaXapivi, And having arrived in Salamis. This town was on the eastern shore of Cyprus, " on a bight of the coast to the north of the river Pediseus. A large city by the sea-shore, a wide-spread plain with corn-fields and orchards, and the blue distance of mountains beyond, composed the view on which the eyes of Barnabas and Saul rested when they came to anchor in the bay of Salamis." — TaTs o-uvayaryais indicates that the Jews here were numerous, since in other places where they were few they had only one synagogue ; comp. 17, 1 ; 18, 4. This intimation is confirmed by ancient testimony. In the time of Trajan, A. D. 116, the Jews in Cyprus were so powerful that they rose and massacred two hundred and forty thousand of the Greek inhabitants (Dio Cass. 68. 32). In revenge for this 208 COMMENTARY. Chap.XIII, 6, slaughter, Hadrian, who was afteiwards emperor, landed on the island, and either put to death or expelled the entire Jewish pop ulation. At the time of Paul's visit, many of the Cyprian Jews must have resided at Salamis, which was the seat of a lucrative commerce. — elxov .... virrjpeTi]v, and they had also fohn (see 12, 25) as an assistant — in what? Kai, as I think, recalls most natu rally KaT-rjyyeXov tov Xdyov; and the answer would be that he as sisted them in the declaration of the word. Compare 26, 16 ; Luke 1, 2 ; 1 Cor. 4, 1. But the view of most critics is different ; they suppose John to have had charge of the incidental cares of the party, so as to leave Paul and Barnabas more at liberty to preach the gospel. We are not informed how long they re mained at Salamis, or what success attended their labors. V. 6. SieX^dvTes, k. t. X., And having passed through tlie whole island unto Paphos, which was at the otlier end of Cyprus. The city intended here was new Paphos, in distinction from the old city of that name, which was several miles farther south. The distance from east to west was not more than a hundred miles. The Peutingerian Table1 (which dates probably from the time of Alexander Severus, i. e. about A. D. 230) represents a public road as extending from Salamis to Paphos. If that road existed at this earlier period, Paul arrived at Paphos in a short time, and without difficulty. The present Baffa occupies the site of that city. — evpov Tiva pdyov, found a certain Magian, which was his professional title, since it stands for 'EXupas in v. 8 ; not sorcerer (E. V.), which would be opprobrious. — y>eu8o7rpo^>i/n7v is the nar rator's term for describing him ; he was a fortune-teller, but his art was an imposition. It may appear singular that a person of his character should so mislead and captivate the prudent Sergius. But the incident presents in fact a true picture of the times. At that period (I abridge Mr. Howson's paragraph here) impos tors from the East, pretending to magical powers, had great influence over the Roman mind. The East but recently thrown open was the land of mystery to the western nations. Reports of the strange arts practised there, of the wonderful events of which it was the scene, excited almost fanatically the imagina tion both of the populace and the aristocracy of Rome. Syrian fortune-tellers crowded the capital, and appeared in all tlie haunts of business and amusement. The strongest minds were not superior to their influence. Marius relied on a Jewish prophetess for regulating the progress of his campaigns. Pompey, 1 See Eorbiger's Handbuch der alten Geographic, "Vol. I. p. 469 sq. Chap. XIII, 7. COMMENTARY. 209 Crassus, and Cfflsar sought information from Oriental astrology. Juvenal paints to us the Emperor Tiberius " sitting on the rock of Capri, with his flock of Chaldajans round him." The astrologers and sorcerers, says Tacitus, are a class of men who "will always be discarded and always cherished." V. 7. os rjv, k. t. X., who was with the proconsul Sergius Paulus. It would not have been correct to apply this title to the governor of every Roman province, or even to the governor of the same province at different periods. It was so difficult to observe accu racy in the use of the varying titles given to Roman magistrates, that several of the classic authors of this period have, beyond all question, misapplied them in various instances. Luke was ex posed to error in this passage on the right hand and on the left. On the establishment of the empire, Augustus divided the prov inces into two classes. Those which required a military force he retained in his own hands, and the others he committed to the care of the Senate and the Roman people. The officers or Governors sent into the emperor's provinces were styled proprae tors or legates (proprcetores, legati, or avTUTTpdrrryoi, Trpeo-fievrai) ; those sent into the people's provinces were called proconsuls (proconsules, dvBviraToi). Cyprus, then, must have been a senato- rian province at this time, or Luke has assigned to Sergius a false title. But, further, the same province was often transferred from one jurisdiction to another. Thus, in the present instance, Augustus at first reserved Cyprus to himself and committed its administration to propraetors, or legates. Strabo informs us of that circumstance, and there leaves the matter. Hence it was supposed for a long time that Luke had committed an oversight here, or had styled Sergius proconsul without knowing the exact import of the appellation. But a passage was discovered at length in Dio Cassius (53. 12), which states that Augustus sub sequently relinquished Cyprus to the Senate in exchange for another province, and (54. 4) that it was governed henceforth by proconsuls : Kai outws dv$uVaTOi Kai es eKeiva Ta eBvr) iripjireaBai r/pfavro. Coins, too, have been found, struck in the reign of Claudius, which confirm Luke's accuracy. Bishop Marsh men tions one on which this very title, dv-JruVaTos, is applied to Cominius Proclus, a governor of Cyprus. It was in the reign of Claudius that Paul visited this island. For similar confirmations of our history, see on 18, 12 ; 19, 38. — owe™, intelligent, discern ing. It may have been his possession of this quality that prompted him to seek the acquaintance of Elymas; he may have hoped to gain from him that deeper knowledge of futurity 27 210 COMMENTARY". Chap. XIII, 8. 9. and of the mysteries of nature which the human mind craves so instinctively. It certainly was proof of his discernment, that he was not deceived by the man's pretensions ; that, on hearing of the arrival of Paul and Barnabas, he sent for them, and on the strength of the evidence which confirmed their doctrine, yielded his mind to it. — eW^o-ev, desired earnestly. — tov Xdyov tou Beov, the word of God, designates the new doctrine from Luke's point of view (Mey.). V. 8. 'EXu'pas is an Arabic word which means the wise. It was a title of honor, like d pdyos, to which it is here put as equivalent. He was born, perhaps, in Arabia, or had lived there ; and may have assumed this name in a boastful spirit, or may have received it from others, as a compliment to his skill. — lj)Tuiv .... 7rio-Tea)s, seeking to turn aside the proconsul Jrom the faith, i. e. from adopting it ; for he was not yet a believer (see v. 12)" V. 9. 6 Kai ITauXos, the also Paul = d Kai KaXoupevos IlauXos. d is the article here, not a pronoun. W. § 18. 1. The origin of this name is still disputed. Among the later critics, Olshausen and Meyer adhere to the older view, that Paul assumed it out of respect to Sergius Paulus, who was converted by his instru mentality. But had the writer connected the name with that event, he would have introduced it more naturally after v. 12. He makes use of it, it will be observed, before speaking of the proconsul's conversion. Neander objects further, that it was customary among the ancients for the pupil to adopt the name of the teacher, not the teacher to adopt that of the pupil. There is force, too, in his remark, that, according to this view, the apos tle would seem to recognize the salvation of a distinguished person as more important than that of others ; for that Sergius was his first convert from heathenism, and received this honor on that account, assumes incorrectly that he had preached hith erto to none but those of his own nation. It is more probable that Paul acquired this name like other Jews in that age ; who, when they associated with foreigners, had often two names, the one Jewish, the other foreign; sometimes entirely distinct, as Onias and Menelaus, Hillel and Pollio, and sometimes similar in sound, as Tarphon and Trypho, Silas and Silvanus. In like manner the apostle may have been known as Saul among the Jew's, and Paul among the heathen ; and, being a native of a foreign city, as Lightfoot suggests, he may have borne the two names from early life. This explanation of the origin of the name accounts for its introduction at this stage of the history. Chap. XIII, 10-12. COMMENTARY. 211 It is here for the first time that Luke speaks directly of Paul's la bors among the heathen ; and it is natural that he should apply.to him the name by which he was chiefly known in that sphere of his ministry. According to some, the name changes here, because Luke has followed hitherto written memoranda, in which the apostle was called Saul (Neand. Alf.). This hypothesis is un necessary, and improbable. Luke had no need of such memoirs, as he could learn from Paul himself all that he has related of him ; and further, the style of what precedes, instead of indicat ing a different hand, is homogeneous with that which follows. Zeller, though he denies that Luke wrote the Acts, maintains that a single author must have written it. — irXrjo-Bei^, k. t. X. He was thus impelled to expose the man's wickedness, and to an nounce his punishment. V. 10. SdXou, deceit, refers to his occupation; paSioupyi'as, wick edness, to his character. — vie SiaftoXov, son of the devil. The kindredship is that of disposition, moral resemblance ; see John 8, 44. The second noun is sufficiently definite to omit the article. W. h 19. 1. It has the article, however, in other passages, ex cept 1 Pet. 5, 8, where it stands in apposition. — ou iravo-Q .... eiBeia% ; Wilt thou not cease lo pervert, i. e. to misrepresent, malign, the right ways of the Lord ? viz. those which he requires men to follow, as repentance, faith, obedience. It was Christian truth, the gospel, which he opposed. Most critics prefer the interroga tive form of the sentence as more forcible than the declarative. ou denies iravo-rj^ persist (W. § 57. 3), and implies the ordinary affirmative answer. evBeias suggests possibly a contrast with the impostor's own ways, so full of deceit and obliquity. V. 11. xelP Kvpiov sc. eo-ri, hand of the Lord; here God perhaps as the phrase is common in the Old Testament. — imai, upon thee, viz. i. e. for punishment; in a good sense, in 11, 21. — p-i) /JXeVwv states a consequ ence, h ence p,rj, not ou. — dxpi Kaipov, until a season, a certain time ; comp. Luke 4, 13 The infliction would be tem porary ; either because the object (see next verse) did not require it to be permanent, or because the mildness might conduce to the man's repentance. — dxXus Kai o-kotos, a mist and darkness, related as cause and effect ; or by degrees, first one and then the other. — elfrrei states his habit (imperf.) during the period of his blind ness. V. 12. eWX^o-o-dpevos .... Kvplov, being astonished at the doctrine of the Lord, i. e. its confirmation by such a miracle, comp. Mark 1, 27. 212 COMMENTARY Chap. XIII, 13. 14. VArses 13-15. They proceed to Perga, and thence to Antioch in Pisidia. V. 13. dvax^eVres, having put' to sea, lit. having gone up (note the etymology), because the sea appears higher than the land. Paphos was on the sea-shore, and they would embark at that place. — oi 7repl tov IlauXov, Paul and his companions, irepi pre sents the name after it as the central object of the group, see John 11, 19. W. $ 53. i. Hitherto the order has been Barnabas and Saul ; but from this time Paul appears in the narrative as the principal person, and Barnabas as subordinate. — rjXBov eis TUpyrjv, came unto Perga. They must have " sailed past the promontories of Drepanum and Acamas, and then across the waters of the Pamphylian Sea, leaving on the right the cliffs (six hundred feet high) which form the western boundary of Cilicia, to the innermost bend of the bay of Attaleia." Perga was the chief city of Pamphylia, situated on the Cestrus, about seven miles from its mouth. A bar obstructs the entrance of this river at the present time ; but Strabo (14. 4) says expressly that it was navigable in his day as far up as Perga. The ruins of this city are to be seen still, sixteen miles northeast of the mod ern Adalia, or Satalia. They consist of "walls and towers, col umns and cornices, a theatre and a stadium, a broken aqueduct, and tombs scattered on both sides of the site of the town. Noth ing else remains of Perga but the beauty of its natural situation, between and upon the sides of two hills, with an extensive val ley in front, watered by the river Cestrus, and backed by the mountains of the Taurus." ] — 'Iwdwrys, k. t. X. Why John Mark left them so abruptly is unknown. It is certain from 15, 38 (see the note there) that his reason for turning back was not one which Paul approved. He returned not to Antioch, but Jerusalem, where his home was (12, 12). V. 14. auroi, they themselves, unaccompanied by their former associate. — d-n-d ttjs Ilepyqs. The stay at Perga, therefore, was brief; they did not even preach there at this time ; comp. 14, 25. What occasioned this singular haste ? Very possibly, as Howson suggests, they arrived there in the spring of the year, and, in order to prosecute their journey into the interior, were obliged to advance without delay. " Earlier in the season the passes would have been filled with snow. In the heat of summer the weather 1 Sir C Eeliows's "Asia Minor," pp. 190-193. Chap. XIII, 14. 15. COMMENTARY. 213 would have been less favorable for the expedition. In the au tumn the disadvantages would have been still greater, from the approaching difficulties of winter." On the journey from the coast to the interior, Paul may have encountered some of the "perils of robbers" (kivSuvois Xyo-ruiv) and " perils of rivers'' (kivSu- vois TroTapwi), to wluch he alludes in 2 Cor. 11, 26. The maraud ing habits of the people on the mountains which he now crossed were notorious in all ancient history. The country swarmed with banditti of the most desperate character. The physical charac ter of the region exposed him, also, to the other class of dangers. The streams here are numerous and violent, beyond those of any other tract in Asia Minor. Torrents " burst out at the base of huge cliffs, or dash down wildly through narrow ravines." See Howson for fuller information on these points. — eis 'AvTidxeiav. Antioch, which lay north from Perga, was on the central table land of Asia Minor, on the confines of Pisidia and Phrygia. It was built by the founder of the Syrian Antioch. "Under Augus tus it rose to the rank of a colony. It was now an important city, inhabited by many Greeks, Romans, and Jews, in addition to its native population. The site of Antioch was first identified by Mr. Arundel in 1833. — ™v aajSjidruiv, of the Sabbath, i. e. the rest season. The plural arose probably from the fact, that such a season included often more than one day. See W. $ 27. 3. V. 15. perd Se ri)v dvdyva>o-iv, k. t. X. The practice of reading the Scriptures in this manner grew up probably during the exile. Win. Realw. II. p. 5-18. vdpos here designates the Pentateuch ; irpofyrrrai, the other books of the Old Testament, see Matt. 5, 17 ; Luke 16, 16, etc. The Psalms formed sometimes a third division, see Luke 24, 44. — d7reoTeiXav, sc. iirnpeTriv (Luke 4, 20), the rulers of the synagogue (see on 9, 2) sent unto them a servant. It may have been known that they were teachers, or, as Hemsen sug gests, they may have occupied a seat which indicated that such was their office. — ev iplv, in you, in your minds ; comp. Gal. 1, 16; Phil. 1, 5. — irapaKXrjo-euK, exhortation. The object was to in cite them to a stricter observance of the law. Verses 16-41. The Discourse of Paul at Antioch. The topics are, first, the goodness of God to Israel, especially in having promised to send to them a Saviour, 16-25; secondly, Jesus has been proved to be this Saviour, by his death and res urrection, in accordance with the prophecies of the Old Testa- 2 14 CO M M E N T A R Y . Chap. XIII, 16-20 ment, 26-37 ; and, thirdly, it is the duty of men to receive him in this character, since they can be saved in no other way, 38-41. V. 16. Karao-eio-as rfj xeipi (comp. on 12, 16) was the customary gesture on rising to speak. It betokened respect for the audience and a request for attention. — ol o[3ovp,evoi rbv Beov, who fear God, as in 10, 2, i. e. Gentiles who were friendly to Judaism, but uncircumcised. They occupied, it is said, a separate place in the synagogue. The contents of the address show that the Israelites greatly outnumbered that class of the hearers. This discourse de serves the more attention, as furnishing so copious an illustration of the apostle's manner of preaching to the Jews. V. 17. vij/uio-ev, exalted, made them numerous and powerful. — ev yfj, in the land. For the absence of the article, see on 7, 29. peTa /Jpaxi'ovos ut/^Xou, with a high arm, i. e. one raised on high, and so ever ready to protect and defend them ; comp. Ex. 6, 6. V. 18. eTpo^)0<^)dpi/crev = (is Tpoc^ds i/3do-Tourev, carried them as a nurse (in the arms as it were), sustained, cared for them. The term is derived probably from Deut. 1, 31. Most of the later editors prefer this word to iTpoirocpoprjo-ev, endured their manners. It suits the connection better than the other word, since what the apostle would bring to view here is not so much the forbearance of God towards his people, as his interpositions, his direct efforts in their behalf. irpo^oepoprjo-ev is well attested also, though the evidence is not decisive. V. 19. iBvrj ewrd, seven nations. See their names in Deut. 7, ]. They were the principal tribes in Palestine at that time. — iv yfj, anarthrous as above. — KaTeKXr)pov6p.rjo-ev auTois, assigned to them as a possession ; Hellenistic for the Hiphil of bnj.1 -^ ttjv yijv avruiv, their land by promise, gift; or, better, henceforth-theirs and that of their descendants. V. 20. perd TauVa, after these things, viz. the conquest and oc cupation of the country. — is h-eo-i .... Kpirds, during about four hundred and fifty years he gave judges. For the dative, see on 8, 11. This number is the sum of the years assigned in the Old Testament to the administration of the judges from the time of Joshua to the deatli of Eli, added to the sum of the years during which the nation was subject to foreign oppressors. Hence it would be very natural for the Jews to speak of four hundred and fifty years as the proximate number of years during which the judges ruled. But whether the computation arose in that way, or some other, it was certainly in use among the Jews ; for Jose- 1 Eor the origin of such Hebraisms, see the writer's Hebrew Exercises, p. 96. Chap. XIII, 20. COMMENTARY. 215 pints (Antt. 8. 2. 1) gives the time from the departure out of Egypt till the building of the temple as five hundred and ninty- two years. If we deduct from that the forty years in the wil derness, twenty-five for the administration of Joshua (Antt. 5. 1. 29, not stated in the Old Testament), forty for Saul's reign (see v. 21), forty for David's, and four under Solomon (1 Kings 6, 1), we have for the period of the judges four hundred and forty-three years, which the apostle could call, in round numbers, about four hundred and fifty years. It is evident, therefore, that Paul has followed here a mode of reckoning which was current at that time, and which, being a well-known received chronology, wheth er correct or incorrect in itself considered, was entirely correct for his object, which was not to settle a question about dates, but to recall to the minds of those whom he addressed a par ticular portion of the Jewish history. The Hebrews had still another computation, as appears from 1 Kings 6, 1. The time from the exodus to the building of the temple is there given as four hundred and eighty years ; which (deducting the other dates as stated above) would allow but two hundred and thirty-one years for the period of the judges. In regard to such differences, see also on 7, 6. Some of the best critics read is ereo-i TerpaKoo-lovi koI irevrriKovTa «ai peTa Taura. The four hundred and fifty years belong then to the preceding verse, and may be the years from the birth of Isaac when God showed that he had chosen the fathers.to the distribution of the land of Canaan. Adding together sixty years from the birth of Isaac to that of Jacob, one hundred and thirty as the age of Jacob on going into Egypt, two hundred and fifteen as the sojourn there, and forty-seven thence to the settlement of the tribes, the sum is four hundred and fifty -two. See again on 7, 6. This reading is found in the oldest manuscripts (A, B, C), and some others, and is approved by Griesbach, Lachman, Luthardt* Green, Wordsworth, and others. The text may have been changed to relieve the difficulty (Mey.) ; but it is singular that the three oldest witnesses concur in that variation. A summary decision is not to be pronounced here. — ecos SapouiyX, unto Samuel, who is to he included probably among the judges ; or ews may be taken as exclusive. How long he governed is not mentioned in 1 Sam. 7, 15, nor in 28, 3 The tradition (Jos. Antt. 6. 13. 5), which is not perhaps of much value, makes it twelve years. d>s would allow us to add these years to four hundred and fifty, if any one prefers that. 1 In Router's Repertorium, p. 205, Jahrgang 1855. 216 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIII, 21-25. V. 21. KaKeT-Jev, and thereafter, is here an adverb of time. — ijTi/cravTo, asked for themselves, etc. See 1 Sam. 8, 5 ; 10, 1. — en; TecroapaKovra, forty years, which agrees with Jos. Antt. 6. 14. 9. The Old Testament does not mention the length of Saul's reign. V. 22, peTaorijo-as avrov, liaving removed him, i. e. from life (De Wet); or from his office (Kuin.). The two events were coincident in point of time. Saul reigned until his death, though David was anointed as prospective king during his lifetime. — w . . . . p.apTvpricra<;, to ivhom (dat. comm.) also he testified, saying. The dative depends on the participle. The apostle quotes the substance of 1 Sam. 13, 14, and Ps. 89, 21. This commendation is not absolute, but describes the character of David in compari son with that of Saul. The latter was rejected for his disobe dience and impiety ; David, on the contrary, was always faithful to the worship of Jehovah, and performed his commands as they were made known to him by revelation, or the messengers whom God sent to him. V. 23. Jesus could not be the Messiah, unless he were de scended from David, toi'tou stands first in order to give promi nence to his descent from that source. — Kar' eVayyeXiav, according to promise, as made to the fathers (v. 32) ; not to David merely. V. 24. Icodwov. The Jews acknowledged John's authority as a prophet, and were bound, therefore, to admit his testimony.— 7rpd irpoo-unrov (^-;33) ttjs eiodSou, before his entrance, i. e. upon his public ministry; see Matt. 11, 10: Luke 7, 27. — jSdirrio-pa peTa- voi'as, baptism of repentance, i. e. such as required repentance on the part of those who received it; see 19, 4. V. 25. as ... . Spo'pov, Now as fohn was finishing his course, was near its close (De Wet. Mey.) ; not while he was completing it (Kuin. Olsh.). The forerunner was about to be imprisoned when he bore this testimony to his successor. — tiW pe, k. t. X., Whom do ye suppose that lam ? lam not, viz. the Messiah. The predicate is omitted as well known; comp. Mark 13, 6; Luke 21, 8; John 13, 19. Some critics (Calv. Raph. Kuin.) exclude the question, and render, he whom, (riva = dvriva) ye suppose, lam not. This punctuation does violence to the pronoun, while the sense has no advantage over the other. See W. $ 25. 1. — epxerai per epe, k. t. X., comes after me, etc. In this way he would express strongly his official and personal inferiority to Christ. It was an office of the lowest servants, not only among the Jews, but the Greeks and Romans, to bind and unbind the sandals of their masters. See Jahn's Archajol. $ 1 23. Chap. Xin, 26-28. COMMENTARY. 217 V. 26. dvSpes dSeX^oi', men, at the same time brethren ; not dif ferent classes. — ip.1v includes both Jews and proselytes. — -rijs owr/pias Tavrns, of this salvation which they preached (comp. 5, 20) ; or procured by Jesus, named in v. 23. — direoTdXrj, was sent forth, i. e. from God, the author of the word. V. 27. ydp confirms the implication in owijpi'as Tavrqs in v. 26, viz. that Jesus, whom Paul preached, was the promised Saviour ; for (ydp) he had suffered and been put to death, and so had ful filled what was predicted of the Messiah. De Wette, Winer ({ 57. 6), and others, maintain this view of the connection. Meyer (followed by Alf.) opposes ip.1v in v. 26 to oi KaToiKovvres here, i. e. the foreign Jews, being less guilty, had the message of salvation sent to them, which the other Jews had forfeited. This explanation arrays the passage against other passages, e. g. 2, 38 ; 3, 17. 26. It -was not true that those who crucified the Saviour excluded themselves from the offers of the gospel. — toutov .... iirXrjpuio-av, this one, viz. Jesus not having known, failed to recognize, and the voices of the prophets (not having known) tliey fulfilled them, viz. the prophecies by condemning him to death. This is the simplest translation and the one most ap proved (Calv. Grot. Kuin. Hmph.). The principal English ver sions agree in this sense. dyvoijo-avres is milder than rjpvrjo-ao-Be in 3, 13 ; see note there. In this case we must supply pronouns after Kpi'vavTes and eVX^pojcrav, which refer to different antecedents. The construction may be harsh, but occasions no obscurity. Meyer renders : Since they kneiv not this one .... they also ful filled the voices, etc. The Jews are usually represented as rejecting Christ because they failed to discern the import of the predictions concerning him. The thought here would be inverted somewhat: the rejection appears as the reason why they mis understand and fulfil the prophets. De Wette construes dyvoij- o-avres as a verb : they knew him not, and the voices . . . .fulfilled. This analysis secures more uniformity in the structure of the sentence ; but such a use of the participle is infrequent. Schole field translates : Being ignorant of this word, and the voices of the prophets .... fulfilled it by condemning him. He assigns in this way a nearer antecedent to tovtov, but must set aside the more obvious subject suggested to the mind by the context. It is not clear in what sense he would have us regard the rejection of Christ as fulfilling the word or gospel. — Tas KaTa, k. t. X., which are read every Sabbath, and hence their ignorance was the more inexcusable. V. 28. pijSep.i'av .... eupdvTes, although they found no cause of 28 218 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIII, 29-33. death, none that justified it, see 28, 18. They charged him with blasphemy and sedition, but could not establish the accusation. See 3, 13 ; Matt. 27, 24 ; Luke 23, 22. V. 29. eB-r/Kav has the same subject as the other verbs, see v. 27. The burial, however, was the particular act of Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus; see John 19, 38 sq. What the apostle would assert is that Christ had fulfilled the prophecy, which announced that he should be put to death, and rise again. It was not important that he should discriminate as to the char acter of the agents in the transaction. Some translate, those who took him down placed him, etc.. Tlie participle in that relation to to the verb would require the article. V. 31. tois cruvava/3So-iv airiS, those who came up with him, i. e. the Galilean disciples who attended him on his last journey to Jem salem. They knew, therefore, what they testified ; then means of knowledge had been ample. This idea occurs in the Acts often. — vuv, now. The resurrection rested not on tradition, but on the testimony of living men. The English version, after the received text, omits this particle. — wpdsTov Xadv, unto the people, i. e. the Jews, see v 24 ; 10, 42, etc. V. 32. Kai i)peis, and so we, i. e. in view of these various proofs that Jesus is the Messiah ; see w. 23. 25. 27. 31. — euayyeXi- tpp,eBa has a double accusative only here. W. § 32. 4. — eVayye- Xidv stands in the first clause with the usual effect of that attraction; see on 3, 10. V. 33. iKTreirXrjpuiKe, has completely fulfilled, stronger than eirXij- pwo-av ill v. 27 ; because the resurrection, considered as involving the ascension and exaltation, was essentially the finishing act in the fulfilment of the promise relating to the Messiah. — dvao-rl]- o-as 'l-qo-ovv means, as Luther, Schott, Stier, De Wette, Meyer, Hengstenberg, Tholuck and others, decide, having raised up fesus from the grave ; not having brought him into existence (Calv. Bng. Kuin. Olsh.). The mind attaches that sense to the word most readily after v. 30. It was unnecessary to insert iK veKputv, be cause the context suggests the specific meaning : comp. 2, 24. 32. dvaorijoas, in the sense of having raised up merely, expresses too Utile for the prophecy which that event is said to have fulfilled. The original passage refers, not to the incarnation of the Messiah, but to his inauguration or public acknowledgment on the part of God as the rightful Sovereign of men. To no moment in the history of Christ would such a prediction apply with such significance as to that of his triumphant resurrection from the dead. The progression of the argument in the next Chap. XIII, 33. 34. COMMENTARY. 219 verse demands this interpretation. To the assertion here that God had raised Jesus to life again, the apostle adds there that this life was one which death would invade no more. — d>s Kai', as also, i. e. what took place was foretold. — irpuiru) ij/aXp,^. The second Psalm in qur English version is named here the first, because in some manuscripts the Hebrews reckoned the first Psalm merely as prefatory. SevTepu has much less support. — vids . . . . ou (Ps. 2, 7) affirms the Sonship of the Messiah, which included his divine nature ; see Rom. 1, 4. Hence yeyewrjKa o-e cannot refer to the origin of this relationship, but must receive a figurative interpretation ; either, I have begotten thee, brought thee into a state of glory and power such as Christ assumed after his resur rection as Mediator at the right hand of God ; or, according to a familiar Hebrew usage, I have declared, exhibited thee as begotten, i. e. as my Son, viz. by the resurrection from the dead. The thought here is entirely parallel to that in Rom. 1, 4. As to the declarative sense of Hebrew verbs, see the note on 10, 15. — cnjpepov, to-day, designates the precise point of time on which the prophet's eye was then fixed, viz. that of Christ's assumption of his mediatorial power, or that of his open proclamation as Messiah on the part of God when he raised him from the dead. V. 34. oti ... . eis SiarjiBopdv, Further (as proof) that he raised him up from the dead as one who would die no more. Si is progres sive. dvio-T-qo-ev repeats the idea of the foregoing dvao-njcras, for the purpose of describing this resurrection more fully : it would be followed by no return to death. Ik veKpuiv does not distinguish the two words as to sense, but draws attention more strongly to the contrast between the death which he had suffered, and his exemption from death in future. prjKeri .... eis 8ia$Bopdv, as applied to Christ, whose body underwent no change while it re mained in the grave, must be equivalent to ouKeVi d7ro5v^o-Kei in Rom. 6, 9. The dissolution or corruption of the body is the ordi nary consequent of death; and hence in common speech, to return to corruption and to die, or the opposite, not to return to cor ruption and not to die, are interchangeable expressions. Bengel saw this import of the phrase. See W. § 66. 10. The perpetuity of Christ's existence is an important truth in the Christian system. In Rom. 5, 10, Paul urges it as a ground of certainty, that, if men beheve on Christ, they will be finally saved, and in Rom. 6, 9, as a pledge that, inasmuch as he " dies no more, we shall live with him;" see also John 14, 19; Heb. 7, 25, etc. This incidental agreement of the address with Paul's circle of doctrine speaks for its genuineness. — o-i is the sign of quotation. — Swcra .... 220 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIII, 35. 36. mo-rd expresses the substantial sense of Is. 55, 3: I will give to you, perform unto you, the holy, inviolable promises of David (i. e. made to him), the sure. The language is very nearly that of the Seventy. One of these promises was that David should have a successor whose reign would be perpetual, the throne of whose kingdom God would establish for ever and ever ; see 2 Sam. 7, 13 sq. It was essential to the accomplishment of that- promise that the Messiah should be exempt from death, and hence, as Jesus had been proved to be the Messiah by his resurrection, that promise made it certain that he would live and reign henceforth, without being subject to any interruption of his existence or power. V. 35. Sid Kai, Therefore also, i. e. because he was not mortal, in further confirmation of that fact. — ev erepa>, sc. i/raXpJi, viz. 16, 10. See on 2, 25 sq. The inspired declaration that the Messiah should not experience the power of death had not only been verified in his resurrection, but guarantied that he would not ex perience that power at any future period. — Xe'yei, sc. Beds, viz. through David; see v. 34; 1, 16, etc. V. 36. ydp vindicates the reference of the passage to Christ, since it could not apply to David. — pe'v is antithetic to Se' in v. 37. — iSia yeved .... (iovXfj admits of a twofold translation, yeved may depend on •uTnypex^o-as : having served his own generation (been use ful to it), according to the purpose of God (dative of norm or rule). Our English translators, Calvin, Doddridge, Robinson, and others, adopt this construction. Olshausen, Kuinoel, De Wette, Meyer, and others, refer PovXfj to the participle : having in his own gener ation (dative of time), or for it (dat. comm.), served the purpose, plan of God, i. e. as an instrument for the execution of his designs; comp. v. 22. yeved, if connected with the participle, secures to it a personal object, and in that way forms a much easier expression than /3ovXfj with the participle. The main idea of the clause is that David, like other men, had but one genera tion of contemporaries ; that he accomplished for that his allotted work, and then yielded to the universal law which consigns the race to death. Some join rfj /SovXfj with eKoipij^, which renders the remark much less significant. — Kai irpoo-eTeBi], k. t. X., and he was added unto his fathers. This expression recognizes the ex istence of the soul in a future state (Bng. Olsh. Doddr.). Gese- nius says that it is distinguished expressly both from death and burial in Gen. 25, 8 ; 35, 29 ; 2 Kings 22, 20 ; see Lex. s. SS!*. — eTSe 8ia Zv by attraction) ye were not able by the law of Moses to be justified, etc. We cannot sup pose this to mean, according to a possible sense of the words, that the gospel merely completes a justification which the law tias commenced or accomplished in part; for such an admission would be at variance with the doctrine of the New Testament in in regard to the utter inefficacy of all legal obedience to cancel the guilt of transgression, and the necessity of an exclusive reliance on the work of Christ for our justification. We must adopt a different view of the meaning. As Olshausen sug gests, we may regard £>v (= d S>v) after dm iravruiv, not as a sup plementary clause, but as explanatory of the other, or coextensive with it, viz. from, all sins from which (i. e.from all which sins) ye were unable, etc. In other words, the first clause affirms the suf ficiency of the gospel to justify from all sins, while the second clause affirms the insufficiency of the law to the same extent, i e. to justify from any sins ; comp. Rom. 8, 3 sq. To represent this meaning to the ear, -we should read dirb irdynov with an em phasis, and uiv . . . . SiKaioiBrjvai as parenthetic. Neander (Pflan- zung. I. p. 195) declares himself strongly for this sense of the words. Alford's comment (similar to Meyer's) represents a dif ferent view : " Christ shall do for you all that the law could not do; leaving it for inference or for further teaching that this was abso lutely all; that the law could do nothing.'' According to some, the apdstle concedes a certain value to the rites of Judaism : they were the appointed means of obtaining the pardon of offences, whieh concerned the ritual merely and social or public relations. See Lange's Geschichte der Kirche, II. p. 171. This explanation rests on a false view of the nature of the Hebrew rites. As ev tou™ 222 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIII, 40. 41. stands opposed to iv vopw, it belongs to SiKaiovrai, not to 7rio-- Tevoov. V. 40. /JXeVeTe ovv, beware, therefore, since ye are thus guilty and exposed. — pij eiriXBy, <. t. X., lest that spoken, etc., lest the declaration be fulfilled, verified in your case. The mode of cit ing the prophecy shows that the apostle did not regard it as spoken in view of that occasion. — ev tois Trporf>rjrai's, in the proph ets,^ e. the part of the Old Testament which the Jews so named; comp. v. 15; 7, 42; John 6, 45. See W. § 27. 2. The passage intended is Hab. 1, 5. V. 41. The citation follows very nearly the Septuagint, and agrees essentially with the Hebrew. In the original passage the prophet refers to a threatened invasion of the Jewish na tion by the Chaldeans, and he calls upon his countrymen to behold the judgment to which their sins had exposed them, and to be astonished, to tremble on account of it. Of this lan guage the apostle avails himself, in order to warn the Jews whom he addressed of the punishment which awaited them if they rejected the message which they had now heard. Calvin : " Paulus fideliter accommodat in usum suum prophetee verba, quia sicuti semel minatus fuerat Deus per prophetam suum Ha- bacuc, ita etiam semper fuit sui similis." — oi KaracfipovrjTai, ye des pisers, occurs in the Septuagint, but not in the Hebrew. The apostle could retain it, in perfect consonance with the original, because it is the incredulity of the wicked, their contempt of God's threatenings, which occasions their ruin. What suggested the word to the Seventy is uncertain. It is thought that they may have read cinsia, deceitful, proudly impious, instead of B?isa, among tlie heathen. — Kai Bavp.do-are, and wonder, be astonished, i e. at the fearful, certain destruction which God prepares for his enemies. The spectacle to which the prophet directs attention here is that of the Chaldeans, mustering their hosts to march against the guilty Jews. — Kai dfavio-BrjTe, and perish, unable to escape the punishment which their sins have provoked. This word elicits an idea which the Hebrew text involves, though it is not expressed there. Paul has retained it from the Septuagint. — 'ipyov, k. i. X., a work of judgment I work, execute. The future act is represented as present, because it was near. — The sec ond epyov Paul inserts for the sake of emphasis. The copies which omit it were corrected probably after the Septuagint. — o ou py, k. t. X., which ye will not believe, though any one should fully declare it to you, i. e. although apprised ever so distinctly of their danger, they would not heed it ; they are infatuated, they cling Chap. XIII, 42-45. COMMENTARY. 223 to their delusive hopes of safety. The New Testament, like most of the later Greek, employs often the subjunctive aorist in the sense of the indicative future. W. } 56. 3 ; Lob. Phryn. p. 723 sq. o, at the head of the clause, is a better reading than (5. That the dative, however, is not a false construction, see Rom. 10, 16. Verses 42-49. They preach a second time at Antioch. V. 42. The best editions insert aurSv in place of ck ri)s o-vvayca- yijs tSv 'IouSaiW in the common text, and omit ™ eBvv after 7rape- KaXouv. — aurfiv must refer to Paul and Barnabas. — eis to p.eTai;v o-dftfiaTov corresponds evidently to to exope'vu o-a^/3drui in v. 44, and means upon (lit. unto, as the limit) the next Sabbath (Neand. Mey. De Wet.) ; not during the intermediate week, as explained by some of the older critics, piera^v has this sense in the N. T. here only, but belongs to the later Greek. That the apostles were not inactive during the interval, but labored in private circles, may be taken for granted. V. 43. XvBeicrij's rrj?)s, with food, including the idea of the enjoyment afforded by such fruits of the divine bounty. With that accessory idea, Tpo^-ijs is not incongruous with KapSids, and KapSias upSv is not a circumlocution for upas (Kuin.). See W. § 22. 7. The common text has i)pSv, which appears in the English version. V 18. tou p.rj Bveiv auTois states the result of KareVauo-av, not the object : they hardly restrained them that they did not sacrifice to them. See the note on 10, 47. — It is interesting to compare this speech at Lystra with the train of thought which Paul has de- Chap. XIV, 19. 20 COMMENTARY. 233 veloped in Rom. 1, 1 9 sq. It will be seen that the germ of the argument there may be traced distinctly here. The similarity is precisely such as we should expect on the supposition that he who wrote the Epistle delivered the speech. The diversity in the different prominence given to particular ideas is that which arises from applying the same system of truth to different occa- Verses 19-28. They proceed to Derbe; and then retrace their Way to Antioch in Syria. V. 19. The Jews will be found, with two exceptions, to stir up every persecution which Paul suffers; see on 19, 23. — tous dxXous, the crowds. They were mostly heathen (see on v. 9) ; but that some Jews resided at Lystra is evident from 16, 1. — Xi3d> o-avres tov IlauXov, having stoned Paul. Barnabas escapes, because his associate here and in the other cities was the prominent man. The nature of the outrage indicates that the Jews not only origi nated this attack, but controlled the mode of it. Stoning was a Jewish punishment. In the present instance, it will be observed, they had no scruple about shedding the blood of their victim in the city. It was otherwise at Jerusalem ; see on 7, 58. An incidental variation like this attests the truth of the narrative. — vopidwTes, k. t. X., supposing that he was dead, intimates a mere belief as opposed to the reahty. A slight accent on the first word brings this out as the necessary meaning. V. 20. KUKXcoo-dvrav Se avrov tuiv p.aBrjTuiv, The disciples having surrounded him. Here we learn incidentally that their labors had not been ineffectual. Kuinoel decides too much when he says that the disciples collected around Paul in order to bury him ; it may have been to lament over him, or to ascertain whether he was really dead. In that sorrowing circle stood probably the youth ful Timothy, the apostle's destined associate in so many future labors and perils ; see 16, 1 ; 2 Tim. 3, 1 1. — dvaords, k. t. X. After the expression in v. 19, we can hardly regard this as an instance of actual restoration to life. If we recognize any thing as mir aculous here, it would be more justly the apostle's sudden recov ery after such an outrage, enabling him to return at once to the city and on the next day to resume his journey. Paul alludes to this stoning in 2 Cor. 1 1, 25. The wounds inflicted on him at this time may have left some of those scars on his body to which he alludes in Gal. 6, 17 as proof that he was Christ's servant. — eis Aep/fyv, unto Derbe. See on v. 6. A few hours would be suffi- 30 234 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIV, 21. 22. cient for the journey hither. We have now reached the eastern limit of the present expedition. V. 21. pa^TeuoavTes iKavou's, having made many disciples (Matt. 28, 19) as the result of the preaching mentioned in the other clause. One of the converts was probably Gaius, who is called a Derbean in 20, 4. Their labors in this city appear to have been unattended by any open opposition. Hence, in 2 Tim. 3, 11, Paul omits Derbe from the list of places associated in the mind of Timothy with the " persecutions, afflictions," which the apostle had been called to endure. Paley refers to that omission as a striking instance of conformity between the Epistle and the Acts. " In the apostolic history Lystra and Derbe are commonly mentioned together; in 2 Tim. 3, 11, Antioch, Inconium, Lystra, are mentioned, and not Derbe. And the distinction will appear on this occasion to be accurate ; for Paul in that passage is enu merating his persecutions, and although he underwent grievous persecutions hi each of the three cities through which he passed to Derbe, at Derbe itself he met with none. The Epistle, there fore, in the names of the cities, in the order in which they are enumerated, and in the place at which the enumeration stops, corresponds exactly with the history. Nor is there any just rea son for thinking the agreement to be artificial ; for had the writer of the Epistle sought a coincidence with the history upon this head, and searched the Acts of the Apostles for the purpose, I conceive he would have sent us at once to Philippi and Thessa lonica, where Paul suffered persecution, and where, from what is stated, it may easily be gathered that Timothy accompanied him, rather than have appealed to persecutions as known to Timothy, in the account of which persecutions Timothy's presence is not mentioned ; it not being till after one entire chapter, and in the history of a journey three or four years subsequent to this (16, 1), that Timothy's name occurs in the Acts of the Apostles for the first time." — iirio-Tpeijrav, turned back. Advancing still eastward from this point, they would soon have reached the well-known 'Cilician Gates,' through which they could have descended easily to Cilicia, and then have embarked from Tarsus for Antioch. They had the choice, therefore, of a nearer way to Syria ; but then solicitude for the welfare of the newly founded churches constrains them to turn back, and revisit the places where they had preached. V. 22. eVioTnpi'£ovTes, k. t. X., confirming the souls of the disciples, not by any outward rite, but by instruction and encouragement, as we see in the next clause; comp. 15, 32. 41 ; 18, 23. — e'ppeveiv Chap. XIV, 22. 23. COMMENTARY. 235 Tf) 7riorei, to adhere to the faith (see 6, 7 ; 13, 8), i. e. of Christ or the gospel; comp. 3, 16 ; 20, 21, etc. —on depends on TrapaKaXouv- Tes, which, at this point of the sentence, passes to the idea of affirming, teaching. — Sei may mean it is necessary, because such was the appointment of God (9, 16 ; 1 Cor. 15, 25) ; or because in the nature of things it was inevitable (comp. 2 Tim. 3, 12). The first is the more pertinent view, since it suggests a more persuasive motive to submission and fidelity in the endurance of trials. — -^pds, we who are Christians; comp. 1 Thess. 4, 17. — rrp> /WiXei'av tou Beov, the kingdom of God, i. e. the state of happi ness which awaits the redeemed in heaven. The expression can have no other meaning here, for those addressed were already members of Christ's visible kingdom, and the perseverance to which the apostles would incite them has reference to a kingdom which they are yet to enter. V. 23. xelP0T0VWaVT€s> "• T> ^--j Now having appointed for them elders in every church. x€lPOTOVe^v signifies properly to elect or vote by extending the hand, but also, in a more general sense, to choose, appoint, without reference to that formality. That for mality could not have been observed in this instance, as but two individuals performed the act in question. When the verb retains the idea of stretching forth the hand, the act is predicated always of the subject of the verb, not of those for whom the act may be performed. Hence the interpretation having appointed for them by their outstretched hands, i. e. by taking their opinion or vote in that manner, is unwarranted ; for it transfers the hands to the wrong persons. Whether Paul and Barnabas appointed the pres byters in this case by their own act solely, or ratified a previous election of the churches made at their suggestion, is disputed. If it be clear from other sources that the primitive churches elected their officers by general suffrage, the verb here maybe understood to denote a concurrent appointment, in accordance with that practice ; but the burden of proof lies on those who contend for such a modification of the meaning. Neander's con clusion on this subject should be stated here. " As regards the election to church offices, we are in want of sufficient informa tion to enable us to decide how it was managed in the early apostohc times. Indeed, it is quite possible that the method of procedure differed under different circumstances. As in the in stitution of deacons the apostles left the choice to the communi ties themselves, and as the same was the case in the choice of deputies to attend the apostles in the name of the communities (2 Cor. 8, 19), we might argue that a similar course would be 236 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIV, 23. pursued in filling other offices of the church. Yet it may be that in many cases the apostles themselves, where they could not as yet have sufficient confidence in the spirit of the first new communities, conferred the important office of presbyters on such as in their own judgment, under the light of the Divine Spirit, appeared to be the fittest persons. Their choice would, moreover, deserve, in the highest degree, the confidence of the communities (comp. 14, 23 ; Tit. 1, 5) ; although, when Paul empowers Titus to set presiding officers over the communities who possessed the requisite qualifications, this circumstance decides nothing as to the mode of choice, nor is a choice by the community itself thereby necessarily excluded. The regular course appears to have been this : the church offices were intrusted to the first con verts in preference to others, provided that in otlier respects they possessed the requisite qualifications. It may have been the general practice for the presbyters themselves, in case of a va cancy, to propose another to the community in place of the per son deceased, and leave it to the whole body either to approve or decline their selection for reasons assigned. (Clem. cap. 44.) When asking for the assent of the community had not yet be come a mere formality, this mode of filling church offices had the salutary effect of causing the votes of the majority to be guided by those capable of judging, and of suppressing divisions ; while, at the same time, no one was obtruded on the community who would not be welcome to their hearts." Ch. Hist. (Dr. Torrey's Tr.), Vol. I. p. 189. — Trpeo-fivripovs Kar eKKXr/oiav, elders in every church. The term is plural, because each church had its col lege of elders (see 20, 17 ; Tit. 1, 5) ; not because there was a church in each of the cities. The elders, or presbyters, in the offi cial sense of the term, were those appointed in the first churches to watch over their general discipline and welfare. With refer ence to that duty, they were called, also, imo-Koiroi, i. e. superin tendents, or bishops. The first was their Jewish appellation, transferred to them perhaps from the similar class of officers in the synagogues ; the second was their foreign appellation, since the Greeks employed it to designate such relations among them selves. In accordance with this distinction, we find the general rule to be this : those who are called elders in speaking of Jewish communities are called bishops in speaking of Gentile commu nities. Hence the latter term is the prevailing one in Paul's Epistles. That the names with this difference were entirely synonymous, appears from their interchange in such passages as 20, 17. 28, and Tit. 1, 5. 7. It may be argued, also, from the fact Chap. XIV, 24-27. COMMENTARY. 237 that in Phil. 1, 1 and 1 Tim. 3, 1. 8 the deacons are named im mediately after the bishops, which excludes the idea of any intermediate order. Other appellations given to these officers were 7roipeves, ^youpevoi, 7rpoecrraTes tuiv dSeXtfroiv. The presbyters, or bishops, were not by virtue of their office teachers or preachers at the same time ; nor, on the other hand, were the two spheres of labor incompatible with each other. We see from 1 Tim. 5, 17, that some of those who exercised the general oversight preached also the word ; comp. also 1 Tim. 3, 2. The foregoing representation exhibits the view of Mosheim, Neander, Gieseler, Rothe, and others eminent in such inquiries. — irpoo-ev^dpevoi be longs to the following verb, not to the subordinate clause which precedes. — aurou's is defined by eis ov iremo-TevKeio-av, and must re fer to the believers in general, not to the elders merely. V. 24. SieXJdvres tt/v lJio-iSi'av, having passed through Pisidia. Antioch was on the northern limit of Pisidia, and hence they traversed that district from north to south. Their journey was a descent from the mountains to the plain. V. 25. ev JUpyrj. They now preached in Perga, as they ap pear not to have done on their first visit ; see on 13, 13. Luke's silence as to the result may intimate that they were favored with no marked success. — eis 'ArrdXeiav. Instead of taking ship at Perga, and sailing down the Cestrus, which they had ascended on their outward journey, they travelled across the plain to Attaleia, a seaport on the Pamphylian Gulf, near the mouth of the Catarrhactes. The distance between the two places was about sixteen miles; see on 13, 13. The founder of Attaleia was Attalus Philadelphus, king of Pergamus. It occupied the site of the modern Satalia, which Admiral Beaufort describes " as beautifully situated round a small harbor, the streets appearing to rise behind each other, like the seats of a theatre, .... with a double wall and a series of square towers on the level summit of the hill." See a view of the present town in Howson. V. 26. d7reVXeucrav eis 'AvTidxeiav, sailed away unto Antioch; though they may have disembarked at Seleucia as the town and its port are one in such designations ; comp. 20, 6. — oBev rjo-av, *. t. X., stands in sensu prcegnanti for whence, having been committed to the favor of God, they were sent forth; see 13, 3. W. § 54. 7. — eis to epyov, for the work, (telic) for its performance. V. 27. do-a .... per avrov, how great things (on their journey) God wrought wilh them, i. e. in theirbehalf (15, 4; Luke 1, 72) ; not by them, which would be Si' aurov as in 15, 12. The phrase comes from ns> fibs ; comp. Josh. 2, 12; Ps. 119, 65, etc. Accord- 238 COMMENTARY. Chap. XV, 1. ing to Meyer, per' aurov is = 2>v p.er avrov, allied with them, which is less simple. — oti rjvoi^e, *.. t. X., that he opened to the Gentiles a door of faith, i. e. had given them access to the gospel, participa tion in its blessings, as well as to the Jews ; not that he had opened to the apostles a door of access to the heathen. This metaphor is a favorite one with Paul (1 Cor. 16, 9; 2 Cor. 2,12; Col. 4, 3) and may have become familiar to Luke in his inter course with him (Alf). V. 28. SieVpi/Jov, iv. t. X. It is necessary to inquire here how long the apostle was probably absent on the tour followed by this residence at Antioch. We must be content with a some what vague answer to this question. The Apostohc Council at Jerusalem was held in A. D. 50 (Introd. § 6. 3) ; and as Paul departed on his first mission in A. D. 45 (see on 13, 3), we must divide the interval from A. D. 45 to 50 between his journey among the heathen and his subsequent abode at Antioch. The best authorities, as Anger, Wieseler, Meyer, Winer, De Wette, and others, agree in this result. How we are to distribute the intermediate years is more uncertain. It will be found that the apostle travelled more extensively during his second missionary tour than during the first ; and as the limitations of time in that part of the history allow us to assign but three years, or three and a half, to that excursion, we may consider two years per haps as sufficient for this journey. This conclusion would place the return to Antioch near the close of A. D. 47 ; since the apos tle must have set forth somewhat late in the year A. D. 45. Compare the note on 12, 25 with that on 13, 3. Accordingly, the years A. D. 48 and 49 would be the period not brief (xpovov ovk oXiyov) which Paul and Barnabas spent at Antioch between their return and the Council at Jerusalem. While they resided in that city, for the most part, they would be able, both by their own personal efforts and their supervision of the efforts of others, to extend the gospel in the regions around them. CHAPTER XV. Verses 1-5. Paul and Barnabas are sent as Delegates to Jerusa lem. V. 1. dirb rrji 'IovSaias, from Judea, i. e. from Jerasalem in Judea ; comp. nves e£ ijpSv in v. 24. It is barely possible that Chap. XV, 1.2. COMMENTARY. 239 Luke may include the other churches in that country. We are not to confound this party of Judaizers -with those in Gal. 2, 12, who " came from James" (i. e the church over which he presided), and caused Peter to dissemble his convictions from fear of their censure. The notice in the epistle refers to a different and later event; see on 18, 23. — i8i8ao-Kov, were teaching. They had not broached the error merely, but were inculcating it. — on edv, k. t. X., that unless yc are circumcised, etc. This transition to the direct style gives vividness to the narrative. — to eBei, according to the custom, law (see 6, 14) ; dative of rule or maimer. — ou Su'vao-^-e ouiBrjvai, ye cannot be saved. It was this enforced sub mission to the rite as necessary to salvation, which made the error so fatally pernicious. (Compare the note on 16, 3). The doctrine in this form was nothing less than an utter subversion of the scheme of Christianity. It denied the sufficiency of faith in Christ as the only condition of pardon and reconciliation. It involved the feeling that circumcision was an act of merit, and that those who submitted to it acquired a virtual right to the divine favor. In a word, it substituted the law of works for the gratuitous justification which the gospel declares to be the only way in which sinners can be saved. See Gal. 5, 1, sq. V. 2. oTao-ccos, dissension in their views ; ^njo-ecos, discussion on the points which that difference involved. — dXiy^s belongs to both nouns (De Wet.). The adjective is not repeated because the words are of the same gender. W. § 59. 5. — avTous refers to nve's in v. 1. Paul and Barnabas were the disputants on one side, and the individuals from Judea on the other. It does not appear that the Christians at Antioch took any open part in the controversy. The heresy reappeared among them at a later period, and became then so prevalent as to endanger the safety of the entire church; see Gal. 2, 11, sq. Even Barnabas, at that time, compromised the principle for which he was now so earnest. — era|av, *. t. X., they (i. e. the brethren in v. 1) appointed that they should go up, etc. It appears from Gal. 2, 2, that Paul went also in compliance with a divine command. Whether the reve lation was first, and the action of the church subsequent, or the reverse, it is impossible to say. It may be that Paul was instructed to propose the mission to Jerusalem ; or, if the mea sure originated with the church, that he was instructed to approve it, and to go as one of the delegates. Either supposition harmon izes the notice in Gal. 2, 2 with this passage. — nvds dXXous, cer tain others as delegates. One of them may have been Titus, since we read in Gal, 2, 1 that he accompanied the apostle at 240 COMMENTARY. Chap. XV, 3-5 this time. Yet perhaps o-vpirapaXaj3uiv Kai Titov, m that place, taking along also Titus, may indicate, that they travelled together as friends and not as official associates. The fact, too, that, being uncircumcised, he was a party in some sense to this Jew ish question, may have disqualified him for such an appointment. V. 3. oi pev ouv irpoirep.<^Bivre -rjpepmv dpxaiW, since remote days, a long time ago ; comp. ev dpxfj in 11, 15. The conversion of Cornelius took place during the time that Paul was at Tarsus (see on 11, 15); and the several years, so eventful in their character, which had elapsed since that period, would appear in the retrospect a long time. — ev riplv .... 0-rdp.aTos p,ov, made choice among us (the apos tles) that by my mouth, etc., (Mey. De Wet. Win.). The subse quent clause forms the proper object of efeXefaTo. Some supply needlessly epe' (Olsh.), and others incorrectly make ev rjp.1v a Hebraistic accusative, selected me or us. See W. § 32. 3. The meaning is not necessarily that no heathen had heard or em braced the gospel till Peter preached it to them ; but that it was he whom God appointed to convey the gospel to them under circumstances which showed it to be manifestly his will that they should be admitted into the church without circumcision. — For the generic eBv-q, see on 11, 18. V. 8. d KapSioyvioo-Tijs .... aurois, the heart-knowing God (who . could judge, therefore, of the sincerity of their repentance and faith) testified for them (dat. comm.). The testimony consisted 31 242 COMMENTARY. Chap. XV, 9. 10. of the miraculous gifts which he imparted to them, see 10, 45. He had thus shown that ceremonial obedience was not essential to his favor; for he had granted the sign of acceptance to those who were entirely destitute of that recommendation. V. 9. Kai ouSev .... aurov, and made no distinction between us, who had practised the Jewish rites, and them, though they were still heathen in that respect (dvop.oi, 1 Cor. 9, 21). The next clause states how he had manifested this impartiality — Tfj iriarei .... aurov, in that by faith he purified their hearts, i. e. in connection with their reception of the gospel, had made them partakers of the holiness which renders those who possess it acceptable in his sight. He had bestowed this blessing as fully and freely on the uncircumcised believing Gentiles, as he had upon the circumcised believing Jews. Peter represents the purification as effected by faith, in order to deny the error which would ascribe that efficacy to circumcision or any other legal observance. The Jewish feel ing was that the heathen were unclean so long as they were un circumcised. The Spirit is the efficient author of sanctification ; but faith as used here is a behef of the truth (2 Thess. 2, 13), especially of that which relates to the atonement of Christ (1 John 1, 7), and the Spirit employs the truth as the means of sanctification. V. 10. vuv ovv, Now therefore, i. e. after such evidence that God does not require the heathen to submit to Jewish rites. — n ireipd^ere tov Beov, why do ye tempt God, make presumptuous trial of his power and patience by demanding new proofs of his will ; see 5, 9; Matt. 4, 7 ; 1 Cor. 10, 9. This sense is partly Hebra istic, and we must compare the verb with !"1DJ, in order to obtain the full idea. — eVi^eivai (= eVi^e'vTes) £uydv, that you should place (= by placing) a yoke, etc. This is a lax use of the epexegeti- cal infinitive. W. § 44. 1. — ov ovre, k. t. X., which neither our fathers, etc. " By this yoke," says Neander, " which Peter represents as having been always so irksome to the Jews, he certainly did not mean the external observance of ceremonies simply as such, since he would by no means persuade the Jew ish Christians to renounce them. But he meant the external observance of the law, in so far as this proceeded from an inter nal subjection of the conscience to its power, such as exists when justification and salvation are made to depend on the performance of legal requirements. Those in this state of mind must fear lest they peril their salvation by the slightest deviation from the law ; they suffer the painful scrupulosity which leads to the invention of manifold checks, in order to guard themselves, Chap. XV, 11-15. COMMENTARY. 243 by a self-imposed constraint, against every possible transgression of its commands." V. 11. dXXd marks this connection : With such an experience as to the law, we no longer expect salvation from that source ; but through the grace of the Lord Jesus believe that we shall be saved. — KaKeivoi, also they, viz. the heathen converts. The remark suggests its own application. If the Jews had renounced their own law as unable to benefit them, and had taken the position of the Gentiles, it was inconsistent, as well as useless, to require the Gentiles to depend on the system of the Jews. The train of thought in Gal. 2, 15 sq. is singularly coincident with this. — The reference of KaKeivoi to ol iraTepes introduces an idea irrele vant to the subject. V. 1 2. io-lyrjo-e, became silent, recalls us to the iroXXfjs o~u£,rjTrj- o-ecos in v. 7. Peter's address had calmed the excitement, so that they refrained from speaking, and gave Paul and Barnabas an opportunity to be heard; comp. o-iyijo-ai in the next verse. — ijkovov (imperf.) implies a copious narration on the part of the speakers. — e^rjyovpivuiv, *. t. X. They gave this prominence to the mira cles because these expressed so decisively God's approval of their course in receiving the heathen without circumcision. That was now the main point in question. We see from Gal. 2, 7 sq., that the narrative embraced also other topics. Verses 13-21. Speech of the Apostle James. V. 13. The speaker is the James mentioned in 12, 17. Paul names him before Peter and John in Gal. 2, 9 because he was pastor of the church at Jerusalem and perhaps president of the council. — direKplBr], proceeded to speak (see 3, 12) ; or, very prop erly, answered, since the position of the Judaistic party challenged a reply. V. 14. Svpewv, Symeon (see 13, 1), as in 2 Pet. 1,1, else where Sipwv, Simon-, after the Heb. variation fiaiffl (1 Chr. 4, 20) and isa-^ (Gen. 29, 33). This apostle is not mentioned again in the Acts. His speech in the council is the last act of Peter which Luke has recorded. — irpuirov, at first, answers to d -rjpepuiv dpxaiuiv in v. 7. — iireo-Keij/aTo, graciously visited, like igs in its good sense. — cttitu dvdpan avrou, after his name (Luke 1, 9), i. e. who should be called by it, known as his people (De Wet.) ; comp. v. 17; Dent. 28, 10; Is. 63, 19; 2 Chr. 7, 14, etc. But the critical editions omit im, and. the dative depends then on the infinitive , i. e.for thy name, its acknowledgment, honor. V. 15. Kai tovto n. t. X., and with this (not masculine, viz. 244 COMMENTARY. Chap. XV, 16. 17. Peter, but neuter, viz. the fact just stated) agree the words of ihe prophets. As an example of their testimony, he adduces Am. 9, 11 sq. V. 16. The citation conforms very nearly to the Septuagint. — dvao-Tpiipui, «.. t. X., I will return and will rebuild. The expression implies a restoration of favor after a temporary alienation ; comp. Jer. 12, 15. Some recognize here the Hebraism which converts the first of two verbs into an adverb qualifying the second: I will again rebuild. Meyer, De Wette, Winer (§ 54. 5), reject that explanation. It is the less apposite here, as dvd repeats the ad verbial idea in the three following verbs. — dvoiKoSoprjo-ui, k. t. X., I will rebuild tlie tabernacle of David ichich has fallen, i. e. will restore the decayed splendor of his family, to wit, in the person of his Son after the flesh (Rom. 1, 3), in the Messiah. o-Kijrrjv represents the family as having fallen into such obscurity as to occupy the humble abode of a booth or tabernacle. The next words of the text describe the same condition still more strongly. V. 17. oiruis dv iKj^qrrjo-uio-iv, k. t. X., that (telic, because the Sav iour must be first sent) the rest (lit. those left remaining) of men and all the heathen may seek out the Lord, dv implies that it de pends on them whether the purpose will be attained or defeated. See W. \ 42. 6 ; K. § 330. 4. The rest of men are the otliers of them besides the Jews, and these otliers are all the heathen. The last clause is explicative, not appositional. The Hebrew has they, i. e. the people of God, sliall possess the residue of Edom, i. e. those of Edom reserved for mercy, and all the (other) heathen. The Seventy may have confounded some of the original words with other similar words ; but the apostle followed their transla tion of the passage, as it contained the essential idea for which he appealed to it. The many foreign Jews who were present were familiar with the Greek Scriptures, but not the Hebrew. — i ous . . . . p.ov, upon whom my name has been called, i. e. given, applied to them as a sign of their relationship to God; comp. James 2, 7. See the references on v. 14. Observe that the verb is perfect. The application of the name was future when the prophecy was uttered, and was still future to a great extent when cited at this time ; but the prediction was as good as al ready verified, because the purpose of God made it certain. — iir aurou's is a Hebraism, founded on the use of licx as the sign of relation (Olsh. De Wet. Mey.). Gesen. Heb. Gr. j 121. 1. The foregoing citation from Amos was pertinent in a twofold way : first, it announced that the heathen were to be admitted with the Jews into the kingdom of Christ ; and, secondly, it con- Chap. XV, 18-20. COMMENTARY. 245 tained no recognition of circumcision, or other Jewish ceremonies, as prerequisite to their reception. — -jrdvra after TauVa (T. R.) is not approved. V. 18. The words here are a comment of James on the proph ecy. — yvword .... avrou, Known from the beginning unto God are all his works. The present call of the Gentiles, after having been so long foretold, was an evidence and illustration of the truth here asserted. Hence, the apostle would argue, if God, in ex tending the gospel to the heathen without requiring them to be circumcised, was carrying into effect an eternal purpose, it be came them to acquiesce in it ; their opposition to his plan would be as unavailing as it was criminal. — The variations of the text in this verse are numerous, but nearly all yield the same mean ing. They may be seen in Griesbach, Halm, Tischendorf, Green, and others. Lachman adheres to the common reading, with the exception of Kupi'co for Be&, and epyov for epya. V. 19. eyui KpCvui, J (for my part, without dictating to others) judge, decide as my opinion. On e'yco, as thus restrictive, see W. 5 22. 6. The verb affords no proof that the speaker's authority was greater than that of the other apostles; comp. 16, 4. — pi) uapevoxXeiv, that we ought not to disquiet, molest, i. e. impose on them the yoke of Jewish ceremonies ; see v. 10. The infinitive includes often the idea of obligation or necessity. W. § 44. 3. b. Meyer urges the separate force of irapd, further, i. e. in addition to their faith, not justified apparently by usage ; better in his last edition, thereby, along with their conversion. V. 20. eVio-TeiXai, k. t. X., that we should ivrite to them, direct by letter, that they abstain. — dXio-yi/pdrov = eiScoXo^uTiov in v. 29. The parts of the victim not used in sacrifice, the heathen sold in the market as ordinary food, or ate them at feasts. The Jews, in their abhorrence of idolatry, regarded the use of such flesh as allied to the guilt of participating in idol-worship itself. See Rom. 14, 15 sq. ; 1 Cor. 8, 10 sq. — Kai r»)s Topveias, and from for - nication = licentiousness (Calv. Kuin. Olsh. Mey. De Wet). Repeat d7rd before this noun. The other practices, it will be ob served, relate to things which are not sinful per se, but derive their character from positive law, or from circumstances. The 4 reason, probably, for associating this immorality with such prac tices is, that the heathen mind had become so corrupt as almost to have lost the idea of chastity as a virtue.1 Other senses of 1 See Tholuck on the Nature and Moral Influence of Heathenism, in the Biblical Repository, Vol. II. p. 441 sq. 246 COMMENTARY. Chap. XV, 21. 22. iropveia, as idolatry, incest, marriage with unbelievers, concubin age, have been proposed. It is against any such unusual signifi cation of the word, that it occurs again in the enactment (v. 29). The object of the decree would require it to be framed with as much perspicuity as possible, and would exclude the use of terms out of their ordinary acceptation. — Kai tou itviktov, and from what has been strangled, i. e. from the flesh of animals put to death in that way. The Jews were not allowed to eat such flesh, because it contained the blood ; see Lev. 17, 13. 14; Deut. 12, 16, 23.— «ai tou aiparos, and from blood, which the heathen drank often at their idolatrous feasts, and at other times and in various ways mingled with their food. V. 21. This verse assigns a reason for the proposed restric tions, and that is, that the Jewish believers, being so accustomed to hear the things in question forbidden, were naturally sensitive in regard to them, and hence it was necessary, for the sake of peace and harmony, that the heathen' converts should refrain from such practices. This view of the connection is the most natural one. Calvin, Hemsen, Olshausen, De Wette, Meyer, and others, agree in it. Neander follows Chrysostom, who supposes the words to explain why it was proposed to instruct the Gentiles only : the Jews had no occasion to be informed what the law re quired of them ; for Moses in every city, etc. This interpretation not only turns the mind abruptly from one train of thought to another, but appears to concede more to the advocates of circum cision than the question at issue would allow. To have justified the prohibitions on such ground would be recognizing the perpe tuity of the Mosaic rites, so far as the Jews were concerned ; and we cannot suppose that the apostles at this time either enter tained that view, or would give any direct countenance to it in the minds of others. Verses 22-29. They appoint Messengers to the Churches, and send a Letter by them. V. 22. totc !8o£e, k. t. X., Then the apostles .... resolved, having selected men from themselves, to send them, etc. eKXefapevous passes into the accusative, because the object ofv the governing verb, d-iToo-TdXois, serves at the same time as the subject of the infini tive. K. $ 307. R. 2. — Judas is known only from this notice. His surname opposes the conjecture that he was Judas Thad- deus, the apostle. There is no proof that he was a brother of Joseph Barsabas, the candidate for the apostleship (1,23). — Silas Chap. XV, 23-25. COMMENTARY. 247 bacame Paul's associate in his second missionary tour (v. 40). For SiXas in the Acts, we have always SiXovavo's in the Epistles. The former was his Jewish name probably, the latter his Gentile or foreign name; see on 13, 9. — ^youpevous, leading, eminent for reputation and authority (Luke 22, 26). V. 23. ypdi^avTes. The nominative of a participle refers often to a preceding substantive in a different case, when that substan tive forms in fact the logical subject of the clause. K. § 313. 1 ; W. $ 64. II. 2. The impersonal expression at the head of the sentence is equivalent to a transitive verb with the dative as nominative. K. § 307. R. 5. — KaTa ri)v 'Avndxeiav, k. t. X., through out Antioch and Syria, etc., since the brethren were in different places. We see here how extensively the Judaizers had at tempted to spread their views. The scene at Antioch (v. 1) was only an example of what had occurred in many other places. As to the origin of the churches in Syria and Cilicia, see on v. 41. — Xaipeiv, sc. Xeyouo-i. It is remarkable, says Neander, that this word, as a form of epistolary salutation, occurs only here and in James 1, 1, with the exception of 23, 26, where it is a Roman who em ploys it. It would account for the coincidence if we suppose that the Apostle James drew up this document. His office as pastor of the church would very naturally devolve that service on him. The occurrence of xalpeLV here and in the Epistle, Ben gel, Bleek, and others, point out as an indication that the two compositions are from the same hand. V. 24. e£ rjp.uiv, from us, which accords with v. 1. — eVdpa^av, disquieted, perplexed ; see Gal. 1, 7. — Xo'yois may have, as Stier thinks, a disparaging force : with words merely, as opposed to the truth or sound doctrine. — dvao-Keud£ovres Tas i/'uxds ip.wv, subverting your souls, i. e. unsettling, removing them from the pure faith of the gospel. This clause describes the effect or tendency of the views which those who received the decrees were urged by the false teachers to adopt. — ireporipveo-Bai, k. t. X., that ye must be circumcised, and keep the law. For this power of the infinitive, see on v. 19. Setv is not to be supplied. — ots ou Sieo-TeiXdpe^a, whom we did not command, i. e. instruct, authorize. This declar ation may be aimed at a pretence on their part that they had been sent forth by the church at Jerasalem, or at least that they represented the sentiments of that church. V. 25. yevope'vois 6p.oBvp.a86v, having met together ( Vulg. Neand. ) ; but better, having become of one mind, unanimous (Bng. Str. Mey.). Kuinoel and De Wette are undecided. According to the latter view, the expression represents this perfect harmony as having 248 COMMENTARY. Chap. XV, 26-28. been attained after some diversity of opinion; see v. 5. — eKXe£- ap,evovs exemplifies again the construction in v. 22. — Bapvd/3a kox XlavXui. This deviation from the usual order of these names since 13, 13, as De Wette remarks after Bleek, testifies to the writer's diplomatic accuracy. Paul had spent but little time at Jerusalem, and Barnabas was still a more familiar name there (comp. 9, 27), than that of the apostle to the Gentiles. V. 26. dvBpunrois .... aurov, men who have given up, jeoparded, their lives; comp. 9, 24 ; 13, 50 ; 14, 5. 19. There was a special reason, no doubt, for this commendation of Paul and Barnabas. It would serve to counteract any attempts which the Jewish party might make, or had made, to discredit their religious views and impair their reputation as teachers. V. 27. ouv, therefore, i. e. in conformity with the conclusion in v. 25. — Kai auTous, *. t. X., also themselves by word announcing (when they shall be present) the same things, i. e. that we now write to you (Neand. Mey. De Wet.) ; not the same things that Paul and Barnabas have taught. Sid Xdyov indicates clearly that the oral communication was to confirm the contents of the letter or the written communication. " Judas and Silas," says Stier (Reden der Apostel, I. p. 90), "should certify that the letter had actually proceeded from a unanimous resolve of the church at Jerusalem, and that Barnabas and Saul were thus honored and beloved there ; they should give fuller information respecting the decrees, and answer every inquiry that might be proposed, as living epistles, confirmed by the letter and confirming it in re turn ; and thus by their word they should restore again the harmony which those unsent members of their church had dis turbed." V. 28. eSo£e ydp, For it seemed good, i. e. and especially how it seemed good, ydp specifies the part of the letter which the writ ers had more particularly in view in Td avrd. — irvevp,an Kai ^piv = ¦jrveupaTi ev i^piv (Olsh.). See 5, 3 and note there. The expression represents the two agencies as distinct from each other, as well as consentaneous (De Wet.). — ^piv includes all (see v. 23) who took part in the action of the council. They were conscious of having adopted their conclusions under the guidance of the Spirit, and claimed for them the authority of infallible decisions. — rov renders e7rdvayKes an adjective. B. $ 125. 6. The things in question are said to be necessary, not (excepting the last of them) because they were wrong in themselves, but because the Gentile Christians were bound by the law of charity (see Rom. 14, 15) to avoid a course which, while it involved no question of Chap. XV, 29-34. COMMENTARY. 249 conscience on their part, would offend and grieve their Jewish brethren, and lead inevitably to strife and alienation. V. 29. direxecrBai, to wit, that ye abstain. For this definitive use of the infinitive, see W. § AA. 1 : C. $ 623. — It is not perhaps accidental that 7ropveids has here a different position from that in v. 20 ; see also 21, 25. — ii s 8ie7ropeu'ovTO Tas irdXeis, As they journeyed through the cities on the route pursued by them. They would visit naturally all the churches in Syria and Cilicia (15, 41), and most of those on the main land, gathered during the apostle's former tour. As 254 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVI, 5. 6. Antioch and Perga were so remote from their general course, it is possible that they transmitted copies of the decrees to those places. It is not certain that the word had taken root in Perga ; see on 14, 25. — TrapeSi'Souv .... Sdypara, delivered (orally or in writing) to them the decrees lo keep. The infinitive may be telic : that they should keep them ; or may involve a relative clause : which they should keep. Compare d irapiXaj3ov Kparelv in Mark 7, 4. See W. } 44. 1. auTois refers to the believers in these cities; not to the heathen converts merely (Mey.), since the decrees affected also the Jews. V. 5. ovv, therefore, i. e. as the result of this visit, and of the adjustment of the controversy which had divided and enfeebled the churches. — tu> dpiBpZ, in the number of their members. Verses 6-10. They prosecute their Journey to Troas. V. 6. pav. Galatia was bounded on the north by Paphlagonia and Bithynia, on the east by Pontus and Cappadocia (separated from them by the river Halys), on the south by Cappadocia and Phrygia, and on the west by Phrygia and Bithynia. Among the principal cities were Ancyra, made the metropohs by Augustus, and Pessinus. Kiepert draws the line of Paul's course, on his map, so as to include these places, on the natural supposition that he would aim to secure first the prominent towns. See on 18, 1. It is evident from the Epistle to the Galatians (see, e. g., 4, 19), that it was the apostle Paul who first preached the gospel in this country ; and since he found disciples here on his third mission ary tour (see 18, 23), it must have been at this time that he laid the foundation of the Galatian churches (Gal. 1, 2). Such is the opinion of the leading critics. See note on 14, 6. — KuiXvBevres, k. t. X., being restrained by the Holy Spirit, etc. The act of this participle, it will be observed, was subsequent to that of SieX^o'vres and prior to that of eX-Jovres (v. 7). The course of the move ment may be sketched thus. The travellers, having passed through the eastern section of Phrygia into Galatia, proposed next to preach the word in proconsular Asia (see on 2, 9). With that view they turned their steps to the southwest, and, crossing the north part of Phrygia, came clown to the frontier of Mysia, the first province in Asia which they would reach in that direc tion. Being informed here that they were not to execute this design, they turned again towards the north and attempted to go Chap. XVI, 7. 8. C 0 M M E N T A R Y . 255 into Bithynia, which was adjacent to Mysia. Restrained from that purpose, they passed by Mysia, i. e. did not remain there to preach, and proceeded to Troas. — This portion of the apostle's travels, though they embrace so wide a circuit, admits of very little geographical illustration. Phrygia and Galatia are parts of Asia Minor, of which the ancient writers have left but few notices and which remain comparatively unknown to the pres ent day. We must infer from 18, 23, that Paul gained disci ples in Phrygia at this time, but in what places is uncertain. Colosse was a Phrygian city, and may have received the gospel on this journey, unless it be forbidden by Col. 2, 1. The opinion of the best critics is, that the apostle includes the Colossians in that passage among those who had not "seen his face in the flesh." — to irveupa 'Iijo-ou, the Spirit of Jesus, i. e. which he sends. There is no parallel passage, unless it be Rom. 8, 9. 'Iijo-ou has been lost from some copies, but belongs to the text.. The Spirit, says Reuss, appears here in a sphere of activity, made more prom inent in the Acts than in all the other writings of the New Testament. " Thus, it is the Spirit who conducts Philip in the road to Gaza (8, 29), who instructs Peter to receive the messen gers of Cornelius (10, 19 ; 11, 12), who causes Barnabas and Paul to he sent to the heathen (13, 2. 4), who directs the missionaries in the choice of their route (16, 6. 7), who urges Paul to Jerusalem (20, 22), who chooses the pastors of the churches (20, 28), etc." 1 V. 8. mxpeXBovres ttjv Mucridv, having passed by Mysia, having left it aside without remaining to preach there ; comp. Trapa-n-Xeu- o-ai in 20, 16, and napeXBelv in Mark 6, 48. Wieseler (Chronolo- gie, p. 36), Alford, Howson apparently, and others prefer this meaning here. Some render having passed along Mysia, i. e. the border of Mysia Minor, which belonged to Bithynia, whereas Mysia Major belonged to proconsular Asia (De Wet.) The boundary was a political one, and no distinct frontier existed, which the travellers could have had any motive for tracing so exactly. — KaTiplrjoav, came down from the inner highlands to the coast. — eis TpoidSa, unto Troas, the name of a district or a city ; here the latter, called fully Alexandria Troas, on the Hellespont, about four miles from the site of the ancient Troy. It was the transit harbor between the north-west of Asia Minor and Mace donia. Paul passed and repassed here on two other occasions (20, 6 ; 2 Cor. 2, 12). It is correct that Luke represents Troas here as distinct from Mysia. Under Nero, Troas and the vicinity 1 Historie de la Theologie Chretienne, Tome second, p. 603 (Strasbourg 1852). 256 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVI, 9-11. formed a separate territory, having the rights of Roman freedom (De Wet. Bbttg.). V. 9. Kai opapa, «.. t. X. Whether Paul saw this vision in a dream, or in a state of ecstasy (see 10, 10; 22, 17), the language does not decide. Sid tt}s wktos suggests one of the conditions of the first mode, but would not be inconsistent with the other. — dvrjp MaKeSiov, a man revealed to him as a Macedonian ; comp. 9, 12. — Sia/3ds, having crossed, i. e. the northern part of the _ZEgean. — fiorjBrjo-ov fjp.1v, help us, because the one here represented many. V. 10. et,rjTrjo-apev, we sought, i. e. by immediate inquiry for a ship (Alf.). Paul had made known the vision to his associates. Here for the first time the historian speaks of himself as one of the party, and in all probablity because he joined it at Troas. The introduction would be abrupt for the style of a modern work, it is true ; but, on the otlier hand, to have had from Luke any formal account of the manner in which he became connected with the apostle would have been equally at variance with the simplicity and reserve which distinguish the sacred writers. Nor does it account at all more naturally for this sudden use of the plural, to imagine (it is a figment purely) that Luke adopts here the narrative of another writer ; for, we may just as well suppose him to speak thus abruptly in his own name, as to allow him to introduce another person as doing it, without apprising us of the change. See marginal note- on p. 16. Verses 11-15. Paul and his Associates arrive in Europe, and preach at Philippi. V. 11. evBvSpoprjo-ap.ev, we ran by a straight course. In the nautical language of the ancients, as in that of the moderns, to run meant to sail before the wind, see 27, 16. Luke observes almost a technical precision in the use of such terms. His account of the voyage to Rome shows a surprising familiarity with sea- life. — eis Sapo^paKijv, unto Samothrace, which they reached the first day. This island, the present Samothraki, is about half way between Troas and Neapolis, and is the highest land in this part of the iEgean, except Mount Athos. The ordinary currents here are adverse to sailing northward; but southerly winds, though they are brief, blow strongly at times and overcome entirely that disadvantage. With such a wind, "the vessel in which Paul sailed would soon cleave her way through the strait between Tenedos and the main, past the Dardanelles, and near the eastern Chap. XVI, 11.12. COMMENTARY. 257 shore of Imbros. On rounding the northern end of this island, they would open Samothrace, which had hitherto appeared as a higher and more distant summit over the lower mountains of Imbros. Leaving this island, and bearing now a little to the west, and having the wind still (as our sailors say) two or three points abaft the beam, they steered for Samothrace, and under the shelter of its high shore, anchored for the night." See the nautical proofs in Howson. — eis Ned-roXiv, unto Naples, a Thracian city on the Strymonic gulf, the modern Cavallo. It was north west from Samothrace, but even with a southerly wind could be reached in seven or eight hours. As the same verb describes the remainder of the journey, it might seem as if they merely touched here, but did not land, proceeding along the coast to some harbor nearer to Philippi than this. Some writers would place the port of that city further west than the present Cavallo. It is generally agreed, however, that Neapolis -was the nearest town on the sea, and hence, though the distance was not less than ten miles, was identical with Philippi as to purposes of travel and trade. Cavallo is the nearest port at present, and the shore appears to have undergone no change either from recession or advance.1 V. 1 2. Philippi was on a steep acclivity of the Thracian Her- mus, where this range slopes towards the sea, on a small stream called Gangas, or Gangitas. It was at some distance east of the Strymon, and not on that river, as some have said. The adjacent plain is memorable in Roman history, as the place where the battle was fought between the Republicans under Brutus, and the followers of Antony and Augustus. — i/ns .... KoXeovia, which is the chief city of the province of Macedonia, being a colony, irpun-rj designates it as one of the1 first places there, and KoXwvia explains the ground of the epithet. Augustus had sent a colony thither (see Diet, of Antt. s. colonia), which had conferred upon it new importance. Some understand irpurrrj geographically : first as they entered Macedonia, which Winer calls the simplest explanation. That Neapolis lay farther east, does not clash with this view ; for those who adopt it take Macedonia here in the Greek sense, which assigns Neapolis to Thrace. It is a stronger objection, that Luke would then mean Greek Macedonia here, but else where the Roman province so named, i. e. Northern Greece in distinction from Achaia, or Southern Greece ; see on 18, 5. Fur- 1 My thanks are due to the Rev. Dr. Hill of Athens for inquiries in relation to this point. 33 258 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVI, 12. 13. ther, eo-ri indicates a permanent distinction ; whereas rjv would have been more natural to mark an incident of the journey (was first on their way). The proper capital of Macedonia (hence not 7rpaJrr; in that sense) was Thessalonica. If the earlier divis ion into four parts still continued, Amphipolis was politically first in pars prima. " It may be added," says Akerman, "in confirmation of the words of Luke, that there are colonial coins of Philippi from the reign of Augustus to that of Caracalla." It is frequenly said, that this was the first place on the continent of Europe where the gospel was preached ; but we have no certain knowl edge of the origin of the church of Rome, and, very possibly, it may have been founded by some of the converts on the day of Pentecost. The church at Philippi was the first church in Europe which the apostle Paul established. — ^pepas nvds, certain days, denotes apparently the few days which they spent there before the arrival of the Sabbath. V. 13. Instead of the received ?£<_> rijs 7ro'Xecos, the later criticism would read e£u> riys irvXrjs, out of the gate. This part of the narrative shows often the presence of the historian. — 7rapd irordpiov, beside a river, viz. the Gangas. The name was unimportant, but could hardly fail to be known to Luke, who was so familiar with Philippi; see on v. 40. This river could not be the Strymon (Neand. Mey.) which was several miles to the west ; and still more if irv'Xijs be the correct word, a nearer stream must be the one intended. In sum mer the Gangas is almost dry, but in winter or after rains may be full and swollen. — oS .... elvai, where (according to an ancient usage in that city) was ivont to be a place of prayer (Kuin. Neand. Mey. De Wet.). The Jews preferred to assemble near the water on account of the lustrations which accompanied their worship. Neander illustrates this usage from what Tertullian says of them (De Jejun., c. 16) : " per omne litus quocunque in aperto pieces ad ccelum mittunt." See also Jos. Antt. 14. 1 0. 23. The Trpoo-eux^ here appears to have been, not an edifice, but a space or incolsure in the open air consecrated to this use. The word was so well known as the designation of a Jewish chapel or oratory that it passed into the Latin language in that sense. The rendering where prayer was wont to be made (E. V.) does not agree easily with eivai. Instead of the substantive verb, the predicate would be ylveo-Bai (12, 5), or iroielo-Bai (1 Tim. 2, 1). — In eXaXov/xev Luke appears as one of the speakers. — Tais a-weXBovo-am yuvai£t, the women who came together for prayer. The absence of a synagogue shows that the Jews here were not numerous. Those who met for prayer were chiefly women, and even some of these were converts to Judaism. Chap. XVI, 14. 15. COMMENTARY. 259 V. 14. Kai tis yuvrj, k. t. X. Lydia was a very common name among the Greeks and the Romans. It is not surprising, there fore, that it coincided with the name of her country. Possibly she may have borne a different name at home, but was known among strangers as Lydia or the Lydian (Wetst.). She is said to have been a seller of purple, sc. cloths, from Thyatira. That city was on the confines of Lydia and Mysia ; and the Lydians, as ancient writers testify, were famous for precisely such fabrics. They possessed that reputation even in Homer's time ; see II. 4. 141. An inscription, "the dyers," has been found among the ruins of Thyatira. — rJKouev (relative imperf.) was hearing, while he discoursed (14, 9; 15, 12); not when the act (Si^voi^e) took place (Alf.). — ijs .... KapSidv, whose heart the Lord opened, i. e. in conformity with other passages (Matt. 1 1, 25 sq. ; Luke 24, 45 ; 1 Cor. 3, 6. 7), enlightened, impressed by his Spirit, and so pre pared to receive the truth. — irpoo-ixeiv, so as to attend (ecbatic) ; or less obvious, to attend (telic). V. 15. uis Se eBairTio-B-q. It is left indefinite whether she was baptized at once, or after an interval of some days. — d diKOi avrijs, her house, family. " Here," says De Wette, " as well as in v. 33 ; 18, 8 ; 1 Cor. 1, 16, some would find a proof for the apostohc baptism of children ; but there is nothing here which shows that any except adults were baptized." According to his view (in Stud, und Krit, p. 669, 1830) of the meaning of 1 Cor. 7, 14, it is impossible that baptism should have been applied to children in the primitive churches. In arguing from the case of children to that of married persons, one of whom is an unbeliever, in order to justify the continuance of the relation, " the apostle must appeal to something which lay out of the disputed case, but which had a certain similarity and admitted of an application to it. This something is nothing else than the relation which the children of Christian parents in general sustain to the Christian church, and the expression ' your children ' refers to all the Cor inthian Christians. The children of Christians were not yet re ceived properly into a Christian community, were not yet baptized, and did not take part in the devotional exercises and love-feasts of the church ; accordingly, they might have been regarded as unclean (dKaBapra), with as much reason as the unbelieving consorts could be so regarded. In this passage, therefore, we have a proof that children had not begun to be baptized in the time of the apostles." The oikos airfjs, as Meyer remarks, con sisted probably of women who assisted Lydia in her business. "When Jewish or heathen families," he says further, "became 260 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVI, 15. Christians, the children in them could have been baptized only in cases in which they were so far developed that they could profess their faith in Christ, and did actually profess it ; for this was the universal requisition for the reception of baptism ; see, also, v. 31. 33; 18, 8. On the contrary, if the children were still unable to believe, they did not partake of the rite, since they were wanting in what the act presupposed. The baptism of children is not to be considered as an apostolic institution, but arose gradually in the post-apostolic age, after early and long continued resistance, in connection with certain views of doctrine, and did not become general in the church till after the time of Augustine. The defence of infant baptism transcends the domain of exegesis, and must be given up to that of dogmatics." Since a confession of faith preceded baptism, says Olshausen, " it is im probable in the highest degree that by 'her household' (oikos avn?s) children of an immature age are to be understood ; those baptized with her were relatives, servants, grown up children. We have not, in fact, a single sure proof-text for the baptism of children in the apostolic age, and the necessity of it cannot be derived from the idea of baptism." He says on 1 Cor. 1, 17, that " nothing can be inferred in favor of infant baptism from the word 'household' (oikos), because the adult members of the household (comp. 1 Cor. 16, 15), or the servants in it, may alone he meant." Neander maintains the same view of this class of passages. " Since baptism marked the entrance into communion with Christ, it resulted from the nature of the rite, that a confession of faith in Jesus as the Redeemer would be made by the person to he baptized. As baptism was closely united with a conscious en trance on Christian communion, faith and baptism were always connected with one another ; and thus it is in the highest degree probable that baptism was performed only in instances where both could meet together, and that the practice of infant baptism was unknown at this period. We cannot infer the existence of infant baptism from the instance of the baptism of whole fam ilies ; for the passage in 1 Cor. 16, 15 shows the fallacy of such a conclusion, as from that it appears that the whole family of Ste phanus, who were baptized by Paul, consisted of adults. . . . From whom (if it belonged to the first Christian age) could the institu tion of infant baptism have proceeded ? Certainly it did not come directly from Christ himself. Was it from the primitive church in Palestine, from an injunction given by the earher apos tles ? But among the Jewish Christians circumcision was held as a seal of the covenant, and hence they had so much less Chap. XVI, 15. 16. COMMENTARY. 261 occasion to make use of another dedication for their children. Could it then have been Paul that first introduced among hea then Christians this change in the use of baptism ? But this would agree least of all with the peculiar Christian characteris tics of this apostle. He who says of himself that Christ sent him, not to baptize, but to preach the gospel; he who always kept his eye fixed on one thing, justification by faith, and so carefully avoided everything which could give a handle or a support to the notion of justification by outward things (o-apKiKa), — how could he have set up infant baptism against the circumcision that continued to be practised by the Jewish Christians ? In this case, the dispute earned on with the Juda izing party, on the necessity of circumcision, would easily have given an opportunity of introducing this substitute into the contro versy, if it had really existed. The evidence arising from silence on this topic has, therefore, the greater weight." ' It may be proper to regard the decisions of such men as representing the testimony of the present biblical scholarship on this controverted subject. It is the more proper to accord to them this character, because they proceed from men whose ecclesiastical position would naturally dispose them to adopt a different view; who contend that infant baptism, having been introduced, is allow able, notwithstanding their acknowledgment that it has no scrip tural warrant. — ei KeKpUare, if ye have judged, i. e. by admitting her to baptism, and thus declaring their confidence in her. ei is preferred to eW out of modesty. — mo-Trjv to Kvpiio, trusting to the Lord, i. e. having faith in him, a believer; comp. 10, 45; 16, 1.— icapej3ido-aTo ^pds, constrained us ; not that they needed so much entreaty, but that she could not employ less in justice to her grateful feelings. Some think that they were reluctant to accept the proffered hospitality, lest they should seem to be actuated by mercenary motives. The apostle was by no means indifferent to that imputation (20, 34 ; 2 Cor. 12, 17. 19) ; but it is incorrect to say that he never showed himself unmindful of it. He was the guest of Gaius at Corinth (Rom. 16, 23), and was aided re peatedly by Christian friends, when his circumstances made it necessary (24, 23 ; 28, 10 ; Phil. 4, 15 sq.). Verses 16-18. Healing of a Demoniac Woman. V. 16. eyeveTo Se, Now it came to pass on a subsequent day (Neand. De Wet.). — eis irpoo-evx^v, unto the place of prayer, which 1 Abridged from Ryland's translation. Pflanzung, u. s. w., Band I. p. 278. 262 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVI, 16-18 may omit the article as definite, because it was the only such place there. But some editors (Grsb. Lchm.) insert t-tjv. — iraiSi- o-ktjv .... irvBuivo<:, a female slave (Gal. 4, 22) having the spirit of a pythoness, i. e. of a diviner who was supposed to have received her gift of prophecy from Apollo. Luke describes the woman according to her reputed character ; he does not express here his own opinion of the case. His view agreed no doubt with that of Paul, and what that was we learn from the sequel. To sup pose him to acknowledge Apollo as a real existence would con tradict 1 Cor. 8, 4. — irapelxe, procured. Winer (k 38. 5) says, that the active is more appropriate here than the middle (comp. 19, 24 ; Col. 4, 1 ; Tit. 2, 7), because the gain was involuntary on her part. — tois Kupi'ois au-rijs, unto her masters. A slave among the ancients who possessed a lucrative talent was often the joint property of two or more owners. — pavTevop.ivrj, by divining, was the heathen term to denote the act. Luke would have said more naturally irpocprjTevovoa, had he been affirming his own belief in the reality of the pretension. — The woman was in fact a demoniac (see v. 18) ; and as those subject to the power of evil spirits were often bereft of their reason, her divinations were probably the ravings of insanity. The superstitious have always been prone to attach a mysterious meaning to the utterances of the insane. We may take it for granted that the craft of the managers in this case was exerted to assist the delusion. V. 17. outoi, k. -_ . X., These men are servants, etc. Some have supposed that she merely repeated what she had heard them de clare of themselves, or what she had heard reported of them by others. But the similarity of the entire account to that of the demoniacs mentioned in the Gospels requires us to refer this case to the same class of phenomena ; see Matt. 8, 29 ; Mark 3, 11; Luke 4, 41; 8, 28, etc. Accordmg to those passages, we must recognize the acknowledgment here as a supernatural testimony to the mission of Paul and his associates, and to the truth of the gospel which they preached. V. 18. SiairovriBeiii>Ta, having called for lights, which could be carried in the hand. The noun is neuter and in the plural, not singular (E. V.). The ordinary night-lamps, if such had been kept burning, were fastened perhaps, or furnished only a faint glimmer. epuira may be a generic plural, but refers more probably to the jailer's summoning those in his service to procure hghts, to enable him to ascertain the condition of the prison. The se quel shows that the whole family were aroused. — irpoo-iireo-e, fell down, cast himself at their feet in token of reverence ; see Mark 3, 11; Luke 8, 28. He knew that the miracle was on their account. Verses 30-34. Conversion of the Jailer and his Family. V. 30. rrpoayayuiv aurous e£ui, having led them forth out, i. e. of the inner prison into another room, not into his own house ; see v. 34. — ti pe . . . . iva o-uiBui ; What must I do in order that I may be saved. Their answer in the next verse shows with what meaning the jailer proposed this question. It cannot refer to any fear of punishment from the magistrates ; for he had now ascer tained that the prisoners were all safe, and that he was in no danger, from that source. Besides, had he felt exposed to any such danger, he must have known that Paul and Silas had no power to protect him ; it would have been useless to come to them for assistance. The question in the other sense appears abrupt, it is true ; but we are to remember that Luke has re corded only parts of the transaction. The unwritten history Chap. XVI, 30-33. COMMENTARY. 267 would perhaps justify some such view of the circumstances as this. The jailer is suddenly aroused from sleep by the noise of the earth quake ; he sees the doors of the prison open ; the thought instantly seizes him, — the prisoners have fled. He knows the rigor of the Roman law, and is on the point of anticipating his doom by self- murder. But the friendly voice of Paul recalls his presence of mind. His thoughts take at once a new direction. He is aware that these men claim to be the servants of God ; that they pro fess to teach the way of salvation. It would be nothing strange if, during the several days or weeks that Paul and Silas had been at Philippi, he had heard the gospel from their own lips, had been one among those at the river-side, or in the market, whom they had warned of their danger, and urged to repent and lay hold of the mercy offered to them in the name of Christ. And now suddenly an event had taken place, which convinces him in a moment that the things which he has heard are realities ; it was the last argument, perhaps, which he needed to give cer tainty to a mind already inquiring, hesitating. He comes trem bling, therefore, before Paul and Silas, and asks them to tell him — again, more fully — what he must do to be saved. V. 31. Kai o-uiBrjo-rj, k. t. X., and thou shalt be saved and thy family. They represent the salvation as ample ; it was free not only to him but to all the members of his household who accept the proffered mercy. The apostle includes them, because, as we see from the next verse, they were present and listened with the jailer to the preaching of the gospel. As Meyer remarks, d oikos o-ov belongs in effect to Triorevoov and o-uiBrjo-r], as well as o-v. V. 32. koi eXdXryo-av, k. t. X., and they spake to him the word of the Lord, and to all who were in his house. This refers to the more particular instruction respecting the way of salvation, which they proceeded to give after the general direction in the preceding verse. — tois ev Tfj oikio. airov, those in his family, cannot embrace infants, because they are incapable of receiving the instruction which was addressed to those whom the expression designates here. V. 33. irapaXafiuiv auTou's, taking them along, says Howson cor rectly, implies a change of place. The jailer repaired with Paul and Silas from the outer room (see efw in v. 30) to the water, which he needed for bathing their bodies. — eXouoev dirb tuiv irXrryuiv stands concisely for washed and cleansed them from their stripes. W. § 47, 5. b. This verb, says Dr. Robinson (Lex. N. T. s. v.), signifies to wash the entire body, not merely a part of it, like vi'ttto. Trench says : " vlirreiv and vlij/ao-Bai almost always 268 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVI, 34-35. express the washing of a part of the body (the hands in Mark 7, 3, the feet in John 13, 5, the face in Matt. 6, 17, the eyes in John 9, 7); while XoiW, which is not so much 'to wash' as 'to bathe,' and Xouo-^ai, or in common Greek Xouecr-Jai, ' to bathe one's self,' imply always, not the bathing of a part of the body, but of the whole ; comp. Heb. 10, 23 ; Acts 9, 37 ; 2 Pet. 2, 22 ; Rev. 1, 5; Plato, Phsed. 115 a"1 To the same effect, see Tittm. Synm. N. T. p. 175. — ifiairrio-Brj, was baptized. The rite may have been performed, says De Wette, in the same fountain or tank in which the jailer had washed them. " Perhaps the water," says Meyer, " was in the court of the house ; and the baptism was that of immersion, which formed an essential part of the symbolism of the act (see Rom. 6, 3 sq.)." Ancient houses, as usually built, enclosed a rectangular reservoir or basin (the impluvium so called) for receiving the rain which flowed from the slightly inchned roof. Some suggest that they may have used a KoXup/3ij.9pa, or swimming-bath, found within the walls of the prison (Grsb. Rosnm. Kuin.). Such a bath was a common appurtenance of houses and public edifices among the Greeks and Romans. Whether the Gangas flowed near the prison so as to be easily accessible, cannot be decided. — Kai ol airov irdvres, and all his, are evidently the ircuri tois ev rfj oUia airov to whom they had just preached the word, as stated in v. 32. V. 34. dveyayaiv, k. t. X., having brought them up into his house, which appears to have been over the prison. — hyaXXido-aro iravoiKi, he rejoiced with all his family, i. e. he and all his family rejoiced. — 7re7rio-reuKu)s to Bew, having believed in God, states the object or occasion of their joy (comp. 1 Cor. 14, 18). This act, like that of the verb, is predicated of the jailer's family as well as of himself. Verses 35-40. They are set at Liberty, and depart from Philippi. V. 35. tous pa^Souxous, the rod-bearers (lictores), who waited upon Roman magistrates and executed their orders. In the colo nies they carried staves, not fasces as at Rome. It deserves notice that Luke introduces this term just here. Though apphed occasionally to Greek magistrates as bearing the staff of authority, it was properly in this age a Roman designation, and is found here in the right place as denoting the attendants of Roman 1 Synonyms of the New Testament (p. 216), by Richard Chevenix Trench, King's College, London (New York, 1857). Chap, XVI, 36. 37. COMMENTARY. 269 officers. — d7rdXuo-ov, release, them. The rulers did not command them lo leave the city, but expected them, doubtless, to use their liberty for that purpose. It is uncertain how we arc to account for this sudden change of disposition towards Paul and Silas. The magistrates may have reflected in the interval on the injus tice of their conduct, and have relented; or, possibly, as they were heathen and superstitious, they had been alarmed by the earthquake, and feared the anger of the gods on accout of their inhumanity to the strangers. V. 36. dmjyyeiXe, k. t. X., The jailer reported these words unto Paul, i. e. from the lictors who, therefore, did not accompany him into the prison. The same verb occurs in v. 38, of the an swer which the lictors conveyed to the magistrates. — on d7reo-- rdXKao-iv, that they have sent, sc. a message, or messengers. — ev eip-rjvrj, in peace, unmolested ; see on 15, 33. The jailer antici pates their ready acceptance of the offer. V. 37. etprj 7rpds aurou's, said unto them, the lictors, i. e. by the mouth of the jailer. — SeipavTes, k. t. X., having scourged us pub licly uncondemnned, men who are Romans. Almost every word in this reply contains a distinct allegation. It would be difficult to find or frame a sentence superior to it in point of energetic brevity. Both the lex Valeria and the lex Porcia made it a crime to inflict blows or any species of torture on a Roman citizen. " Facinus est vinciri civem Romanum, scelus verberari, prope pairicidium necari." (Cic. in Verr. 5. 66). — Siypoo-ia. It would have been a crime to have struck them a single blow, even in secret ; they had been cruelly scourged in open day, and before hundreds of witnesses. — dKaraKp'iTov;. The Roman laws held it to be one of the most sacred rights of the citizen that he should be tried in due form before he was condemned. " Causa cognita multi pos sunt absolvi ; incognita quidem condemnari nemo potest." (Cic. in Verr. 1. 9). Even slaves had an admitted legal, as well as natural, right to be heard in their defence before they were pun ished. — 'Pwpaidus. In 22, 28, Paul says that he was " free born." In regard to the probable origin of his Roman citizenship, see the note on 22, 25. It appears that Silas possessed the same rights, but it is not known how he obtained them. At first view it may appear surprising that Paul did not avow himself a Roman at the outset, and thus prevent the indignity to which he had been subjected. " But the infliction of it," says Biscoe, " was so hasty, that he had not time to say anything that might make for his defence ; and the noise and confusion were, so great, that, had he cried out with ever so loud a voice that he was a Roman, 270 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVI, 37-39. he might reasonably believe that he should not be regarded. Seeing also the fury of the multitude (v. 22), it is not improbable he might think it most advisable to submit to the sentence pro nounced, however unjust, in order to quiet the people, and pre vent a greater evil ; for he was in danger of being forced out of the hands of the magistrates, and tom in pieces. But whatever were the true reasons which induced the apostle to be silent, the overruling hand of Providence was herein plainly visible ; for the conversion of the jailer and his household was occasioned by the execution of this hasty and unjust sentence." — Kai vvv XdBpa, k. t. X., and do they now send us forth secretly? Some render e'K/?dXXouo-iv, thrust forth; which is too strong (comp. 9, 40), and draws away the emphasis from XdBpa, to which it belongs. — ou ydp, No, certainly ; they do not dismiss us in that manner. In this use, ye (resolving ydp into its parts) strengthens the denial, while dpa shows the dependence of the answer on what pre cedes : not according to tliat, i. e. after such treatment. Klotz (ad Devar. II p. 242), Winer (§ 53. 8. b), and others, adopt this anal ysis. — auroi, they themselves, instead of sending their servants to us. — In asserting so strongly their personal rights, they may have been influenced in part by a natural sense of justice, and in part by a regard to the necessity of such a vindication of their inno cence to the cause of Christ at Philippi. It was important that no stain should rest upon their reputation. It was notorious that Jthey had been scourged and imprisoned as criminals ; and if after then: departure any one had suspected, or could have insinuated, that possibly they had suffered not without cause, it would have created a prejudice against the truth. It was in their power to save the gospel from that reproach, and they used the opportu nity. It may be proper at times to allow the wicked or misguided to trample upon our individual rights and interests if they choose ; but those who are " set for the defence of the gospel " owe their good name and their influence to Christ and the church, and have a right to invoke the protection of the laws against any invasion of their means of public usefulness. V. 38. dvdyyeiXav, reported back; see on v. 36. — ifop-tjBrjo-av, were afraid. They had cause for apprehension ; comp. 22, 29. A magistrate who punished a Roman citizen wrongfully might be indicted for treason ; he was liable to suffer death, and the confiscation of all his property (Grot.). V. 39. ijpwrov, entreated, begged (3, 3). This was not an un exampled humiliation for a Roman officer. Lucian mentions a case of false imprisonment in which the governor of a province Chap. XVII, 1. COMMENTARY. 271 not only acknowledged his error, but paid a large sum of money to those whom he had injured, in order to bribe them to be silent. V. 40. wpds ri)v AuSiav, unto Lydia, whose guests they were (v. 15), and where the disciples may have been accustomed to meet. — tous dSeXc^ous, the brethren, who had been converted at Philippi, and who formed the beginning of the church, afterwards addressed in the Epistle to the Philippians. This church was founded, therefore, about A. D. 52. We have evidence in that letter that no one of all the churches planted by Paul possessed so entirely his confidence, or exhibited the power of the gospel in greater purity. — irapeKaXecrav, exhorted, viz. to be firm, to cleave to the gospel (comp. 11, 23) ; not comforted, which would be too specific for the occasion. — igijXBov, they went forth. The narrator, it will be seen, proceeds now in the third person, and maintains that style as far as 20, 5. Some have inferred from this, that Luke remained at Philippi until Paul's last visit to Macedonia. We find Timothy with the apostle at Beroea (17, 14), but whether he accompanied him at this time, or rejoined him afterwards, cannot be decided. See further, on 17, 10. CHAPTER XVII. Verses 1-4. They proceed to Thessalonica and preach there. V. 1. The place which invited their labors next was Thessalon ica, about a hundred miles southwest of Philippi. They travelled thither on the great military road which led from Byzantium to Dyrrachium or Aulona, opposite to Brundusium in Italy. It was the Macedonian extension of the Appian way. They could ac complish the journey in three or four days (Wiesl.). — On leaving Philippi, they came first to Amphipolis, which was southwest, • distant about thirty miles. This place was about three miles from the sea, on the eastern bank of the Strymon, which flowed almost round it, and gave to it its name. — Apollonia, their next station was about the same distance southwest from Amphipolis. They remained a night, perhaps, at each of these towns. — Thes salonica was a rich, commercial city, near the mouth of the Eche- dorus, on the Thermaic Gulf, about twenty-eight miles nearly west of Apollonia. It is now called Sahniki, having a population 272 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 2-4. of seventy thousand, of whom thirty thousand are Jews. Luke's record almost reminds us of a leaf from a traveller's note book. He mentions the places in their exact order. We turn to the Itinerarium Antonini Augusti (ed. Parth. et Pind. p. 157) and read : From Philippi to Amphipolis, thirty-two miles ; from Am phipolis to Apollonia, thirty- two miles ; from Apollonia to Thes salonica, thirty-six miles. — -rj o-vvayuiyq, the synagogue ; definite because the Jews in that region may have had but one such place of worship. W. § 17. 1. V. 2. Here again, according to his custom, Paul betakes him self first to the Jews; comp. 13, 5. 14; 14. 1. eiw^ds has the construction of a noun, but governs the dative as a verb; comp. Luke 4, 16. The genitive would have been the ordinary case. W. $ 31. 7. N. 2. — dirb rov ypaS>v,from the Scriptures. He drew the contents of his discourse from that source. W. § 47. p. 333. V. 3. Siavoi'ywv, sc. Tas ypacjfjds, opening, unfolding their sense ; comp. Luke 24, 32. — ¦jrapanBip.evoi, propounding, maintaining. — on rbv Xpio-rdv, *. t. X., that the Messiah must suffer, in order to ful fil the Scriptures; comp. 3, 18; Matt. 26, 54. 56 ; Mark 14, 49.— Kai oti ouroi-, k. -j . X., and that this one (viz. he who was to die and rise again) is the Messiah fesus (i. e. the Jesus called Messiah) whom I announce unto you. The scope of the argument is this : The true Messiah must die and rise again ; Jesus has fulfilled that condition of prophecy, and is, therefore, the promised Mes siah ; comp. 2, 24 sq. ; 13, 27 sq. V. 4. Tives ef avruiv, certain of them, i. e. of the Jews ; see v. 1. and 2. — irpoo-eKXrjpuiBrjo-av (as middle), attached themselves to Paul and Silas (Olsh. Whl. Rob.). This is the easier sense, and receives support from v. 34 and 14, 4, where we meet with the same thought in like circumstances. Others render were allotted, granted to them, as it were by divine favor. This may be the surer phi lological sense, and is adopted by Winer ($ 39. 2), De Wette, Meyer, and Alford. — yvvaiKuiv .... dXi'yai, and of the first women (comp. 13, 50) not a few. The women were evidently " devout" (o-e/3opeV(Dv) or proselytes (comp. 13, 50), as well as the men; so that all those mentioned as converts in this verse were won to. Christianity from the Jewish faith, not from a state of heathenism. But in 1 Thess. 1, 9, Paul speaks as if many of the Thessalo- nian Christians had been idolaters (iireo-Tpiif/aTe 7rpds tov Bebv dirb rov eiSuiXwv). Hence it is possible, as Paley conjectures, that this verse describes the result of Paul's labors during the three weeks that he preached in the synagogue (v. 2) ; and that an interval which Luke passes over preceded the events related in v. 5-10. Chap. XVII, 5. 6. COMMENTARY. 273 During this interval the apostle, liaving been excluded from the synagogue by thebigotry of the Jews, may have preached directly to the heathen. Another opinion is, that he preached to the Gentiles during the week-time, while on the Sabbath he labored for the Jews in their public assemblies (Neand.). Verses 5-9. The Jews accuse Paul and Silas before the Mag istrates. V. 5. d-n-ei-IlouvTes before 'IouSaioi (T. R.) lacks support. — rov dyopaiuiv, market-loungers (subrostrani, subbasilicani). Had it been in the East, where such people loiter about the gates, the term would have been inappropriate. It is instructive to observe how true the narrative is to the habits of different nations, though the scene changes so rapidly from one land to another. But why should the Jews seek such coadjutors ? The reason is found in their situation : the Jews out of Judea had but little power, and must secure the aid of the native inhabitants. — 'Ido-ovos. Jason was their host (v. 7), and also a relative of Paul, if he was the one mentioned in Rom. 16, 21. In the latter case, he must have been at Corinth when Paul wrote the Epistle to the Romans. So common a name amounts to little as proof of the relation ship. — itfrrow .... 8rjp,ov, sought to bring them unto the people, and at the same time iirl tovs TroXirdpxas (v. 6), i. e. into the forum, where the magistrates were accustomed to try causes in the presence of the people; comp. 16, 19. They raised a mob (d^Xoiroiijo-avTes) in order to arrest the offenders ; but eis tov Sfjpov shows that they expected the trial to take place before an orderly assembly. V. 6. p.rj eupo'vTes, k. t. X., but not having found them, they drag ged Jason and certain brethren before the city rulers. Instead of changing their plan on failing to apprehend the leaders, they seized upon such others as fell in their way, and treated them as they had designed to treat Paul and Silas. Lange's remark is incorrect that they would have sacrificed the strangers at once to the popular fury, but must be more cautious in dealing with citizens. The dSeX^ous appear to have been with Jason at the time of the assault ; probably they were some of the Thessaloni ans who had believed. — ovtoi, these, are Paul and Silas, since they are those whom Jason entertained. — Kai ivBdSe -n-dpeio-iv, are pres ent also here, as they have been in other places, and for the same purpose. — Here and in v. 8, Luke terms the magistrates of Thes salonica politarchs ; and his accuracy in this respect is confirmed 35 274 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 7-10. by an inscription of that place. See Boeckh's Corpus, Vol. II. p. 53, No. 1967. The inscription, which is of the Roman times, gives a list of seven magistrates bearing this title. This is the more worthy of remark because the title is a very rare one, and might easily be confounded with that of poliarchs, which is an other appellation of magistrates in Greek cities.1 V. 7. ovtoi 7rdvres, all these, viz. Paul, Silas, and their followers. The pronoun includes more than its grammatical antecedent. — tov Soypdrov Kaid-apos, i. e. the Roman laws against rebellion or treason. They are said to be the decrees of the emperor, i. e. of each successive emperor, because they emanated from him, guarded his rights, and had the support of his authority. The reigning emperor at this time was Claudius. — /_WiXed erepov, another king, sovereign; comp. John 19, 15; 1 Pet. 2, 13. The Greeks applied this term to the emperor, though the Romans never styled him rex. V. 8. eVdpa£av, «.. t. X. The statement alarmed them, because the existence of such a party in their midst would compromise their character for loyalty, and expose them to the vengeance of their Roman masters. See on 19, 40. V. 9. Xa/Jovres to iKavdv, having taken bail, or security ; said to be a law phrase adopted in Greek for satis accipere. What they engaged would naturally be, that, as far as it depended on them, the public peace should not be violated, and that the alleged au thors of the disturbance should leave the city (Neand.). Instead of combining the two objects, some restrict the stipulation to the first point (Mey.), while others restrict it to the last (Kuin.). — rov Xonruiv, the others who had been brought before the tribunal with Jason (see v. 6). — direXucrav aurous, dismissed them from cus tody, viz. the Thessalonians, not the missionaries who had es caped arrest. Verses 10-13. Paul and Silas proceed to Beraa. V. 10. eiBiws, immediately, on the evening of the day of the tumult. Paul and Silas had spent three or four weeks at least in Thessalonica (see v. 2), and very possibly some time longer (see on v. 4). Wieseler proposes six or eight weeks as the term of their residence in that city. Being obliged to leave so hastily, Paul was anxious for the welfare and stability of the recent con- 1 This note is due to President Woolsey, in the New Englander, Vol. X, p 144. Chap. XVII, 11-14. COMMENTARY. 275 verts, and departed with the intention of returning as soon as the present exasperation against him should be allayed so as to justify it (1 Thess. 2, 18). Subsequent events frustrated this purpose, and under that disappointment he sent Timothy to them to sup ply his place (1 Thess. 3, 2). It may be added, that while Paul was here he received supplies twice from the church at Philippi ; see Phil. 4, 15. 16. From this source, and from his own personal labor, he derived his support, without being dependent at all on the Thessalonians; see 1 Thess. 2, 9; 2 Thess. 3, 8. — Sid tijs vukto's, during the night. This secrecy indicates that they were still in danger from the enmity of the Jews ; comp. 20, 3. — eis Bepoiav. Berasa, now Verria, was about forty-five miles south west of Thessalonica, on the Astrasus, a small tributary of the Haliacmon. See Forbg. Handb. III. p. 1061. The modern town has six thousand inhabitants, of whom two hundred are Jews, , ten or fifteen hundred Turks, and the rest Greeks. V. 11. euyeveWepoi, more noble in their disposition. — For irdcnjs without the article, see on 4, 29. — to koB' -rjpiipav, viz. from day to day. to particularizes the repetition or constancy of the act. W. \ 20. 3. — ei «xoi Taura ouros, if these things taught by Paul were so, as he affirmed, 1 e. when examined by the Scriptures. V. 12. 'EXXrjviSuiv agrees with both yuvaiKfiv and dvSpSv. The men were Greeks as well as the women. See the note on 2, 42. — For eio-xrjp6vu>v, see 13, 50. — dXiyoi may be masculine because avSpSv is the nearer word, or out of regard to the leading gender. V. 13. Kai, also, associates Berosa with Thessalonica. — KaKei belongs to the participle, not to the verb. They excited the pop ulace there also, as they had done in Thessalonica. — Luke's nar rative implies that the Jews were somewhat numerous and in fluential at Bercea. Coins of this city are still extant, and, unlike most other examples of ancient money, have on them no pagan figure or symbol. Akerman suggests (Num. Illustr.) in explana tion of this singular fact, that the magistrates may have rejected such devices, as a concession to the feelings of the Jewish popu lation. Verses 14.15. Paul advances to Athens. V. 14. 7ropeueo-#ai dis iirl ttjv BdXacro-av, to journey as upon the sea, i. e. as if with such a purpose. d>s with im, eis, or m-pds denotes design, but leaves it uncertain whether the design be executed, or professed merely. See W. } 65. 9 ; K. $ 290. R. 2 ; B. i 149. Lachmann would substitute eos for dis, as far as 276 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 15. 16. unto the sea, but against the evidence. Some suppose the movement here to have been a feint ; that Paul's conductors, having set out ostensibly for the sea, afterward in order to elude pursuit, changed their course, and proceeded to Athens by land (Grot. Bng. Olsh.). But in that event, they would have passed tiirough various important places on the way, and Luke might be expected to name some of them, as he has done in v. 1. The journey by land would have been two hundred and fifty-one Ro man miles (Itiner. Anton.). With a fair wind Paul and his party could have sailed from Bercea or the mouth of the Heliacmon to Athens in about three days ( Wiesl.) ; and the probability is, that they took this more expeditious course (Win. De Wet. Wiesl. Mey.). — For an interesting sketch of the places and objects which would be seen on such a voyage, the reader is referred to Howson, I. p. 403 sq. — Timothy was last mentionedin 16, 1. V. 15. ol KaBio-Tuivres, Those who conducted, lit. set him along on the journey whether by sea or land. — Xa/Jdvres, having received before their departure, rather than receiving (E. V.), which might imply that they returned in consequence of the command. — As Taxio-Ta, as soon as possible (K. $ 239. R. 2. d), i. e. after perform ing the service for which they had remained. Whether they re joined the apostle at Athens, or not, is uncertain ; see on the next verse. Verses 16-18. How he was affected by the Idolatry at Athens. V. 16. eKSexop.evov aurous, ivhile he was waiting for them,, viz. Silas and Timothy. The most natural inference from 1 Thess. 3, 1, is that Timothy, at least, soon arrived, in accordance with Paul's expectation, but was immediately sent away by the apos tle to Thessalonica. As Silas is not mentioned in that passage, it has been supposed that he may have failed for some reason to come at this time, or, if he came, that, like Timothy, he may have left again at once, but for a different destination; which last circumstance would account for the omission of his name in that passage of the Epistle. Our next notice of them occurs in 18, 5, where they are represented as coming down from Mace donia to Corinth ; and we may suppose either that they went to that city directly from Beroea, without having followed Paul to Athens, or that they returned from Athens to Macedonia, and proceeded from there to Corinth. The latter view assumes that Luke has passed over the intermediate journey in silence. Such omissions are entirely consistent with the character of a Chap. XVII, 16. 17. COMMENTARY. 277 fragmentary history like that of the Acts. Still other combina tions are possible. — irapui^ivero . . . . ev aura, his spirit was aroused in him, comp. 15, 39; 1 Cor. 13, 5. This verb represents the apostle as deeply moved with a feeling allied to that of indig nation, at beholding such a profanation of the worship due to God as forced itself upon his view on every side. — KaTei'SioXov means, not given to idolatry, but full of idols. The word is other wise unknown to the extant Greek, but is formed after a common analogy, e. g. KaTdp,7reXos, KardSevSpos, KaTa^>oy8os, etc. The epithet applies to the city, not directly to the inhabitants. A person could hardly take his position at any point in ancient Athens, where the eye did not range over temples, altars, and statues of the gods almost without number. Petronius says satirically, that it was easier to find a god at Athens than a man. Another ancient writer says that some of the streets were so crowded with those who sold idols, that it was almost impossible for one to make his way through them. Pausanias declares that Athens had more images than all the rest of Greece put together. Wet stein quotes Xenophon, Isocrates, Cicero, Livy, Strabo, Lucian, and others, as bearing the same testimony. Luke, therefore, has not applied this epithet at random. The Greek language offered to him a hundred other terms which would have stated what was true in relation to a heathen city ; but we see that he has chosen among them all the very one which describes the precise external aspect of Athens that would be the first to strike the eye of a stranger like Paul. This mark of accuracy in the writer, those obliterate, or very nearly obliterate, who make the expression refer to the devotion of the Athenians to idolatry.1 V. 17. The apostle's ordinary course was to address himself ex clusively at first to his own countrymen and the Jewish proselytes. At Athens he departed from this rale. — ouv, therefore, i. e. being aroused by the sight of so much idolatry. The spectacle around him urges him to commence preaching simultaneously to Jews and Greeks. Some adopt a looser connection : therefore, i. e. being at Athens (De Wette). Some restrict ovv to the second clause : his zeal impelled him to preach in the market. It is arbitrary to divide the sentence in that manner. — ev rfj dyopa, in the market, i. e. of the city; not the one in which he happened to be (Mey.). It is generally admitted that the Athenians had properly but one market, 1 Hermann (ad Vig. p. 638, ed. 1824) turns aside to correct this error : "YLaTei- Stn\os ir6\is, Actor. Apost. 17, 16, non est, uti quidam opinantur, simulacris dedita mbs, sed simulacris referta." 278 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 18. although Leake has shown it to be probable, that, " during the many centuries of Athenian prosperity, the boundaries of the Ago ra, or at least of its frequented part, underwent considerable vari ation." * The notices of ancient writers are somewhat vague as to its course and extent; but it is agreed that the site was never so changed as to exclude the famous o-Tod TroiKiXr], which, accord ing to Forchammer's Plan, stood off against the Acropolis on the west. In this porch, as is well known, the philosophers, rhetori cians, and others were accustomed to meet for conversation and dis cussion ; and hence it lay entirely in the course of things that some of these men should fall, as Luke states, in the way of the apostle. V. 18. tov 'E-jriKoupeiW. The Epicureans were the "minute philosophers," the Greek Sadducees of the age ; they admitted the existence of gods, but regarded them as indolent beings, who paid no attention to the actions or affairs of men ; they had no faith in a providence, or in accountability, or in any retribution to come. Their great practical dogma was, that a wise man will make the most of all the means of enjoyment within his reach. Epicurus, the founder of the sect, had taught a higher idea of happiness ; but his followers in the Roman age, and earlier still, had reduced it to the grossest sensualism. The frivolous spirit of this sect, appears perhaps in the first of the questions addressed to Paul. — rov 2™ik5v. The Stoics were distinguished in some respects for a more reflecting turn of mind; they extolled virtue, insisted on subjecting the passions to reason, and urged the importance of becoming independent of the ordi nary sources of enjoyment and suffering. Some of the most admired characters of antiquity belonged to this school. But the Stoics were essentially fatalists in their religious views; they were self-complacent, boasted of their indifference to the world, and affected a style of morals so impracticable as to render them almost necessarily insincere or hypocritical. In Epicureanism it was man's sensual nature which arrayed itself against the claims of the gospel ; in Stoicism it was his self-righteousness and pride of intellect ; and it is difficult to say which of the two sys tems rendered its votaries the more indisposed to embrace the truth. It might have seemed to the credit of Christianity, had it been represented as gaining at least a few proselytes, in this centre of Grecian refinement, from the ranks of its scholars and philosophers ; but Luke has no such triumphs to record. He re lates the case as it was ; the apostle was ridiculed, his message 1 Athens and Demi, p. 217. Chap. XVII, 18. 19. COMMENTARY. 279 was treated with contempt. — o-vvij3aXXov airw, conversed or dis puted with him (E V, De Wet.), comp. 4, 15 ; not met with him as in 20, 14 (Bng. Mey.) ; since the form as imperf. applies better to a discussion, than to a single contact of the parties such as Luke mentions here. Kai eXeyov agrees with either sense. — n dv BiXoi, n.. t. X., what would this babbler say, does he mean to say ? dv sharpens the taunt: if he has any meaning (Mey.). See W. § 42. 1 ; C. $ 604. o~irepp,oX6yos denotes strictly a seed-gatherer, and then, as used here, one who picks up and retails scraps of knowledge without sense or aim, an idle prater. — £e'vwv Satpoviiov, foreign gods, hitherto unknown to us. As the expression is cited from the mouth of the Greeks, we are to attach to it their sense of Saipovi'ov, which was different from that of the Jews. The noun may be plural, because it refers to Jesus as an example of the class or category (see W. § 27. 2 ; S. $ 95. 2) ; or it may be founded on what Paul had said to them concerning God, especially his agency in raising up Christ from the dead (comp. v. 31). The latter is the best view (De Wet.). Both Jesus and the God of whom they now heard were new to them. Many of the older critics, and some of the more recent, explain the plural as embracing dvdo-Tao-iv, supposing the Athenians to have under stood Paul to speak of some goddess when he preached to them the resurrection. But one can hardly conceive that the apostle would express himself so obscurely on this subject as to give them any occasion for falling into so gross a mistake ; and we are not authorized by any intimation in the narrative to impute to them a wilful perversion of his language. Verses 19-21. Paul repairs to Mars' Hill to explain his Doc trine. V. 19. iiriXa/36p,evoi re airov, and taking hold upon him, not with violence, which would be at variance -with the general spirit of the transaction, but rather by the hand, for the purpose of leading him onward; comp. 9, 27; Mark 8, 23; Luke 9, 47. — im tov "Apeiov irdyov, upon Mars' Hill, i. e. the top of it; comp. 10, 9; Matt. 4, 5 ; 24, 16, etc. The Areiopagus, whither Paul was now brought, was a rocky emiuence a httle to the west of the Acrop olis. See Leake's Athens, p. 165. The object of the movement was to place the apostle in a situation where he could be heard by the multitude to greater advantage. The following is Dr. Robinson's description of this important locality : " This is a nar row, naked ridge of limestone rock, rising gradually from the 280 COMMENTARY. . Ch_ap. XVII. 19. northern end, and terminating abruptly on the south, over against the west end of the Acropolis, from which it bears about north ; being separated from it by an elevated valley. This southern end is fifty or sixty feet above the said valley ; though yet much lower than the Acropolis. On its top are still to be seen the seats of the judges and parties, hewn in the rock ; and towards the southwest is a descent by a flight of steps, also cut in the rock into the valley below. Standing On this elevated platform, sur rounded by the learned and the wise of Athens, the multitude perhaps being on the steps and the vale below, Paul had directly before him the far-famed Acropolis, with its wonders of Grecian art ; and beneath him, on his left, the majestic Theseium, the earhest and still most perfect of Athenian structures ; while all around, other temples and altars filled the whole city, On the Acropolis, too, were the three celebrated statues of Minerva ; one of olive-wood ; another of gold and ivory in the Parthenon, the masterpiece of Phidias; and the colossal statue in the open air, the point of whose spear was seen over the Parthenon by those sailing along the gulf." Bibl. Res. I. p. 10 sq. The reader would do well to consult the admirable article on Athens in Smith's Dic tionary of Greek and Roman Geography. He will find a Plan of that city and a view of the Acropolis restored as seen from the Areiopagus, in Mr. Howson's work. To understand the pe culiar boldness and power of the speech, we must have distinctly before us the objects and scenes which met the apostle's view at the moment. — Some translate km. tov "Apeiov rrdyov, before the Areiopagus (comp. 16, 19; 18, 12; 24, 8), and maintain that Paul was arraigned at this time before the celebrated court of that name, and underwent a formal trial on the charge of having at tempted to change the religion of the state. But this opinion rests entirely upon two or three expressions, which, like the one just noticed, are ambiguous in themselves ; while in other re spects the entire narrative, as well as the improbability of such a procedure, testify against the idea. First, we find here no trace whatever of any thing like the formality of a legal process. Sec ondly, the professed object of bringing the apostle im tov "Apeiov ¦n-dyov was to ascertain from him what his opinions were, not to put him on his defence for them before they were known. Thirdly, the manner in which the affair terminated would have been a singular issue for a judicial investigation in the highest court of Athens. And, finally, the speech which Paul delivered on the occasion was precisely such as we should expect before a pro miscuous assembly ; whereas, if he had stood now as an accused Chap. XVII, 19-21. COMMENTARY. 281 person before a legal tribunal, his plea has most strangely failed to connect itself, at any single point, with that peculiarity of his situation. It proves nothing in regard to the question, to show that the court of the Areiopagus had powers (that is admitted) which would have given to it jurisdiction in the case of Paul, supposing that he had been charged at this time with subverting the established worship ; since the narrative on which we must rely for our information as to what was done, not only contains no evidence that the Athenians took this serious view of his doc trine, but ascribes their eagerness to hear him to a mere love of novelty; see v. 21. Calvin, Kuinoel, Neander, Winer, Olshausen, De Wette, Meyer, Baur, Doddridge, and the best critics generally, at present, reject the opinion that Paul was carried before the Areiopagus for a judicial examination. The authority of Chrys ostom, among the ancient critics, stands in favor of it. A few among the Germans, as Hess, Hemsen, Scholz, follow on that side; except that some of them would say (this is true of Hem- sen), that the Areiopagus was called together, not exactly to try the apostle, but to hear from him some1 account of his doctrine. " The process," says Wordsworth, " may have been only a prepar atory inquiry, an dvaKpiois. They who laid hands on him, may have intended to frighten the apostle by the judicial associations of the place, and to drive him out of the city." Most of our English commentaries assume that Paul was arraigned at this time as a religious innovator. The other ambiguous expressions, which have been supposed to favor this view, will be noticed in then place. — Suvdpe-fki yvZvai, Can we know ? Would it not have been an excess even of the Attic politeness, to have interrogated a prisoner at the bar in this manner? The object, too, of the inquiry, as defined by the accompanying terms, shows clearly that they did not regard him as occupying that position. V. 20. £evi'£ovTa, surprising, since the things were foreign, un heard of before. — eio-^epeis .... -rjp.S>v, thou bringest to our ears. This phrase, drawn from common life, has an appearance of real ity in this connection. — TidvBiXji. See on v.. 18. ti in apposi tion with Ta5-a should be noticed. It is not precisely like the plural. "The singular ti," says Kriiger (Gr. $ 61. 8. 2), "may stand in such connections as n TauTa ion, when the question is, what sort of a whole, what combined result, do the particulars form ? " V. 21. The object of this verse is to explain why they ad dressed to him such inquiries. Their motive for proposing them was that their curiosity might be gratified. — 'A-Jijvaioi. Se TrdvTes, 36 282 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 21. now all Athenians. The omission of the article unites the charac teristic more closely with the name, as its invariable attend ant. K. h 246. 5. a. — ol eViSijpouvres, i. e. the foreigners perma nently resident there (comp. 2, 10) ; unde iidem mores, as Bengel remarks. — eis ouSev .... euKaipouv, spent their leisure, for nothing else. This sense of the verb is a later usage. Lob. ad Phryn. p. 125. The imperfect does not exclude the continued existence of the peculiarity, but blends the reference to it with the history. See similar examples in 27, 8; John 11, 18; 18, 1 ; 19, 14. K. § 256. 4. a; C. 567. y. — Kaivorepov, newer, sc. than before. W. \ 35. 4 ; S. } 1 18. 4 ; K. \ 323. R. 7. The comparative or the positive form of the adjective could be used in this phrase ; but the former characterizes their state of mind more forcibly than the latter. Bengel has hit the point of the idiom : " Nova statim sordebant ; noviora qucerebantur." — It is worth remarking, that this singular scene of setting up the apostle to speak for the en tertainment of the people occurs, not at Ephesus, or Philippi, or Corinth, but at Athens ; not only the only place, in all his journey ing, where Paul met with such a reception, but just the place where the incident arises in perfect harmony with the disposition and the tastes of the people. We know, from the testimony of ancient writers, that, this fondness for hearing and telling some new thing, which Luke mentions, was a notorious characteristic of the Athe nians. Their great orator reproaches them with the same pro pensity : fiovXecrBe, eiiri poi, -Trepii'dvTes aurov irvvBdvecrBai Kara -rny dyopdv Xeyeral ti Kaivo'v ; (Philipp. I. 43). The entirely incidental manner in which the exemplification of this trait comes forth in the narrative here, bears witness to its authenticity Outline of the Course of Thought. The speech which Paul delivered at this time is remarkable for its adaptation, not only to the outward circumstances under which he spoke, but to the peculiar mental state of his auditors. De Wette pronounces it " a model of the apologetic style of discourse." " The address of Paul before this assembly," says Neander, "is a living proof of his apostolic wisdom and elo quence ; we perceive here how the apostle, according to his own expression, could become also a heathen to the heathen, that he might win the heathen to a reception of the gospel." " The skill," says Hemsen, " with which he was able to bring the trath near to the Athenians, deserves admiration. We find in this discourse of Paul nothing of an ill-timed zeal, nothing like declamatory Chap. XVII, 21. COMMENTARY. 283 pomp ; it is distinguished for clearness, brevity, coherence, and sim plicity of representation." Dr. Robinson, speaking under the im pression produced on his mind by a personal survey of the scene, says that, " masterly " as the address is, as we read it under ordi nary circumstances, " the full force and energy and boldness of the apostle's language can be duly felt only when one has stood upon the spot." ' The writer can never forget the emotions of thrilhng interest, which were excited in his own mind, as he read and rehearsed the discourse, on that memorable rock. — We have first the introduction, which, in the technical language of rhetoric, is eminently conciliatory. The apostle begins by ac knowledging and commending the respect of the Athenians for religion (v. 22. 23). He states next, at the close of v. 23, his design, which is to guide their religious instincts and aspirations to their proper object, i. e. to teach them what God is, his nature and attributes, in opposition to their false views and practices as idolaters. He goes on, then, in pursuance of this purpose, to an nounce to them, first, that God is the Creator of the outward, material universe (v. 24) ; secondly, that he is entirely independ ent of his creatures, having all-sufficiency in himself (v. 25) ; thirdly, that he is the Creator of all mankind, notwithstanding their separation into so many nations and their wide dispersion on the earth (v. 26) ; and, fourthly, that he has placed men, as individuals and nations, in such relations of dependence on him self as render it easy for them to see that he is their Creator and sovereign Disposer, and that they are the creatures of Iris power and goodness ; and that it is their duty to seek and serve him (v. 27. 28). The ground has thus been won for the application which follows. At this point of the discourse, stretching forth his hand, as we may well suppose, towards the gorgeous images within sight, he exclaims : " We ought not, therefore, to suppose that the Deity is like unto gold, or silver, or stone, sculptured by the art and device of men" (v. 29). And that which men ought not to do, they may not safely do any longer. It was owing to the forbearance of God that they had been left hitherto to pursue their idolatry without any signal manifestation of his displeasure ; 1 Some ohject that the speech has been over-praised, because Paul did not suc ceed in bringing it to a formal close. The astonishment which one feels as he reads tho address is not that the speaker was interrupted at length, when ho came to announce to the Athenians the peculiar doctrines of Christianity, but that he could command their attention so long, while he bore down with such effect on their favorite opinions and prejudices, exposed their errors, and arraigned them as guilty of the grossest inconsistency and absurdity of conduct. 284 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 22. they were now required to repent of it and forsake it (v. 30), because a day of righteous judgment awaited them, which had been rendered certain by the resurrection of Clirist (v. 31). Here their clamors interrupted him. It is not difficult, perhaps, to con jecture what he would have added. It only remained, in order to complete his well-known circle of thought on such occasions, that he should have set fortli the claims of Christ as the object of religious hope and confidence, that he should have exhorted them to call on his name and be saved. — It will be seen, there fore, by casting the eye back, that we have here all the parts of a perfect discourse, viz. the exordium, the proposition or theme, the proof or exposition, the inferences and application. It is a beautiful specimen of the manner in which a powerful and well- trained mind, practised in public speaking, conforms spontane ously to the rules of the severest logic. One can readily believe, looking at this feature of the discourse, that it was pronounced by the man who wrote the Epistles to the Romans and Galatians, where we see the same mental characteristics so strongly re flected. As we must suppose, at all events, that the general scheme of thought, the nexus of the argument, has been pre served, it does not affect our critical judgment of the discourse whether we maintain that it has been reported in full, or that a synopsis only has been given. On this point opinions differ. Verses 22-31. The Speech of Paul on Mars' Hill. V. 22. o-raBeis. Paul spoke of course in the open air. A skil ful hand has pictured to us the scene. " He stood on that hill in the centre of the Athenian city, and with a full view of it. The tenjple of the Eumenides was immediately below him, and if he looked to the east, he beheld the Propylasa of the Acropolis front ing him, and the Parthenon rising above him; and on his left the bronze colossus of Minerva, the champion of Athens, and the temple of Victory to the right; behind him was the temple of Theseus; and a countless multitude of smaller temples and altars in the Agora and Ceramicus below him." Wordsworth, p. 85. See also his " Athens and Attica," Ch. XI. — ev peVu tou 'Apeiov irdyov could be said of a place or an assembly. It is one of the ambiguous expressions adverted to above (p. 281), which leave it uncertain whether 'Apeiou Trdyou is to be understood of the hill or the court assembled there. — dvSpes 'ABrjvaloi. The remark just made is to be repeated here. It is the style of address which Paul would necessarily use in speaking to a concourse of Athe- Chap. XVII, 22. 23. COMMENTARY. 285 nians ; and at the same time, he might use it in speaking before judges. In the latter case, however, the Greeks oftener said 5 dvSpes SiKaorai. See Stalb. Plat. Apol. 17. A. — KaTa iravra, in every respect, as it were, in every possible mode of exhibition. — As SeioiSaipoveo-Tepous upas Beuipiii, as (i. e. those who correspond to this character) more religious, sc. than others, I see you (De Wet. Win.). See W. § 35. 4. For the suppressed term of the com parison, see on v. 21. Josephus (Contr. Ap. 2. 11) calls the Athenians tous euo-eySeoraTous rov 'EXXijvuv. See other testimonies in Wetstein. Seia-iSaipoveo-Tepous (a vox media,) may signify also more, superstitious. It is improbable, as a matter of just rhetoric, that the apostle employed it in that reproachful sense at the out set of his remarks. That he used it in a good sense is evident for another reason. " He proceeds," says Neander, " to deduce their seeking after God (which he doubtless considered as some thing good) from this Seio-iSaipovia (comp. 25, 19), or religious propensity, so prevalent among the Athenians. He announced himself as one who -would guide their Seio-iSaipovia, not rightly con scious of its object and aim, to a state of clear self-consciousness by a revelation of the object to which it thus ignorantly tended." V. 23. Kai dva^ecopaiv .... fSuipov, and closely observing the ob jects of your religious veneration, I found also an altar. o-e/3do-p.aTa denotes, not acts of worship, devotions (E. V.), but temples, images, altars, and the like. It is a generic term, under which Kai arranges /3uip6v as one of the class. — iireyiypairro (pluperf), had been inscribed, includes the present, and is to be explained like the imperfect in v. 21. — dyvcoo-™ BeZ, to an unknown God. " That there was, at least, one altar at Athens with this inscrip tion," says Meyer, " would appear as historically certain from this passage itself, even though other testimonies were wanting, since ' Paul appeals to a fact of his own observation, and that, too, in the presence of the Athenians themselves." But the existence of such altars at Athens is well attested by competent witnesses. Philostratus, in his Life of Apollonius (6. 2), says : o-ui$povio-repov irepl iravruiv Beuiv ev Xeyeiv Kai TauTa 'AByvrjo-iv, ov Kai dyvuicrruiv Beuiv jSwpoi iSpuvrai, i. e. It is more discreet to speak well of all the gods, and especially at Athens, where are erected altars also of unknown gods. Pausanias, in his Description of Attica (1. 1), says that such altars (/Jwpoi Beuiv dyvuScrrov) existed at Phaleron, one of the harbors of Athens. It has been made a question, how we are to understand the use of the plural in these passages ; whether as referring to the number of the altars on which the inscription occurred, or to the number of the gods to whom the altars were 286 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 23. dedicated. Some have assumed the latter as the correct view; and have said that Paul has arbitrarily changed the plural into the singular, in order to accommodate the fact to his purpose ; or even that the writer, by this inaccuracy, has betrayed himself as a' person who had no direct knowledge of the circumstances which he professes to relate. But even if the inscription on these altars was in the plural, it does not follow that Paul may not have found one having the language which he recites. Here would be Luke's positive testimony to the fact, and that out weighs the mere silence of other writers. Such appears to be Bengel's view. Again, it would not follow that he has necessa rily misrepresented the sense, admitting that he may have sub stituted the singular for the plural. The heathen writers often employed Beoi to convey the general idea of divine power, provi dence, deity, and the hke.1 With that meaning, the plural could be relinquished for the singular, or the singular for the plural, just as an individual pleased. Here the apostle might have preferred Beio, merely for the sake of its stricter formal accordance with the doctrine which he was about to advance. Kuinoel appears at a loss to decide whether the plural in the case under remark has reference to the number of the altars, or to that of the gods. Some, as Calvin and Olshausen, apparently concede that Paul deviated from the strict form of the inscription, but deny that he violated its proper import, or availed himself of any unworthy artifice. — But even the appearance of a difficulty here vanishes entirely, when we give to the language of Philostratus and Pau- sanias the interpretation, which is beyond any reasonable doubt the correct one. Winer states his view of the case thus : " It by no means follows from the passages (of the writers above named), that each single one of the altars mentioned by them had the in scription dyvu_oTois Beo1<; iii the plural, but more naturally that each one separately was dedicated dyvuio-ru> Beta ; but this singular the narrators were obliged to change into the plural, because they spoke of all those altars in a collective way. It appears, there fore, that there were several altars in different places at Athens with the inscription dyvaSo-™ Bew." See his Realw. I. p. 111. Such is the decision, also, of Eichhorn, Hess, Hemsen, Meyer, De Wette, and others. It should be added that several of the older commentators render dyvdJo-ro Bed, to the unknown God, sup posing the God of the Jews, i. e. Jehovah, to be meant. Such 1 Eor examples of this interchange, see the passages collected by Pfanner in his Systema Theologian Gentilis Purioris, p. 102, and elsewhere. Chap. XVII, 23. COMMENTARY. 287 a view mistranslates the Greek, and violates all historical proba bility. — The precise historical origin of the altars at Athens bearing this inscription has been disputed. The conjectures are various. One is, that they were very ancient, and that it was at length forgotten to whom they had been originally built; and that the words in question were placed on them at a later period, to apprise the people that it was unknown to -what gods they belonged. If that was their character, it is not easy to see what proper point of connection the apostle could have found for his remark with such a relic of sheer idolatry. Another is, that, in some time or times of public calamity, the Athenians, not know ing what god they had offended, whether Minerva or Jupiter or Mars, erected these altars so as to be sure of propitiating the right one. The same objection may be made as before ; since their ignorance in this case relates merely to the identity of the god whom they should conciliate, and involves no recognition of any power additional to their heathen deities. The most rational explanation is unquestionably that of those who suppose these altars to have had their origin in the feeling of uncertainty, inherent, after all, in the minds of the heathen, whether their acknowledg ment of the superior powers was sufficiently full and compre hensive ; in their distinct consciousness of the limitation and imperfection of their religious views, and their consequent desire to avoid the anger of any still unacknowledged god who might he unknown to them. That no deity might punish them for neg lecting his worship, or remain uninvoked in asking for blessings, they not only erected altars to all the gods named or known among them, but, distrustful still lest they might not comprehend fully the extent of their subjection and dependence, they erected them also to any other god or power that might exist, although as yet unrevealed to them. — No one can say that this explanation ascribes too much discernment to the heathen. Not to insist on other proofs, such expressions as the comprehensive address, — At o deorum quicquid in ccelo regit (Horat. Epod. 5. 1) ; the oft- used formula in the prayers of the Greeks and Romans, Si deo, si dea ; and the superstitious dread, which they manifested in so many ways, of omitting any deity in their invocations, prove the existence of the feeling to which reference has been made. Out of this feehng, therefore,' these altars may have sprung ; because the supposition is so entirely consistent with the genius of poly theistic heathenism ; because the many-sided religiousness of the Athenians would be so apt to exhibit itself in some such de monstration; and, especially, because Paul could then appeal 288 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 23-25. with so much effect to such an avowal of the insufficiency of heathenism, and to such a testimony so borne, indirect, yet sig nificant, to the existence of the one true God. — Under these circumstances, an allusion to one of these altars by the apostle would be equivalent to his saying to the Athenians thus : " You are correct in acknowledging a divine existence beyond any which the ordinary rites of your worship recognize ; there is such an existence. You are correct in confessing that this Being is un known to you ; you have no just conceptions of his nature and perfections." He could add then with trath , ov ovv . . . . KarayyiX- Xco ip.1v, Whom, therefore, not knowing, ye worship, this one I an nounce unto you. The inverted order gives point to the declara tion, dyvoouvres has the same object as the verb, and means hav ing no just knowledge of him whom they worshipped ; not igno rantly, as if they did not know whither their worship was direct ed. The word points back evidently to dyvcoo-ro. Later editors read 8 . . . . touto, instead of ov . . . . toutov ; in which case Bew in the inscription would be taken more abstractly as a divine pow er. The external evidence is not decisive. Meyer defends the common reading in his first edition, and the otlier in his second. The personal sense of Bem may have been thought to concede loo much to heathenism, and so have caused the pronouns to be changed. eio-ejieire has seemed to some a strong term, as the cognate words in the New Testament always express the idea of true piety ; but the term occurs further only in 1 Tim. 5, 4, and denotes there, not the exercise of piety, but of something merely kindred to it, filial reverence. It needs only a similar modification to adapt it to the use required here. V. 24. The God whom Paul announced is the Maker of all things, and, as such, necessarily distinct from their false gods. That is the point of connection between this verse and the pre ceding. — outos .... iirdpxuiv, this one (by his right as Creator) being the Lord, Sovereign, of heaven. and earth. It was self-evi dent, therefore, that he was not to be confounded with any of their idols, whose existence was limited by the space which they occupied. — xuPmrmWois> made with hands, is contrasted with d Trowjo-as . . . . ev av™. — ev vaois. The statues or images were kept in the recesses of the temple. — KaroiKei. The mass of the heathen in practice made no difference between the symbol and its object ; the block was the god (comp. 19, 26). V. 25. The apostle illustrates the character of the true God still further, by another contrast between him and the deities of the heathen. He is independent of his creatures; he needs Chap. XVII, 25. 26. COMMENTARY. 289 nothing from them ; they can earn no merit by serving him. ouSe .... Bepaireverai, and (after a preceding negative) he is not ministered unto by human hands, or hands of men. dvBpunrivuiv is a more correct reading, than dvBpunruiv (T. R.). The verb here implies more than mere worship. The heathen considered it meritorious to lavish wealth on the temples and shrines of their idols ; they brought to them costly gifts, and even offerings of food and drink, as if they stood in need of such things, and could be laid under obligation to their worshippers. The prayer of Chryses, priest of Apollo, in li. 1. 37 sq., expresses the true spirit of heathenism in this respect : "If e'er with wreaths I hung thy sacred fane, Or fed the flames with fat of oxen slain, God of the silver bow ! thy shafts employ, Avenge thy servant, and the Greeks destroy." — TposSeopevos nvos, as if needing something besides, i. e. (note the compound) out of himself as necessary to his perfection. — avros StSous, since he himself gives, avroi is emphatic as opposed to the idea that his creatures are able to give to him. — Td 7rdvTa, the whole, i. e. of the things which they enjoy. In such an expression, Ta restricts the adjective to the class of objects intimated by the preceding words or the context. Some editors omit the article here. Compare Rom. 8, 32 ; 1 Cor. 9, 22 ; Phil. 3, 8, etc. But in most of these passages, too, the manuscripts fluctuate. V. 26. iiroirjo-i re, *. t. X., and he made of one blood every nation of men that they should dwell This is the more obvious view of the construction, and is the one which has been generally adopted. Yet several of the best critics (Kuin. De Wet. Mey. Alf.) regard iroieiv here as an instance of its use with an accusa tive and infinitive, like that in Matt. 5, 32 ; Mark 7, 37, and trans late : and he caused every nation of men (sprung) from one blood to dwell. KaroiKelv connects itself more easily in this way, it is true, with the rest of the sentence ; but the facility thus gained ren ders the expression hard at e£ evds aip,aTos, so that we must supply a word to make the thought flow smoothly. The main idea be yond question is, that God has created the entire human race from a common stock ; and the more prominent way, therefore, in which the translation first stated brings forward this proposition, appears to me to be a reason for preferring it. It is an objection to the other mode, that it assigns a too subordinate place to the 37 290 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 26. principal thought. But why does the apostle single out thus the universal brotherhood of the race ? Olshausen says it was intend ed as a reproof to the Athenians for their contempt of the Jews. Meyer, Neander, De Wette, and others, consider it as directed essentially against the polytheism of the heathen. If all are the children of a common parent, then the idea of a multiplicity of gods from whom the various nations have derived their origin, or whose protection they specially enjoy, must be false. The doctrine of the unity of the race is closely interwoven with that of the unity of the divine existence. This more comprehensive view of the meaning, however, does not exclude the other; since, if all nations have the same creator, it would at once occur that nothing can be more absurd than the feeling of superiority and contempt with which one affects to look down upon another. As the apostle had to encounter the prejudice which was entertained against him as a Jew, his course of remark was doubly pertinent, if adapted at the same time to remove this hinderance to a can did reception of his message. — KaroiKeiv is the infinitive of de sign. The various lands which the different families of mankind occupied, with all the advantages connected with their position, God had assigned to them; comp. Deut. 32, 8; Ps. 115, 16. Yea, he had proceeded from the very first with a view to their welfare. He designed, in creating men, that they should inhabit and possess the earth as their own ; that they should all of them enjoy the manifold blessings allotted to them in the various places of their abode. It was to him that they were indebted for what they enjoyed, and not to accident, or their own enter prise, or the favor of some imaginary god. The remark, made as applicable to all lands, has its justification in the fact, that, notwithstanding the inequalities which diversify the condition of nations, they have severally their peculiar advantages ; it is natural for every people to esteem their own country, in some respects at least, as the best.1 But the remark was specially aimed, beyond doubt, at the feeling of self- congratulation with which the Athenians were prone to contemplate the peculiar felicity of their own position, their national renown, their past and present prosperity. This view of the meaning prepares the way for the thought which is next introduced. — dpid-as rijs KaToiKi'as aurov, having fixed the appointed seasons and limits of their abode. The second participle repeats the idea of the first, not 1 Tacitus has recognized this principle in his fine remark (Germ.$ 2), — " Infor- mem terns, asperam ccelo, nisi si patria sit." Chap. XVII, 26. 27. COMMENTARY. 291 superfluously, but with the evident effect of affirming it more, strongly. The approved, reading is wpoo-reTayp.eVous, rather than TrpoTeraype'vous (T. R.). The apostle, by adding this, admonishes the Athenians that they, like every other people, had not only received their peculiar advantages from the common Creator, but that they could hold them only during the continuance of Ins good-will and favor. Li assigning to the nations their respective abodes, he had fixed both the seasons of their prosperity and the limits of their territory, i. e. it was he who decided when and how long they should flourish, and how far their dominion should extend. We have the same idea exactly in Job 12, 23. The remark was adapted both to rebuke their spirit of self-elation, and to warn them of the danger of slighting a message from Him who had their destiny so perfectly at his command. Some explain these last words as referring to the limits which God has assigned to the lives of men individually : they have their appointed seasons and bounds, beyond which they cannot pass. ¦But that idea lies out of the present circle of view, as the subject of discourse here relates to nations and not to individuals. It is also philologically inadmissible ; since aurov can naturally refer to dvBpdnruiv only as connected with 7rav e^vos. — The anti- polytheistic aim, which forms to such an extent the ground-tone of the discourse, is to be recognized perhaps, also, in this part of it. The separation of men into so many different nations might seem to oppose the idea of their common parentage ; that separ ation itself is, therefore, represented by the apostle as having been contemplated in the divine plan. — It will be observed that what the apostle affirms in this verse as true of God is, also, intended to be denied in regard to polytheism. The conception, therefore, thus brought before the minds of his heathen auditors, was a vast one. All that power exerted in giving existence to men, controlling their destiny, exalting entire nations or casting them down, which they had parcelled out among such an infinity of gods, they are now led to concentrate in a single possessor; they obtain the idea of one infinite Creator and Ruler. V. 27. i,rjreiv, telic, that they should seek. This infinitive at taches itself more particularly to the part of the sentence which commences at KaToiKeiv, and states the moral object which God had in view with reference to men, in making such provision for their convenience and happiness. It was that they might be led, by such tokens of his goodness, to seek him, i. e. a more perfect 292 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVH, 27. 28. knowledge of him and of their. obligations to him. Some, on the contrary, make the infinitive depend, almost wholly, on the clause just before, and find the connection to be this : that, excited by the proofs of his power, as manifested in the varying fortunes of nations, they should seek, etc. But as already explained, the con trolling idea in that clause is that of the goodness of God (subject, as to its continuance, to the divine pleasure) ; while that of his power, as displayed in the infliction of judgments, is only inci dentally involved. Again, that clause is a subordinate one, as its structure shows, and that it should break off ^reiv so much from the main part of the sentence would be violent. — ei dpaye .... eupoiev, if perhaps they might feel after him and find him. \prjXajrfj- o-eiav denotes, properly, the motions of a blind man, -who gropes along after an object in the dark. On the peculiar __Eolic termi nation, see W. $ 13. 2. d; K. $ 116. 9; B. § 103. marg. 14. This verb is chosen, as well as the problematical form of the expres sion (ei dpaye), because the apostle would concede the compara tive indistinctness of the light which the heathen have to guide them. — KaiVoiye, although indeed. This clause is added to show that the concession just made was not intended to exculpate the heathen for their estrangement from God. Although so benighted as to be compelled to grope for the object of their search, it was still within reach ; they had not, after all, so far to go for a knowledge of God, that they might not find it if they would. Compare the sentiment with 14, 17, and especially with Rom. 1, 20. V. 28. t,iiip.ev koI iavovp.eBa Kai io-u.ev, We live and move and ex ist. The different verbs present the idea on every side. Wc derive our existence solely from God ; we depend on Him, every instant, for life, activity, being itself. Without Him we should neither continue to live, nor be such as we are, nor have been at all. From creatures thus dependent, the evidence of a Creator cannot be very deeply hidden, if they have only a disposition to seek for it. — dis Kai, as also, i. e. the sentiment is not only true, but has been acknowledged. — KaB' upds, among you, i. e. Greeks in distinction from Jews ; not Athenians in distinction from other Greeks. — tou' ydp Kai ye'vas io-piv, For his offspring also are we. Derivation implies dependence. The creature cannot exist apart from the Creator. The apostle brings forward the citation cor rectly, therefore, as parallel in sentiment to ev au™ .... io-piv. He quotes it as an avowal that we owe our being and its preser vation to a higher Power ; the mythological idea of Jupiter does Chap. XVII, 29. 30. COMMENTARY. 293 not enter into the meaning.1 tou stands here for the pronoun. W. §17. 1 ; S. § 94. 1. The words form the first half of a hex ameter, and are found in Aratus, a Cilician poet, who flourished about B. C. 270. The celebrated Hymn of Cleanthes to Jupiter (v. 5) contains almost the same words, viz. eK o-ou ydp ye'vos io-p.iv. The same idea, variously expressed, occurs in several other Greek writers. The form of the citation the apostle took, undoubtedly, from Aratus, but says nves elp-rJKaai because he would generalize the idea as if he had said, The truth is so plain that even your poetry recognizes it (see on v. 18). According to some, he uses the plural because he had in mind other passages where the thought is found; or, according to others, because he inferred that so obvious a remark must be a common one. ydp Kai, as Meyer observes correctly, has no logical connection with Paul's speech, but is to be viewed merely as a part of the citation, which it was necessary to retain on account of the verse. V. 29. yei/os ovv, k. t. X., Since, therefore, we are the offspring of God. The inference drawn here is, that idolatry is supremely absurd, inasmuch as it makes that which is destitute of life, mo tion, intelligence, the source of these attributes to others. Com pare Isa. 44, 9 sq. — In 6cpeiXop,ev Paul connects himself with them, and thus softens the rebuke. — ^apdypaTi stands in apposition with the nouns which precede, i. e. the state or form of the materials just enumerated, artificially wrought. V. 30. The relation of this verse and the one following to the preceding verse is this : Smce such is the nature of idolatry, you must therefore (ouv) repent of it, because God now lays upon you his command to this effect, in view of the retributions of a judg ment to come. The most important word here is iirepiSuiv. It does not occur further in the New Testament, but is found often iu the Septuagint, where it signifies to neglect, which is its proper classical sense, then to despise, but especially to suffer to pass as if unnoticed, to withhold the proof of noticing a thing which is, at the same time, a matter of distinct knowledge ; a frequent sense of abs in Hiphil and Hithpael (see Deut. 22, 3. 4, etc.). In this last signification, the verb represents perfectly the apostle's mean ing here. God had hitherto permitted the heathen to pursue 1 No more than in the words of Milton : — " Fame is no plant that grows on mortal soil ; ###### But lives and spreads aloft by those pure eyes, And perfect witness of all-judging Jove." 294 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVII, 31. 32. their own way, without manifesting his sense of their conduct, either by sending to them special messengers to testify against it, as he did to the Jews, or by inflicting upon them at once the punishment deserved. The idea is virtually the same, therefore, as that of elWe in 14, 16, and wapiSuiKev in Rom. 1, 24. To under stand iirepiSuiv as meaning that God would not judge or punish the heathen for the sins committed in their state of idolatry, would be at variance with Paul's theology on this subject as he has unfolded it in Rom. 1, 20; 2, 11 sq. Not only so, but the repentance which the apostle now calls upon them to exercise presupposes their guilt. V. 31. Sion, because, states the reason why the heathen also, as well as others, tnust repent ; they could not, without this pre paration, be safe in the day of righteous judgment which awaited them. — ev dvSpl (S uipicre, in (the person of) the man ivkom he appointed. dvSpl omits the article because a definite clause fol lows. W. § 21. 4 ; S. \ 89. 3. w stands, by attraction, for the accusative. — mo-riv irapaaxdiv irdoiv, having afforded assurance to all, confirmation, viz. of a judgment to come. It is impossible to say just how much the apostle intended to represent as proved by the resurrection of Christ. He himself referred to it, un doubtedly, in the first place, as establishing the possibility of such a resurrection of all men from the dead as was involved in his doctrine of a general judgment ; but whether he had yet de veloped this doctrine so far that the Athenians perceived already this bearing of the fact, is uncertain. It was enough to excite their scorn to hear of a single instance of resurrection. Again, the resurrection of Christ from the dead confirms the truth of all his claims ; and one of these was that he was to be the judge of men ; see John 5, 28, 29. But whether the apostle meant to ex tend the argument to these and other points, we cannot decide, as he was so abruptly silenced. Verses 32-34. Paul is interrupted and leaves the Assembly. V. 32. The apostle was heard with attention until he came to speak of the resurrection ; when, at the announcement of a doc trine which sounded so strangely to the ears of the Athenians, some of them broke forth into expressions of open contempt. — dvdorao-iv veKpuiv, a resurrection cf the dead. Both nouns omit the article in this frequent combination, except in 1 Cor. 15, 42. W. § 19. As we do not know how much of Paul's idea the Atheni ans had apprehended, it is doubtful whether we are to take the Chap.XVIII, 1. COMMENTARY. 295 plural here as generic or numerical, i. e. whether Christ merely be meant, or men in general. — dKovo-6p.eBa .... mpl toutov, We will hear thee again concerning this, viz. matter ; not so naturally masc, with reference to auTo'v in v. 31. It is disputed whether we are to understand this as said seriously, or as a courteous re fusal to hear any thing further from him. The latter is the pre valent view ; and so Kuinoel, Hemsen, De Wette, Meyer, Bloom field, Howson. The manner in which Paul now left the assembly, the immediate termination of his labors at Athens, and the ad versative Se' in v. 34, favor this interpretation. Such a mode of speaking, too, was entirely consonant to the Athenian character. Calvin, Grotius, Rosenmiiller, Alford, are among those who im pute a serious meaning to the language. V. 33. Kai outos, and thus, i. e. after these events, or with such a result ; comp. 20, 11; 28, 14. — iK p.io-ov aurov, i. e. of those whom he had addressed; not from the city (comp. 18, 1). V. 34. Tives Se, but certain (Mey. De Wet.), appears to be con trasted, in the writer's mind, with what is stated in v. 32, respect ing the effect of Paul's speech; the favorable is opposed to the unfavorable. Yet Se' may be continuative. — KoXXrjBivTes auro, not adhering, but joining, attaching themselves, to him. — 6 'Apeo-jra- yinys, the Areopagite, i. e. one of the judges in the court of the Areiopagus. The number of these judges varied at different times. Eusebius and other ancient writers say that this Diony sius became afterwards bishop of the church at Athens, and ended his life as a martyr. — Kai yvvi?, and a woman, not the wife of Dionysius, as some have said, for the article and pronoun would then have been added (comp. 5, 1) ; or at least the article (comp. 24, 24). It has been inferred, from her being singled out thus by name, that she was a woman of rank, but beyond this, nothing is known of her. CHAPTEE XVIII. Verses 1-11. Arrival of Paul at Coiinth, and his Labors there. V 1. eK tov 'ABnvuiv. Wieseler limits the apostle's stay at Athens to fourteen days. The estimate is necessarily conjec tural. It is certain that, although Paul spent the most of the two next years in Corinth and the vicinity, he did not direct his steps again to that city. On his third missionary tour, he came once 296 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVIII, 1. i. more into this part of Greece, but at that time passed by Athens, certainly once and again, without repeating his visit thither. — eis Kdpiv^ov. The distance from Athens to Corinth by land is about forty-five miles. The summit of the Acropolis of the one city can be distinctly seen from that of the other. yXBev does not show how Paul travelled. The voyage, says Wieseler, could be made easily in two days. A Greek seaman informed the writer that with a very fair wind he had made the passage in three hours, though on the average, in five or six hours ; that in bad weather he had been five days on the way. The steamers be tween the Pirffius and Kalimaki, the eastern port of the modern Corinth, occupy usually four hours. — Corinth at this period was the seat of the Roman proconsulate for Achaia, or the southern province of Greece. "In consequence of its situation," says Ne ander, " this city furnished a very important central point for the extension of the gospel in a great part of the Roman empire ; and hence Paul remained here, as in other similar places, a longer time than was otherwise usual for him." V. 2. 'AKu'Xav. The nominative is 'AkuXos (v. 26). Aquila and Priscilla,, or Prisca (Rom. 16, 3), were Roman names; and it was common for Jews to assume such names when they lived out of Palestine ; see on 13, 9. That Aquila was born in Pontus har monizes with 2, 9 and 1 Pet. 1,1; for we see from those passages that Jews resided in that country. As we have no account of his conversion at Corinth, the probability is that Aquila embraced the gospel at Rome. So Hemsen, Olshausen, Neander, Wies eler, and others, conclude. Some allege Tivd 'IouSaiov as proof that he was still unconverted (Mey. De Wet.) ; but he is intro duced in that manner on account of what follows. The notice apprises us that he was one of the -jrdvTas 'IouSai'ous, whom the decree banished. At this early period no distinction would be made between Jews and Jewish Christians. Aquila accompanied Paul to Ephesus (v. 18. 26), and was still there when the apostle wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 16, 19). We find him at Rome again when Paul wrote the Epistle to the Ro mans (Rom. 1 6, 3 sq.) ; and at a still later period at Ephesus a second time (2 Tim. 4, 19). The nature of his business (v. 3) led him frequently to change the place of his residence. — Sid to SiaTeTa^e'vai, *. t. X., because Claudius liad ordered, etc. Luke refers unquestionably to the edict mentioned by Suetonius (Claud, c. 25): "Judajos, impulsore Chresto, assidue tumultuantes Roma expulit." Neander remarks on that passage as follows : " We might suppose that some factious Jew then living, of this name, Chap. XVIII, 2. 3. COMMENTARY. 297 one of the numerous class of Jewish freedmen in Rome, was intended. But as no individual so universally known as the Chrestus of Suetonius seems to have been considered by that writer is elsewhere mentioned ; and as Xpioros was frequently pronounced Xpijcn-os by the pagans, it is quite probable that Sueto nius, who wrote half a century after the event, throwing together what he had heard about the political expectations of a Messiah among the Jews, and the obscure and confused accounts which may have reached him respecting Christ, was thus led to express himself in a manner so vague and indefinite." Church History, Vol. I. p. 49. The Roman historian does not mention the year of that expulsion, and we may suppose it to have been about A. D. 52, in accordance with our plan of chronology. irpoo-c£dros, lately, shows that it was still a recent event when Paul arrived at Corinth. Some writers would identify this decree with that De mathematicis Italia pellendis, which Tacitus mentions (Ann. 12. 52). The mathematici, or as they were also called, Cha/dcei, were ban ished on the ground of their aiding conspirators against the em peror by the use of their art as astrologers. Wieseler (Chrono- logie, p. 121 sq.) argues that the Jews may have been confounded with that class of men, and were consequently banished by the same decree. If that point were established, it would furnish a striking confirmation of the correctness of our chronology ; for the edict to which Tacitus refers can be shown to have been published in A. D. 52. But it must remain uncertain whether the two events have any chronological connection with each other. V. 3. eipyd£ero, wrought, labored for his subsistence. He re minds the Corinthians of this fact in 1 Cor. 9, 6 sq. and 2 Cor. 11, 7 sq. — ^o-av ydp, k. t. X., for they were tent-makers as to the trade, or (with rfj Texyy, according to Lchm. Tsch.), in respect to tlie trade (which they had), ttjv Tixyrjv would be a limiting accus ative hke tov rpoirov in Jud. v. 7. W. § 32. 6 ; K. § 279. 7. The Jews, more especially after the exile, held the mechanic arts in high estimation. It was a proverb among them that the father who neglected to bring up his son to a trade taught him to be a thief. The composition of o-Krjvoiroiot indicates a definite sense. It is difficult to see why some should suppose it to mean manu facturers of tent-cloth. It has not been shown that the usage differed from the etymology. Tent-making was a common trade in Cilicia, the native country of the apostle. A coarse species of goat's hair, called cilicium, was produced there in great abun dance, and was much used for that purpose. A person accus- 38 298 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVIII, 4-6. tomed to work on that material could work, doubtless, on any otlier. Paul had acquired the trade, hi all probability, during his boyhood, while he lived at Tarsus. V. 4. SieXeyero, discoursed (imperf.) from week to week; where as SieXixBv (aorist), in v. 19, refers to a single occasion. — "EXX^vas, sc. o-e/3op.e'vovs, i. e. Greek proselytes who attended the synagogue; comp. 13, 43 ; 14, 1. The apostle had not yet addressed himself to the heathen; see v. 6. V. 5. In d>s Se KarrjXBov, Now when they came doivn, , was engrossed (lit. held together) with the word (Vulg. Kuin. Olsh. De Wet. Bmg. Rob.). The arrival of his associates relieved him from anxiety which had pressed heavily upon him (comp. 1 Thess. 3, 6 sq.) ; and he could now devote himself with unabated energy to Iris work. He had the support also of their personal cooperation. We see from 2 Cor. 1, 19, that Silas and Timothy took an active part in the proclamation of the gospel at Corinth. We see also from 1 Cor. 2, 3, where the apostle says that he was among the Corinthians "in weak ness and in fear and much trembling," that he was in a state of mind to need urgently the presence and sympathy of such coad jutors. Some say it means simply that Silas and Timothy found Paul employed thus anxiously when they arrived (Mey. Alf.) ; but unless they had something to do with the fact, it would be unimportant wliether it occurred before or after their coming : its interest in that case lay wholly in its being a part of the apos tle's experience. The common text has to irvevu.ari after o-uvei^eTo: he was impelled by the Spirit, or by his own spirit, his fervent zeal (comp. v. 25). The evidence decides for to Xdyw as the original word (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.). V. 6. dvTiTao-oop,ivuiv Se aurov, But they opposing themselves, is not to be taken as explanatory of the o-uveixero (against Mey), but as describing the conduct of the Jews occasioned by the apostles o-vvei^ero. — /SXaocjnrjpovvTuiv, blaspheming, sc. his words, message; comp. 13, 45; 19, 9. — em-tvafapevos to ipdna, shaking out his garments, i. e. the dust upon them, as a witness against them. For 'the significancy of the act, see on 13, 51. — to alpa vp.uiv, your blood, i. e. the consequences of your guilt; comp. 20, 26; Chap. XVIII, 7-10. COMMENTARY. 299 Ezek. 33, 5. — eVi ttjv KeepaXrjv, sc. eXBlTw ; comp. Matt. 23, 35. — KaBapbs eyco, I am pure, have discharged my duty. Some point the text so as to read,^we I henceforth will turn unto ihe Gentiles (Lchm. Alf.). The two clauses utter the idea more forcibly than one, and are better suited to so grave a declaration ; comp. also 20, 26 and Matt. 27, 24. On the nature of this desertion of the Jews, see on 13, 46. V. 7. pera/Jas eVeT-Jev, having departed from there, i. e. the syna gogue (see v. 4), not from the city, or from the house of Aquila. — rjXBev, k. t. X., went into the house of a certain Justus. The meaning is, not that he left Aquila and went to lodge with Jus tus (Alf), but that he preached in future at the house of the latter, which was so much the more convenient because it was near the synagogue where they had been accustomed to assemble. Paul pursued precisely the same course at Ephesus.; see 19, 9. — o-e/3op,e'vou tov Beov, worshipping God, describes Jus tus as a foreigner who had embraced Judaism, but was not yet a believer. He opened his house for the use of the Christians, because he had more sympathy with them than with the Jews. His moral position Vas certainly unique ; and it is easy to be lieve that he soon exchanged it for that of a believer. V. 8. Crispus was one of the few persons at Corinth whom Paul himself baptized; see 1 Cor. 1, 14. — imorevo-e o-vv 6'Xw t(3 oikoi avrou, believed with all his house. Here is another instance in which a whole family received the gospel ; comp. 16, 15 ; 1 Cor. 1, 16. The Apostolical Constitutions (VII. 46) say that Crispus became bishop of iEgina. — The Corinthians who be lieved were native Greeks ; not Jews at Corinth. — eVicn-evov is imperfect, from the relation of the act to dKouovres. V. 9. Si' dpdpaTos, through a vision as the medium of commu nication ; a form was seen as well as a voice heard (comp. 9, 12 ; 16, 9 ; 22, 18). — p-h o(3ov, Fear not. The form of the imperative imphes that he was beginning to despond ; see the note on 10, 15. — XdXei, continue to speak. Observe the use of the subjunctive aorist in the next verb. V. 10. Kai ouSeis, -v. t. X., and no one shall attack thee (telic) to injure thee, i. e. no one shall attempt it with success (De Wet.) ; or ecbatic, so as to injure thee. Tlie infinitive with tou denotes more commonly a purpose. The Jews made an effort to destroy the apostle after this promise (v. 12 sq.), but were defeated. — Sion .... ttoXv's, because I have much people, i. e. many who are appointed to become such ; see 13, 48, and 15, 17. Hence the activity of the apostle must have free scope until they were con- 300 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVIII, 11. 12. V. 11. iKaBio-e, k. t X., And he abode a year and six months. It has been questioned whether this designation of time extends merely to the arrest mentioned in v. 12 (Mey.), or embraces the entire sojourn at Corinth. " I regard the latter view," says Wieseler, ( Chronologie, p. 46,) "as undoubtedly the correct one. This appears, in the first place, from the particle re, which con nects this verse in the closest manner with what precedes, and consequently with elire Se, K. t. X.: ' The Lord said, Fear not, but speak and be not silent ; . . . . and so ( W. § 53. 2) he abode a year and six months, teaching among them the word of God.' The main thought of the words which the Lord addresses to Paul in the vision (v. 9, 10) is unquestionably, ' Speak in this city, and be not silent,' and accordingly the period of time, in v. 11, during which the apostle obeys this command of Christ, must refer to the whole time in which he had spoken at Corinth and was not silent, i. e. must include the time until his departure. In the second place, this follows from the general nature of the statement : ' he abode there a year and six months ; ' comp. Luke 24, 49." Anger (p. 63) adopts the same conclusion. De Wette calls it the prevalent view, but prefers the other. — ev a-urois, among them in the city (v. 10) ; see on 8, 5. Verses 12-17. Paul is arraigned before Gallio. V. 12. Gallio was a brother of Seneca, the celebrated moral ist. His original name was Novatus. He assumed that of Gal lio, out of gratitude to a distinguished rhetorician of that name, who adopted him as a son. Seneca dedicated Iris books De Ira and De Vita Beata, to this brother. In one of his Letters (104) he speaks of Gallio as having resided in Achaia, though he does not mention in what capacity he was there. Luke's narrative represents him as acting a part in striking harmony with his re puted character. He was known among Iris contemporaries as the " dulcis Gallio." He had the social qualities which make a man a general favorite. " Nemo mortalium," says Seneca, " uni tam dulcis est, quam hie omnibus." (Quasi Nat. L. 4, PrEef.) Luke's ouSev tovtuiv ?peXev in v. 17 indicates the easy temper which contributes so much to personal popularity. Gallio, like his brother, was put to death by the murderous Nero. — dv^uTra- tcuovtos rijs 'A^aias, was governing Achaia as proconsul. This province (see on v. 1) consisted of Hellas and the Peloponnesus. Here, too, we have a striking example of Luke's accuracy. Un der Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 1. 76) and Cahgulai the two preceding Chap. XVIII, 13-17. COMMENTARY. 301 emperors, Achaia had been an imperial province, governed by propraetors. But Claudius had restored it to the Senate ( Suet. Claud, c. 25), and under that form of administration its govern ors were styled proconsuls. Paul was at Corinth in the reign of Claudius. Compare the note on 13, 7. — im to /3rjpa, before the tribunal. The pyjp.a was a seat or chair from which the Roman magistrates dispensed justice. It was sometimes fixed in one place, and was sometimes movable so as to accommodate the judge wherever he might wish to hold his court. V. 13. 7rapd tov vopov, contrary to the law, not of the Romans, hut of the Jews (comp. vo'pov tou koB' upas in v. 15) ; not of both Romans and Jews (Lange), as the charge in that form demanded investigation. What Luke has stated here is a summary of the charge. That the Jews went more into detail is evident from Gallio's reply in v. 13. V. 14. dSiKrjpa and pa8iovpyy]p,a designate the act perhaps legally and ethically : this, as an offence against morality ; that, as an offence against the state or the personal rights of others. — dv rp/eoxoprjv ipuiv, I would have suffered you, would have listened patiently to your complaint ; but the condition in the protasis not being true, he could not now do it. For dv with tlie aorist indica tive in the subordinate clause, see W. § 43. 2 ; B. § 139. 3. 2 ; K. § 327. b. Gallio makes known his decision as a thing settled. V. 15. irepl Xdyou, concerning a doctrine. — dvop-druiv, names, be cause they had accused Paul of teaching that Jesus was the Mes siah. — Kpirrjs ydp, k. t. X., For I do not wish to be judge of these things, ydp (T. R.) is logically correct, but comes from a copyist. It was out of his province to take cognizance of such questions. The Roman laws allowed the Jews to regulate their religious af- airs in their own way. Lysias (23, 29) and Festus (25, 19) placed their refusal to interfere on the same ground. — The reply which Luke attributes to Gallio has been justly cited as a mark of that candor which distinguishes the truth. A panegyrist, a dishonest narrator, says Paley, would be too jealous for the honoi of his cause to represent it as treated superciliously by those of eminent rank. V. 16. din/Xao-ev auroi's, drove them away, dispersed them. The verb shows that they left reluctantly, but not that any violence was used. A peremptory refusal, a decisive manner would be sufficient for the purpose. V. 17. The interpretation of this passage has influenced the text. Some of the younger manuscripts insert ol 'IouSaioi after mures ; as if the Jews, disappointed in their design against the 302 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVIII, 17. 18. apostle, attempted as their next resort to avenge themselves on one of his principal followers. But the evidence for this read ing is entirely inadequate ; and it is incredible, also, that Luke should mention Sosthenes merely as a ruler of the synagogue, if he had become in fact a Christian. The best authorities have 7rdvTes without any appendage, and oi "EXX?;ves in the common editions must be viewed as a gloss, correct as an explanation, but textually spurious. As the Jews could have had no motive for maltreating one of their own number, 7rdvTes must be the body of those present, such as the subalterns of the court and the Greeks whom the tumult had drawn together. Sosthenes was probably the successor of Crispus (v. 8), or, as Biscoe conjec tures, may have belonged to another synagogue in the city. He appears to have taken an active part in the prosecution, and hence the Greeks, who were always ready to manifest their hatred of the Jews, singled him out as the object of their spe cial resentment. In winking at this, says De Wette, Gallio may have carried his impartiality too far. If he was the Sosthenes who is called " a brother " in 1 Cor. 1, 1, he must have been con verted after this, and have removed to Ephesus. The coinci dence in the name is the only reason for supposing the same person to be meant in both places. — ervn-rov (imperf.) shows how thorough a beating Sosthenes received. It may not be wronging Gallio to suspect that he looked through his fingers and enjoyed the scene. — ovSev tou'tov includes most naturally the dispute between the Jews and Christians, as well as the abuse of Sosthenes. — epeXev, when used as a personal verb, requires in prose a neuter subject. K. § 274. R. 1 ; Mt. § 348. R. 2. The indifference of Gallio is not mentioned in commendation of him, but as suggesting why the affair had such a termination. Owing to the proconsul's disposition, the Jews were unsuccessful; so far from inflicting any injury on the apostle, their attempt recoiled in disgrace and violence upon themselves. Verses 18-22. Paul proceeds by the Way of Ephesus and Ccssarea to ferusalem, and from ihere to Antioch. V. 18. en 7rpospeivas -^pepas iKavds, having remained yet many days after the arrest. Whether the arrest took place at the end of the year and a half mentioned in v. 11, or in the course of that time, is subject, as we have seen, to some doubt. Even if the arrest was subsequent to the year and six months, the many days here need not be supposed to extend the sojourn at Corinth Chap. XVIII, 18. COMMENTARY. 303 beyond a few additional months (Wiesl.). During this period the apostle planted churches in other parts of Achaia, either by his own personal labors or by the instrumentality of his converts ; see 2 Cor. 1, 1. It was during this visit at Corinth, also, that Paul wrote the First and Second Epistles to the Thessalonians. That he wrote the first of them here, appears from several cir cumstances : first, Paul had been separated from the Thessalo nians but "a short time" (1 Thess. 2,17); secondly, Timothy and Silas were with him (1 Thess. 1, 1), as they were according to Luke ( 18, 5) ; thirdly, the apostle had been lately at Athens (1 Thess. 3. 1), and whence, also, according to our narrative (18, 1) he came directly to Corinth; and, finally, he writes to the Thessalonians as recent converts whose knowledge was very imperfect. The date of this Epistle, therefore, would be A. D. 52 or 53 ; see note on 18, 23. If the first Epistle was written at Corinth, the second must have been written at the same place. Timothy and Silas were still with the apostle (2 Thess. 1, 1) ; and as the object of the second Epistle was to correct a wrong impression made by the first (comp. 2 Thess. 2, 1 sq., with 1 Thess. 4, 16 sq., and 5, 1 sq.), the interval between the two must have been short. — a7roTa£dpevos, having bid adieu, which is an Alexandrian sense ; see Lob. ad Phryn. p. 24. Among others, he now took leave of Silas, and perhaps of Timothy, though we find the latter with him again at Ephesus (19, 22). — eis ttjv Supiav, unto Syria, as his remoter destination ; he embarked for Ephesus in the first instance (v. 19). — Keipdpevos ttjv KeepaX-rjv, having shorn the head, most critics understand of Paul (Chryst. Calv. Neand. Olsh. Hems. De Wet. Win. Wdsth.); some of Aquila (Grot. Kuin. Wiesl. Mey.). ITauXos is the leading subject, and the reader connects the remark spontaneously with him. It is only as an act of reflection, on perceiving that 'AkuXus stands nearer, that the other connection occurs to the mind as a possible one. Kai o-vv .aura IIpia-KiXXa Kai 'AKu'Xas may intervene between Keipdpevos and IlauXos, because the clause is so evidently paren thetic, and because e£eVXei has a tendency to draw its several subjects towards itself. It is urged for the other view, that Luke has placed the man's name after that of the woman, contrary to the natural order ; but that no stress can be laid on that circum stance is clear from Rom. 16, 3 and 2 Tim. 4, 19, where the names follow each other in the same manner. Some principle of association, as possibly that of the relative superiority of Pris cilla, made it customary to speak of them in that order. — ev Keyxpeais, in Cenchrea, which was the eastern port of Corinth, 304 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVIII, 18. 19 distant about ten miles. A church had been gathered here (Rom. 16, 1). The modern name is Kikries, a httle south of Ka- lamaki, and, under the traveller's eye, therefore, who crosses the isthmus. — eT^e ydp eixqv, for he had a vow, i. e. one resting upon him ; not assumed at this time. This clause states why he shaved his head. The cutting off of the hair was a Jewish practice, and took place at the expiration of a vow, not at the commencement of it. It is an erroneous statement, therefore, that the apostle subjected himself to the vow at this time, and went to Jerusalem to obtain absolution from it. Neander would support that opinion from Jos. Bel. Jud. 2. 15 ; but he adopts for that purpose an interpretation of the passage which nearly all others reject. The nature of Paul's vow on this occasion is un certain. It could not have been a strict Nazarite" vow, i. e. such a vow observed in due form ; for a person could absolve himself from such an obligation only at Jerusalem, where his hair, which had grown during the time that he had been a Nazarite was to be cut off and burnt as an offering in the temple (Numb. 6, 2 sq.). See Jahn's ArchsBol. § 395. We have no account of any devia tion from that rule. Yet it is not unreasonable to suppose that in later times the original institution may have been relaxed or modified ; that after the Jews came to be dispersed, it was held to be lawful to terminate a Nazarite vow at other places, adher ing to the prescribed usages as near as the circumstances allowed. If it was not a vow of this peculiar character, it may have been of the nature of a thank-offering, and not subject to the regula tions to which the Nazarite was required to conform. It must be confessed that the present knowledge of Jewish antiquities is not sufficient to clear up fully the obscurity of the passage. It contains, says De Wette, a Gordian knot still untied. V. 19. eis "J5(peo-ov, unto Ephesus, which was on the Cayster, not far from its mouth. It could be approached at that time by water, though the site of the ancient city is now two or three miles from the coast. With a favoring wind, the passage from Corinth to Ephesus could be made in two or three days. Cicero mentions that he on one occasion, and his brother Quintus on an other, occupied two weeks in passing from Ephesus to Athens (ad Attic. Ep. 6, 8. 9; Ib. 3, 9) ; but the voyage in both instances was retarded by extraordinary delays. See further, on 28, 13. — avrds Se, but he himself This emphasis brings forward Paul again as the prominent person, after the information that his companions stayed at Ephesus. The order of statement outruns the history a little, as occurs in other cases; comp. v. 1. Luke Chap. XVIII, 21.22. COMMENTARY. 305 cannot well mean that the apostle separated himself from Pris cilla and Aquila, and went into the synagogue without them (Mey.). So unimportant a circumstance would not be made so prominent. Nor is it at all probable that auTov, there, was op posed in the writer's mind to the synagogue as being out of the city (Alf.) ; for in that case some intimation like e£w ri)s irdXews (see 16, 13), or at least igeXBuiv, would hardly be withheld from the reader. V. 21. Some critics reject all in this verse from Sei to 'Iepo- odXvpa (Bng. Grsb. Neand. Lchm. Tsch.) ; others defend the clause (Olsh. De Wet. Wiesl. Mey. Bmg. Alf). The words may be doubtful, but with the present evidence should not be sepa rated from the text. As Meyer suggests, they may have been omitted, from not perceiving the reference of dva/?ds in v. 22, and consequently any occasion for such haste in prosecuting the journey. — ttjv eoprrjv ttjv ipxopivr/v, the coming feast. It must have been one of the principal feasts, which Paul was so anxious to keep at Jerusalem, in all probability the Passover or Pentecost. In either case we discover here that the apostle made the jour ney in the spring of the year. Wieseler (p. 48) thinks that it was the later festival, Pentecost, chiefly because Paul embarked at Corinth, instead of travelling through Macedonia, as the state of navigation would have rendered expedient earlier in the season. — For iroajo-ai, comp. iroico to Trdo^a in Matt. 26, 18. — eis 'Iepoo-dXupa, at ferusalem ; see on 8, 40. — irdXiv, k. t. X., but I will return again, etc. The apostle soon fulfilled that promise (19, 1). V. 22. KareXBwv, having come down from the sea to the land ; comp. 27, 5. — Ccssarea was the most convenient seaport in the vicinity of Judea ; see further on 8, 40. — dra/3ds, having gone up, i. e. to Jerusalem (Calv. Neand. Olsh. Mey. De Wet. Wiesl). This absolute use of the verb occasions no obscurity after the statement respecting Paul's destination in v. 21. A few have understood it as going up into the city above the harbor. But to mention that circumstance in addition to the arrival would give to it a singular prominence as contrasted with the general rapid ity of the narrative. Kaffir], went down, at the close of the verse, would be inappropriate to the geographical relation of Csesarea to Antioch (Neand.). — ttjv eKKXiyo-idv, the church at Jerusalem. It should be noticed that this is the fourth journey which Paul has made to that city since his conversion. No doubt he arrived in season to observe the feast, as nothing is said of any disappoint ment in that respect. — eis 'Avndxeiav. How long the apostle was absent on the tour which terminated with this return to Antioch, 39 306 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVIII, 23. 24. can only be conjectured. The year and six months at Corinth (v. 1 1) would be likely to constitute the greater portion of the period. Wieseler proposes six months as the time occupied be tween leaving Antioch and the arrival at Troas (16, 8). He would allow six months also for the apostle's labors in Europe before his arrival at Corinth. The time which this estimate al lows for the Asiatic part of the tour may be too hmited. The apostle visited extensively the churches in Syria and Cilicia,- planted new churches in Phrygia and Galatia, and travelled very circuitously throughout his journey between Antioch and Troas. It may be safer to assign a year at least to such varied labors. According to this view, the apostle was absent on his second mission about three years ; and if we place his departure early in A. D. 51, he reached Antioch again in the spring or summer of 54. Anger, Wieseler, Meyer, Winer, and others, agree in suppos ing Paul to have arrived at Corinth in the autumn of A. D. 52. The admission of that date fixes the main point in this part of the chronology. Verse 23. Departure of Paul on his Third Missionary Tour. V. 23. xpdvov nvd. The time now spent at Antioch was ap parently short. It was during this time, as most critics suppose, that Peter arrived here, and the scene took place between him and Paul, of which we have an account in Gal. 2, 1 1 sq. ; see on 15, 35. Neander (Pflanzung, I. p. 351) agrees with those who insert the occurrence here. Baumgarten (II. p. 331) adds him self to the same class. The apostle's ore r/XBe in Gal. 2, 11, affords no clue to the time. We may assume that the apostle weut forth again to the heathen about the beginning of the year A. D. 55. — Ka-Jefijs, in successive order. This refers, probably, not to the countries named, but to the different places in them where churches existed. In accordance with the representation on Kiepert's map, we may suppose that Paul went first to Tarsus, thence in a northwestern direction through Galatia, and then, turning to the southwest, passed through Phrygia, and so on to Ephesus. That course accounts for Luke's naming Galatia be fore Phrygia, instead of the order in 16, 6. Verses 24-28. Apollos comes to Ephesus, and is more fully in structed in the Gospel. V. 24. Meyer calls this section " a historical episode." Luth- ardt says that it is entirely germane to the narrative : while Paul Chap. XVIII, 25. COMMENTARY. 307 labors in Asia, another builds still further upon the foundation laid by him in Europe. — 'A7roXXdJs = 'AwoXXuivios. As a native of Alexandria, he had received probably, says Neander, "the Jewish- Grecian education, peculiar to the learned among the Jews of that city, and had acquired also great facility in the use of the Greek language." — Xdyios, eloquent (Olsh. De Wet. Mey.), or learned (Neand.). The first sense is the best, because SuvaTos ev tois ypa^ais ascribes to him then a different talent, and because his superior faculty as a speaker appears to have been the reason why some of the Corinthians preferred him to Paul ; see 1 Cor. 1,12; 2, 4 ; 2 Cor. 10, 10. — ev tois ypa(pais, in the Scriptures. He was famihar with them, and could use them with power as a source of argument and appeal (see v. 28). This clause points out the sphere of his eloquence. V. 25. outos r^v, k. t. X., This one was instructed in the way of the Lord, probably by some disciple of John, who had left Judea before the Saviour commenced his public course ; or possibly by John himself, whose earlier ministry Apollos may have attended. Some infer from rd irepl tov 'hjo-ov that Apollos was aware that Jesus was the Messiah ; but the following imo-Tap.evo';, k. t. X., hmits that expression, and if explained correctly below, excludes a knowledge of that fact. His ignorance in this respect was one of the defects in his religious belief, and at the same time his views of the deeper Christian doctrines must have been meagre in comparison with those possessed by the apostles. For tho construction of dSo'v, see W. § 32. 5; K. § 281. 2. — £e'wv to irveu- pan, being fervent in spirit, zealous in his disposition. It is less correct to understand m/eupan of the Holy Spirit, since that gift appears in the New Testament as the proper fruit and seal of the Christian faith, which Apollos had not yet adopted ; see Gal. 3, 2. For other places where u-veupa refers to the mind, comp. 19,21; John 11,33; 13,21; Rom. 12, 11 (probably); 2 Cor. 2, 12. — dKpi/35s, accurately (v. 26), i. e. his doctrine was correct as far as his knowledge extended. — eVio-Tapevos, k. t. X., knowing only the baptism of John, which differed from that of the apostles mainly in these respects ; first, that theirs recognized a Messiah who had come, and, secondly, that it was attested by the ex traordinary gifts of the Spirit (19, 6). Since John, however, taught that the Saviour was about to appear, and that repentance, faith in him, and holiness were necessary to salvation, Apollos, though acquainted only with his teaching, could be said with entire truth to be instructed in the way of the Lord. It is not affirmed that he had submitted to John's baptism, but we suppose that from the 308 COMMENTARY. Chap. XVIII, 26-28. nature of the case. That he was rebaptized, Luke does not as sert ; though, if we regard his moral position as analogous to that of the Johannean disciples mentioned in the next chapter, we should infer from what is related there that such was the fact. Meyer considers the cases dissimilar, and denies that Apollos was rebaptized. V. 26. rjp^aTo, began, but did not preach long with such imper fect views. As soon as Aquila and Priscilla heard him, they pro ceeded to instruct him more fully. — irapprjo-id'Ceo-Bai means to speak boldly. He exposed their sins, required them to repent, and be prepared for the kingdom of the Messiah; comp. Matt. 3, 2 sq. — aKpifiio-repov, more accurately. V. 27. eis -rijv 'A^afav, unto Achaia, of which Corinth was the capital, see on v. 1. It was that city which he proposed to visit ; comp. 19, 1; 1 Cor. 1, 12; 3, 4. What he heard from Priscilla and Aquila may have turned his thoughts to this field of labor. — TrpoTpeif/dpevoi eypaipav, they wrote and exhorted. The participle contains the principal idea ; see 1, 24. Some supply avrov after 7rpoTpei/rapevos (Calv. Kuin.); but that assigns to the verb and participle different objects, and confuses the sentence. Besides, Apollos was not averse to the journey (fiovkop,ivov), and had no need of exhortation. In 2 Cor. 3, 1, Paul alludes to this letter of commendation ; or to the practice of granting such letters (orxTTaTiKai enro-ToXai), exemphfied in this case of Apollos. — aw- efidXero, k. t. X., contributed (as a helper) much to those who have believed and still believe. See W. § 40. 4. a. It is not meant that he confirmed them in then- faith as Christians, but that he cooperated with them in their promulgation and defence of the truth. The next verse explains the remark. — Sid rijs xaP«"°s> through grace, belongs to the participle (De Wet), not to the verb (Mey.). The natural sense is that which results from the order of the words. The doctrinal idea is that of -r) ttIo-tvs rj Si' aurou in 3, 16. V. 28. euTOvus, powerfully. — eTvai tov Xpiarov 'Irjo-ovv, that tlie Messiah was Jesus, none other than he ; comp. v. 5. Chap. XIX, 1-3. COMMENTARY. 309 CHAPTER XIX Verses 1-7. Paul comes to Ephesus, and rebaptizes certain Disci ples of John. V. 1. ev to tov 'AiroXXili eivai ev KoplvBui, while Apollos was at Corinth. This notice apprises us that Paul did not arrive at Ephesus till after the departure of Apollos. 'A7roXX upas tov Ttto-ouv, I adjure you by the fesus. For the double accusative, compare Mark 5, 7 ; 1 Thess. 5, 27. See W. $ 32. 4 ; C. § 428. V 14. For the Doric _§Keua, see on 11, 30. — dpxiepe'ws, a chief- priest, a priest of the higher class ; see on 4, 6. — eirrd, seven The numeral is too remote from nve's to be indefinite, several; see on 23, 23. — 01 tovto iroiouvres denotes a habit. The next verse relates an instance of their practice. V. 15. to ?rveup.a, the spirit, viz. the one whom they were at 40 314 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIX, 16-19. tempting to exorcise on a certain occasion. — rbv 'Irjo-ovv yivwo-Kui, the Jesus (whom you invoke) I know, i. e. his authority and power; and the Paul (whom you name) I know well as the servant, mes senger of God (comp. 16, 17). The article is probably significant here, though as the nouns are proper names it may be a little uncertain. — vpeis precedes nves, because it takes the emphasis. V. 16. Kai e<£aXXdpevos, k. t. X., and the man (impelled by the evil spirit) leaping upon them. — KaTaKvpievo-as, *. t. X., having over powered them, was strong, showed himself such against them, or both, viz. by tearing off their garments and beating them, dp- (poripuiv is more correct than airuiv (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.). — )a>pvou's, naked, need not be taken in its strict sense. It could be apphed to those stripped partially of their raiment; comp. John 21, 7. — eK tou oikov eKeivou, from out of that house where the transaction took place. The pronoun reveals a more definite scene in the writer's view than he has described. — In the occurrence related here, we are to recognize a special design on the part of God. It was important, says Neander, that the divine power which ac companied the gospel should, in some striking manner, exhibit its superiority to the magic which prevailed so extensively at Ephesus, and which, by its apparently great effects, deceived and captivated so many. It would have a tendency to rescue men from those arts of imposture, and prepare their minds for the re ception of the truth. Verses 18-20. Many are converted, and confess their Sins. V. 18. 7roXXoi Te tov irema-TevKoruiv, And many of the believers (convinced by such evidence) ; lit. tliose wlio have believed and still believe. The language ascribes to them a definite character, but does not decide when it began. They were probably new converts (De Wet. Alf), as the confession made by them would be inconsistent with the life required of those who had been re cognized as Christians. They were a different class, also, from those spoken of in the next verse ; hence, not the jugglers them selves, but their dupes, those who had confided in them and been accessory to the wicked delusion. — tJpxovto (imperf.), came one after another. — Tas irpd£eis aurav, their deeds, superstitious prac tices (Olsh. Mey. De Wet.); not their sins in general (Kuin.). It is better to restrict the meaning in this connection, especially as with the other sense the more obvious term would be dpapn'as and not ?rpd£eis. V. 19. Uavol, k. t. X., And many of those who practised magic Chap. XIX, 20. 21. COMMENTARY. 315 arts, lit. things over-wrought, curious, recondite. — Tds /3i/3Xovs, the books which contained their mysteries, i. e. magical signs, formu las of incantation, nostrums, and the like. — KareWov describes them as throwing book after book into the blazing pile. — Kai eupov, k. t. X., and ihey found as the sum fifty thousand (sc. Spa^pds) of silver money. It was common in such designations to omit the name of the coin. See Bernh. Synt. p. 187. The Attic drachm passed at this time among the Jews and Romans for a denarius, and was worth about fifteen cents ; so that the books amounted to $7,500. Some supply shekel as the elhptical word; which, reckoning that coin at sixty cents, would make the amount four times as great. But as the occurrence took place in a Greek city. and as Luke was not writing for Jews, it is entirely improba ble that he has stated the sum in their currency. All books in ancient times were expensive, and especially those which con tained secrets or charms held in such estimation. V. 20. rfi^ave Kai icr^uev, grew and was strong, mighty. The first verb refers to the general extension of the gospel, the second to its influence on the conduct of those who embraced it. What precedes illustrated the remark in both respects. — This verse presents a striking coincidence as compared with 1 Cor. 16, 9. It was here at Ephesus, and about this time, that Paul wrote the First Epistle to the Corinthians. That it was written at Ephesus is certain from 1 Cor. 16, 8. But Paul visited this city only twice : the first time when he touched here on his way to Jerusalem (18, 19), and again at this present time of his prolonged residence here. He could not have written the Epistle on his first visit, because the church at Corinth so recently gathered would not answer then to the character which it bears in the Epistle, and still more decisively because Apollos who was the head of one of the parties there (1 Cor. 1, 12) did not proceed to Corinth (18, 27) till shortly before Paul's second arrival at Ephesus. Again, Paul speaks in 1 Cor. 4, 17 of having recently sent Tim othy to Corinth (comp. 1 Cor. 16, 10), and here in the Acts (19, 22) Luke speaks evidently of the same event, which he repre sents as preparatory' to the apostle's intended visit to the same place. As Paul now left Ephesus in the spring of A. D. 57 (see note on 20, 1), he wrote his First Epistle to the Corinthians a few months before his departure. Verses 21. 22. The Apostle proposes to leave Ephesus. V. 21. A new epoch begins here, viz. that from the end of the year and three months to Paul's departure. — Tavra, these 316 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIX, 21. 22. things up to this time since the arrival at Ephesus ; not so natur ally those relating merely to the exorcism and its effects. — eBero iv to Trveupan, placed in his mind, purposed ; see on 5, 4. — Macedonia and Achaia occur here also in the Roman sense. The order of the names indicates that the apostle intended at this time to have proceeded directly from Corinth to Jerusalem. An unexpected event (see 20, 3) compelled him to change his plan. — Sei ... . iSeiv, it is necessary that I should see also Rome ; not in order to fulfil any revealed purpose of God, but to satisfy his own feelings. He was anxious to visit the believers there, and to preach the gospel in that metropolis of the world ; see Rom. 1, 11. 14. — Paley institutes a striking comparison between this verse and P^om. 1, 13 and 15, 23-28. " The conformity between the history and the Epistle is perfect. In the first passage of the Epistle, we find that a design of visiting Rome had long dwelt in the apostle's mind ; here, in the Acts, we find that design expressed a considerable time before the Epistle was written. In the history we find that the plan which Paid had formed was to pass through Macedonia and Achaia ; after that, to go to Jeru salem ; and when he had finished his visit there, to sail for Rome. When the Epistle was written, he had executed so much of his plan, as to have passed through Macedonia and Achaia ; and was preparing to pursue the remainder of it, by speedily setting out towards Jerusalem ; and in this point of his travels he tells his friends at Rome, that, when he had completed the business which carried him to Jerusalem, he would come to them, when he should make his journey into Spain." Nor is the argument to be evaded by supposing the passages to have been adjusted to each other in this manner. " If the passage in the Epistle was taken from that in the Acts, why was Spain put in ? If the passage in the Acts was taken from that in the Epistle, why was Spain left out? If the two passages were unknown to each other, nothing can account for their conformity but truth." V. 22. Timothy was at Corinth when last mentioned (18, 5). He would be likely to cross over to Ephesus on hearing of Paul's arrival there. But what connection is there between the apostle's sending Timothy into Macedonia and his own purpose to proceed to Achaia? We obtain an answer to that question from 1 Cor. 4, 17-19. We learn there that Timothy was not to stop in Mac edonia, but to pass on to Corinth, the capital city of Achaia, and prepare the church for the approaching visit of the apostle. Thus " the narrative agrees with the Epistle ; and the agreement is at tended with very little appearance of design. One thing at least ft Chap. XIX, 23-25. COMMENTARY. 3^ concerning it is certain ; that if this passage of Paul's history had been taken from his letter, it would have sent Timothy to Corinth by name, or at all events into Achaia." — Erastus may be the person of that name in 2 Tim. 4, 20, but as he travelled with Paul, the best critics distinguish him from the Erastus in Rom. 16, 23 (Neand. De Wet. Win.). The office of the latter as " treasurer of the city " would demand his more constant presence at Corinth. — avrds .... 'Ao-i'av, he himself (while they departed) kept back unto Asia ; eh not in (De Wet. Rob.), and not for as dat. comm. (Win.), uncommon before a proper name, but unto as the direction towards which (Mey.). Verses 23-27. Demetrius excites a Tumult at Ephesus. V 23. As at Philippi (16, 19), so here the Greeks instigated the riot ; their motive was the same — fear of losing the means of their ill-gotten wealth. See note on 14, 19. — KaTa tov Kaipbv ckcivov, about that time, viz. that of Paul's intended departure. — irepi i-ijs dSou, concerning the way ; see on 9, 2. V. 24. ydp explains why a tumult arose. — vaovs dpyupous 'Apre'- piSos, silver shrines (not for in E. V. but ) of Artemis. These were small portable images, resembling the temple at Ephesus, and containing a figure of the goddess. The manufacture of these shrines was a lucrative business, as they were in great re quest; they were set up in houses as objects of worship, or car ried about the person as having the supposed power to avert diseases and other dangers. They were not only sold here in Asia, but sent as an article of traffic to distant countries. Deme trius, it would seem, was a wholesale dealer in such shrines. He executed orders for them, and employed TexviTais, artisans, who received lucrative wages (epyao-i'av ouk oXtyrjv) for their labor. — Compare rrapeixero with the active form in 16, 16. V. 25. ous, k. t. X., whom having assembled and the other work men in his employ. The artisans performed the more delicate processes, and the epydras the rougher work. So Bengel, Kuinoel, Hemsen, and Meyer distinguish the two nouns from each other, It appears improbable that Demetrius would confine his appeal to his own men. It may be better to understand epydras of the laborers in general, who were devoted to such trades, whether they exercised them on their own account or that of some em ployer. — Toiaura preceded by Ta limits the reference to vaous, i. e. definitely, such things as those; comp. Matt. 19, 14; 2 Cor. 12, 2. 3. K. § 246. 4. It is incorrect to extend the pronoun so as to 4 318 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIX, 26. 27. include statuary, pictures, coins, and the like (Blmf.). — emo-rao-Be, ye know well; see v. 15. — tout^s refers to iroiuiv vaous in Luke's nan-ative. It stands, therefore, for some equivalent term or idea hi the speech of Demetrius. — eiwopla, prosperity, wealth. V. 26. 'Er) or eiTre had introduced this part of the sentence. We have a similar transition in 23, 24. See W. $ 64. III. 2. tc (needlessly exchanged by some for Se') joins the clause with what precedes, while Kai adds another argument Chap. XIX, 28. 29. COMMENTARY. 319 to enforce the speaker's object. — t) oiKovp.evn, the world; comp. on 11, 28. The temple at Ephesus had been built at the common expense of all the Greek cities of Asia. Pilgrims repaired thither from all nations and countries. — The speech of Demetrius de serves attention for its artful character. He takes care, in the first place, to show his fellow-craftsmen how the matter affected their own personal interests, and then, having aroused their self ishness, he proceeds to appeal with so much the more effect to their zeal for-religion. His main reliance, as Calvin thinks, was upon the first : " Res ipsa clamat non tam pro aris ipsos quam pro focis pugnare, ut scilicet culinam habeant bene calentem." Verses 28-34. The Mob seize two of Paul's Companions and rush to the Theatre. V 28. TrXiypeis Bvp,ov, full of wrath against Paul and the Chris tians. — uivi]o-av diravres had fol lowed, instead of epwvrj . . . . eV iravruiv. See W. h 63. I. 1. The expression with that change would have been more correct, but less forcible. p.ia «c iravruiv is a callida junctura, which will arrest the reader's attention. — u>s im uipas, k. t. X. Their unintermitted cry for about two hours, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians.'" not only declared their attachment to her worship, but, according to 41 322 COMMENTARY. Chap. XIX, 34. 35. the ideas of the heathen, was itself an act of worship ; comp. 1 Kings 18,26: Matt. 6, 7. The Mohammedan monks in India at the present time often practise such repetitions for entire days together. They have been known to say over a single syllable, having a supposed religious efficacy, until they exhaust their strength and are unable to articulate any longer.1 — It has been remarked that the reverberation of their voices from the steep rock which formed one side of the theatre (see on v. 29) must have rendered the many -mouthed, frenzied exclamation still more terrific. Verses 35-40. Speech of the City-Recorder, who quells the Uproar and disperses the Multitude. V. 35. d ypappareus, The Recorder. In the cities of Asia Minor, as appears from notices and inscriptions, this was the title of a very important magistrate with various functions, though his more immediate province was to register the public acts and laws, or to preserve the record of them. See Win. Realw. I. p. 649. He was authorized to preside over public assemblies, and is men tioned on marbles as acting in that capacity. He stood next in rank to the municipal chief, and performed his duties during the absence or on the death of that officer. A ypappaTeu's, or town-clerk, of Ephesus is often mentioned on coins of that city. See New Englander, X. p. 144. — KaTaorei'Xas tov oxXov, having stilled the crowd, by showing himself to them, and making a sign (13, 16) that he wished to speak. — In tis ydp eonv, k. t. X., the conjunction refers to a suppressed thought : You have no occasion for this excitement; for what human being is there, etc. dvBpunruiv (comp. 1 Cor. 2, 11) and not dvBpunros (T. R.) is to be read here. — os oi, k. t. X., who does not know that the city of the Ephesians is keeper, guardian, of the great Diana ; and hence it was unbecoming in them to be so sensitive, as if their reputation was at stake. Aras after peydX-_js (T. R.) should be omitted. vewKo'pov, ht. temple- sweeper, became at length an honorary title, and as such was granted to certain Asiatic cities in recognition of the care and expense bestowed by them on the temple and worship of their favorite deities. It is found on coins of Ephesus, struck about Paul's time. — tou Aio7reTous, sc. dydXparos, the image fallen from fupiter, and hence so much the more sacred. There was a sim ilar tradition in regard to a statue of Artemis in Tauris (Eurip. Iph. T. 977), and also one of Pallas at Athens (Pausan. I. 26. 6). 1 See Tholuck's Auslegung der Bergpredigt (3d ed.), p. 328 sq. Chap. XIX, 36-39. COMMENTARY. 323 V. 36. toutov, these things, viz. the established reputation of the Ephesians for their attachment to the worship of Diana, and the well-known origin of her image. Hence the argument is two-fold : They had no reason to fear that such a people (veuiKopov) could be induced to abandon a religion which so wonderful an event (Sio7reTou.t) had signalized. — Se'ov eo-riv vpas, it is necessary that you, i. e. morally, you ought. V. 37' ydp confirms the implication in irpoireTei, i. e. that they had acted rashly. — toutovs refers to Gaius and Aristarchus; see v. 29. Paul was not present. — tepoo-v'Xous, robbers of temples, not of churches. It is singular that the latter translation, so incorrect, should be found in all the English versions, except Wiclif's and the Rheims, which being drawn from the Vulgate, have " sacri legious." The temples among the heathen contained votive offer ings and other gifts, and were often plundered. — oure ipuiv, nor blaspheming your goddess. It was the effect of Paul's preaching to undermine idolatry, and bring the worship of Arte mis into contempt ; but as at Athens, so here he had refrained from denunciation, opprobrium, ridicule, and had opposed error by contending for the trath. Hence the Recorder could urge that technical view of the apostle's conduct, and deny that he had committed any actionable offence. It would almost seem as if, like the Asiarchs, he was friendly at heart to the new sect. V. 38. ouv, therefore, since the men are innocent in regard to such crimes as sacrilege and blasphemy. — oiiv avr<3, with him, i. e. his associates in the complaint against Paul (comp. 5, 17). The speaker knew of their connection with the case from something which they had done or said in the assembly, which Luke has not related. — dydpaioi, sc. rjp.ipai ayovrai, court-days are kept, ob served. The days are so called because the courts were held in the forum; comp. 16, 19; 17, 5. It is contended by some, that this adjective should be marked as proparoxytone in this sense, but as circumflex when used as in 17, 5. See W. $ 6. 2. The distinction is a doubtful one. — Kai dvBviraTol elo-iv, and there are proconsuls. The plural is generic (comp. Matt. 2, 20), as but one such officer presided over a province. The coins of Ephesus show that the proconsular authority was fully established there in the reign of Nero. Akerman gives the engraving of one which has the head of that emperor on the obverse ; and on the reverse, a representation of the temple of Diana, with the words : (Money) of the Ephesians, Neocori, JEchmocles Aviola, Proconsul. — iyKaXel- Trno-av dXXjJXois, let them implead each other, is a technical phrase. V. 39. They were a mob, and could transact no public busi- 324 COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 1. ness. — ei.Se' ti, k. t. X., But if ye make any demand (stronger than the simple verb) concerning other things than those of a private nature. — i" rfj ewdpw iKKX-qa-ia, in the laivful assembly which this is not. " Legitimus coetus est qui a magistratu civitatis convo- catur et regitur." (Grot.) V. 40. ydp justifies the intimation in ewopua as to the character of the present concourse. — KivSuveuopev. They were in danger of being called to account by the proconsul. The Roman gov ernment watched every appearance of insubordination or sedition in the provinces with a jealous eye. Thousands were often put to death in the attempt to suppress such movements. It was a capital offence to take any part in a riotous proceeding. The speaker's hint, therefore, was a significant one. — cn-do-eios depends on 7repi, not on the verb. The accent on irepl is not drawn back, though its noun precedes (B. § 117. 3), because an adjective phrase follows. — p-^Sevds ain'ou iirdpxovTos explains, not why they were liable to be arraigned, but how seriously it would terminate if the affair should take that direction. — irepi ov,in virtue of which. — This speech is the model of a popular harangue. Such ex citement on the part of the Ephesians was undignified, as they stood above all suspicion in religious matters (v. 35. 36) ; it was unjustifiable, as they could establish nothing against the men (v. 37) ; it was unnecessary, as other means of redress were open to them (v. 38. 39) ; and, finally, if neither pride nor justice availed anything, fear of the Roman power should restrain them (v. 40). CHAPTER XX. Verses 1-6. Paul proceeds a second time to Greece, and returns from there to Troas. V. 1. p,erd Se to iravarao-Bai tov B6pvj3ov, Now after the tumult had ceased. This clause shows that Paul left Ephesus soon after the disturbance, but furnishes no evidence, says Neander, that his departure was hastened by it. We may conclude that Paul " tarried at Ephesus until Pentecost," pursuant to his intention expressed in 1 Cor. 16, 8; and consequently, that he left that city in the spring or summer of A. D. 57 or 58. Compare the note on 18, 23 with that on 19, 10. — Before taking leave of Chap. XX, 1. COMMENTARY. 325 Ephesus, we must notice another event which Luke has not re corded, but which belongs to this part of the history. In 2 Cor. 12, 14 (written on the way to Greece), the apostle says : iSou, rpirov tovto eroipois e^co eX-Heiv 7rpds vpas, Behold, this third time I am ready to come unto you. The connection decides that rpirov be longs to iXBelv. It cannot refer to a third intention merely to visit the Corinthians ; for he is saying that, as he had " not been bur densome to them" hitherto when he was among them, so in his present visit he would adhere to the same pohcy. Again, in 2 Cor. 13, 1, he says : Tplrov tovto ep^opai. Here it is expressly said, that the apostle was now on the point of making his third journey to Corinth. The correct interpretation of 2 Cor. 1, 15. 16 presents no obstacle to tins construction of the passages here referred to. The sixteenth of these verses explains the fifteenth. The apostle has reference in v. 16 to a journey to Corinth which he had purposed, but had failed to execute; viz. a journey into Macedonia by the way of Corinth, and then a return to Corinth from Macedonia; and in v. 15 he says that this plan would have secured to the Corinthians "a second benefit" (Sevripav x"-Piv) m connection with the tour proposed, i. e. the benefit of his pres ence, not once merely, but a second time. There is every reason to suppose, therefore, that Paul had been at Corinth twice when he wrote his Second Epistle to the church in that city. So con clude, among others, Michaelis, Schrader, Bleek, Liicke, Schott, Anger, Riickert, Credner, Neander, Olshausen, Meyer, Wieseler, Osiander, Howson. But where in Luke's narrative are we to insert this second journey to Corinth? Of the different answers given to this question, I regard that as the most satisfactory which places the journey within the period of Paul's residence of three years at Ephesus. It would have been easy for him to have crossed over from the one city to the other at any time ; and, con sidering the urgent reasons for such a visit furnished by the con dition of the Corinthian church, one would think that he could hardly have refrained from availing himself of the opportunity. As his stay there was probably very brief, and unattended by any important event, Luke has made no mention of it. Schrader, Riickert, Olshausen, Meyer, Wieseler, Howson, and others, in tercalate the journey at this point. Neander suggests that Paul, at the commencement of this missionary tour, may have ex tended his travels before his arrival at Ephesus so far as to have included Greece. Anger, Schott, and some others, think that Paul's second visit to Corinth may have been a return to that city from some excursion which he made into the neighboring 326 COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 1. 2. regions during the year and a half of his first sojourn at Corinth (18, 1 sq.). — do-7rao-dpevos, having embraced them. How many tears of affection must have been shed ! How many prayers must have been offered for each otlier and for the cause of Christ ! From such hints as those in v. 37. 38 and in 21, 5. 6, we can call up to ourselves an image of the scene. They must have parted with a presentiment at least that the apostle was now taking his final leave of Ephesus; see v. 25. 38. — i&jXBe, k. t. X., went forth to go into Macedonia. The direction which the apostle took we learn from 2 Cor. 2, 12. 13. He proceeded to Troas, where he had expected to meet Titus, whom he had sent to Corinth in order to ascertain the effect of his First Epistle to the church in that city. It was his' intention, apparently, to remain and labor for a time at Troas, in case the information for which he was looking should be favorable. But not finding Titus there, and being una ble to endure a longer suspense, he embarked at once for Mace donia. On his arrival there he met with Titus, and was relieved of his anxiety ; see 2 Cor. 7, 6. V. 2. rd piprj eKeiva, those parts, i. e the region of Macedonia. — TrapaKaXe'o-as airov?, having exkorled them, viz. the believers ; see on 16, 40. The expression shows that he now revisited the places where he had preached on his first visit here, viz. Philippi, Thes salonica, Bercea. It was here and now that Paul wrote his Sec ond Epistle to the Corinthians. That he wrote the letter in Mac edonia is evident from 2 Cor. 9, 2. 4. He speaks there of his boast ing to the churches of Macedonia of the liberality of the Corinthians, and of the possibility that some of the Macedonians would accom pany him to Corinth. See, also, 2 Cor. 7, 5. The apostle, now, as far as we know, ,was in that country only three times. When he was there first he had not yet been at Corinth at all (16, 11) and when he passed through that province on his last return to Jerusalem (v. 3 below), he was going in the opposite direction, and not advancing to Corinth, as stated in the Epistle. He wrote the Second Epistle to the Corinthians, therefore, on this second journey througli Macedonia, in the summer probably, or early au tumn of A. D. 58 ; see note on 2 1 , 1 7. — In Rom. 1 5, 1 9, Paul speaks of having published the gospel as far as to Illyricum, which was a country on the west of Macedonia. It was at this time, probably, that he penetrated so far in that direction. It could not have been on his first visit to Macedonia (16, 12 sq.) ; for the course of his journey at that time is minutely traced in the Acts from his land ing at Philippi to his leaving Corinth. He moved along the east ern side of the peninsula, and was kept at a distance from Illyri- Chap. XX, 3. COMMENTARY. 327 cum. When, he passed through Macedonia next (v. 3), he had already written the Epistle to the Romans. Lardner pronounces this geographical coincidence sufficiently important to confirm the entire history of Paul's travels. — eis ttjv 'EXXdSa, unto Greece, which stands here for 'A^aia (18, 12; 19, 21), as opposed to Macedonia. Wetstein has shown that Luke was justified in that use of the term. Paul was proceeding to Corinth, the capital of the province ; comp. Rom. 16, 1. V. 3. The three months spent here preceded the summer of this year ; see v. 6. The stay was thus brief because the apostle was anxious to return to Jerusalem (v. 16). The Jewisk plot was contemporaneous with his leaving, but did not occasion it. — iroirjo-as is anacoluthic for iroirjo-avTi; see 19, 24. — It was just before his departure from Corinth, that Paul wrote the Epistle to the Ro mans. That it was written at Corinth admits of being proved by several distinct arguments. One is that Paul was the guest of Gaius at the time (Rom. 16, 23), and Gaius, as we learn from 1 Cor. 1, 14, was one of the converts at Corinth whom Paul baptized. Again, he commends to the Roman Christians Phoebe, a deacon ess of the church at Cenchrea (see on 18, 18), who was on the point of proceeding to Rome (Rom. 16, 1), and was probably the hearer of the letter. Further, the apostle's situation as disclosed in the Epistle agrees with that in the Acts at this time. Thus, he was on the eve of departing to Jerusalem (Rom. 15, 25), was going thither with contributions for the Jewish believers (Rom. 15, 25. 26), and after that was meditating a journey to Rome. The date of the Epistle, therefore, was the spring of A. D. 58 or 59. — peXXovn, k. t. X., as he is about to embark for Syria, with the intention of going directly to Jerusalem; see also 19, 21. The effect of the conspiracy was to change his route, but not to cause him to depart prematurely. He came with the design of passing only the winter tliere; see 1 Cor. 16, 6. — iyivero, k. t.X., it was thought best that he should return through Macedonia. The infini tive depends on yvuipTi as a sort of appositional genitive. The expression indicates that he took this course as the result of advice or consultation. How his journeying by land rather than by sea would enable him to escape the machinations of the Jews is not perfectly clear. The opinion that he was waiting to have the navigation of the season reopen, but was compelled to hasten his departure before that time, is certainly incorrect ; for it is said he was on the point of embarking when the conspiracy of the Jews was formed or came to be known. It is possible that the Jews intended to assault him on his way to the ship, or else to 328 COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 4-6. follow and capture him after having put to sea. Hemsen's con jecture (Der Apostel Paulus, u. s. w., p. 467) is, that he had not yet found a vessel proceeding to Syria, and that his exposure at Corinth rendered it unsafe for him to remain, even a few days longer, until the arrival of such an opportunity. V. 4. o-welrreTo aura, followed him, formed his party. This could be said, though they did not travel in company all the time. The verb belongs to all the names which follow, but agrees with the nearest. — The best manuscripts read Huppou after %umaTpos, sc. vids; genitive of kindredship (see on 1, 13). This addition distin guishes Sopnter perhaps from Sosispater in Rom. 16, 21, since they are but different forms of the same name (Win.). — ©eo-o-aXoviKewv is a partitive genitive. — Aristarchus was mentioned in 1 9, 29. The Gaius in that passage must be a different person from the one here, since they belonged to different countries. This Gaius is probably the individual of this name to whom the apostle John wrote his Third Epistle. Some critics (Kuin. Olsh. Neand.) would point the text, so as to make Gaius one of the Thessalo nians, and join Aep/Jaios with Tipd^eos. But that division not only puts Kai out of its natural place, but disagrees with 16, 1, where Timothy appears as a native of Lystra. — Secundus is otherwise unknown. — Luke supposes Timothy's origin to be familiar to the reader, and so passes it over (De Wet. Mey.). — Tychicus is named in Eph. 6, 21 ; Col. 4, 7; Tit. 3, 12, and 2 Tim. 4, 12. He was one of the most trusted of Paul's associates. — Trophimus, who was an Ephesian, appears again in 21, 29, and 2 Tim. 4, 20. He and probably Aristarchus (27, 2) went with the apostle to Jerusalem. The others may have stopped at Miletus, since the language in v. 13 intimates that the party kept- together after leaving Troas. Consequently, d^pi ri}s 'Ao-i'as would state the destination of the majority of the travellers, and would be con sistent with the fact that two of them went further. V. 5. outoi, these, viz. the seven mentioned in v. 4, not the two named last. It is entirely arbitrary to limit the reference of the pronoun. — 7rpoeX5dvTes, having gone forward from Corinth in ad vance of Paul and Luke. Itis barely possible that they shipped at once for Troas ; but it is more probable that they journeyed through Macedonia, both because o-uveiWo suggests a common route of the parties, and because Sopater and the others may have been sent thither to finish the alms-collection, which Paul had commenced.— T)pas, us. Luke resumes here the first person plural, which has not occurred since 16, 17. See the remarks on 16-, 40. V. 6. T)peis, we, must include the writer of the narrative, Paul, Chap. XX, 6. 7. COMMENTARY. 329 and possibly others, in distinction from those who had gone for ward to Troas. As Timothy was one of those who preceded the apostle, it is evident that he and the writer of the narrative were different persons. Tholuck, Lange,1 Ebrard, and others, pronounce this passage sufficient of itself to disprove the hy pothesis that Timothy, not Luke, wrote the portions of the Acts in which the historian speaks as an eye witness. — e(eirXevo-apev dirb QiXiirmov, we sailed forth from Philippi, i. e. from its harbor on the coast; see note on 16, 12. — peTa Ta; ^pepas t5v d£upa_v, after the days of unleavened bread, the festival of the Passover (see on 12, 3), which no doubt they observed, not in the Jewish spirit any longer, but with a recognition of Christ as the true Paschal Lamb ; see John 1, 36 and 1 Cor. 5, 7. Some think that they remained at Philippi for the sake of the celebration (Mey.); but we must view that as an inference altogether, since Luke mentions the Passover only in its chronological relation to the voyage. Calvin suggests as the motive for remaining that Paul would find the Jews more accessible to the truth during the season of such a solemnity. — d^pis fjp.epuiv irivre, unto five days, as the limit reached; they were so long on the way. The passage on the apostle's first journey to Europe occupied two days only ; see 16, 11. Adverse winds or calms would be liable, at any season of the year, to oc casion this variation. — Tjpepas eirrd, seven days, may be indefinite, a week's time (comp. 21,4; 28, 14). They arranged it so as to bring a Sabbath within the time spent there. If the number be exact, then they arrived just at the close of the week, since they left the day after the Sabbath (v. 7). Ver.-;es 7-12. Paul preaches at Troas, and administers the Sacra ment. V. 7. ev ttj pia rov o-a/3/3dnDv, on the first day of the week; not on one of the Sabbaths, Jewish festivals, which overlooks the article, and not on the one of them next after their arrival, since that would imply that they passed more than one such festival here, contrary to Luke's statement that they left on the day following. In the New Testament eis stands generally for irpiuTos in speaking of the days of the week; see Matt. 28, 1 ; Mark 16, 2; John 20, 19, etc. W. $ 37. 1. It is an imitation of the ordinal sense of "inx. See Gesen. Heb. Gr. $ 118. 4. The passages just cited, and also Luke 24, 1 ; John 20, 1, and 1 Cor. 16, 2 show that week is one of the senses of o-d^ara. The Jews reckoned the day from evening to 1 Das Leben Jesu nach den Evangelien dargestellt, Erstes Buch, p. 251. 42 330 COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 7. morning, and on that principle the evening of the first day of the week would be our Saturday evening. If Luke reckons so here, as many commentators suppose, the apostle then waited for the expiration of the Jewish Sabbath, and held his last religious ser vice with the brethren at Troas, at the beginningof the Christian Sabbath, i. e. on Saturday evening, and consequently resumed his journey on Sunday morning. But as Luke had mingled so much with foreign nations and was writing for Gentile readers, he would be very apt to designate the time in accordance with then practice ; so that his evening or night of the first day of the iveek would be the end of the Christian Sabbath, and the morning of his departure that of Monday. Olshausen, Neander, De Wette, Meyer, and most other critics, recognize here a distinct trace of the Christian Sabbath in that early age of the church. See also 1 Cor. 16, 2, and Rev. 1, 10. It is entirely immaterial, of course, to the objects of the day or the validity of the apostolic example, whether the first Christians began their Sabbath in the Jewish way, on Sat urday evening, or at midnight, a few hours later. " Since the suffer ings of Christ," says Neander, " appeared as the central point of all religious experience and life, since his resurrection was consider ed as the foundation of all Christian joy and hope, it was natural that the communion of the church should have specially distin guished the day with which the memory of that event had con nected itself." But the introduction of the Sabbath was not only in harmony with Christian feeling, but, as we have good reason to believe, was sanctioned and promoted by the special authority of the apostles. " It is in the highest degree probable," says Meyer, " that the observance of the Sabbath rests upon apostolic institu tion; since the gospel was extended among the heathen who had not been accustomed to the Jewish Sabbath, it was natural and necessary that the apostles should instruct them in regard to such a day, on account of the importance of the resurrection of Christ ; and this supposition is an indispensable one, in order to account for the very early and general celebration of the Christian Sab bath." In support of the last remark, this author refers to Justin Martyr, who, born at the beginning of the second century, says (Apol. II.) that the Christians of his time, "both in the cities and the country, were accustomed to assemble for worship on the day called Sunday" (rfj tov fjXlov Xeyopcvri fjp.ipa). — o-vvTjypivuiv rjpuiv, ice being assembled; not rov paSr/ruiv, the received reading, which our version follows. The latter term may have been inserted to pro vide an antecedent for aurois. The use of the pronoun is like that in 8, 5. — For KXdcrai dpTov, see on 2, 42. 46. Chap. XX, 8-10. COMMENTARY. 33! V. 8. rjcrav Se Xap.?rd8es tKavai, Noio there were many lamps; and hence the fall of the young man was perceived at once. So Meyer explains the object of the remark. But that relation of the circumstance to the rest of the narrative is not clearly indicated. It has much more the appearance of having proceeded from an eye witness, who mentions the incident, not for the purpose of obviating a difficulty which might occur to the reader, but because the entire scene to which he refers stood now with such minute ness and vividness before his mind. The moon was full at the Passover (v. 6), and after the lapse now of somewhat less than three weeks, only appeared as a faint crescent in the early part of the night (Hws.). — ev ra iirepoiui, in the upper room, which, as ap pears from the next verse, was on the third story. See note on 1, 13. — ou ^pev o-uvTTypevoi, where we were assembled. In the re ceived text the verb is rjo-av, they were, which accords with the variation in the last verse. V. 9. im rf/s #upi'8os, upon the window, the seat of it. " It will be recollected that there were no windows of glass ; and the win dow here mentioned was a lattice of joinery, or a door, which on this occasion was set open on account of the heat from the many lights and the number of persons in the room. It should be ob served that the windows of such places in general reached nearly to the floor ; they would correspond well to what our word ' win dow ' signified originally, viz. windore, wind-door, i. e. a door for the admission of wind or air." * — Karafapopievos virvui fiaBel, being overcome with deep sleep. — KarevixBei^ dirb tov virvov, having been borne down from (the effect of) the sleep into which he had sunk. This second participial clause states a result of the condition de scribed by the first. — eVeo-ev. The window projected (according to the side of the room where it was situated) either over the street, or over the interior court ; so that in either case he fell from the third story upon the hard earth or pavement below. — ijpBrj veKpds, was taken up dead; which it is entirely foreign to any inti mation of the context to qualify by adding " in appearance," or " as they supposed." V. 10. eVeVeoev, k. t. X.,fell upon him, and liaving embraced him, after the example of Elisha in 2 Kings 4, 34. As in that instance, so in this, the act appears to have been the sign of a miracle. — prj Bopvfielo-Be, do not lament, which, according to the Oriental habit and the import of the word, they were doing with loud and pas sionate outcry ; comp. Matt. 9, 23 ; Mark 5, 39. See on 10, 15. — 1 Illustrated Commentary, Vol. V. p. 206. 332 COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 11-13. ¦rj yap i/o^t) .... eoriv, for his life is in him, which he could say whether he perceived that it was not extinct, or had been restored. V. 1 1 . tov dpTov, the bread already spoken of in v. 7. The article which the T. R. omits, belongs here (Tsch. Lchm. Mey.). The fall of Eutychus had delayed the communion, which Paul now proceeds to administer. — yeuo-dpevos, having eaten, because proba bly they connected a repast with the sacrament ; see on 2, 42. — itf>' iKavdv may refer to the time occupied in the entire service ; or, more naturally in this connection, to the remainder of the night after the preceding interruption. — d^pis auyrys, until day-break, about five o'clock, A. M., at that season (Alf.). — ovtos, thus, after these events ; comp. 17, 33 ; 28, 14. — iijrjXBev, went forth, i. e. on his journey. Yet the term may not exclude a brief interval between the religious services and his departure, and during that time the vessel could weigh anchor and start for Assos (see on v. 13). V. 12. T/yayoi/, brought him into the assembly (Hems. Mey), not to his home. The subject of the verb is indefinite. This circum stance is supplementary to what is stated in v. 11 ; not subsequent to it in point of time. — £Zvra, living, which suggests as its antithe sis that he had been dead; or, at least, that such was then behef. — irapeKXrjBijo-av, were consoled, viz. by his restoration to them. Some understand it of the effect of Paul's discourse ; which is in correct, as that is not here the subject of remark. — ou peTpi'us, not a little, very much. Observe the litotes. Verses 13- 16. They prosecute the Journey to Miletus. V. 13. »)peis, we, viz. the writer and the other companions of the apostle. — irpoeXBovrei;, having gone forward, though from the cir cumstances of the case, it could not have been long first. They may have left as soon as the assembly broke up, while Paul still remained a short time (see on v. 11) ; or, in order to reach Assos in good season, may have left even before the conclusion of the ser vice. They spent the entire week at Troas as well as Paul (see v. 6), and hence could not have preceded him before the end of that time. — eis ttjv "Ao-o-ov, unto Assos, which was a coast- town in Mysia, south of Troas. — iKe1Bev,from there, because the writer has his mind, not on their arrival, but the subsequent departure or progress. — ovro ydp, k. t. X.,for so (that they should take him at that place) he had arranged for iiimself; the passive hi the sense of the middle. W. § 39. 3. — pe'XXojv refers to his intention.— 7re£eveiv. This foot-journey, according to the best evidence, was about twenty miles. A paved road extended from Troas to Assos ; -so that starting even as late as seven or eight o'clock, A. M., Paul Chap. XX, 14. 15. COMMENTARY. 333 could have reached Assos in the afternoon. A friend of the wri ter, a native of Greece, stated that he himself had travelled on foot between the two places in five hours. The distance by sea is about forty miles. His object, it is conjectured, may have been to visit friends on the way, or to have the company of brethren from Troas, whom the vessel was not large enough to accommo date. V. 14. ws avvi/3aXev fjp.1v, as he met with us, seems to imply that he found them already there. — eis tt)v "Ao-o-ov, at Assos, ht. unto, because the preceding verb implies the idea of the journey thither on the part of Paul. Mitylene, where they appear to have stopped over night, was on the east side of Lesbos, the capital of that island. The distance from Assos by sea was thirty miles ,• so that the voyage hither from Troas was an easy one for a day. Castro, the present capital, stands on the site of the ancient city. The name of the island is now Metilino or Metelin, a corruption of Mitylene. V. 15. Tfj imovcrrj, on the following day, the second from Troas. — dvriKpv Xiov, opposite to Chios, the modern Scio, south of Lesbos. The language intimates that, instead of putting into the harbor, they lay off the coast during the night. — Tfj Se eripa, k. t. X., and upon the next day (the third from Troas) we put along unto Samos. This island is still further down the iEgean. At one point it approaches within six miles of the mainland. It retains still the ancient name. They may have touched here, but as appears from the next clause did not stop long. — Kai peivavTes iv TpwyuX- Xtii), and having remained at Trogyllium, which was their next night-station, since on the following day, being the fourth, they ar rived at Miletus. Trogyllium most commentators suppose to be the promontory and the town of that name in southern Ionia, op posite Samos where it is nearest to the shore. There was also an island of the same name on the coast of this promontory ( Strab. 14. 636), which, says Forbiger (Handb. II. p. 170), was unques tionably the Trogyllium intended in this passage. The apostle would have been nearer to Ephesus, at Trogyllium on the main land, than he was at Miletus ; but a better harbor or greater facil ity of intercourse may have led him to prefer the more distant place for his interview with the elders. — Miletus was on the con fines of Caria, twenty-eight miles south of Ephesus, and just below the mouth of the Meander. They reached here on the fourth day from Troas, hence either on Wednesday or Thursday, some doubt existing (see on v. 7) as to the day of the week when they sailed from Troas. 334 COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 16. 17. V. 16. The external testimony requires KeKpiVei, instead of eKpive ( Grsb. Lchm. Mey.) : For he liad determined to sail past Ephesus, which explains why they had left that city at the north ; they were opposite to it when at Samos. As it depended on his decision whether they stopped or proceeded, Paul and his friends had evidently some control of the vessel. The number being so great, they may have chartered the craft (as is very common in the Levant at present) ; at all events they must have had suffi cient influence with the captain to induce him to consult their wishes. — omos . . . . iv rfj 'Ao-la, that it might not happen to him, i. e. that he might avoid inducements, to spend time in Asia. He might have gone to Ephesus and returned during the time that he remained at Miletus ; but he feared to trust himself there lest the importunity of friends or the condition of the church might detain him too long, or even lead him to alter his purpose. — eo-ireuSe ydp, k. t. X.,for he was hastening, if it were possible for him, etc. More than three of the seven weeks between the Passover and Pentecost had elapsed already. One had expired before they left Philippi ; they were five days on their way to Troas, remained there seven days, and were four days on the way to Miletus. — For 7revTTiKoo-r>js, see on 2, 1. — yeveo-#ai imphes motion, and takes after it eis. Verses 17-35. The Address of Paul to the Ephesian Elders at Miletus. V. 17. His subject is fidelity in the ministerial office ; first, as illustrated in his own example; and secondly, as required of those whom the Spirit has called to this office. In v. 18-21 he reminds his hearers of his conduct while he lived among them ; in v. 19-25 he informs them that he is about to be separated from them to meet no more on earth; and in v. 26-35 he charges them to be watchful for the safety of the flock which had been intrusted to them, and was to be exposed in future to so many dangers. — wpeu/Wpous = eVio-KoVous (v. 28). Compare the note on 14,23. Our English translators render the latter term "overseers" in v. 28, contrary to their usual practice. " The E. V.," says Mr. Alford very candidly, "has hardly dealt fairly in this case with the sacred text ; since it ought there as in all other places to have been ' bishops,' that the fact of elders and bishops liaving been originally and apostolically synonymous might be apparent to the ordinary English reader, which now it is not." — Luke speaks only of the Ephesian elders as summoned to meet the apostle at Chap. XX, 18-20. COMMENTARY. 335 Miletus ; but as the report of his arrival must have spread rapidly, it could not have failed to draw together others also, not only from Ephesus, but from the neighboring towns where churches had been established. See on v. 25. V. 18. upeis is emphatic; see on 10, 15. — d™ irpuTTis .... Aoiav,from the first day I came unto Asia, we are to connect with ?r5s .... eyevdpTiv, how I conducted (Kuin. De Wet.); not with iirio-rao-Be, ye know (Mey.). As was to be foreseen, Meyer cor rects himself here in his last edition. — The duration of the pe riod (7rdvra xpovov) is stated in v. 31. The position of tov before wavTa is exceptional, as in Gal. 5, 14, and 1 Tim. 1, 16. See K. § 246. 5. |3. V 19. perd ttoo-tjs Tairavo^poo-vvrrs, with all, the utmost (see on 4, 29), lowliness of mind, humility ; its opposite is ui/ojXd poveiv (Rom. 12, 16). Compare Phil. 2, 3 and 1 Pet. 5, 5. This use of 7ras, says Tholuck,1 is eminently Pauline ; comp. Eph. 1, 3. 8 ; 4, 2; 6, 18; 2 Cor. 12, 12; 1 Tim. 3, 4 ; 2 Tim. 4, 2; Tit. 2, 15; 3, 2. — SaKpvwv, with tears of solicitude for their salvation ; see v. 31. Compare 2 Cor. 2, 4 and Phil. 3, 18. 7roXXSv before SaKpv'tov in the common text should be dropped (Grsb. Mey. Tsch.). — ireipaapuiv, trials, persecutions which he suffered from his country men. Luke has not spoken distinctly of these Jewish machina tions at Ephesus; but in 19, 9 he describes a state of feeling on the part of the Jews, which must have been a prolific source of hostility both to the person of the apostle and to the objects of his ministry. That his situation there was one of constant peril we see from 1 Cor. 15, 31. 32; 16, 9; and 2 Cor. 1, 8-10. V. 20. is ovSev, k. t. X., depends still on iirio-rao-Be (v. 18), but illustrates at the same time the intervening 7™s iyevop-qv : how (not that) I kept back nothing of the things expedient, i. e. out of regard to men's censure or their favor. How perfectly this re mark harmonizes with Paul's character we have proof in such passages as 2 Cor. 4, 2; Gal. 1, 10; 1 Thess. 2, 4. — tou prj dvay- yeiXai, «.. t. X., that I should or might (telic, as if in denial of the possibility that he could mean to preach less than the entire trath) not announce unto you and teach you, viz. the things expedient for them. But both clauses contain a negative idea, and the rale stated on 10, 47 may apply here : he withheld nothing from them, that he should (as the effect of such withholding) not announce 1 "Die Reden des Apostels Paulus in der Apostelgeschichte, mit seinen Briefen verglichen," in the Studien und Kritiken, 1839, p. 305 sq.. I have drawn several of the notes on this address from that instructive Article. 336 COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 21. 22. and teach. In other words, the infinitive states not the object of vireo-TeiXdp.ev as before, but a consequence of the suppression if unhindered. See W. $ 44. 4. Compare v. 27 below. — Stjpoo-ia, inpublic, as in the synagogue (19, 8), or in the school of Tyran nus (19, 9). — KaT oikous, in houses, private assemblies. V. 21. ttjv eis tov Bebv perdvotav, the repentance (which is meet) in respect to God, i. e. exercised towards him as especially wronged by transgression. See Ps. 51, 4. De Wette supposes a brevilo quence, as in 8, 22 : repentance (with a return) unto God. Compare 26, 20. The first sense agrees best with the use of eis in the next clause. " In God the Father," says Olshausen, " lies expressed the idea of the strict righteousness, to which the repentance di rects itself, in Christ the idea of the compassion to which the faith has reference." — "It appears," says Tholuck, "to belong to the peculiarities of the apostle that he in particular appeals so often to his blameless manner of life. The occasion for this hes some times in the calumnies of his enemies, as when he says in 2 Cor. 1, 12 : ' For our boasting (KauxT/o-is) is this, the testimony of our conscience, that in simplicity and godly sincerity, not with fleshly wisdom, but by the grace of God, we have had our conversation in the world, and more especially among you.' The eleventh' chapter shows what adversaries he had in view in this self-justi» fication. But often these appeals spring only from that just con fidence with which he can call upon others to imitate him, as he himself imitates the Saviour. Thus in 1 Cor. 11, 1 he cries: 'Be ye followers of me, even as I also am of Christ;' and in Phil. 3, 17 : ' Brethren, be followers together of me, and mark them who walk so as ye have us for an ensample.' Such personal tes timonies are not found in the other Epistles of the New Testa ment, nor are they frequent in the writings of other pious men ; on which account we are authorized to consider their occurrence in this discourse (v. 18-21) as a mark of its historical character." V. 22. SeSep.evos to Trveupan, bound in the spirit, i. e. his own, in his mind, feelings (19, 21); constrained by an invincible impulse or sense of duty (Hnr. Kuin. De Wet. Rob.), so as to be indifferent to danger on the one hand (v. 23), and perhaps immovable under any remonstrance or appeal on the other (21, 13). The expression may be compared with our mode of speaking when we say " bound in good faith, in conscience," and the like. Some understand irvevp.an of the Holy Spirit : urged by his influence or command (Calv. Kypk. Wdsth.). But that meaning is the more doubtful here, because to dyiov in the next verse appears to be added to distinguish that irvev/m from this. Chap. XX, 23. 24. COMMENTARY. 337 The sense bound in the spirit, i. e. viewing himself as already in chains, a prisoner in imagination, though not yet in body (Chrys. Grot. Bng. Hws.), anticipates the sequel of the sentence, and is too artificial where all the rest is expressed with so much simplicity. Meyer's first explanation was bound on the. Holy Spirit (Rom. 7, 2 ; 1 Cor. 7, 27), i. e. dependent on him ; but I am pleased to see that in his last edition he defends the first of the views given above. V. 23. irXrjv, sc. eiScos, but knowing. — Kara irdXiv, from city to city, as he pursued the present journey. — SiapapTuperai p,oi, testifies fully lo me, not by an inward revelation (for why should he have received that Kara irdXiv?), but through the prophetic an nouncement of others. Luke has not recorded the instances ; they may have occurred at Philippi, a.t Troas, at Assos. He men tions two such communications which were made to Paul after this ; see 21, 4. 11. The common text leaves out p,oi, which be longs after the verb. — pe'vouo-iv, await me, not wherever he went, but at Jerusalem. iropevop.ai eis 'Iepouo-aXi^p determines the place. — Paley compares this verse with Rom. 15, 30, which Epistle the apostle had just written at Corinth. He there entreats the Roman Christians " to strive together with him in their prayers to God for him, that he might be delivered from them who believed not in Judea." The two passages, therefore, "without any resem blance between them that could induce us to suspect that they were borrowed from one another, represent the state of Paul's mind, with respect to the event of the journey, in terms of sub stantial agreement. They both express his sense of danger in the approaching visit to Jerasalem ; they both express the doubt which dwelt upon Iris thoughts concerning what might there be fall him." V. 24. ouSevds Xdyov iroiovp.ai, I make account of nothing, i. e. which I may be called to suffer. On the contrary, as he says in 2 Cor. 12, 10 : "I take pleasure in infirmities, in reproaches, in necessities, in persecutions, in distresses, for Christ's sake." An other reading draws the two clauses of the common text into one : dXX' ouSevds Xdyov iroiovp.ai T-qv ipvxVv rip.lav epauro, but of no account do I esteem my life worthy for myself. The construction is less simple than the other, and may have given place to it on that account (Tsch. Mey. Alf.). — is TeXeiSo-ai tov 8p6p.ov p-ov, thus (i. e. with this aim, to wit) hi order to finish my course. That he should shrink from no danger, that he should be willing to offer up his life for the sake of the gospel, he regarded as due to his office, as essential to his character as an approved minister of Christ, dis strengthens merely the telic force of the construction 43 338 COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 25. 26. It occurs with the infinitive here only (unless we add 17, 14), and in the phrase is e-n-os ei7reiv (Heb. 7, 9). W. § 44. 1. Alford refers d>s to npi'av, held not his life so precious as to finish, etc. But he must arbitrarily insert for that purpose the correlative " so," and even then translates the common reading only and not the one received into his text. — Some critics (Lchm. Mey. Tsch.) omit peTa x«pSs after 8p6p.ov p.ov. It is wanting in several impor tant authorities. — 8iap.aprvpao-Bai .... tou .Jeou defines in what the SiaKovla consisted. The infinitive may depend on the verbal idea involved in that noun (De Wet.) : (commanding or requiring) that I should testify fully, etc.; or it may follow as epexegetical. — In the sublime language of this verse w# hear distinctly the voice of the man who, on approaching the end of his career, could say : " I am now ready to be offered, and the time of my departure is at hand. I have fought a good fight; I have finished my course, I have kept the faith. Henceforth there is laid up for me a crown of righteousness, which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me at that day" (2 Tim. 4, 6-8). Compare also Phil. 2, 17. V. 25. Kai vuv resumes the thought in v. 22. — o!Sa expresses, not an apprehension or a presentiment, but a conviction, ydp oTSa tovto (T. R.) has more against it than for it. Paul's oTSa having been fulfilled, Zeller sees evidence of the post eventum character of the word in that agreement. — on ouKe'n, *. t. X., that ye shall see no more, etc. If Paul's Roman captivity closed with his death, he certainly never saw the Ephesian elders after this interview. " Nor, if we suppose him to have been liberated, can any contradictory result be urged on that ground, since the tradi tions of the fathers decide nothing in regard to the journeys of the apostle between his supposed liberation and his second cap tivity." (Mey.) It has been proposed to emphasize 7rdvres, as if some of them at least might hope to renew their intercourse with him ; but that qualification is inconsistent with v. 37. 38. — ev ois SirjXBov, among whom I went about, may intimate a wider circuit of labor than that furnished by a single city. The apostle either addressed those who had come from different churches in the region (see on v. 17), or at this point of the discourse recog nized those before him as representatives of these churches. Some understand SirjXBov to describe Paul's labors in various parts of Ephesus, or the visits which he made to the houses of the presbyters. The expression favors the wider view, says Neander, but is not inconsistent with the other. V. 26. Sid, therefore ; since it was proper for him to close his Chap. XX, 27. 28. COMMENTARY. 339 ministry with such a testimony. — p,aprvpop,ai = papTupe'w, i" testify, declare as a witness, as in Gal. 5, 3, and Eph. 4, 17, and occasion ally in the classics (Pape Lex., s. v.). It means properly obtest, call to witness, with the accusative of a person. — d'n KaBapbs, ft. r. X. See on 18, 6. The expression is peculiar to Paul's speeches. In this clause eip,i may have been displaced from the text (Grsb. Lach. Mey.). V. 27. ou ydp, «;. t. X., For I shrunk not back (while among you) that I should not declare unto you. Compare on v. 20. — ttjv ySouX-ijv tou Beov, the plan of God as to the way of saving men, unfolded in the gospel. V. 28. npoo-ixere ovv, k. t. X., Take heed, therefore, (since in fu ture the responsibility will rest on you,) unto yourselves (that ye he faithful), and unto all the flock (that they be kept from error). Here Paul speaks just as he writes in 1 Tim. 4, 16. — ev a>, in which, since the bishops made part of the flock, while they had the direction of it. — to irvevp.a IBero may refer to their having been chosen under the direction of the Spirit (13, 2; 14, 23), or to their having been qualified for their office by the Spirit (1 Cor. 12, 8). — iroip.al.veiv includes the idea not only of instruction, but of government and of supervision hi general ; comp. 1 Pet. 5, 2. See the note on 14, 23. — ttjv eKKXiro-iav tov Kvplov, or Beov, the church of ihe Lord or God. The reading here is disputed. The exter nal testimony preponderates in favor of Kvplov, and most of the recent critics accept that as the original word, as Griesbach, Lach- man, Bornemann, Tischendorf, Meyer, Tregelles. Some, as Ben gel, Rinck, Scholz, Mill, Alford, decide for Beov. The internal argument is claimed on both sides. It is said that Beov agrees best with the usage of Paul, since in his Epistles iKKXrjo-la tou Beov occurs eleven times, iKKXrjala tov Xpiarov once, but never iKKXrjo-la tou Kupidu. It is replied to this, that the uncommon expression is more likely to have been exchanged for the ordinary one than the reverse.1 Wordsworth inclines to Beov, mainly for internal reasons. See Humphry's note on the other side. The variations tou Kupi'ou Beov, tov Beov Kai Kvplov, and tov Kvplov Kai Beov are too slightly supported to require notice. — rjv irepieiroirjo-aro, which he (redeemed and thus) obtained for himself (as, a possession) ; comp. iva XuTpaJcnyrai i^pas a7rd irdjjrjs dvop,i'as, Kai KaBaplcrn eaura Xadv irepiov- o-iov (Tit. 2, 14); and Xads eis irepiirolrjcnv (1 Pet. 2, 9). — Sid tou 1 For a view of the testimonies in the case, see Davidson's Lectures on Biblical Criticism, p. 175 sq. He adopts tov Kvpiou as the probable reading. Green (p. Ill) comes to the same conclusion. 340 COMMENTARY. Chap. XX, 29-32. iSi'ov aiparos represents the atonement as consisting preeminently in the sacrifice and death of Christ. See Matt. 20, 28 ; Rom. 3, 24; Eph. 1, 7; 1 Tim. 2, 6; Heb. 9, 12; 13, 12, etc. V". 29. touto gives prominence to the following clause ; comp. 9, 21. — eio-eXeuowrai is said of those who should come to them from other places. — perd tt)v dc^ifiv p.ou, not after my decease (De Wet.), but my departure. p.erd ttjv dmiiiv (Ion. for dpeiv=:Bedop.ai (Tittm. de Syn. p. 120), behold, contemplate. It suggests the idea of the interest and affection with which they looked upon that countenance for the last time. The. writer's tact in using this word of the Ephe sians, but dij/eo-Be of Paul in v. 25, should be noticed. — irpoiirepirov, n. t. X., they sent him forward, escorted him, unto the ship. See the note on 15, 3, and the illustration on 21, 5. It is implied that the roadstead where the vessel lay, was at some distance from the town. The site of Miletus, though originally on the coast, has gradually receded till it is now ten miles from the sea. It must have lost its maritime position long before the apostle's time, though not so far inland then as at present. CHAPTER XXI. Verses 1-6. They continue the Voyage to Tyre. V. 1. dis Se eyeVeTo, k. t. X., When now it came to pass that we put to sea. The construction is like that in v. 5. Luke certainly as one of the i)pas, Trophimus (21, 29), and Aristarchus (27, 2), accompanied Paul to Jerasalem. As the others who belonged to the company (20, 4) are not mentioned again, the probability is (ex silentio) that they proceeded no further. Some suppose that Timothy went at this time from Miletus to Ephesus, and assumed or resumed the oversight of the church there. — dTroo-Trao^eVTas dr avrav, having departed from them (De Wet. Rob.) ; less probably, having torn ourselves away (Chrys. Kuin. Mey.). Usage weak ened the etymological sense, and in Luke 22, 41 an emphasis appears to me out of place. — eu^uSpop^o-avTes, having run straight, shows that the wind was in their favor ; see on 16, 11. — K5 is for Kcuv, like 'AiroXXui in 19, 1. Cos was about forty miles from Miletus; directly south, and could have been reached in six hours. Chap. XXI, 2. 3. COMMENTARY. 345 It was one of the smaller islands of the Archipelago, on the Carian coast, between the promontories, on which stood Cnidus and Halicarnassus. Its present name is Stanchio, which has arisen from a slurred pronunciation of es nxv K5v, like Stambul from es rdv tto'Xiv. — Having rounded Cape Crio, the ancient Tri- opium, they turned their prow eastward, and sailed along the southern shore of Asia Minor. Rhodes was at the entrance of the iEgean, on the coast of Caria. The celebrated colossus was prostrate at this time, having been overthrown by an earthquake. — Patara was a coast-town of Lycia, at some distance from the left bank of the Xanthus. " Now its port is an inland marsh, generating poisonous malaria, and the mariner sailing along the coast would never guess that the sand-hills before him blocked up the harbor into which St. Paul sailed of old." ' Patara was best known for its celebrated oracle of Apollo, which, in the height of its authority, had almost rivalled that of Delphos. How near to it in the person of these wayfaring men was now brought the power which was to subvert that great delusion of heathen ism ! How soon after this could it be said, in the words of Mil ton's Hymn on the Nativity of Christ : " The oracles are dumb, No voice or hideous hum Runs through the arched roof in words deceiving. Apollo from his shrine Can no more divine, With hollow shriek the steep of Delphos leaving. No nightly trance or breathed spell Inspires the pale-eyed priest from the prophetic cell." V. 2. The party take now another vessel. We are not in formed of the reason for this measure. The vessel which had brought them thus far may have been adapted only to sailing along the shore, or they may have engaged the use of it (see on 20, 16) only until they should find an opportunity like the present. — Siairepuiv, crossing over just as they arrived; so that (eVi/JdvTes) they could proceed at once. This particularity is as graphic " as if taken from a journal written during the voyage." The present participle denotes often an appointed or approaching act; comp. v. 3; 27,6. W. §45. 1. b. V. 3. dva^ave'vres Se tt)v Kvirpov, And having had a view of Cyprus, lit. having had it brought up to sight, made visible to us above the horizon. The language is that of an eye-witness, and of one familiar with the phraseology of seamen, who are accustomed to 1 Travels in Lycia by Spratt and Eorbes, Vol. I. p. 31. 44 346 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXI, 3. i. speak of raising the land when they approach it. The opposite expression is d7roKpu7rreiv yiyv ; see Kriig. on Thucyd. 5. 65 ; Stalb. on Prot. 338. A. The corresponding Latin words, says Mr. Hum phry, are aperire and abscondere (Virg. Mn. 3. 275, 291). Some render, being shown Cyprus, having it pointed out to us in the distance (Rob.) ; but the composite form indicates a more spe cific sense. This verb, which in the active governs a dative and accusative, retains the latter in the passive. W. $ 39. 1 ; K. } 281. 3. — KaTaXi7rdvTes a.vrqv, having left it behind. — euuivupov, on the left, is an adjective, not an adverb. K. § 264. 3. a. They passed, therefore, to the south of the island. They must have had a fair wind to enable them to take that course. The view of Cyprus must have carried back the apostle's mind to the days which he and Barnabas had spent there in the missionary work. — iirXiopev eis Supi'av, we. sailed unto Syria, refers to the voyage to Tyre ; for in the Roman age Syria included Phoenicia (Win.), of which Tyre was the commercial emporium. For its present state, see Rob. Bibl. Res. III. p. 392 sq. The most important ruins lie at present beneath the sea. It was with melancholy interest that I looked down upon them through the calm waters, in the long twilight which closed the tenth of May, 1852. — eKeicre ydp, k. t. X., is best taken as brachy logical : for having come thither the ship was unlading (viewed as present) the cargo. See W. $ 45. 5. This use of the participle coincides essentially with that in v. 2 ; see further Matt. 26, 28 ; Luke 22, 19. Some understand eKeio-e of the conveyance of the freight from the ship to the town ; for thither (after the arrival) was the ship unlading the cargo (Mey. De Wet.). The writer would not be likely to specify so minute a circumstance. eVetcre is not to be confounded with eKei. The clause assigns the reason (ydp) for their stopping at this port. The voyage from Patara to Tyre need not have exceeded two days, if the wind was fair and the vessel in a good condition. The distance is three hundred and forty geographical miles.1 V. 4. Kai dvevpdvres tous pa^Tjrds, and having found out the dis ciples who lived there ; because being strangers they must make inquiry. The English version overlooks both the preposition and the article. The gospel had been preached here at an early 1 The writer embarked at Beirut (on the coast to the north of Tyre) at half- past six o'clock, P. M. ; the next day at ten o'clock, we arrived off against Lar- nica on the Island of Cyprus, and on the following night, at two o'clock, A. M., came to anchor in the harbor of Rhodes. This was very nearly the apostle's track, except in the inverse order. An ancient vessel, under circumstances entirely favorable, would almost equal the speed of a Levant steamer. Chap. XXI, 5-7. COMMENTARY. 347 period; see on 11, 19. The Saviour had performed some of his miracles in the vicinity of Tyre and Sidon; see Matt. 15, 21; Mark 7, 24. — iirep.elvap.ev. See on 10, 48. — -qp-ipas eirrd, seven days, may be indefinite, as was remarked on 20, 6. We cannot doubt that they occupied the time spent here in making known the word, and in consulting for the welfare of the Tyrian church. — oinves .... eis 'lepovcraX-qp., who said to Paul through the Spirit that he should not go up unto Jerusalem, i. e. if he had any regard to his own safety or personal welfare, or to their affectionate solic itude on his account ; comp. irapeKaXovp.ev, ft. t. X., in v. 12. They were informed by the Spirit that bonds and afflictions awaited the apostle at Jerusalem ; but it was not revealed to them as the will of God that he should desist from his purpose to proceed thither. V. 5. ore .... i^aprlo-ai. See the first clause in v. 1. — Tas ijpepas, the days named in v. 4. — irpoirep.ir6vTuiv, k. t. X., all sending us forward, etc. See on 20, 38. — - ecus e£a> tt)s iroXeurs, till out of ihe city, quite out of it, beyond the suburbs, where they could be alone and undisturbed. — im rbv aiyiaXov, upon the beach. The word denotes a smooth shore as distinguished from one precipi tous or rocky; comp. 27, 39. Luke manifests an autoptic ac curacy here. A level, sandy beach extends for a considerable distance on both sides of the site of the ancient Tyre. — Modern missionary hfe presents its parallels to the scene so briefly sketched in this verse. The following extract occurs in the journal of a college friend, whose field of labor is in the region of Paul's birth-place. Speaking of his departure with his fam ily from Aintab for a temporary absence, the missionary says : " More than a hundred of the converts accompanied us out of the city ; and there, near the spot where one of our number had once been stoned, we halted, and a prayer was offered amid tears. Between thirty and forty escorted us two hours further, on horses and mules, singing hymns as we proceeded on our way. Then another prayer was offered, and, with saddened countenances, and with weeping, they forcibly broke away from us. It really seemed as though they could not turn back." * Verses 7-16. From Tyre they proceed to Ptolemais, and thence to Caesarea and Jerusalem. V. 7. ijpeTs .... eis IlToXepaiSa, Now we, completing (thereby) ihe voyage, came down from Tyre to Ptolemais. When the par- 1 Rev. B. Schneider, in the Missionary Herald, Vol. xlviii. p. 201, (1852). 348 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXI, 8. 9. ticiple and the verb combined thus are both in the past tense, the act of the participle may be antecedent to that of the verb or simultaneous with it. The sense must decide this ambiguity. — dirb Tupou in this position belongs to the verb, not to ttXovv (E. V.). Their arrival at Ptolemais terminated the sea part of their jour ney. The distance is a moderate day's journey by land. A vessel with a good breeze would make the ran in a few hours. This city was the ancient Accho (Judg. 1, 31), still called Akka by the Arabians, and Acre or St. Jean d'Acre by Europeans. It is on the Mediterranean, at the north angle of a bay which bears the same name, and sweeps in the form of a semicircle towards the south, as far as Mount Carmel. The graceful curve of the bay appears to great advantage from the top of that moun tain. — tous dSeX(/>ous, the brethren who were there ; see on v. 4. V. 8. They now travelled by land. Issuing from the south eastern gate, in ten minutes they would cross the Belus, now the Nahmen, then for three hours would proceed along the beach with the surf breaking at their feet, at the base of Carmel would ford the mouth of the Kishon (El-Mukatta), and turning that headland, follow the line of the coast to Csesarea. The distance hither from Akka is about forty miles. — The received oi 7repi tov IlauXov after i£eXB6vres is untenable. A church reading began here, and a more definite subject than Tjpeis was needed to sug gest the connection. The gloss has passed into our Enghsh translation. — eis Kaiadpeiav. This is the third time that Paul has been at Casarea. He was there on his journey from Jerusalem to Tarsus (9, 30), and again on his return to Antioch from his second missionary progress (18, 22). — iXiWov. See on 8, 40. — • tou euayyeXio-Tou. This title appears to have been given to those who had no stated pastoral charge, but travelled from place to place and preached as they had opportunity. See Eph. 4, 11; 2 Tim. 4, 5. — -tou ovtos tov eirrd, who ivas of the seven (E. V.), re calls Philip as already known to us in another capacity ; see 6, 5. But the best critics reject tov, and ovtos becomes then ambiguous: either causal, since he was of the seven (De Wet. Alf), or simply historical as in the other case. See Green's Gr. p. 190. It is improbable that the office merely influenced Paul, and so much the less, since according to this view it would be the inferior office which Philip no longer held and not his present one. ovtos follows the tense of the other verbs, and is past. W. h 45. 1. Philip, as an Evangelist, had relinquished his service at Jerusalem ; perhaps the occasion for it had been only temporary. V. 9. tou'™, k. t. X., Now this one had four daughters, etc. Luke Chap. XXI, 10-15. COMMENTARY. 349 mentions the fact as remarkable, and not as related in any way to the history. It is barely possible that they too (see v. 10) foretold the apostle's approaching captivity. V. 10. eVipevdvTOv T^pepas TrXei'ous, remaining several days (comp. 13, 31; 27, 20), a longer time than in the other places on the way. Having travelled rapidly since he left Miletus, and being now within two days of Jerusalem, the apostle had no occasion to hasten his journey ; see 20, 16. — "Aya/3os has been mentioned in 11, 28. He cannot well be a different person, as some have thought; for not only his name, but office (irpocpyrqs), and resi dence (d7rd rijs 'IouSaias) are the same in both instances. Whether he had heard of Paul's arrival and came to Csesarea on that ac count (Bmg.), must be left undecided. V. 11. Sijo-as .... irdSas. The prophet performed the act on himself, not on Paul. The pronoun should be airov, not avrou. Many of the best manuscripts read eavrou. — ou'ra .... 'IouSaioi, So shall bind at Jerusalem the Jews. The B,omans put the apostle in chains, but they did it at the instigation of the Jews. — Agabus, like the ancient prophets, accompanied his prediction with a sym bolic act, which served to place the event foretold more, vividly before them ; the scene, being thus acted out before their eyes, was rendered present, real, beyond what any mere verbal declar ation could possibly have made it. " Segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem Quam qua; sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus, et quse Ipse sibi tradit spectator." Examples similar to this are frequent in the Old Testament ; see 1 Kings 22, 11 ; Is. 20, 1 sq. ; Jer. 13, 1 sq. ; Ezek. 4, 1 sq., etc. V. 12. rjpels, we, viz. the writer, Trophimus, Aristarchus (see on 20, 4), and possibly others. — 01 cvtottioi restricts itself to the Christians of the place. V. 13. n iroieire is the language of remonstrance : What are you doing that you weep, etc. The same mode of expression oc curs in Mark 11, 5. — eyo> ydp, k. t. X, Their opposition was not only painful to him (cruv^puVrovTes pou ttjv KapSiav), but was use less ; for (ydp) he was not to be shaken in his purpose (De Wet.) ; or, which agrees better with eWpus e^w, their distress was un necessary ; for he deemed it a privilege, not a hardship, to suffer in the cause of Christ; comp. 5, 41. V. 15. The text fluctuates here, but imo-Kevao-dp.evoi has decid edly the best support: having packed up our baggage, having placed it upon the beasts of burden ; comp. eVio-Keuao-dpevoi i-rro- 350 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXI, 16. 17. £vyia in Xen. Hell. 7, 2. 18. This is ever an important item in Eastern travelling, and it was natural that Luke, a companion of the journey, should mention it. If the alms which they were carrying to Jerusalem (24, 17) consisted in part of raiment or provisions, the loading and unloading would require more than ordinary attention. Another reading is d?roo-Keuao-dpevoi, having packed away our baggage, i. e. at Csesarea, where they left it, or at least the superfluous part of it (Olsh.). The reason for such a step is not obvious. If it was their sea-luggage and unneces sary for the rest of the way, it is surprising that they did not leave it at Ptolemais, where they ended the voyage. Some in sist that, if we adopt this word rather than the other, we may obtain from it the same meaning : having packed our baggage away, i. e. from the place where they had stored it, in order to carry it with them (Mey. De Wet.) : that appears to me a forced interpretation. irapao-Kevacrdp.evoi and dirora£dp.evoi axe explanatory variations. — " The English version," says Mr. Humphry, " uses the word' ' carriage ' in the sense of ' things carried,' baggage, as in Judges 18, 21 and 1 Sam. 17, 22. Cranmer has 'took up our burdens,' and the Geneva version ' trussed up our fardels.' " — For the route "in going up" to Jerusalem, see on 23, 31. V. 16. ovrqXBov, sc. nve's, which governs p.oBrjTuiv; comp. John 16, 17. W. $ 64. 4. — dyovTes .... Mvdowi stands by attraction for dyovres 7rapd Mvda-wa 7rap' d> devio-Buip,ev, bringing us to Mnason with whom we should lodge (Olsh. Mey. De Wet.). His relation to them as their host was more important to them than his name, and presents itself first, therefore, in the order of statement. Mvdo-ojvi could depend possibly on dyovres, bringing us to Mnason ( W. $ 31. 5) ; but the construction is hard. Some render bringing Mnason, i. e. with them from Csesarea ; which attributes to them an improbable act, while it leaves the dative equally irregular. — dpxalui paBrp-fj = p.aBrjTfj air dp^s, an ancient (not an aged) disciple, i. e. who had long been such. He may have been converted on the day of Pentecost (comp. ev dpxfj in 11, 15), or have been a personal follower of Christ. Verses 17-26. Paul assumes a Voiv, to conciliate tlie Jewish Believers. V. 17. The apostle arrives now at Jerasalem for the fifth time since he left it on his persecuting errand to Damascus. It is the last recorded visit that he ever made to the Jewish capital. His present return could not have taken place later than the spring Chap. XXI, 17. 18. COMMENTARY. 35! of A. D. 59 ; since we must reserve two years for his imprison ment at Cffisarea (24, 27), and two for his imprisonment at Rome, before we come to A. D. 64. See Introduction, 5 6. 5. If we fix upon this limitation on that side, we have then four years as the term of the apostle's third missionary excursion, which we may distribute as follows. He left Antioch about the beginning of A. D. 55 (see on 18, 23), and reached Ephesus in the spring of that year. Here he spent about three years (20, 31), and pro ceeded to Macedonia in the spring of A. D. 58 (see on 20, 1). He was occupied here and in other parts of Northern Greece during the summer and autumn of that year (see on 20, 2), and arrived at Corinth early in the following winter. Having spent the next three months in that city (20, 3), he returned to Mace donia and embarked for Syria in the spring of A. D. 59. Or, our scheme of chronology admits of a slightly different combination. If we suppose two years and six months or nine months to exhaust rpierlav in 20, 31, we may assign Paul's return to Jerasalem to the spring of the preceding year, viz. that of A. D. 58. The apostle may have left Antioch on his third tour sufficiently early in A. D. 54 (see on 18, 22) to have spent several months at Ephesus be fore Pentecost in A. D. 55 ; and he could then have completed the two remaining years of his residence in that city, at Pentecost in A. D. 57. The advantage of this computation would be, that it frees us from the necessity of crowding the two years of the , apostle's Roman captivity so near the year A. D. 64 — do-pe'vcos .... d8eX(£oi, the brethren received us gladly. This may refer to the more private friendly greetings which preceded the interview on the next day. Luke may have been struck with this cordial ity the more, because Paul and his friends as preachers to the heathen had reason to apprehend some coldness. See the note on 15, 4, and Rom. 15, 31. The interview would be likely to take place in the house of Mnason, but oi d8eXvXdo-o-eo-Bai, k. t. X. See the note on 15, 20. V. 26. irapaXa/3u>v refers to his connecting himself with the men (v. 24), while dyvio-^ei's defines the nature of the connection. — tJ7 ixopevy rjpipa, on the following day after his interview with James, and the third since his arrival at Jerusalem (v. 18). — aw aurois belongs certainly to dyvio-^ei's (see v. 24) and perhaps to eio-Tjei; not, in the latter case, necessarily because he now took them to the temple in order to absolve them at once from then vow (Hws.), but because it may have been important that they should be present when he declared his intention to assume then- expenses. — SiayyeXXwv .... dyvurpou, announcing, viz. to the priests (eis to Iepov suggests the persons) the completion (lit. filling out) of the days of the purification ; in other words, making known the interval (viz. seven days) between this declaration and the end of the vow and the bringing of the necessary offerings. So essentially Stier, Kuinoel, De Wette, Meyer, Wordsworth, and others, tou before dyviopou defines the purification as that referred Chap. XXI, 26. 27. COMMENTARY. 355 to in ouv auTois dyvio-Bek ; hence that of those associated in the act, not that of the men merely and not that of Paul merely (both mistakes have been made). The convenience of the priests may have required this notification to enable them to prepare for the concluding ceremony at the temple. Others (as Wiesl.) ex plain iKirX-qpuio-iv of the actual expiration of the days during which the men's vow was to continue. Such a view leaves no time for the apostle's partnership with them, and thus conflicts both with ovv aurois dyviovJei's, and with eupdv pe rjyvujpivov iv ra lepco in 24, 18. The apostle's arrest (v. 27) was subsequent to his present appear ance in the temple, and at the time of the arrest, as we see from the words just quoted, he was still observing his part of the vow. — ecus ou, k. t. X., until the offering (known as necessary) was brought. This clause depends naturally on Siayye'XXwv, k. t. X., and as it formed a part of the notice which Paul gave in the temple (hence oratio directa) would have naturally the subjunctive (until it should be brought, as in 23, 12. 21 ; 25, 21), instead of the indica tive. It may be an instance, as Meyer suggests, in which the direct / form of the announcement glides over into the past of the narra tive. See K. Ausfh. Gr. § 846. Some carry back the clause to eio-r/ei eis to Iepov as elliptical : went into the temple and staid there until the offering was brought. In that case we must pass over the nearer point of connection for a remoter one, and must even insert the word in the text which renders that connection possi ble. Further, it is improbable that Paul lodged two or three days in the temple ; and yet as he speaks of himself as there on the day of the riot, in order to bring the final offerings (24, 18), it would follow on this view of the subject that he had remained there from his first repairing to the temple till that time. The true emphasis of v7rep evbg eKacn-ou lies in the fact that Paul was to be answerable for the expenses of the offering of each one ; not (as Hws.) that he would remain in the temple until each one's offering was presented. Verses 27-30. Paul is seized by the Jews, and dragged from the Temple. V. 27. dis Se epeXXov, k. t. X., Now as the seven days were about to le completed, i. e. in all probability the seven days announced to the priests as the limit to which the vow of the Nazarites would extend, and as the period also of the apostle's partnership in that consecration. This is the readiest explanation and the one to which most critics assent (Bng. Kuin. Olsh. Mey. De Wet. 356 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXI, 27. 28. Alf). Neander's idea is that their vow embraced only seven days in all, and that Paul joined them on the last of these days. Against that construction stands the inference from eixqv e^ovres i eavrav in v. 23,. that the vow had been resting on them for a considerable time before. the apostle's connection with them, and, also, that iva fupTjo-iovrai tt)v Ke under the rule of possession. W. $ 30. 2. — Critics point this sentence differently. Many of the older com mentators, whom Meyer follows, place the comma after TapaXiTjX, instead of ravY^, so as to bring a participle at the head of the several clauses. This division promotes the rhythm at the ex pense of the sense. The comma should be put undoubtedly after Taurrj (Grsb. Lchm. De Wet.). Tischendorf follows this punctuation in his second edition, irapd tous Tro'Sas Vap.aXvqX, at the feet of Gamaliel, is appropriate to ireirai&evp.ivos, but not to ava- Te^pappeVos; the latter having respect to his physical growth or progress to manhood, the former to his professional training." dva- -46 362 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXII, 4-7. TeBpappivos iv Tfj iroXei Tavrrj, having been brought up in this city, forbids the supposition that Paul was an adult when he went to reside at Jerusalem. Compare, also, 26, 4. He must have re moved thither from Tarsus in his boyhood or early youth. It is surprising that Eichhorn and Hemsen should maintain, in opposi tion to such evidence, that Paul did not enter the school of Ga maliel until the thirtieth year of his age. See note on 7, 58. To be taught at one's feet was a proverbial expression among the Jews, founded on the fact that in their schools the teachers, whether they stood or sat, occupied a higher place than the pu pils. Schottg. Hor. Hebr. p. 477. — Kara aKpifteiav = Kara rqv aKpi- /JeardTTTv aipeoiv in '26, 5. Paul had been a Pharisee, and in his zeal for Judaism had surpassed all the adherents of that sect who had been students with him under Gamahel (see Gal. 1, 13). — irarpuiov vdpou = vdpou rav iraripuiv ; comp. ra mnpuiui Beia in 24, 14. — Beov is like the genitive in 21, 20. V. 4. TavrT7v tt)v dSdv (19, 23), stands concisely for those of this way ; comp. 9, 2. — d^pi .WaTou, unto death, not the aim merely (Grot. Mey.), but result of his persecution. The facts in the case justify the strongest sense of the expression ; see v. 20 and 26, 10. — dvSpas, *. t. X. See on 8, 2. V. 5. (is Kai .... poi, as also the high-priest testifies ( = is wit ness)^?- me; i. e. the dp^iepeu's at that time (see on 9, 1), who was known to be still living. Some construe the verb incorrectly as future. — ¦ 7rpds tous dSeX^ous = wpds Tas cruvaywyds in 9, 2 ; l. e. unto the Jewish rulers of the synagogue whom Paul recognizes as brethren (as in v. 1), to show that he was not hostile to his countrymen or alienated from them (21, 28) ; comp. Rom. 9, 1 sq. — hropevopiqv, was journeying ; not went (E. V.). — d£uiv .... dvras, in order to bring also those ihere, l|it. thither, because the speaker's mind passes from where he is to them ; -not the emigrants thither (Mey. Alf.), since the Jews had resided there too long to be viewed in that light. — iva Tip-uip-qBHo-iv, that they might be punished, viz. by imprisonment (v. 4 ; 8, 3), by stripes (v. 19 ; 26, 11), or by death (v. 4 ; 8, 1) V. 6. eyeveTo, k. t. X., But it happened to me as I journeyed (the participle as imperfect) that, etc. — p.oi iropevopivui is not an in stance of the dative absolute, but depends on eye'vero ; comp. v. 17. W. § 31. 2. R. 2. — 7repi peo-Tjp/3pi'av, about mid-day. See on 9, 3. That he should have had such a vision ((£uis Ikovov) at such an hour made it the more impossible that he should be deceived. — For irepl in irepiaorpdij/ai repeated before epe, see on 3, 2. V. 7. hreaa, which is changed in some copies to eireaov, is an Chap. XXII, 9-14. COMMENTARY. 363 Alexandrian form ; comp. Gal. 5, 4. W. § 13. 1. a. Transcribers have probably altered this termination to the second aorist in some other passages, as John 6, 10 ; Heb. 3, 17 ; Rev. 7, 11. For areo-a in the classics, see K. § 154. R. 2 ; B. § 114. V. 9. oi avv epoi dvTes = oi o-uvoSeuovres aura in 9, 7 (comp. 26, 14). So those might be described who happened to be travelling with Saul in the same caravan ; but the common view is more correct, that they are the men who accompanied him as his as sistants. He would need the aid of others to enable him to con vey his prisoners in safety to Jerusalem (v. 5). — ttjv Se cpuivrjv ouk jJKouo-av, but the voice cf him who spoke to me they understood not. For this translation, see the remarks on 9, 7. V. 11. d>s Se ouk evi/3Xeirov, As now I saw not, i. e. any thing; here only without an object. — d^d tt)s So{tts tou (puirbs iKelvov,from the glory, splendor, of that light, which was "above the brightness of the sun;" see 26, 13. "The history (9, 9) mentions simply the fact of his blindness, but the apostle states its cause, as an eye-witness would naturally do." Birks, p. 328.1 V 12. euo-e/J^s is the authorized word, not eiXafir/s. " The his torian (9, 10) calls Ananias a disciple; but the apostle 'a devout man according to the law, having a good report of all the Jews who dwelt there.' Such a description was admirably suited to his immediate object, to conciliate his audience in every lawful way. How consistent it was with the other account appears from 21, 20, in the words of James : ' Thou seest, brother, how many thousands of Jews there are who believe, and they are all zealous of the law.' " Birks, p. 329. — KaToiKou'vrav, sc. ev Aapao-Kw. — eiriords, standing near, in order to place his hands upon him ; comp. 9, 17. — The recapitulation here omits the vision to Ana nias, related so fully in the history (comp. 9, 10 sq.). The cir cumstances of that event were unimportant to the apostle's defence, and would have made his commission to the Gentiles needlessly prominent at this stage of the address. V. 13. dvd/3Xei/w, look up and see ; and so in the next clause, dvipXeifia eis auro'v, I looked up upon him. We are to think of Paul as sitting there blind, and Ananias as standing before him (Mey ). The verb does not vary its meaning, but suggests in the first instance what it asserts in the second. The involved idea prevails over the direct one in such a use as that in 9, 12. V. 14. d Beos tov iraTepuv -qp-Siv, the God of our fathers, is another of 1 Hora; Apostolica;, by the Rer. T. R. Birks, late Eellow of Trinity College, Cambridge (London 1850). 364 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXII, 15. 16. " those conciliatory touches which mark a real discourse." — irpo- e^eipio-aTo, k. t. X., appointed (destined, as in 3,20) thee to know his will, not as to the way of saving men (i. e. /JouXtjv in 20, 27), but as to what he was to do and suffer in his future sphere of labor ; comp. 9, 15. 16.' — Kai iSeTv. See the last remark on 9, 7. — tov SiWov, as in 3,^14 ; 7, 52. V. 15. drieo-rj .... dvBpunrov% for ihou shalt be a witness for him unto all men. This is the reason why Christ had revealed him self to Paul ; comp. Gal. 1,16. irdvrag dvBpunrows takes the place of iBv&v Kai ftaoiXiuiv, vlu>v re 'IcrparjX in 9, 15. The more guarded phraseology here evinces the tact of the speaker. Paul would keep back for the present the offensive eis eBv-q which when uttered at length (v. 21) was the last word that the bigoted Jews would bear from him. — The idea of our English " martyr" was not attached to pdprup or pdpTus till a later period. We see the word in its progress to that signification in v. 20 and Rev. 17, 6. Towards the close of the second century it had become so hon orable a title, that the Christians at Lyons who had been con demned to suffer torture or death, fearful that they might waver in the moment of extremity, refused to be called " martyrs." " This name," said they, " properly belongs only to the true and faithful Witness, the Prince of Life ; or, at least, only to those whose testimony Christ has sealed by their constancy to the end. We are but poor, humble confessors, i. e. opdXoyoi." (Euseb. Hist. 5. 2). — Siv instead of d, which the verb requires, arises from the suppressed iKeivwv after pidprvg. V. 16. dvao-rds stands opposed to pe'XXeis, i. e. without delay; see on 9, 18. — fidirrio-ai, be baptized, or, with a stricter adherence to the form, have thyself baptized (De Wet.). One of the uses of the middle is to express an act which a person procures another to perform for. him. W. 5 38. 3 ; K. 250. R. 2. This is the only instance in -which the verb occurs in this voice, with reference to Christian baptism. In the analogous case (1 Cor. 10, 2) the read ing is ifSairrlo-avTO or ijiairTioB-qo-av. — Kai d?rdXoucrai ras dpLaprtas (rov, and wash (bathe) away thy sins. This clause states a result of the baptism, in language derived from the nature of that ordi nance. It answers to eis dcjieo-iv dp.apnuiv in 2, 38, i. e. submit to the rite in order to be forgiven. In both passages baptism is rep resented as having this importance or efficacy, because it is the sign of the repentance and faith which are the conditions of salva tion. Compare direXouo-ao-^e in 1 Cor. 6, 1 1. The sort of outward washing expressed by this verb has been noticed on 16, 33. Hence there can be no question as to the mode of baptism in Chap. XXII, 17-21. COMMENTARY. 365 this instance ; for if it be maintained that f3dimo-ai is' uncertain in its meaning, a definition is added in dirdXovaai which removes the doubt. — e7n.KaXecrdp.ev0s to bvopa aurov supplies essentially the place of eVi ra dvdpan 'Itjo-ou Xpiorou in 2, 38 ; see the note on that clause, tov Kvplov after dvopa has much less support than aurou. The pronoun can refer only to Christ ; comp. on 9, 14. V. 17. For this journey to Jerusalem, see on 9, 10. — iyivero governs poi as in v. 6. — In irpoo-ev^opevou pou the construction changes' to the genitive absolute. On account of this intervening clause, pe accompanies yeveo-$ai, though eyeve'ro has the same log ical subject (see on 15, 23). W. § 44. 3. — On iKardo-ei, see 10, 10. Some, as Schott, Wieseler, and others, would identify this "ecstasy" with the vision to which Paul alludes in 2 Cor. 12, 2; and would establish by this coincidence the date of the composi tion of that Epistle. But as the apostle had so many similar reve lations in the course of his life, and as the character of this vision is so unlike that described in 2 Cor. 12, 2, the conjecture that they are the same must be pronounced vague and improbable. V. 18. ev Taxei, quickly, accords with Gal. 1, 18. On this first visit Paul remained at Jerusalem but fifteen days, and received this command probably on one of the last of them. In that pas sage of the Epistle the apostle says nothing respecting this vision in the temple, as it was sufficient for his object to mention the reason for this journey thither and the brevity of his stay. — Sidn .... irepi epou, because they (viz. his unconverted countrymen) will not receive thy testimony, i. e. although he should continue to de clare it to them. See the note on 9, 30. V. 19. ei7rov, k. t. X. The apostle states the reason here why he supposed Jerusalem to be his proper field of labor. His his tory as a converted blasphemer and persecutor was notorious in that city; the testimony of such a man might be expected to have more weight among those who had witnessed the change in his character, than among those to whom his previous life was un known. V. 20. p.dpTvp6aXaiov, for a great sum. It has been inferred from this circumstance, and from- his name, that Lysias was a Greek. It was very common under the emperors to obtain the rights of citizenship . in this way. Havercamp says in a note on Josephus (Antt.T. p. 712), that a great many Jews in Asia Mnor were Roman citizens at this time, who had purchased that rank. It did not always require great wealth to procure it. A few years earlier than this, in the reign of Claudius, " the rights of Roman citizenship were sold by' Messallina and the freedmen, with shameless indifference, to any purchaser, and it was currently said that the Roman civitas (Diet, of Antt. s. v.) might be pur chased for two cracked drinking-cups." — Kai, also, connects the fact of his freedom with its origin. — yeyivvqp.ai, sc. 'Pwpaios, i. e. he had inherited his rights as a Roman citizen. In what way the family of Paul acquired this distinction is unknown. Many of the older commentators assert that Tarsus enjoyed the full privi leges of citizenship, and that Paul possessed them as a native of Tarsus. But that opinion (advanced still in some recent works) is certainly erroneous. The passages in the ancient wri ters which were supposed to confirm it are found to be inconclu sive ; they prove that the Romans freed the inhabitants of Tarsus from taxation, allowed them to use their own laws, and declared their city the metropolis of Cilicia ; but they afford no proof that the Romans conferred on them the birthright of Roman citizen ship. Indeed, the opinion to that effect, could it be established, so far from supporting Luke's credibility, would bring it into question ; for it is difficult to believe that the chiliarch, after be ing told that Paul was a citizen of Tarsus (21, 39), would have ordered him to be scourged, without any further inquiry as to his rank. It only remains, therefore, that Paul's father, or some one of his ancestors, must have obtained Roman citizenship in some one of the different ways in which foreigners could obtain that Chap. XXII, 29. 30. COMMENTARY. 369 privilege. It was conferred often as a reward for fidelity to the Roman interest, or for distinguished military services ; it could be purchased, as was mentioned above ; or it could be acquired by manumission, which, when executed with certain forms, secured the full immunities of freedom to the emancipated. In which of these modes the family of Paul became free can only be con jectured. Some adopt one supposition, some another. Nothing is certain beyond the fact that Paul inherited his citizenship. V. 29. oi pe'XXovTes are soldiers who aided the centurion (v. 25). Luke does not mention the command of Lysias, which caused them to desist so promptly. — eViyvous oti 'PwpaTds eo-n, having ascertained that he is a Roman. "¦ Ilia vox et imploratio, ' Civis Romanus sum,' qua? ssepe multis, in ultimis terris, opem inter barbaros et salutem tulit," 1 proved itself effectual, also, in this instance. — on .... SeSeKdis, because he had bound him. Those who understand this of his having ordered him to be chained in 21, 33, must suppose that his present fear was very transient. eXvaev in v. 30 shows that Paul was kept in chains during the night. Verse 30. Paul is examined before the Sanhedrim. V. 30. For the use of to before the interrogative clause, see 011 V. 21. — tI KaTT/yopeirai 7rapa tov TouSai'cov, why he is accused on the part of the Jews, not directly or formally, but, in point of fact, by their persecution of him, their clamor for his deatli. Trapd is a more exact preposition for this sense (W. $ 47. p. 327) than iiro, which has taken its place in some manuscripts. Some have joined irapd tuiv 'lovSaluiv with yvSvai to dacfiaXis, as if it could not follow a passive verb. — dirb tov Seo-pSv after e'Xuo-ev expands the idea, and was added to the text probably for that purpose. It is destitute of critical support — Karayayibv rdv IlavXov, having brought down Paul from his prison in the castle (see on 21, 31) to the lower place where the Sanhedrim assembled. According to Jew ish tradition, that body transferred their sittings at length from Gazith, an apartment in the inner temple (see on 6, 13), to a room on Mount Zion, near the bridge over the Tyropceon. It was here probably that the council met at this time ; for Lysias and his soldiers would not have presumed to enter the sacred part of the temple. The Romans conceded to the Jews the right of putting any foreigner to death who passed the forbidden limits ; comp. on 21, 28. See Lewin, II. p. 672.2 ' Cic. in Verr. Act. 2. 5. 57 s The Life and Epistles of St. Paul, by Thomas Lewin of Trinity College, Oxford (1851). 4? 370 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXTH, 1. 2. CHAPTER XXIII. Verses 1-10. Paul's Speech before the Jewish Council. V. 1. irdcrn o-uveiSijcrei dyaBfj, with all good conscience ; or, more strictly, consciousness, i. e. of integrity and sincerity. See on 20, 21. — ireiroXiTevp.ai to BetS, I have lived unto God, i. e. for his service and glory; dative of the object (see Rom. 14, 18; Gal. 2, 19). The verb refers to his conduct in all respects ; not specially to his political or civil relations. Compare d£ia>s tou eiayyeXlov iroXi- reveaBe in Phil. 1, 27. — dxpi TaurTTs tt)s Tjpepas, unto this day, from the time that he became a Christian. As his conduct before his defection from Judaism was not in question now, he had no oc casion to speak of that part of his life, though he could claim in some sense to have acted conscientiously even then (see 26, 9). V 2. d dpxiepeus 'Avavias. Tlris Ananias is to be distinguished from the Annas, or Ananus, of whom we read in 4, 6 ; Luke 3, 2, and John 18, 13. He is unquestionably, says Winer (Realw. I. p. 57), the son of Nebedaeus, who obtained the office of high-priest under the procurator Tiberius Alexander, in the year A. D. 48, and was the immediate successor of Camydus or Camithus (Jos. Antt. 20. 5. 2). He filled this office also under the procurator Cumqnus, but, having been implicated in a dispute between the Jews and the Samaritans, he was sent by the Syrian propraetor to Rome, in A. D. 52, in order to defend himself before the Emperor Clau dius. The subsequent history of Ananias is obscure. He either lost his office in consequence of this journey, or, which is more probable (Jos. Antt. 20. 6. 3), he was acquitted, and continued to officiate as high-priest until he was superseded by Ismael, son of Phabi, just before the departure of Felix from Judea. In the latter case, says the same writer, he was the actual high-priest at the time of the occurrence related here, and is called dpxiepeus on that account, and not because he had formerly held the office, or because he occupied it during a vacancy. — tois irapeoruiaiv aura, those who stood near to him ; not members of the council, or spec tators, but the iirqpeTai, the servants in attendance ; see on 4, 1. — tutttciv aurov to aropa, to strike his mouth. The mouth must be shut that uttered such a declaration. It was not to be endured that a man arraigned there as an apostate from the religion of his fathers should assert his innocence. This mode of enjoining CHAr. XXIII, 3-5. COMMENTARY. 371 silence is practised in the East at the present day. " As soon as the ambassador came," says a traveller in Persia, " he punished the principal offenders by causing them to be beaten before him ; and those who had spoken their minds too freely, he smote upon the mouth with a shoe." He relates another instance : " ' Call the Ferasches,' exclaimed the king; 'let them beat the culprits until they die.' The Ferasches appeared and beat them violent ly ; and when they attempted to say anything in their defence, they were struck on the mouth." 1 V. 3. TuVreiv . . . . d Beos, God shall smite thee. The apostle declares in terms suggested by the outrage that God would punish the author of the brutal insult ; he does not imprecate vengeance on him, or predict that he would die by violence. As Ananias was killed by an assassin (Jos. Bell. Jud. 2. 17. 9), some have sup posed Paul's language to prefigure such an end. — roi^e KeKoviape've, thou whited wall, i. e. hypocrite, because, as stated in the next clause, he did one thing while he professed another. For the origin of the expression, see Matt. 23, 27. The Jews painted their sepulchres white, so as not to defile themselves by coming unexpectedly in contact with them; hence they were fair to the eye while they were full of inward corruption. Jahn's ArchEeol. $ 207. — Kai av KaBy, And dost thou sit ? etc. The verb is a later form for KaB-qaai. Lob. ad Phryn. p. 358. Kai conforms here to its use in questions designed to bring out the inconsistency of another's views or conduct. Compare Mark 4, 13; Luke 10, 29. K. $ 321. R. 1. — Kplvuiv p.e Kara tov vop.ov, judging me according to the law, states what was true of him in theory, irapavop-dv, trans gressing the law, what was true in point of fact. V. 5. ouk fjSew, I did not knoiv at the moment, bear in mind (Bng. Wetst. Kuin. Olsh. Wdsth.). Compare the use of this verb in Eph. 6, 8 ; Col. 3, 24. Some understand that Paul did not know, was ignorant, that Ananias was now the high-priest ; a possible ignorance, certainly, since he had been absent from the country so long, and the high-priest was changed so frequently at that period. On the contrary, if the high-priest presided on such occasions or wore an official dress, Paul could tell at a glance who that dignitary was, from his position or his costume. But this view is liable to another objection; it renders the apostle's apology for his remark irrelevant, since he must have perceived from the presence of Ananias that he was at least one of the rulers of the people, and entitled to respect on account of his 1 Morier's Second Journey through Persia, pp. 8, 94. 372 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXIII, 6. 7. station. Others think that Paul spoke ironically, meaning that he did not know or acknowledge such a man as high-priest (Mey. Bmg.). The sarcasm so covertly expressed would not have been readily understood, and the appeal to Scripture in that state of mind, becomes unmeaning, not to say irreverent. — ydp yiypairrai connects itself with an implied thought : Otherwise I should not have so spoken ; for it is written, viz. in Ex. 22, 28. The passage applies to any civil magistrate, as well as to the high-priest Paul admits that he had been thrown off his guard ; the insult had touched him to the quick, and he had spoken rashly. But what can surpass the grace with which he recovered his self-possession, the frankness with which he acknowledged his error? If his conduct in yielding to the momentary impulse was not that of Christ himself under a similar provocation (John 18, 22. 23), certainly the manner in which he atoned for his fault was Christ like. V. 6. yvous Se, k. t. X. Neander : " In order to secure the voice of the majority among his judges, Paul availed himself of a meas ure for promoting the triumph of the truth which has been oftener employed against it, — the divide et impera in a good sense ; in order to produce a division in the assembly, he addressed himself to the interest for the truth which a great part of his judges ac knowledged, and by which they really approached nearer to him than the smaller number of those who denied it. He could say with truth that he stood there on trial because he had testified of the hope of Israel, and of the resurrection of the dead ; for he had preached Jesus as the one through whom this hope was to be fulfilled. This declaration had the effect of uniting the Phar isees present in his favor, and of involving them in a violent dis pute with the Sadducees. The former could find no fault with him. If he said that the spirit of a deceased person, or that an angel, had appeared to him, no one could impute that to him as a crime ; what he meant by this, and whether what he alleged was true or not, they did not trouble themselves to decide." — irepi iXmSos, k. t. X., for hope's sake and (that) a resurrection of the dead (Mey. De Wet), i. e. by hendiadys, the hope of the resurrec tion (Kuin. Olsh.). The first mode of stating it analyzes the grammatical figure. V. 7. iyivero ordaK, there arose a dissention, difference of views respecting Paul's case ; see on 15, 2.' — As the effect of this dif ference, iaxlaB-q to irXTjBoi, the multitude was divided, took opposite sides. V. 8. p/i) eTvai .... irvevpa, that there is no resurrection, nor Chap. XXIII, 8-10. COMMENTARY. 373 angel or spirit. See Mark 12, 18. pijSe' adds a second denial to the first, while pfyre expands this denial into its parts. See W. \ 55. 6. Josephus confirms this statement as to the belief of the Sadducees. In one place (Bell. Jud. 2. 8. 14) he says, that " the Sadducees reject the permanence or existence of the soul after death, and the rewards and punishments of an invisible world;" and in another place (Antt. 18. 1.4), that "the Sadducees hold that the souls of men perish with their bodies." The Talmudists and other Jewish writers make the same representation. — rd dpcporepa, both, i. e. according to the above analysis, a resurrection and the reality of spiritual existences, whether angels or the souls of the departed. Josephus belonged to the sect of the Pharisees, and he represents their opinion to have been, "that souls have an immortal vigor, and are destined to be rewarded or punished in another state according to the life here, as it has been one of virtue or vice ; that the good will be permitted to live again (i. e. in another body on the earth), and that the wicked will be consigned to an eternal prison." (Antt. 18. 1. 3.) "There was a variety of opinions concerning the resurrection," says Bis- coe, " among the Pharisees, or traditionary Jews. In this account of it, which resembles the heatljen idea of transmigration, Jose phus, as I apprehend, has given us that which comes nearest to his own belief, or which he was inchned to have the Greek phi losophers understand to be his own. For he is accused by learned men, and certainly not without reason, of sometimes accommo dating the Jewish revelation to the sentiments of the heathen, or bringing it as near to what was taught by them as might be." V. 9. 01 ypappareis, k. t. X., the scribes of the party of the Phari sees contended, disputed violently. They appear as the champions of their party, because they were the men of learning, and ac customed to such debates. — ei Se irvevp.a, k. t. X., but if a spirit spoke to him, or an angel ; undoubtedly, a designed apo- siopesis. A significant gesture or look towards the Sadducees expressed what was left unsaid : that is not an impossible thing, the matter then assumes importance, or something to that effect See W. \ 64. II. For other examples of aposiopesis, see Luke 19, 42 and 22, 42. Some maintain that the sentence is incom plete, because the remainder was unheard amid the tumult that now ensued. The common text supplies p-v Beopax^ip-ev as the apodosis; but the testimonies require us to reject that addition. It was suggested, probably, by Beopidxoi in 5, 39. V. 10. p.yj Siao-iraaBfj 6 IlauXos vtt' avrov, lest Paul should be pulled in pieces by them, as the parties struggled to obtain posses- 374 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXIII, 11-15. sion of him ; their object being on the one side to protect him, and on the other to maltreat or kill him. — to arpdrevpia, the sol diery, some of the troops stationed in the castle ; see v. 27. — Ob serve the collateral re after dyeiv^ since the rescue and the con veyance to the garrison are parts of the same order. Verses 11-15. A Conspiracy of the fews to slay Paul. V. 11. d Kupios, i. e. Christ. — Bdpaei, be courageous still. The tense is. present. Though he had not begun to despond, he was on the eve of trials which would expose him to that danger. — IlauXe in the T. R., which the E. V. retains, is to be struck out. — els'IepovaaXrjp and eis 'PwpTrv involve an ellipsis like that noticed on 8, 40. — Sei, is necessary, because such was the purpose of God ; comp. 27, 24. Paul had long cherished a desire to see Rome (19, 21; Rom. 1, 13); but as far as we know, he was now as sured for the first time that such was to be his destiny V. 12. iroi-qaavres avoTpoeprjv, having formed a combination (Mey. Rob.), which awuipoalav in v. 13 defines more precisely. — 01 lou- SaToi, the Jews, since this party of them manifested the Jewish spirit; see the last^emark on 4, ,1. nvesrav 'IovSaduv is an unap proved reading. V. 14. tois dpxiepevai Kai tois 7rpeo-/3vrepois, the chief-priests and the elders, i. e. those of these classes who were hostile to Paul, the Sadducee members of the council (Mey. De Wet). This limitation suggests itself without remark, after the occurrence which has just been related. — dveBep.aTlaap.ev eavrous, we cursed ourselves. The expression points to some definite ratification of the atrocious oath. The reflexive of the third person (see v. 12) may follow a subject of the first or second person. K. § 303. 8 ; B. $ 127. n. 5. V. 15. aw ra avveSplu), with the Sanhedrim, i. e. in the name of that body, as if it was their united request. — avpiov has been added to the text in some copies, because it occurs in v. 20. — aKpi/Harepov, more exactly than on the former trial. — 7rpd-Tou eyyi'trai airov, before he has come near, i. e. to the place of assembly. Their plan was to kill him on the way; see v. 21. — tov dveXelv depends on eroipoi as a genitive construction. W. § 44. 4. — It would be difficult to credit the account of such a proceeding, had Luke related it of any other people than the Jews. Here, as Lardner suggests (Credibility, I. p. 224), are more than forty men who enter into a conspiracy to take away Paul's life in a clandestine manner; and they make no scruple to declare it to the council, Chap. XXIII, 16-21. COMMENTARY. 375 relying upon their approbation. It is clearly implied that these teachers of religion, these professed guardians of the law, gave their assent to the proposal ; they had nothing to object, either to so infamous a design, or to the use of such means for accomplish ing it But, out of place as such a passage would be in any other history, it relates a transaction in perfect harmony with the Jewish opinions and practices of that age. A single testimony will illustrate this. Philo, in speaking of the course to be pur sued towards a Jew who forsakes the worship of the true God, lays down the following principle : " It is highly proper that all who have a zeal for virtue should have a right to punish with their own hands, without delay, those who are guilty of this crime ; not carrying them before a court of judicature, or the council, or, in short, before any magistrate ; but they should indulge the abhorrence of evil, the love of God, which they entertain, by inflicting immediate punishment on such impious apostates, re garding themselves for the time as all things, senators, judges, praetors, sergeants, accusers, witnesses, the laws, the people ; so that, hindered by nothing, they may without fear, and with all promptitude, espouse the cause of piety." Josephus mentions a similar combination against the life of Herod into which a party of the Jews entered on account of the religious innovations which they charged him with introducing. (Antt. 15. 8. 1-4.) Verses 16-22. The Plot is disclosed to the Roman Commander. V. 16. d vids tt}s dSeX^-iJs, the son of his sister. Wliether the family of this sister resided at Jerasalem, or the nephew only, does not appear from the narrative. His anxiety for the safety of Paul may have arisen from a stronger interest than that prompted by their relationship to each other. See the note on 9, 30. He was not a bigoted Jew at all events ; for in that case he would have allowed no tie of blood, no natural affection to interfere with the supposed claims of his religion. — eiaeXBuiv, k. t. X., hav ing entered into the castle, whence it appears that his friends, as afterward at Csesarea (24, 23), had free access to him. Lysias may have been the more indulgent, because he would atone for his fault in having bound a Roman citizen. — -rqv iviSpav, the am bush which the Jews were preparing. V. 18. 6 Siap.io icarqyopelv, proceeded to accuse. Tertullus insisted on three charges ; viz. sedition (KivouvTa o-Tao-iv), heresy (irpurroaTdT-qv ™v Na£_opai'u.v), and profanation of the temple (os Kai, k. t. X.) ; see on v. 5. 6. V. 3. In this verse the participial clause forms the object of a7roSe^dpe^a ; comp. eu^apio-ra to Bern iravruiv ip,uiv pidXXov yXuiaaais XaXuiv ill 1 Cor. 14, IS. W. $ 46. 1. a. Tianslate, That we enjoy much peace through thee, and (the benefit of) many (sc. 7roXX£v) excellent deeds performed for this nation by thy prudence, we ac knowledge, wilh all gratitude. Most critics transfer the idea of ttoXXtjs to KaTopBuip-druiv (De Wet. Mey. Rob.), which term refers to the general measures of his administration. The speaker employs the first person plural, because he identifies himself with his clients. — iravrrj re Kai iravraxov some join with yivopevwv : both in every way and everywhere (Rob.) ; others with dTroSe^dpe^a, and render, both always and everywhere ; not merely now and here (De Wet. Mey.). The first is the surer sense of irdvr-q. The best editors write this word -without iota subscript W. J 5. 4. e. — The language of Tertullus is that of gross flattery. History ascribes to Felix a very different character. Both Josephus and Tacitus represent him as one of the most corrupt and oppressive rulers ever sent by the Romans into Judea. He deserved some praise for the vigor with which he suppressed the bands of rob bers by which the country had been infested. The compliment had that basis, but no more. V. 4. iva .... e'yK07rTO, But that I may not kinder, weary, thee too much, I will be brief, i e. in what he proposes to advance, im irXelov refers, not to the few words of his preamble (Mey.), as if that was beginning to be tedious, but to his subsequent plea. — aKouo-ai -qpuiv ovvt6u.uk, to hear us briefly, where the adverb qualifies the verb. It is unnecessary to supply Xefovruv after TjpSv. V. 5. The sentence is irregular. We should have expected iKparqaapev airov at the beginning of the apodosis ; but instead of that the writer says ov Kai', influenced apparently by os Kai in the clause which precedes. W. § 46. 2. — ydp, namely : the case is as follows (comp. 1, 20). — Xoipo'v, pest, like our use of the word. — Kivouvra .... TovSaiois, exciting disturbance unto all the Jews, l. e. among them and to their detriment. The latter idea occasions 382 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXIV, 6-10. the use of the dative. The charge is, that he set the Jews at variance with one another ; not that he excited them to rebel against the Romans. — NafoipaiW occurs here only as a term of reproach (Olsh.) ; see on 2, 22. V. 6. os ... . fiefirjXuiaai, who also attempted, etc. See 21, 28. — The entire passage Kai Kara . . . . iiri ai (v. 6-8) is of doubtful authority. It is rejected by Griesbach, Bengel, Mill, Lachmann, Tischendorf, De Wette, and others. Manuscripts of the first class omit the words, and others contain them with different vari ations. " If they are genuine," says Meyer, " it is difficult to see why any one should have left them out ; for KaTa tov i^perepov vo'pov rjBeXrjaap.ev Kpi'veiv would be no more offensive in the mouth of the advocate who speaks in the name of his chent, than the preceding iKparrjaap-ev. The indirect complaint against Lysias in v. 7 was entirely natural to the relation of the Jews to this tri bune, who had twice protected Paul against them." It is urged for the words that their insertion answers no apparent object, and that they may have been dropped accidentally (Wdsth.). — rjBeX- ¦qaap.ev, k. t. X., we wished to judge, etc. We obtain a very differ ent view of their design from 21,31; 26, 21. V. 7. In perd 7toXXt)s /Jias, with much violence. Tertullus mis states the fact. The Jews released Paul without any struggle, on the appearance of Lysias ; see 21, 32. — im ai, before thee. V. 8. irap' ou would refer to Paul, if we exclude the uncertain text which precedes ; but more naturally to Lysias, if we re tain it (comp. v. 22). — dvaKplvas may be used of any judicial examination. It is impossible to think here of a trial by tor ture, since both Paul and Lysias were exempt from it in virtue of their rank as Roman citizens. It was illegal at all events to have recourse to this measure. See Howson's note, II. p. 322. V. 9. o-uv67re5evro, k. t. X., And the Jews also assailed him at the same time, viz. by asserting that the charges were true. This is a better reading than o-uve'^-evro, assented, agreed, though we have that word in 23, 20. Verses 10-23. Paul's Defence before Felix. V. 10. eK -iroXXSv <_™v, since many years. As Felix became procurator probably in A. D. 52 (see on v. 24), he had been in office six or seven years, which was comparatively a long time, at this period when the provincial magistrates were changed so rapidly. Some of them exceeded that term of service, but a Chap. XXIV, 11. COMMENTARY. 383 greater number of them fell short of it Before his own appoint ment as procurator, he had also governed Samaria for some years, under Cumanus, his predecessor. See Hertz. Encycl. IV. p. 354. — e5vei depends on Kp'n-qv as dat. coram., judge for this nation, since the relation existed ideally for their benefit. B. $ 133. 2. h ; W. $ 31. 2. Paul avoids the usual Xads and says e^vos, because he is speaking to a foreigner ; see, also, v. 17. — eu^updrepov, more cheerfully (T. R.) ; or eiBvp.ui tjs is abbreviated for dirb tt)s T?p.epas t;s. — irpoaKwrjooiv, in order to worship, i. e. in the temple ; which was an object en tirely different from that imputed to him. For this use of the future participle, see B. { 144. 3. V. 12. The grammatical analysis here requires attention. The first oure extends to d'xXoi, and rj, or (not nor), connects merely the participial clauses, not eupov expressed with that verb repeated. Before the second and third oure we are to insert again eupov .... d^Xou ; so that both acts, the having disputed and the having ex cited a tumult, are denied with reference to the temple, the syna gogues, and the city. — The SiaXeydpevov was not in itself censur able, but in this instance he could urge that he had not even had any religious discussion during the few days in question. — ev rats o-uvaycoyats, in the synagogues at Jerusalem, where they were nu merous ; see on 6, 9. — Kara tt)v ttoXiv, throughout the city, up and down the streets (Alf.) ; not excluding SiaXeydpevov, but refering especially to eVio-uo-Tacriv. V. 14. Having replied to what was falsely alleged, he states now (8e' adversative) what was true in the case. — on Kara tt)v dSov, k. t. X., that according to (those of) the way (9, 2 ; 19, 9, etc.) which (not in which) they call a sect (alpeacv, with a shade of reproach) so (i e. after their mode) i" worship, etc. This appears to me more simple than to make oura prospective : so, viz. by believing all things, etc. (Mey. De Wet). — Kara tov vdp,ov, throughout tlie law, in all the books of Moses ; see on 13, 15. V. 15. iXmSa .... Beov, having a hope in reference to God, i. e. founded on him, since his word and his promise furnish the only basis of such a hope. — t)v Kai, k. t. X., which also these themselves entertain, that it is appointed there shall be (see on 10, 28) a resur rection of the dead, etc. avroi ovtoi are the Jews present, viewed as representatives of the nation. Hence most of his accusers here were Pharisees, and the breach between them and the Sadducees (23, 7) had been speedily repaired. veKpuiv in T. R. lacks the requisite support (Lchm. Tsch.). — SiKaluiv re kcu dSiKuiv, not only of the just (those accepted as such by faith), but of the unjust. The resurrection of the wicked in order to be punished is as clearly taught here, as that of the righteous to be rewarded. The apostle represents this hope as the prevalent Jewish faith. Comp. 26, 7. " The Sadducees," says Biscoe, (p. 68) "were so few in number, that they were not worthy of his notice by way of\ex- ception. Josephus expressly tells us, ' that they were a few men Chap. XXIV, 16-18. COMMENTARY. 385 only of the chief of the nation' (Antt. 18. 1. 4) ; that they pre vailed only with the rich to embrace their sentiments, and that the common people were all on the side of the Pharisees (Ib. 13 10. 6)." V. 16. ev tou'™, therefore (comp. John 16, 30), i. e. in anticipa tion of such a day. — Kai auro's, also I myself, as well as others who exemplify the proper effect of this doctrine. It is impossi ble, the apostle would argue, that he should entertain such a per suasion, and yet be guilty of the crimes imputed to him. — daKw, I strive, exert myself. — dTrpdo-KOTrov, blameless, lit. not made to stumble, preserved from it, and hence unoffended. The term is passive here, as in Phil. 1, 10, but active in 1 Cor. 10, 32. V. 17. The defence here (8i metabatic) goes back to the spe cification in v. 6. — Si' erav irXeidvuiv, after several years, i. e. of ab sence. It was now A. D. 58 or 59. He had made his last visit to Jerusalem in the year A. D. 54 or 55. — eXe^poo-v'vas iroirjauiv, in order to bring alms which he had collected in the churches of Macedonia and Achaia, for the relief of -the believers at Jerusa lem ; see Rom. 15, 25. 26; 1 Cor. 16, 1-4; 2 Cor. 8, 1-4. This allusion is very abrupt. It is the first and only intimation con tained in the Acts, that Paul had been taking up contributions on so extensive a plan. The manner in which the Epistles supply this deficiency, as Paley has shown, furnishes an incontestable proof of the credibility of the New Testament writers. — 7rpoo- $opds depends loosely on iroirjauiv : and while there I was making or would have made, offerings ; which after the information in 21, 26 we naturally understand of those that he engaged to bring in behalf of the Nazarites. They are not ike oblations which were made during the feast of Pentecost ; since no connection would exist then between irpoo-^opas and the purification spoken of in the next verse. V. 18. ev oTs, in which, the business of the offerings. For this use of the pronoun, comp. 26, 12. — eupov .... eV to iep£, they, sc. the Jews, found me purified as a Nazarite in the temple, -qyviap-i- vov must have this sense here, since it points back so evidently to 21, 24. 26. — ou p.erd d^Xou, not with a mob, as Tertullus had given out (v. 5), but conducting himself altogether peaceably. — He now retorts this charge of a riot upon the true authors of it. nves Se dirb tt)s 'Ao-ids 'IovSaioi, but certain Jews from Asia — it is they who excited a tumult, not I. The verb could be omitted (a true picture of the speaker's earnestness) because it suggests itself so readily from Bopvftov, and because the details of the affair have been related at such length (21, 27). The common text omits Se 49 386 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXIV, 19-22. and makes nve's the subject of evpov. This is incorrect, as Si must be retained. Our English translation is founded on the omission of this particle. V. 19. ous e'Sei, whom it became to be present; imperfect because they should have been there already (comp. KaBrJKev in 22, 22). The instigators of the riot were the persons to testify how it arose. — el ti e^oiev, if they might have anything; a possibility purely subjective, and hence optative. V. 20. rj avroi ovtoi, or (since the proper witnesses are not here) let these themselves (see v. 1. 15) say what crime they found. With ei in the T R. we must read if they found any, etc. (E. V.) ; but ei is unauthorized. V. 21. rj irepl pud's Tau'rTTs (buivTJs, No other offence than (that) con cerning this one expression. The sentence is framed as if n SXXo dSiKijpa had preceded (Mey. De Wet.). The Sadducees might object to his avowal of a belief in the resurrection, but the rest of his countrymen would esteem that a merit and not a crime. — rj K- T- ^-. asking for themselves a favor against him, viz. that he would send for him, etc. — eve'Spav 7roiouvres, male- ing an ambush, arranging for it; see 23, 21. They anticipated no obstacle to their plan, and may have already hired their as sassins and pointed out to them the cave or rock whence they were to rush forth upon their victim. Compare the note on, v. 16. V. 4. direKplBrj, answered, viz. to their second request (see note on v. 16). — T-qpelaBai, k. t. X., that Paul was kepi as a prisoner at (lit. unto) Casarea, as the Jews were aware ; and hence as the governor was about to proceed thither, it would be more conven ient to have the trial at that place. The English version, viz. that Paul should he kept, conveys the idea of a too peremptory re fusal. So decided a tone would have given needless offence. rqpelaBai announces a fact rather than a purpose. — eis K.aiadpeuw (more correct than ev with the dative) opposes tacitly his being kept back unto Ccesarea to his removal thence ; not unlike eis 'Ao-iavin 19, 22. V. 5. oi SuvaToi ev ipiiv, the powerful among you, your chief men ; not those who are able, who may find it easy or possible to perform the journey (Calv. Grot. E. V). Their attendance at the trial was imperative, and the magistrate would not speak as if they were to consult their convenience merely in such a matter. Kuinoel has shown that 'IouSaiW oi SuvaToi was common among the Jews as a designation of their rulers ; see Jos. Bell. Jud. 1. 12. 4 ; 2. 14. 8 and elsewhere. Compare, also, 1 Cor. 1, 26 and Rev. 6, 15'. Howson, after Meyer, renders those who are compe tent, are authorized to act as prosecutors, but without offering any proof of that absolute use of the term. — } SeW (Grsb. Tsch. Mey.) as above, the received text (and so E. V.) reads TrXeious ») Chap. XXV, 7-11. COMMENTARY. 39! BeVa, more than ten days, as if Festus (Se, adversative, but) had not fulfilled Iris word (v. 4). — 77} iiravpiov = rfj efqs in v. 17. V, 7. irepiiarrjaav, stood around him, not the tribunal (Kuin.) ; comp. 7repi ou o-ro^evres in v. 18. — Most manuscripts omit Kara tou IlauXou after (pepovres. Tischeiidorf writes Kara^epovres ; but others defend the simple participle. — The heavy charges (/3apia ain- uipara) as the defence of the apostle shows (v. 8), were heresy, impiety, and treason ; comp. 24, 5. 6. V. ,9. eVei . ... iir epou, tliere lo be judged (viz. by the Sanhe drim) before me, i. e. in his presence, while he should preside (Mey. De Wet. Wiesl.), and perhaps confirm or reject the decis ion. There are two views as to the import of this proposal. One is, that Festus intended merely to transfer the trial from Caesarea to Jerusalem ; and the other is, that he wished to change the jurisdiction iu the case, to surrender Paul to the Jews, and allow them to decide whether he was innocent or guilty. The expla nation last stated agrees best with the intimations of the context. The reply of the apostle (im tov jSijpaTos .... KplveaBai in v. 10), and the fact that he proceeds at once to place himself beyond the power of Festus, would appear to show that he regarded the question (^e'Xeis, k. t. X.) as tantamount to being deprived of his rights as a Roman citizen. V. 1 0. eVi tov /3-qpaTos, k. t. X., before the tribunal of Ccesar am 1 standing, am under Roman jurisdiction since Festus was the rep resentative of the emperor. The answer of Festus, unto Casar hast thou appealed, unto Ccesar shalt thou go (v. 11), is founded on the apostle's subsequent Kai'o-apa e-n-iKaXovpai, and is not proof (Wdsth.) that Paul viewed himself as "already standing in his own resolve before Ccesar' s judgment-seat" — ou .... KpweaBai, where I ought to be judged (present), to be having my trial ; as matter of right (Sei), not because it is God's will (comp. v. 24 and 24, 19). — ws ko! ou KaXXiov eViyivalo-Keis, as also thou perccivest better, i. e. than to make such a proposal ; comp. 24, 22. W. $ 35. 4. Such a comparative is very convenient as suggesting something which it might be less courteous to express (Wdsth). After hearing the charges against Paul, and his reply to them, Festus knew that the prisoner was entitled to be set free, instead of giving him up to a tribunal where his accusers were to be his judges. The temporizing Roman confesses in v. 18 that Paul was right in imputing to him such a violation of Iris convic tions. V. 11. ei ouv d8iK5, if therefore lam unjust, guilty, i. e. in conse quence of past wrong-doing. The verb expresses here the result 392 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXV, 12. 13. of an act, instead of the act itself. See W. § 40. 2. c. ydp in the common text (for in E. V.) is incorrect. The clause is illative with reference to the assumption (v. 9) that the Jews might find him guilty. Some combine the present and past in dSiKui, and render if I have done and am doing wrong. See K. $ 255. R. 1. — Kai d£iov . . . . ti defines the degree of guilt. If it was such that he deserved to die, he was willing to die. — ei ouSe'v ecrnv wv = el ouSe'v iari tovtuiv d. V. 12. ouXXaXiyo-as peTa tou ovpjSovXiou, having spoken with the council, i. e. the assessors or judges (irdpeSpoi, consiliarii) who as sisted him at the trial. It was customary for the proconsul, or his substitute, to choose a number of men whose office it was to aid him in the administration of justice. The prpconsul himself pre sided, but was bound to consult his assessors, and to decide in accordance with the views of the majority. See Geib's Ge schichte, p. 243 sq. The subject of consultation in this instance, doubtless, was whether the appeal should be allowed or refused. Writers on Roman law inform us that the provincial magistrates had a certain discretionary power in this respect. An appeal to the emperor was not granted in every case. It was necessary to consider the nature of the accusation, and also the amount of evidence -which supported it Some offences were held to be so enormous as to exclude the exercise of this right ; and when the crime was not of this character, the evidence of guilt might be so palpable as to demand an immediate and final decision. — KaiVapa iiriKiK.X-qaai is declarative (not a question as in E. V.) and repeats Paul's last word before the consultation, for the purpose of attaching to it the verdict. — eVi Kai'o-apa iropevo-n, unto Ccesar shalt thou go, be sent, announces the ready conclusion in regard to the present appeal. I perceive no severity in this answer (Bng.), beyond that of the abrupt official form. The prisoner is told that the government would carry out his appeal, and take measures to convey him to Rome ; see on 27, 1. Verses 13-22. Festus confers with Agrippa concerning Paul. V. 13. rjp.epuiv, k. t. X., certain days being past since the appeal. — 'Aypiirwas 6 /3aoiXevs. This Agrippa was a son of the Agrippa whose tragical end has been related in 12, 20-24. At his father's death, as he was considered too young to succeed him on the throne, Judea was committed again to the government of procu rators. He passed his early life at Rome. In A. D. 50, on the death of Herod, his uncle, he received the sovereignty of Chalcis, Chap. XXV, 15. 16. COM ME N T AR Y. 393 and in A. D. 53 the dominions of Philip, and Lysanias (Luke 3, 1), at which time he assumed the title of king. Li the yeai A. D. 55 Nero added to his possessions a part of Galilea and Perea. He died, after a reign of nearly fifty years, in A. D. 100. It will be observed that, although Luke in this passage styles Agrippa a king, he does not style him king of Judea ; whereas, in speaking of his father (12, 1 sq.), he not only applies to him this title, but mentions an instance of his exercise of the regal power at Jerusalem. The facts stated above show how perfectly this distinction conforms to the circumstances of the case. — BepvtKT/. Bernice was the eldest daughter of Agrippa the First, and a sister of Drusilla (24, 24). She was noted for her beauty and her profligacy. Luke's accuracy in introducing her at this stage of the history is worthy of remark. After a brief marriage with her first husband, she became the wife of Herod, her uncle, king of Chalcis, and on his death remained for a time with Agrip pa her brother. She was suspected of living with him in a crim inal manner. Her third marriage with Polemon, king of Cilicia, she soon dissolved, and returned to her brother, not long before the death of the Emperor Claudius. She could have been with Agrippa, therefore, in the time of Festus, as Luke represents in our narrative. Her subsequent connection with Vespasian and Titus made her name familiar to the Roman writers. Several of them, as Tacitus, Suetonius, and Juvenal, either mention her expressly or allude to her. — do-7racro'pevoi tov Qfjo-rov, in order to salute Festus. It was their visit of congratulation. Agrippa, being a vassal of the Romans, eame to pay his respects to this new representative of the power on which he was dependent. V. 15. ivecpdviaav, informed, i. e. judicially, brought accusation ; comp. v. 2; 24, 1. — airou'pevoi .... 8'iK-qv, asking for themselves justice against him. The idea of condemnation lies in Kar airov, not in Siktjv. Tischendorf decides against KaraSiKrjv. V. 16. In v. 3 the request of the Jews was that Paul might be brought to Jerusalem ; and in that case the accusers and the accused would have met face to face. Hence the reply of Fes tus here, in order to warrant his objection, must relate to a differ ent proposal, viz. that he would condemn Paul at once (see v. 24) and in his absence. On his declaring that as a Roman mag istrate he could not be guilty of such injustice, the Jews, as it woidd seem, changed their tactics. If it was so that the parties must confront each other, they asked then that he would sum mon the prisoner to Jerusalem and have him tried there. But this second request was a mere pretence. They knew the weak- 50 394 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXV, 18-21. ness of their cause too well to await the result of a trial, and wanted only to secure an opportunity to waylay and kill the apos tle on the road. The two proposals may have been made at dif ferent times; so that in the interval they could have begun the ambuscade (as intimated in v. 3), believing that though baffled in their first attempt they could not fail in the second. — on .... 'Pwpaiois, that it is not a custom for Romans, if it was for Jews. The article (E. V) obscures the opposition. — dvBpumov (as generic) declares the rule to be universal. The claim to this impartiality was a human right in the eye of the Roman law. — eis dTrioXeiav after dvBpunrov (T. R. and hence E. V.) is unapproved. V. 18. irepi ov, around whom, belongs to o-ra^evres (comp. v. 7), not to iiriepov, against whom (E. V.). The antecedent of ou is dvSpa, not the remoter /3-qp.aros. — ain'av, sc. toutov. — &v (= d by attraction) u7revdouv, which I was suspecting, i. e. some capital of fence, as treason, murder, or the like. V. 1 9. 7repi ttjs iSi'as Seio-iSaipovi'as, concerning their own religion ; not superstition. Compare the note on Seio-iSaipoveorepous in 17, 22. Agrippa was known to be a zealous Jew, and Festus would not have been so uncourteous as to describe his faith by an offen sive term. iSi'as refers not to the subordinate ou, his own, viz. Paul's, but to Kar-qyopoi, the leading subject. — ?repi nvos 'Itjo-ou, k. t. X., concerning a certain Jesus, etc. As to Luke's candor in recording this contemptuous remark, see note on 18, 15. V. 20. diropovp.evo's, perplexed, uncertain, as Festus may have said with truth, but could not honestly assign as the motive for his proposal; see v. 9 above. — eis tt)v irepi touYou ^njo-iv, in regard to the dispute concerning this one, viz. Jesus (v. 19) ; not this mat ter ; as if it were neuter. But the best reading is irepl toutov, concerning these things, viz. in relation to their religion and the resurrection of Jesus. V. 21. tou Se IlauXou, k. t. X., But Paul havivg appealed (and so demanded) that he should be kept in Roman custody, instead of being tried at Jerusalem. — eis ttjv tov 5e/_?ao-rou Sidyvcoo-iv, with a view to the examination of Augustus. The Senate confereed this title on Octavius in the first instance ; but it was given also to iris successors. — iKiXevaa .... avrov, I commanded that he should still be kept (infinitive present) at Caesarea. In TrrpT^vai just before, the time is entirely subordinate to the act. — eus ou iripfui airov, until I shall send him (T. R.) ; but the surer word is dva- Trepi/™, shall send up (Lchm. Tsch. Mey.); comp. Luke 23, 7. 11. Festus would intimate that he was waiting only until a vessel should sail for Italy. Chap. XXV, 22-26. COMMENTARY. 395 V. 22. ij3ovX6p.rjv Kai aurds, I myself also could wish, i. e. were it possible. The Greeks employed the imperfect indicative to express a present wish which the speaker regarded, or out of courtesy affected to regard, as one that could not be realized. Compare Rom. 9, 3 ; Gal. 4, 20. W. $ 41. 2 ; S. $ 138. 3 ; K. $ 259. R. 6. It is less correct to understand the wish as one long entertained. Verses 23-27. Paul is brought before Agrippa. V. 23. peTa iroXXrjs c^avrao-ias, with much pomp, display, which consisted, partly in their personal decorations (comp. 12, 21), and partly in the retinue which attended them. — eis to dKpoarfjpiov, unto the place of audience, which the article represents as the cus tomary one (Olsh.), or as the one to which they repaired on this occasion (Mey.). — o-uv tois x'Xidp^ois, with the chiliarchs, the com manders of the cohorts stationed at Caesarea, which were five in number (Jos. Bell. Jud. 3. 4. 2). Compare the note on 27, 1. V. 24. The procurator could say irdv to irXrjBos tuiv 'IouSaiW, all the multitude of the Jews, because he had reason to know that the Jewish rulers (v. 2. 15) who had demanded the death of Paul represented the popular feeling. Meyer suggests that a crowd may have gone with them to the procurator and enforced their application by clamoring for the same object. — eve'-rv^dv pot, inter ceded (in its bad sense here) with me, against him. A genitive or dative may follow this verb. — Some manuscripts read £t)v auro'v, and others airbv tfqv; and so, in the next verse, some read .SavaTou airov, and others airbv Bavdrov. Such transpositions, which have no effect on the sense, show how unimportant are many of the various readings df the sacred text. — eVi/JouivTes, crying against him, etc.; see on v. 15. — pTTKen. A qualification like this in a negative sentence requires a compound, containing the p-q or ouk which precedes. K. § 318. 6 ; B. § 148. 6. — eKpiva, I decided, viz. at the time of the trial when he appealed. The perfect (E. V.) is less accurate than the aorist. V. 26. 7repi ov, k. t. X., Concerning whom I have nothing sure, definite, to write to the sovereign. In such cases of appeal it was necessary to transmit to the emperor a written account of the offence charged as having been committed, and also of all the judicial proceedings that may have taken place in relation to it. Documents of this description were called apostoli, or liters dimis- sorice. — Kvptu is the Greek for dominus. The writer's accuracy should be remarked here. It would have been a mistake to have 396 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVI, 1. applied this term to the emperor a few years earlier than this. Neither Augustus nor Tiberius would allow himself to be called dominus, because it implied the relation of master and slave. The appellation had now come into use as one of the imperial titles. — ox n ypdijiui, may have what (future) I shall write ; not n ypdipai (T. R.), what to imite (E. V.). Some repeat daaXis after n (Mey.), which is not necessary. Meyer leaves out the ellipsis in his new edition. V. 27. dXoyov ydp poi SoKei, For it appears to me absurd. It was illegal, too ; but Festus thinks of the act as being a violation, not so much of the law, as of the propriety which dictated the law. — iripLirovra, sc. nvd, k. t. X., that any one (De Wet.) sending a prisoner should not also signify the charges (not crimes) against him. Some would make iripurovra the subject of a-qpidvai, without any ellipsis. K. § 238, R. 2. e. Some supply epe' as the subject. It is more forcible in such a case to state the general rule or prin ciple which controls the particular instance. — Josephus (Bell. Jud. 2. 14. 1) describes Festus as a reasonable man, who was not des titute of a regard for justice and the laws, and who approved him self to such of the Jews as were willing to submit to any foreign rule. What Luke relates of him shows him to be worthy of this encomium. CHAPTER XXVI. Verses 1—23. Paul's Speech before Agrippa. V. 1. This speech of iue apostle is similar to that which he delivered on the stairs of the castle (22, 1 sq.). The main topic is the same in each, viz. the wonderful circumstances of his con version ; but in this instance he recounts them, not so much for the purpose of asserting his personal innocence, as of vindicating the divine origin of his commission, and the truth of the message proclaimed by him. So far from admitting that he had been un faithful to Judaism, he claims that his Christian faith realized the true idea of the religion taught in the Old Testament. On the former occasion, " he addressed the infuriated populace, and made his defence against the charges with which he was hotly pressed, of profaning the temple and apostatizing from the Mosaic law. He now passes by these accusations, and, addressing himself Chap. XXVI, 2. 3. COMMENTARY. 397 to a more intelligent and dispassionate hearer, he takes the highest ground, and holds himself up as the apostle and messen ger of God. With this view, therefore, he paints in more strik ing colors the awful scene of his conversion, and repeats more minutely that heavenly call which was impossible for him to dis obey (v. 19), and in obeying which, though he incurred the dis pleasure of his countrymen (v. 21), he continued to receive the divine support (v. 22)." Humphry, p. 192. — eViTpeVenu .... Xeyeiv. It is Agrippa who gives the permission to speak, because as he was the guest on this occasion and a king, he presides by right of courtesy ; comp. 21, 40. — eKrei'vas ttjv x^pa, having stretched forth the hand, is the same as Karaaelaas Tfj Keipl in 13, 16 (comp. 21, 40), and Karaaelaas T-qv x*1pa ln 19> 33. The gesture was the more courteous, because the attention asked for was certain from the known curiosity of the hearers. On the arm which Paul raised hung one of the chains, to which he alludes in v. 29. V. 2. wo louSai'iov, by fews, without the article (comp. 22, 30) because he would represent the accusation as purely fewish in its character. The best manuscripts omit rav before the proper name. — /WiXeu. For. Agrippa' s claim to the title, see on 25, 13. — Some copies place iirl aov after paKapiov, others after diroXoyela- Bai. The first is the best position, because it secures a stronger emphasis to the pronoun (Grsb. Tsch.). — The object of rjyqpai is the same as the subject, but the latter, which is more prominent, controls the case of p.e'XXos, a stone used as a ballot, like our " suffrage," signified also opinion, assent, and accompanied various verbs, as nBivai and Karaefiipeiv, as mean ing to think, judge, sanction, with a figurative allusion only to the act of voting. Plato uses the term often in that sense. See R. and P. Lex., p. 2576. — aurav agrees with the intimation of other passages (8, 3 ; 9, 1 ; 22, 4), that Stephen was not the only vic tim whose blood was shed at this time. V. 1 1 . Kai Kara 7rdcras, k. t. X., and punishing them often through out all the synagogues in the different places where he pursued Chap. XXVIf 11-14. COMMENTARY. 401 his work of persecution. See 22, 19. " The chief rulers of the synagogues," says Biscoe (p. 81), "being also the judges of the people in many cases, especially those which regarded religion (comp. on 9, 2), chose to give sentence against offenders, and see their sentence executed in the synagogue. Persons were always scourged in the presence of the judges (Vitr. de Synag. Vett p. 177). For punishment being designed 'in terrorem,' what more likely to strike the mind with awe, and deter men from falling into the like errors, than to have it executed in their religious as semblies, and in the face of the congregation ? Our Lord fore told that his disciples should be scourged in the synagogues (Matt. 10, 17 ; 23, 34), and we learn here that Paul was an in strument in fulfilling this prediction, having beaten them that befieved in every synagogue." — rjvdyKatpv /3Xaarjp.e1v, I was con straining them (i. e. urged them by threats and torture) to blas pheme, viz. Jesus, or the gospel; comp. 13, 45; James 2, 7. The imperfect states the object, not the result of the act. That, among the many who suffered this violence, every one preserved his fidelity, it would be unreasonable to affirm. We learn from Pliny's letter to Trajan (Lib. X. 97), that heathen persecutors applied the same test which Saul adopted, for the purpose of as certaining who were truly Christians. " Propositus est libellus sine auctore, multorum nomina continens ; qui negarent se esse Christianos aut fuisse, quum praeeunte me deos appellarent et imagini tuae (quam propter hoc jusseram cum simulacris nunri- num adferri) thure ac vino supplicarent, praeterea maledicerent Christo ; quorum nihil cogi posse dicuntur qui sunt revera Chris- tiani." — ecos Kai eis Tas e£ui iroXeis, as far as even unto foreign cities, as those would be called which were out of Judea. Among these Luke and Paul single out Damascus, because a train of such events followed the apostle's expedition to that city. V. 12. ev ots Kai, in which also, while intent on this object; comp. eV o!s in 24, 18. Kai, so common in Luke after the rela tive, some of the best copies omit here. — e^ouo-i'as and imTpoinjs strengthen each other ; he had ample power to execute his com mission. V. 13. ?)pepas p.e'o-TTs, at midday. " p,io-rj r/fnipa, pro meridie com munis dialecti est, at p,iaov r>p,ipa<;, aut peo-rjp/Jpia (22, 6) elegan- tiora." See Lob. ad Phryn. p. 55. — Kara tt/v dSdv, along ihe way (Mey. Rob.) ; not on ihe way (De Wet). — For pe after ireptXdp.- i/'av, see on 9, 3. — For tous o-uv epoi iropevou.ivovs, those journeying with me, see on 22, 9. V. 14 ttovtov .... eis ttjv yrjv, And we all having fallen down 51 402 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVI, 15-17. upon the earth, from the effect of terror, not as an act of rever ence ; comp. 9, 4 ; 22, 17. In regard to the alleged inconsistency between this statement and eiorijKeio-av in 9, 7, see the note on that passage. — oKX-qpov aoi 7rpds Kevrpa XaKn'£eiv, It is hard for thee to kick against goads. The meaning is, that his opposition to the cause and will of Christ must be unavailing ; the continuance of it would only bring injury and ruin on himself. Wetstein has produced examples of this proverb from, both Greek and Latin writers. Euripides (Bacch. v. 791) applies it as here : Bvpov- pevos 7rpds KevTpa XaKn'^oipi, ^vtjtos £>v Beu~>. Terence (Phorm. 1. 2. 27) employs it thus : " Num quse inscitia est, Advorsum stimu- lum calces ?" Plautus (4. 2. 55) has it in this form : " Si stimulos pugnis caedis, manibus plus dolet." The Scholiast on Pind. Pyth. 2. 173 explains the orighi of the expression : fj Se Tpoirq dirb tuiv fiouiv ¦ tov ydp oi draKTOi Kara rijv yecopyiav Kevrpi£dpevoi V7rd tou dpouv- tos, XaKTi£ouo-i to KevTpov xai paXXov ttXtjttovtoi. The same or a similar proverb must have been current among the Hebrews, though this is the only instance of it found in the Scriptures. The common plough in the East at present has but 'one handle. The same person, armed with a goad six or eight feet long, holds the plough and drives his team at the same time. As the driver follows the oxen, therefore, instead of being at their side as with us, and applies the goad from that position, a refractory animal of course would kick against the sharp iron when pierced with it In early times the Greeks and Romans used a plough of the like construction. V. 16. eis tovto prepares the mind for what follows; see on 9, 21. — ydp shows that the command to arise was equivalent to assuring him that he had no occasion for such alarm (v. 14) ; the object of the vision was to summon him to a new and exalted sphere of effort — irpoxeipiaao-Bal ae iirqplrqv, to appoint thee as a minister, call him to his destined work. The antecedent purpose must be sought in the nature of the act, rather than in the verb. See on 3, 20. — Understand toutov after p-dprvpa as the attracting antecedent of u)v. — &v re o^B-qaop-al aoi is an unusual construction. The best solution is, that &v stands for d, as a sort of explanatory accusative (K. $ 279. 7) : as to which, or = 8i' d, on account of which (Mey.), I will appear unto thee. See W. $ 39. 3. 1. Many com mentators assign an active sense to 6i'Xous, the friends, believers in that place. Sidon was a Phoenician city ; and, as we leam from 11, 19, the gospel had been preached in Phoenicia at an early period. See on 21, 4. The narrative presupposes that Paul had informed the centurion that there were Christians here. — 7ropeu- Bivra agrees with the suppressed subject of Tvyeiv; comp. 26, 20. K. $ 307. R. 2. It is corrected in some manuscripts to iropevBevri, agreeing with aura, implied after iirirpeij/e. V. 4. iireirXevaapev, k. t. X., we sailed under Cyprus because the winds were contrary. It is evident from the next verse that they left this island on the left hand and passed to the north of it, in stead of going to the south, which would have been their direct 1 Erom Neby Ismail on the hill behind Nazareth, I could see distinctly Mount Carmel with its foot running out into the sea, the entire sweep of the bay from Carmel to Akka, the plain of Akka and the town itself, with glimpses of the Mediterranean at other points up and down the coast between the .opening hills. It is not certain that Tabor can be made out at sea, though the sea can be distin guished as a blue line along the edge of the horizon from the summit of Tabor. '' An English naval officer, at sea near Alexandria, under date of July 4th, 1798, writes thus : "The wind continues to the westward. I am sorry to find it almost as prevailing as the trade winds.'' Again, on the 19th of the next month, he says : " We have just gained sight of Cyprus, nearly the track wc followed six weeks ago, so invariably do the westerly winds prevail at this season." Chap. XXIV, 4. 5. COMMENTARY. 413 course in proceeding from Sidon to Proconsular Asia. The rea son assigned for this is, that the winds were adverse to them. Such would have been the effect of the westerly winds which, as before stated, prevail on that coast at this season, and which had favored their progress hitherto. It may be supposed, there fore, that, these winds still continuing, they kept on their northern course after leaving Sidon, instead of turning towards the west or northwest, as they would have done under favorable circum stances. It is entirely consistent with this view that they are said to have sailed under Cyprus, if we adopt the meaning of this expression which some of the ablest authorities attach to it. Wetstein has stated what appears to be the true explanation as follows : " Ubi navis vento contrario cogitur a rectu cursu dece- dere, ita ut tunc insula sit interposita inter ventum et navem, dicitur ferri infra insulam." (Nov. Test. II. p. 637.) According to this opinion, u7rd in the verb affirms merely that the ship was on that side of the island from which the wind was blowing, i. e. to use a sea phrase, on the lee side. It decides nothing of itself with respect to their vicinity to the island ; though, from the na ture of the case, it would not be natural to speak of sailing under a land, or being on the lee of it, unless the land was somewhere near, rather than remote. Li this instance they passed within sight of Cyprus, since that island was visible from the Syrian coast See the note on 13, 4. Many commentators, on the other hand, render iireirXevaap.ev ttjv Kvirpov, we sailed near Cyprus, as it were under its projecting shore. In this case they must have had a different, wind from that supposed above, in order to enable them to cross from the coast of Palestine to that of Cyprus ; but having gained that position, they must then have gone around to the north of that island, in accordance precisely with the other representation. V. 5. to Tre'Xayos to Kara ttjv KiXiKi'av Kai HapitfivXiav, the sea along Cilicia and Pamphylia, i. e. the coast of those countries. The Cilician Sea extended so far south as to include even Cyprus. That pass the Greeks called also Aulon Cilicium.1 The Pamphy- lian Sea lay directly west of the Cilician. Luke says nothing of any delay in these seas, and the presumption is that the voyage here was a prosperous one. This agrees perfectly with what would be expected under that coast at that season of the year. Instead of the westerly winds which had been opposed to them since their departure from Sidon, they would be favored now by 1 Hoffmann's Griechenland und die Griechen, Vol. II. p. 1385. 414 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 5. 6. a land breeze 1 which prevails there during the summer months, as well as by a current which constantly runs to the westward along the coast of Asia Minor.2 Their object in standing so far to the north was no doubt to take advantage of these circum stances, which were well known to ancient mariners. — Mupa ttjs A.vKi'as. Myra was in the south of Lycia, two or three miles from the coast (Forbg. Handb. II. p. 256). The vicinity abounds still in magnificent ruins, though some of them, especially the rock tombs, denote a later age than that of the apostle.3 The ancient port of Myra was Andriaca, which was identified by Captain Beaufort at the bay of Andraki, " where the boats trading with the district still anchor, or find shelter in a deep river opening into it." Verses 6-12. Incidents of the Voyage from Myra to Crete. V. 6. ttXoiov 'AXefavSpTvov irXe'ov, an Alexandrian ship about ^ailing. The participle describes a proximate future, as in 21, 2. 3, etc. This ship was bound directly for Italy, having a cargo of wheat, as we learn from v. 38. See the note there. Egypt at this time, it is well known, was one of the granaries of Rome ; and the vessels employed for the transportation of corn from that country were equal in size to the largest merchant-vessels of modern times. Hence this ship was able to accommodate the centurion and his numerous party, in addition to its own crew and lading. Josephus states (Life, $ 3) that the ship in which he 1 M. dc Pages, a Erench navigator, who was making a voyage from Syria to Marseilles, took tho same course, for which he assigns also the reason which influ enced probably the commander of Paul's ship. " The winds from the west," he says, " and consequently contrary, which prevail in these places in the summer, forced us to run to the north. We made for the coast of Caramania (Cilicia) in order to meet the northerly winds, and which we found accordingly." 15 "From Syria to tho Archipelago, there is a constant current to the westward." — Beaufort's Description of the South Coast of Asia Minor, p. 39. Pococke found this current running so strong between Rhodes and the continent, that it broke into the cabin windows even in calm weather. — Description of the East, Vol. II. p. 236. 3 " The village of Dembra (the Turkish name of the modern Myra) occupies a small part of the site of the ancient city of Myra. The acropolis crowns the bold preci pice above. — We commenced the ascent to the acropolis, at first exceedingly dif ficult, until we found an ancient road cut out of the rock, with steps leading to the summit. The walls of the acropolis are entirely built of small stones with mortar. We saw no remains of any more substantially or solidly built structures ; but it is evidently the hill alluded to by Straho, upon which ' Myra is said to have been situated.' " — Spratt and Forbes, Vol. I. p. 132. Chap. XXVII, 6. 7. COMMENTARY. 415 was wrecked in his voyage to Italy contained six hundred per sons. Myra was almost due north from Alexandria; and it is not improbable that the same westerly winds which forced the Adramyttian ship to the east of Cyprus drove the Alexandrian ship to Myra. The usual course from Alexandria to Italy was by the south of Crete ; but when this was impracticable, vessels sailing from that port were accustomed to stand to the north till they reached the coast of Asia Minor, and then proceed to Italy through the southern part of the ___Egean. See the proofs of this statement in Wetstein. The Alexandrian ship was not, there fore, out of her course at Myra, even if she had no call to touch there for the purposes of commerce. It may be added, that "the land breeze on the Cilician coast appears to be quite local, and consequently might enable Paul's ship to reach Myra, although the prevalent wind did not admit of the ships in that harbor pro ceeding on their voyage." — This vessel must have reached Myra in August or early in September, according to v. 9 below. That an Alexandrian wheat ship now should have been here, just at this time, suggests a coincidence which may be worth pointing out. At the present day, the active shipping season at Alexan dria commences about the first of August. The rise of the Nile is then so far advanced that the produce of the interior can be brought to that city, where it is shipped at once and sent to dif ferent parts of Europe. At the beginning of August in 1 852, as I saw it stated in the circular of a commercial house at Alexan dria, there were twelve vessels then taking on board grain car goes, just received from "Upper Egypt. Thus it appears that the Alexandrian ship mentioned by Luke may have left Egypt not only after the grain harvest of the year had been gathered (it is ripe at the end of March), but just at the time when cargoes or the earliest cargoes of that kind could be obtained there; and, further, that the ship would have had, after this, just about the time requisite for reaching Myra, when Paul's ship arrived at the same place. — eve/3i/_Wev Tjpds eis avrd (a vox nautica), he put us on board of il. It will be noticed that Luke employs such terms with great frequency, and with singular precision. He uses, for example, not less than thirteen different verbs which agree in this that they mark in some way the progression of the ship, but which differ inasmuch as they indicate its distance from the land, rate of movement, direction of the wind, or some such circumstance. With the exception of three of them, they are all nautical ex pressions. V. 7. ev kavaTs Se ^p,epais /3pa8v7rXoovvres. The distance from 416 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 7. Myra to Cnidus is not more than a hundred and thirty geograph ical miles. They occupied, therefore, " many days " in going a distance which with a decidedly fair wind they could have gone in a single day. We must conclude from this, that they were re tarded by an unfavorable wind. Such a wind would have been one from the northwest, and it is precisely such a wind, as we learn from the Sailing Directions for the Mediterranean, that pre vails in that part of the Archipelago during the summer months. According to Pliny, it begins in August, and blows for forty days. Sailing vessels almost invariably experience more or less delay in proceeding to the west in this part of the Mediterranean at that season of the year. But with northwest winds, says Mr. Smith, the ship could work up from Myra to Cnidus ; because, until she reached that point, she had the advantage of a weather shore, under the lee of which she would have smooth water, and, as formerly mentioned, a westerly current ; but it would be slow ly aud with difficulty. po'Xis refers evidently to this laborious progress, and not (E. V.) to the fact of their having advanced barely so far. — Kvi'Sov. Cnidus was the name both of a penin sula on the Carian coast, between Cos on the north and Rhodes on the south, and of a town on the Triopian promontory which formed the end of this peninsula. It is the town that is intended here. It was situated partly on the mainland, and partly on an island, with which it was connected by a causeway, on each side of which was an artificial harbor (Forbg. Hand. II. p. 221). "The small one," says Captain Beaufort, " has still a narrow entrance between high piers, and was evidently a closed basin for triremes. The southern and largest port is formed by two transverse moles; these noble works were carried into the sea at the depth of near ly a hundred feet. One of them is almost perfect, the otlier, which is more exposed to the southwest swell, can only bo seen under water." : — p-ij irpoaeuivro's ijpas tou dvepou, the wind not per mitting us unto it, i. e. to approach Cnidus, to take shelter in the harbor there, which would have been their first preference. They adopted, therefore, the only other alternative which was left to them, irpoaedw does not occur in the classics, mos cannot well mean further, as some allege, since they would have had no mo tive to continue the voyage in that direction, even if the weather 1 Caramania, or a Brief Description of the South Coast of Asia Minor, p. 76. "Few places bear more incontestable proofs of former magnificence. The whole area of the city is one promiscuous mass of ruins ; among which may be traced streets and gateways, porticos and theatres." Chap. XXVII, 7. 8. COMMENTARY. 417 had not opposed it.1 — u7re7rXeuo-apev ttjv Kp-rjT-qv Kara SaXpuvijv, we sailed under (i. e. to the leeward of) Crete against Salmone, a pro montory which forms the eastern extremity of that island, and hears still the same name. An inspection of the map will show that their course hither from Cnidus must have been nearly south. The wind drove them in this direction. It has been said that tliey avoided the northern side of Crete, because it furnished no good ports ; but such is not the fact. Souda and Spina Longa are excellent harbors on that side of the island. Having passed around Salmone, they would find a northwest wind as much op posed to them in navigating to the westward as it had been be tween Myra and Cnidus ; but, on the other hand, they would have for a time a similar advantage : the south side of Crete is a weather shore, and with a northwest wind they could advance along the coast, until they reached that part of it which turns de cidedly towards the north. Here they would be obliged to seek a harbor, aud wait until the wind changed. The course of move ment indicated by Luke tallies exactly with these conditions. V. 8. pdXis Te irapaXeyopievoi avrqv, and with difficulty coasting along it, viz. Crete, not Salmone, since the former, though not so near, is the principal word. Besides, Salmone "was not so much an extended shore as a single point, and at all events did not ex tend so far as the place where they stopped. This participle is a nautical word. — eis toVov .... Xipe'vas, unto a certain place called Fair Havens. No ancient writer mentions this harbor, but no one doubts that it is identical with the place known still under the same name, on the south of Crete, a few miles to the east of Cape Matala. This harbor consists of an open roadstead, or rather two roadsteads contiguous to each other, which may ac count for the plural designation. It is adapted, also, by its situa tion, to afford the shelter in northwest winds which the anchorage mentioned by Luke afforded to Paul's vessel. Nautical authori ties assure us, that this place is the farthest point to which an ancient ship could have attained with northwesterly winds, be cause here the land turns suddenly to the north. — & .... Aaaala, near to which ivas the city Lasma. The vicinity of this place ap- 1 Mr. Smith supposes that the winds did not permit their proceeding on their course, and in his second edition (p. 76) urges against me the authority of Admi ral Penrose as maintaining the same view. It is not claimed that the Greek word is at all decisive, but that the nautical reason demands their interpretation. It does not become me to urge my opinion on such a point in opposition to that of expe rienced navigators. One would say as a critic that irpooeavTos in such proximity to Kark ity KviSov would have naturally the same local direction. 53 418 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 8. 9. pears to be mentioned because it was better known than Fair Havens. In the first edition I wrote that all trace of Lasasa was supposed to be lost. Since then an English traveller in Crete reports that the name is applied by the natives to the site of an ancient town on the coast, about five miles east of Fair Havens. Two white pillars, masses of masonry and other ruins occur on the spot.1 Here eyyus governs (S as an adverb, tjv, was, incorpo rates the notice with the history without excluding the present. Compare 17, 21. 23. K. § 256. 4. a. V. 9. ikovov Se ^pdvou Siayevopevov, Now a long time having elapsed, i. e. since the embarkation at Cssarea. The expression is to be taken in a relative sense. On leaving Palestine they expected to reach Italy before the arrival of the stormy season, and would have accomplished their object had it not been for unforeseen delays. — ovtos tjStj e7rio-(j!>aXous tou 7rXods, the navigation being now unsafe, i. e. at this particular period of the year. 7rXods is a later Greek form for ttXou. W. 5 8. 2. b ; S. § 22. 2. — Sid to koi, k..t. X., because also the fast was now past. Kai adds this clause to the one immediately preceding, in order to fix more precisely the limits of the ijS-q there, by informing us how far the season was advanced. See W. $ 53. 3. c. — ttjv vqarelav denotes the fast Kar i£oxqv, which the Jews observed on the great day of expia tion, which fell on the tenth of the month Tisri, about the time of the autumnal equinox. See Lev. 16, 29; 23, 27. Jahn's Archffiol. k 357. Philo also says that no prudent man thought of putting -to sea after this season of the year. The Greeks and Piomnns considered the period of safe navigation as closing in October, and recommencing about the middle of March. Luke's familiarity with the Jewish designations of time rendered it en tirely natural for him to describe the progress of the year in this manner. It was not on account of the storms merely that an cient mariners dreaded so much a voyage in winter, but because the rains, prevailed then, and the clouds obscured the sun and stars on which they were so dependent for the direction of their course. See the note on v. 20. — irapfp/ei, exhorted them, viz. to remain here and not continue the voyage. It is not stated in so many words that this was his object, but it may be inferred from the argument which he employs, and from the representation in the next two verses, that they renewed the voyage in opposition to his advice. See also v. 21. 1 Mr. Smith inserts an interesting account of this discovery (p. 262) in his edi tion of 1856. Chap. XXVII, 10. 11. COMMENTARY. 419 V. 10. Bempui, I perceive, have reason to think. This verb ex presses a judgment which he had formed in view of what they had already experienced, as well as the probabilities of the case, looking at the future. The revelation which he afterward re ceived respecting their fate, he announces in very different terms; see v. 23. He may be understood as declaring his own personal conviction, that, if they now ventured to sea again, the ship would certainly be wrecked, and that among so many some of them at least would lose their lives. None lost their lives in fact, and hence Paul could not speak as a prophet here. The apostles were not infallible, except in their sphere as religious teachers. — In on perd vjSpeios, k. t. X., we have a union of two different modes of expression. The sentence begins as if pe'XXei d ot-Xous was to follow, but on reaching that verb the construction changes to the infinitive with its subject, as if on had not preceded. See W. $ 63. 2. c. Such variations are so common, even in the best writers, that they are hardly to be reckoned as anacoluthic. — p.erd u/3peius Kai ttoXXtjs £ijpias, with violence (lit. insolence, i. e. of the winds and waves) and much loss. The second noun states an effect of the first, which is applied here in a sort of poetic way, like our " sport" or "riot" of the elements. Kuinoel quotes to tc KaBpa Kai ttjv dirb t£v dp/3piov uySpiv diropiaxop-eva in Jos. Antt. 3. 6. 4, as showing this sense. Horace has the same idea in his " ventis debes ludibri- um" (Od. 1. II. 14). To render the words injury and loss does violence to the first of them, and makes them tautological. Some have relied for this meaning on Pind. Pyth. I. 140 ; but the poet is speaking, says Professor Vomel,1 not of a shipwreck, but a sea-fight, and v/?pis is used there in its strictest sense. Meyer understands it of the rashness, the presumption, which they would evince in committing themselves again to the deep. If we as sume that meaning here, we are to retain it naturally in v. 21 ; and it would be tliere a term of reproach, which we should not expect the apostle to employ in such an address. V. 11. eKaTovrdpxTjs. In regard to the termination, see on 10, 1. — t(3 Ku/3epvTjTTj, the steersman, whose authority in ancient ships corresponded very nearly with that of the captain in our vessels. — ™ vavKXqpui, the owner, to whom the ship belonged. The pro prietor, instead of chartering his vessel to another, frequently went himself in her, and received as his share of the profit the money paid for carrying merchandise and passengers. The 1 Of the Gymnasium at Frankfort on the Maine. In his Programme for 1850, he inserts a translation of this chapter of the Acts, with some critical remarks. 420 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 12. owners of the cargo hired the captain and the mariners. — tois U7rd tou IlauXou Xeyope'vois changes the object of the verb (iirelBero) from that of a person to a thing. Compare 26, 20. V. 12. dvevBirov, not well situated, inconvenient. The harbor deserved its name undoubtedly (see v. 8), for many purposes, but in the judgment of those to whose opinion it was most natural that the centurion should defer, it was not considered a desirable place for wintering (irpds irapaxeip-aalav). The question was not whether they should attempt to proceed to Italy during the pres ent season, but whether they should remain here in preference to seeking some other harbor where they might hope to be more secure. In this choice of evils, the advice of Paul was that they should remain here ; and the event justified his discernment.1 — oi irXelows, the majority. Their situation had become so critical, that a general consultation was held as to what should be done. — KOKei^ev, also from there, as they had sailed previously from other places, see v. 4. 6 ; iKelBev (Lchm.) is less correct. — eis $oi'viKa, unto Pluxnix, which must have been a town and harbor in the south of Crete, a little to the west of Fair Havens; comp. on v. 13. The palm-trees in that region are supposed to have given occasion to the name. Strabo mentions a harbor with this name on the south of Crete, and Ptolemy mentions a town called Phoenix, with a port which he terms Fhoenicus. On the contrary, Stephanus Byzantinus calls the town Phcenicus, which Hierocles, again, calls Phcenice. See Hoffm. Griechenland, II. p. 1334. The best way to harmonize these notices is to suppose that the different names were, at times, applied promiscuously to the town and the harbor. It is uncertain with what modem port we are to identify the ancient Phoenix. Anapolis, Lutro (unless the places differ merely as town and harbor), Sphakia, Franco Castello, Phineka, have each been supposed to be that port. — ei?™s Su'vaivro, if by any means they might be able, etc. Those who advise the step consider it perilous. — Xipeva rijs KpTjres /3XiirovTa Kara Ai/3a Kai KaTa 1 Paul's dissent from the general opinion has appeared to some very singular ; for the bay at Fair Havens, open to nearly one-half of the compass, was ill adapted, it was thought, to furnish a permanent shelter. But recent and more exact obser vations establish the interesting fact that " Fair Havens is so well protected by islands and reefs, that though not equal to Lutro, it must be a very fair winter harbor ; and that considering the suddenness, the frequency, and the violence with which gales of northerly wind spring up, and the certainty that if such a gale sprung up in the passage from Fair Havens to Lutro (Phoenix), the ship must be driven off to sea, the prudence of the advice given by the master and owner was extremely questionable, and that the advice given by St. Paul may possibly be supported even on nautical grounds." Smith, p. 88 (1856). Chap. XXVII, 12. COMMENTARY. 421 XSpov, aharbor looking towards Lips and towards Corns, i. e. the points from which the winds so called blew, viz. the southwest and the northwest. The intermediate point between these winds is west ; so that the harbor would have faced in that direction, while the opposite shores receded from each other towards the south and north. This mode of employing the names of the winds is a constant usage in the ancient writers to designate, as we say, the points of the compass. Such is the general view of the meaning of this expression, and there can be no doubt of its correctness. — Mr. Smith (p. 80) maintains that the Phoenix of Luke is the present Lutro. That harbor, however, opens to the east. To reconcile Luke's statement with this circumstance, he under stands KaTa A/y3a Kai KaTa XSpov to mean according to the direction in which those winds blew, and not as is generally supposed, whence they blew. "Now this is exactly the description of Lutro, which looks or is open to the east ; but liaving an island in front which shelters it, it has two entrances, one looking to the north east, which is Kara Alj3a, and the other to the southeast, Kara XSpov." But it is unsafe to give up the common interpretation for the sake of such a coincidence ; it rests upon a usage of the Greek too well established to justify such a departure from it. This mode of explaining Kara Aljia involves, I think, two incon gruities : first, it assigns opposite senses to the same term, viz. southwest as the name of a wind, and northeast as the name of a quarter of the heavens ; and, secondly, it destroys the force of pxiirovra, which implies certainly that the wind and the harbor confronted each other, and not that they were turned from each other. Mr. Smith adduces Kara Kupa Kai dvepov from Herod. 4. 110; but the expression is not parallel as regards either the prep osition or the noun. Kara denotes there conformity of motion, and not of situation where the objects are at rest, and dvepos does not belong to the class of proper names, like Lips and Corus, which the Greeks employed in such geographical designations. " There is a passage in Arrian," he says, " still more apposite to this point. In his Periplus of the Euxine, he tells us that, when navigating the south coast of that sea, towards the east, he ob served during a calm a cloud suddenly arise, which was driven before the east wind. Here there can be no mistake ; the cloud must have been driven to the west." But to translate Kaf elpov in that manner assumes the point in dispute. The context pre sents no reason why we should not adopt the ordinary sense of such phrases ; viz. towards the east, i. e. the cloud appeared in 122 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 13. that quarter. In this expression, therefore, Eurus would denote the point from which the east wind blows, and not whither.1 Verses 13-16. A Storm rages, and drives the Vessel to Claude. V. 13. v7ro?rveu'o-avTos Se No'tov, Now when a south wind blew moderately. After passing Cape Matala, the extreme southern point of Crete, and only four or five miles to the west of Fair 1 The writer published some remarks on Mr. Smith's explanation of Kara Ai&a Kai Kara Xupov in the Bibliotheca Sacra, 1850, p. 751. Mr. Smith has had the kindness to address to me a letter, stating some additional facts ascertained since the publication of his work on " The Voyage and Shipwreck of Paul." In this letter lie reaffirms his view of the expression referred to, and calls my attention again to the passage in Arrian, as conclusive in support of his position. A distin guished Hellenist (Professor Felton of the University at Cambridge) has favored me with the following remarks on that passage: — "It is true that the cloud of which Arrian speaks was borne towards the west ; but that is not expressed by kot' eipov, but must be inferred from the circumstances of the case. The course of the voyage they were making was eastward ; after a calm, during which they used their oars alone, ' suddenly a cloud springing up broke out nearly east of us ' {&(pvca vetpeXi} eiravaffriiaa i^ep'fidyn /car* evpov fuiMffTa), and brought upon them a violent wind. The wind, of course, was an easterly wind, because it made their further progress towards the east slow and difficult. But the navigator in the phrase nar edpov is speaking of the direction in which he saw the cloud, not in which the cloud was moving. If he had been simply describing the direction in which the cloud was moving, as Herodotus is describing the motion of the ship (and not the direction in which the ship is seen from another point), then nar' etipov would mean with the Eurus or before the Eurus If a person is floating on the wind, or driven by the wind, if he is in motion according to the wind, then of course his direction is determined by that of the wind. But if he is at rest, and looking according to the wind, he is looking where the wind is the most prominent oliject ; that is, he is facing the wind, as Arrian's crew were facing the cloud and the wind, and not turning his back upon it." — As this question has excited some interest, it may be well to mention how it is viewed in "works pub lished since the preceding note was written. Humphry (1854) says (p. 202) that Mr. Smith's passages are not quite conclusive as to ffAeirovra nark Ai&a. He sup poses Phoenix to he the modern Phineka which opens to the west, and thus adopts the common explanation of the phrase. Alford (1852) agrees with Smith that Kara Alfia and similar combinations denote whither and not whence the winds blow, but intimates a purpose to fortify his ground against objections in a future edi tion. Howson (II. p. 400) would admit an instance of that usage in Jos. Antt. 15. 9. 6 (sic), but says that the other alleged proofs are untenable or ambiguous. He mediates between the two opinions by suggesting that the point of view (&\irrovTa.) is from the sea and not tbe land ; so that xarh AtfSa would have its usual meaning and yet the harbor open towards the east, like Lutro. Words worth (p. 120) has a copious note on this question. He reviews the arguments on both sides, and sums up with the result that we should "not abandon the ancient interpretation ; " or, at all events, should " suspend our decision till we have more complete topographical details for forming it." Chap. XXVII, 13. 14. COMMENTARY. 423 Havens, the coast turns suddenly to the north; and hence, for the rest of the way up to Phoenix, a south wind was as favorable a one as they could desire — Sdfavres tt)s irpoBioeuis KeKparrjKivai, thinking to have gained their purpose, regarding it as already se cured. It was somewhat less than forty miles from Fair Havens to Phoenix. With a southern breeze, therefore, they could ex pect to reach their destination in a few hours. — dpavres, sc. ras dyKupas, having iveighed. — daaov irapeXiyovro ttjv Kpijnyv, they coasted along Crete nearer, sc. than usual, i. e. quite near. This clause, as we see from the next verse, describes their progress immedi ately after their anchorage at Fair Havens. It applies, therefore, to the first few miles of their course. During this distance, as has been suggested already, the coast continues to stretch towards the west ; and it was not until they had turned Cape Matala that they would have the full benefit of the southern breeze which had sprung up. With such a wind they would be ahle just to weather that, point, provided they kept near to the shore. We have, therefore, a perfectly natural explanation of their proceed ing in the manner that Luke has stated. V. 14. per' ou 7roXu, After not long, shortly ; comp. 28, 6. The tempest, therefore, came upon them before they had advanced far from their recent anchorage. They were still much nearer to that place than they were to Phcenix. It is important to observe this fact, because it shows what course the ship took in going from Crete to Claude. — e/3aXe kot aurrjs dvepos tu^wvikos, a typhonic wind struck against it, i. e. the ship. efiaXe may imply eaurdv, or be intransitive. Luke employs aurijs, because the mental antece dent is vaus, which actually occurs in v. 41, though his ordinary word is irXoTov. It would be quite accidental, which of the terms would shape the pronoun at this moment, as they were both so familiar. See W. § 47. 5. k. Kara takes the genitive, because the wind was unfriendly, hostile, as in the Attic phrase Kara Koopijs TuVreiv. Bernh. Synt. p. 238. Some critics, as Kuinoel, De Wette, Meyer, refer airrji to KpijT-qv, and render drove us or the ship against it. Similar is the Geneva version : " There arose agaynste Candie a stormye wynd out of the northeast." But how can we understand it in this way, when we are told in the next verse that they yielded to the force of the wind, and were driven by it towards Claude, which is southwest from Fair Havens ? We must discard that view, unless we suppose that the wind in the course of a few minutes blew from precisely opposite quarters. Luther refers auriys to irpoBiaeois : struck against it, defeated their purpose. Tyndale lived for a time with the German Reformer, 424 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 14. at Wittenberg, and took his translation perhaps from that source : " Anone after ther arose agaynste ther purpose a flawe of wynd out of the northeaste." The Greek expression is awkward for such an idea and is unsupported by proper examples. Some re cent commentators refer airr/v as before to the island, but vary the preposition : struck down from it, viz. Crete, i. e. from its mountains, its lofty shores (Alf. Hws. Hmph. Wdsth.). Kara ad mits confessedly of this sense ; but does the verb ? Was it used of winds unless the object struck was added or implied after it? And if the striking was in the writer's mind here and led to the choice of this particular verb, how can Kar aurijs (i. e. the ship) fail to be this object? It is questionable whether "to strike down" as said of a wind,~and "to blow, come, rush down," are convertible terms ; and unless they are so, Kari^-q in Matt. 8, 23,. eye'vero in Matt. 7, 24, and yiverai in Mark 4, 37 do nor bear specially on the case. In the Greek Thesaurus (Paris ed., If. p. 90) it is said of /JdXXeiv : " Feriendi significatione dicitur de sole, luce, vento, voce et quovis sonitu ad corpus aliquod accedente." e/3aXXov occurs of winds in II. 23, 217, but with the accusative of the object struck.1 — tu^xjviko's describes the wind with reference to the whirling of the clouds occasioned by the meeting of oppo site currents of the air. Pliny (2. 48), in speaking of sudden blasts, says that they cause a vortex which is called " typhoon ; " and Aulus Gellius (19. 1) mentions certain figures or appearances of the clouds in violent tempests, which it was customary to call " typhoons." This term is intended to give us an idea of the fury of the gale ; and its name, EupaKu'Xwv as the word should most probably be written, denotes the point from which it came, i. e. Euroaquilo, as in the Vulgate, a northeast wind. This reading occurs in A and B, which are two of the oldest manuscripts, and in some other authorities. It is approved by Grotius, Mill, Ben gel, Bentley, De Wette, and others. Lachmann inserts it in his edition of the text. eipan-Xuiv, says Green (p. 117), " which simply Grecises Euroaquilo, demands the preference among the various shapes of the name." The internal evidence favors that form of the word. A northeast storm accounts most perfectly for the course of the ship, and for the means employed to control it, mentioned or intimated in the sequel of the narrative. The other principal readings are EupokXuSojv (T. R., Tsch.), compounded of eupos and kXuSmv, Eurus fluctus excitans, or, as De Wette thinks 1 This criticism may not be useless if it should serve to elicit further inquiry before discarding the common view. My means do not allow me to treat the subject more fully at present. Chap. XXVII, 15. 16. COMMENTARY. 425 more correct, fluctus Euro excitatus ; and EupuKXu'Scov, from eupu's and kXu'Scov, broad wave. It appears, therefore, that the gentle southern breeze with which they started changed suddenly to a violent north or northeast wind. Such a sudden change is a very common occurrence in those seas. An English naval officer, in his Remarks on the Archipelago, says : " It is always safe to an chor under the lee of an island -with a northern wind, as it dies away gradually ; but it would be extremely dangerous with south erly winds, as they almost invariably shift to a violent northerly wind. V. 15. o-uvap7rao-5e'vTos, being seized, caught by the wind. — dvro- ep6p,eBa, we were borne, not hither and thither, but at the mercy of the wind, the direction of which we know from the next verse. V. 16. vqalov .... KXauSijv, Running under a certain small isl and called Claude. This island Ptolemy calls Claudos. It bears now the name of Gozzo. As the gale commenced blowing soon after the departure from Fair Havens, the ship, in order to reach Claude, must have been driven to the southwest. Their course, had they been near Phoenix at the commencement of the storm, would have been due south. The effect which the wind pro duced shows what the direction of the wind was ; it must have been from the north or northeast, which agrees, as we have seen, with the probable import of the name which Luke has employed to designate the wind. u-n-oSpapovTes implies, first, that they went before the wind (see on 16, 11); and secondly, according to the view suggested on v. 4, that they passed Claude so as to have the wind between them and that island, that is, since the direc tion of the wind has been already determined, they went to the southeast of it instead of the north. That they approached near to the island at the same time, may be infen-ed from their being able to accomplish the object mentioned in the next clause. Others infer their vicinity to the island from the preposition, which they take to mean under the coast ; but as in the other case, they suppose that this was the southern coast, from the di rection in which such a wind must have driven the ship. — pdXis 54 426 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 16. 17. .... tt)s ovcd^r/s, we were able with difficulty to secure the boat. Luke includes himself, perhaps not from sympathy merely, but because he took part in this labor. The preservation of the boat was important, as affording the last means of escape ; see v. 30. They may have begun already to have forebodings of the result. Those expert in maritime affairs say, that, while a vessel is scud ding before a strong gale, her boat cannot be taken on board or lashed to the side of the vessel (see on v. 32) without extreme danger. Hence it is probable, that, when on the southern side of Claude, they were sheltered somewhat against the storm, and were able to arrest the progress of the ship sufficiently to enable them to accomplish this object. Yet the sea even here was still apparently so tempestuous as to render this a difficult operation. It may have added to the difficulty, that the boat, having been towed more than twenty miles through a raging sea, could hardly fail to have been filled with water. They had omitted this pre caution at the outset because the weather was mild, and they had expected to be at sea but a few hours. It will be observed that Luke has not stated why they found it so difficult to secure the boat. We are left to conjecture the reasons. Verses 17—20. They undergird and lighten the ship, but despair of safety. V. 17, plorjBelais e^piuvro, they used helps, i. e. ropes, chains, and the like, for the purpose specified in the next clause, viz. that of undergirding the ship. Most scholars take this view of the mean ing, and it is doubtless the correct one. De Wette would extend /?o-n-9ei'ais so as to include other similar expedients : they used helps, of which u7ro£u)vvuvTes to n-Xoiov was an example. fio-qBelais cannot denote the services of the passengers, as some have said ; for we have no such limiting term annexed as that sense of the expres sion would require. The " helps " here are the iirot,uipaTa, which Hesychius defines as " cables binding ships round the middle." It is probable that, ships were occasionally undergirded with planks ; but that could only be done in the harbor, and was a different thing from performing the process at sea. But how, the question arises next, were the cables applied so as to accomplish the proposed object ? Falconer, in his Marine Dictionary, des cribes the mode of undergirding ships, as practised in modern navigation, in the following terms : " To frap a ship (ceintrer un vaisseau) is to pass four or five turns of a large cable-laid rope round the hull or frame of a ship, to support her in a great storm, Chap. XXVII, 17. COMMENTARY. 427 or otherwise, when it is apprehended that she is not strong enough to resist the violent efforts of the sea. This expedient, however, is rarely put in practice." Li ancient times it was not uncommon to resort to this process. The larger ships on their more extended voyages carried with them iiro¶, or ropes for undergirding, so as to be prepared for any emergency which might require them. The Attic arsenals kept a supply of them always on hand for public use. This mode of strengthening a ship at sea, although not adopted so often as it was anciently, is not unknown in the experience of modern navigators. In 1815, Mr. Henry Hartley was employed to pilot the Russian fleet from England to the Baltic. One of the ships under his escort, the Jupiter, was frap- ped round the middle by three or four turns of a stream-cable. Sir George Back, on his return from his Arctic voyage in 1 837, was forced, in consequence of the shattered and leaking condition of Iris ship, to undergird her. The Albion, a British frigate, in 1846, encountered a hurricane on her voyage from India, and was under the necessity of trapping her hull together to prevent her from sinking. To these more recent instances many others of an earlier date might be added.1 The common representation in regard to the ancient mode of applying the hypozomata to a ship makes it different from the modern usage. Boeckh's view is the one followed in most of the recent works. According to his in vestigations, the ropes, instead of being passed under the bottom and fastened on deck, " ran in a horizontal direction around the ship from the stern to the prow. They ran round the vessel in several circles, and at certain distances from one another. The length of these tormenta, as they are called in Latin, varied ac cordingly as they ran around the higher or lower part of the ship, the latter being naturally shorter than the former. Their number varied according to the size of the ship." 2 Mr. Smith, in his Dis sertation on the Ships of the Ancients (p. 173 sq.), controverts the foregoing opinion, as being founded on a misapprehension of the passages in the ancient writers which have been supposed to 1 Some suppose that Horace alludes to this practice in Od. 1. 14. 6 : — " Sine funibus Vix durare carina? Possint imperiosius iEquor." I was once explaining this passage to a college class, according to that view, when one of the members who had been at sea stated that he himself had assisted in such an operation on board a vessel approaching our own coast. 2 This is quoted from the Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, Art Ships-. The account rests on Boeckh's authority. The writer of the article on Navis in Pauly's Real-Encyeklopadie der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, fol lows the same authority. 428 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 17. prove it. He maintains that the cables, instead of being applied lengthways, were drawn around the middle at right angles to the ship, and not parallel to it.1 The other mode, he says, "must have been as impracticable as it would have been unavailing for the purpose of strengthening the ship." Luke states a fact sim ply in relation to this matter ; he does not describe the mode. The question, therefore, is one of archaeological interest merely ; it does not affect the writer's accuracy. — p.rj ek rijv Supriv eWe'- o-wo-i, lest they should be stranded upon the Syrtis. The verb literally means to fall out, i. e. from the sea or deep water upon the land or rocks ; comp. v. 26. 29. Syrtis Major is here meant, which was on the coast of Africa, southwest from Crete. This gulf was an object of great dread to mariners on account of its dangerous shoals. The other Syrtis was too far to the west to have been the one to which they would feel exposed in their present situation. Some have taken Supnv to denote a sand-bank near Claude; but as any such bank there must have been comparatively unknown, the writer with that allusion would more naturally have left out the article. — ^aXdoavres to o-Keuos, having lowered the sail. o-Keuos is indefinite, and may be applied to almost any of the ship's ap purtenances, as sails, masts, anchors, and the like. Many have supposed it to refer here to the mast, or, if there was more than one in this case, to the principal mast ; but it would seem to put. that supposition out of the question, that according to all proba bility the masts of the larger sailing ships among the ancients were not movable, like those of the smaller vessels, but were fixed in their position, and would require to be cut away; a mode of removal which the accompanying participle shows could not have been adopted in the present instance. The surprising opin ion of some, that o-Keuos is the anchor, is contradicted by the fol lowing outcjs iipepovTo. Of the other applications of the word, the only one which the circumstances of the ship at this juncture naturally suggest is, that it refers to the sail. It is not certain how we are to take the article here. It leads us to think most directly perhaps of the large, square sail, which was attached to the principal mast. The ancients had vessels with one, two, and three masts.2 to would then point out that sail by way of emi- 1 The mode of executing this manoeuvre, as I am informed, or at least one mode, is to sink ihe ropes over the prow, and then draw them towards the mid dle of the ship, fastening the ends on deck. 5 See Pauly's Real-Encyklopadie der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft, Vol. V. p. 463. Chap. XXVII, 17. COMMENTARY. 429 i nence. The presumption is, that, if the ship carried other sails, as cannot well be doubted, they had taken them down before this ; and now, having lowered the only one which they had con tinued- to use, they let the vessel " scud under bare poles." This is the general view of the meaning. It would follow from this, that the wind must have changed its direction before they were wrecked on Melita ; for some thirteen days elapsed before that event, during which the storm continued to rage ; and within that time, had they been constantly driven before a northeast wind, they must have realized their fear of being stranded on the Afri can coast. — But an eastern gale in the Levant, at this season of the year, is apt to be lasting; the wind maintains itself, though with unequal violence, for a considerable time, in the same quarter. Professor Newman, of the London University, states the following fact ' in his own experience : " We sailed from Larnica in Cyprus in a small Neapolitan ship with a Turkish crew, on the 2d of December, 1830. We were bound for Latika, in Syria, — the course almost due east, — but were driven back and forced to take refuge in the port of Famagousta, the an cient Salamis. Here we remained wind-bound for days. Owing to our frequent remonstrances, the captain sailed three times, but was always driven back, and once after encountering very heavy seas and no small danger. It was finally the first of January, if my memory does not deceive me, when we reached the Syrian coast." It was probably such a gale which Paul's ship encoun tered, that is, a series of gales from the east, but not a constant hurricane ; for the seamen were able to anchor and to let down their boat, and a part of the crew to attempt to escape in it to the shore. If, then, we assume that the wind blew from the same point during the continuance of the storm, we must sup pose that they adopted some precaution against being driven upon the African coast, which Luke does not mention, although his narrative may imply it. The only such precaution, according to the opinion of nautical men, which they could have adopted in their circumstances, was to lie-to, i. e. turn the head of thepop.ivuiv rjp.Zv ev ™ 'ASpi'a, as we were borne through (sc. the waters, comp. v. 5) in the Adriatic. They may have been driven hither and thither, or onward in one direction ; the participle is indefinite. Mr. Smith's calculation assumes a uniform drift towards Melita. It has been said that the modern Malta lies too far south to be embraced in the sea so designated. The statement is erroneous. In its restricted sense, the Adriatic was the sea between Italy and Greece ; but in a wider sense it comprehended also the Ionian Sea around Sicily, near which was Melita. (Forbg. Handb. II. p. 19; Win. Realw. I. p. 23.) The later Greek and Roman writers, as Biscoe has shown, gave the name to the entire sea as far south as Africa. — . iirevoow .... x^pav, the mariners suspected that some land was ap proaching tkem. As Mr. Smith remarks, Luke uses here the graphic language of seamen, to whom the ship is the principal ob ject, whilst the land rises and sinks, nears and recedes. The nar rator does not state on what ground they suspected their vicinity to the land, lt was, no doubt, the noise of the breakers. This is usually the first notice of their danger which mariners have in coming upon a coast in a dark night. This circumstance fur nishes reason for believing that the traditionary scene of the shipwreck is the actual one. It is impossible to enter St. Paul's Bay from the east without passing near the point of Koura ; and while the land there, as navigators inform us, is too low to be seen in a stormy night, the breakers can be heard at a consider able distance, and in a northeasterly gale are so violent as to form on charts the distinctive feature of that headland. On the 10th of Chap. XXVII, 28. 29. COMMENTARY. 435 August, 1810, the British frigate Lively fell upon these breakers, in a dark night, and was lost. The quartermaster, who first ob served them, stated, in his evidence at the court-marlial, that at the distance of a quarter of a mile the land could not be seen, but that he saw the surf on the shore. — The distance from Claude to the point of Koura is 476.6 miles. Luke's narrative allows a fraction over thirteen days for the performance of this voyage. It must have occupied a day, or the greater part of a day, to have reached Claude after they left Fair Havens (see v. 13-16). According to the judgment of experienced seamen, " the mean rate of drift of a ship circumstanced like that of Paul" (i. e. working its way in such a direction in a gale of moderate severity, against a northeast wind) would be thirty-six and a half miles in twenty-four hours. " Hence, according to these calcula tions," says Mr. Smith (p. 122 sq.), "a ship starting late in the evening from Claude, would, by midnight on the fourteenth, be less than three miles from the entrance of, St. Paul's Bay. I ad mit that a coincidence so very close as this is, is to a certain ex tent, accidental ; but it is an accident which could not have hap pened had there been- any great inaccuracy on the part of the author of the narrative with regard to the numerous incidents upon which the calculations are founded, or had the ship been wrecked anywhere but at Malta." V. 28. fipaX" Se SiacmJo-avTes. «.. t. X. There was but a short distance, it will be observed, between the two soundings ; and the rate of decrease in the depth of the water, viz. first, twenty fathoms, and then fifteen, is such as would not be found to exist on eveiy coast. It is said 'that a vessel approaching Malta from the same direction finds the same soundings at the present day. — opyvid, fathom, (from bpiyui, to Stretch,) ar/p,alvei ttjv eKraaiv tuiv ^ei- puiv ovv ra 7rXdrei tou ar/jBovs. Etym. Magn. V. 29. eis Tpa^eis totous, upon rough, i. e. rocky, places. Their apprehension arose, not from what they saw, but from what they had reason to fear in a dark night on an unknown coast. The alarm was well founded; for " the fifteen fathom depth here is as nearly as possible a quarter of a mile only from the shore, which is girt with mural precipices, and upon which the sea must have been breaking with great violence." — eV irpvu.vqs .... TeWapas, having cast out four anchors from the stern. " To anchor success fully in a gale of wind, oh a lee shore, requires holding-ground of extraordinary tenacity. In St. Paul's Bay, the traditionary locahty of the shipwreck, the anchorage is thus described in the Sailing Directions : — ' The harbor of St, Paul is open to easterly 436 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 29. 30. and northeast winds. It is, notwithstanding, safe for small ships, the ground, generally, being very good ; and while the cables hold there is no danger, as the anchors will never start.' " The ancient vessels did not carry, in general, so large anchors as those which we employ; and hence they had often a greater number. Athenseus mentions a ship which had eight iron an chors. Paul's ship, as we see from the next verse, had other an chors besides those which were dropped from the stern. One object of anchoring in that way was to arrest the progress of the ship more speedily. No time was to be lost, as they knew not that they might not founder the next moment upon the shoals where the breakers were dashing. Had they anchored by the bow, we are told, there was reason for apprehending that the vessel would swing round and strike upon the rocks. The an cient ships were so constructed that they could anchor readily by the prow or the stern, as circumstances might require. Another advantage of the course here taken was that the head of the vessel was turned towards the land, which was their best position for running her ashore. That purpose they had no doubt formed already. " By cutting away the anchors (rds dyKupas 7repieXo'vTes), loosing the bands of the rudders (dvei/Tes Tas £euKTr/pias), and hoist ing the artemon (eVdpavTes rbv dpTe'pova), all of which could be done simultaneously, the ship was immediately under command, and could be directed with precision to any part of the shore which offered a prospect of safety." — The English ships of war were anchored by the stern in the battle of Copenhagen and rendered very effective service in that position. Mr. Howson mentions the singular fact that Lord Nelson stated after the battle that he was led to adopt that plan, because he had just been reading this twenty-seventh chapter of the Acts. — tju^ovto -qpipav yevioBai, they desired that day might come. The remark is full of significance. In the darkness of the night they could not tell the full extent of the dangers which surrounded them. They must have longed for returning day on that account. In the mean time it must have been difficult to preserve a vessel which had been so long tempest-tost from sinking. Their only chance of escape was to strand the ship as soon as the light enabled them to select a place which admitted of it. It is evident that every moment's delay must have been one of fearful suspense, as well as of peril to them. V. 30. tuiv Se vaurSv, k. t. X. This ungenerous attempt of the seamen to escape confirms the remark before made, that the ship was probably in so shattered a state, as to render it uncertain Chap. XXVII, 31-33. COMMENTARY. 437 whether it could outride the storm until morning. They may have had another motive for the act. The shore might prove tp be one on which they could not drive the vessel with any hope of safety ; and they may have deemed it more prudent to trust themselves to the boat, than to remain and await the issue of that uncertainty. — ^aXao-avrtov tt)v aKa^-qv, having lowered down the boat, which they had previously hoisted on board ; see v. 16. 17. — eK irpuipas, from the prow, since it was nearer thence to the shore, and was there only that they could pretend to need anchors, the stern being already secure, — dyKu'pas eKrei'veiv, not to cast out, (E. V.), but stretch out anchors. The idea of extending the cables runs into that of carrying out and dropping the anchors. Favored by the darkness, and under color of the pretext assumed, they would have accomplished their object, had not Paul's watchful eye penetrated their design. V. 31. ei7rev .... orpaTiajTais. Paul addressed himself to the centurion and the soldiers, because the officers of the ship were implicated in the plot, or, in consequence of the general deser tion, had no longer any power to enforce their orders. The sol diers are those who had charge of the different prisoners (v. 1), subject probably to the command of the centurion who had the particular care of the apostle. — ovtoi, these, viz. the mariners. - — upeis auiBrjvai ou Su'vacr^e, you cannot be saved. The pronoun is em phatic. The soldiers were destitute of the skill which the man agement of the ship required. It could not be brought success fully to land without the help of the mariners. This remark of Paul proves that the plan to abandon the vessel was not confined to a portion of the crew, but was a general one. V. 32. diriKOij/av rd axoivla Ttjs oKa^-ns, cut off the ropes of the boat., which fastened it to the vessel ; not those by which they were lowering it as that was already done (v. 30). The short sword of the soldiers furnished a ready instrument for the sum mary blow. — eiWav aurr/v eKireaelv, let it fall off (i. e. from the side of the vessel), go adrift. The next billow may have swamped . the frail craft. Verses 33-35. Paul assures tkem again that their Lives would be saved. V. 33. dxpi .... yiveo-5-ai, Now until it should be day, i. e. in the interval between the midnight mentioned in v. 27 and the sub sequent morning. — cnypepov is appositional in sense with ^pepav. — Trpoo-SoKwvTes, waiting for the cessation of the storm (De Wet.). 438 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 34-37. — davroi SiareXeu-e, ye continue fasting, -where the adjective sup plies the place of a participle. W. $ 45. 4. — pujSev irpooXa@6p.e-.'oi, having taken nothing, adequate to their proper nourishment, no regular food during all this time ; see v. 21. "Appian," says Dod- ridge, " speaks of an army, which, for twenty days together, had neither food nor sleep ; by which he must mean, that they neither made full meals nor slept whole nights together. The same in terpretation must be given to this phrase." The apostle's lan guage could not be mistaken by those to whom it was addressed. Compare v. 21. V. 3 1, touto .... iirdpxei,for this (viz. that they should partake of food) is important for your preservation. For 7rpds with this sense, see W. $ 47. 5. f. They would have to submit to much fatigue and labor before they reached the shore, and needed, therefore, to recruit their strength. — ouSevds .... ireaeirai, For there shall not a hair fall, etc. This was a proverbial expression, em ployed to convey an assurance of entire safety. See 1 Kings 1, 52; Luke 21, 18. V. 35. dprov, bread. This word, by a Hebraistic usage, often signifies food in the New Testament ; but KXaaa?, which follows, appears to exclude that sense here. Yet the present meal had no doubt its other accompaniments ; the bread only being men tioned because that, according to the Hebrew custom, was broken and distributed among the guests after the giving of thanks. The apostle performed, on this occasion, the usual office of the head of a Hebrew family. Olshausen expresses the fanciful opinion, as il. seems to me, that the Christians among them regarded this act as commemorative of the Lord's Supper, though the others did not understand Paul's design. The language employed here, it is true, more frequently describes that ordinance, but it is used also of an ordinary meal ; see Luke 24, 30. Verses 36-38. They partake of Food and again lighten the Ship. V. 36. evBvpoi Se yevdpevoi 7rdvres, Having all now become cheer ful. It is not accidental that the writer makes this remark in connection with irpoaeXdfiovro Tpotprjs. In their despair they had lost their inclination to eat; but the return of hope brought with it a keener sense of their wants, and they could now think of sat isfying their hunger. See on v. 21. 33. — Kai aW, also themselves as well as he. The apostle had set them the example (qpiaro iaBleiv), and they all followed it. V. 37. The emphatic irdvres in v. 36 leads the writer to specify Chap. XXVII, 37. 38. COMMENTARY. 439 the number. — ai irdaai ij/vxal, all the souls together. For this ad verbial use of ttSs, see the note on 19, 7. For this use of ijjvxal, see on 2, 41. — SiaKoo-iai ifiSopfjKovTa ef, two hundred and sevenly- six. The number of persons on board shows that the vessel must have been one of the larger size. In the reign of Commodus, one of the Alexandrian wheat ships was driven, by stress of weather, into the Pirasus, and excited great curiosity on the part of the Athenians. Lucian visited this vessel, and has laid the scene of one of his Dialogues (ttXoTov rj eu^ai) on board of her. From the information furnished by him it has been estimated that the keel of this ship was about one hundred feet in length, and that she would measure between eleven and twelve hundred tons. Her dimensions, therefore, although inferior to those of many modern vessels, "were quite equal to those of the largest class of modern • merchantmen." Luke's ship was engaged in the same commerce (being, to use Lucian's language, piav tuv a7r' 'AiyuVrou eis TraX/W criTaywyoiv) ; and we have no reason to be surprised at her con taining such a number of men. See further, on v. 6. V. 38. iKovlaai rljv vavv; see on v. 18. Luke states merely the fact, that they lightened the ship again (it is the third time), but gives no explanation of it. The object may have been to diminish the depth of water which the ship drew, so as to en able them to approach nearer to the shore before striking. It has been conjectured, also, that the vessel may have been leaking so fast that the measure was necessary in order to keep her from sinking. — e'K/?aXXdpevoi rbv airov, casting out the wheat or grain, corn, since the term has frequently that wider sense. As suggested on v. 18, we are to understand here that they threw into the sea the grain which constituted the cargo, or the bulk of the cargo, which the ship carried. The fact that the ship belonged to Alex andria is presumptive proof that she was loaded with grain, since that was the principal commodity exported from Egypt to Italy. The explicit notice here, that they lightened the ship by throw ing the grain into the sea, harmonizes with that presumption, and tends to confirm it. Some have thought that o-itov may denote the ship's provisions ; but these would have consisted of various different articles, and would not naturally be described by so spe cific a term as this. The connection, which has been said to favor the opinion last stated, agrees equally well with the other. Hav ing their hopes revived by the spectacle of Paul's undisturbed serenity, and by his animating address, and being reinvigorated after so long a fast by the food of which they had partaken, they '440 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 38. 39. were now in a condition both of mind and body to address them selves to the labors which their safety required. This view, therefore, places their lightening of the ship in a perfectly natural connection with the circumstances related just before. In addi tion to this, as Hemsen urges, their remaining stock of provisions, after so protracted a voyage, must have been already so reduced that it could have had little or no effect on the ship, whether they were thrown away or retained. — Mr. Blunt (p. 326) has very prop erly called attention to the manner in which the narrative dis closes to us the nature of the ship's cargo. In the fifth verse we are informed that the vessel " into which the centurion removed Paul and the other prisoners at Myra belonged to Alexandria, and was sailing into Italy. From the tenth verse we learn that it was a merchant-vessel, for mention is made of its lading, but the na ture of the lading is not directly stated. In this verse, at a dis tance of some thirty verses from the last, we find, by the merest chance, of what its cargo consisted. The freight was naturally enough kept till it could be kept no longer, and then we discover for the first time that it was wheat ; the very article which such vessels were accustomed to carry from Egypt to Italy. These notices, so detached from each other, tell a continuous story, but it is not perceived till they are brought together. The circum stances drop out one by one in the course of the narrative, unar- ranged, unpremeditated, thoroughly incidental ; so that the chap ter might be read twenty times, and their agreement with one another and with contempory history be still overlooked." Verses 39-44. The Shipwreck. Those on board escape to the Shore by swimming, or on Fragments of the Vessel. \ . 39. ttjv yrjv ouk iireylvuiaKov, they recognized not the land, within view. The day has dawned, and they could now distin guish it. It has appeared to some surprising that none of those on board should have known a place with which those at least who were accustomed to the sea might be expected to have been so well acquainted. The answer is, that the scene of the ship wreck was remote from the principal harbor, and, as those who have been on the spot testify, distinguished by no marked fea ture which would render it known even to a native, if he came unexpectedly upon it. The Bay, so justly known as St. Paul's Bay, is at the northwest extremity of the island, and is formed by lhe main shore on the south, and the island of Salmonetta on the north. It extends from east to west, two miles long and one Chap. XXVII, 39. 40. COMMENTARY. 44! broad at the entrance, and at the inner end is nearly land-locked on three sides. It is several miles north of Valetta, the famous rock-bound harbor of Malta.1 — ko'Xttov .... aiyiaXdv, they perceived a certain inlet, creek, having a shore, one open or smooth (see on 21, 5), on which they could run the ship with a hope of saving their lives. " Luke uses here the correct hydrographical term." The remark implies that the coast generally was unsafe for such an attempt. The present conformation of the coast on that side of Malta confirms Luke's accuracy in this particular. The shore there presents an unbroken chain of rocks, interrupted at only two points. — eis ov . . . . irXolov, into which they determined, if they could, to thrust. forth (i. e. from the sea), to drive ashore, the ship. For e£5o-ai from iguiBiui, see W. $ 15; K. } 165. 7. The wind must have forced them to the west side of the bay, which is rocky, but has two creeks. One of these, Mestara Valley, has a shore. The other has no longer a sandy beach, but must have had one for merly, which has evidently been worn away by the action of the sea. The vessel grounded (v. 41) before they reached the point on shore at which they aimed, though they may have entered the creek. V. 40. Kai Tas dyKupas .... BdXaaaav, and having entirely cut away the anchors they abandoned them unto the sea. On this force of the preposition in 7repieXdvTes, comp. irepirjpelro in v. 20. It has been referred to the position of the anchors as being around the ship; but they had all been dropped from the stern (v. 29), and as the strain would be mainly in one direction, they would not be likely to be found on different sides of the vessel. Our English translators followed the Vulgate in their inaccurate version of this clause. — dpa .... ir-qSaXiuiv, at the same time having unfas tened the bands of the rudders. Most of the ancient vessels were furnished with two rudders. No sea-going vessel had less than two, although small boats and river craft, such as those on the Nile, were sometimes steered by one. The irqSdXia, were more hke oars or paddles than our modern helm. They were attached to the stern, one on each quarter, distinguished as the right and the left rudder. In the larger ships the extremities of the rud ders were joined by a pole, which was moved by one man and kept the rudders always parallel. See Diet, of Antt., Art. Guber- 1 Smith's chart of St. Paul's Bay is copied in Howson, with the necessary ex planations. 1 had the gratification of a hurried visit to this locality on my way to Alexandria. It appeared to me to fulfil every condition of the narrative, as the scene of the apostle's shipwreck. 56 442 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVII, 40. 41. naculum. When a vessel was anchored by the stern, as was the case here, it would be necessary to lift the rudders out of the water and to secure them by bands. These bands it would be necessary to unfasten when the ship was again got under weigh. dveVres is the second aorist participle in the active from dvl-qpi. K. § 180. See on 16, 26. — eVrapavres . . . . rfj irveovan, SC. aupa, having hoisted the foresail to the wind. dpripMiv has been taken by different writers as the name of almost every sail which a vessel carries, e. g. mainsail, topsail, jib, etc. We have no ancient de finition of the term which throws any certain light upon its mean ing. It passed into some of the modern languages, where it is variously applied, but occurs in no ancient Greek author out of Luke's account of this voyage. Most commentators, without any attempt to substantiate tlieir opinion, put it down as the " mainsail." The nautical argument is said to be in favor of the foresail, i. e. the sail attached to the mast nearest the prow ; or if there was but one mast, fixed to a spar or yard near the prow. "As the ancients depended for speed chiefly upon one principal sail, an appendage or additional sail at the bow of the ship was required for the purpose of directing the vessel when in the act of putting about ; for, although tliere could be no diffi culty in bringing the ship's head to the wind with the great sail alone, a small sail at the bow would be indispensable for making her ' pay off' that is, bringing her head round ; otherwise she would acquire stern -way, and thereby endanger the rudders, if not the ship itself." The vessels on coins and in other ancient representations exhibit a sail of this description. With this sail raised, it is said that a ship situated like that of Paul would move towards the shore with more precision and velocity than with any other. " A sailor will at once see that the foresail was the best • possible sail that could be set under the circumstances." V. 41. irepiireo6vTe% Se eis toitov SiBdXaaaov, having fallen into a place having two seas. This has been supposed by many com mentators to have been a concealed shoal or sand-bank, formed by the action of two opposite currents. In the course of time such a bank, as is frequently the case at the mouth of rivers or near the shore, may have been worn away,1 so that the absence of any such obstruction there at the present time decides nothing against that supposition. It has also been understood to have been a tongue of land or promontory, against the shores of which 1 Eor examples of this, see Lyell's Principles of Geology, p. 285 sq. (8th ed., 1850). Chap. XXVII, 41.42. COMMENTARY. 443 the sea beat strongly from opposite quarters. It is not stated that any projection exists there now, to which Luke's description, if explained in that manner, would apply. Mr. Smith is of the opinion that to7tos Si^dXaoo-os may refer to the channel, not more than a hundred yards in breadth, which separates the small isl and Salmonetta from Malta ; and which might very properly be called a place where " two seas meet," on account of the commu nication which it forms between the sea in the interior of the bay and the sea outside. He would place the scene of the ship wreck near that channel, and, according to the representation on his map, a little to the north of the place to which tradition has generally assigned it. The creek near here, at present without a beach (see v. 39), may be the one which they attempted to enter. The final shock now ensues. — Kai y pev irpuipa, k. t. X., And the prow, sticking fast, remained immovable, but the stern was broken by the violence of the waves. " This is a remarkable cir cumstance, which, but for the peculiar nature of the bottom of St. Paul's Bay, it would be difficult to account for. The rocks of Malta disintegrate into extremely minute particles of sand and clay, which, when acted upon by the currents, or surface agitation, form a deposit of tenacious clay ; but in still water, where these causes do not act, mud is formed ; but it is only in the creeks where are no currents, and at such a depth as to be undisturbed by the waves, that the mud occurs. In Captain Smyth's chart of the bay, the nearest soundings to the mud in dicate a depth of about three fathoms, which is about what a large ship would draw. A ship, therefore, impelled by the force of a gale into a creek with a bottom such as has been described, would strike a bottom of mud into which the fore part would fix itself and be held fast, whilst the stern was exposed to the force of the waves." — Meyer defends tuiv Kvp-drav with good reason against Tischendorf and others. V. 42. It is the soldiers who initiate this scheme ; since they only and not the mariners were interested in the fate of the pris oners. — fZovX-q, plan, resolution, not counsel merely; comp. plovX-q- paros below. — iva tous Seras drroKTelvuiai, that they should kill the prisoners, defines /3ouXiy, and circumscribes the declarative or sup plementary infinitive. W. \ 44. 8 ; S. § 162. 3. 2. Meyer after Fritzsche never admits this use, but insists on Iva as telic even here. — Of the rigor with which those were liable to be punished who were charged with the custody of prisoners, if the latter escaped from them in any way, we have had proof in 12, 19 and 16, 27. 444 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVni. 1. V. 43. It will be recollected that, according to the Roman custom, each of the prisoners was chained to a particular soldier, who was his keeper. As to the relation of these soldiers to the centurion, see on v. 31. — iKuiXvaev aurous tou fiovX-qp-aTos, restrained them from their purpose. Thus it happened again (see v. 24) that Paul's companions were indebted to their connection with him for the preservation of their lives, ri connects this clause with the next, because of their co-ordinate relation to /JouXdpevos. — diropplipavTas has a reciprocal sense. — e£ie'vai, to go forth, not from the ship, which is the force of diro in the participle just before, but from the sea km ttjv yqv. V. 44. tous Xoi7rous is the subject of efie'vai, repeated from the preceding clause. — eVi o-avi'o-iv, upon boards, such probably as were in use about the ship, but not parts of it, which would con found this clause with the next. — im tivuiv tuiv dirb tov irXolov, upon some of ike pieces from the ship, which they themselves tore away or which the surge had broken off Most critics distinguish the two expressions in this manner. Kuinoel renders aavlaiv, tables. A few understand that term of the permanent parts of the vessel, and tiv__ov dirb tou irXoiov of such things as seats, barrels, and the like which were floating away from the wreck. But articles of this description they would be likely to have lost, or to have thrown into the sea before this time. — ouVws, thus, i. e. in the two ways that have been mentioned. — Siacrco^vai, were saved. This was not the first peril of the kind from which the apostle had been delivered. Li 2 Cor. 11, 25, he says, "thrice I suffered shipwreck, a night and a day have I spent in the deep ; " and he recorded that statement several years before the present disaster. CHAPTER XXVIII. Verses 1-10. Their Abode during the Winter at Melita. V 1. eVeyvGio-av, k. t. X., they ascertained (by intercourse prob ably with the inhabitants) that the island is called Melita. That this was the modern Malta cannot well be doubted. An island with the same name, now Meleda, lies up the Adriatic on the coast of Dalmatia, which some have maintained to be the one where Paul was wrecked. Bryant defended that opinion. It is advocated still in Valpy's Notes on the New Testament. The Chap. XXVIII, 1. 2. COMMENTARY. 445 argument for that opinion founded on the name Adriatic has been already refuted in the remarks on 27, 27. It has also been al leged for it, that no poisonous serpents are found at present on Malta. Mr. Smith mentions Coleridge (Table Talk, p. 185) as urging that difficulty. The more populous and cultivated state of the island accounts for the disappearance of such reptiles. Naturalists inform us that these animals become extinct or dis appear as the aboriginal forests of a country are cleared up, or as the soil is otherwise brought under cultivation. See note on v. 3. It would be difficult to find a surface of equal extent in so artificial a state as that of Malta at the present day. The posi tive reasons for the common belief as to the place of the ship wreck are, that the traditional evidence sustains it ; that Malta lies in the track of a vessel driven by a northeast wind ; that the reputed locality of the wreck agrees with Luke's account; that the Alexandrian ship in which they reembarked would very natu rally winter there, but not at Meleda; and that the subsequent course of the voyage to Puteoli is that which a vessel would pur sue in going from Malta, but not from the other place. Malta is sixty miles from Cape Passero, the southern point of Sicily, and two hundred miles from the African coast. It is farther from the main land than any other island in the Mediterranean. It is sev enteen miles in length, nine miles in its greatest breadth, and sixty miles in circumference. It is nearly equi-distant between the two ends of the Mediterranean. Its highest point is saidHo be six hundred feet above the level of the sea. V. 2. oi Se ftdpfiapoi. The inhabitants are called barbarians with reference to their language, which "was not that either of the Greeks or Romans ; not because they were rude and degrad ed. It is strange that Coleridge should say that the Melitamns cannot be meant here because they were highly civilized. These islanders belonged to the Phoenician race, and spoke a Semitic dialect, most probably the Punic, i. e. the Phoenician as spoken by the people of Carthage. " The Hebrew language," in its widest extent, says Hupfeld, " was the language not merely of the Hebrews, but of the other nations that inhabited Canaan, or Palastina, especially of the Phcenicians, so renowned as a com mercial people in the ancient world, and of the Carthaginians descended from them. This is proved especially by the proper names of the Canaanites in the Bible, and of the Phcenicians and Carthaginians in the classic writers, which are all formed in the Hebrew manner, and also by the remains of the Phoenician and the Punic language on Phoenician monuments and in the 446 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVIII, 2. 3. classics, so far as these have been as yet deciphered."1 The Greeks and Romans who settled on the island at different times never introduced to any great extent their language or customs. — ou T-ijv Tu^mVav. See on 19, 11. — irpoaeXd/3ovro, received to them selves, or to their regard; comp. Rom. 14, 1 (De Wet.); not to their fire (Mey.). — Sid tov ierbv tov ieoTuiTa, on account of the rain which came upon us (De Wet. Rob.); the present rain (Wetst. E. V.). They would suffer the more from this inclem ent weather after so much exposure and fatigue. This remark in regard to the rain and cold disproves the assumption of some critics that it was a Sirocco wind, i. e. from the southeast, which Paul's ship encountered. That wind does not continue to blow more than two or three days, and is hot and sultry even as late as the month of November. V. 3. avarpiij/avTos .... 7rXi)5os, Now Paul having collected a great number (a heap) of dry sticks, such as would naturally be found among the rocks around the shore. — e^iSva, a viper. The Greeks applied this term to that reptile in distinction from other serpents, as is evident from Aristot. Lib. I. c. 6 : dXX' oi pev dXXoi woTOKouo-iv d^>eis, h 8' e^iSva povov ^woTOKei. Vipers are the only vi viparous serpents in Europe. It was remarked above that the viper is unknown in Malta at the present day. " No person," says Mr. Smith, " who has studied the changes which the opera tions of man have produced on the Fauna (animals) of any coun try, will be surprised that a particular species of reptiles should have disappeared from that of Malta. My friend, the Rev. Mr. Landsborough, in his interesting excursions in Arran, has repeat edly noticed the gradual disappearance of the viper from that island since it has become more frequented. Mr. Lyell,2 in quot- 1 It has been frequently asserted that the ancient Punic is the basis of the lan guage spoken by the native Maltese of the present day. That opinion is incor rect. Malta, at the time of the Saracen irruption, was overrun by Arabs, from whom the common people of the island derive their origin. The dialect spoken by them is a corrupt Arabic, agreeing essentially with that of the Moors, but in termixed to a greater extent with words from the Italian, Spanish, and other European languages. The Maltese language approaches so nearly to the Arabic that the islanders are readily understood in all the ports of Africa and Syria. Gese- nius first investigated thoroughly this dialect in his Versuch iiber die maltesische Sprache, etc. (Leipzig 1810). He has given the results of this investigation in his Article on Arabien in Ersch and Gruber's Encyklopadie. In his History of the Hebrew Language, he remarks that, although the ancestral pride of the Mal tese themselves may dispose them to trace back their language to the old Punic, yet it contains nothing which is not explained far more naturally out of the modern Arabic, than as the product of so ancient a tongue. 2 Principles of Geology (7th ed.), p. 655. Chap. XXVIII, 3. 4. COMMENTARY. 447 ing the travels of Spix and Martius in Brazil, observes : ' They speak of the dangers to which they were exposed from the jaguar, the poisonous serpents, crocodiles, scorpions, centipedes, and spi ders. But with the increasing population and cultivation of the country, say these naturalists, these evils will gradually diminish ; when the inhabitants have cut down the woods, drained the marshes, made roads in all directions, and founded villages and towns, man will, by degrees, triumph over the rank vegetation and the noxious animals.' " — iK t>?s Bipp,^, from the heat, the effect of it (De Wet.) ; or (less appropriate to the noun) from the place of it, as explained by Winer ($ 47. 5. b.) and others. But the best manuscripts read d?rd (Lchm. Tsch. Mey.), and the sense then is (comp. 20, 9 ; Luke 19, 3), on account of the heat. The viper had evidently been taken up among the sticks which Paul had gathered ; and, as may be inferred from imBevro's im ttjv 7rupdv, had been thrown with them into the fire. This latter sup position is required by the local sense of iK rrj<; Bipp,^, and is en tirely consistent with the causal sense. The viper was probably in a torpid state, and was suddenly restored to activity by the heat. It was now cold, in consequence both of the storm and the lateness of the season (v. 2) ; and such reptiles become tor pid as soon as the temperature falls sensibly below the mean temperature of the place which they inhabit. Vipers, too, lurk in rocky places, and that is the character of the region where the incident occurred. They are accustomed, also, to dart at their enemies, sometimes several feet at a bound ; and hence the one mentioned here could have reached the hand of Paul as he stood in the vicinity of the fire.1 — Instead of e£eX.9ouo-a (T. R.), having come forth, the more descriptive 8ie£eXBovaa (Tsch. Mey.), repre sents the viper as having come forth (from the fire) through the sticks among which it was taken up. — KaByube, fastened itself , in the sense of the middle. This reflexive use of the active oc curs only here, which accounts for KaByfaro, as read in some copies. V. 4. dis Se, k. t. X., Now as the barbarians saw the animal hang ing from his hand, to which it clung by the mouth. Aristotle also uses Bijplov of the viper. That it was "venomous" (E. V) re sults, not from this mode of designation, but from e^iSva. Luke does not say expressly that Paul was bitten ; but the nature of the reptile, the leap, the clinging to his hand, leave us to infer that ! For the information in this note concerning the habits of the viper, I am indebted chiefly to Professor Agassiz of Cambridge. 448 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVIII, 5-7. with almost entire certainty. Those who stood near and wit nessed the occurrence supposed evidently that such was the fact. That he should have escaped being bitten under such circum stances would have been hardly less miraculous than that the ordinary effect of the poison should have been counteracted. We seem to be justified, according to either view, in regarding his presei-vation as a fulfilment of the promise of Christ in Mark 16, 17. 18. On the form of Kpep.dp.evov, see K. $ 179. 5. — ^oveu's .... outos, this man is a murderer. They perceived from his chain, per haps, or some other indication, that Paul was a prisoner. The attack of the viper proved to them that he must have committed some atrocious crime. ^>oveu's points, not to a specific offence, but to the class of offenders to which they supposed he might be long. — y SIkv typ/ ovk elaaev, justice suffered not to live. Observe the past tense. They consider his doom as sealed. Vengeance, in their view, had already smitten its victim. V. 5. eiraBev ouSev KaKo'v, suffered no evil. This statement agrees with the supposition either that he had not been bitten, or that the poison had produced no effect upon him. V. 6. airbv peXXeiv irlpnrpaaBai, that he would be inflamed (ht. burn), since inflammation is attended with heat. — KaTairlirreiv dcjivui veKpov, that he would suddenly fall down dead. Sudden col lapse and death ensue often from the bite of serpents. Shak speare speaks as a naturalist when he says of the asp-bitten Cleopatra, " Trembling she stood, and on the sudden dropped." — piySev droirov, nothing bad, injurious; in a moral sense, in Luke 23, 41. — peTajiaXX6p.evoi may take after it ttjv yvuip-qv or omit it. — Bebv aurdv eTvai, that he was a god. Bengel : " Aut latro, inquiunt, aut deus; sic modo tauri, modo lapides (14, 13. 19). Datur ter- tium ; homo Dei." V. 7. 7repi tov tottov eKeivov, around that place, the one where they were wrecked. Tradition places the residence of Publius at Citta Vecchia, the Medina of the Saracens ; which, though in the centre of Malta, is but a few miles from the coast (see on v. 1). — tw irpuiTw rrj^ vqaov. There can be no doubt that Publius is called the first (or chief) of the island because he was the Roman governor. Melita was first conquered by the Romans during the Punic wars, and in the time of Cicero (4 Ver. c. 18) was annexed to the prsetorship of Sicily. The prastor of that island would naturally have a legate or deputy at this place. Chap. XXVIII, 7. COMMENTARY. 449 The title xpSTos, under which he is mentioned here, has been justly cited by apologetic writers, as Tholuck, Ebrard, Krabbe, Baumgarten, Lardner, Paley, Howson, as a striking proof of Luke's accuracy. No otlier ancient writer happens to have given his official designation ; but two inscriptions, one in Greek and the other in Latin, have been discovered in Malta, in which we meet with the same title employed by Luke in this passage.1 It is impossible to believe that Publius, or any other single individ ual, would be called the first man in the island, except by way of official eminence. It will be observed that the father of Pub lius was still living, and during his lifetime he would naturally have taken precedence of the son, had the distinction in this case been one which belonged to the family.2 — T)pSs efeWev, 1 " The one in Greek is supposed to form a votive inscription by a Roman knight, named Aulus Castricius, 'first of the Melitans' (npunos Meknaioiv), to the emperor. The Latin inscription, on the pedestal of a column, was discov ered at Citta Vecchia, in excavating the foundation of the Casa del Magistrato, in 1747." a I have allowed this note to remain as it stood in the other edition, as it rep resents the general opinion of scholars respecting the official rank of Publius. Yet it is possible that they have erred in assigning this precise import to the title. I insert wilh thanks for the suggestion the following criticism of President Woolsey on this point : " The best information which we can obtain respecting the situation of Malta at the time of Paul's visit, renders it doubtful, to say the least, whether the interpreters are in the right as it regards the station of Publius. In a Greek inscription of an earlier date we find mention made of two persons holding the office of archon or magistrate in the island. A later inscription of the times of the Emperors may be translated as follows: 'Lucius Pudens, son of Claudius, of the tribe Quirina, a Roman eques, first [irpwros, as in Acts] and patron of the Melitaeans, after being magistrate and having held the post of flamen to Augustus, erected this.' Here it appears that the person named was still chief man of the island, although his magistracy had expired. Erom this inscription and others in Latin found at Gozzo, it is probable that the inhabitants of both islands had received the privilege of Roman citizenship, and were enrolled in the tribe Quirina. The magistracy was, no doubt, that of the Duumvirs, the usual municipal chief officers. The other titles correspond with titles to be met with on marbles relating to towns in Italy. Thus the title of chief corresponds to that of princeps in the colony nf Pisa, and is probably no more a name of office than the title of patron. Eor no such officer is known to have existed in the colonies or in the municipia, and the princeps colonics of Pisa is mentioned at a time when it is said that owing to a contention between candidates there were no magistrates.".— The difference does not affect the value of the alleged proof of the narrator's accuracy ; for in either case the term is a Roman title, and is ap plied by Luke to a person who bears it at the right time and in the right place. Indeed, the appellation of prince or patron would be more striking than that of magistrate, inasmuch as the range of its application is narrower, and a writer who was not stating the truth would be more liable to introduce it under circum stances that would render it inadmissible. 57 450 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVHI, 8-11. entertained us, viz. Luke, Paul, Aristarchus (27, 2), and no doubt the noble-hearted Julius ; not the entire two hundred and sev enty-six (Bmg.), as so indiscriminate a hospitality would be un called for and without any sufficient motive. V. 8. 7rupeTois. The plural has been supposed to describe the fever with reference to its recurrent attacks or paroxysms. This is one of those expressions in Luke's writings that have been supposed to indicate his professional training as a physician. See also 12, 23; 13, 11; and especially the comparison (d iSpAs auTou uiael Bpop.(5oi a'paTOS Kara/Jai'vovTes) in his Gospel (22, 44). It is correct to attach to them that significancy. No other writer of the New Testament exhibits this sort of technical precision in speaking of diseases. The disorder with which the father of Publius was affected was dysentery combined with fever. It was formerly asserted that a dry climate, like that of Malta, would not produce such a disorder ; but we have now the testimony of physicians resident in that island, that.it is by no means uncom mon there at the present day. V. 10. oi Kai, who also, on their part, i. e. while they came and were healed of their maladies. — iroXXais Tipais irlp-rjaav i)pas, hon ored us (viz. Paul and his companions) with many honors, courte sies. They were entertained with a generous hospitality, and distinguished by marks of special regard and kindness. Some render TipaTs rewards or presents ; but the next clause appears to limit their reception of the favors in question to the time of their departure and to the relief of their necessary wants. It is cer tain that they did not, even then, accept the gifts which were proffered to them as a reward for their services ; for that would have been at variance with the command of Christ in Matt. 10, 8. Verses 11—16. Prosecution of the Journey to Rome. V. 11. peTa Tpeis p.T)vas. The three months are the time that they remained on the island. They were probably the months of November, December, and January. The season may have admitted of their putting to sea earlier than usual. The arrival at Melita could not have been later than October, for a brief in terval only lay between the fast (27, 9) and the beginning of the storm (27, 27). — <-ev irXoi'u TrapaKe^eipaKoVi. Luke does not state why this vessel had wintered here. It is a circumstance which shows the consistency of the narrative. The storm which occa sioned the wreck of Paul's vessel had delayed this one so long, that it was necessary on reaching Melita to suspend the voyage Chap. XXVIII, 12. 13. COMMENTARY. 451 until spring. This vessel had been during the winter at Valetta, which must always have been the principal harbor of Malta. irapaa-qpuo Aioo-Koupois, with the sign Dioscuri, or distinguished by Dioscuri, i. e. having images of Castor and Pollux painted or carved on the prow, from which images the vessel may have been named. This use of figure-heads on ancient ships was very com mon. See Diet, of Antt., Art. Insigne. Castor and Pollux were the favorite gods of seamen, the winds and waves being supposed to be specially subject to their control. It is of them that Horace says (Od. 1. 12. 27-32) : " Quorum simul alba nautis Stella refulsit, Dcfluit saxis agitatus humor; Concidunt venti, fugiuntque nubes, Et minax (quod sic voluere) ponto Unda recumbit." See, also, Od. 1. 3. 2. irapaa-qpuui may be a noun or an adjective. The former appears to have been most common hi this applica tion. The other construction is easier as regards the dative, and is preferred by De Wette. V. 12. SupaKouo-as, Syracusce. This city, the capital of Sicily, on the southeastern coast of that island, was about eighty miles north from Melita. It was built partly on the adjacent island of Ortygia, and from that circumstance, or as others say because it included at length several villages, may have received its plural name. The modern Siracusa or Siragossa occupies only a part of the ancient city, viz. Ortygia (Forbg.). — iirep.eivap.ev. They may have stopped here for trade, or in the hope of a better wind. V. 13. 7repieX5dvres, having come around or about. The sense of the preposition it is impossible to determine with certainty. One supposition is, that it refers to their frequent alteration of the ship's course ; in other words, to their tacking, because the wind was unfavorable. So Smith, Howson, and others, explain the word. Mr. Lewin thinks that " as the wind was westerly, and they were under the shelter of the high mountainous range of Etna, they were obliged to stand out to sea in order to fill their sails, and so come to Rhegium by a circuitous sweep." 1 Another view is, that they were compelled by the wind to follow 1 " I was informed by a friend many years ago, that when he made the voyage himself from Syracuse to Rhegium, the vessel in which he sailed took a similar circuit for a similar reason." Lewin, II. p. 736. 452 COMME N'T A R Y . Chap. XXVIH, 13. closely the sinuosities of the coast, to proceed circuitously. De Wette says, which is much less probable, that they may have gone around Sicily, or the southern extremity of Italy. — eis 'PtJ. yiov, unto Rhegium, now Reggio, which was an Italian seaport, opposite to the northeastern point of Sicily. Here they remained a day, when the wind, which had been adverse since their leav ing Syracuse, became fair, and they resumed the voyage. The steamers between Naples and Malta touch at Messina, and Reg gio appears in full view on the Italian side. If Paul passed here in February (v. 11 above), the mountains on the island and on the main land were still covered with snow, and presented to the eye a dreary aspect. — '¦ eViyevopevou vdrou, a south -wind having arisen on them ; comp. the compound participle in v. 2, and in 27, 20. The dative of the person is often expressed after im with this force ; see Herod. 8. 13. — Seurepaioi, on the second day ; comp. John 11, 39. This adverbial use of the ordinals is classical. K. } 264. 3. Iv — eis IIoTidXous. Puteoli, now Pozzuoli, was eight miles southwest from Neapolis, .the modern Naples. It derived its name from the springs (putei) which abound there, or from the odor of the waters (a putendo)} Its earlier Greek name was AiKaidpxeia. It was the principal port south of Rome. Nearly all the Alexandrian and a great part of the Spanish trade with Italy was brought hither. The seventy-seventh Letter of Seneca gives a lively description of the interest which the arrival of the corn-ships from Egypt was accustomed to excite among the inhab itants of that town. A mole with twenty-five arches stretched itself into the sea, at the entrance of this bay, alongside of which the vessels as they arrived cast anchor for the delivery of their freight and passengers. Thirteen of the piers which upheld this immense structure, show their forms still above the water, and point out to us as it were the very footsteps of the apostle as he passed from the ship to the land. — The voyage from Rhegium to Puteoli, which the Castor and Pollux accomplished in less than two days, was about one hundred and eighty miles. The pas sage, therefore, was a rapid one ; but as examples of the ancient rate of sailing show, not unprecedented. Herodotus states that a ship could sail seven hundred stadia in a day, and six hundred in a night, i. e. thirteen hundred in twenty-four hours, which would be at the rate of about one hundred and fifty English miles a day. Strabo says, that a voyage could be made from Sammo- 1 As examples, travellers will recollect the Grotto del Cane near Cumae, and the Baths of Nero at Baia. Chap. XXVIII, 13. 14. COMMENTARY. 453 nium to Egypt in four days, reckoning the distance at five thou sand stadia, or about five hundred and seventy-three miles. This would be sailing one hundred and forty-three miles in twenty- four hours, or six miles an hour. Pliny mentions several voyages which would be considered very good in modem times. He says that the prefects Galerius and Babilius arrived at Alexandria, the former on the seventh,' the latter ou the sixth day, after leaving the Straits of Messina. He states, also, that passages were made, under favorable circumstances, from the Straits of Hercules to Ostia, in seven days ; from the nearest port of Spain, in four ; from the province of Narbonne, in three ; and from Africa, in two. Probably the most rapid run mentioned by any ancient writer is that of Arrian, in his Periplus of the Euxine, who says that " they got under way about daybreak," and that by midday they had come more than five hundred stadia ; that is, more than fifty geographical miles, which is at least eight miles an hour.1 The mean of the foregoing examples is seven miles an hour ; and if we suppose that the Castor and Polux sailed at that rate, the passage would have required only about twenty-six hours. This result agrees perfectly with Luke's account ; for he states that they left Rhegium on one day and arrived at Puteoli on the next. Their course, it will be observed, was nearly due north, and they were favored with a south wind. V. 14. en-' aurois, with (lit. upon) them; comp. 21,4. The local idea blends itself with the personal. See W. § 48. c. — ijpepas eirrd, a week ; see on 20, 6. They had an opportunity to spend a Sabbath with the Christians there. The centurion granted this delay, not improbably, in order to gratify the wishes of Paul. After such events, the prisoner would have a power over his keeper well nigh unbounded. In the mean time, the news of the apostle's arrival would travel to Rome, and thus prepare the way for what we read in the next verse. — Kai ouVws, k. t. X., and so, after the interval thus spent, we went unto Rome ; not came unless the remark be proleptic. The incidents in v. 15 occur on the way thither. On leaving Puteoli, Julius and his party would proceed naturally to Capua, about twelve miles, the nearest point for intersecting the Appian Way. The distance from Capua to Rome by this road was about one hundred and twenty-five miles.8 1 I have relied for these statements, partly on Eorbiger, and partly on Biscoe and Smith. 2 Mr. Howson's map of this journey to the city will enable the reader to follow the apostle's course very distinctly. 454 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVIII, 15. 16. V. 15. Two companies of the Christians at Rome went forth to meet the apostle ; but separately and at different times. Hence the advanced party reached Appii Forum, about forty miles from Rome, before Paul appeared ; the later party met him at Tres Taber na1, which was thirty miles from Rome. (Itiner. Antonin.) Other estimates (Itiner. Hieros.) place Appii Forum a few miles nearer to Rome. This town was named from Appius Claudius Caucus, who built the Appian Way. It lay on the northern bor der of the Pontine Marshes, at the end of the canal which ex tended thither from a point a few miles above Anxur or Terra- cina. Horace (Sat. 1. 5. 4) speaks of Appii Forum as "full of boatmen," who were engaged in forwarding passengers over this canal, a distance of twenty miles. The Appian Way ran near the canal, and it would depend on circumstances unknown to us, whether the centurion travelled in one mode or the other. Strabo mentions that night-travellers (as in the case of Horace) usually preferred the boat. The present Locanda di Foro Appio, a wretched inn, marks probably the site of Appii Forum. It is almost the only human shelter in the midst of a solitude enliv ened once by incessant commerce and travel. — Tres Tabernce, as appears from one of Cicero's letters to Atticus (2. 12), must have been near where the cross-road from Antium fell into the Appian Way. It is thought to have been not far from the mod ern Cisterna, the bulk of which lies on the traveller's left in going from Rome to Naples, under the shadow of the Volscian Hills. — ous .... Bdpoos, whom Paul seeing gave thanks to God and took courage. He may have met a few of the Roman Christians in foreign lands, but was a stranger to nearly all of them except in name, and would approach the city with the natural anxiety of one who had yet to learn what feelings they entertained tow ards him. Such a cordial reception, such impatience to see him and welcome him to their hearts, would scatter all his doubts, and thrill his bosom with gratitude and joy. The church at Rome contained heathen converts as well as Jewish. The apostle of the Gentiles would see a special cause for encouragement and thanksgiving, in the presence of such witnesses of the success of the gospel in the great metropolis. V. 16. As Paul travelled on the Appian Way, he must have entered Rome through the Capcnian Gate, not far from the mod ern Porta San Sebastiano. — 6 eKarovrap^os .... o-TpaT07reSdp^ij, the centurion delivered the prisoners lo the commander of the camp, i. e. the prEetorian camp, where the emperor's body-guard was quar tered. See Phil. 1, 13. This camp or garrison had been built Chap. XXVTII, 16. COMMENTARY. ,,„ 455 by Sejanus, the favorite of Tiberius, in the vicinity of the Porta Nomentana (Win.). The exact spot is known to be that within the projection, at the northeast corner of the present city-wall. Nearly all critics at present, as Olshausen, Anger, De Wette Meyer, Wieseler, suppose this officer, i. e. the prafectus prcetorio, to be meant here. • The prisoners who were sent to Rome from the provinces were committed to his custody. There is a differ ence of opinion in regard to the article. The command of the pratorian guard was originally divided between two prefects, but during the reign of Claudius, Burrus Afranius, a distinguished Roman general, was appointed sole prafectus prcetorio, and re tained this office as late certainly as the beginning of A. D. 62. On his death the command was committed again to two, prefects, as it had been at first, and this continued to be the arrangement until a late period of the empire. The time of Paul's arrival at Rome could not have been far from A. D. 62, as admits of being shown by an independent calculation (see Introd. § 6. 5). Wie seler (p. 86) supposes tut aTpaToireSdpxxi to refer to Burrus, as sole prefect at that time, and he urges the expression as a reason for assigning the apostle's arrival to A. D. 62, or the year preceding. It is very possible that this view is the correct one. It would furnish a striking coincidence between Luke's narrative and the history of the times. Yet, in speaking of the prefect, the writer may have meant the one who acted in this particular case, the one who took into his charge the prisoners whom the centurion transferred to him, whether he was sole prefect or had a colleague with him ; comp. 24, 23. De Wette assents to Meyer in this ex planation of the article. The expression, as so understood, does not affirm that there was but one prefect, or deny it. — ™ Se Ilau- Xa>, k. t. X., But it was permitted lo Pa.ul (i. e. by the prefect to whom he had been consigned) to dwell by himself, instead of being con fined with the other prisoners. This was a favor which the Ro man laws often granted to those who were not suspected of any very serious offence. The centurion, who had already shown himself so friendly to the apostle, may have interceded for him ; or the terms in which Festus had reported the case (see on 26, 32) may have conciliated the prefect. In the use of this liberty, Paul repaired first to the house of some friend (v. 23), and after wards rented an appartment for his own use (v. 30). — avv tu> cpvXdoaovTi airbv arpaTiuirn, with the soldier who guarded him, and to whom he was fastened by a chain. Different soldiers relieved each other in the performance of this office. Hence, as Paul states in Phil. 1, 13, he became, in the course of time, personally 456 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVHI, 17-20. known to a great number of the prastorian soldiers, and through them to their comrades. The notoriety which he thus acquired served to make his character as a prisoner for the sake of the gospel more widely known, and thus to aid him in his efforts to extend the knowledge of Christ. To this result the apostle re fers in Phil. 1, 12 sq. Verses 17-22. Paul has an Interview with the chief Men of the Jews at Rome. V. 17. perd yp-ipas Tpeis, after- three days, on the third from his arrival ; comp. 25, 1. The apostle's untiring activity is manifest to the last. — ™v TouSaiW are the unbelieving fews, not the Jewish Christians. Their first men would be the rulers of the synagogue, or would include them. — evavn'ov governs the dative here, as in 1 Thess. 2, 15; comp. 26, 9. — Troi-qaaol, Xau, irarpwois, 'lapa-qX, which follow so rapidly breathe the same conciliatory spirit. Such expressions show how self-forgetting Paul was, how ready to acknowledge what was common to his opponents and himself. — yvayKaaByv iiriKaXiaaaBai Kaicrapa, I was compelled to appeal unto Ccesar; as his only resort in order to save himself from assassination or judicial murder ; comp. 25, 9 sq. — oix (us, k. t. X., not as having (i. e. because I had) anything (as the mo tive for this appeal) to charge against my nation, viz. before the emperor. The apostle would repel a suspicion which he sup posed it not unnatural for the Roman Jews to entertain ; or, pos sibly, would deny an imputation with which the Jews in Pales tine had actually aspersed him (Wiesl). Paul says my nation (IBvov; pov) and not people (see Xaui above), because Kalaapa just before distinguishes the Romans and the Jews from each other. V. 20. Sid TauTTyv ouv ttjv aiTidv, On this account, therefore, viz. that his feelings towards the Jews were so friendly. — 7rapeKaXeo-a upas iSeTv, I called, invited, you that I might see you. Some sup ply epe' as the object of iSeTv, which destroys the unity of the sen tence. — eve«ev .... 'IopaTjX, for on account of the hope of Israel Chap. XXVIII, 21. 22. COMMENTARY. 457 i. e. the hope of a Messiah which the nation entertained ; comp. 26, 6. This clause is coordinate with the one which precedes. It states an additional reason why he had sought the present in terview. — ttjv dXuo-iv TauTTjv 7repiKeipai, I am compassed with this chain, have my arm bound with it. So, also, when the apostle wrote in Phil. 4, 4, " Rejoice in the Lord always ; and, again, I say, rejoice," he was manacled as a felon, and was liable at any moment to be condemned to the wild beasts or the block. The construction is similar to that of the accusative after passive verbs ; comp. irepUeiTai daBiveiav in Heb. 5, 2. V. 21. T^peis ouYe ypdppara, k. t. X., We received neither letters, etc. This statement refers to their having received no official information, either written or oral, in regard to the circumstances under which Paul had been sent to Rome. Some have supposed the Jews to be insincere in this declaration, as if it was improb able that they should have been uninformed in regard to so im portant an event. But we have no sufficient reason for calling in question their veracity. The Palestine Jews could hardly have foreseen the issue to which the case was so suddenly brought ; and hence, before the apostle's appeal, would have deemed it unnecessary to apprise the Jews at Rome of the progress of the trial. It is barely possible that they could have forwarded intelli gence since the appeal had taken place. Paul departed for Italy evidently soon after he had appealed, and must have availed himself of one of the last opportunities for such a voyage which the season of the year allowed. Having spent the winter at Melita, he had proceeded to Rome at the earliest moment in the spring ; so that in the ordinary course of things he must have arrived there in advance of any ship that might, have left Pales tine after the reopening of navigation. — Repeat dirb tt)s TouSai'as after 7rapayevdpevos. — tis tuiv d8eXuiv, any one of the brethren, of our countrymen, i. e. as a special messenger, as a complainant. V. 22. dfioupev Se Trapd oou aKouo-ai, But (though in .the absence of such information we offer no complaint) we deem it proper (Mey. Rob.) to hear from thee; comp. 15, 38. The verb may also mean we desire (De Wet. E. V.), but is less common in that sense. — irepi pkv ydp tt}s aipecrecos TauTTis, for concerning this sect of which Paul v/as known to be an adherent ; and as that circum stance (ydp) was not in his favor, they intimate that he was bound to vindicate himself from the reproach of such a connec tion. The Jews, it will be observed, in their reply to the apostle, abstain from any allusion to the Christians at Rome; indeed, they might have expressed themselves in the same manner had 58 458 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVIII, 22. no church existed there at this time, or had they been enthely ignorant of its exis.tence. To understand them, however, as af firming that they had heard of the sect only by report, that they possessed no personal knowledge of any who were connected with it, is certainly unauthorized. Baur * proceeds on this false assumption, and then represents the passage as inconsistent with the Epistle to the Romans, which -was written several years be fore this, and exhibits to us a flourishing church in the Roman metropolis. Zeller says the same thing. The peculiarity in the case is not by any means that the Jews denied that they were acquainted with those who held the Christian faith, but that they avoided so carefully any reference to the fact; what they knew was matter of general notoriety (TravTa^ou avTiXeyerai) ; they de cline the responsibility of asserting anything on the ground of their own personal knowledge. Various explanations have been given of this reserve on the part of the Jews. Olshausen's hypothesis is, that the opposition between the Jewish Christians and the Jews had become such, before Claudius banished the latter from Rome, as to separate them entirely from each other; and consequently that the Christians there remained in fact un known to the Jews who returned to Rome after the decree of banishment ceased to be in force. This view is improbable, and has found no supporters. The opinion of many of the older critics, to which Tholuck 2 also has returned, is that the irpuiroi tuiv 'IouSauov affected to be thus ignorant in regard to the Roman Christians ; that they wished to deceive the apostle, and uttered a direct falsehood when they told him that they had received no information concerning him from the Palestine Jews. The best account of this peculiarity, it appears to me, is that which Phi lippi has suggested in his recent Commentary on the Epistle to . the Romans.3 The situation of the Jews at Rome, after their recent banishment by Claudius, was still critical and insecure. It was very important for them to avoid the displeasure of the gov ernment ; to abstain from any act or attitude that would revive -the old charge against them of being quarrelsome or factious. They saw that Paul was regarded with evident favor by the Roman officers ; they had heard from him that the procurator would have acquitted him, but the obstinate Jews had compelled 1 Paulus, der Apostel, sein Leben und Wirkcn, seine Briefe und seine Lehre, p. 368 sq. 2 Commentar zum Briefe Pauli an die Rdmer (1842), p. 14. 3 Commentar iiber den Brief Pauli an die Romer, von Friedrich A. Philippi (1848), p. xv. Chap. XXVIII, 23-25. COMMENTARY. 4g9 him to appeal to Ca3sar. Having had no intelligence from Judea, they might fear that their countrymen there had gone too far, and had placed it in the power of Paul to use the circumstance to the disadvantage of the Jewish cause at Rome. Hence they considered it advisable for the present to conciliate the apostle, to treat him mildly, to keep out of sight their own relations to the Christian sect. They say what was true. No special and express information had been forwarded to them respecting his person and the occurrence mentioned by him, and they knew that the sect had everywhere an evil name. But they suppress their own view in regard to the Christian faith, as something they do not consider it necessary and expedient to avow, and, out of fear of the Roman magistrates, would draw as little at tention as possible to their hostile position towards the Chris tians. Veeses 23-29. His Second Interview with the Jews. V. 23. Ta£dp.evoi Se aurS ypiipav, Now having appointed for him a day, at his own suggestion perhaps, since by leaving it to them to designate the time he would be more sure of their presence. — eis tt;v £evi'av, unto his lodging. The term implies (Hesych.) that it was a place where he was entertained as a guest (comp. Phiiem. 22) ; and those critics are right who distinguish it from the "hired house" mentioned in v. 30. The apostle, at first, as would be natural, was received into some one of the Chris tian families at Rome ; but after a time, for the sake of greater convenience or independence, he removed to apartments which would be more entirely subject to his own control. That Aquila (Rom. 16, 3) became his host again as he had been at Corinth (18, 3) is not impossible. — irXeioves, more than on the former oc casion. — irelBuiv .... 'l-qaov, i. e. and persuading them of the things concerning Jesus. For the double accusative, see on 19, 8. Here, too, the act of the participle refers to the speaker's aim or object, without including the result. It may be inferred from what fol lows, that the greater part of those whom Paul addressed with stood his efforts to win them to the truth ; comp. v. 25. V. 24. oi pe'v and oi Se distribute the Jews into opposite par ties. The proportion which the convinced bore to the unbeliev ing we must gather from the drift of the narrative. V. 25. davp.uivoi Se dVres Trpds oXXt/Xous, And being discordant among one another. This variance they may be supposed to have evinced by an open declaration of their different views, by the 460 COMMENTARY. Chap. XXVIII, 26-30. expression of dissent and objection on the part of those who dis believed. — eiirdvTos tou IlauXou pijp,a ev, Paul having said one word, at the time of their departure (De Wet.) ; not as the occasion of it (Mey.). It was one final, significant word, as opposed to many words ; comp. Luke 20, 3. — Sid 'Ho-aiou, through Isaiah. See on 2, 16. V. 26. Xeyov, viz. Isa. 6, 9 sq., cited according to the Seventy. The passage is quoted also in Matt. 13, 14 sq. and John 12, 40. — For the Hebraistic aKofj aKovaere, see the note on 4, 17. — ou p.y avvrjre may express the future result with more certainty than the future indicative. See on 13, 41. — For /JXeVovTes /3Xe'i//ere, see on 7, 34. V. 28. ouv, therefore, i. e. since they are so hardened and in corrigible. — on ... . o-coT^piov, that to the Gentiles the salvation was sent, i. e. by God in the coming of the apostle to Rome. — auroi, they (emphatic), although they are heathen. — Kai aKouo-ovrai, also %oill hear it, viz. the message of this salvation. The object of the verb is imphed in d-TreoTdXij. Kai connects the reception with the offer of the gospel. — Our eyes trace here the last words in Luke's record, which fell from the lips of Paul. It is remarkable that they are precisely such words. The apostle of the Gentiles points again to his commission to preach to all nations, and de clares that the heathen, to whom he was sent shall accept the Saviour whom the Jews disowned. V. 29. This verse in the common text repeats what has been said in the eighteenth verse. It appears to be not genuine. Its principal witnesses are G H, the Ethiopic, and some of the later fathers. It is wanting in A B E, the Syriac, and the best Latin authorities. Leading critics, as Mill, Lachmann, Tischen- dorf, Green, reject the verse. Verses 30. 31. The Condition of the Apostle during his Captivity. V. 30. Ipeive Sien'av oX-^v, remained two whole years, i. e. in the state mentioned, with the evident implication that at the end of that time his condition changed. Some critics deny the correct ness of this inference ; but the better opinion affirms it. Had the apostle been still in confinement, the writer would have em ployed more naturally the present tense or the perfect (remains or has remained) instead of the aorist. The reader's conclusion is, that the two years completed the term of the apostle's cap tivity, and that when Luke penned the sentence, the prisoner was either at liberty or else was no longer living. Lekebusch 0HAP. XXVIII, 30. 31. COMMENTARY. 461 (p. 415) pronounces this view an inevitable one. See on next verse. — The SieTiav oXttv would bring the narrative down to A. D. 64. Some months lay between the commencement of this year and the outbreak of Nero's persecution. See Introd., p. 27. ev iSiu) u.iaBuip.an, in his own hired house, i. e. hired at his own ex pense: In the bosom of a Christian church, the apostle could not have been destitute of the means of providing for such an expense. We learn, also, from Phil. 4, 14. 18, that during this captivity Paul received supplies from the church at Philippi. — dTTeSexero, in its special sense, received gladly, because it afforded him such joy to preach the Gospel; comp. 15, 4; 18, 27. V. 31. SiSdo-Kiuv, sc. aurou's. The construction is similar to that in v. 23. — aKioXuTtus, without molestation on the part of the Roman government.1 According to the Roman laws, a citizen under arrest, in ordinary cases, could give security or bail, and thus enjoy his personal liberty until he was brought to trial. The freedom granted to Paul was so ample, that one might almost suppose that he was permitted to exercise that right ; but it is rendered certain by Phil. 1, 13. 16, that he continued to be guarded by a Roman soldier. — Among the friends wi^Ji Paul during this confinement who have been mentioned in our narra tive, were Luke, Timothy, Epaphras, Mark, Aristarchus, and Tychicus. The interruption of -his personal intercourse with the 1 Agrippa the Eirst was imprisoned in early life, at Rome. The account of his captivity confirms so entirely Luke's account of the manner in which Paul was treated as a Roman prisoner, (so unlike our modern usages,) that it may not be amiss to mention some of the circumstances. We obtain the information from Josephus (Antt. 18. 6. 5 sq.). Agrippa, on being arrested, was committed to Macro, the praetorian prefect, and confined in the preetorian camp. He was there kept under a guard of soldiers, to one of whom he was chained (called his , which, while it diminishes the bulk of the work, greatly facilitates the finding of any required passage. We have, in this edition of Cruden, the best made better ; that is, the present is better adapted to the purposes of a Concordance, by the erasure of superfluous references, the omission of unnecessary explanations and tlw contraction of quotations, etc. It is better as a manual, and better adapted by its price to the means of manj who need and ought to possess such a work, than the former large and expensive edition.— purwm Mecoraer. GOULD & LINCOLN, Publishers, Boston. (3) IMPORT -ANT WOEKS, KITTO'S POPULAR CYCLOPEDIA OP BIBLICAL LITERATURE. Condensed from tbe larger work. By the Author, John Kitto, D.D., author of Pictorial Bible ; History of Palestine; Scripture Daily Beddings, etc. Assisted by James Taylor, D.D., of Glasgow. With over jive hundred Illustrations. One volume, octavo, 812 pp., cloth, $3. This Cyclopedia is designed to furnish a Dictionary of the Bible, while at the same time it answers the place of a Commentary, embodying the products of the best and most recent researches in biblical literature, in which the scholars of Europe and America have been engaged. The work, the result of immense labor and research, is, by universal consent, pronounced the best work of its class extant. It is not only intended for ministers and theological students, but is also particularly adapted to parents, Sabbath-school teacliers, and the great body of the religious public. A condensed view of the various branches of BMfcal Science comprehended in the work. 1. Biblical Criticism. — Embracing the History of the Bible Languages ; Canon of Scripture j Literary History and Peculiarities of the Sacred Books ; Formation and History of Scripture Texts. 2. 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It is , in itself, a library of reliable information. ' ' AT. B. Sprague, D.D., Pastor of Second Presbyterian Church, Albany, N. Y. — J. J. Carruthers, D.D., Pastor of Second Parish Congregational Church, Portland, Mo. — Joel Hawes, D.D., Pastor of First Congregational Church, Hartford, Ct.— Paniel Sharp, D.D., late Pastor of Third Baptist Church, Boston.— N. L. Frothingham, D.D., late Pastor of First Congregational Church (Unitarian), Boston. — Ephraim Peabody, D.D., Pastor of Stone Chapel Con gregational Church (Unitarian) , Boston. — A. L. Stone, Pastor of Park Street Congregational Church, Boston. — John S. Stone, D.D., Rector of Christ Church (Episcopal), Brooklyn, N. Y.— J. B. Waterbury, D.D., Pastor of Bowdoin Street Church (Congregational) , Boston. — Baron Stow, D.D. , Pastor of Rowo Street Baptist Church , Boston. — Thomas H. Skinner, D.D., Pastor of Carmine Street Presbyterian Church, N. Y. — Samuel M. 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HISTORY OP PALESTINE, from the Patriarchal Age to the Present Time ; with Intro ductory Chapters on the Geography and Natural History of the Country, and on the Customs and Institutions of tho Hebrews. By John Kitto, D.D. With upward of two hundred Illustrations. 12mo. cloth, SI. 25. A very full compendium of the geography and history of Palestine, from the earhest era mentioned in Scripture, to the present day ; not merely a dry record of boundaries, and the succession of rulers, but an intelligible account of the agriculture, habits of life, literature, science, and art, with the religious, political, and judicial institutions cf the inhabitants of the Holy Land in all ages. The descriptive portions of the work are increased in value by numerous wood-cuts. A more useful and instructive book lias rarely been published. — N. Y. Commercial. 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