YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE LIBRARY OF THE DIVINITY SCHOOL INTERNATIONAL HANDBOOKS TO THE NEW TESTAMENT. Edited by Orello Cone, D.D. To be completed in four volumes. I. The Synoptic Gospels. By George L. Cary. II. The Epistle of Paul the Apostle to the Thes salonians, etc. By James Drummond. III. Hebrews, Colossians, Ephesians, etc. By Orello Cone. IV. The Fourth Gospel, Acts, etc. By Henry P. Forbes. In preparation. INTERNATIONAL HANDBOOKS TO THE NEW TESTAMENT By ORELLO CONE, D.D., Editor, GEORGE L. CARY, L.H.D. JAMES DRUMMOND, LL.D., and HENRY P. FORBES, D.D. THE EPISTLES TO THE HEBREWS, COLOSSIANS, EPHESIANS, AND PHILEMON THE PASTORAL EPISTLES, THE EPISTLES OF JAMES, PETER, AND JUDE TOGETHER WITH A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE CANON OF THE NEW TESTAMENT BY ORELLO CONE, D.D. Professor of Biblical Theology in the Canton Theological School ; author of " Gospel Criticism and Historical Christianity," " The Gospel and its Earliest Interpretations," " Paul : The Man, the Missionary, and the Teacher," etc. r TntwiuidiFB Reference Libr..! y) G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS NEW YORK & LONDON 3be Tknicfterbocfter fl.r_8S 1901 Cl5Se Copyright, iqoi by ORELLO CONE ttbe l?nicherbocher press, mew tyorR GENERAL PREFACE TO THE SERIES. THESE Handbooks constitute an exegetical series cover ing the entire New Testament and constructed on a plan which admits of greater freedom of treatment than is usual in commentaries proper. The space generally devoted in commentaries to a minute examination of the grammatical construction of passages of minor importance is occupied with the discussion of those of a special interest from a doc trinal and practical point of view. Questions of the authorship and date of the several books are treated in carefully-prepared Introductions, and numerous Dissertations are inserted eluci dating matters of graver moment. The books of the New Testament are treated as a literature which in order to be understood must be explained, like all other ancient literatures, in accordance with the accepted principles of the grammatical and historical interpretation. The aim of the writers has been to ascertain and clearly set forth the meaning of the authors of these books by the application of this method in freedom from dogmatic prepossessions. The purpose has been constantly kept in view to furnish a series of Handbooks to the New Testament which should meet the wants of the general reader, and at the same time present the results of the latest scholarship and of the most thorough critical investigation. vi General Preface to the Series Accordingly, more prominence has been given to the state ment ofthe results of the critical processes than to the presen tation of the details of these processes by means of extended discussions of questions of Greek grammar, philology, and exegesis. Hence, while the advanced student will find much to interest him in these volumes, it is believed that ministers who have not the time to occupy themselves with the refine ments of minute hermeneutics, superintendents and teachers of Sunday-schools, and Bible-students in general will find them suited to their needs. The text used is that of the Re vised Version, although for the purpose of saving space the text has not been printed, and the passages explained have been indicated in part by references only and in part by references together with a few initial words. The; Editor. CONTENTS. PAGE THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. Introduction . . . i Exposition . . . io The Doctrinal Teachings oe the Epistle .... 79 THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. Introduction 85 Exposition 91 THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. Introduction 123 Exposition 133 Some Doctrinal Features oe Colossians and Ephesians 178 THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. Introduction 183. Exposition 185 THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. Introduction 189 Exposition oe First Timothy 199 Exposition of Second Timothy 235 Exposition of Titus 253 Some Doctrinal Points of View in the Pastoral Epistles 263 THE EPISTLE OF JAMES Introduction 267 Exposition 273 vii viii CONTENTS PAGE THE FIRST EPISTLE OF PETER. Introduction 297 Exposition 303 THE SECOND EPISTLE OF PETER. Introduction 325 Exposition 329 THE EPISTLE OF JUDE. Introduction 343 Exposition 347 A Sketch of the History of the New Testament Canon 353 THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. INTRODUCTION. THE argument of the Epistle is constructed somewhat loosely, but is fairly clear. The writer declares in the first section of the Epistle (i.-iv. 13) the superiority of Christianity to the religion of the Old Testament, proceeding upon the assumption of a revelation through Christ from God, who had formerly spoken " in the prophets." The proof of the exaltation of Christ above the "angels" is drawn from various passages in the Psalms, which are made to serve the author's purpose by means of a method of inter pretation current in his time among Christian writers. The latter part of this section contains exhortations to the readers to beware of hardness of heart and unbelief, lest they come short of entering into the " rest " prepared for the faithful and obedient (iii. 12-iv. 13). The second division (iv. 14-x. 18) contains the doctrinal theme of the Epistle, which, as a special application of the general principle of the greater excellence of the new dispensation in comparison with the old, consists in the teaching that Christ is the true high- priest, who, appointed by God, perfected through suffering, and exalted to heaven, has become the author of ' ' everlast ing salvation." In a digression (v. 10-vi. 20) the writer expresses the regret that his readers are " dull of hearing " and " babes" in respect to spiritual things, " having need of milk " and not of " solid food," since his doctrine of the 2 INTRODUCTION high-priesthood of Christ contains matters ' ' hard of inter pretation "; and he exhorts them to leave " the first prin ciples of Christ and press on to perfection," not founding on " the teaching of baptisms and of laying on of hands and of resurrection ofthe dead and of eternal judgment," lest they be guilty of apostasy, from which " it is impossible to renew them again unto repentance. " But he is persuaded of better things for them, and desires that they be diligent and " imi tators of them who through faith and patience inherit the promises." They have, indeed, by reason of the "oath" of God a hope which is " as an anchor of the soul, both sure and stedfast and entering into that which is within the veil ; whither as a forerunner Jesus entered in for us, having be come a high-priest forever after the order of Melchisedeck." This high-priest, the writer now proceeds to show (vii.-x.), is superior to the priesthood under the law, which must have many priests because of their mortality. He is ' ' holy, guileless, undefiled, separated from sinners, and made higher than the heavens." He does not need, " like those high- priests," to " offer up sacrifices daily first for his own sins and then for the sins of the people," but he " abideth for ever," " hath an unchangeable priesthood," and " is able to save to the uttermost." He entered not into an earthly tabernacle, but " into heaven itself, now to appear before the face of God for us," and his priesthood was not " through the blood of goats and calves, but through his own blood," whereby he has "obtained eternal redemption." In the third and concluding part of the Epistle (x. 19-xiii. 21) the readers are admonished to be faithful, to hold fast the confession of their hope, for if they sin wilfully after having had a knowledge of the truth, " there remaineth no more a sacrifice for sins." Faith, which is declared to be "the assurance of things hoped for, the proving of things not seen," is illustrated by examples from the Old Testament, and the readers are exhorted to stand firm in their tribula- HEBREWS 3 tions, which are to be regarded as chastenings whereby the heavenly Father seals them as His children. The Epistle had a scanty and somewhat doubtful recogni tion in the early Church. Clement of Rome, who wrote at the end of the first century or the beginning of the second, makes a liberal use of its ideas and expressions, without, however, making mention of it. It had no standing in the earliest use of New Testament writings as an authority, only traces of it are found in Justin Martyr,' but none in the existing writings of Irenaeus, and Tertullian evidently did not regard it as having apostolical authority. Marcion did not recognise it, and it is not accepted in the Canon of Mur- atori, a list of received New Testament books made by an unknown writer toward the end of the second century. It was not until the time of Jerome and Augustine that it came gradually to be recognised as canonical, — that is, as con stituting a part of the sacred writings called the New Testa ment. It fared better, however, in the eastern Church, where we find Clement of Alexandria at the end of the second century quoting it as a work of Paul's, and appealing to the authority of his teacher Pantaenus. But both find it difficult to account for the absence of the words, ' ' Paul, the apostle," etc., at the beginning of the Epistle. Origen re garded the contents as Pauline, but the form as that of some disciple of the apostle's. " Who really wrote it," he says, " God only knows." In the Syriac translation ofthe New Testament, known as the Peshito, it stands after the thirteen Epistles ascribed to Paul. Eusebius wavers as to the stand ing of the Epistle, now mentioning it as disputed and again as canonical. The opinion of the eastern Church finally prevailed in the west, though Jerome and Augustine were cognisant of the fact that some disputed its genuineness. The reformers generally rejected it, and the consensus of modern scholarship is almost unanimously against its Pauline 1 About a.d. 150. 4 INTRODUCTION authorship. It is in opposition to this consensus that the revised version of the New Testament entitles it, ' ' The Epistle of Paul to the Hebrews " ! With respect to the re lation of the Epistle to other New Testament writings, it does not appear that the author was at all influenced by the four Gospels. He may have been acquainted with Acts, and certainly was familiar with a considerable number of Paul's Epistles, notably with Romans, i Corinthians, and Galatians. The Epistle is without address, and who the original read ers were is accordingly a matter of conjecture. The super scription, " To the Hebrews," has no significance in this relation, since we do not know by whom it was prefixed. That it was not intended to be a general Epistle either to Jews or others is apparent from the references to individual and local circumstances in such passages as v. n, 12, and x. 25, 32-36. Against the supposition that it was addressed to the Jewish-Christian community in Jerusalem it has been urged that the Epistle, which is not a translation from the Hebrew, is written in very good Greek ; that its arguments based on the Old Testament are drawn from the Greek translation known as the Septuagint, while the passages so quoted often denote a wide departure from the original ; and that a Church which is historically known to have been an object of charity cannot have been said to have ministered and still to be ministering to the saints (ii. 3). The writing may have been addressed to Jewish Christians in Alexandria or to the mixed Jewish and gentile Christian community in Rome. The reference to persecutions fits the latter place rather than either of the others, and iii. 12 can hardly have been applicable to Jewish Christians in any locality. It is evident that no exact determination of the address of the Epistle is possible. Its object is involved in the obscurity which surrounds the address. It is clear that the writer's object in general was to warn his readers against apostasy from the Christian faith. But it is uncertain into what HEBREWS 5 former condition he conceived the lapse to be. Those who think the Epistle was addressed to Jewish-Christian readers read in it a warning against an apostasy from Christianity to Judaism. The writer's attempt to show the superiority of Christianity to the Jewish religion appears to favour this view, but the admonition in reference to " falling away from the living God " is appropriate only to a lapse into heathen ism. The exhortation to leave, as the first principles of Christian instruction, faith in God, the teaching of the resurrection of the dead and of eternal judgment (vi. 1-3), is inapplicable to Jewish Christians to whom these Jewish doctrines were familiar before their conversion to Christian ity, but addressed to converts from heathenism it is intel ligible and fitting. The traditional Pauline authorship is entirely without support in the Epistle itself, and it has already been shown not to have historical evidence in its favour. The apostle who claimed to have his gospel without the testimony of men ' could not have written Heb. ii. 3. The Greek style is not that of Paul, and it was on the recognition of this fact, noted by Clement of Alexandria and Origen, that the supposition of a translation from a Hebrew original was founded. The writer's manner of quoting from the Old Testament is different from that of Paul. He quotes accu rately from the Septuagint, while Paul generally quotes from memory. He appears to have been ignorant of Hebrew, with which Paul was acquainted, and bases some of his arguments upon inaccuracies in the Septuagint translation.2 The doctrinal teaching of the Epistle is not that of Paul. While the writer has some points of contact with the apostle's teachings, his deviations from them are marked, and his point of view is quite different from that of his great predecessor. The Pauline conceptions of the law, of faith, 1 Gal. i. 1, 11, 12, 15, 16, ii. 6 ; 1 Cor. ix. 11, 23. 8 See x. 5-7, compared with Ps. xl. 67. 6 INTRODUCTION and of the atonement of Christ are apparently foreign to him. To the resurrection of Christ, which was the funda mental doctrine of the apostle, he barely alludes, and he seems to have no comprehension of Paul's mystic thought of justification by faith. He manifests no interest in Paul's great teaching that the gospel was destined for the gentiles as well as for the Jews. He goes far beyond the apostle in the unwarrantable typical and allegorical interpretation of the Old Testament. Various conjectures as to the author ship have been made by different investigators, but no con vincing reasons can be urged in support of any one of them. That of Luther in favour of Apollos has been accepted by many. Whoever the author may have been, he was cer tainly a man of intellectual force and originality. While he was acquainted with Paul's thought and influenced by it, he was not an imitator of the great apostle. His fine Greek style, his disregard if not ignorance of the Hebrew Old Testament, and his ignorance of the affairs of the temple and the priesthood indicate that he was not a resident of Palestine. In education and sympathy he appears to have been closely in touch with the Alexandrian philosophy and familiar with the thought of Philo.1 There can be no doubt that the Epistle belongs to a period later than the so-called apostolic age. The writer's acquaint ance with the Epistles of Paul presupposes their existence in a collection and their use in the churches for religious ¦Harnack (Zeitschrift fur die neu test. Wissenschaft, 1900, Heft 1) has presented under the title, " Probabilia iiber die Addresse und den Verfasser des Hebraerbriefs," an ingenious defence of the hypothesis that the Epistle was produced by the joint authorship of Aquila and Priscilla, with the latter in the leading part. Our space does not admit of a discussion of this conjecture, the support of which must necessarily be very slender. "Probabilia" is rather too strong a word to apply to that part of the article that treats of the authorship of the Epistle, which is a work too strongly theological to be the pro duction of a woman. HEBREWS 7 instruction — a state of things which could not have been possible until a considerable time after the death of the apostle. The reference to persecutions already undergone by the readers (x. 32, 33) finds its most probable explana tion in the barbarities suffered under Nero, and the present tribulations (xii. 1-10) may be those of the time of Domitian. The use of the present tense in reference to the temple and its services does not necessarily imply that it was still in existence, as is shown by the usage of writers unquestion ably later. The precise time of the composition of the Epistle is indeterminable, but it was probably between a.d. 80 and 90. The Epistle shows in many respects the contact of the writer with the Alexandrian philosophy represented in the works of Philo, although evidence is wanting of an intimate and extended acquaintance on his part with the writings of this philosopher. The ' ' spiritual atmosphere ' ' of the two is, however, to a considerable degree the same. The allegori cal interpretation of the Old Testament in the Epistle is essentially that of Philo, particularly in reference to Mel chizedek.1 Philo regards this personage as a type of the Logos, and the author of Hebrews sees in him a type of Christ, developing the parallel in almost the very words employed by the former. The reference to the daily sacri fice of the high-priest * and to his entering into the holy of Holies once every year,3 which is not in accordance with the Old Testament ritual, corresponds with statements in Philo. In x. 3 the very words of Philo are employed, " remem brance of sins," in reference to sacrifices in general. Philo, however, had in mind the sacrifices of the impious and pro fane. In the passage referring to the oath of God ' the writer follows Philo very closely, quoting the same passage that he quotes from the Old Testament and expressing the same idea regarding the necessity of God's swearing by 1 vii. 1-3. 2 vii. 27. a ix. 7. 4 vi. 13, 14. 8 INTRODUCTION Himself, since there was nothing greater by which He could swear. That the writer entertained Philo's extreme idea of the inspiration of the Old Testament is evident from his fol lowing him in his manner of quoting from that literature. Like Philo he finds in every passage in the Old Testament the veritable word of God, even when in the original the writer is speaking about God.1 In this respect he differs from Paul. Moreover, he shows unmistakably the influence of the Alexandrian conception ofthe metaphysical opposition of idea and appearance or phenomenon, the heavenly and the earthly, type and antitype. The whole creation is conceived as composed of the invisible world of heavenly types " and a visible world,3 the two corresponding to Philo's world of ideas and sensible world. Accordingly, the earthly sanctu ary ' and all that pertains to it is regarded as an antitype of the heavenly model.6 To the upper, ideal world alone belongs permanence. Although the writer does not apply the term Logos to Christ, his Christology is manifestly based upon the Philonic doctrine of the Logos. Like Philo' s Logos, Christ is the preexistent agent of creation and the supporter of the world.6 We evidently have here the transition in the development of New Testament Christology from Paulin ism to the doctrine ofthe fourth Gospel.' One cannot attentively consider the argument of the Epistle without becoming aware of the chasm which sepa rates the religious conceptions of the writer from the enlight ened Christian thought of the present time. His ideas of Christ and his manner of proving the superiority of Christian salvation to Judaism are altogether foreign to our religious philosophy. His remoteness from us is due to the influence 1 i. 7, iv. 4, 7, vii. 21, x. 30. " ix. 1. 2 viii. 5, ix. 23. s ix. 24. 3 xl- 3- 6 i. 2, 10, iii. 3. 1 See The Gospel and its Earliest Interpretations, by the author of this volume. HEBREWS 9 upon his thinking exerted by Jewish theology, ritual, and legend. An advance beyond his point of view is possible only to those who have thrown aside these encumbrances. The paradox of the progress beyond the singular conceptions of this Epistle is that it is a return to the simplicity of Jesus. THE EPISTLE TO THE HEBREWS. EXPOSITION. The first section (i.-iv. 13) is of the nature of an introduction lead ing up to the discussion of the chief theme of the Epistle, and con sists of two principal parts : (1) An announcement of the revelation through Christ and a declaration of his exalted work with proofs from the Old Testament and an application by way of exhortation (i.-ii. 4) ; (2) Further elaboration of the proposition of the exalta tion of Christ and a statement of the theme, his high-priesthopd (ii. 5-18), together with an elaboration of its significance (iii.-iv. 13). The declaration that God spoke to the fathers in the prophets (i. 1) is grounded upon the doctrine current among the Jews and early Christians that the Old Testament writers were immediately inspired by God, or that God " spoke " through them to men. It is characteristic of our author that in quoting from the Old Testament he employs the formula, " He saith," instead of Paul's expression "it is written " or " the Scripture saith." ] After the manner of Philo, the prophets represent all the writers of the Old Testament. By divers portions means at different times, and in divers manners expresses the diversity of the contents and form of the com munications. At the end of these days (i. 2) is an expression for the time immediately preceding the Messianic age, that is, the present seon as contrasted with the aeon to come, and involves the conception current in the early Church of two great world- 1 See i. 6, 7, iv. 3, 4, viii. 8. 12 HEBREWS i. 2. periods — the pre-Messianic and the Messianic.1 The Christ ians at the time of the writer lived in expectation of the second coming of Christ in glory and power (the Parousia) to establish his kingdom on the earth. The time before that event, the period in which they were then living, was called " the present age," while " the age to come " designated the period to be introduced by the second advent of the Messiah. See ix. 26 and 1 Cor. x. 11; Luke xviii. 30, xx. 35. The word for " age " 2 is sometimes translated " world." Hath spoken to us in His Son (i. 2), literally, a Son. But the writer is not satisfied with this simple designation which he employs also elsewhere (iii. 6, v. 8, vii. 28), and amplifies with the epithet " of God " in iv. 14, vi. 6, vii. 3, x. 29. He proceeds in a way impossible to a Jewish Christian and sur passing the boldest flights of Paul to exalt Jesus as the pre- existent agent of creation, the " effulgence " of the divine glory, the very " image " of God, and the upholder of all things (v. 3). In speaking of Jesus as Son he evidently employs the word in a sense which he would not regard as y applicable to men, whose sonship in relation to God is im plied in xii. 7-1 1. The declaration that Christ was appointed heir of all things probably refers to him as the preexistent Son who according to Paul was clothed with divine glory and splendour prior to his appearance on the earth.3 Appointed does not refer, as some suppose, to the rank assigned to Jesus at the end of his earthly career, his resurrection, but to the position of dignity and glory which was decreed to him as the preexistent Son. As heir of all things he is designated as the future possessor and ruler of the world in the creation of which he was the agent of God. The idea of the preexistence of Christ is Pauline,* but the form of 1 6 cdmv our oS, this age ; at gov fieXXoov, the age to come. Weber, Jud. Theol., p. 371. 5 aioov. s p^n. y 6 4 1 Cor. viii. 6, x. 4, xv. 47; 2 Cor. viii. 9; Phil. ii. 6; cf. Col. i. 15 ff. i.2,3- HEBREWS 13 expression has been influenced by Philo's speculations concerning the Logos. By whom also He made the worlds (i. 2), literally " the ages," that is, all things existing in time. This is a stronger expression than that of Paul, " through whom are all things." l The influence of Philo's speculations upon the author is manifest here. Philo taught that the world was made through the Logos, the first born Son of God. In Hebrews are observable the first steps in the process of transferring to the person Jesus Philo's idea ofthe Logos as an intermediary between God and the world, " the shadow of God, whom using as an organ, He made the world." The conception is fully developed in the fourth Gospel. The effulgence of His glory and the very image of His sub stance (i. 3). — The word rendered "effulgence" means a reflected splendour. In Christ, a derived being separate from God, the divine glory is manifested to a degree which renders him essentially like the Deity. ' ' Refulgence ' ' is probably a better rendering. In other words, he is " the very image of His substance," or person, that is, partakes of the divine nature, which has been stamped upon him, as a seal impresses wax. That this is a purely speculative opinion of the writer's is evident when we consider that in the really historical records of the sayings of Jesus, the first three Gospels, the great Teacher, the Son of Man, nowhere gives such an idea of his person. The terms rendered " reful gence " and "image" are derived from the Alexandrian writers, and are not elsewhere found in the New Testament. The fourth evangelist's notion of the Logos as God and his words attributed to Jesus that he that had seen him had seen the Father are a further development of the same doctrine. All things (i. 3) means all created things, the things which were made through the Son. All-sustaining or almighty power is here ascribed to Jesus with reference probably to 1 1 Cor. viii. 6. 14 HEBREWS i. 4. 5- his preexistent state and his state of exaltation, when, having made purification of sins, he sat down on the right hand of the Majesty on high. After his earthly atoning work he assumes the position of the highest honour and a participation in the government of the world * which belonged to him as the " appointed," preexistent " heir." In i. 4-14, the writer lays down and attempts to support the thesis that Christ became so much better than the angels as he had inherited a more excellent name than they. He became so much better than the angels (i. 4) by reason of his completion of the work of redemption and his exaltation to the right hand of God. During his earthly life the author conceives that he was " for a little while " (ii. 9) made lower than the angels. That he believed Jesus in his preexistent state to have been superior to the angels is evident from the reference to his " more excellent name," that is, Son of God. It should be noted here that the writer's entire speculation about the relation of Jesus to angels has no other basis than the notion of the Hebrew mythology and cosmology respect ing these super-mundane beings who were fancied to occupy a region above the earth called heaven. He now proceeds to furnish a proof of his thesis by quotations from the Old Testament. The first passage quoted Thou art my Son (i. 5), etc., is from Ps. ii. 7, and refers in the original to an Israelitish king, perhaps Solomon. This day have I begotten thee undoubtedly refers to the generation of the Son before the beginning of time, since Christ existed before the creation according to the writer's conception, and by him God " made the worlds." The word ar)fxspov^ to day, is also used by Philo in reference to time antedating the creation or to eternity (see the discussion of doctrine at the end of the Commentary on the Epistle). The reference of the words to Jesus is unwarranted, and the writer adopts a 1 See Ps. ex. 1 . i.6-12. HEBREWS 15 method of interpreting the Old Testament current in the early Church,1 and unhappily followed by too many in modern times. The second passage, I will be to him a Father, etc., is from 2 Sam. vii. 14, and refers to Solomon. In order to show from the Old Testament that the angels are required to worship Jesus, the writer quotes from Ps. xcvii. 7/ which reads in the Septuagint, or Greek translation, Worship him, all ye his angels. But the being whom the angels according to this version are called upon to worship is Jehovah. The reference to Jesus is a gross perversion of the original mean ing ofthe passage, which has no relation to Christ's coming into the world. Bringeth the first-born into the world (i. 6). — Probably again bringeth into the world refers to the second coming of Christ in glory. Again must be construed with bringeth into. The in feriority of the angels to Christ is shown by a citation from Ps. civ. 4 (i. 7). They are only servants, and are changeable and perishable, while the Son remains forever. Thy throne, O God, is forever and ever (i. 8, 9). — This passage is from Ps. xiv. 6, 7, which is a wedding-song com posed with reference to a king who is extravagantly ad dressed as " god," according to the oriental conception of kings as sons of God. The reference of the epithet to Christ is in accord with the exalted idea of him entertained by the writer of the Epistle. Philo also regarded the Logos as God in the sense that he was a divine energy or instrument. Above thy fellows (i. 9) refers in the Psalm to fellow-kings. It is doubtful whom the writer had in mind in referring the passage to Christ, unless it were the angels. Thou, Lord, in the beginning (i. 10-12). — This quotation is from Ps. cii. 25-27, probably a post-exilic composition in which God is addressed in a strain of lamentation. Our author, who quoted from the Septuagint, found " Lord," 1 Acts xiii. 33. ! See also Deut. xxxii. 43. 16 HEBREWS i. 13-". 2. which is not in the Hebrew, and as this was a term applied by the Christians to Jesus, he was led to refer the passage to him in accordance with verse 2. Sit thou on my right hand (i. 13, 14). — From Ps. ex. i, an ode addressed to a king by an unknown writer. This Psalm • passes in the first three Gospels as David's, and the passage in question as referring to Christ.1 It was interpreted as Messianic by many of the Jewish scholars. Our author in his use of it followed the tradition current in his time, which was based upon an error as to the authorship of the Psalm and a false method of interpreting the Old Testament. Ministring spirits sent forth (i. 14). — All the angels are conceived as ministring/cr the sake of those who shall inherit salvation, that is, the everlasting salvation of the Messianic kingdom. Mere ' ' deliverance from evil ' ' is too weak, and is not in accord with apostolic doctrine. In ii. 1-4, the writer makes an application of the teaching of chapter i. to the spiritual needs of his readers, exhorting them to give earnest heed to the things that were heard. Since, he concludes, Christ, a being so exalted above the angels and holding the rank of the Son of God, has com municated to us this gospel of the new dispensation, we ought so much the more to give earnest heed to the things that we have heard, that is, to the saving truth taught by Jesus and his disciples. For it is only through the constant^ holding of our minds to these things that we can escape the peril of drifting away from them. This is the first expres sion of the writer's solicitude about the apostasy of the church or churches to which the Epistle was addressed, and in the exhortation with which this chapter opens appears his chief object in writing to them. For if the word spoken through angels (ii. 2). — By the argu ment from the less to the greater the writer proceeds to 1 Matt. xxii. 44 ; Mark xii. 36 ; Luke xx. 42. ii. 3-5- HEBREWS 17 establish the preceding warning and exhortation. If dis obedience to the requirements of the word given through angels, who have already been shown to be inferior to Christ, was visited with punishment, how much more will it be perilous to neglect the greater salvation offered in the New Covenant ! The idea that the law was given through angels has no other foundation than a Jewish tradition. There is a hint of it in the Septuagint version of Deut. xxxiii. 2, which is an erroneous translation of the Hebrew text. Paul and the writer of Acts have given currency to this tradition,1 but it is of no importance for our instruction. The salvation announced through the Lord (ii. 3), that is, Christ, for whom " Lord " was a current designation in the early Church, was confirmed to the writer and his readers by those who had heard Jesus. This acknowledgment of second hand information could not have been made by Paul.2 God also bearing witness (ii. 4). — The writer evidently be lieved with his contemporaries that the spiritual phenomena of the apostolic age were attributable to a special divine intervention manifested in so-called gifts of the Holy Spirit and by signs and wonders and miracle-working powers. The worth of his testimony depends, of course, upon the sources of his information, of which we know nothing, upon the answer to the question whether or no he had ever given the phenomena a careful critical investigation, and upon his point of view respecting nature and the supernatural. Our ignorance of these matters renders it hazardous for us to accept his judgment as decisive in the case. Throughout the remainder of this chapter (ii. 5-18) the writer continues the discussion of the thesis that Christ was superior to the angels, shows the necessity of his death, and reaches finally the central theme of the Epistle, his high-priesthood. The superiority in question is shown in the fact that the world to come (ii. 5), that is, the Messianic age, the time- 1 Gal. iii. 19 ; Acts vii. 53. 9 Gal. i. 12. 1 8 HEBREWS ii. 7, 8. period after the second coming of Christ including its economy, was not subjected to angels but to Christ. This proposition the writer undertakes after his manner to estab lish by a passage from Ps. viii. 4-6. The supposed proof from Scripture is, however, entirely invalid, since the Psalm has reference only to man in general and not at all to any particular person. The writer was probably misled in his interpretation by the term " son of man " in the passage, which is Jesus' self-designation in the first three Gospels. The contention of Dean Alford and others that the author of the Epistle did not interpret this " non-Messianic Psalm " in a "Messianic sense," but referred the passage to man under the new dispensation, is futile, for the entire argument is pointless if it does not relate to the preeminence of Christ in contrast with the angels. Paul is chargeable with a similar misinterpretation in 1 Cor. xv. 27. In the words, thou crownedst him with glory and honour, etc. (ii. 7), the writer continues his misinterpretation of the Old Testament passage in understanding man in general to refer to Christ, misled by the term ' ' son of man ' ' in verse 6. Only for a little while was Christ made lower than the angels, that is, during the time of his incarnation. The author follows the Septuagint, which renders the original Hebrew, " a little less than God," by " a little lower than the angels"; but he changes the "little," which in the Septuagint evidently expresses degree, into "for a short time "—a sense which his argument plainly requires. But now we see not yet all things subjected to him (ii. 8). — The fact that the subjection of all things to Christ is not yet accomplished does not contradict the immediately preceding general declaration ; for the complete subjection will take place only in the age to come, when he shall have returned in glory according to the ardent expectation of the time. Christ is, however, the writer conceives, already, as if preparatory to this dominion, crowned with glory and honour ii. 9, 10. HEBREWS 19 (ii. 9), that is, exalted to the right hand of God (i. 3) because ofthe suffering of death. The dutiful fulfilment of his earthly mission is regarded as a reason for the exaltation of Jesus. This hardly accords, however, with his having been origin ally the brightness of the divine glory and the express image of the divine substance, the appointed heir of all things (i. 2, 3). Perhaps the writer conceived that the lowly service of Jesus could add ' ' glory and honour ' ' even to so exalted a being as the preexistent Son. Yet there is an incongruity in the idea that such a one should be " made perfect through sufferings," as if he lacked something which could be ac quired by a human experience. Made a little lower than the angels (ii. 9). — The correct rendering is " a little while lower." The idea of time, not of degree, was in the writer's mind, though the latter was that of the psalmist quoted. The subordination was, of course, during his abode upon the earth, and is contrasted with his supposed preexistent state. That by the grace of God he should taste of death for every man (ii. 9). — The mission of Christ for the salvation ofthe world is conceived as due to the grace of God, that is, His good-will and merciful kindness. This clause is probably to be connected with the words " the suffering of death." In declaring that Christ's death was "for" (in behalf of) every man the writer expresses the Pauline doctrine of the universality of the Saviour's mission. It does not appear, however, that he adopted in detail the apostle's teaching re garding Jesus' relation to the salvation of men, although, like Paul, he does not regard a universal atonement as im plying universal salvation. Perfect through sufferings (ii. 10). — It was fitting in God to make Jesus what he should be for the accomplishment of his mission by subjecting him to suffering. This cannot refer to the crowning with glory and honour (v. 9), where re ward is the prominent thought, but to an inner ethical per- 20 HEBREWS ii. 11-14. fection, as in chapter v. 8 : " Learned obedience by what he suffered." Christ partook of human nature, and endured the sufferings incident to his mission in this condition because both He that sanctifieth and they that are sanctified (ii. Il) are of one origin, or from God, and are brethren. The proofs from Scripture (ii. 12, 13) are from Ps. xxii. 22 in which the psalmist is speaking of himself, and from Is. viii. 17, 18, according to the Septuagint, where the prophet also refers to himself. On the assumption that the words from Isaiah are spoken by Christ, the writer finds in the expression of trust in God an evidence of the humanity of Jesus, and an intimation of the same in I and the children, that is, children of God, or other men. This may be re garded as the author's philosophy of the " incarnation," his rationale of Jesus' assumption of human nature. The argu ment would be as effective in favour of the entire humanity of Jesus as it is for his thesis. His proofs from the Old Testament are as usual groundless and unusually far-fetched. If he was Apollos, he here justifies the opinion, formed, of course, from the point of view of his age regarding inter pretation, that he was " mighty in the Scriptures." * The argument is carried on to the effect that Jesus must assume flesh and blood, become mortal, in order that he might die for the redemption of men. In like manner partook of flesh and blood (ii. 14). — This goes beyond Paul, who could bring himself to say only that Christ was made " in the likeness of sinful flesh," 2 and who was too logical to declare that the preexistent glorious Son of God partook of flesh and blood in the same way as men. But our author is carried away by the impetus of his argu ment in making this declaration and in saying in the imme diate connection (v. 17) that Jesus was made in all things like unto his brethren. How he would have reconciled this radical humanitarianism with his doctrine that Christ was 1 Acts xviii. 24. 2 Rom. viii. 3. ii. 14. HEBREWS 21 " the very image " of the divine person we can only con jecture. The argument reaches its culmination in the teaching that through death Jesus brought to naught him that hath the power of death, that is, the devil (ii. 14). The author evi dently held the doctrine of Paul that sin entails death, the great terror of which was not the dissolution of the body, but the deprivation of the resurrection at the coming of Christ and the hopeless tarrying in the underworld of all who while living did not receive him through faith. Since in the popular mythology the devil was supposed to be seducer of men to sin, he is conceived to have " the power of death." The writer of the Epistle does not, however, apprehend the death of Christ after the manner of Paul as the bearing of the curse ofthe law and the deliverance of men from it, but as the destruction of the devil. But we miss here what we find in Paul, an attempt at least to show how this result is conceived to be effected. The manner in which the writer speaks ofthe entrance of Jesus into the world reminds us of Rom. i. 3, viii. 3. Like the apostle, how ever, he manifests little interest in the events of the earthly life of Jesus, and does not appear to have been familiar with the Gospel history. It is altogether a remarkable fact that the epistolary litera ture of the New Testament shows little contact with or regard for the events recorded in the Gospels. In Paul's letters the death and resur rection are almost the only facts of Jesus' career that are mentioned, and here it is the latter that lends significance to the former. The apostle's interest in the Founder of Christianity was chiefly dogmatic, and relates to the appearance on the earth in order to prepare the way for the Messianic kingdom, to the agony and the subsequent triumph and to the exaltation to heaven whence will be a. speedy, glorious coming for the definite establishment of this kingdom. For all that lies between the birth " of the seed of David according to the flesh " andthe celestial existence in glory, along with the two events that con ditioned it, little interest is shown. Whatever acquaintance he may have had with the life of Jesus,1 it is evident that the details that he 1 1 Cor. xv. 5, 7, xi. 23 f. 22 HEBREWS ii. 16,17. knew had no importance for him with respect to Christian faith, and that he laid no stress upon the example of his Master apart from the few conspicuous events previously mentioned. The man Jesus has almost no place in his thought, while the ofiicial designations, "Lord," "Christ," "Jesus Christ," "Lord Jesus Christ," and "Christ Jesus" perpetually occur. Although Hebrews was written at a time when at least the earliest of the first three Gospels was in existence, its atti tude toward the historical Jesus is similar to that of Paul. The writer's designation ofthe person of Jesus differs from Paul's, " Lord " alone occurring only once against the latter's use of it 130 times, and "Christ" alone 3 times against 180 times in Paul's Epistles, while "Jesus " is most frequently used. But the personality chiefly in view is the exalted heavenly high-priest, who was on earth only that he might be qualified for this celestial function. The declarations re garding the sinlessness of Jesus are dogmatically conceived rather than referred to as biographical data,1 and the descent from Juda (vii. 14) is referred to Num. xxiv. 27, rather than to the Gospel his tory. See on this subject von Soden's article in Theologische Ab- handlungen Carl von Weizsacker gewidmet, 1892. In saying that the work of Jesus does not take hold of angels (ii. 16) the writer is in conflict with the author of Colossians (see i. 20 of that Epistle). He appears to have reasoned that as the Saviour of angelic beings Jesus would not have needed to become mortal. But he taketh hold of the seed of Abraham (ii. 16). — Paul- could not have expressed this limitation of the work of Christ. If in ii. 10 the writer's real conviction is declared in the words " taste death for every man," he must here have written " seed of Abraham " by inadvertence or have employed the species for the genus. The theme of the Epistle is now announced for the first time in the words, that he might be a merciful and faithful high-priest in things pertaining to God to make propitiation for the sins of the people (ii. 17).— The further development ofthe idea proceeds from iv. 14. To make propitiation is to render God gracious, to placate Him by the offering of a 1 iv. 15, vii. 26, ix. 14. 1 ii. i8-iii. 2. HEBREWS 23 sacrifice in satisfaction for sin, the life of the victim for that of the people. Suffered being tempted (ii. 18). — Christ's ability to succour the tempted is derived from his own suffering of temptation. Nothing could be more remote than this idea from the thought of Paul, who never recognised Jesus as undergoing temptation. The conception of the saving work of Christ as dependent upon or derived from his participation in a human struggle with sinful tendencies or an attainment of perfection by means of suffering (ii. 10, iv. 15) would have been unthink able to the apostle from the point of view of his Christology. The theme is here abandoned for a time, and the writer proceeds to show the superiority of Christ to Moses. Practical' conclusions and exhortations are added (iii. i.-iv. 13). Wherefore, that is, on account of the preceding delineation of the character of Christ. Pay-takers of a heavenly calling (iii. 1). The readers, spiritual " brethren " of the writer, are addressed as persons who by reason of their Christian belief are of those " called " by Christ to be partakers of the Messianic kingdom when he shall establish it at his second coming. This call is designated as heavenly because sup posed to come from heaven, where Christ was believed to be " at the right hand of God." The Pauline term " elec tion " (exkoyrf) is not used in the Epistle, but " calling " is its equivalent. Apostle and high-priest of our confession (iii. 1). — One sent as high-priest to be the central object of our confession of faith.1 Faithful to Him who appointed him (iii. 2). — Probably " made," that is, created him in the sense of being the Author of his being, is more correct than appointed to the office of high-priest. ' This distinctive feature of the Christology of the Epistle is foreign to Paul, just as his " second Adam " is to our author. 24 HEBREWS iii. 3-1 1. As Moses was faithful va. all God's house,1 so was Christ, whose superiority to Moses is declared in the affirmation that he who established (preferable to built) the house is greater than a servant in it (iii. 3-6). The house of God, that is, the religious economy of the Old Testament, in which Moses was only a servant, is conceived as " established " by Christ in his preexistent activity, just as he was the agent of the creation (i. 2). So Philo regarded the Logos as the organ through whom the world was " established " or prepared. Afterward to be spoken (iii. 5), that is, the law. As a Son over His house, whose house are we (iii. 6). — The superiority of Christ over Moses is indicated by Son as con trasted with servant and by over as opposed to in. This house of God is represented as still existing in the Christian dispensation and as composed of the believers in Christ who hold fast their joyful confidence in his sure coming again in his kingdom. Wherefore, even as the Holy Ghost saith (iii. 7). — Because you are God's house, or because you have so great a high- priest. The admonition which follows is based on Ps. xcv. 7-1 1, which is quoted as the word of the Holy Ghost. The expression, " the Holy Ghost says," is again employed in x. 15, but not elsewhere in the New Testament. It is a designation of the prophetic Spirit of God who, in the Jewish and Christian belief of the time, was regarded as the inspirer of the Old Testament writers. So I sware in my wrath (iii. 11). — God's oath ! Compare Jesus' injunction, " Swear not at all." In ascribing wrath to God the writer is in accord with other New Testament writers. In the Gospels, it is an evil to be fled from. In the Pauline theology it is expressed in the remorseless operation of the law, and it is Christ who. saves men from it, so far as through faith they are justified by his blood.2 The readers are now admonished to beware lest they fall 1 Num. xii. 7. » 1 Thess. i. 10 ; Rom. v. 9. iii. 12-iv. I. HEBREWS 25 away through an evil heart of 'unbelief 'as did the Israelites in the wilderness (iii. 12). The precise character of the apo stasy referred to is not indicated, and is in fact not determin able by any data that we have. Whether the falling away was conceived as into Judaism or heathenism depends upon the address of the Epistle, which we have found to be un certain (see Introduction). As long as it is called to-day (iii. 13). — To-day includes " the present age," or the time from the advent of Christ to his second coming which would usher in " the age to come," the to-morrow, the second great world-period. Accordingly, the condition of being partakers of Christ is conceived to be the holding fast of confidence firm unto the end (iii. 14). — The writer had no hope that he or his readers would share in the joy and glory of the Messianic kingdom to be set up by Christ at his second coming, unless they re mained faithful until the time of that coming, that is, unto the end. The following section (iii. 15-19) must be read as a whole without close dependence on the preceding. The sense probably is : When it is said, To-day if ye shall hear, etc., who (I ask) when they heard did provoke, etc. As the Israel ites were not permitted because of unbelief to enter the promised land, so we, if we are unfaithful, shall have no part in the rest and peace of the Messianic kingdom soon to come. The admonition to the readers is continued to beware, the pro mise still holding good that they may partake of the Messianic rest, lest they come short of the offered salvation through the apo stasy to which he sees them to be inclined (iv. 1-13). A promise being left (iv. 1). — The promise is regarded as holding until the time of its fulfilment, that is, until the second coming of Christ to establish his glorious kingdom. Those who should be faithful to their Christian profession 26 HEBREWS iv. 2-9. until that time would enter into the joy and rest of the Messianic reign ; and if the author may be supposed to have been in accord with Paul, this fortune would also be that of those who, not living until that time, should die " in Christ," for they would share in the resurrection with " spiritual bodies." A gospel or good tidings has indeed been preached to us, says the writer, as well as to them ; but the word heard did not profit them because " not mixed with faith in them that heard it." This rendering of King James' version is prefer able to that of the revised which reads because they were not united by faith with them that heard (iv. 2).1 Belief is necessary to the profitable hearing of the word of truth, for we enter into that rest as believers, according to the Psalm previously quoted to show that unbelievers in former times were excluded from the promised land (iv. 3). Although the works (iv. 3). — This is said in order to show that the " rest " was already long since prepared. The rest in question is simply analogous to that which in the Hebrew tradition of the creation, naively accepted by the writer, God was supposed to have enjoyed at the end of the work of making the heavens and the earth. Yet after so long a time (iv. 7), God says, To-day if ye will hear. In David, that is, the person through whom, accord ing to the writer's idea of the inspiration of the Scripture writers, God spoke iu the Psalm (xcv.), which is not Davidic, although ascribed to David in the Septuagint, from which the quotation was made. For if Joshua (iv. 8). — This is said in confirmation of verse 7. He would not have sppken. The subject here is God. There remaineth therefore a sabbath-rest (iv. 9) ; not a lit eral rest on the sabbath, but the term is employed as a type of blessedness. The people of God are those who are believing and obedient. Apostates would have no part in 1 This translation is based upon the reading, 6vyHSHpa6ixivoVi. iv. 10-14. HEBREWS 27 the blessed Messianic kingdom which was conceived as about to come. For he that is entered (iv. 10). — The analogy above referred to is here indicated, and labour is enjoined, lest any man fall after the same example of unbelief . For the word of God is living (iv. 12). — This "word" doubtless includes the entire message of God to man de livered both in the Old Testament and in the teaching of Jesus. No New Testament as an authoritative book con taining ' ' the word of God ' ' was of course known to the writer. The epithet " living " means having in itself vital power and hence " active." The two terms relate, accord ing to the connection, to the retributive power of God exer cised upon those who are unbelieving and disobedient. This idea is forcibly presented in the words, sharper than any two- edged sword, which divides those things that we think of as indivisible — the "soul," the vital principle, and the " spirit " the immaterial, rational principle. Philo speaks in a similar manner of the Logos as the one who divides all things, the atoms even in the sensible sphere and in the supersensible the soul, speech, and perception. In the flaming sword (Gen. iii. 24) he finds a symbol of the Logos. The employ ment of this figure probably indicates the writer's Alexan drian culture.1 Quick to discern the thoughts (iv. 12). — This is probably intended to indicate God's discernment of the moral quality of the intentions of men or His function as a judge. In iv. 14-v. 10, the writer proceeds to establish the doctrine of the high-priesthood of Christ laid down in ii. 17 and iii. 1, to which " therefore " looks back. A great high-priest (iv. 14). — So Philo characterises the Logos.1 Through the heavens relates to Christ's exaltation 1 The epithet ro/ioovspoi "sounds like an echo of Philo's doctrine concerning the cutting or dividing function of the Logos." — Bruce, Ep. to Heb., p. 167. 2 dpteyai dpxiepevS. 28 HEBREWS iv. 15. to the right hand of God already mentioned (i. 3), and is to be understood literally from the cosmological point of view of the writer to whom " the heavens," designated as a local ity through which the glorified Jesus is supposed to have " passed " in order to reach the throne of God, are the celes tial, upper regions. See " higher than the heavens" (vii. 26) and ' ' far above all the heavens ' ' (Eph. iv. 10). The greatness and exaltation of the New Testament high-priest are thus indicated (Bleek). This " great high-priest " is no other than Jesus the Son of God — an epithet whereby his dignity is distinctively marked. Since such an exalted high- priest is ours, reasons the writer, let us holdfast our confession, that is, the confession of the Christian faith in general, which is spoken of here and in iii. 1 as if in the writer's time (the post-apostolic age) it had crystallised into a formula. But the exalted rank of Christ is not the only reason why in the opinion of our author the Christians should hold fast their confession. Another motive is added in the declaration that we have not a high-priest that cannot be touched with a feeling of our infirmities (iv. 15). — Jesus having been " made in all re spects " as we are is a sympathetic high-priest, having car ried into his exalted heavenly state a remembrance of his experiences in the flesh. He accordingly regards with tenderness and compassion the weaknesses and infirmities which afflict men in their sinful earthly estate, and is able to represent them sympathetically before God, the judge. In all points tempted like as we are, yet without sin (iv. 15). — This positive assertion is set over against the negative of the preceding clause. We meet here the problem suggested by ii. 10 — how the writer's conception of the preexistent Christ as a divine being endowed with almighty power is reconcilable with that of him as subject to temptation like men and hence exposed to the possibility of sinning. Per haps the problem did not present itself to him at all, and if iv. 16-v. 2. HEBREWS 29 it did, we have no means of knowing how he would have solved it. Paul nowhere speaks of Jesus as tempted by sin, yet our author surpasses the apostle in his exaltation of Christ in his preexistent state. The declaration that he was without sin reminds us of a similar idea of Philo's regarding the Logos. The Jewish doctrine of the Messiah also assumed that he would be sinless. The throne of grace (iv. 16). — Because the merciful and compassionate high-priest now sits at the right hand of God, where according to vii. 25 he " makes intercession " for those who approach " through him," the throne of God is char acterised as the throne of grace. Since the high-priest has ' ' passed through the heavens ' ' after his work of ' ' propitia tion," the old order of strict retribution is conceived as no longer prevailing, but as superseded by the dispensation of " grace." This is the doctrine of Paul, with whom it originated, but it is not definitely expressed in the teaching of Jesus. A further elaboration of the theme of the high-priesthood of Christ is now made by showing that he possesses certain qualities which belong to high-priests qualified to minister under the law (v. 1-10). The argument with which this section opens is closely connected with the declaration in iv. 15. Every high-priest is appointed for the sake of men, in order that by offering gifts and sacrifices he may mediate between God and men. The high- priest must be one who can bear gently with the ignorant and erring for that he himself also is compassed with infirmity (v. 2). — The high-priest might offer atonement for sins committed through ignorance.1 The word rendered bear gently means to observe a due moderation in sympathy. Infirmity must be understood in a moral sense, and of course does not imply the sinlessness of the subject. The author has, however, forestalled the pressing of this analogy too far 1 Num. xv. 22-31. 30 HEBREWS v. 4-7. by the preceding declaration that Jesus was " without sin." It must be conceded that his argument here is somewhat unskilful. It appears to support the absolute humanity of Jesus, though this is manifestly not his purpose. No man taketh the honour to himself "(v. 4). — Thus the com parison between Jesus and the Jewish high-priest is carried further, and related to the call to the office. Just as Aaron was called of God, so also was Christ, who did not glorify himself, but was glorified by God who appointed him, and who not only signified the high honour which He conferred upon him by calling him His Son, but also designated him as a high-priest forever after the order of Melchizedek (v. 6). In Ps. ex. 4 these words are represented by the psalmist as addressed to a Hebrew king. They no more refer to Christ than any of the other passages interpreted by the writer as having such a reference (i. 5-13, ii. 6-8). The argument is that since Christ was not descended from Aaron, all of whose descendants were regarded as ' ' called ' ' in him, it might be maintained that he had assumed the rank of high-priest, to which he was not entitled. In that case he could not make a true atonement. But he was called or appointed to be a high-priest by the same authority by which he was assigned to his unique position of eminence as the Son of God, that is, by a divine authority. It is uncertain whether rank or suc cession is intended by order of Melchizedek. Who [Christ] in the days of his flesh (v. 7). — The reference is to the agony of Jesus, and the writer had in mind perhaps the struggle in Gethsemane, with the account of which in the synoptic Gospels he may have been acquainted. Him that was able to save him from death, and having been heard for his godly fear (v. 7).— The interpretation of this passage depends upon the sense in which the word rendered " godly fear " (evXafieia) is understood. If it is taken as " reverence toward God " (" godly fear ") the rendering of the revised version is correct, and the passage means that v. 8, 9. HEBREWS 31 Jesus was heard, when he prayed for deliverance from death, on account of this pious disposition. Those who understand the word in question to mean " fear" (of death), read the passage to mean " heard and delivered from this fear," and refer this deliverance to the angel who comforted Jesus, according to Luke xxii. 43, or, taking fear to stand for its object, death, to his resurrection. The word rendered " for" (and) in the revised version may mean " on account of" or " from." Against the latter interpretation it is urged that the writer must have meant that Jesus was delivered from that from which he prayed to be delivered, which was death, and not the fear of death. From this point of view he is regarded as having been " heard " in accordance with his prayer, which expressed submission to the divine will. This idea is somewhat far-fetched, and one cannot be certain that it was in the mind of the writer. The passage is undoubtedly obscure, and the best interpreters are divided as to its meaning. Though he was a Son, learned obedience by what he suffered (v. 8). — The problem previously mentioned here recurs for the third time : How could he who preexisted as the Son, a divine being, learn obedience for the first time in his earthly life ? The explanation that he had before his passion the disposition of obedience which required, in order to prove its existence, to be confirmed by the act, is futile, for it is gratuitous to affirm that he did not actually obey until this great crisis. The author certainly implies his belief in the subordination of the Son in his preexistent state to the Father, when he speaks of him as an ' ' apostle ' ' or one sent on a mission and as being for a time " made lower than the angels." The acceptance of these lowly fortunes implies obedience prior to his earthly sufferings. And having been made perfect he became (v. 9). — The idea is that Jesus was not fitted to be the Saviour of men until he had the experience of suffering in his earthly estate. But 32 HEBREWS v. II, 12. after having been " compassed with infirmity " (v. 2), and been " in all points tempted like as we are " (iv. 15), he was qualified to appear in heaven as a merciful and compassionate high-priest. — Unto all them that obey, that is all without regard to nationality, Jews and gentiles alike. The section v. 1 i-vi. 20 proceeds, after a digression on the ina bility of the readers to understand the " things hard of interpreta tion " which the writer has to say, with an exhortation to " press on to perfection," with a warning against apostasy on account of the impossibility of renewal to repentance, and with a reminder of the promise made to Abraham. Of whom we have many things to say (v. II). — The refer ence is not to Melchizedek, but to Christ who, as " a high- priest after the order of Melchizedek, " is the chief topic of the Epistle. The writer anticipates difficulty in making himself intelligible to his readers, because they have become dull of hearing, that is, in contrast with a previous condition of greater spiritual susceptibility to such doctrinal discus sions and expositions. For whom by reason of the time (v. 12). — The readers had been so long a time Christians that the writer thinks they ought to be qualified to become teachers of Christianity. This is a local colour which shows that the Epistle was not general, but was addressed to persons with whose circum stances the writer was acquainted. These words do not sup port a very early date for the Epistle. The readers had been instructed by hearers of Christ (ii. 3), some of their leaders or rulers had died (xiii. 3), and indifference and a tendency to apostasy had crept in among them. They must have be longed to the second or third generation of Christians. The rudiments of the first principles ofthe oracles of God (v. 12), the most elementary principles of the revelation of God through Christ. The term "oracles of God" sometimes refers in early Christian writers to the Old Testament,1 and ' Acts vii. 38 ; Rom. iii. 2. v. 12-vi. I. HEBREWS 33 again to utterances of Christian teachers.1 The context clearly determines the meaning here. And are become such as have need of milk (v. 12), that is, elementary instruction in Christianity, in which the writer evidently did not regard his doctrine of Christ as " a high- priest after the order of Melchizedek " as belonging. Without experience (v. 13).- — Since righteousness denotes the essential contents of Christianity, inexperienced in the word of righteousness means undeveloped and crude as Christians. Have their senses exercised to discern both good and evil (v. 14). — The senses as physical organs of perception cannot, of course, be meant. A better rendering were " faculties of judgment." 2 Wherefore let us cease to speak of the first principles of Christ (vi. I). — Wherefore refers to the preceding, and the connec tion is : since you are yet babes in Christian doctrine, and the condition of perfection still lies before you. The trans lation, " let us cease to speak," rests upon the judgment that the writer meant to say : " Let me cease to talk of the first principles," etc. But the connection acquires the inter pretation : " Do you, therefore, leave the first principles of Christ, and press on to perfection," the author including himself with his readers and saying, " let us press on." The old version is here preferable to the revised. The con trast is between the condition of babes occupied with the first principles of Christian instruction and that of " full-grown " 1 1 Pet. iv. 11. 2 at6BrjTrjpia, a word not elsewhere used in the New Testament. It occurs in the Septuagint, Jer. iv. 19, -<_ ai<5Qr;Tr/pia. rrji ipvxtfS fiov. Galen is quoted as saying that he who has his ai6Qr/r?}piov well exer cised may be the best judge or interpreter, api6roi — yveo/toov. The reference of the word to the inner sense, the power of apprehending spiritual things, may be regarded as well supported. Verses 12-14 show a dependence on 1 Cor. iii. 1-3. See Jiilicher, Einleii, 1901, p. 122. 34 HEBREWS vi. 2-4. or " perfect " men, and " perfection " refers to a condition to be attained by the readers, and not to a teaching to be presented by the writer. Since they are exhorted to leave the first principles of Christianity and press to higher themes of doctrine, the writer enjoins upon them not to lay anew the foundations of repentance from dead works and of faith toward God. l He does not counsel them to reject these elements, but urges them to pass beyond them. Repentance from dead, that is, unfruitful, sinful works and faifh in God as the one whose will and love are revealed through Christ were among the elementary doctrines of Christianity. It is not probable that the author had in mind " the works ofthe law," with reference to which repentance would be inappropriate. Of the teaching of baptisms, etc. (vi. 2). — "Baptisms" (plural), with reference probably to the Christian rite in comparison with the various washings practised among the ceremonies of other religions (ix. 10). The laying on of hands was, however, a specifically Christian ceremony, and was performed in connection with baptism.2 In the early Church baptism was connected with repentance and faith, and the latter with the resurrection of the dead.3 The resur rection of the dead and eternal judgment were doctrines both of Judaism and primitive Christianity. They were believed to be events of the Messianic reign which in the latter sys tem was conceived as about to begin at the second coming of Christ. For, as touching those who were once enlightened (vi. 4). — 1 In placing "faith toward God" (_ri(.rz. t%l rov Beov) among the rudiments which are to be left behind, the writer appears to have no such conception of faith as a condition of righteousness as obtains in the theology of Paul, where it is set over against "works" : re. 8i fiV ipyat,op.£vw, tci6tevovti Si ... . Xoyi^erai xitinS avro-v eti SiMaiotiivnv (Rom. iv. 5). He rather regards it as simple confidence in God's promises. 2 Acts viii. 16, 17, xix. 5, 6. 3 Acts ii. 38, xvii. 31, xxiv. 14, 15, xxvi. 8. vi. 5, 6. HEBREWS 35 For relates to the exhortation in verse 3, " this let us do " (which is the meaning instead of " this we will do," accord ing to a well-supported reading of the Greek text). The urgent appeal to the readers that they should advance toward higher attainments in the Christian life is now strengthened by a warning of the danger of apostasy. Enlightened are those who have received the truth of the gospel of Jesus.1 And tasted of the heavenly gift, and were made partakers of the Holy Ghost. The Holy Ghost was regarded as a gift in the primitive Church,2 and the two expressions perhaps have essentially the same meaning. The early Christians at tributed their religious experiences to a " heavenly" and supernatural source. Tasted the good word of God (vi. 5), the gospel, as that spoken by God (i. 2). The repetition of " tasted " is awk ward. And the powers of the age to come, the Messianic age to be introduced by the expected second coming of Christ (ii. 5). The powers of that age are conceived to be the wonderful operations of the Holy Spirit, which had already begun, and been " tasted " in the then present age. It is impossible to renew them again unto repentance (vi. 6). — Impossible (advvarov) is here used in the absolute sense, and it is unwarrantable to soften it into " extremely difficult " or any analogous expression. In the manner in which the writer of the Epistle here speaks of a sin for which repentance is impossible and in the terms employed he stands alone among the New Testament writers. The sin in question is not the so-called blasphemy against the Holy Ghost,3 which con sisted in charging Jesus with having an unclean spirit. If it was a sin against Jesus, as that called "unto death" in 1 John v. 16 is according to the connection, it might be forgiven (and in forgiveness repentance is, of course, implied),4 as he himself declares. But the sin is simply and only that of falling away or apostasy from the con- 1 2 Cor. iv. 4, 6 ; 1 Pet. ii. 9. 3 Matt. xii. 31 ; Mark iii. 29. 8 Acts xi. 17. 4 Matt. xii. 32. 36 HEBREWS vi. 10-13. fession of Christ after having enjoyed the blessings and privileges of a Christian experience. According to the illustration which follows (vv. 7-9), it is unfruitfulness, the bearing of "thorns and thistles" where "herbs meet for them for whose sake it [the land] is also tilled " might be expected. The harsh judgment of the author is not supported by the cases of Peter and Judas,1 by any known psychologi cal law, or by any facts of human experience. On the other hand it would appear according to the doctrine of the author himself that Christ, as the great high-priest who on the cross prayed for the for giveness of his enemies, would take a more hopeful and sympathetic view of the case of those who crucify him ' ' afresh ' ' in that they ' ' fall away." Paul appears never to have despaired of the ultimate salva tion of believers. Even the spirit of the incestuous man was to be " saved in the day of the Lord," although he was delivered over to Satan.2 For God is not unrighteous to forget (vi. 10). — The writer hopes ' ' better things ' ' of his readers than the desperate fortunes depicted in verse 6, and represents their preserva tion from it as due to God's remembrance of their former charities, as if a hopeless apostasy were not dependent upon their own volition and action, but upon the disposition of God toward them on account of their treatment of the " saints." It is not clear whether he means that God would shield them from apostasy, or, in case they should apostatise, would not treat them as apostates. In either case the doctrine appears to be that former good works may in some way save men from falling into a condition from which it is " impos sible to renew them to repentance," and that they are not left to themselves to induce by " an irreversible natural law ' ' a " permanent fixedness of character." The idea that their hope lies in antecedent " works " accords with the teaching of Jesus rather than with Paul's doctrine of "justification by faith." For when God made promise to Abraham (vi. 13). — For connects the following with the last clause of verse 12, and 1 Matt. xxvi. 75, xxvii. 3. 2 1 Cor. v. 5. vi. I3-I9- HEBREWS 37 the teaching is that perseverance in faith and patience secures the enjoyment of the " promises " of God. The illustration is drawn from the story of Abraham.1 Swear by Himself . . . interposed with an oath (vi. 13 and 17). — The naive Jewish and primitive-Christian concep tion of God is here expressed, according to which He is rep resented as acting after the manner of men even to the taking of an oath for solemn confirmation. Philo also remarks on the circumstance that God swore " not by another, but by Himself who is the best of all." In the Old Testament God is sometimes represented as swearing in anger." That by two immutable things (vi. 1 8), that is, the promise, or perhaps its supposed fulfilment in the gospel, and the oath. The words, that . . . we may have a strong en couragement, etc., imply, according to the writer's method of interpreting the Old Testament wherever possible with reference to the Christian economy, that he regarded the promise to Abraham as made in view of the believers of primitive-Christian times. It is ungrammatical to interpret, " so that we have," etc. Interpretations similar to that in verse 18 abound in the writers of the early Church. The Old Testament was their only written authority, and they allegorised it (made it say something else than it really said) whenever it suited their purpose to do so.3 As an anchor (vi. 19), a means of safety in the storm and stress of earthly trial. Both sure and stedfast and entering into that which is within the veil (vi. 19). — It is unnecessary to supply "a hope " here, as is done in the revised version. The figure of the anchor is carried out to the end of the clause. The veil refers to the curtain hung in the tabernacle before the holy of holies, and entering within the veil is a figure for extending into heaven, whither as a forerunner Jesus entered 1 Gen. xxii. 16-19. 2 Num. xxxii. 10 ; Deut. i. 34. 3 1 Cor. ix. 9, 10. 38 HEBREWS vi. 20-vii. 3. for us (vi. 20), according to iv. 14 (see ix. 12, 24). The writer now returns to the theme mentioned in v. 10. The author now goes to work in earnest to develop and establish his theme of the high-priesthood of Christ after the order of Mel chizedek (vii. 1-28). In proceeding to show first what it means to be such a high-priest, he devotes a little space to a consideration of the man Melchizedek (vv. 1-10). King of Salem, priest of God Most High (vii. l).1-r-The author follows the story in Genesis of the meeting of Abra ham and Melchizedek, in which the latter is designated as a ' ' priest of the Most High God. ' ' The author of this portion of Genesis doubtless adopted the tradition that Jerusalem, near which Salem probably was,2 if it was not a name for Jerusalem itself,3 was always the seat of the worship of the Hebrew supreme God, El. Accordingly, in saying that Melchizedek was a priest of the Most High God, he had in mind the national divinity, Yahweh. King of righteousness . . . King of peace (vii. 2), that is, by interpretation of the Hebrew names, ' ' Melchizedek ' ' and " Salem." 4 It is noteworthy that Philo had previously given a similar interpretation. The appropriateness of the ideas of ' ' righteousness ' ' and ' ' peace ' ' to Jesus may have influenced the writer's conception of a parallel between him and Melchizedek. The fancy of the allegoriser was quick to seize upon such verbal analogies. Without father, without mother (vii. 3).— Since no mention of Melchizedek' s parents is made in Genesis, the writer arbi trarily concludes according to the allegorising of Philo, " from the silence of the Scriptures," that he had none ! This idea accords with his purpose, which is to show that Melchizedek, a " type " of Christ, was superior to the leviti cal priests, who did not enjoy the distinction of having come 1 See Gen. xiv. 18-20. 3 See Ps. Ixxvi. 2. 2 John iii. 23. 4 Josephus, fewish Wars, vi. 10. vii. 3-10. HEBREWS. 39 into the world without fathers and mothers. Probably he did not intend to press his interpretation by types so far as to draw the inference that Jesus, in his earthly existence at least, was without parents, for in verse 14 he says that " it is evident that our Lord sprang out of Judah." Having neither beginning of days nor end of life (vii. 3). — This is an inference from the fact that in Genesis there is no mention of the beginning or end of Melchizedek. But made like unto the Son of God (vii. 3). — According to the writer's method of interpretation Melchizedek was a ' ' type ' ' of Christ. The resemblances which his fancy seizes upon are found in the name and residence — " righteousness " and "peace" — and in the absence of "genealogy," alle gorical ly read into the Old Testament account, and doubtless applied to the preexistent being of Christ, despite the fact that he calls him the Son of God. Abideth a priest continually (vii. 3). — The subject is Mel chizedek (v. 1). Continually here means " forever," as in x. 12, 14. The perpetuity of Melchizedek's priesthood is inferred from the fact that no end of it is mentioned in Genesis, because it suited the author's fancy that he was a type of Christ. He now proceeds to argue (vv. 4-10) the superiority of Melchizedek to the levitical priests from the fact that to ' ' this great man ' ' Abraham gave tithes. Now the sons of Levi receive tithes, though they are descendants of Abraham. But Melchizedek, who was not one of the offspring of Levi, received tithes of Abraham. Therefore Levi, who was yet unborn when these tithes were paid, in fact, paid tithes to Melchizedek ! The conclusion is obvious that, according to this method of reasoning, Melchizedek as a priest outranks the levitical priesthood, so that Christ, of whom " this great man " was a type, is a high-priest superior to the priests under the law. Melchizedek was greater than Abraham, for it is the greater who gives the blessing. Be sides, Melchizedek was not mortal like the levitical priests 40 HEBREWS vii. 11-17. who take tithes, because it is witnessed that he liveth (v. 8), that is, by ' ' the silence of the Scriptures ' ' about his death. The argument now proceeds to show that the levitical priest hood, having together with the Mosaic law become invalid, has been superseded by a better (vv. 11-17). If there was perfection by the levitical priesthood (vii. II). — A conditional clause implying a negative. Since the levitical priesthood was imperfect, that is, incapable of making a per fect atonement, there was need that another priest should arise after the order of Melchizedek. Since, then, under the levitical priesthood the people received the law, a change of the former rendered necessary a change of the latter (v. 12). The expression is mild and cautious, but more than a " change " is evidently meant, as is apparent from verse 18, in which the author, grown bolder, employs a term which expresses nothing short of the abrogation of the law. This Pauline idea is not, however, expressed in Pauline terms. For he of whom those things are said (vii. 13). — The levitical priesthood and the law of Moses here become invalid, because the new high-priest, Christ, sprang from another tribe than that of Levi, from a tribe which had furnished no priest. For it is evident that our Lord sprang out of Judah (vii. 14). — The writer speaks of this physical descent of Jesus as a well known and undisputed fact. He appears, like Paul and the other authors of the canonical Epistles, to have known nothing of the story of the miraculous conception of the mother of Jesus, or at least not to have accepted it. De scent from Judah thus unqualifiedly expressed can mean nothing else than paternity through that line. And what we say is yet more abundantly evident (vii. 15- 17)- — Another proof is presented of the disuse of the old priesthood and the Mosaic law in the contention that the new high-priest " after the order of Melchizedek " was not made according to the external and perishable law regarding the vii. 18-22. HEBREWS 41 levitical priesthood, but after the power of an endless life, that is, he is not a mortal high-priest, but one who " abideth forever" (v. 24), as is " witnessed" by the passage from the Psalm before quoted. The significance of the establishment of this new high- priesthood is now declared to be nothing short of the dis annulling of a foregoing commandment (vii. 18, 19), because it was inadequate as a means of atonement. The command ment, the entire levitical legislation, was weak and unprofit able, and a better hope is furnished in this new high-priesthood, a hope through which we draw nigh unto God.1 The ample atonement of the great high-priest and his heavenly office as intercessor are the foundation of a hope which brings men into closer relations with God. The author here expresses a practical vital principle of Christianity as he understood it. Never tiring of quoting from the Old Testament, the writer now strengthens his argument, as he supposes, by recurring to the " oath " of God respecting the perpetuity of the priesthood in question (vii. 2l). See note on v. 6 and vi. 13-20. Since the old priesthood was instituted without an oath of God, His oath in this case makes Christ the surety of a better covenant (vii. 22). Another reason for the superiority of the high-priest Christ over the levitical priesthood is found in the fact that the latter was com posed of mortal beings who were hindered by death from continuing perpetually in office (vii. 23), while the former abideth forever, and has an unchangeable priesthood (vii. 24). 1 The writer's depreciation of the law is quite unqualified. He does not even accord to the Mosaic economy an historical place and worth in the education of mankind. Paul, while arraigning it on other grounds than our author's, could still recognise it as given "unto life," as "holy, just, and good " (Rom. vii. 10, 12), and as a "school master unto Christ " (Gal. iii. 24) ; but here there are no such epithets to .soften the harshness of the judgment upon the old dispensa tion. It is bluntly declared to be dtfOsveS ual dvaxpsXe?, weak and unprofitable — a law of a carnal commandment, tvToXrjS dapxivqS. According to Paul, it is thefiesh that is weak (dddey^i.) 42 HEBREWS vii. 25-27. Wherefore he is able to save to the uttermost, etc. (vii. 25), that is, to save most completely, perfectly to deliver from sin and its consequences and also without doubt to give a place in his kingdom about to come upon the earth. Them that draw near to God through him he can save, since he is the mediator between God and men who, having "passed through the heavens" and been "seated on the right of God, ' ' ever liveth to make intercession for them. The idea that Christ in his exalted state makes " intercession " for men is expressed by Paul,1 and the writer of 1 John (ii. 1) speaks of an " Advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous." But neither of those writers enters upon the question how it is conceivable that God as ' ' the Father ' ' should need or could tolerate in His presence an advocate or intercessor in behalf of His own children. The doctrine can logically carry only the implication of a deficiency in His wisdom or His love. Philo ascribes this function to the Logos. Finally, Christ is shown to be a more excellent high-priest than those of the levitical order, because the latter were sin ful men who must daily offer sacrifices for their own sins and then for the sins of the people, while he was holy, guileless, undefiled (vii. 26, 27). Besides, having been made higher than the heavens, ' he is forever before God in behalf of men (see verse 25) and is separated from sinners. Who needeth not daily (vii. 27). — This is not strictly ac curate. The Jewish high-priest did not officiate " daily." The writer has probably confused the office of this function ary with the usual daily sacrifices offered by the priests. Once for all, when he offered himself '(vii. 27), that is, one time for all times. The one sacrifice of Christ sufficed for a full atonement or satisfaction for the sins of men. Accord ingly, he is not alone the high-priest of the new covenant, who is superior to the levitical priests in that he needed only 1 Rom. viii. 34. 2 See iv. 14 and Eph. iv. 10. vii. 27. HEBREWS 43 once to make an offering, but he is also in his own person the offering itself which, by so much as he is great, is better than all the sacrifices presented by the old priesthood (viii. 3, ix. 12, 14, 25, x. 10, 12, 14). The doctrine of the high-priesthood of Christ, the credit for the first elaborate presentation of which belongs to the author of Hebrews, is an inheritance of Christianity from Judaism, or, more strictly speaking, it is a product of Hellenistic Christianity, or the Christian ity of a Judaism affected by Greek culture and ideas. It may be traced to the high-priesthood of the Logos in Philo of Alexandria, by whose writings the author of the Epistle was doubtless considerably influenced. Philo applied the title " high- priest " to the Logos, con ceived by him as a supersensible entity without participation in human earthly fortunes. Our author does not, like the writer ofthe fourth Gospel, specifically apply the term "Logos " to Christ, but he represents a type of theology which was well advanced toward this Johannine idea. It is not entirely clear whether or no he regarded Christ in his preexistent state as the high-priest of the new covenant. The words in vii. 3 seem to favour this hypothesis, where he says that Melchizedek who was "without genealogy" was "made Hke unto the Son of God " and " abideth a priest continually." But the idea of a high-priesthood is not here necessarily connected with the Son of God, who is evidently referred to as in i. 2, 3, with reference to conditions antedating his appearance in the flesh, in which he is not conceived as "without genealogy" (vii. 14). On the other hand, the writer appears to regard Jesus' earthly life as a preparation for the high-priesthood. He conceives the true and fitting high-priest for men to be one who can be " touched with the feeling of our infirmities," and who has been " tempted in all points as we are" (iv. 14, 15), and does not regard Jesus in his capacity of high- priest as " the author of eternal salvation," until he had in his human life "learned obedience" through suffering and been "made perfect," that is, perfectly fitted for his work as Saviour (ii. 17). The real, per fect high-priest, however, is not recognised by the author in the Jesus of earthly experience, the suffering and tempted one, but only in the exalted Son of God who had "passed through the heavens " (iv. 14, v. 9), where he "abideth forever " in an " unchangeable priesthood " (vii. 24). "If he were on earth, he would not be a priest at all" (viii. 4), but as the true high-priest he did not enter into a holy place 44 HEBREWS viii. i. made with hands, . . . but into heaven itself (ix. 24). His sacri fice on the cross provided the means of atonement by virtue of which he appears as the heavenly high-priest " before the face of God for us." "The things in the heavens " must be " cleansed with better sacrifices " than their "copies " on the earth (ix. 23), and it is as an intercessor for men "before the face of God," where he is entitled to stand by reason of his suffering, that he is conceived to be the real high-priest ofthe new and better covenant. This idea ofthe earthly life of Jesus as a preparation for the heavenly high-priesthood denotes a departure from Philo possible only to a christianised Alexandrian, to whom the person Jesus and not the supersensible Logos was the central figure. Philo's high-priest after the order of Melchizedek "no longer hovers forever in remote heights, but he has assumed flesh and blood, is tempted, and has suffered like men (ii. 14, 18, iv. 15, v. 7), and his earthly suffering has first made him capable of serving men as a high-priest. Thereby is the chasm, which yawned with Philo between the world above and the earth, bridged over. Life has come into the unchangeable inflexibility of that world of ideas. Theosophy is changed into religion." But this divine, preexistent Son of God, apparently next to Deity Himself the most exalted being in the universe, is supposed to have needed this school of human life in order to "learn" that which should qualify him for his office. If the author conceived him to have "emptied himself" of his divinity,1 the problem still remains how he could have thought him to be the same being as before. Our interest in this subject, the high-priesthood of Christ, is chiefly historical. It is an idea conceived by the author of the Epistle, is without foundation in the teaching of Jesus, and is based upon an erroneous interpretation of passages from the Old Testament. The fact that it appears in a writing which has been received into the New Testament canon does not give it the importance of a doctrine of Christianity. The next step in the argument of the Epistle is to show that the sanctuary in which Christ as high-priest officiates is superior to the levitical, for it is heavenly and not made with hands. The service which he performs is as much above the old priestly function as the covenant under which he ministers is better than the former (viii. 1-13). Sat down on the right hand (viii. 1). — See i. 3, ii. 9, iv. 14, 1 Phil. ii. 7. viii. 2-5. HEBREWS 45 vii. 26. Having been thus exalted, the ministry of this great high-priest is that of the sanctuary and of the true tabernacle which God pitched, not man (viii. 2). It is not a ministry of the earthly tabernacle, but is in heaven " before the face of God." There exists the true tabernacle, the original type, of which the tabernacle of the levitical priesthood is only a ' ' copy " or a " shadow. ' ' In expressing this idea the author shows his dependence upon the Alexandrian thought. The Alexandrian Book of Wisdom contains a similar conception respecting the altar as an imitation of that prepared by God from the beginning. Which the Lord pitched, that is God. ' ' Lord ' ' is elsewhere used of God in the Epistle only in cita tions from the Old Testament. Have somewhat to offer (viii. 3).— This does not mean that in his function in the heavenly tabernacle, Christ actually " offers " his body as a sacrifice, but that he appears there for atonement, by reason of having offered it in his earthly passion. Now if he were on the earth he would not be a priest at all (viii. 4). — On the earth he would have no priestly function. Only two kinds of priests are known to the author — those on the earth, the levitical priests, and the one high- priest in heaven, who does not offer gifts according to the law, but under the new covenant ministers in " the true tabernacle." The former serve that which is a copy and shadow of the heavenly things (viii. 5) — an indication of the inferiority and imperfection of the earthly sanctuary as contrasted with the heavenly. The Platonic doctrine of Ideas appears here by way of the Alexandrian school in a Christian writer of the first century. According to the pattern shown to thee in the mount (viii. 5)-1 — The writer supposes Moses to have seen by way of divine revelation the original type or pattern of the Jewish 1 See Ex. xxv. 40. 46 HEBREWS viii. 6-ix. i. tabernacle (or as Plato would say the Idea of it), when he was on Sinai. The mediator of a better covenant (viii. 6).1 — Christ is con ceived as intervening between God and men in order to turn aside by his atonement the consequences of sin. Paul does not call Jesus a " mediator," but following Philo he applies the term to Moses.2 The writer now declares again the imperfection of the old covenant, and proceeds to give proof from Scripture of the establishment of a new and better one (vv. 7-12) ¦ The " new covenant," however, of which mention is made in the quotation from Jeremiah xxxi. 31-34, relates historically to the restoration of the Jews, and is a covenant promised with the people of the northern and southern kingdoms or Israel and Judah (v. 9). The writer of the Epistle, in accordance with his allegorical method of interpretation, understands it to mean the new covenant of the Christian dispensation. This appears from verse 13, in which he speaks of the old covenant, or the Old Testament economy, as aged and nigh unto vanishing away. The author now proceeds (ix. i-x. 18) to an exposition of the work of the great high-priest, Christ, and introduces the subject with an account of the arrangements of the old sanctuary, which he regards as showing in their character its temporary and perishable nature. A worldly sanctuary (ix. 1). — This is accusative coordinate with " ordinances of divine service." The adjective noa- /xihov, from xoctjaos, can have no other meaning than worldly or pertaining to the world, mundanus. A contrast is thus indicated between the sanctuary of the Old Covenant and that of the New, the worldly in opposition to the heavenly (i.Ttovpaviov).% 1 See ix. 15, xii. 24 ; 1 Tim. ii. 5. 2 Gal. iii. 19, 20. 3 Cf. uazd. . . . rijv xo6fiiKrjv didra&v, Plutarch, De Consolat. ix. 4-1 1. HEBREWS 47 Having a golden censer, etc. (ix. 4). — The proper render ing of the word is " altar of incense," and the writer has committed an " archaeological error " in saying that it was in the most holy place. The statement of the contents of the ark of the covenant is not according to 1 Kings viii. 9. — Once in the year (ix. 7) is not strictly accurate. " One day in the year" would have been correct, for the high-priest entered more than once in the performance of his functions. In all the arrangements and regulations described in the foregoing (ix. 1-7) the author regards the Holy Ghost, that is, the Spirit of God, who from his point of view established the levitical institution, as signifying this which follows : that the way into the holy place hath not yet been made manifest, while as [during the time that] the first tabernacle is yet stand ing (ix. 8), that is, the entrance of the high-priest once a year into the holy of holies (for which the " I10I5- place " here stands) does not manifest the true way into it, or the way adequate to the needs of men, which is shown only by the perpetual appearance of Christ, the great high-priest, on their behalf " before the face of God." Which is a parable for the time now present (ix. 9). — Which refers to ' ' the first tabernacle ' ' that is regarded as a symbol with reference to the present time, in other words, is a type of the new dispensation and the greater high-priesthood. According to which [the first tabernacle] are offered, that is, in accordance with the law governing the first tabernacle certain gifts and sacrifices are offered. That cannot as touching the conscience make the worshipper perfect (ix. 9), that is, cannot enable him to attain a state of perfection satisfactory to his conscience. Until a time of reformation (ix. 10), the time ofthe coming of Christ, the true high-priest, who will fulfil his function perfectly, and become the " author of everlasting salvation." A high-priest of the good things to come (ix. 1 1), the good things of the " everlasting salvation " of which Christ was 48 HEBREWS ix. II, 12. the " author." These are called future because conceived as to be realised in the Messianic age, which the second coming of Christ was expected to introduce (ii. 5, vi. 5). The connection in vv. II and 12 is : Christ having come . entered in once for all into the holy place through the greater and more perfect tabernacle . . . through his own blood, having obtained eternal redemption. His entrance into the holy place, that is, the heavenly sanctuary or holy of holies, is conceived as being through the heavenly tabernacle. The matter is a little confused, since the writer appears to distinguish between the tabernacle (v. n) and the holy place (v. 12), while in viii. 2 he seems to make them identical. If they are interpreted as separate, the greater and more perfect, that is, the heavenly, tabernacle is probably conceived as " the lower parts of the heavens " contrasted with the high est heavens where the throne of God was supposed to be. See " passed through the heavens " (iv. 14). Through his own blood (ix. 12), by means of his own blood, or because of his sacrifice on the cross. Having obtained eternal redemption. Eternal corresponds to once for all, that is, all time. The redemption is regarded as permanently effective and needing no renewal, and means ransom, de liverance from the guilt and penalty of sin. It is here con ceived as effected through the atoning death of Christ according to verse 22, " apart from the shedding of blood there is no remission." The word here rendered redemption (Xvrpa>6iS), together with the corresponding verb, is confined in the New Testament to Luke, He brews, 1 Peter, and the Epistle to Titus. It is not, accordingly, em ployed by Paul, although the idea is substantially his, and is expressed by a word which literally means " buy off." ' In the Hebrew system certain sins might be atoned for, the penalty " bought off" or averted by the offering of sacrifices.5 The New Testament writers who give 1 eZayopaZco, Gal. iii. 13, iv. 5. But see a_roA_Yp<_i__s, 1 Cor. i. 30. 2 Levit. iv. v. vi. ; Job i. 5, xlii. 8. ix. 12. HEBREWS 49 expression to the idea of ransom or redemption apply it to sin in general without discriminating between sins for which atonement could be made and others. The conception of redemption in the sense in which it is employed here came into apostolic Christianity from Judaism. It does not accord with the general teaching of Jesus respecting the relation of man to God. The relation of the doctrine of Hebrews that Christ in his death offered a sacrifice for sin on behalf of men to the Pauline conception of his atonement has long been in dispute. Some expositors of Paul deny, and others affirm that he conceived of the death of Christ as a sacrifice. It must be conceded that some obscurity attaches to his teaching on this point. In Rom. iii. 25, 26 Paul declares that Christ was set forth as a propitiation to declare God's righteousness for the remission of sins that are past, which by reason of the divine " forbear ance " had not been adequately punished. The idea is that in the representative death of Christ as the head of the race the proof was furnished that the penalty for sin which the divine righteousness re quires was inflicted. The benefits of this substitution accrue to those who by faith avail themselves of it.1 These, "justified by the blood " of Christ, are " saved from the wrath of God," 2 that is, they will enter into the eternal life ofthe Messianic kingdom when Christ shall come again. Through the intervention of this great "race-man," the " man from heaven," through his having been " made sin for us who knew no sin," 3 free scope is conceived as given to the divine grace, and God no longer reckons their trespasses against 4 men who accept the offered favour, since by the great "propitiation" His attitude toward them has been changed. It can hardly be denied that the idea of sacrifice is contained in this scheme. It was "in the blood" of Christ that the propitiation was made. He " redeemed " us, the be lievers, from the curse of the law, that is, by his sacrifice "bought us off" from it, having been himself "made a curse for us " in his death,4 for all men as sinners were "under the curse " through not having kept the law," and could be delivered only by this great offering. In treating Christ as a sinner God laid upon him the consequences ofthe sins of others, who through faith may " become the righteousness of God in him." Christ stands iu the place of men over against the jus tice of God, and they receive the benefits of this substitution in that through faith his righteousness is "reckoned" to them. If, as is ' Rom. iii. 26. 3 2 Cor. v. 21. 6 Gal. iii. 13. 2 Ibid., v. 9. 4 Ibid., v. 19. 6 Ibid., iii. 10. 5o HEBREWS ix. 14. probable, the conception of sacrifice in later Judaism involved the idea that the blood of the victim was given for the life of the guilty person, this circumstance is favourable to the contention that the Paul ine atonement should be construed as sacrificial. The question cannot, however, be regarded as closed. How much more shall the blood of Christ who through the eternal Spirit offered himself unto God (ix. 14). — The expres sion through the eternal Spirit presents some difficulty, espe cially when the article is inserted as in the revised and King James' versions. The rendering of Noyes is better : " through his eternal spirit." But the original contains neither article nor pronoun, and " through eternal spirit " means through the spiritual power by means of which he did and does his work for men. The epithet eternal charac terises the efficacy of his high-priesthood as perpetual in contrast with that of the levitical priests which was tempo rary and perishable.' Without blemish (ix. 14), that is, fulfilling the conditions of a perfect offering and hence acceptable (see iv. 15). Cleanse your conscience from dead works, purify the inner man from sinful works and fit the soul for the service of the living God (ix. 14). And for this cause he is the mediator of a new covenant (ix. 1 The late Dr. Bruce, whose work on the Epistle comes to the au thor's hand as this book is going through the press, remarks on the word "eternal" (aimviov): "The epithet 'eternal' suggests the thought : the act performed by Jesus in offering himself may, as an historical event, become old with the lapse of ages ; but the spirit in which the act was done can never become a thing of the past. The blood shed was corruptible ; but the spirit which found expression in Christ's self-sacrifice is the same yesterday, to-day, and forever, and in its eternal self-identity lends to the priestly deed imperishable merit and signifiance." — The Epistle to the Hebrews : the first Apology for Christianity, 1899, p. 339. So Holtzmann: "Blood and flesh are thought of as only transient bases of the eternal spirit." — Neutest. Theol. ii. p. 289. ix. 15, HEBREWS ¦ 51 15). — This cause relates to the thought expressed in vv. 1 1-14. The central idea of the new covenant in contrast with the old is, according to this author, the atoning sacrifice of Christ, who offered himself, and became an everlasting high- priest, over against the inferior offerings and the temporary priesthood of the levitical institution. That a death having taken place (ix. 15). — The occurrence of a [sacrificial] death is regarded as a condition of the estab lishment of a covenant. The death here referred to is that of Christ (see vv. 16, 17). For the redemption of the transgressions that were under the first covenant (yx.. 15). — The idea is that notwithstanding the offerings made under the old covenant, the transgressions which were committed during its existence were not ade quately atoned for. They that have been called may receive the promise of the eternal inheritance (ix. 15). — The " called " are in the Pauline usages those who are foreordained to accept the invitation extended to them in the gospel. But the connection here forbids the exclusive application of the word to those living under the Christian dispensation. Besides, the use of the perfect participle appears to indicate a reference to those called in a former time and to those still called in the pre sent. How he conceived the invitation of the gospel to have been extended to the Jews who lived prior to the time of Christ is not clear. Perhaps he thought of the gospel as retroactive through the Old Testament which he regarded as filled with allusions and prophecies respecting it. But Christianity would thus hardly be placed before men in such a manner that some could be said to accept and others to re ject it, so that the former might be designated as " the called." Perhaps again he thought " the called " to be the pious Israelites, and he might have extended the designation to those among all nations who-had dutifully lived according to such light as they had. ' In any case it is evident that he 52 .HEBREWS ix. 15-20. regarded the effectiveness of the gospel as retroactive (see verse 26 and xi. 39, 40). He does not appear to have been concerned about the fate of those persons not included among " the called." Eternal inheritance (ix. 15). — The "inheritance" (k\tj- povofAiai) denotes the participation in the Messianic kingdom to be ushered in by Jesus at his second coming. It origin ally meant the possession of the promised land (uXr/poroj^ia rrj? yr/s) by the seed of Abraham. Just as the Messianic kingdom conferred upon its heirs ' ' eternal life " and ' ' eternal salvation " (v. 9), so it is here called an " eternal (aioovi'ov) inheritance." For where a testament is there must of necessity be the death of him that made il (ix. 16). — The word translated " testa ment " in verses 16 and 17 is the same one in the original that is rendered " covenant " in the foregoing. It is mani fest that a " death " has nothing to do with the establishment of a covenant ; but since the same word has both meanings, the writer was plainly led into a logical error in his zeal to find occasion for bringing the death of Christ into his argu ment. These two verses denote a departure from the course of thought of the Epistle, and the reader will do well to disregard them entirely. The conclusion drawn in verse 18 is of course pointless. He took the blood of the calves and the goats with water and scarlet wool and hyssop, and sprinkled both the book itself and all the people (ix. 19). — The passage which lies at the basis of this account is found in Exodus xxiv. 3-8, but it contains no mention of the blood of calves and goats, of water and scarlet wool and hyssop and of the sprinkling of the book. The writer has evidently confused other ceremonial observ ances with the ratification of the covenant. The blood of the testament (ix. 20). — See x. 29, xiii. 20. The employment of this expression with reference to the shedding ofthe blood of Jesus perhaps indicates the influence ix. 21, 22. HEBREWS 53 on the writer of the words of the Master recorded in Matt. xxvi. 28; Mark xiv. '24; Luke xxii. 20. This cannot, how ever, be positively affirmed, since the words occur in the Septuagint version of Ex. xxiv. 8, and may have been cur rent in the religious speech and ritual of the time of the writer. In like manner, the " redemption" in verse 12 is an Old Testament idea, and need not be referred to Mark x. 45. " Shepherd of the sheep " (xiii. 20) is used only once in the Epistle, and occurs in the Septuagint version of Isa. lxiii. 10. The influence of Mark vi. 34, xiv. 27, and Matt. ii. 6 is not, however, necessarily excluded. Yet the refer ence of " heir of all things " (i. 2) to Mark xii. 7 by von Soden is forced. Moreover the tabernacle (ix. 2l). — Another error is com mitted in this statement, since the tabernacle was not yet constructed when the ceremony of confirming the covenant occurred to which the writer here refers. Moreover, when the tabernacle was consecrated it was not ordered that it be sprinkled with blood, but that it be anointed with oil.1 The vessels are of course not mentioned in the account which the writer reproduces with amplifications, and where they are mentioned in Exodus they are said, like the tabernacle, to have been anointed with oil. In view of these considerations the qualifying expression, / may almost say (ix. 22) is very properly inserted. Without the shedding of blood there is no remission (ix. 22). — This is said with reference to the so-called " Mosaic law." In the Hebrew sacrificial system certain sins might be atoned for by the offering of animal life. But the author wishes to have it understood that the " new covenant " is not different from the old so far as the shedding of blood is concerned. The superiority of the former lies in the rank and dignity of the propitiator, who makes atonement with " his own blood," and makes it once for all time. 1 Ex. xl. 9. 54 HEBREWS ix. 23-26. It was necessary, therefore, that the copies of the things in the heavens should be cleansed with these (ix. 23). — The appoint ments of the levitical sacrificial rites, which are only copies of the true heavenly tabernacles, may be purified with such material things as were used for that purpose ; but the heavenly things, the place not made with hands, into which Christ entered as the ' ' high-priest forever after the order of Melchizedek," must be cleansed with better sacrifices than these, that is, with the sacrifice of Christ himself who appears there as an intercessor to plead the offering which he made on the cross. Now to appear before the face of God for us (ix. 24). — Christ, the great high-priest, might come into the very presence of God, on whom no man could look and live.1 For us, that is, to " make intercession " (vii. 25). Else must he often have suffered since the foundation ofthe world (ix. 26). — The writer proves his doctrine that Christ suffered once for all time by showing the contrary to be absurd. Since men have always sinned, it would be neces sary, he reasons, if Christ did not suffer once for all time, that his sacrifice should have been made often.'' He wisely refrains from venturing upon a determination of the period of time which he conceives a single sacrifice to cover. But now at the end of the ages hath he been manifested to put away sin (ix. 26). — The time of the coming of Jesus in the flesh is designated as the end of the ages, that is, the end of the world-period sometimes called " the present age " in contradiction to " the age to come," or the age of the second coming of Christ to establish the Messianic kingdom (see note on i. 1). To put away sin by his sacrifice. This is the proper rendering rather than " the sacrifice of himself." 1 Ex. xxxiii. 20 ; but see Ex. xxiv. io, n. 2 The idea that Christ's death was " once for all " is Pauline : " In that he died, he died unto sin once " (Rom. vi. io). See vii. 27, ix. 12, x. 12. ix. 27, 28. HEBREWS 55 The suffering of Christ is regarded as effective for the de struction of sin in the sense that his blood may " cleanse the conscience from dead works " (verse 14). The words must also mean the "disannulling " (vii. 18, where the same Greek word is used) of sin in the sense of rendering its penal con sequences void, according to the analogy of the Jewish sacri fices adopted by the author. And inasmuch as it is appointed unto men once to die, and after this cometh judgment (ix. 27). — Here once is intended to carry out the idea in verse 26 that Christ was manifested " once." The judgment is regarded, in accordance with the prevailing primitive-Christian doctrine, as taking place after death. Probably the word rendered appointed in the first clause should be supplied in the second, so that the latter would read, " and after this is appointed judgment." The writer speaks vaguely of judgment, and it is uncertain whether he thought of it as taking place immediately after death or after the resurrection, which according to Paul was to occur at the second coming of Christ.1 In 1 Cor. iv. 4, 5 Paul places the judgment at this time. See also 1 Thess. v. 3- So Christ also . . . shall appear a second time, apart from sin, to them that wait for him, unto salvation (ix. 28)'. — This is a distinct announcement of the belief of the apostolic and post-apostolic age in the second coming of Christ. Apart from sin is said with reference to the expression immediately preceding, " to bear the sins of many," 2 and means that in 1 1 Thess. iv. 16. 2 Here is indicated the tendency which early appeared in the Christ ian Church to dogmatise on the death of Jesus. A Messiah shame fully put to death was an intolerable conception. The death of Jesus must, accordingly, have had a profound significance. Isa. liii. readily lent itself to au interpretation in the interest of a substitutional atone ment. See Matt. viii. 16, 17 ; 1 Pet. ii. 21 ff. The doctrine of the Jewish theology that the sufferings of the righteous may atone for the sins of others appears to have influenced primitive-Christian thought. 56 HEBREWS x. 1-4. his second coming he will not act in this capacity, but will come for the salvation of the believers or them that wait for him. The subject of Christ's work as high-priest is continued in xi. 18, and the writer undertakes to show that after all the repeated offerings under the law, sin still remains, for it is impossible that such offerings should effect its removal. For the law having a shadow of the good things to come, etc. (x. I). — The good things are the blessings of the " everlast ing salvation ' ' of which Christ is regarded as the author. They are spoken of as future because their full realisation is conceived as belonging to " the age to come," or the time when Christ shall have returned in glory " unto salvation " for " them that wait for him " (ix. 28). The law has not the very image of this redemption because of its imperfections already pointed out, its frequent sacrifices, its changeable priesthood, and its inability effectually to ' ' put away sin ' ' (ix. 26), so that they [the levitical priests] cannot with all their numerous offerings make perfect them that draw nigh. Else would they not have ceased to be offered (x. 2)? — If the sacrifices could have cleansed the worshippers so that they would have had no more conscience of sins they would have ceased, or, in other words, would not be continued year by year (v. 3). Take away sins (x. 4). — The doctrine laid down in the preceding verses is thus sententiously confirmed. The blood of the animals mentioned was offered on the day of atonement by the high-priest in the holy of holies.1 It is See Weber, fud. Theol. , chap. xx. The Jewish theological ideas must have been current long before their literary embodiment, and that Jewish-Christian writers of New Testament books should give expres sion to them is quite natural. 1 To take away sins (dqjaipsiv d/xapriai) is an intense expression for dvaqjepsiv d/iapriai in ix. 28. Cf. xepisXsiv dyiapriaS (x. n), and dQerediS d/iapriaS (ix. 26). — " Conscience of sins." 6vveidij6i<5 x. 5-7- HEBREWS 57 significant that " cleansing " takes the place of the Pauline " justification " — a post-Pauline soteriological point of view. Wherefore, when he [Jesus] cometh into the world (x. 5). — The writer offers a proof ofthe proposition contained in verse 4 by the citation of a passage from the Old Testament, ¦ in which he supposes Christ to have spoken about his coming into the world to make an offering for sin. The portion of the Psalm from which the quotation is taken is an expres sion of thanksgiving by the psalmist for help in time of need, and no part of the composition has a " Messianic " reference. The passage on which the entire argument rests, " But a body didst Thou prepare for me" (that is, a "body" in order that an offering might be made by death), is a mis translation of the Hebrew, which appears in the Septuagint translation followed by the author. Accordingly, the entire quotation is invalidated for his purpose, even if his method of interpretation, which reads into it a reference to Christ, were admissible. In the original Hebrew there is nothing said about a " body," but the psalmist says of himself that God has opened his ears, that is, has made a revelation to him! In the roll of the book it is written of me (x. 7). — This is also a mistranslation of the Hebrew which the writer of the Epistle found in the Septuagint. The psalmist says that he comes before God with the book written in his heart, that is, with the contents of the law written (figuratively) in him. If the writer of the Epistle had been acquainted with Hebrew, and had not depended on a bad translation of the with the genitive meaus consciousness of an object. See 6vvsi8rj6iS tov Beov, I Pet. ii. 19. The writers appear to assume that believers, "cleansed " by the great sacrifice of Christ, would become " perfect," and sin no more. So Paul in his doctrine of atonement makes no provision for sins committed by those who have once been "justified." Theoretically they are saved " once for all."- 1 Ps. xl. 6-8. 5 8 HEBREWS x. 9, 10. Old Testament, he could not have made such a mistake. Be sides, if he had taken the trouble to read a little farther in his Septuagint translation of the Psalm, he would have seen the inappropriateness of his reference of the writing to Christ, according to his own idea of his sinlessness. For in verse 12 we read as spoken by the same person whose words are given in vv. 6-8 : " Mine iniquities have taken hold of me so that I am not able to look up ; they are more than the hairs of my head." He taketh away the first that he may establish the second (x. 9). — This verse is parenthetical, and means that the first, or the offering of sacrifices, etc., is taken away in order that the second, or the doing of God's will, may be established. The doing of God's will is conceived by the writer as effected by the sacrifice of Christ. This is his interpretation of the pas sage (Ps. xl. 6-8). By which will we have been sanctified through the offering of the body of Jesus Christ once for all (x. 10). — Because Christ's offering of his body was in accordance with and a fulfilment of the will of God, it is by or in His will that the sanctifica tion of the Christian believers has been effected.1 This sanctification is regarded as once for all time," so that there is no need of other offerings of atonement than that through which it has been obtained. The doctrine that the sanctification (ayiadfids) of believers was effected " through the offering ofthe body of Jesus Christ " is closely related to Paulinism. According to the apostle, Jesus by reason of his atoning sacrifice " was made to us righteousness and sanctification and redemption" (1 Cor. i. 30). An ethical basis, an attainment of holiness by moral struggle and self-conquest, is not implied, but the holy, the saints (ayioi) are the believers, the " called," to whom righteousness has been " imputed " for faith. Hence the Corinthians are called " sanctified " and " holy," although the apostle lays not a 1 So Paul teaches that the purpose of sending Christ in the flesh was that he might make an atoning sacrifice (Gal. iv. 4, 5). x. II-I4- HEBREWS 59 few moral delinquencies to their charge, and declares that they are "carnal," and walk as men. From this point of view the children of a Christian parent are said to be " holy " regardless of their character. This "forensic" justification and holiness are represented in our Epistle, and are evidently regarded as dependent upon the atoning death of Jesus. Yet while in x. io and 14 this idea is uppermost, in xii. 14 holiness is represented as an object of pursuit (SiaoMere rov dyiatifiov), just as Paul, while theoretically regarding the believers as " saints," finds it necessary to admonish them not to be deficient in moral endeavour. Dr. Bruce's contention that iv c_ 0£/b/y_arrz means "that it is God's will that sanctifies through the offering" is without exegetical sup port. The writer does not appear to have thought of the doctrine that Christ's sacrifice possesses sanctifying virtue "because it was a perfect embodiment of the divine righteousness." In x. II and 12 we have nothing but a repetition of what has been said before about the difference between the leviti cal sacrifices and that of Christ. From henceforth expecting until his enemies be made the footstool of his feet (x. 13). — From henceforth indicates the time from Christ's exaltation " at the right hand of God " to his second coming. Paul says that Christ " must reign until he hath put all enemies under his feet" (1 Cor. xv. 25). This is " at his coming " when they who are his shall be "raised." "Then cometh the end, when he shall de liver up the kingdom to God." " For he must reign," etc. The writer of the Epistle is not, then, in accord with Paul in his doctrine of " the last things," for he places the sub jection ofthe " enemies" of Christ during the time of his sitting at the right hand of God, that is, prior to his second coming. For by one offering, etc. (x. 14). — For connects the clause with verse 12, and the writer wishes to emphasise the teach ing that by the one sacrifice of Christ (' ' once for all ' ' time) the holy or the ' ' called ' ' are perfected forever. Then follows the citation given in viii. 10 with some verbal 60 HEBREWS x. 17-22. modifications, concluding with and their sins and their ini quities will I remember no more (x. 17), in order to bring for ward again the thought, perfected forever. Accordingly, it follows that in the offering of himself by the great high- priest atonement is completed, for where there is remission of sins, there is no more offering for sin (x. 18). Here ends the exposition of the work of Christ as high-priest. At this point the writer resumes the tone of exhortation, and seeks to incite his readers to adherence to the Christian faith, to love, to good works, and to diligent attendance on the religious assemblies (x. 19-25). Having, therefore, brethren, boldness to enter into the holy place by the blood of Jesus (x. 19, 20). — A better rendering than boldness is " confidence." Because by the blood of Jesus atonement has been made for their sins, the writer ex horts his brethren (iii. 1, 12, xiii. 22) to approach God with confidence " with respect to the entrance [literally] of the holy place," that is, the heavenly sanctuary where God is supposed to dwell, by the way which he dedicated [consecrated] for us, a new and living way. It is a living zvay because it leads to the " eternal salvation " of the Messianic kingdom. Through the veil, that is to say, his flesh (x. 20). — A parallel with the tabernacle, in which a veil hung before the holy of holies. The flesh of Christ is compared with this veil which his death is supposed to remove. Perhaps the story of the rending of the veil at the crucifixion of Jesus ' originated in this conception, probably current at the time of the composi tion of the first three Gospels and this Epistle. Over the house of God (x. 2l), that is, heaven, since Christ has gone into the heavenly sanctuary. Our hearts sprinkled from an evil conscience (x. 22), that is, by the blood of Christ.2 1 Matt, xxvii. 51 and parallels. 2 See ix. 4, and compare Ex. xxix. 21. x. 22-25. HEBREWS 61 And our bodies washed with pure water (x. 22), that is, of baptism. It does not appear that the writer attached any inward spiritual importance to the baptismal rite. In vi. 2 he mentions it among those ' ' first principles ' ' which he exhorts his readers to leave behind them in order that they " press on to perfection." In the passage at present under consideration he speaks of baptism as a washing of the body with pure water, and definitely contrasts it with the inward sprinkling of the heart from an evil conscience, which, from the analogy of his teaching, we must regard as effected only by the sacrifice of Christ (ix. 14). His idea may have been, as Menegoz supposes, that baptism cleansed the body from " ritual impurities " described in the Levitical law (see ix. 10, 13). " This purification must have had its importance on the one hand for the neophyte himself and on the other for the members of the Jewish-Christian community who then still lived more or less under the influence of their early education and of the traditions of Judaism. The Jews at tached an analogous idea to the baptism of proselytes." According to this interpretation our author meant by baptism simply " reception into the church and ritual purification." For He is faithful who promised (x. 23). — The subject is God,1 whose fidelity is mentioned as a motive for holding fast to the profession. And so much the more, as ye see the day drawing nigh (x. 25). — The reference is to the second coming of Christ, the Parousia, "the day" by preeminence, the great day of primitive-Christian hope and expectation, always conceived as near at hand ; until its long delay caused a lagging faith to postpone it.2 By what signs the readers " see the day drawing nigh " the writer does not intimate. In connection with the neglect of the religious assemblies the writer now proceeds to admonish his readers against apostasy, and 1 See 1 Cor. i. 9, x. 13 ; 1 Thess. v. 24. 2 See 2 Thess. ii. 1-12 ; 2 Pet. iii. 3-10. 62 HEBREWS x. 26-29. to point out the grave peril to which those will be exposed who do not remain loyal to their confession (x. 26-31). For if we sin wilfully (x. 26). — The truth is that of Christ ianity, a knowledge of which probably includes more than a simple apprehension of it. There remaineth no more a sacri fice for sin. Their sins having once been " taken away" and the consequences of them disannulled by the atonement of Christ, there is no escape from the divine " vengeance" if they fall again into sin, for since Christ died " once for all" time, he cannot make another propitiation for them, and his original sacrifice is effective but once. There remains therefore for the apostate only a certain fearful expectation of judgment and a fierceness of fire which shall devour the adversaries (x. 27). — Fierceness of fire or punitive ardour is an expression intended to convey the writer's conception of the terrors of the judgment which would fall upon those for whom there was ' ' no more a sac rifice for sin," and hence no escape from its penalty. The judgment is not defined, and we do not know whether the judge whom he had in mind was God or Christ. The judg ment is probably, however, that which was expected at the second coming of Christ. The writer of 2 Thessalonians ' gives a more definite expression of the nature of the Mes sianic judgment in terms of " flaming fire," " vengeance," and " eternal destruction." A man that hath set at naught Moses1 law (x. 28). — By the law of Moses the punishment of death was decreed for certain transgressions.2 The witnesses against an offender must be " two or three." s , The sorer punishment (x. 29), inferred by the argument from the less to the greater, is not defined. That it was 1 2 Thess. i. 7-10. 2 For details the reader may consult Ex. xxi. 15, xxxi. 14 ; Lev. xvii. 14 ; Deut. xxii. 22-25. 3 Deut. xvii. 2-7. x. 29, 30. HEBREWS 63 conceived as something worse than a cruel death is evident. This section may be interpreted in the light of vi. 4-8, from which we learn that the condition of the apostate is regarded as hopeless, since it is "impossible" to "renew" him " again to repentance." The word rendered punishment in x. 29 (ritiwpia) is not elsewhere used in the New Testament. Iu the time of Aristotle it was distin guished from xoXa6iS as denoting penalty pure and simple, that is, " with reference to the satisfaction of him who inflicts" and without regard to the good of the sufferer, while the latter included a disciplin ary purpose. This distinction must not, however, be pressed, since it is not uniformly supported by usage. Trodden underfoot the Son of God (x. 29). — A vivid figure for scorn and insult. The blood ofthe covenant (x. 29), that is, Christ's blood of the New Covenant. An unholy thing (x. 29). — "Common," not "conse crated," or " unhallowed " were perhaps better. The blood of Christ could be so regarded only by one who did not any fonger believe in his atonement, having once been sanctified through it. To do despite unto the Spirit of grace (x. 29) was to treat with contempt the spiritual manifestations or ' ' gifts ' ' which were attributed to a special working of the divine Spirit in the believers.1 Vengeance belongeth to Me and I will recompense (x. 30). — This is not quoted according to the Septuagint or the Hebrew, although the idea of the original is substantially reproduced.2 The citation is so similar to that made by Paul in Romans xii. 19 that some have argued from the resemblance that the writer borrowed from that Epistle. It cannot, however, be determined whether this ' 1 Cor. xii. 2 Deut. xxxii. 35. 64 HEBREWS x. 30-36. is the case, or whether both writers borrowed from a Targum which contains the paraphrase, "I will repay," or whether, finally, the expression was a current proverb. The Lord shall judge His people (x. 30). — See Deut. xxxii. 36 and Ps. cxxxv. 14. The sense of these passages in the original, determined by their connection, is entirely different from that put upon them here. There they mean that God will see that justice is done to His people, and the idea of " vengeance " on evil-doers is not implied. But call to remembrance the former days (x. 32). — The great conflict of sufferings endured after they were enlightened doubtless refers to persecutions undergone by the readers as Christians, that is, " enlightened." The word rendered " conflict " (adXtjffis) is not elsewhere used in the New Testament, but some early-Christian writers employ it with reference to martyrdom. A better possession and an abiding one (x. 34), that is, the spiritual possessions appertaining to Christianity, " the good things to come " (ix. 11) which the believers were expecting to enjoy when Christ should come again. The condition of Messianic blessedness was not conceived as having an end, hence the term " everlasting "Ms applied to it, and here the word abiding.'' Cast not away, therefore, your boldness (x. 35.) — " Fearless confidence "isa better rendering than boldness. Confidence in Christ would give them courage to make open confession of him before a scoffing and persecuting world. Need of patience (x. 36), that is, to persevere in their fidelity to the Master who would soon come to fulfil the promise in his kingdom to those who should have done the will of God. In order to prove this coming of Christ the writer quotes from Habakkuk ii. 3, 4, prefixing the words, 1 aioovioi. 2 Compare Paul's " ever with the Lord," 1 Thess. iv. 17. x. 39-xi. 3- HEBREWS 65 " for yet a very little while, " as if they belonged to the text of the prophecy quoted. He was in part misled by the Septuagint, but how nearly he reproduced the original may be seen from the following correct rendering of it by Noyes : " For the vision is yet for an appointed time, But it hasteneth to the end ; it shall not deceive ; If it tarry, wait for it ; For it shall surely come ; it shall not loug delay. Behold the soul of him that is puffed up shall not be at ease ; But the just shall live by his faithfulness." The expression shrink back into perdition (x. 39), referring to apostasy, is derived from the incorrect rendering of the passage from Habakkuk. But of them that have faith unto the saving of the soul (x. 39), that is, continue in faith until the coming of the Mes sianic salvation. Taking his departure from " faith " (x. 39), the writer now pro ceeds to define it and give examples of its efficacy from the Old Testament history and legend (xi. 1-40). It is defined as the assurance of things hoped for, the proving of things not seen (xi. 1). — The conception is taken from the point of view of the person who has faith, that is from the subjective side, and the sense is " inner confidence in the realisation of the things hoped for." The second part of the definition means the conviction that the things not seen really exist, as if seen. Beginning with the assertion that the elders had witness borne to them (xi. 2) in the possession of faith, the writer turns aside from the line of illustrations thus indicated to say that by faith we understand that the worlds have been framed by the word of God, etc. (xi. 3), thus leaving the realm of things hoped for, etc. , as if impelled by a felt neces sity of exploiting the Bible history from the beginning. His explanation of the doctrine that the worlds were framed by 66 HEBREWS xi. 4-13. t ¦the word of God by the words, so that what is seen hath not been made out of things which do appear, is an expression of a belief in absolute creation, " creation out of nothing," in other words, and excludes the idea of the foundation or development of the universe out of preexisting materials. By faith Abel offered unto God (xi. 4).— On account of Abel's faith his sacrifice was more acceptable to God than Cain's. Through which he obtained. Which refers to faith. That he had witness borne to him that he was righteous does not appear in the account of the matter in Genesis (iv. 4, 5).1 Through his faith, he being dead yet speaketh. The translation of Enoch is regarded as occurring on account of his " faith " (xi. 5), which the author finds him to have possessed because he was well-pleasing unto God. He was not found. These words are adopted from the Septua gint, and are not in the Hebrew.2 The legend of Enoch's ' ' translation ' ' rests upon the words, ' ' and he was not, for God took him." Enoch's " faith," however, appears to have consisted only in believing that God exists and is the rewarder of them that diligently seek after Him (xi. 6). Noah is spoken of as having condemned the world (xi. 7)> that is, by his example of godly fear and faith. Through the latter he is regarded as having become an heir of the righteousness which is according to faith, that is, the righteous ness which is acquired by means of faith. The writer's con ception of faith as related to righteousness is not that of Paul, and he does not employ the Pauline terms in reference to it. But " righteousness according to faith " is here mentioned as though it were a doctrine known to the writer and perhaps to his readers. (See the discussion of the doctrine at the end of the Commentary on the Epistle.) The faith of Abraham and Sarah is next cited (xi. 8-13). The faith of the former looked for the city which hath the 1 See Matt, xxiii. 35 ; 1 John iii. 12. 2 Gen. v. 22-24. xi. 13-19. HEBREWS 67 foundations (is abiding), whose builder and maker is God, that is, the heavenly Jerusalem (xii. 22, xiii. 14) which the Jews believed would descend from heaven at the appearance of the Messiah. The early Christians adopted this idea, and con nected the descent of the new Jerusalem with the second coming of Christ.1 As the stars of heaven in multitude and as the sand (xi. 12). See Gen. xiii. 16. These all died in faith (xi. 13). — Because it belongs essen tially to faith that its possessor must be without the seeing and enjoyment of " the things hoped for." Strangers and pilgrims. See Gen. xxiii. 4. For they that say such things (xi. 14). — The writer reads his own ideas of the heavenly country into the Old Testa ment record, and assumes that a patriarch could not declare himself a sojourner and pilgrim in a land without reference to a heavenly abode in the future. The reasoning that be cause they did not return to the country from which they went out, they must have had a celestial one in mind, is anything but historical. For He hath prepared for them a city (xi. 16). — The city in question is the heavenly Jerusalem (verse 10). From whence he did also in a parable receive him back (xi. 19). — The interpretation on which this translation as well as that of the old version rests presupposes that the Greek expression (iv 7rapaflo\fj) means "ina figure " or " figura tively " (Noyes). But it is wholly a matter of conjecture to what the " figure " refers, if this is the correct rendering. If we suppose the term to mean the opposite of " actually " in the sense that Abraham did not really receive Isaac back from death, but only " as it were," it is surprising and quite improbable that the writer should have employed the words in question to express this idea. The supposition that the expression means " as a type," that is, ofthe resurrection, is exposed to the difficulty that the writer has omitted to 1 Rev. iii. 12, xxi. 2-27. 68 HEBREWS xi. 20-26. indicate what in his mind the receiving back was a type of. A writer whose typology is so clearly defined as his would not be likely to make such an omission. Another objection to this rendering is that in every other place in the Epistle where the word rendered ' ' whence ' ' (offer) is used it signi fies " wherefore." J This is probably the signification here. Now the word rendered "parable" sometimes means "a venture," " a risk," " a committing " or " giving up," and the passage probably means : " Wherefore [on account of trusting in God who is able to raise the dead] he received him back even in giving him up." Even concerning things to come (xi. 20), that is, the coming fortunes of the sons. And worshipped leaning upon the top of his staff (xx. 2l). — See Gen. xlviii. 21 for the account of Jacob's blessing. These words are added to the text from Genesis xlvii. 31, where in the Septuagint they are an incorrect rendering of the Hebrew, which reads, ' ' and Israel bowed himself on the head ofthe bed." Accounting the reproaches of Christ (xi. 26). — The meaning of this passage is doubtful. The writer's fondness for types favours the interpretation, "typically of Christ," on the ground that the sufferings of the people of God in Old Testa ment times foreshadowed, as was supposed, those of Jesus. But if this be the meaning, the writer has unusually for him concealed the type. The sense, ' ' for the sake of Christ, ' ' by reason of his hope in the Messiah, has the simple genitive of the construction against it. Perhaps the best interpretation is that the writer conceived Moses to have suffered in his time such shame as Christ suffered at the hands of his enemies.2 For he looked unto the recompense of reward (xi. 26). — It was for the sake of the " reward " that he was faithful in 1 ii. 17, iii. 1, vii. 25, ix. 18. s See xiii. 13 ; 2 Cor. i. 5 ; Col. i. 24. xi. 27-35. HEBREWS 69 suffering. The reward which the writer had in mind was that of " eternal salvation," and he ascribes to Moses with out regard to historical considerations both the motive and the hope by which he himself was actuated. As seeing Him who is invisible (xi. 27). — He was steadfast as if the invisible God were revealed to his inward vision, and had faith in the " things not seen." Kept the passover (xi. 28). — Better, " instituted the pass- over." And the sprinkling of blood, that is, on the door posts.1 The walls of Jericho fell down (xi. 30). — In the legend of the fall of Jericho the people of Israel are represented as having faith in the directions which Jehovah is said to have given for effecting the overthrow of the city." By faith Rahab the harlot perished not (xi. 31). — Rahab's faith appears from the story to have consisted in believing that the God of the Israelites would give them ' ' the land ' ' s and accordingly that He was mightier than the opposing gods. Therefore, she gave protection to the emissaries whom she supposed to have come from Him, on condition that she and her household should be protected at the capture of the city.4 Her protection of the spies, which was effected by a falsehood, was, according to the story, duly rewarded.5 Obtained promises (xi. 33). — This may mean simply pro mises or things promised. Verse 39 is opposed to the latter sense, if the things promised are other than worldly posses sions. The idea that " Messianic promises" are meant is rather far-sought. Women received their dead by resurrection (xi. 35). — Refer ence is perhaps had to the stories in 1 Kgs. xvii. 17-22, and 2 Kgs. iv. 17-35. That they might obtain a better resurrection (xi. 35). — In 2 ' See Ex. xii. j, 22. 3 Ibid. ii. 9. 2 Josh. vi. 4 Ibid. ii. 12. 6 Ibid. vi. 22, 23. 7o HEBREWS xi. 37-xii. 2. Maccabees, vii. 9, 11, 14, 20, 23, Jews are represented as en during torture and death for their religion in the hope of resurrection, belief in which was current in later Judaism. The writer quotes his examples of faith without discrimina tion from apocryphal as well as canonical books (vv. 36-39)- Stoned and sawn asunder (xi. 37). — See 2 Chron. xxiv. 20-22. According to tradition Isaiah was saw n asunder. Received not the promise (xi. 40). — The promised blessing came only in Christianity, the consummation of which was believed to be the second coming of Christ, or the Messianic salvation, the " eternal salvation " of " the age to come." Without us, that is, without our participation. There seems to be implied here the belief that at the second coming of Christ the righteous dead of the Old Testament times would be raised to share in the Messianic blessedness.1 The note or exhortation which had been suspended during this digression on faith is now resumed, and the readers are urged to endure with patience the trials to which they are subject, consider ing the multitude of witnesses who have suffered and triumphed through faith, and looking especially to Jesus, who after enduring the cross has sat down at the right hand of God (xii. 1-13). Witnesses are not to be understood as people looking on, but as those who have borne testimony. The persons men tioned in chapter xi. are meant. Lay aside every weight and the sin (xii. I). — The writer had in mind the runner in the games, who divested himself of all that would hinder him in the race. If he had any par ticular encumbrance or sin in mind he does not specify it. Jesus, the author and perfeder of our faith (xii. 2), that is, to whom is due the beginning of our Christian faith, and who will bring it to completion in us. Who for the joy that was set before him, that is, the heavenly felicity which would 1 See note on ix. 15. xii. 3-7. HEBREWS 71 be the reward for his sacrifice. The writer attributes this hedonistic motive to Jesus from his own ethical point of view. Gainsaying of sinners against themselves (xii. 3). — The reading on which the translation " themselves " is based has some good authorities in its favour, but is to be rejected in favour of that which gives " himself" in the English trans lation. Resisted unto blood (xii. 4). — Their conflict against sin, that is, against the sin of apostasy to which their trials might tempt them, had not yet required them to shed their blood as martyrs. The words translated have resisted and striving against are not elsewhere found in the New Testa ment, and are probably borrowed from the contests in boxing.1 And ye have forgotten (xii. 5). — The opinion that this clause should be punctuated as a question has in its favour the judgment that as an assertion it has more harshness than the context requires. The quotation is from Proverbs iii. 11, 12, according to the Septuagint which is slightly different from the Hebrew. It is for chastening that ye endure (xii. 7). — The trials which the readers endure are for their discipline. The idea con tained in chastening is not that of penalty, but that of " train ing," " education," intended to result in "an increase of virtue." It is such treatment as a wise father may give his children. Hence the remark : God dealeth with you as with sons. The reading which allows the translation : " If ye endure chastening, God dealeth with you as sons," is sup ported by some authorities. From this point of view God's dealing with men would be conceived to depend on their patience under affliction. In any case, it is with believers that the writer represents God as dealing like a father. He is not speaking of the universal fatherhood of God, and the 1 dvTiuaQitfrp/ii and dvrayoovX,op.ai. See I Cor. ix. 26, Hvktevod, " so fight [box] I not as one beating the air." 72 HEBREWS xii. 8-17. " sons " are those who are spiritually such by reason of their belief in Christ.1 Whereof all have been made partakers (xii. 8). — All refers to those received as sons (verse 6). The perfect tense (' ' have been made ") requires some such limitation. Then are ye bastards, and not sons (xii. 8.) — The fact that God chastens them, the writer tells his readers, is an evidence that He recognises them as sons in the sense mentioned. The implication is that the welfare of spiritual bastards, who, of course, are such by their own choice, would not so much concern Him that He would subject them to discipline. And live (xii. 9), that is, enjoy the " eternal life " of " the age to come." 2 That which is lame, etc. (xii. 13), that is, the Christian be liever who limps in his course, and is in danger of apostasy. Follow after, etc. (xii. 14), endeavour to acquire. Sancti fication is purification in general ethically regarded. All are also exhorted to look carefully after the spiritual welfare of their brethren. Lest any root of bitterness spring up (xii. 15), that is, a man arise among the believers whose unholy walk and conversation should yield the bitter fruit of defile ment to the many. See Deut. xxix. 18 ; 1 Mace. i. 10, and "the peaceable fruit of righteousness" verse n of this chapter. The peril oi falling short of the grace of God (xii. 15) is made vivid by citing the case of Esau 3 who was rejected when he desired to inherit the blessing (xii. 17). — The point of the warning is in the implication that a believer who should " fall away " (vi. 6) would be rejected from the Messianic kingdom of " the age to come," just as Esau was refused the " blessing." Like Esau such an one would be able to find no place for repentance (xii. 17), in accordance with the writer's doctrine 1 See John i. 12 ; Rom. viii. 14 ; Phil. ii. 15. 2 Rom. viii. 13 ; 2 Tim. ii. 11. s Gen. xxvii. xii. 18-22. HEBREWS 73 that God accepts no second repentance, and that Jesus' sacri fice for sin avails but once (vi. 4-8, x. 26-31). The objection to this interpretation that it places the writer in disagree ment with the Christian doctrine, apparently implied in Luke xxiii. 39-43, that it is never too late to repent, is without force, since it is a gratuitous assumption that he must be in accord with every New Testament teaching. He is not in agreement with the Old Testament account, which contains no mention of Esau's seeking repentance " with tears." Indeed it does not appear from that narrative that Isaac was unwilling to bless him because he had sold his birthright.' The interpretation is without warrant which removes from "repent ance " its ethical significance and applies it to Isaac in the sense of a change of mind, thus giving the meaning that Isaac could not be in duced to recall the blessing which he had conferred upon Jacob and give it to Esau. A writer intending to express this idea would not have used the words with reference to Esau, "he found no place for repentance." There is also no ground for referring "it" in the phrase "he sought it," to "blessing" instead of to "repentance." These expedients, devised in order to soften the harshness of the teaching ofthe passage, are without exegetical support. It is also to read into the passage an unnatural meaning to assume that the writer refers only to apostasy in the sense of a change of ecclesiastical rela tions, as, if a Protestant should pass to the Catholic Church and return to his former communion, he would never lapse again to Catholicism ! For ye are not come unto a mount, etc. (xii. 18). — The word translated mount is not found in the best Greek manuscripts, but should probably be supplied on account of " Mount Zion " (verse 22). The literal rendering is not might be touched, but simply touched. The writer intends to contrast this palpable mountain, Sinai, with the spiritual, "heavenly " Jerusalem. On vv. 19-21 see Exodus xix. But ye are come unto Mount Zion (xii. 22). — The writer 1 Gen. xxvii. 4. 74 HEBREWS xii. 23-26. tells his readers that in coming into the Christian faith and communion they have entered upon relations belonging to a new dispensation, and have gained a spiritual fellowship, the supersensible qualities of which he sets forth with great rhetorical force. The " heavenly Jerusalem " which will be their abode is called Mount Zion according to Old Testament usage which represents Zion as the abode of God.1 To the general assembly and Church of the firstborn who are enrolled in heaven (xii. 23). — The word rendered general as sembly means a festal or joyous gathering, and by the firstborn is probably meant the righteous of the Old Testament times (.xi. 40). The spirits of just men made perfect (xii. 23). — Spirits prob ably designates the dead not yet clothed upon with the new resurrection-body.2 And the writer perhaps had in mind the Christians who had died, and who, still in the underworld, might be regarded as constituting a part of the great Christ ian fellowship. And to the blood of sprinkling (xii. 24), that is, the atoning blood of Christ (ix. 13-15; x. 22). See that ye refuse not Him that speaketh, etc. (xii. 25), that is, God. The readers are admonished not to reject the divine word now in the Christian dispensation spoken from heaven, since Jesus was sent thence, for if those who refused him who gave the earthly warning through Moses did not escape retribution, much less will those escape who disregard this celestial admonition. Whose voice then shook the earth (xii. 26. )3 — But now hath He promised. The shaking must, of course, be greater now, that is, under the New Covenant, since this surpasses the Old. The reference is probably to the great convulsion 1 Ps. xlviii. 2, 3, 1. 2. According to the Jewish theology the Jerusa lem which is above (Gal. iv. 26) would in the Messianic age descend upon the renewed earth. Weber, Jud. Theol., p. 404. 2 1 Pet. iii. 19 ; Luke xxiv. 39. a See Ex. xix. 18. xii. 27-xiii. 4. HEBREWS 75 which was looked for at the second coming of Christ,1 though the passage quoted 2 relates to the time of rebuilding the temple. The writer understands yet once more (xii. 27) to imply " and not again." Accordingly he thinks that in that great convulsion the things that are shaken, that is, things made, will be removed, in accordance with the idea that when Christ should come in his Messianic kingdom the existing earth and heavens would give place to ' ' new heavens and a new earth." 3 That those things that are not shaken may remain, that is, the blessedness, the life, and the joys of this kingdom. Wherefore, receiving a kingdom that cannot be shaken (xii. 28). — As " heavenly," the kingdom of the "age to come " is conceived to be permanent and " eternal." It is believed to be so near and so certain to come that the writer employs the present participle receiving. For our God is a consuming fire (xii. 29). — The English translation does not give the full force of the original, which is, " For our God is also a consuming fire," that is, He is not only a God of grace, but also a God of penal justice.4 The Epistle closes with exhortations, admonitions, and greetings (xiii. 1-25). Entertained angels unawares (xiii. 2). — What legend con cerning angels entertained unawares by men the writer had in mind, is not certain ; perhaps that in Genesis xviii. 19. The motive presented for hospitality is that of reward. As bound with them (xiii. 3). — This fine sentiment reminds us of Paul's teaching in 1 Cor. xii. 26. God will judge (xiii. 4), that is, probably, will exclude from the coming Messianic kingdom.8 1 Mark xiii. 25. 2 Hag. ii. 6. 4 x. 30 ; Rom. xii. 19 ; Deut. iv. 24. 3 2 Pet. iii. 12, 13 ; Rev. xxi. 1. 5 1 Cor. vi. 9 ; Rev. xxii. 15. 76 HEBREWS xiii. 5-16. Be free from the love of money (xiii. 5). There are several Old Testament expressions similar to the citation, / will in no wise fail, etc. ; but Philo has precisely the same words, and they may have been quoted from his writings or they may have been a current expression known to both. So that we may boldly say (xiii. 6). — See Ps. cxviii. 6. Remember them that had the rule over you (xiii. 7).- — The reference is to former leaders or officers and teachers. The issue of their lives, probably martyrdom rendered their faith worthy of imitation. Jesus Christ is the same, etc. (xiii. 8).- — The connection of this verse is obscure. If it is closely connected with verse 7 the meaning would appear to be that he in whom the de parted rulers believed is the same and always will be the same as an object of faith. If the connection is with verse 9 it prepares the way for the injunction to give place to no " strange teachings," because Jesus, the great head of all believers, is forever the same. The divers and strange teachings (xiii. 9) refer to disputes about foods, probably to flesh offered in sacrifice. We have an altar (xiii. 10). — The altar of the Christians is spoken of in a figure, and the reference is to the sacrifice of Christ often mentioned in the Epistle. The eating of the offering made upon this altar is the enjoyment of the advan tages, which belong to the Christian alone, of the sacrifice in question. The two following verses (11 and 12) are intended to show in accordance with the fundamental doctrine of the Epistle that the New Testament covenant with its great sacrifice was typified by the Hebrew offering on the day of atonement. For we have not here an abiding city (xiii. 14). — See xii. 22. — Through him [Christ] let us then, etc.- (xiii. 15). — A spiritual sacrifice of praise is becoming to Christians who should have a better offering than Jews. But to do good and to communicate forget not (xiii. 16). — xiii. 19, 20. HEBREWS 77 This fine teaching, quite in the spirit of Jesus, that men ought themselves to make sacrifices for the sake of sweet charity, furnishes an agreeable relief to a disquisition whose monotonous refrain is salvation through the sacrifice of the great high-priest who ' ' entered into the sanctuary with his own blood." This direct way into the holy of holies, which men may tread without priestly intervention, was shown by the great Teacher, to whom the thought of the salvation of men through the functions of a high-priesthood was as re mote and foreign as that of their immediate relation to the Father was inmost and essential.1 That T may be restored to you the sooner (xiii. 19). — An expression of a belief in the efficacy of prayer with respect to external results. The passage implies that the writer was detained at a distance from his readers, whether forcibly or by circumstances is not apparent. He may have been in exile. Restoration implies either that he was a member of the Church to which his readers belonged, or that he had formerly visited them. That he was free to do so is im plied in verse 23. Who brought again from the dead (xiii. 20). — A reference to the resurrection of Jesus without the Pauline doctrinal implications.2 Shepherd of the sheep (Matt. xxvi. 31 ; John x. 11 ; 1 Pet. ii. 25). With the blood of the eternal covenant (xiii. 20). — The sense in which the preposition here rendered with (iv) is to be taken is obscure. Perhaps "in virtue of" or "on the strength of" may give the author's thought. Jesus was 1 Luke xv. 11-24. 2 It is worthy of note that the Epistle contains only this incidental mention ofthe resurrection of Jesus, which is one ofthe cardinal doc trines ofthe Pauline theology. In Paul the earthly atoning work of Christ is paramount, and his death would have had no significance without his resurrection (Rom. i. 4), while in Hebrews the emphasis falls upon his high-priestly function in heaven. 78 HEBREWS xiii. 23, 24. raised from the dead because, according to the author's gen eral theory respecting his death, he was to enter ' ' with his blood into the heavenly sanctuary." This was to the writer the chief reason for the mission of Christ and his real work. Hence his resurrection had its ground in his blood, or in the blood of the eternal covenant. Timothy (xiii. 23), about whose imprisonment we know nothing from other sources, having been set at liberty, the writer informs his readers that with him he will shortly visit them. They of Italy salute you (xiii. 24), that is, persons from Italy who were at the time of writing in company with the author, perhaps Christians who had fled from persecution. THE DOCTRINAL TEACHINGS OF THE EPISTLE. The relation of Judaism and Christianity in the thought of the author is the point of view from which the doctrines of the Epistle may best be regarded. He sets the two systems of religion in strong contrast, but not in fundamental opposition. He evidently had not outgrown Judaism and left it far behind him. He regards the two " covenants " as grounded upon the same principle, that of sacrifice for the " putting away " of sin. They differ in the incidental particu lar that the sacrifices of the one are temporary, perishable, ineffectual, and earthly, while that of the other is permanent, "once for all" time, eternal, and heavenly. The one furnishes only a type and shadow, a ministry sanctifying only to "the cleanness of the flesh" (ix. 13), the other is a fulfilment in the celestial sanctuary, and its ministration " cleanses the conscience from dead works." The prin ciple ofthe high-priesthood is at the basis of both, and the office has an unbroken continuity passing from a state of imperfection in the one to divine completeness in the other. The Old Testament is inter preted as containing in symbol and foreshadowing all that is essential in Christianity. Even the descent of the high-priesthood of the latter is traced from the former, Melchizedek, a high-priest forever, being regarded as a type of Christ. The doctrine of the Epistle concerning the person of Christ denotes a marked departure from the earlier writings of the New Testament. As the Son of God he is " appointed heir of all things," is the one through whom, by whose agency as a preexistent being, God " made the ages," or the world in its past, present, and future conditions, " the effulgence of His glory, and the very image of His substance." He is omnipotent, "upholding all things by the word of his power" (i. 2, 3). He is exalted above the angels, who must worship him, and the epithet "god" is applied to him (i. 6, 8). Paul taught the pre- existence of Christ, in which state he was the agent of creation, but he was ever to him in an unique sense human, the "heavenly man," the "second Adam," "the second man." In the apostle's 79 80 HEBREWS thought Jesus was never separated from humanity, however exalted he might be both in his preexistent state and after his resurrection. His "body of glory," which he was conceived to possess in both con ditions, was the pattern for that with which the believers would be clothed when they should rise at his second coming (Phil. iii. 21). Accordingly he never applies such terms to him as are employed iu i. 2, 3. The Pauline idea that Christ was the " image of God " ' falls short in intensity of that of our author, "the very image of His sub stance." Paul calls Christ " a life-giving spirit " 2 in connection with his function in salvation as " the last Adam," a representative of the human race in a saving and spiritual capacity, as the first Adam was conceived as its representative with respect to the flesh and sin. But the author of Hebrews attributes to him a participation in the divine essence, when he declares that he effected an atonement by virtue of " eternal spirit " which he is assumed to be or to possess (ix. 14). As a godlike being, "eternal spirit," he "appears before the face of God " (ix. 24) to make propitiation in the heavenly sanctuary. With all this exaltation of Christ, however, the writer evidently thought of him as subordinated to the Deity. It is God who "made the ages " (worlds), and the Son is only an agent. He from whom and through whom are all things subjected Jesus to suffering (ii. 10), and made him " for a little while lower than the angels." The writer's doctrine of the person of Christ represents a stage in the process of the glorifica tion of Jesus traceable in primitive Christianity. This process began with Paul and ended in the fourth Gospel. Hebrews is between the two, but nearer to the latter than to the former. The preexistent Christ is conceived as a divine being, but not as God. If this distinction is not precisely defined, and if no very clear idea is expressed in " the effulgence of His glory and the very image of His person," it is evident that such a discrimination is implied in several passages ofthe Epistle. The writer classes Christ in the pre existent state as one of certain superior beings who are called his "fellows" (i. 9), and whom he outranks, having been "anointed above " them. The monotheism of the Epistle is incontestable, and its God is the God of the Hebrew theology, the sole Sovereign and Creator. Christ is not regarded as self-existent, but as derived, gen erated, dependent, as "better than the angels," as the begotten Son (i- 2, 4, 5). The words "without father," etc., and "without begin ning of days " (vii. 3), simply indicate that the writer did not conceive 1 2 Cor. iv. 4. * 1 Cor. xv. 45. HEBREWS 81 of Christ as having begun to exist when he was born as a man. In his essential existence he will have no " end of life " (vii. 3, 16). The rank ofthe Son is accordingly divine. But though he is designated as "god" in the citation from Ps. xiv., just as Philo regarded the Logos as a second god, he is subordinated to the Deity, who in the same passage is called his God, at whose right hand he is elsewhere represented as seated (i. 3, 13, viii. 1, x. 12, xii. 2) and accordingly as holding a rank inferior to the " Majesty on high." As a " mediator " (viii. 6, ix. 15), then, Christ is conceived by our author as _. pre existent being superior to the angels and less than God. The incar nation was not an incarnation of Deity, who, according to the Alexandrian philosophy with which the Epistle is in touch, could not come into immediate contact with matter. As to the manner of the birth of the man Jesus there is no indication in the Epistle of the author's belief in the miraculous conception. From his point of view that Christ was the preexistent glorious Son, the "very image" of God, such an idea would be as incongruous as it apparently was to Paul and the author of the fourth Gospel. In emphasising the earthly example of Christ the author differs from Paul, and even goes so far as to teach that the exalted being who was the " effulgence " of the divine " glory " in his preexistence was made perfect only through "sufferings" (ii. 10). The teaching, however, which exalts Christ even beyond the Pauline conception, and constitutes a " preparation of the Johannine Christology," must be regarded as " the central doc trine" ofthe Epistle, whose real theme is the superiority of the new covenant to the old. To this superiority a divine high-priest was essential. The work of Jesus as a Saviour is inseparably associated in the mind of the writer with the function of a high-priest in the heavenly sanctu ary. How he conceived this celestial, divine personality to have as sumed a human body and to have entered upon conditions in which he was " tempted " and perfected through suffering, is not apparent ; and he offers no solution ofthe difficulty which lies in the supposition that so exalted a being as he assumes Christ to have been in his pre- existence should have "learned obedience" on earth. That Jesus should, however, "be made in all respects like unto his brethren" (ii. 17) so as to be capable of being " touched with a feeling of our in firmities" (iv. 15), was evidently regarded by the writer as an indis pensable intermediate stage between his preexistent condition and that to which he was exalted when he "sat down at the right hand of God " (i. 3, viii. i, x. 12, xii. 2). This earthly life of temptation 82 HEBREWS and suffering was deemed a preparation for his function as a high- priest, which was conceived to be performed not in " a holy place made with hands," but in " heaven itself" (ix. 24). Essentially it was to " offer a sacrifice for sins forever " (x. 12), the effect of which was "remission " of sins (x. 18), or release from the penalty incurred by the commission of them, without which there "remains" only a "fearful expectation of judgment and a fierceness of fire which shall devour the adversaries" (x. 27). In this doctrine of atonement we have neither the thought nor the terminology of Paul. Instead of "the man from heaven," the " last Adam" who as the representative of mankind redeemed them in his death from the " curse ofthe law," " became a curse for us," ¦ satisfied the penal demands ofthe law for all, and so became " the end of the law " (Rom. x. 4.), doing it away so that it " passeth ' ' with all its glory,2 we have in Hebrews a great high-priest who with his own blood expiates the sins of men, appear ing with it before the face of God for them as an intercessor (ix. 11- 15, 24-27, x. 10). The destruction of the devil (ii. 14) takes the place ofthe abolition of the^aw. Instead of the Pauline "justification" of those who believe, we have here the ideas of " cleansing " and "mak ing perfect" (ix. 14, xi. 40, xii. 23). This sacrifice, mad$ "once for all " time, secures an " eternal redemption " (ix. 12, 25-28). The real atonement of Christ is not, as with Paul, in the death on the cross, but in his entrance into the perfect sanctuary above, he having "passed through the heavens " (iv. 14, ix. n, x. 12). The writer of the Epistle lays no little stress upon faith, but his apprehension of it is different from Paul's. The Pauline opposition of faith and works, the conception of justification by faith, and of faith as a means of mystic union with Christ are not found in the Epistle. Unlike Paul, the writer does not give prominence to faith in Christ, but rather in God, when he does not, as is often the case, speak quite vaguely of it. Christ is the example of faith, its " author and perfecter" (xii. 2). The emphasis placed upon faith does not relate to the individual appropriation ofthe atoning sacrifice of Christ, but to a continuance in the Christian life. Through the new covenant free access to God is offered to all who will ' ' draw nigh " (ii. 9, iv. 16, vii. 19, 25, x. 20). Christ is even the author of eternal salvation to all who obey him (v. 9), and instead of men being accounted righteous through faith in the Pauline sense, we have " wrought righteousness through faith " (xi. 13). Far from being a specifically Christian dis- 1 Gal. iii. 13. » 2 Cor. iii. 11. HEBREWS 83 position, it is the attitude of mind to which were due the achieve ments of a long line of Old Testament worthies (xi.). Not only is it "the assurance of things hoped for " (xi. 1), but it is intimately as sociated with obedience, fidelity, and patience. In making "the things not seen " its object the writer reveals the influence of the Alexandrian conception that all that is real and abiding belongs to the future world, and will be enjoyed by men only when it is opened to them. Instead of the Pauline teaching that righteousness is ac counted to one through faith he teaches that through it one may have " witness " that he is righteous (xi. 4), and in the case of Abra ham he goes no farther than to say that he " obeyed " by faith (xi. 8), and " offered up Isaac " " accounting that God was able to raise him up" (xi. 17, 19). " The subjective side of the attainment of salvation, in marked con trast with the juridical as well as the mystically disposed theory of Paul, simply takes this form, that the free access procured by the high-priestly service of Christ accrues to the advantage of all those who employ the same in order to approach God (iv. 16, vii. 19, 25) and to serve Him." Apparently without comprehension of, or at least without interest in, the profound mystical doctrine of faith set forth by the apostle, the author appears to have " returned to the popular apprehension of the ethical relations as they prevailed in all Jewish and gentile circles." It was the fortune of the central ideas of Paul inism to serve only a temporary purpose, and that in the great conflict which their author waged with Judaism. The invasion of Hellenistic ideas pushed aside the " Pharisaic juridical conceptions " contained in his theology, and " gave it a turn by means of which it was better capable of finding acceptance and comprehension in the gentile world." The faith which Hebrews presents and illustrates has been well characterised as having significance rather for the pro motion than for the grounding of salvation. It is almost identified with patience and endurance, and sometimes scarcely distinguished from obedience and simple fidelity. It is specifically declared to be the assurance of things hoped for and the conviction of things not seen — an idea which is " more Philonic than Pauline." It is related also to the future world, the only real world according to the Alexan drian philosophy of the author of the Epistle. The central idea of faith as it is set forth here is belief in God, His existence, and the certainty of the rewards which He dispenses (vi. 10, xi. 6). It does not occur to the writer to speak after the manner of Paul of faith in the grace of God manifested in the death of Christ, but rather in the 84 HEBREWS spirit of Hebrew piety and in the form of Alexandrian philosophy he gives expression to the faith through which " we understand that the worlds were made by the word of God " (xi. 3). Jesus is not so much the object of faith as its author, its finisher, and its example (xii. 2, 3). "By faith Abraham being tried offered up Isaac" (xi. 17), but the Pauline idea that the patriarch's faith was accounted to him for right eousness1 is foreign to the writer's thought. Paul's "righteousness which is of faith " (Rom. iv. 13, xi. 30) becomes here the " righteous ness which is according to faith " (xi. 7). No moral or religious value is attached to faith in doctrines or in sacraments, and the Eucharist is not mentioned. The doctrine of "the last things " or the second coming of Christ occupies no important place in the Epistle. Mention of it is inci dental, and very little is said of resurrection and judgment. They are, indeed, disparaged as " first principles " beyond which the readers are exhorted to press on (vi. I, 2). But the writer clearly marks the distinction between the present and future times or periods, between "this age " and " that which is to come," and regards the hopes of Christians as directed toward the great consummation of the Messianic age which he represents as near at hand (x. 25). Those who believe and remain steadfast will be partakers of the blessedness ofthe king dom about to be established. For apostates there is no hope, and in the fortune of those who have not believed no interest is manifested. There is an intimation that those Jews who in the Old Testament times were examples of faith might be made perfect along with the Christians, but the writer expresses no concern about Jews who did not have faith, much less about the multitudes of other men who had never heard of Judaism or of Christianity. 1 Rom. iv. 9. THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS. INTRODUCTION. COLOSS_E was a city of Phrygia, a country through which Paul is reported to have passed twice in his missionary travels.1 There is no evidence that he had anything to do with the establishment of the church in Colossae or, indeed, that he ever visited that city. The Epistle purporting to have been written by the apostle to this church proceeds, after the salutation and some hearty expressions of thanks to God for the faith and love of the Colossians, directly to an elaboration of the mystery of the person of Christ (i. 16-20). After referring to his own appointment as a minister of the gospel, he enters upon the real purpose of the writing, which was to warn the readers against certain erroneous doctrines (ii. i-iii. 4). Following this are exhortations to avoid all unclean ness, anger, malice, and falsehood, and to " put on a heart of compassion, kindness," etc. (iii. 5-17). Wives are en joined to be in subjection to their husbands, husbands to love their wives, and servants to obey their masters (iii. 18- iv. 6). The conclusion connects the Epistle with that to Philemon in the mention of Onesimus, who is said to be sent by the writer to Colossae together with Tychicus.2 Greet- 1 Acts xvi. 6, xviii. 23. s Ibid. xx. 4. 85 86 INTRODUCTION ings are sent from Aristarchus, Mark, Epaphras, I^uke, and Demas, as in Philemon, and the readers are asked to cause that the letter be read to the brethren in Laodicea and to read the one from that church. The Epistle, unlike the undisputed writings of Paul, ap pears to have exerted no influence upon other New Testa ment writers. Conceptions of the person of Christ closely related to those contained in it are found in Hebrews, Reve lation, and the Pastoral Epistles, but there is no evidence of a literary dependence of the authors of these writings upon it. The same is substantially true of the fourth Gos pel. The single exception to the foregoing statement is furnished in the Epistle to the Ephesians, the relation of which to Colossians will be considered when we come to treat of it in due course. No certain trace of it is found in the apostolic fathers, and in Justin Martyr (about a.d. 150) two or three expressions appear which may be reminiscences of it. The heretic Marcion recognised it about the middle of the second century, and later Irenaeus, Clement of Alex andria, and Tertullian. The object of the Epistle, which was addressed to gentile Christians (i. 21, ii. 11, 13) and to persons not acquainted with the writer (ii. 1), was to warn the readers against false teachings presented through " philosophy and vain deceit, after the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ " (ii. 8). The question of the author ship is inseparably bound up with the determination of the character of these errors. If they were such as might have existed and been promulgated in Colossae in the time of Paul, then he may have written the Epistle as we have it, so far as this matter is concerned. But the allusions to the heresies mentioned are too vague to enable us to decide be yond doubt regarding their character and to connect them certainly with known historical aberrations of doctrine in the primitive Church. Some of them do not carry us beyond COLOSSIANS 87 Jewish prescripts regarding food, drink, and festivals. Such " rudiments of the world " (ii. 8, 20) are mentioned in Gal atians ' and Romans.2 Others indicate teachings which cannot be classified with these, and appear to refer to dual- istic-ascetic tendencies (" severity to the body," ii. 23) ac cording to which man by reason of his fleshly nature is unworthy (see " humility," ii. 23) to hold intercourse with the Deity, and must invoke the intervention of angels, who thus become objects of worship (ii. 18). Thus they fail to "hold fast the Head," Christ (ii. 19). There is perhaps a reference to Gnostic speculations and pride of wisdom in the declaration that in Christ " are all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge [Gnosis] hidden" (ii. 3). It appears very probable that the writer was contending against teachings which were a combination of Essenism with Gnosticism in its early stages. But a precise historical determination of the errors in question is not possible. The contest against false doctrines is conducted from the point of view of a doctrine of the person of Christ intended to counteract them. Accordingly, the section, i. 15-20, may be regarded as the kernel of the Epistle, furnishing, as it does, the basis of the argument in refutation of the heresies. A study of this section will show the close connection of the writer's thought with that of Hebrews and its wide departure from the doctrines of Paul as known from his great Epistles- The ideas appear to be those of the apostle developed in a mind influenced by the speculations of Philo of Alexandria. Paul, indeed, calls Christ " the image of God," 3 but here we have him designated as " the image of the invisible God" (i. 15), according to Philo's conception of God as concealed, and made known only by the Logos. Such an expression used of Christ as " the firstborn of all creation " is as remote from Paul's " the firstborn among many brethren " as it is closely related to Philo's idea that the 1 Gal. iv. 3, 9, 10. 'Rom. xiv. 5, 6, 17, 21. 62 Cor. iv. 4. 88 INTRODUCTION Logos was the firstborn or oldest Son of God. The teach ing that through Christ and " unto him" were all things created, " whether thrones or dominions or principalities or powers," that is, angelic beings (i. 16), is not only quite unlike what the apostle says in i Corinthians viii. 6, but appears to be directed against the false teachers who depre ciated Christ in favour of angel-worship. The saying that " in him all things consist" (i. 17) reminds us of Hebrews i. 3, but of nothing that is unquestionably Pauline. Whether the term " fulness " ' refers to a Gnostic doctrine or no, the teaching that in Christ ' ' dwelt all the fulness of the God head bodily" is not only unlike Paul, but is irreconcilable with his conception of Christ as the typical human personal ity, " the man from heaven," who preexisted as the arche type of the human race, in order that in the scheme of redemption he might, as " the last Adam," be the represent ative of men. Paul knew of Christ as the Saviour of men alone, but the author of Colossians extends the redemptive efficacy of Jesus to " things in the heavens " (i. 20), that is, to supernal orders of beings. Paul's doctrine of the atone ment by Christ as the representative of the human race terminated in the deliverance of man from the curse of the law through the great sacrifice. Demonic powers have no place in the scheme. But the author of this Epistle, after the manner of the writer of Hebrews,2 extends the efficacy of Christ's death to the overthrow of Satanic agencies. Through it God " blotted out the bond ' ' of the law that was " against " men, " nailing it to the cross," and thus " tri umphed " over the evil powers and made " a show of them openly," as if they held a " bond " against men, the disso lution of which by the death of Christ put them to rout by depriving them of their weapon, or as Hebrews puts the case, ' ' destroyed him that hath the power of death, that is, the devil." 1 itXijpaD/*a. 2 Heb. ii. 14. COLOSSIANS 89 From these considerations and others which will be pre sented in the course of the exposition of the Epistle it is probable that Colossians is the work of a writer considerably later than Paul, a man in whom the Pauline thought had undergone marked modifications under the influences of the philosophy of the age, particularly that of Alexandria. It may seem like ' ' begging the question ' ' to argue against the Pauline authorship of Colossians on the ground that it contains ideas foreign or opposed to those of Paul, when the matter in dispute is whether or no those very ideas were his. But the argument is not altogether illegitimate, since the question is whether a given literary production is of such a character that we may suppose it to be the work of a man to whom certain writings are ascribed by the general consen sus of scholars. It is not only proper and logical to compare a disputed writing with these, but it is the only means of deciding the question of its genuineness. The style is an important consideration in such a case, and that of this Epistle has traits which are both Pauline and unpauline. The same is true of the thought, not a little of which is en tirely reconcilable with that of the apostle. These consider ations have led some to suppose that the writing contains a genuine Pauline nucleus which was worked over and added to by the author of Ephesians or someone else. These matters are too abstruse to be discussed in a handbook in tended for the general reader, and we must be content with the remark that portions of the Epistle appear to denote so wide a departure from the mode of thought and expression known to be Paul's from his undisputed Epistles, that they find their most natural explanation in the assumption of another author writing in and for another age. From this point of view the Epistle must have received its present form at the end of the first century or in the first half of the second. THE EPISTLE TO THE COLOS SIANS. EXPOSITION. The Epistle opens with a salutation in which the writer asso ciates Timothy with himself as in 2 Corinthians and Philippians, following which is an expression of thanks to God for the faith of the brethren in Colossae and of an earnest wish for their spiritual prosperity (i. 1-14). Having heard of your faith in Christ Jesus (i. 4). — There is no indication in the Epistle of other than a second-hand knowledge of the persons and circumstances of the church in Colossae on the part of the writer. This fact is not in compatible with the Pauline authorship, since there is no mention in Acts or in the generally accepted Epistles of Paul of a visit of the apostle in this city. The hope laid up for you in the heavens (i. 5). — The Christ ian hope of the primitive Church was preeminently in the Messianic kingdom which was to be established at the second coming of Christ. Since he was expected from the heavens,1 their hope was conceived to be there (iii. 3).2 In all the world (i. 6). — A manifest hyperbole (see verse 23; Rom. i. 8). The grace of God is a designation of the Christian gospel of which the readers are said to have had a true knowledge. Epaphras (i. 7) was evidently a teacher of the church in 1 1 Thess. iv. 16. 'Rom. v. 2, viii. 18; Phil. iii. 20 ; 1 Pet. i. 4. 91 92 COLOSSIANS i. 9-12. Colossse, perhaps its founder (see iv. 12 and Philem. 23), and is called here a faithful minister of Christ on its behalf. The Greek word on which the translation " our " ofthe revised version is based is well attested, but is probably chargeable to an error of a copyist. Knowledge of His will (i. 9), that is, what God requires in conduct (iv. 12).1 Spiritual wisdom and understanding (i. 9). — The wisdom and understanding which the writer prays that his readers may possess are characterised as spiritual, a term which must be interpreted in accordance with the primitive-Christ ian idea of an immediate influence from the spirit of God, sometimes called the Spirit, or the Holy Spirit, to which certain religious experiences and phenomena were attrib uted.2 Thus "spiritual wisdom" is opposed to "fleshly wisdom," 3 and is equivalent to " the wisdom that cometh down from above." * Unto all pleasing (i. 10), that is, so as to be in all respects pleasing to Christ. Strengthened with all power (i. 11). — The translation " with all power " is not good. "All power " is not meant, but " every [possible] power," ethically speaking. Noyes' rendering, " endued with all power " is still more objection able. Power probably refers to the moral qualities of man in accordance with the Pauline usage, B and ' ' strengthened in, or by the quickening of, every moral power ' ' probably ex presses the writer's thought. That this strengthening is conceived as coming from God is evident from the words, according to the -might of His glory, that is, the strength should correspond to the might of the glory of Him by whom it is imparted. Inheritatice ofthe saints in light (i. 12). — In light is to be 1 Rom. ii. 18, xii. 2 ; Eph. v. 17, vi. 6. 2 1 Cor. ii. 13, xii. 8 ; Eph. i. 18. "Jas. iii. 15. 3 2 Cor. i. 12. « x Cor iv _- . _ Tlle-S< j 5 i. 13, 14. COLOSSIANS 93 connected with inheritance. The inheritance in light is the glorious kingdom which Christ was expected to establish at his second coming. The Messianic salvation is associated with ' ' light ' ' in contrast with the condition of sin, which is "darkness." When Christ should come in this kingdom he would bring the light in which he is represented as dwelling.1 Accordingly, the declaration follows that God delivered us out of the power of darkness, and translated its into the king dom of the Son of His love (i. 13). — Darkness is personified and conceived as possessing power with which it rules the " world " or the unbelievers.2 The kingdom is the coming reign of Christ at his second appearance. This is the mean ing of the kingdom of heaven, of God, and of Christ through out the New Testament.3 The Messianic kingdom is in the * future, but so certain and so near is it conceived to be that believers are regarded as already " translated " into it. The Son of His love is equivalent to " His beloved Son." 4 The expression is not like Paul, and sounds harsh to one accus tomed to his terminology. Harsh also and unlike the apostle's style is the construction of the long sentences com prising verses 3-8 and 9-18. In whom we have our redemption, the forgiveness of our sins (i. 14). — We, the believers, are regarded as ransomed or set free from the penalty of sin in Christ, that is, by means of his atonement.6 The words, the forgiveness of our sins, are an explanation of the foregoing phrase in the sense that he who is forgiven is no longer subject to penalty. Paul nowhere in his undisputed Epistles uses the word here ren dered forgiveness. On the other hand, the writer of Colos sians avoids the Pauline term expressive of the apostle's 1 1 Tim. vi. 16 ; i John i. 7. 2 Rom. xiii. 12 ; Eph. v. 8, vi. 12. 3 Matt. vi. 10 ; 1 Cor. iv. 20, xv. 24 ; Rom. xiv. 17. 4 Matt. iii. 17. * Rom. iii. 24, 25 ; Heb. ix. 15. 94 COLOSSIANS i. 15- fundamental idea of justification by faith — two facts of no little importance for the question of authorship. "Redemption" (ditoXvvpa>6i%) has here the sense in which it is used by Paul, to whom is due the introduction of the conception into Christian theology. In Rom. iii. 24 the free "justification " of men by the grace of God is said to be " through the redemption in Christ Jesus," that is, "deliverance effected through the death of Christ from the retributive wrath of a holy God and the merited penalty of sin " (Thayer's Lexicon, sub voce). The same idea is expressed in Gal. iii. 13 by i^ayopd^m, to buy off, that is, by paying the penalty of sin by the death on the cross. In the undisputed Epistles Paul expresses this doctrine with precision, while in Colossians there is the vagueness of an imitator, and redemption (buying off) " from the curse of the law," the imputation of righteousness, and justification by faith appear to lie outside the writer's range of thought. Dr. T. K. Abbott's remark that " forgiveness of sins " (dq>f.6iv rmv djuap- ridov) occurs twice in Paul's, speeches in Acts has no value for Paul's use ofthe term, since these speeches are doubtless compositions of the writer of Acts.— "The Epistles to the Eph. and Col." in the International Critical Commentary. The mention of Christ as a Saviour leads the writer to an expo sition of his doctrine of Jesus as a person, of his rank, functions, and relation to God, with especial reference to the false teachings current in the Colossian church (i. 15-29). Who is the image of the invisible God (i. 15), literally, of God the invisible. Paul does not use the expression in bis uncontested Epistles, and its occurrence here is favourable to the supposition that the Epistle was written by one who was familiar with the ideas and terms of the Alexandrian philosophy. The use of the present, "is," requires the reference of the relation to God expressed by image to Christ's existence at the time, that is, after his resurrection and exaltation. Whether his preexistent state is included or no is not certain, but it is probable that it is. He is called " the image of God " in 2 Corinthians iv. 4 with the use of the present tense as here. The expression is less i. 15, 16. COLOSSIANS 95 emphatic than that in Hebrews (i. 3), and does not neces sarily imply the ascription of a divine nature to Jesus. The same word is employed in iii. 10 of regenerated men in rela tion to God (see 1 Cor. xv. 49, where the word is used of the heavenly body which the risen Christians were expecting to have in the Messianic kingdom, according to Phil. iii. 21). Christ was not, however, as the image of God the invisible, regarded in the early Church as himself invisible, for he was expected at his second coming in an " appearance " and a " revelation," albeit with a " body of glory." ¦ The firstborn of all creation (i. 15).- — This is said in opposi tion to the Gnostic doctrine that Christ was not first in* rank among the spirits. The translation of the revised version, which is also that of Noyes, does not accurately express the author's thought. He does uot mean that Christ was a part of" creation," but that he was before everything that was created, and of course before every creature, angels included. Philo predicates the same relation of the Logos, and our author represents a conception of Christ well on the way to the doctrine of the fourth Gospel that " in the beginning was the word" (Logos). In calling Christ the firstborn, then, he distinguishes him from created beings, and thinks of him as not produced in time, but probably as having pro ceeded out of the Father before time was. So, according to Philo, the Father brought forth the Logos, or caused him to rise up. For in him were all things created (i. 16). — For indicates a conclusion from the foregoing declaration that Christ was before every creature. In him 2 means not that he was merely the agent or instrument through whom the creation was effected, as in Hebrews i. 2 and 1 Cor. viii. 6, but " the conditioning ground upon which the creation rests." The expression does not mean that he was the original ground 1 Phil. iii. 20, 21 ; 2 Thess. i. 7 ; 1 Pet. iv. 13 ; Tit. ii. 13. " iv avrtS. 96 COLOSSIANS i. 16. of the creation, which could be thought by the author as no other than God, but that the work did not proceed without him, that through his activity in creation the divine idea of the world was carried out. The words "through him" at the end of the verse are another expression of this thought. The word here rendered "created" means in the New Testament "produced," "made," and not "ordered" or " arranged." The writer did not think of creation as the arrangement of preexisting material into a cosmic order. The things in the heavens (i. 16) must not be understood as excluding the heavens themselves. All things (i. 16) are included, the visible and the invisible. The latter term denotes the angelic beings according to the Jewish mythology, which passed over into Christian belief. These are arranged in a hierarchy from the highest to the lowest, thrones, dominions, principalities, powers, or, perhaps, ".thrones, principalities, powers, dominions." The terms are somewhat different in Ephesians i. 21. Lightfoot thinks that the writer shows impatience with this elaborate angel- °l°gy> Just as iQ ii- J8- But in neither place is there any clear indication of " impatience." He gives no sign either that the angelology is distasteful to him or that he does not accept it as a part of his belief. It is the worship of angels with which he is impatient. There is certainly no presump tion in favour of his being in advance of his age respecting mythological conceptions. Have been created (i. 16) denotes the result or completed act. Unto him (i. 16). — Christ is the end of all created things, which were made with reference to him, and without him could not realise that for which they were intended. This is said of God alone in Romans xi. 36, where the idea is unquestionably Pauline. There is at least a strong prob ability that the assignment of such a position to Christ de notes a development of the doctrine of his person beyond the soberer thought of Paul. i. 17. COLOSSIANS 97 And in him all things consist (i. 17), that is, in him is the condition of the coherence and order of the universe. Com pare " upholding all things by the word of his power." ' In the doctrine of the person of Christ Hebrews and Colos sians are so much in accord that they may be said to repre sent one phase of the development of primitive-Christian speculation on the subject. The doctrine that all things consist in Christ is purely speculative, and " goes beyond the scope of a merely religious reflection." Perhaps the idea of the immanence of Christ in the world is included here. Essentially equivalent is the saying in Eph. i. 23, " the fulness of him that filleth all in all." In the Hebrew prophets and in Paul this all-pervading glory and power are ascribed to God alone.2 Not only is Christ so highly exalted in the two Epistles that the functions of God are frequently ascribed to him, but he is conceived as the centre and pivot of the entire creation. He is the Johannine Logos in the germ. The prominence here given to Christ as the creator of all things and especially of the angels according to the different classes of them is conceded by Meyer, who maintains the Pauline authorship of the Epistle, to justify the supposition that the false teachers disparaged Christ in this respect, and that they at least had the elements of the Gnostic doctrine of the Demiurge which was later elaborated. There can be no doubt from the manner in which the matter is treated in the passages in question that the so-called false teachers in Colossse denied that Christ was "before all things." That this heresy arose as early as the time of Paul is questionable. In any case the doctrine concerning Christ contained in the Epistle appears to have been called out by the speculative heresy which was current in the church in Colossse, and it would probably never have been put forth without this provocation. Have we anything more here than one speculation set over against another ? Certainly there is nothing in the teaching of Jesus concerning himself that could suggest the question whether or no he created the angels ! But the appearance of the doctrine of 1 Heb. i. 3. ' Isa. vi. 3 ; Jer. xxiii. 24 ; 1 Cor. xv. 28. 7 98 COLOSSIANS i. 18, 19. the Epistle is easily explained historically. It only required the sub ordination of Christ and " the worship of angels " to incite someone to come to the defence of the imperilled faith with the teaching that Christ was " before all things," that he made the angels, and that in fact he held a cosmic position in the entire order of things. A7id he is the head of the body, the Church (i. 18). — A special application of the teaching that Christ is " before all things. ' ' On the Church as his body see Rom. xii. 5, 1 Cor. x. 17, xii. 12-14; Eph. iv. 12, v. 23, 30. He was also the beginning [of the resurrection], the firstborn from the dead,1 and there he was in order that in all things he might have preeminence, contrary to what the false teachers may say about his sub ordination. For it was the good pleasure of the Father that in him should all the fulness dwell2 (i. 19). — The writer here reaches the climax of his exaltation of Christ. The fulness is that ofthe divine nature (ii. 9). The term pleroma, " fulness," was employed by the Gnostics of the second century to denote the totality of the primal powers included in the divine being. The writer's introduction of it here and in ii. 9 with out qualification implies that it was familiar to his readers in Colossse, who must have heard it from their false teachers. These the writer wishes to refute, and he meets them on their own ground by employing their standard term and applying it to Christ, in order to show that he whom he had 1 Yet would the writer have denied that others had been raised ix. rmv VEHptSv before him ? 2 The translation, " It was the good pleasure of the Father," is open to question. " Father " is uot in the Greek, and the only word ex pressed in the clause which can be the subject is TcXrjpaona. The rendering, then, " All the fulness was pleased to dwell in him," that is, actually dwelt in him, is grammatically correct, and is supported by many exegetes. The word rendered " to dwell iu " (uar oixrjtiai) may denote a permanent residence, and Lightfoot thinks that the false teachers maintained only a transient connection ofthe nXr/pm/xa with Jesus. i. 20. COLOSSIANS 99 already declared to be in all respects preeminent was so also in this highest sense, that is, in having in himself the whole pleroma. The doctrine ofthe two Epistles, Ephesians and Colossians, regard ing Christ (Christology) has some Pauline features, such as the teach ing that Jesus was the "image" of God.1 "The firstborn of all creation " 2 can, however, hardly be classified with "the firstfruits of them that are asleep "3 and "the firstborn among many brethren. " 4 Col. i. 18, however, " the beginning, the firstborn from the dead," is of tbe same order as the Pauline expressions. The tendency of the Christology of the two Epistles is toward a metaphysical conception of Christ and the assignment to him of a cosmic position. He is farther removed from man than the Christ of Paul, "the second man," "the man from heaven," and "the second Adam." Paul went no farther than to represent Christ as the agent ofthe creation,5 and in Colossians we find the same idea (i. 16), but in this verse the writer declares Christ to be the end of the creation also. And through him to reconcile all things unto Himself (i. 20). — The writer conceives it to be " the good pleasure ' ' of God to reconcile to Himself through Christ all things absolutely, that is, the things on earth and the things in the heavens. All things are believed to be in a state of unreconciliation. Through the primal sin death had come into the world, and had passed upon all men in that all sinned." The whole " creation " was in " the bondage of corruption, " ' and was awaiting deliverance. The angels who had fallen were " kept in everlasting bonds under darkness unto the judg ment of the grea,t day." e These primitive-Christian ideas must be assumed to have been in the mind of the writer. The reconciliation of " the things in the heavens " refers to the class of angelic beings as a whole, some of whom must have been thought to need reconciliation. In Romans viii. 1 Col. i. 15 ; 1 Cor. xi. 7 ; 2 Cor. iv. 4. 6 Rom. v. 12. 2 Col. i. 15. 4 Rom. viii. 29. ' Ibid. viii. 19-21. 3 1 Cor. xv. 20. 5 1 Cor. viii. 6. 8 Jude 6. ioo COLOSSIANS i. 20-22. 38 " angels, principalities, and powers " are spoken of as if they might be capable of hostility to the cause of Christ ; and in 1 Corinthians vi. 3 it is said that the Christians them selves will "judge angels." The reconciliation is in the future, and must have been conceived as about to be effected at the coming of Christ the second time in his kingdom. It is said to be the ' ' good pleasure ' ' of God to effect it, but the writer does not declare his conviction of its absolute accom plishment, and he does not enter into the question whether bad men and fallen angels would be reconciled to God regardless of their own choice. The unqualified reconcilia tion of ' ' all things ' ' to God at the second coming of Christ does not belong to the primitive-Christian thought. Christ was to reign until he had put all enemies under his feet.1 He was to be revealed from heaven with the angels of his power in flaming fire, rendering vengeance to them that know not God ' ; and in i. 23 of this Epistle the writer has hope that the believers will then be presented "without blemish and unreprovable " before him, only on the condi tion that they "continue in the faith." In Hebrews the condition of the apostate is regarded as hopeless." Having made peace through the blood of his cross (i. 20). — The blood of Christ is regarded as the propitiatory offering satisfying the demands of the law,' but this writer omits the Pauline terms "through faith" and "justified by his blood." Reconciled in the body of his flesh through death (i. 22), that is, God has reconciled them through the death of Christ. In the body of Christ through the instrumentality of his death was the atonement made by which their reconciliation be came possible. The express mention of the body of Christ was doubtless made with reference to the false teachers who in connection with " the worship of angels " probably taught 1 1 Cor. xv. 24. s Heb. vi. 4-6, x. 26. » 1 Thess. i. 8. * Rom. iii. 25, v. 9. i. 22-28. COLOSSIANS 101 that these beings, who were supposed to be without bodies of flesh, had a part in the work of atonement. Thus Christ's atonement was disparaged. Present you before him holy and unblamable and unreprov- able (i. 22), that is, at the time of his second coming or Parousia. Their presentation before Christ, however, to share in the blessedness of the Messianic kingdom depended upon their steadfast adherence to the faith in which they had been instructed (i. 23). The writer now proceeds to speak for himself as Paul, or for the apostle whom he personates, of his calling and sufferings as an apostle (i. 24-ii. 3). To fill up on my part that which is lacking of the afflictions of Christ (i. 24). — The idea is that he had a certain measure of affliction to bear as a follower and minister of Christ in behalf of the Church. Many of these sufferings of Christ, so-called, he had already borne,1 and now he was filling up what was lacking in them in his own flesh through the bodily afflictions which he was enduring. He calls his own sufferings those of Christ in the sense that he is a "par taker" of them in being similarly afflicted.2 To fulfil the word of God, even the mystery which hath been hid from all ages and generations (i. 25, 26). — By the word of God is evidently meant the gospel of Christ, and the fulfil ment of it is the accomplishment of its ministry.3 This is called a mystery probably because conceived as formerly hidden, but now manifested to the saints or believers. To them God was pleased to make known what is the riches of the glory of this mystery among the gentiles, which [riches] is Christ in you, the hope of glory (i. 27). — On the gospel as a mystery see 1 Cor. ii. 7, iv. 1 ; Rom. xvi. 25, 26. Present every man perfect in Christ (i. 28), that is, at his 1 2 Cor. i. 5. 2 1 Pet. iv. 13 ; Phil. iii. 10. 3Rom. xv. 19. 102 COLOSSIANS ii. 1-3. second coming (v. 22). ' The perfection is designated as in Christ in the sense that it must be Christian. For them at Laodicea and for as many as have not seen my face (ii. 1). — It is probable the false teachers were busy at Laodicea also, and that the writer was solicitous for that church as well as for the one .in Colossse on that account. The words, and for as many, include the Colossians and Laodiceans among those who had not seen the writer. That they may know the mystery of God, even Christ (ii. 2). — The Greek text of this passage is doubtful and textual critics differ as to what is the correct reading. The revised version translates it as if Christ were in apposition with mystery. This is a proper rendering of Tischendorf s text (8th edition). The version of King James is from a text which reads " of God and of the Father and of Christ." Noyes following an earlier edition of Tischendorf omits " Christ." Lachmann's text reads, " the mystery of the God of Christ," and this reading is favoured by some scholars of note. That Christ himself should be called " the mystery of God " is contrary to the analogy of i. 26, 27, and the passages referred to in the note on that passage. The mystery of God is the gospel, as in the foregoing passages. At this point the writer resumes the exposition of his doctrine of the person of Christ, and adds exhortations with especial reference to the false teachings (ii. 3— iii. 4). In whom are all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge hid den (ii. 3). — Grammatically the rendering " in which," that is, the mystery, is admissible, and it is the only probable one if " Christ " be omitted in the preceding verse. If that word is retained, however, the reference of the pronoun is doubtful. The text is too obscure to warrant a positive conclusion. In any case the writer declares, in opposition to the false teachers who disparaged Christ, that in Christ or 1 1 Thess. ii. 19, 20 ; 2 Cor. xi. 2. ii. 4, 5- COLOSSIANS 103 in his gospel, " the mystery of God," lay all the treasures of the wisdom and knowledge (Gnosis) of which they boasted. With persuasiveness of speech (ii. 4). — This is said with reference to the specious reasonings of the false teachers, which were calculated to mislead. The Greek word thus rendered is not elsewhere used in the New Testament.1 For though I be absent in the flesh, yet I am with you in the spirit (ii. 5). — It is open to question whether the Pauline terminology is here strictly to be interpreted in the Pauline sense. The apostle generally employs " Spirit " in the sense of the supernatural divine influence which is alone able to counteract the tendencies of the flesh, and which is the con stant support and quickener of the believer's moral-religious life. From this point of view the writer's presence with the church in Colossse in the Spirit was a presence in so far as this divine power, of which he was assumed to be a repre sentative by preeminence, was effective in them. Paul's doctrine of the Spirit is involved in no little obscurity. Ac cording to the analogy of his teaching in general he did not attribute to man a spirit as a part of his original natural endowment, but thought him to possess it only when he became a Christian believer, and as such received it as a supernatural gift. In other words, he did not regard it as a human faculty coordinate with "mind," " heart," and "conscience." When he speaks exactly he denies to the "natural man" ability to receive "the things of the Spirit of God," which are "spiritually discerned," while "he that is spiritual," that is, he who has as a believer been supernaturally endowed with the divine Spirit, "judgeth all things." From this it would appear that he regarded the spiritual in man as somewhat superadded to his natural endowment, somewhat essentially divine. It accords with this concep tion that he regarded the bodies ofthe believers who would be raised at the Parousia as "spiritual," like "the body of glory" assumed by the risen and ascended Jesus,2 and taught that the resurrection pertained to those in whom dwelt "the Spirit of Him who raised 1 TtiBavoXoyia. 2 Phil. iii. 21. 104 COLOSSIANS ii. 6-8. up Jesus from the dead."1 Some suppose that by "thespirit of man V Paul understood "a peculiar higher nature ofthe soul,2 and not a separate substance alongside it," some that he regarded it as "a mere organ of the natural human self-consciousness," and others that he employed the word occasionally in accordance with the popular usage and without regard to his strictly doctrinal terminology in which the only concrete thing that belongs under the category of "Spirit" is the Spirit of God. Rom. viii. 16, I Cor. ii. ii, and 2 Cor. vii. 13 pre sent exegetical difficulties to the interpretation herein mentioned. The supposition, however, is perhaps tenable that Paul sometimes spoke of the spirit of man when he intended to indicate no more than "the inner man" generally, while technically and doctrinally he recognised no other spiritual essence in man in the strict sense of the term than the divine Spirit which was a special endowment of the believer. As, therefore, ye received Christ Jesus the Lord, so walk in him (ii. 6). — This is an expression of the writer's interest and solicitude with regard to the Colossians in view of the perils to which their faith was exposed by reason of the erroneous teachings that were current among them. Walk in him, rooted and builded up in him (ii. 7). — The writer was not here attentive to the relation to each other of the figures employed. Through his philosophy and vain deceit (ii. 8). — There is nothing in the original corresponding to his, and the word is superfluous. The term philosophy may mean any philo sophy, but here doubtless refers to the speculations of the false teachers, who probably arrogated the word to them selves as a designation of their doctrines. It is not used elsewhere in the New Testament. Vain deceit is another term for the sort of philosophy which in the writer's judg ment was employed by the teachers in question. After the tradition of men, after the rudiments of the world, and not after Christ (ii. 8). — The first expression denotes the purely human character ofthe " philosophy " in question in ¦Rom. viii. n. ^ipvxij. ii. 9. COLOSSIANS 105 contrast with the " wisdom not of this world," ' and the second the rudiments of the religious teachings of men not Christians.2 In the connection of the third there is a want of precision, since not after Christ cannot well be joined either with make spoil of ox with vain deceit.2 For in him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily (ii. 9). — Hence the readers should not be made spoil of by a philosophy which is opposed to the truth that is in him, that is, in his gospel. The word rendered ' ' Godhead ' ' does not mean "divine qualities or attributes," but "the divine nature." The expression is made as emphatic as possible. It is not simply the fulness (pleroma) as in i. 19, but the entire pleroma of the divinity. Dwelleth (ii. 9), "is present, ' ' ' ' exists, " is in the present tense, and refers not to Jesus in his earthly existence, but to the glorified Christ who accord ing to Hebrews ' ' sat down on the right hand of God. " This indwelling ofthe divine essence in Christ is conceived to be bodily, that is, so that it has a bodily manifestation, is clothed upon with a bodily form. This idea comports with the con ception of " spiritual bodies" which the risen saints were expected to have at the second coming of Christ.4 These ' ' celestial bodies, " 6 it was supposed, would resemble Christ's " body of glory," ° the " bodily" manifestation of the divine 1 1 Cor. ii. 6. 2 Gal. iv. 3. 3The words rendered "the rudiments ofthe world" (rd 6roix&a rov x66fiov) are susceptible of a different rendering from that given in the text. They perhaps refer to the "personal elemental spirits," to which in the later Judaism certain ruling and guiding functions were assigned over the stars, the seasons, the months, etc. According to the Book of Jubilees there were created by God on the first day the angels of the clouds, of cold, of heat, of hail, of thunder, etc. See " angel ofthe waters," Rev. xvi. 5 and Euoch lxxxii. 10 f. This in terpretation is very suitable to the passage under consideration, since xazd rd dr. is placed over against xatd xpvSrov. See v. Soden in Handkommentar on the passage, and T. K. Abbott, p. 248. 4 1 Cor. xv. 44. 6 Ibid. xv. 40. 6 Phil, iii., 21. 106 COLOSSIANS ii. io, n. pleroma. It is impossible not to notice the harshness and abruptness with which this declaration of the writer's ex treme doctrine of the person of Christ is introduced in the connection of the passage. If it is a part of the original Epistle, it can indicate only that the writer made great haste to introduce his exalted and high-wrought Christology. And in him ye are made full (ii. 10). — In fellowship with Christ the believer is regarded as having those spiritual charisms or " gifts " ' which were attributed to the divine Spirit. Who is the head of all principality and power (ii. io). — He is declared to be superior to the angelic beings of whom he is said in i. 16 to have been the creator. The motive here is the same as in the former passage, that is, to show the Colos sians the folly of the " worship of angels" and the sub ordination of Christ taught them by the heretics. In whom ye were also circumcised witk a circumcision not made with hands (ii. ii). — This refers to the conversion of the believers which was in Christ causally, and was figuratively a putting off of the body of the flesh regarded as the seat of sin,2 so that they are conceived as no longer " fleshly " or " carnal," " sold under sin." * In the circumcision of Christ (ii. ll).4 — This is the circum cision which, figuratively speaking, is effected in them by means of Christ, that is, by their relation to him as believers. The putting off of " the body of the sins of the flesh "in verse 1 1 calls to mind Paul's "body of sin," 5 mortifying "the deeds of the body" (Rom. viii. 13). "The body of thesins ofthe flesh" is not, however, a 1 1 Cor. xii. 4. 2 Rom. vii. 23, 25 ; Gal. v. 16 ; Eph. ii. 3. 3 Rom. vii. 24. * A 7tEpirojxri dxEipoxoir/ToS and a TtEpiTOfirj rov xp^drov are un known to Paul's undisputed Epistles. The apostle recognises an in ward circumcision, but not in such terms as these. Rom. ii. 28, 29 ; Phil. iii. 3. « Rom- v;, 6. COLOSSIANS 107 Pauline expression, and it is doubtful whether the apostle could have written it. It betrays the hand of an inexpert imitator who made the awkward combination from Paul's " body of sin " and " flesh." But if Paul does not say "sins ofthe flesh," he regarded the flesh as the seatofsin. With it he says we "serve the law of sin."1 Its "mind" is "enmity against God," and is "death."2 Since it was conceived as the substance composing the material body, the latter term is some times employed as synonymous with it, as is also " members," so that "deeds ofthe body " is equivalent to sinful actions which are prompted by the flesh, and the "law in the members" is the law of the flesh. Technically, however, the body is to Paul the form of human exist ence, whether it be now filled with the flesh as a material organism, or again with the "glory " or light-substance of the resurrection state as a " spiritual body." 8 That by " flesh " Paul meant literally flesh, the substance of the material bodily organism, is evident from his identification of it with "the body" and the "members," and this physical substratum is never lost sight of when he mentions some "works of the flesh" which are not of immediate derivation from this organism. He never has in mind any such vague idea as "the weak and creaturely side of our nature" — a definition of" the flesh" which itself needs defining. The Pauline doctrine of man (anthro pology) is dominated by the contrast of " flesh " and "Spirit." The former "lusts against" the latter,4 which is the supernatural divine principle bestowed upon the believer. The flesh is by its very nature "corruptible," and is doomed to perish.5 The body, conceived as the material organism, is compared to a " tabernacle " which is laid aside at death (2 Cor. v. 1), yet " the body that shall be," 6 the " spiritual body," the "celestial body,"1 is given of God in the resurrection. Paul conceived man as capable of existence without " flesh," but not without a "body." The ipvxn, soul or life-principle of the flesh, is conceived by him as inseparably connected with it and as sharing its fortune in so far as it is perishable. The " incorruption " that is "put on" is regarded as attainable only by means ofthe in dwelling of the divine Spirit, which is the sole "earnest" ofthe resurrection at the Parousia, of the swallowing up of mortality by life.8 "Perishing " and " destruction " are the doom of all who have 1 Rom. vii. 25. 6 I Cor. xv. 36, 42, 53, 54. 2 Ibid. viii. 6, 7. 6 Ibid. xv. 37. 3 1 Cor. xv. 44 ; Phil. iii. 12. ' Ibid. xv. 40. 4 Gal. v. 17. 8 Rom. viii. n ; 2 Cor. v. 5. 108 COLOSSIANS ii. 12, 13. not this Spirit.1 The resurrection of unbelievers to " in corruption " and their subsequent punishment is 'not compatible with Paul's an thropology and his doctrine of the last things (eschatology). Having been buried with him in baptism, etc. (ii. 12). — In baptism the believer is supposed to die to sin and be raised to " newness of life." 2 This is the circumcision " not made with hands." In this conception of a mystic spiritual union with Christ is expressed more of the spirit and sentiment of genuine Paulinism than in the whole of the Epistle to the Hebrews with which this letter is in many respects very closely related. Through faith in the working of God (ii. 12). — The belief that God raised Christ from the dead is regarded as the in dispensable condition of the believer's being brought into that spiritual union with Jesus by which he is able to walk with him " in newness of life." Only for him who believes this can the atonement of Christ be efficacious.3 They alone who have this faith have the assurance that they will be "raised up" and "presented" before him when he shall come again in the glory of his kingdom.4 And you being dead through your trespasses and the uncir cumcision of your flesh (ii. 13). — As sinners, uncircumcised gentiles, the Colossians are represented as having been sub ject to death, not merely the physical death which came upon all men through Adam's sin, B but also the eternal death which was, in the Pauline thought, the exclusion from the resurrection at the second coming of Christ and from partici pation in the blessedness ofthe Messianic kingdom." 1 1 Cor. i. 8 ; 2 Cor. ii. 15 ; 1 Thess. v. 3. s Rom. iv. 24, vi. 8, 9. 2 Rom. vi. 4. 42 Cor. iv. 13. 6Rom. v. 12. 6 It is difficult to think of Paul as using the expression " dead in the uncircumcision of your flesh" (vexpoS t-q dxpofivtfria ttjZ 6apxoS ¦vfimv). He certainly could not have said of gentiles that they were "dead" because uncircumcised. Such a conception would be un thinkable from his point of view. If not unthinkable, it is at least ii. 13, 14. COLOSSIANS 109 Did He also quicken together with him (ii. 13). — The thought of this passage is not simply that of an ethical raising up of the believers, but there is included in it the conception of their actual resurrection at the Parousia and their participa tion in " the inheritance of the saints in light," their " trans lation into the kingdom of the Son" (i. 12, 13). The expression may well be interpreted in accordance with the Pauline doctrine that " if the Spirit of Him who raised up Jesus from the dead dwell in you, He who raised up Christ Jesus from the dead will also quicken your mortal bodies." ' The idea of the possession of the life in Christ and that of its fruition in ' ' the age to come ' ' were so closely connected in the primitive-Christian thought that the former readily passed over into the latter even without the use of the future tense (i. 13 ; Eph. ii. 5). Having forgiven us all our trespasses (ii. 13). — This implies the acceptance on the part of God of those who through faith have appropriated the atonement made by Christ in his death. Having blotted out the bond written in ordinances which was against us (ii. 14), that is, the handwriting or manuscript that was conceived to exist in the Mosaic law, and that was regarded as against men because it threatened them with penalties. They themselves could not " blot it out " except by an entire obedience, which was impossible. Neither could God do it, unless the penalty were paid. This was done on. the cross, and accordingly He " took it out of the way, nailing it to the cross." The law which condemned men is assumed to have lost its penal validity when Christ highly improbable that he would have employed these words as a "symbol of alienation from God." How could uncircumcision sym bolise a sinful condition to him who declares that neither circumcision nor uncircumcision is anything? The words appear to have been written by an unskilful imitator who had for the moment forgotten his rdle. 1 Rom. viii. n. no COLOSSIANS ii. I5-I7- by his death "redeemed" (bought off) men from the " curse " of it.1 The doctrine is Pauline both in this Epistle and in Hebrews, but in neither has it the distinctive Pauline expression. Having put off from Himself the principalities and the powers, he made a show of them openly, triumphing over them (ii. 15). — The principalities and the powers are the demonic spirits, " the world-rulers of this darkness." 2 Although the same words are employed that are used to designate the good angels in verse io, they here refer to the devilish angelic hierarchy, " the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places," as they are called in the passage in Ephesians. By reason of the " bond " against men they are conceived to have a certain power over the human race which they would employ for their diabolical purposes of destruction. Of this power the sacrifice on the cross is re garded as depriving them, since it "blotted out" the " bond," and in the cross God " put them off from Him self," or " disarmed " them (for this the word also means), and " made a show of them openly, triumphing over them." 3 It is instructive to note how this extravagant delineation of the results of the atonement of Christ, adopted to refute the false teachers, floats in the region of mythological concep tions. In the nature of the case the contest with the false teachers could only be one in which one mythology was pitted against another. Which are a shadow of the things to come (ii. 17). — Tbe readers are counselled not to permit anyone to judge them in respect to ritual observances, since these are only a shadow cast back by the things that are to come, that is, by the Messianic kingdom of the future age. "Feasts," "new moons," and " sabbath-days" are only sensuous, transient 1 Gal. iii., 13, iv. 5 ; Heb. ix. 12. 2 Eph. vi. 12. 3 The triumph of the Messiah over Satan was dramatically repre sented in the Jewish theology. See Weber, Jud. Theol., p. 398. ii. 17-18. COLOSSIANS m types of the divine reality of the Parousia, which is their antitype, since it is the true and perfect theocracy that already ideally exists in the heavens, and which will come in glory with the returning Christ. In this thought the writer is quite in accord with the author of Hebrews.1 Of these things to come the body is Christ's (ii. 17), that is, his is the substance of the Messianic kingdom of which ritual observances are only a shadow. This is another way of say ing that he is the head and ruler of the coming kingdom. The false teachers, who insist upon regarding the shadow, miss the substance. Let no man rob you of your prize by a voluntary humility and a worshipping of the angels (ii. 18). — The prize in the contest, that is, the blessedness of the Messianic kingdom, ought to be won by the Colossian Christians themselves, and they are warned to let no man rob them of it through mis leading them by false teachings. By a voluntary humility (ii. 18) is a doubtful translation. Better is the rendering, wishing lo do it by humility, etc., that is, by a false humility which the false teachers assumed. It may have been connected with the " worship of angels" in the sense that God was too exalted an object of worship for men. We have the testimony of Irenaeus and Epiphanius to the worship of angels by Gnostics, and Theodoret speaks of the practice as existing in Phrygia. The actual worship of angels as objects of adoration is undoubtedly meant, and not a worship of God similar to that rendered by angels. Yet this latter interpretation has strangely had advocates. Dwelling in the things which he hath seen (ii. 18). — Some authorities read " not seen." But if the " not " be omitted the sense is undoubtedly " things seen or professed to be seen in visions ' ' with reference to the angel- world, so that the translation of King James' version and of Noyes, 1 Heb. viii. 5, x. 1. ii2 COLOSSIANS ii. 18. " intruding into those things which he hath not seen," gives the writer's meaning. Puffed up by his fleshly mind (ii. 18), that is, the mind under the dominion of the tendencies of a man who is of the " world," and hence unspiritual, or from the point of view of the writer, unchristian,1 " the mind of the flesh is enmity against God." The psychology of the Epistle is essentially Pauline. Paul employs vovi to designate that endowment of "the inward man" which corresponds to our " mind " or " the theoretical and practical rea son." 2 In Rom. vii. 23 it is synonymous with "inward man" in verse 22, and denotes a disposition to obey the divine law in opposi tion to the tendencies of fleshly desire. In this sense " the law of the mind " is set over against " the law of sin " (vv. 23, 25). It desig nates "the inward man " in its susceptibility to the Divine Spirit, of which it is the human counterpart. Rom. vii. appears to teach the inability ofthe " mind" successfully to oppose the " flesh," since the result ofthe conflict ofthe two powers is that the man is " brought into captivity to the law of sin " in his " members," and the doctrine that righteousness or salvation cannot be attained without the inter vention ofthe divine Spirit is according to the analogy of the general teaching of the apostle. " They that are in the flesh cannot please God," but the Christian believers " are not iu the flesh," if " the Spirit of God dwell in " them.3 Yet it is one of the paradoxes of his teach ing that in Rom. i. and ii. he declares that men are able by means of their understanding to know God by " the things that are made," and without the law to "do by nature the things contained in the law." With all the mind's susceptibility to moral influences it is represented on the other hand as capable of such weakness and perversion as to justify the epithet "reprobate."4 It may become to such a degree subject to the animal impulses as to deserve to be called "the mind of the flesh,"5 and "the fleshly mind" as in the verse under con sideration. There are also "blinded minds"6 and minds that are "corrupted."7 The moral function assigned to the mind is again recognised in the idea that it is capable of a "renewing."8 It is doubtless in this condition of renewal that it is "the mind of Christ,"9 1 Rom. viii. 7. 4 Ibid. i. 28. ' Ibid. xi. 3. 2 1 Cor. xiv. 14. 5 Ibid. viii. 7. 8 Rom. xii. 2. 8 Rom. viii. 8, 9. 6 2 Cor. iii. 14, iv. 4. " 1 Cor. ii. 16. ii. 19-22. COLOSSIANS 113 that is, a mind in which the divine Spirit abides. The activity of volition so graphically delineated in Rom. vii. was doubtless conceived as a function of the " mind " : " For the will is present with me, but how to perform that which is good I find not " (verse 18). The con dition described by the term " fleshly mind" is that of "death," by which Paul designates not only physical dissolution, but also the state called "everlasting destruction,"1 or death without hope of the resurrection, " perishing." To this result the preponderance ofthe flesh must, he conceives, inevitably lead. The law is ineffectual for deliverance from this condition. The divine Spirit can alone accom plish salvation under the dispensation of "grace" through the re demption of Christ appropriated by "faith." And not holding fast the Head (ii. 19). — On account of their " worship of the angels " they disregard and subordinate the Head, Christ. In the next clause the figure, begun in the preceding, is carried out, and the rendering should be, from which [the head] all the body, etc. , increaseth with the increase of God, that is, the increase effected by God. The figure is ofthe Church in relation to its Head, Christ. If ye died with Christ from the rudiments of the world (ii. 20). — In becoming Christians the believers are regarded as having entered into the mystic fellowship of the death of Christ, that is, as having died with him to all the claims of ritual, ordinances, etc., abolished by him in his death, which are rudiments of the world. They ought not then to act as though living in the world, or in the non-Christian realm of life, and to subject themselves to those things. Handle not, nor taste, nor touch (all which things are to perish with the using) after the precepts and doctrines of men (ii. 21, 22). — These are some of the " ordinances " referred to in the preceding verse. They probably all relate to foods and drinks, though some interpret the first and others the last according to 1 Corinthians vii. 1. The meaning of the parenthetical clause is doubtful. Some render it, ' ' all which things tend to destruction (ethical) when abused." The 1 2 Thess. i. 9. n4 COLOSSIANS ii. 23-iii. 3- word translated with the using means also " with the abus ing " in some connections, and since the word rendered perish means sometimes " moral destruction," " the loss of salva tion," the connection itself is ambiguous. The correct ren dering probably is, all which things tend to perish ' with the consumption, or using up. Which things have, indeed, a show of wisdom (ii. 23), that is, " an unmerited reputation " of wisdom, in will-worship, or by means of a worship arbitrarily chosen and hence not commanded by God, probably angel-worship. The writer appears to have coined the word rather inaccurately rendered will-worship.'' It is not found in Greek writers. Not of any value against the indulgence of the flesh (ii. 23). — The rendering, " not in any honour with respect to the satisfaction of the flesh," or " for satisfying the flesh," is probably closer to the original, and proceeds upon the judg ment that the false teachers arrogated to themselves " hon our " for their false " humility " and " severity to the body," and found in this "unmerited reputation of wisdom" a satisfaction of their fleshly nature, pride, and the puffing up of their carnal mind (verse 19). The writer, however, de clares that these ascetic practices and the accompanying disposition are not in any honour with regard to the self-indul gence of their lower nature which they derive from them. If, then, ye were raised together with Christ, seek the things that are above (iii. I). — Then refers to ii. 20, and if implies not doubt but certainty. The things that are above designate the Messianic salvation which is regarded as in the heavens with Christ on the right hand of God, whence it will " de scend " with him at his second coming. For ye died, and your life is hid with Christ in GodijSS.. 3). — This is the Pauline doctrine of the ethical death of believers in Christ. Such is the mystical fellowship of believers with 1 Matt. xv. 17. s iBeXoBprjdxEi'a. iii. 4-7. COLOSSIANS 115 him that in his death to sin they die with him. " If one died for all, then all died." 1 The "old man is crucified with him." The believer is baptised in the death of Christ.2 The sequence is a new life whose consummation will be effected at the Parousia. When Christ, who is our life, shall be manifested, then will you be manifested with him in glory (iii. 4). — This is the Pauline reigning with Christ and being glorified with him in the kingdom of God soon to come — the " glory about to be revealed " in the believers. The Epistle now proceeds with exhortations grounded on moral principles deduced from the foregoing section (ii. 4 iii. 4) and Adapted to individual culture and to the relations of the believers to one another (iii. 5-iv. 6). Mortify, therefore, your members which are upon the earth (iii. 5), that is, " slay," render ineffective for sin your bodily passions and appetites, "the body of the flesh" (ii. n). Compare Paul's " mortify the deeds of the body " 3 and " If thy hand or thy foot causeth thee to stumble cut it off." " Covetousness which is idolatry, that is, the worship of Mammon.6 For which things' sake cometh the wrath of God upon the sons of disobedience (iii. 6). — The reference is to the judgment at the second coming of Christ in correlation with verse 4. Compare " the wrath to come," " " wrath in the day of wrath," ' and " the wrath of the Lamb," " the great day of their wrath," that is, that of God and the Lamb.8 The sons of disobedience are those who reject the gospel of Christ." In the which ye also walked aforetime, when ye lived in these things (iii. 7). — The sense is somewhat doubtful since " among whom," that is, the sons of disobedience, is a gram- 1 2 Cor. v. 14. 4 Matt, xviii. 8, 9. ' Rom. ii. 5. 2 Rom. vi. 4, 6. 5 Ib id. vi. 24. 8Rev. vi. 17. 3 Ibid. viii. 13. 6 1 Thess. i. 10. 9 Eph. v. 6. „6 COLOSSIANS iii. 8-12. matical rendering which perhaps should have the preference, provided, of course, the sons of disobedience (verse 6) be re tained. Tischendorf omits the words notwithstanding the strong testimony in their favour and the incompleteness of the thought without them. Railing (iii. 8). — The word so rendered1 is used of blas phemy against God. " Evil-speaking " is perhaps a better translation, in which case the following words should be rendered " filthy language out of your mouth " (Noyes). The old man . . . the new man (iii. 9). — The former designates the pre-Christian mode of life according to the Pauline figure of the first Adam, the author of sin, and the latter the Christian disposition and life, or Christ, ' ' the last Adam," the author of salvation.2 Which is being renewed unto knowledge after the image of Him that created him (iii. 10). — This new man is not at once complete, but is in a condition of development " toward a knowledge after the image of God, a further and fuller acquaintance with spiritual truths and the principles of a re ligious life, from which the vices mentioned in verses 8 and 9 are excluded. Where there cannot be Greek and Jew (iii. 11). — The local adverb where indicates haste in writing, and is awkward. " In which condition," that is, that of having put on " the new man, ' ' is the meaning. External conditions and rela tions, which separate men according to race and station, dis appear because disregarded in the life which has put on the new man,, Christ, who, " in all his believers the all-determin ing principle of the new life and activity, forms the higher unity in which those old separations and oppositions become without significance and as no longer existing." Put on, therefore, as God's elect (iii. 12). — Elect is the Old Testament designation of the people of God. Here it means 1 fiXadqjrrjfiia. 2 Rom. vi. 6 ; 1 Cor. xv. 49 ; Eph. iv. 22. 3 2 Cor. iv. 16. iii. 13-16. COLOSSIANS 117 those who have accepted the gospel of Christ, and are ac cordingly chosen out of the multitude of unbelievers to be partakers of the Messianic salvation in the coming kingdom (Rom. viii. 33; Eph. i. 4). Even as the Lord forgave you, so also do ye (iii. 13). — Some authorities read "Christ" instead of "Lord," but the meaning is the same in both cases. The mutual forgiveness of sins among men is a Christian requirement, though not unknown to the Old Testament.1 The divine forgiveness is made conditional on the subject's forgiveness of offences committed against him in Mark xi. 25, and this condition is implied in the Lord's prayer. The forgiveness of sins by Christ can hardly be called a doctrine of the apostolic age. In Mark ii. 5 and parallels Jesus is represented as saying that the Son of Man had power on earth to forgive sins. The tendency to magnify the person of Jesus and to assign him a cosmic position, which is manifest in this Epistle and its related ones, Hebrews and Ephesians, would naturally lead to attributing this prerogative to him in his exalted state " on the right hand of God." The doctrine is un known in the great Pauline Epistles. This single instance is accordingly instructive. On the contrary in ii. 13 it is God who forgives, and in Ephesians iv. 32 He grants for giveness " in Christ." To the which also ye were called in one body (iii. 15), that is, in the community of Christian believers, in which Christ is " all things and in all" (verse n). The conception is Pauline.2 Let the word of Christ dwell in you richly in all wisdom (iii. 16). — Paul says " the word of the Lord" 3 and regarded Christ as speaking through him.4 But the current expres sion is " the word of God." The exaltation of the person 1 See Matt, xviii. 22 ; Luke xvii. 3, where repentance is made a condition. 2Rom. xii. 5 ; 1 Cor. x. 17, xii. 12, 13. 3 1 Thess. i. 8, iv. 15. 4 2 Cor. xiii. 3. 118 COLOSSIANS Hi. 16-17. of Christ which characterises this Epistle, and which was, as we have seen, called forth by the situation in Colossae, doubtless led to the employment of the official term, " Christ," instead of " Lord." Teaching and admonishing one another with psalms and hymns and spiritual songs (iii. 16). — These terms occur in the New Testament only in Colossians and Ephesians. They are essentially synonymous, and the slight shades of difference among them are not easily definable. Their use here in connection with teaching and admonishing suggests the phenomena of "speaking with tongues " ' which appears to have been an ecstatic, indistinct expression of emotions, needing " interpretation." In the strained and high-strung spiritual conditions which existed in the early Church it is probable that teaching and admonition sometimes took a form that is well expressed by the terms in question. The ex pression spiritual songs, which means " songs given by the Spirit," accords with this interpretation, the " Holy Spirit " being regarded in the primitive Church as the source of the " gifts "of" tongues," " prophecy," etc. Singing with grace in your hearts unto God (iii. 16), that is, as Christians who are such by the grace of God, and who enjoy the indwelling of the gospel oi grace. " In thank fulness," is a proper and perhaps a preferable rendering. Do all in the name of the Lord Jesus (iii. 17). — Name stands for all that Jesus represented to the Christians, and the prac tical injunction to the readers is to let all their conduct be in the mind and spirit of Christ. Compare, " the mind of Christ." 2 Giving thanks to God the Father through him (iii. 17). — The Father is regarded as the source of all that for which the believers as such should be thankful ; but since Jesus by his atonement is regarded as the mediator through whom the Christian salvation came, and through whom its Messianic 1 1 Cor. xiv. 15, 26. 2 Ibid. ii. 16 ; Phil. ii. 5. iii. 18-22. COLOSSIANS 119 consummation will be effected in the future " age," it is through him, that is, through his benefaction to them, that they should be thankful. Wives, be in subjection to your husbands, as is fitting in the Lord (iii. 18). — Subjection means not only subordination but also " submission " and " obedience." This teaching is in accordance with the ideas of the time relative to the relation of husband and wife. Compare Paul's doctrines and injunc tions on the subject : " The head of the woman is the man," ' and " let them [women] be in subjection." 2 As is fitting in the Lord (iii. 18), that is, as is becoming in those who are Christians. Servants, obey in all things them that are your masters ac cording to the flesh (iii. 22). — Servants here means " bond servants " or " slaves." In the Old Testament slavery was not only recognised, but regulations were made in order to control it. Jesus said nothing directly against it, although the practical result of his teachings must be to do away with it. It is incompatible with his doctrine of the Fatherhood of God and with the principle of the so-called Golden Rule.3 Paul is also silent on the subject of the injustice and evil of slavery, and in addition to this surprising negative attitude goes so far as positively to affirm that it is indifferent to a Christian whether he be a free man or a slave, and to advise the bond-servant who can become free to prefer his bondage.4 " In Christ " there can be neither bond nor free.6 But to Paul these external conditions were of slight importance in view of the impending end of the world. It was hardly worth while to disturb a social order which was soon to be dissolved, and run all the risks of disorder and conflict which would result from an anti-slavery propaganda. The author of Colossians, then, writes in entire accord with the Pauline doctrine both in reference to slaves and women. 1 1 Cor. xi. 3. ''Ibid. xiv. 34 ff. 3Matt. vii. 12. 4 1 Cor. vii. 21. 5 Gal. iii. 28. i2o COLOSSIANS iii. 24-iv. 3. This is one of many historical examples of the predominance of the Time-Spirit over the Christ-Spirit. Knowing that from the Lord ye shall receive the recompense of the inheritance (iii. 24). — In the Messianic kingdom the slave who has been faithful to his master will be recompensed at the hand of Christ himself. Let him endure his bondage for a little while. ' ' The day is at hand ' ' ; and in the blessed " age to come " he will be on an equality with him who in " the present age " is lording it over him, for " in Christ " there is neither bond nor free. For ye serve the Lord Christ (iii. 24). — The Christian slave is really a servant of Christ, though outwardly serving man. For he that doeth wrong shall receive again for the wrong that he hath done (iii. 25). — The slave is expected to make an application of this commonplace to the effect that the master who treats him unjustly will receive a merited pun ishment, since there is no respect of persons in the divine judgment. Finally, the masters are admonished, since they also have a Master in heaven, to render to their slaves what is just and equal (iv. i), that is, to treat them in accordance with the principle of Christian brotherhood which places all men, bond and free, upon a footing of equality. The idea that setting them free might be implied in this treatment is not expressed. Continue stedfastly in prayer (iv. 2). — See Rom. i. 9, xii. 12; 1 Thess. v. 17, "pray without ceasing." Compare Luke xviii. 1. Watching therein, that is, being spiritual, attentive, and alert (iv. 2). See Matt. xxvi. 41 ; Eph. vi. 18 ; 1 Thess. v. 6 ; 1 Pet. iv. 7, v. 7. Withal praying for us also, that God may open unto us a door (iv. 3), that is, may furnish an opportunity for the min istration of the gospel,1 the mystery of Christ. For which I am also in bonds (iv. 3). — The writer declares 1 1 Cor. xvi. 9 ; 2 Cor. ii. 12. iv. 5-12. COLOSSIANS 121 that on account of the mystery of Christ or the gospel, he is in bonds also, that is, in addition to other afflictions which he had suffered in the same cause. On the supposition of the spuriousness of the Epistle this belongs to the fiction of authorship. Walk in wisdom toward them that are without, redeeming the time (iv. 5). — In respect to those who do not belong to the Christian community the readers are exhorted to employ not simply shrewdness, but also the wise and upright and kindly dealing which springs from the Christian disposition.1 Redeeming the time (iv. 5), that is, so using the time as to employ the right moment for the actions in which the wisdom in dealing with those who are not believers consists. Let your speech be always with grace seasoned with salt (iv. 6). — Speech to " those without " should be with pleasant ness, agreeableness, yet not without the seasoning of vigour, point, and manliness. It should not be insipid and flat.2 The Epistle concludes with personal references, greetings, etc. (iv. 7-18). All my affairs shall Tychicus make known to you, the beloved brother (iv. j). — A Tychicus is mentioned in Acts xx. 4 as a companion of Paul's on one of his missionary journeys and also in 2 Timothy iv. 12, and Titus iii. 12. Together with Onesimus (iv. 9), the slave of Philemon (Philem. 10). Aristarchus (iv. 10). — See Acts xix. 29, xx. 4, xxvii. 2 ; Philem. 24. Mark. See Acts xii. 12, 25, xiii. 5, 13, xv. 37 ; 2 Tim. iv. 11. And Jesus who is called Justus (iv. II). — Nothing is known of this man, who is probably not the one mentioned in Acts xviii. 7. Epaphras, who is one oj you (iv. 12). — See i. 7 and Philem. 23. According to i. 7 he had been a teacher of the Colos- 1 Phil. ii. 14 ; i Thess. v. 17 ; 1 Cor. v. 12. 2 Mark ix. 49, 50 122 COLOSSIANS iv. 14-18. sians, and he is here represented as striving for them in his prayers, probably on account of the perils to which their faith was exposed by the presence of the false teachers. Luke, the beloved physician, and Demas (iv. 14). — See 2 Tim. iv. 10, 11; Philem. 24. We can only conjecture why Luke should have been distinguished with this professional epithet, while Demas is simply mentioned by name. Nymphas (iv. 15) is mentioned as one in whose house some of the Christians in Colossse were accustomed to assemble. Their probably includes Nymphas and his household. And when this Epistle hath been read among you (iv. 16). — That from Laodicea can only mean one sent by the writer of. Colossians to the church at Laodicea. An exchange of Epistles is thus enjoined, whether because similar needs in the two places rendered such a proceeding desirable or not, is uncertain. Nothing is known of this Epistle. And say to Archippus (iv. 17). — What the ministry of Ar chippus was is uncertain. In the absence of Epaphras he may have had an oversight of the interests of the church, but why he should have been thought to need the particular admonition conveyed in the words here employed can only be conjectured. Remember my bonds (iv. 18). — This sententious expression, whose touching pathos, coming from the heart, speaks to the heart, may be regarded as an appeal of the writer for the prayers of his brethren in Colossse (verse 3), or as a delicate intimation that in view of his afflictions they should not fail to give due heed to the teachings contained in the Epistle, so as not to add to his sorrows by listening to those who were leading them away from the true faith. THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. INTRODUCTION. EPHESUS, a city of Ionia in Asia Minor, was visited by Paul on his second missionary journey with Aquila and Priscilla. Here he " reasoned with the Jews" in the synagogue, but remained only a short time. Hither came Apollos, " mighty in the Scriptures," and, knowing only the baptism of John, was instructed "more carefully" in ' ' the way of God, ' ' by these companions of the apostle whom he had left there. ' Paul afterwards visited the city again and remained there two years and three months teaching in the synagogue and in the school of Tyrannus. Considerable success appears to have attended his labours here and " the word of the Lord grew mightily and prevailed." 2 The Epistle naturally falls into two principal parts — a doctrinal (i.-iii.) and a practical (iv.-vi.). After the saluta tion the writer proceeds to express gratitude to God for the " spiritual blessings " of the believers, especially blessed in that they have been chosen " before the foundation of the world" to " adoption as sons," and have redemption and forgiveness through the blood of Christ, in whom it was the purpose of God to ' ' sum up all the things in the heavens and upon the earth " (i. 1-14). Special thanks being given for the faith of the Ephesians, the writer takes the occasion 1 Acts xviii. 19-21. 2 Ibid. xix. 20. 123 124 INTRODUCTION furnished by the incidental introduction of the name of Christ to express his conception of the preeminent rank and glory which belong to him in his exaltation " above all rule and authority " (i. 18-23). The gentile readers are congrat ulated on having been brought out of their former mode of life which was ' ' according to the prince of the power of the air," and " raised up " with Christ, so that they are " no more strangers and sojourners," but " fellow-citizens with the saints" (ii. 1-22). The third chapter begins with a reference to i. 1-14 as furnishing occasion for thankfulness and prayer, but the course of thought is immediately broken off by the intrusion of a thought about the gentile Christians (iii. 1-13). The subject is resumed in iii. 13-21. The rest of the Epistle is occupied with various exhortations not easily summarised. The address of the Epistle is doubtful. The words " in Ephesus" stand in all the ancient versions and in all the manuscripts except the Sinaitic and the Vatican. They are omitted in the former, and in the latter are written in the margin by another hand than that of the copyist. Tischen dorf places them in brackets, and remarks that he does not regard them as from the author of the Epistle. Origen's text did not contain them, and Basil the Great says that they were wanting in the text known to his predecessors, and that he had found them to be absent in ancient copies. Jerome was acquainted with this text ; but remarks that others suppose that the saints in Ephesus were addressed. Tertullian says that the orthodox Christians have the Epistle as addressed to the Ephesians, but the heretics as addressed to the Laodiceans. The Epistle contains no internal evi dence of having been addressed to the Ephesians. Ac cording to Acts xviii. 19, 20, xix. 8, 13-16, 34, there was a considerable Jewish-Christian element in the church in Ephesus ; but the Epistle is directed and adapted to gentile- Christian readers (ii. 1, 2, 11-13, 19, iii. 1, 6, iv. 17, 22, v. EPHESIANS "5 8), and scarcely a trace of Jewish readers can be found in it. How the words ' ' in Ephesus ' ' came to be inserted in the text of some ancient manuscripts is altogether a matter of conjecture. Addressed to gentile Christians, one leading object of the Epistle is to show tbat they stand on an equality with the Jewish-Christian believers, and should be fully united with them in the unity of one great Church of Christ. This " body of Christ," its building up, and its oneness must be regarded as the one leading idea to which for the most part the other conceptions of the Epistle are subordinated. Ac cordingly it has been noted that the sections especially devoted to this point (ii. 11-22, iv. 1-16) show the most independence, while other portions are in a greater degree dependent on the Pauline Epistles. A doctrine of the person of Christ is set forth very much after the manner of Colos sians, and he is said to have ascended far above all the heavens, that he might fill all things (iv. 10) ; but the writer does not lose sight of his main object even when touching upon this cosmic greatness of Christ. Rather for him the consummation of all desirable things is that " we all attain unto the unity of the faith," and " grow up in all things into him which is the Head, even Christ" (iv. 13, 15). Christ is indeed " above all rule and authority and power and dominion " as in Colossians, but his exaltation is to the end that he may be " head over all things to the Church, which is his body " (i. 21, 22). He " broke down the middle wall of partition ' ' between Jew and gentile, ' ' that he might reconcile both in one body unto God through the cross." This " one body" is Christ who is "the chief corner-stone, in whom each several building . . . groweth into a holy temple in the Lord " (ii. 20, 21). It is doubtful whether any specific false teaching was in the mind of the writer, against which he wished to warn his readers. The absence of local colour, personal reference, 126 INTRODUCTION greetings, etc., renders it improbable that the Epistle was addressed to a particular church. The writer appears to have in mind the needs of Christians generally in his time with special reference to the one main object previously mentioned and to modes of life which called for exhortation and admonition. The letter has the character of a catholic or general Epistle like i Peter. If we compare the Epistle with those which by the general consensus of New Testament scholars are attributed to Paul, that is, Romans, i and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, 1 Thessa lonians, and Philippians, we find the differences so radical and striking as to suggest a diversity of authorship even on a superficial observation. No one can read it in connection with either one of those mentioned even in a translation without feeling that it is inferior to them in conception, in force of thought, and in strength of style. The supposition that Paul commissioned some one of his companions to write it for him on the basis of the Epistle to the Colossians is rendered improbable by the prominence given to the person ality of the real author who either was Paul, or wished to pass for him (i. 15, iii. 1-13, iv. 1, vi. 19-22). If Paul had associated anyone with him in the composition of the Epistle, that person would probably have been mentioned as is done in Colossians i. 1, to say nothing of the improbability of his having assigned to a disciple the discussion of so grave a matter as that which constitutes the kernel of the Epistle, while he was at leisure in prison. As to the Epistle's hav ing been written by some disciple of Paul's upon a basis supplied by a letter of his, the style and general character exclude this hypothesis, for which there is far less ground in this case than in that of Colossians. Not to dwell on the large number of words never used by Paul, many of which are not elsewhere found in the New Testament, the combinations of terms never made by Paul, and the abundant employment of conceptions seldom found EPHESIANS 127 in the apostle's writings, the entire style of the Epistle is unpauline in its wordiness, its accumulation of synonyms, its stringing together of prepositional phrases of ambiguous reference, and its attaching of genitives whose meaning is conjectural. " Exegetes have long since remarked and em phasised this forced heaping up of substantives, this obscure affluence of expression not always occasioned by an excess of matter or of thought, the broad, wordy, tautological, and often turgid tone, the awkward style, often overloaded with parentheses, in consequence of which sentences are frequently resumed which one has already forgotten." The occasional irregularities of style which Paul permits himself have been well said to be due to the " springing ' ' of his thought, while those of this Epistle, which are the rule rather than the ex ception, are chargeable to the " clinging " of the writer's thought. Not only is the style throughout impossible as an achieve ment of Paul's, but the ideas of the Epistle are in a large measure such as cannot fairly be ascribed to him. The cen tral thought of the Epistle is that of the Church as an indis tinguishable unity of Jews and gentiles. But the relation of the Church to Christ is conceived in a manner unknown to Paul, in whose thought the individual believers are together ' ' one body in Christ. ' ' ' But here Christ is the head of the Church, which is conceived as his " body " (iv. 15, v. 23). The term " body," which was employed by the apostle gen erally for a single church, becomes here a designation of Christianity as a whole. The ' ' churches ' ' of Paul give place to " the Church " as a unity, and the saving work of Christ concerns it as such, while individuals are subordinate to it. It is furthermore contrary to all that we know of Paul from his undisputed Epistles that he should address a letter to the gentile Christians in which the Jews and gentiles are distinguished as here from each other by the frequent " we " ¦Rom. xii. 5 ; 1 Cor. xii. 13. 128 INTRODUCTION and " you." To Paul there was in Christ neither Jew nor gentile.1 The almost entire absence of the great Pauline doctrine of justification through faith is an indication of a time and point of view long after the apostle's polemic on this subject. Paul never uses the expression, " the holy apostles," and it can only be regarded as " the rhetorical product of a time remote from the apostles." The death of Christ, so prominent in the Pauline Epistles, is here retired into the background. In one passage only, which is adopted from Colossians, " redemption through his blood " is mentioned. But the work of Christ is not con ceived in accordance with the Pauline thought. Christ is the immediate reconciling principal, not a means or agent through whom God reconciles (ii. 14, 16). 2 Rather after the manner of Hebrews than of Paul Christ's death is spoken of as an " offering, a sacrifice to God for an odour of a sweet smell " (v. 2). The removal of the law through the death of Christ (ii. 14-16) is in order that the enmity between Jews and gentiles may be taken away, and no stress is laid as in Paul's doctrine on the abolishing of the individual's sin and his reconciliation to God whereby, the law of the Spirit hav ing taken the place of the old law of works, he comes into the freedom of a child of God. The doctrine of the Epistle concerning Christ centres in his relation to the Church as an historical, or perhaps rather cosmical, entity and unity. He " nourishes and cherishes" it (v. 29). As a man shall leave his father and mother, and cleave unto his wife, and the twain shall become one flesh, so with Christ in relation to the Church. He descends from heaven to the earth, and distributes " gifts " to the Church, or establishes officers and determines their functions (iv. 8- 11). Accordingly, he is present in the Church, which in him as " the corner-stone " " groweth into a holy temple in the Lord." Not only is the Church the " body " of Christ, 1 Gal. iii. 28. 2 Rom. v. 10 ; 2 Cor. v. 18. EPHESIANS 129 but his " fulness " 1 (i. 23, iv. 13), " the fulness of him that filleth all in all." This is quite unlike Paul, and finds its explanation only in an historical setting unknown to him, that of a Church seeking for a principle of union in a time when the absorbing question was not as with him how the individual might be saved by faith, but how the Church as a whole might " attain unto the unity ofthe faith " (iv. 13). In accordance with this point of view the problem of the future is not, as in the apostle's thought, concerned with the fortune of the individual believer at the second coming of Christ, and the great consummation is not conceived as effected by the victorious and descending Lord, but through the instrumentality of the Church, his " body." The personal coming of Jesus to judgment, which was so conspicuous an object of Paul's thought and " earnest ex pectation," is not even mentioned in the Epistle. Christ is not himself to put down " all rule and authority and power " of the opposing spirits of evil,2 but it is " through the Church ' ' that ' ' to the principalities and powers in the heavenly places " are to "be made known the manifold wis dom of God." The glorious " age to come " (i. 21, iv. 30) is not indeed lost sight of, but Christ's part in its consum mation is disregarded in the writer's preoccupation with his coming to the Church. The relation of the Epistle to other New Testament writ ings is unique. Its dependence upon the letters traditionally ascribed to Paul is such that it is filled with verbal accords with all of them except 2 Thessalonians and the Pastoral Epistles, 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus. Its relation to Colos sians presents a difficult problem which has received conflict ing solutions. Some portions of it are partly amplifications of Colossians and partly verbal parallels ; some are repro ductions of passages in Colossians ; some are exact parallels. " Out ofthe 155 verses in Ephesians 78 contain expressions 1 nXr'jpoofj.a. 2 1 Cor. xv. 24. 9 _3o INTRODUCTION identical with those in the Colossian letter." Those who regard both Epistles as the work of Paul think that he re produced his own thoughts with the same verbal expression. The improbability of this supposition is apparent to anyone who compares the undisputed Epistles of the apostle with one another. The priority of Colossians and the consequent dependence of Ephesians upon it may be regarded as estab lished beyond reasonable doubt by recent investigations of the most careful and thorough character. On this account as well as for other reasons which need not be given here the opinion must probably be rejected that Colossians is a Pauline Epistle interpolated by the writer of Ephesians. The important differences in the point of view of the two Epistles render it improbable that they were written by the same person. Indications of a late date have already been pointed out in the conception of the Church which is funda mental in the Epistle and in the expression " holy apostles." The declaration that the Church was " built on the founda tion of the apostles and prophets " (ii. 20), the " prophets " in question being those of the early Church, could not have proceeded from Paul who recognised Christ as the ' ' founda tion," and said there could be no other (1 Cor. iii. n), who would not thus speak of himself (for as an apostle he always regarded himself, although " the least " of them), and who, if he wrote this Epistle, declared that he was " less than the least of saints " (iii. 8). The post-apostolic age is indicated in the assignment of a place to " the apostles and prophets," which Paul reserved for Christ alone — a time when they were looked back upon and regarded as " holy " (iii. 5). It is incredible that Paul, who had spent more than two years in Ephesus teaching and " reasoning," should express a doubt as to whether the Ephesian Christians had " heard of the dispensation of that grace of God given to him to ward " them, that is, his apostleship to the gentiles given by " revelation " (iii. 2), and that he should refer them to a EPHESIANS 131 portion of the Epistle itself that they might " perceive his understanding in the mystery of Christ ' ' (iii. 4), that is, "that the gentiles are fellow-heirs," etc. This doctrine was the central idea of the apostle's ministry, and could not have been unknown in Ephesus, where it must have been repeatedly proclaimed from his own lips. The reference to it here as something that the Ephesians were to learn appa rently for the first time from the Epistle itself places the spuriousness of the letter beyond reasonable doubt. No data exist for determining the authorship of the Epistle. That it was written by a man who was in touch with Paul ine ideas is evident. The author was probably a disciple of the apostle's, who, in accordance with the notions of the times, deemed it neither a wrong nor a fraud to use his mas ter's name in order to promote his ideas. Pseudonymous writings were not exceptional in the later Jewish literature, particularly the apocalyptic sort to which this Epistle is kin dred, and to make the great men of the past speak to the present generation was regarded as legitimate and praise worthy, provided their message promoted the cause of piety. The author has been well described as " a man of unusual rhetorical gifts, high mental culture, speculative flight of thought, mystic inwardness of piety, a fine understanding for the ethical consequences of the new religion, and the capacity of a genius as well for taking up and independently working over the thought of others as for grasping at the decisive point the needs of the time and leading to their sat isfaction." The place from which the Epistle was written is altogether conjectural. The time of its composition was probably the end of the first century or the beginning of the second, possibly as late as a.d. 140. THE EPISTLE TO THE EPHESIANS. EXPOSITION. After the greeting in the Pauline style (i. I, 2) the portion i. 3-14 may be regarded as constituting the introduction. The construction is involved and difficult. Verses 3-6 contain mention of the blessings of the believers, of the ground of them in the foreknowledge of God, and of the end in " adoption "; 7-10 set forth the means of their redemp tion and emphasise the idea of the divine purpose mentioned in 3-6 ; 11 and 12 and 13 and 14 compose two parallel groups, each connected by " in him ' ' and ' ' in whom ' ' with the closing words of verse 6, each terminating with ' ' to the praise of his glory " repeated from verse 6 and containing many of the ideas expressed in the section 3-6. Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ (i. 3). — This formula is precisely that employed in 1 Corinthi ans i. 3. Who hath blessed us with every spiritual blessing in the heavenly places in Christ (i. 3). — Spiritual blessings is a term for the charisms or gifts which were believed in the early Church to be communicated by the Spirit of God or the Holy Spirit. Hence they are called "spiritual" from their source.1 In the heavenly places (i. 3) is to be understood literally as designating the locality where God was supposed to dwell 1 Rom. xii. 6 ; 1 Cor. i. 7, xii. 1, 4, 31 ; 1 Pet. iv. 10. 133 i34 EPHESIANS i. 3"5- according to 2 Maccabees iii. 39. Spiritual blessings were conceived to be in the heavenly places with God, and to de scend thence upon the believers. The expression, which occurs five times (i. 3, 20, ii. 6, iii. 10, vi. 12) in this Epistle, is not used by Paul. In Christ (i. 3), that is, as the ground of all Christian blessedness. Outside of him God would bestow no such " gifts." Even as He chose us in him before the foundation of the world (i. 4). — The author here adopts the Pauline theology according to which those who were to become Christians were chosen by God. The "called according to His purpose ' ' were " foreknown," and " foreordained to be conformed to the image of His Son." ' In him (i. 4) is used as in verse 3. The formula "in Christ " or " in the Lord " is characteristic of the writer, and occurs thirty times in the Epistle. The preexistence of Christ is probably implied here, in accordance with 2 Tim. i. 9, 1 Pet. i. 20. This election was before the foundation ofthe world, that is, prior to the beginning of time or in eternity.2 The expression is not used by Paul.3 Having foreordained us unto adoption as sons (i. 5). — Some read " in love" with this clause instead of with the preced ing. The adoption as sons to which the Christians are con ceived to be pre-ordained can only be realised through Christ, that is, through his mediation, the " redemption through his blood" (verse 7). Only those who "through faith" re ceive him as " set forth by means of his blood to be a pro pitiation," 4 become sons in the sense here intended.6 This is the Pauline point of view respecting the spiritual sonship of men. The method of Jesus is simpler, requiring only love of enemies.6 1 Rom. viii. 28-30. * Rom. iii. 25. 2 1 Cor. ii. 7 ; 2 Thess. ii. 13. 5 Gal. iii. 26, iv. 5. 3 See John xvii. 24 ; Heb. iv. 3. 6 Matt. v. 45. i. 5-9. EPHESIANS 135 According to the good pleasure of His will (i. 5). — Man's will in the matter is not taken into the account. To the praise of the glory of His grace (i. 6).— The object of the foreordination of the believers is regarded as the glory of God according to Phil. i. 11. Bestowed on us in the Be loved, that is, Christ, the " beloved Son." * The Greek word here employed is not elsewhere used in the New Testa ment in reference to Christ.2 In whom we have our redemption through his blood, the for giveness of our trespasses (i. 7)- — Through the blood oi Christ the believers are regarded as ' ' bought off ' ' from the penalty of sin, or the consequences of " the wrath of God." 3 The doctrine is distinctively Pauline.4 Trespasses is used to de signate individual transgressions, and there is no question of " original sin " here. The word rendered forgiveness does not occur in the undisputed Epistles of Paul.6 Having made known unto us the mystery of His will (i. 9), that is, the mystery which concerns His will, and is depend ent on it. This is the divine decree of redemption through Christ, and is a mystery in the sense that it was hidden in the eternal counsels of God until made known through the gospel." According to His good pleasure (i. 9) is to be connected with 1 Mark i. ii, ix. 7 ; John iii. 35 ; Col. i. 13. 2 fjy aitafiev oS. ' Rom. i. 18. 4 Rom. iii. 22-27, v- 9 ; 1 Cor. vi. 20 ; 2 Cor. v. 21. The attempt is futile to make it appear that ditoXvrpoodii means simply the deliver ance of men from sin by means of the ethical influence of Jesus, and not their ransom " through his blood," that is, by his satisfaction of the demands of the law on the cross. The word belongs to an antique mode of thought, and must be interpreted with reference to it, and not forced into accord with a rationalising Christian philosophy. The original, antique, unadulterated doctrine of atonement came into the New Testament through Paul from Judaism, and it is not for us to interpret it out ofthe New Testament because we do not believe it. Dr. T. K. Abbott devotes several pages to this inachievable task. 6 Col. i. 14. 6Rom. xvi. 25 ; Col. i. 26. 136 EPHESIANS \. 10. made known (see verse 5). Which He purposed in him. The text is uncertain here, and it is doubtful whether the proper rendering is "in him " [Christ], or " in Himself" [God]. "In him " has the analogy of verse 4 in its favour. Unto a dispensation of the fulness of the times (i. 10). — Unto denotes the object in view in the purpose of God. Ofthe fulness of the times defines the dispensation as a fulness-of- the-times dispensation, that is, an economy which was to be instituted when the time was fully come. The term desig nates the completion of the pre- Messianic age or world-period which was conceived as about to come to an end when Christ should appear the " second time unto salvation " (Heb. ix. 28). As a significant event in this pre-Messianic age the first coming of Jesus into the world is said in Galatians iv. 4 to have taken place " when the fulness of the time came." To sum up all things in Christ, the things in the heavens and the things upon the earth (i. 10). — The word rendered to sum up means "to bring together again for Himself into one." All things are conceived to find themselves again in right re lations in Christ, who is the principle of unity, "the Head" (verse 22). A kindred idea is expressed by Paul,1 although there the triumph of Christ is conceived as resulting from an abolishing and subjection of opposing powers. The term in question is not adequately rendered without " again " or its equivalent. Restoration to a former condition is implied in it, and the idea of the writer appears to have been that a primal condition of unity and harmony had been disturbed by the entrance of sin into the world. The " heavenly places' ' also had been affected by the same curse that had de vastated the earth, for some ' ' angels ' ' had ' ' left their proper habitation," and constituted a realm of demonic powers.2 The " creation," the material world, was supposed to have been disturbed by the sin of man so that it was " in the bondage of corruption." ' In the " consummation of the 1 1 Cor. xv. 24, 28. 3 Jude 6. 3Rom. viii. 19-21, i. io. EPHESIANS 137 age," at " the fulness of the times," the sin- tainted regions of the heavens, the abode of ' ' the prince of the powers of the air," of " the principalities and powers and world-rulers of this darkness" (ii. 2, vi. 12), and the old earth, which with the rest of the ' ' creation ' ' was groaning and travailing in pain,1 would be abolished, the heavens passing away " with a great noise " and the earth being " burned up." 2 In their place "according to His promise " the early Christ ians " looked for new heavens and a new earth wherein dwelleth righteousness." 3 At his second coming, which was believed to be in the near future, it was thought that Christ, or rather God through him, would resolve all this discord into a divine unity of righteousness, and " bring to gether again all things in one." Then the triumphant Son would ' ' deliver up the kingdom to God, ' ' that He may be " all in all." * " All things" must be understood as in cluding not only the disturbed natural order of existence, the " creation," which was conceived to be in " bondage," but also the realm of moral and spiritual being, and hence all men and angels good and bad. Taken by itself, the passage may be interpreted in accordance with the doctrine of universal restoration, including the demons, as Origen understood it. But if this was the writer's thought he was not in accord with other Christian authors of his time who said nothing of saving the devil and other fallen angels, but spoke only of their "judgment." 5 As to the fortune of wicked men or unbelievers at the second coming of Christ, such terms are used as "vengeance," " punishment," " eternal destruction," and " sudden destruction." 6 This aspect of the subject is not, however, of importance for modern Christian doctrine, since the end of the world, which these writers had in mind, was expected soon to come, and in the temporary and transient character of their belief their speculations about the issues 1 Rom. viii. 22. ' 2 Pet. iii. 10. 3Rom. viii. 21 ; 2 Pet. iii. 13. 4 1 Cor. xv. 24, 28. * 2 Pet. ii. 4 ; Jude 6; Rev. xx. 1-3. 6 1 Thess. v. 3 ; 2 Thess. i. 8, 9 ; 2 Pet. ii. 21. 138 EPHESIANS i. n-14. ofthe event must be involved. Origen's doctrine may, however, be a legitimate inference from the spirit of the passage. In him, I say, in whom also we were made a heritage (i. II). — We designates Christians in general. The heritage is the Messianic kingdom, of which the believers were regarded as the inheritors, and into the possession and enjoyment of which they expected soon to enter, when Christ should come to establish it. Having been foreordained according to the purpose of Him who worketh all things after the counsel of His will (i. II). — The same idea is contained in verse 5, only that here the issue ofthe " adoption as sons " is brought forward. Here also the glory of God is made the end in view in the divine predestination (see verse 6). We who had before hoped in Christ (i. 12). — We refers to the Jewish Christians who as Jews had had a hope in a Mes siah prior to the coming of Jesus, whom they, when they became Christians, regarded as the fulfilment of the Messi anic prophecies. Ye were sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise (i. 13). — In this verse the writer addresses gentile Christians, assuring them that, since they had believed in Christ, they were sealed, that is, confirmed as heirs of the Messianic kingdom. The reception of the Holy Spirit of promise, or the promised Holy Spirit, was the evidence of their being sealed, and in possessing it they have an earnest of their inheritance, since they were sealed unto the redemption of God's own possession (i. 13, 14), or to a share in the blessedness of Christ's king dom when he should come again. God's own possession is His people, and here designates the Christians who are re garded as a possession acquired by God through the atone ment of Christ.1 The writer now proceeds to express his thanks to God for the Ephesians on account of their faith and to say that he prays they 1 1 Pet. ii. 9. i. 17, 18. EPHESIANS 139 may have a spirit of wisdom, and understand how much is involved for them in the exaltation of Christ. They have been quickened who formerly walked according to the course of this world, and have been raised up with Christ. The section constitutes a transi tion from the preceding introduction to the principal portion of the Epistle and comprises i. 15 ii. 10. That the God of our Lord Jesus Christ (i. 17). — That ex presses the object of the prayer. While " God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ " is a common formula, this ex pression is not used by Paul. " My God " in the mouth of Christ occurs in John xx. 17 and Rev. iii. 2, 12. Father of glory is also foreign to Paul, though he uses " Lord of glory " ' and " Father of mercies." 2 Glory is a favourite word with the writer of the Epistle. Spirit of wisdom and revelation (i. 17), that is, the Spirit of God, or the Holy Spirit.3 Revelation is a fitting term with reference especially to the " mystery " (verse 9)." In the knowledge of Him, that is, God. Having the eyes of your heart enlightened (i. 18). — Heart is a term which in biblical usage denotes in general ' ' the centre and seat of spiritual life, the soul or mind," and often the understanding, the faculty of intelligence. The eyes of the heart is a figurative designation of the knowing faculties which are illuminated hy the divine truth.6 In the Pauline psychology, which had no scientific expression, and in which a loose popular usage often obscures the meaning of the terms, heart (xapSi'a) denotes in general " the inward man." Moral fuuctious are attributed to it, since it may be " darkened " and "im penitent " (Rom. i. 21, ii. 5). It is a point of attachment for the spiritual life which comes through the divine Spirit (see " circumcision ofthe heart," love of God in the heart through the Holy Spirit, Rom. ii. 29, v. 5). It is the seat ofthe feelings and affections, grief, sorrow, 1 1 Cor. ii. 8. 3 1 Cor. ii. 10, xii. 7-12. * 2 Cor. i. 3. 4 See 1 Cor. xiv. 6, 26. 6 Ibid. iv. 6 ; Rom. i. 21 ; Heb. iv. 12 ; Phil. iv. 7 ; 2 Pet. i. 19. 140 EPHESIANS i. 18-20. etc.1 The function of volition is ascribed to it in I Cor. iv. 5, holi ness in 1 Thess. iii. 13, cf. Eph. iv. 18. Iu Rom. ii. 15 "the work of the law" is said to be "written in the heart." As in the passage under consideration, the functions of the intellect are said to belong to it. The questioning thought arises in it 2 ; it is "senseless," that is, without understanding in some cases (Rom. i. 21) ; a "veil "is upon it ' ; compare " eyes of the heart." 4 The suggestion is worthy of note that a physical movement in the region of the heart in con nection with the inward phenomena mentioned may have occasioned the usages in question. That ye may know what is the hope of His calling (i. 1 8) may mean ' ' what a glorious hope is his who is called of God to the blessedness of the Messianic kingdom, " or " what a hoped-for object that kingdom is to which He calls." His inheritance in the saints, that. is, the inheritance which comes from God, and which in the Messianic kingdom to which the writer looks forward will be the portion of the saitits or the believers at the second coming of Christ in " glory." 6 The expression, in the [his] saints is not found in Paul. The writer now proceeds to show how the object of the be lievers' hope, the glorious " inheritance," is to be effected, that is, by the greatness of the power of God, which is also one of the things which he wishes them to " know." These they will be able relatively to measure when they consider the strength of His might which He wrought in Christ, when He raised him from the dead, and made him to sit at His right hand in the heavenly places (i. 19, 20). Heaven or the heavens, regarded as a locality, were believed to be the abode of Jesus after his resurrection, until he should soon return to the earth in the glory of his Parousia, or second coming " in his kingdom." " After the manner of the author of Colossians the writer 'Rom. ix. 2, x. i. ; 2 Cor. ii. 4, vi. 11, vii. 3. 4Eph. i. 18. 2 Rom. x. 6. 6 1 Cor. vi. 9, xv. 50 ; Gal. v. 21 ; Eph. v. 5. a2 Cor. iii. 15. "Acts i. 11, iii. 21 ; 1 Thess. iv. 16 ; 1 Pet. iii. 21. i. 21-23. EPHESIANS 141 exalts Christ in his heavenly estate "far above all rule and authority, and power and dominion (i. 2l), that is, above all the ranks or orders of angelic beings. According to the Jewish mythology personal existences and not abstract potencies must be understood by these terms. The writer probably mentions the different orders in accordance with their supposed rank beginning with the highest. The ' ' thrones ' ' mentioned in the parallel passage in Colossians (i. 16) are omitted here. These and the " authorities " were believed to occupy the seventh heaven. And every name that is named, not only in this world, but in that which is to come (i. 2l). — As if the list of celestial beings which had been given might not be exhaustive, the possi bility that any created existence should be above Jesus in his exaltation at the right hand of God is cut off by this declaration. In this world, refers to the then present or pre- Messianic age, and that which is to come to the Messianic age when Jesus was looked for from heaven " with his angels." And He put all things in subjection under his feet, and gave him to be head over all things to the Church, which is his body, the fulness of him that filleth all in all (i. 22, 23). — The first clause is quoted from 1 Cor. xv. 27, where it is a repro duction of Ps. viii. 6. In the Psalm the words are used with reference to man, and their application to Christ in these two passages is in accordance with a method of inter pretation prevalent in the early Church and known as the allegorical. By means of it the interpreter found in the Old Testament whatever he wished to find. Conspicuous examples of this method are contained in the Epistle to the Hebrews. As head over all things to the Church (i. 22), he is of course its head (Col. i. 18, ii. 19), and guarantees to it, which is his body (ii. 16, iv. 4, 12, 16, v. 23, 30), complete security for all its interests and its future. As the fulness of him, the Church is that which is filled with Christ, inasmuch as it is permeated i42 EPHESIANS i. 22. and quickened by his indwelling spirit and power.1 This Christ who fills the Church is also the one who filleth all with all, that is, filleth all things with all things, is the all- sustaining principle and ground of all being, material and spiritual,2 since, according to Col. i. 16, " all things have been created through him and unto him, . . . and in him all things consist." This assignment of a cosmic position to Christ, the position of a universal creative and sustaining principle, is a peculiarity of Hebrews, Colossians, and Ephesians. In this respect they go beyond Paul iu the exaltation of Christ, though the apostle's undisputed writings contain expressions which may be regarded as suggestions of this doctrine. As it is formulated in these Epistles it has the appearance of a development of Pauline conceptions under the influence of, and in opposition to, speculations, perhaps those of the Gnostics, which tended to _. subordination of Christ. It is peculiar to Ephesians, however, that the writer prominently connects the Church with Christ and his function in this cosmic position. It appears from iv. 7-13 that the Church has an agency in the bringing together in one of all things in heaven and on earth (i. 10). It is through the Church that the eternal purpose of God in Christ is to be "made known to the principalities and powers in the heavenly places " (iii. 10), and the contest of the Church is declared to be against the demonic powers, "the world-rulers of this darkness, the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places " (vi. 11, 12). Christ is the head of the Church, and it as his body, " the fulness of him," subserves the eud which he is to accomplish through the "attaining unto the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ " (iv. 13) on the part of the believers. The expression (TtXr/pao/xa), or fulness of Christ, is capable of two meanings : Christ may be the one who fills, or the one who is filled, and the Church as "the fulness of him" may signify that it is full of him, or that it fills him. The idea, however, of the indwelling of Christ in the believers, which is frequently expressed in the New Testament, and especially in iii. 16, favours the former interpretation. The doctrine of the Epistle, then, is that Christ fills the Church, is its head, uses it as his " body " for the accomplishment of the mission with which he is charged in his cosmic position. In 1 Rom. viii. 9, 10; 2 Cor. iii. 17 ; Col. i. 27. 2Heb. i. 3. ii. 1, 2. EPHESIANS 143 Colossians the believers are said to be " made full in Christ, who is the head of all principality and power," in immediate connection with the declaration that " in him dwelleth all the fulness of the God head bodily." " To be filled with Christ is, accordingly, to be full of God ; and our Epistle presents a conception parallel to this in iii. 19, "that ye may be filled unto all the fulness of God." But here, in accordance with the central idea of the Epistle, it is not the individ ual merely, but the Church as a divine unity charged with a mission of cosmic significance, that is thus God-filled. And you did He quicken when ye were dead in trespasses and sins (ii. 1). — In has the sense " by reason of." Trespasses and sins are in fact synonymous as used here, since both denote individual transgressions, and the expression is re dundant. The gentile Christians here addressed are repre sented as having been dead in their former condition of unbelief. The term must be understood as anticipatory rather than as expressive of an actual ethical condition. In the usage of Paul and his school the death of the body is the consequence of Adam's sin. To this all men are subject without regard to their spiritual condition. But this uni versal sinful condition together with individual transgres sions entails another kind of death, unless men are redeemed from it in being redeemed from sin through the atonement of Christ accepted and appropriated by faith. This sort of death was understood to be exclusion from the condition of the blessed in the Messianic kingdom, at the advent of which " the dead in Christ " or those who had physically died in belief in him would be ' ' raised ' ' and the living believers ' ' changed ' ' by putting off the ' ' corruptible ' ' body and putting on ' ' incorruption. ' ' This was believed to be " life, ' ' the opposite of " death " in this latter sense.2 According to the course of this world, according to the prince of the power of the air (ii. 2), literally, " according to the age of this world. ' ' The expression means simply ' ' this present 1 Col. ii. 9, 10. '' 1 Cor. xv. 23, 51 ; Rom. vii. 10, 13 ; John v. 24, i44 EPHESIANS ii. 2, 3. age, ' ' or the pre-Messianic world-period, a characteristic of which was wickedness,1 while " the age to come," or that of the reign of Christ after his second coming, was conceived to be one of righteousness. The prince of the power of the air (ii. 2) is an expression for the chief or ruler of the demons or satanic agencies who, in accordance with Jewish mythological conceptions, had their abode in the air. Of the spirit that now worketh in the sons of disobedience (ii. 2). — Spirit depends upon prince. Satan is the prince of the power of the air and also of the spirit of evil conceived as working in men for their moral corruption, perhaps not as a personality, but as an influence emanating from the devil, as the Holy Spirit emanates from God. Or since power in the first clause is a collective term for evil spirits, spirit in the second clause may be construed as in apposition with it. Were by nature children of wrath even as the rest (ii. 3). — After having spoken of the sinfulness of the gentile Christ ians prior to their conversion whom he addresses as " you " (verse 1), the writer now includes all Jewish Christians in the general corruption of mankind,2 and declares that the latter were by nature children of wrath, that is, subject to the wrath of God, which expresses itself in punishment, or ultimately in exclusion from the blessedness of the Messianic kingdom. The meaning of by nature must be determined from the con text. That it is not the same as in Gal. ii. 15 (" Jews by nature ") is probable, since in verses 1 and 5 the " death " to which gentiles and Jews are said to be subject is declared to have resulted from trespasses. The idea of inborn or native depravity is incompatible with this teaching, which is ac cording to the Pauline doctrine of sin. Paul says that in the great day of the Messianic judgment God " will render to every man according to his works . . . wrath, indig- 1 Rom. xii. 2 ; 2 Cor. iv. 4 ; Eph. vi. 12. s Rom. i.-iii. ii. 5, 6. EPHESIANS 145 nation, etc., upon every soul of man that worketh evil." 1 It is possible, however, that contrary to Rom. ix. 4, xi. 21, 24 the writer intended to place Jews and gentiles upon the same footing, and to declare that the former were sinners by nature, that is, apart from their covenant-condition, into which they did not come by nature, but only through the rite of circumcision. The purpose to bring Jewish and gentile Christians nearer together is served by this method of argument. Quickened us together with Christ (by grace have ye been saved) and raised us up with him (ii. 5, 6). — Us here includes Jewish and gentile Christians. Quickened us together with him has the same meaning as in Col. ii. 13. To be given life together with Christ expresses the opposite of" death," and accordingly means, made to share with him the blessed ness of the kingdom which he was expected soon to come to establish. This " life " so near and so certain to the early Christians is spoken of as already entered upon. In verse 7 it is referred to as to be consummated ' ' in the ages to come, ' ' or the Messianic world-period. This context and that of i. 18 exclude the interpretation in the sense of an ethical mak ing alive of which there is no intimation in the passage or in its connection. The Pauline usage is preponderatingly in accord with the interpretation here favoured. By grace, the writer informs his readers, in accordance with the Pauline doctrine,2 are they to become partakers of this Messianic salvation. The Pauline doctrine that upon the resurrection of Christ depends the believers' hope of a resurrection at his second coming (Paul does not clearly teach the resurrection of any but those who had died " in Christ ") is expressed in raised us up with him. This expression occurs only in Col. ii. 12, iii. 1. And made us to sit with him in the heavenly places in 1 Rom. ii. 5-10; see also Rom. i. 18, vii. 7. 2 1 Cor. xv. 10. See Cone, " Paul, the Man," etc., chap. ix. i46 EPHESIANS ii. 6-10. Christ Jesus (ii. 6). As Christ had been exalted to the heavenly regions (i. 20), the believers who are to be par takers ofthe " life " in the coming kingdom are conceived as destined to share in his dominion, according to the thought of one of the writers contemporary with our author : " If we endure, we shall also reign with him." ' Paul also assigned the believers to a position of exalted dignity in the Messianic reign, when he declared that they would judge " the saints " and " angels." 2 That in the ages to come (ii. 7). — These words do not occur elsewhere in the New Testament in the Greek form here employed. They are an expression for the Messianic age, which was to be ushered in, as was believed, by the second coming of Christ. The singular form, " the age to come," is of frequent occurrence. For by grace have ye been saved through faith, etc. (ii. 8, 9). —This is the Pauline doctrine, though Paul never employs the Greek perfect participle used here (see verse 5). Faith in the atonement made by Christ is the condition required on the part of man of participation in the Messianic salvation which was conceived as consisting of the blessedness of the kingdom soon to come.3 Grace was God's part in the trans action. To Him so far as His justice was related to the sinner, Christ was ' ' the end of the law, ' ' as well as to the believer,4 and He could be gracious to the sinner because Christ had satisfied the law. For we are His workmanship, created in Christ Jesus Jor good works, etc. (ii. 10). — The argument is that the believers could not of themselves or through works have obtained the salvation of the Messianic kingdom, for what they then were as Christians they owed to God who had created them in Christ for good works. Compare the words of Paul : " If any 1 Tim. ii. 12. 3Rom. iii. 25, xi. 32 ; Gal. ii. 16. 2 1 Cor. vi. 2. 4Rom. x. 4. ii. 10-12. EPHESIANS 147 mau is in Christ he is a new creature. ' ' ' Good works, ac cording to this doctrine, followed naturally after a man had become a "new creation" in "Christ,"2 but salvation could not be gained by any ' ' works ' ' that he might do be fore. The " salvation " which these writers had in mind was admission to the Messianic kingdom, when Christ should come again — a state of blessedness which might well be re garded as a " gift of God." It was not character, which must be acquired by works and cannot be a " gift." Which God afore prepared that we should walk in them (ii. 10). — This is perhaps equivalent to " prepared us for good works." Since the redeemed believer, the believer in the state of redemption, is God's creation, the " good works" which he in that condition performs must be attributed to God or prepared by Him. The peace between Jews and gentiles and the union of both in one body or the Church as the result of Christ's atonement con stitutes the subject ofthe next section (ii. 11-22). Wherefore remember (ii. II). — A conclusion from verses 4-10, that is, since you have been favoured with so great a grace, and have so splendid a promise for the future, bear in mind that you gentiles, who are jeered at by the Jews as uncircumcised, were at that time separate from Christ, alienated from the commonwealth of Israel. It is uncertain to what period at that time (ii. 12) refers. The separation of the gentiles from Christ may be that which existed prior to his earthly mission, in which case the gentiles as a class historically regarded, and not those ad dressed, would be meant. Or reference may be had only to the gentiles living since the beginning of Christ's mission and to their condition prior to their conversion to Christianity. The object of the passage evidently is to show the advantage of the Jews and the disadvantage of the gentiles with refer- 1 2 Cor. v. 17 ; Gal. vi. 15. e 2 Cor. ix. 8. 148 EPHESIANS ii. 12, 13. ence to Christ and Christian salvation. So far as the Jews believed in a Messiah, " had before hoped in Christ " (i. 12), they might be said in a sense not to have been apart from Christ. But to be apart from him in this sense has no rela tion to the acceptance of the historical Christ, which is the question here. The idea that the Jews had any advantage over the Gentiles in this latter relation is not in accord with Paul.1 Strangers from the covenants of the promise (ii. 12). — The covenants with the patriarchs and especially with Abraham are meant. Paul speaks of the Israelites as having " the adoption and the glory and the covenants and the giving of the law and the service of God and the promises." 2 The covenants of the promise is an expression for the covenant by preeminence, that of the Messianic deliverance of the people, which Paul by the allegorical method of interpretation refers to the historical Jesus.3 See Gen. xii. 2, 3, 7, xiii. 15, xv. 18. Without God in the world (ii. 12). — Atheoi (adeoi) occurs here only in the New Testament, and probably means that they had no God (since their gods were " no gods " l), and hence were without the sense of protection and support which the believer in the true God has. The question may here be raised, but cannot be discussed, whether this sweeping judgment on the gentiles does not require modification with reference to some conspicuously devout men among them. But now in Christ Jesus ye that were once afar off are made nigh in the blood of Christ (ii. 13). — In Christ is the effective power which brings nigh them that were afar off, " without hope and without God." In the blood of Christ, that is, by means of his atoning sacrifice, expresses the manner in which the Gentiles were brought nigh. ¦Rom. ix. 30. "Gal. iii. 15-18. iIbid. ix. 4. 4Ibid.iv.8. ii. 14, 15. EPHESIANS 149 For he is our peace, who made both one (ii. 14). — He is em phatic, he himself. The peace is ours, that is, is a peace between Jews and gentiles so far as they become Christians, according to Gal. iii. 28 ; Col. iii. n. 1 This is not peace with God in the Pauline sense, but the making of both one. And brake down the middle wall of partition (ii. 14), that is, which consisted of a partition. This is explained as the enmity abolished in his flesh (ii. 15), or in his death.2 This consummation can be no other than the union of Jewish and gentile Christians in one re ligious fellowship in which there is no longer either Jew or Greek. Even the law of commandments contained in ordinances (ii. 15). — The Mosaic law was, in the death of Christ who be came its " end," rendered ineffective, so far as it was the occasion of " enmity " between Jews and gentiles, when both uecame Christians, since for them then the law no longer existed, they being in the dispensation of "grace" and under " the law of the spirit of life." 3 The accumulation of terms in the phrase " the law of commandments in ordi nances " is foreign to the style of Paul. The teaching, too, that in Christ's death the law was abolished with reference to the relations of Jews and gentiles is not Pauline. Its historical setting is that of a later time when the idea of the Church as a unity was predominant. One new man (ii. 15), " neither Jew nor Greek." In ac cepting Christianity both have laid aside their distinguishing religious and social peculiarities. Perhaps " the new man " 4 suggested the idea, and the writer conceived the Jewish and gentile Christians as having " put on the new man," Christ, and in addition to have become one in the unity of a common Church. 'See Col. iii. 15, where "peace" is employed with a different application. 3Rom. viii. 2. 2 Col. i. 24. 4Col. iii. 10. i5o EPHESIANS ii. 16-20. Reconcile them both in one body unto God through the cross (ii. 16). — The reconciliation is not of the two to each other, but of both to God in the sense that His " wrath " (ii. 3) is removed on account ofthe " propitiation " offered by Christ through the cross, and " grace " prevails in its place.1 The sense of in one body is doubtful. It may mean " in Christ," who is incorporated in the one new man having been ' ' put on " by both Jews and gentiles, and who ' ' in his flesh ' ' has done away with the " enmity " formerly existing between them ; or it may mean in the Church, which is regarded as Christ's " body." If the former view be adopted the words through his cross appear to be superfluous, and this circum stance together with the analogy of the use of" body " in the Epistle inclines the judgment to the latter interpretation. In either case while the idea of atonement is Pauline, that of peace between the two parties goes beyond Paul. And he came, and preached peace to you that were afar off and peace to them that were nigh (ii. 17), that is, to gentiles and to Jews. A series of acts is implied in the establishment of the peace (vv. 14-16) " through the cross " and afterward the preaching of it. Hence it cannot be the personal preach ing by Christ himself that is meant, and we have our choice between the promulgation of it through the Church, whose head he is, or, by the Holy Spirit manifested through the believers. For through him we both have our access in one Spirit unto the Father (ii. 18). — Since according to verse 3 both Jews and gentiles were ' ' children of wrath, ' ' and as such could not have access to God whose disposition was not favourable to their reception, it was conceived to be through Christ that the hindrance was removed in his atoning sacrifice for sin.2 One Spirit. See i. 14, and the commentary on the passage. Built upon the foundation of the apostles and prophets (ii. 20).— " The household of God" (verse 19) probably sug- 1 Col. i. 22 ; Rom. v. 10 ; 2 Cor. v. 18. 2Rom. v. i, 2. ii. 21. EPHESIANS 151 gested to the writer the figure here employed. The founda tion ofthe apostles and prophets may mean either the foundation laid by them, or the foundation which they are. The fact that Paul says, " I laid a foundation,"1 is not a reason for the former interpretation; for Paul's "foundation" was Christ, and the passage under consideration was probably suggested by that in Corinthians, but altered in correspond ence with the expression " holy apostles and prophets " (iii. 5) in accordance with the point of view of a later age. The prophets were undoubtedly those of the primitive Church, but that Paul should have ranked them with the apostles is in the highest degree improbable. Just as Paul, moreover, makes the ' ' foundation ' ' personal in Christ, so here it is personal in the apostles and prophets, but the divergence from Paul is evident. In whom each several building, fitly framed together groweth into a holy temple in the Lord (ii. 2l). — The chief corner-stone is Christ2 in whom, etc. It is doubtful whether each several building is the correct rendering in the sense of the several distinct churches, since the writer nowhere refers to sin gle churches along with the one Church. This interpreta tion is, however, grammatical. On the other hand the Greek does not admit of the rendering " the whole build ing " regarded as a unity or totality. But "all the building " considered with reference to its parts, especially the Jewish and gentile Christians, is probably the writer's meaning. Groweth into a holy temple in the Lord (ii. 21). — The Church in its completed form is the holy temple in the Lord, Christ. Since but one temple was known to the Jewish religion from which the term is taken, the holy temple is probably the correct rendering. The article in the Greek was not essen tial to the expression of this idea. It is futile to inquire whether in the Lord is to be connected with growth, with 1 1 Cor. iii. 10. 2 1 Pet. ii. 6. 152 EPHESIANS ii. 22-iii. 3. holy, or with holy temple. In Christ the temple has its ex istence or its growth, and out of him there would be no Church, no " life." In whom ye also are builded together for a habitation of God in the Spirit (ii. 22). — Ye also, asapart of "all the building." For (or unto) a habitation of God in the Spirit. By means of the Spirit dwelling in your church (1 Cor. iii. 16 ; 2 Cor. vi. 16). The writer, personating Paul, expounds the ministry to the gen tiles, and prays that his readers may be strengthened in the inward man, and grounded in love, etc. (iii. 1-21). For this cause (iii. 1). — The sentence begun with these words is broken off at gentiles, and resumed with verse 14. If so be that ye have heard of the dispensation of that grace of ' God which was given me to you-ward (iii. 2).1 — The personal acquaintance of the Ephesian Church with the writer is ex cluded by these words. The most that the particle can mean here is " if indeed," " on the assumption that " — a form of expression highly improbable in the case of a teacher who had lived for more than two years among the persons ad dressed. Paul could not have so written to any church with the establishment of which he had been connected. On grace of God see Gal. ii. 9; Rom. xii. 3, xv. 15; 1 Cor. i. 4, and in connection with ii. 20, 21, see 1 Cor. iii. 10. The dis pensation was in the grace of God. How that by revelation was made known unto me the mystery (iii. 3). — The writer essentially employs Paul's expression as" to the manner in which the ministry to the gentiles was made known to him, but he modifies it from " through revel ation" to " according to revelation," or "in the form of revelation" by a change of the Greek preposition." The 1 Col. i. 25. " xard ditoxdXvipiv instead of Si djtoxaXvfEcoi. See Gal. ii. 12. iii. 3-7. EPHESIANS 153 mystery is the idea of the inclusion of the gentiles in the Messianic kingdom.1 As I wrote before in a few words (iii. 3). — The reference is to a preceding portion of the Epistle as in 1 Pet. v. 12. Probably the section which the writer had in mind includes i. 20-ii. 22. Whereby when ye read ye can perceive my understanding in the mystery of Christ (iii. 4). — See Col. ii. 2. Paul would not have been likely to refer to his letter to prove to readers who had known him that he had an understanding of the great subject of his ministry. His holy apostles arid prophets in the Spirit (iii. 5). — As in ii. 20, prophets refers to those of the Christians who had the charism or ' ' gift " of prophecy.2 Paul could not have men tioned these persons with the apostles, and would hardly have applied to either or both the epithet holy. That the gentiles are fellow-heirs and fellow-members of the body (iii. 6). — This is the " mystery " " not made known in other generations unto the sons of men. " 3 As fellow-heirs the gentiles were to be admitted with the Jews, to whom belonged the promise,4 to the blessedness of the Messianic kingdom. Thus they would become fellow -partakers of the promise, though out of Christ they had been " strangers from the covenants of the promise " (ii. 12). This fortune was to be theirs in Christ Jesus through the gospel. WhereoJ I was made a minister (iii. 7)- — The word is Staxovos, which according to Trench " represents the serv ant in his activity for the work, not in his relation either servile, as that of the SovXos, servant, slave, or more volun tary, as in the case of the depart wv to a person." The English derivative is ' ' deacon. ' ' Paul once uses vnn pirns, " which like Siowovos denotes the relation of servant, service, 1 See i. 9 and iii. 6. 8 Col. i. 26. 8 1 Cor. xii. 10. 4 Gal. iii. 29 ; Heb. vi. 17. 5 1 Cor. iv. 1. *54 EPHESIANS iii. 8-10. subordination, etc., — the former from " rower," the latter perhaps from " runner." Less than the least of all the saints (iii. 8). — This was perhaps suggested by " the least ofthe apostles " (1 Cor. xv. 9), but, since saints means all the Christians, the expression of hu mility far surpasses that of this passage, and is a feature in dicative ofthe questionable Pauline authorship.1 The unsearchable riches of Christ (iii. 8). 2— This " mystery " of the gospel is too profound for the comprehension of the human mind. And to make all men see what is the dispensation of the mys tery (iii. 9). — All men is omitted by Tischendorf and some other textual critics, in which case the passage must read, " and to bring to light," etc. Hid in God who created all things. A variation of verse 5. "Through Christ" is added in some manuscripts. To the intent that now unto the principalities and the powers in the heavenly places (iii. 10). — To the intent relates to the clause, been hid in God (verse 9). The doctrine of this pas sage is not elsewhere expressed in the New Testament. God is represented as having ' ' from all ages ' ' kept con cealed the " mystery " of the gospel to the gentiles in order that now, in this present age, He may make it known to the angelic beings through the Church. One can hardly think of Paul as soaring in such a region of thought. How the Church was- to make this communication we are not told. Perhaps the writer had in mind the influence of the united Church, " the holy temple," "the habitation of God in the Spirit " (ii. 21, 22, iv. 16), upon the angels regarded as be holding its development. This spectacle would reveal to 1 It is, to say the least, highly improbable that the great apostle should have placed himself below the believers, his converts, whom, although he calls them " saints," he censures for their carnality, and reprimands for various irregularities (i Cor. iii. 2, 3, vi. 8). 2 ii. 7 ; Rom. xi. 33. iii. n-16. EPHESIANS 155 them the manifold wisdom of God in conceiving a plan of re demption inclusive of gentiles as well as of Jews. According to the eternal purpose which He purposed in Jesus Christ our Lord (iii. 11). — The purpose is conceived as one "ofthe ages" (rwv aioovwv), that is, as existing in the mind of God during the preceding ages, ' ' before the found ation of the world" (i. 3) and "hidden in Him from all ages ' ' (verse 9). Which He purposed in Jesus Christ. The original is capable of the rendering, which He accomplished in Jesus Christ, the Greek verb being " made," and Noyes so translates the clause. In whom we have boldness and access in confidence through our faith in him (iii. 12).- — Paul employs boldness only with reference to men, but here and in other late Epistles it is used to designate a disposition toward God and Christ.1 Access, repeated from ii. 18. In confidence 2 is connected with we have. See the fine expression of confidence by Paul in Rom. viii. 38. Access to God and confidence are through faith in Christ, because by faith the atonement, by which God was propitiated,3 was accepted and appropriated by men, who could then " draw near with boldness unto the throne of grace," 4 now no longer a throne of " wrath." For this cause I bow my knees unto the Father from whom every family in heaven and on earth is named (iii. 14). — The thought of verse 1 is here resumed. God is represented as the Father of men and of the several orders of angels (verse 10). The idea of the inclusion of the gentiles in the " pro mise ' ' (verse 6) is reflected here in the conception of the universal fatherhood of God. Strengthened with power through His Spirit in the inward man (iii. 16). — See i. 13, ii. 18, 22 ; Rom. xv. 13, vii. 22 ; 2 Cor. iv. 16. 1 Heb. iii. 6, iv. 16, x. 19 ; I Tim. iii. 13 ; 1 John ii. 28, iii. 21, iv. 17, v. 14. 3 Rom. iii. 25 ; Heb. ii. 17. '' 2 Cor. iii. 4. 4 Heb. iv. 16. 156 EPHESIANS iii. 18-21. Strong to apprehend with all the saints what is the breadth and length and height and depth (iii. 18). — The idea in the writer's mind is not completely expressed, and accordingly it is uncertain of what he means to affirm breadth, etc. One cannot determine with certainty what was in his thought. It may have been "the unsearchable riches" (verse 8), " the mystery " (verse 9), or possibly " the love of Christ " (verse 19), though the last is improbable on account of the introduction in this verse of a new subject by ' ' and to know." The love of Christ which passeth knowledge (iii. 19). — Christ's love for men is meant, or possibly a love in men awakened by Christ, such a love as Christ has. See " the peace of Christ " (Col. iii. 15). The idea ofthe indwelling of Christ (verse 17) suggests the latter view. Yet a love like Christ's in men could hardly be said to pass knowledge, since it would be a state of consciousness. The apparent contradiction implied in knowing a love that passes know ledge is to be resolved by supposing that an adequate knowledge of it is regarded as impossible. That ye may be filled unto all the fulness of God (iii. 19), that is, " until ye are filled to the full with God." The filling with God and the filling with Christ are interchanged in the Epistle (i. 23, iv. 13) like the indwelling of God and of Christ (ii. 22, iii. 17). This is not surprising in view of the doctrine of the person of Christ entertained by the writer. The doctrinal part of the Epistle here closes with a doxology (iii. 20, 21). Glory in the Church and in Christ fesus. Such a conjunction does not elsewhere appear. But the importance which our author attached to the Church led him to place it in connection with Christ as equally with the latter, or in like manner at least, manifesting the in dwelling divine glory. The practical or hortatory part of the Epistle (iv.-vi.) begins with exhortations to unity and cooperation (iv. 1-16). iv. 1-6. EPHESIANS 157 Prisoner in the Lord (iv. 1). — See " prisoner of Christ Jesus" (iii. 1), leading, that is, to the Christian estate.1 Lowliness and meekness and longsuffering (iv. 2). — See Col. iii. 12. Keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace (iv. 3). — The Holy Spirit is meant, not " unity of spirit." The unity in question is such as the indwelling Spirit of God effects.2 There is one body and one Spirit, even as also ye were called in one hope of your calling (iv. 4). — The body is that of Christ, or the Church (ii. 16),3 and the Spirit is the Holy Spirit which is the animating principle of that body (ii. 18). The believers were also called in one hope of their calling, that is, the hope of the Messianic kingdom or salvation, " the prize of the high calling of God in Christ Jesus." 4 One Lord, one faith, one baptism, one God and Father of all, who is over all and through all and in all (iv. 5> 6). — Manifestly in this enumeration no order of rank is observed. The " body," the Church, is mentioned first, and the Holy Spirit next, perhaps because of its indwelling in the Church. At the head of another series is the one Lord, Christ, then the one faith representing the believer's inward relation to him, afterward the one baptism as the outward sign of the appropriation of his atonement through faith.6 The omis sion of the sacrament of the Lord's supper is noteworthy, but inexplicable. From the analogy of 1 Cor. x. 17 it is probable that Paul would have mentioned it. The series closes with the one God the Father of all.' The all here includes only Christians, as is evident from the connection, one faith, one baptism, etc. It is probable that the succeed ing all' s are masculine, and have reference to the same per sons. God is over them all as ruler, through them all as a moving Spirit, and in them all as indwelling Spirit. 1 1 Cor. i. 26 ; Rom. xi. 29. 4 Phil. iii. 14. 2 Phil. i. 27 ; 1 Cor. xii. 13 ; John xvii. 21. 5 Rom. vi. 3 ; Gal. iii. 27. 3 Rom. xii. 5 ; 1 Cor. x. 7, xii. 13. ' 1 Cor. viii. 6. 1 58 EPHESIANS iv. 7-9. To each one of these believers, however, was the grace given according to the measure of the gift of Christ (iv. f). — The grace is manifested in the various " gifts " or charisms of the believers. " Having different gifts according to the grace that was given us." l These are represented as given according as Christ bestows on one and another a gift of greater or less importance. Wherefore He saith, When he ascended on high, he led captivity captive, and gave gifts unto men (iv. 8). — Wherefore introduces a proof of the foregoing statement about " gifts" from the Old Testament. He saith, that is, God, who is assumed to have spoken in the Old Testament. The quot ation is from Ps. lxviii. 18, and relates in the original to the triumphal entrance of Jehovah upon Zion. The writer refers the passage to Christ's ascension into heaven and his giving of " gifts " to the Church thereafter. The words are not only distorted from their original meaning and con nection, but are incorrectly quoted to adapt them to the writer's purpose. So the " received gifts for men " ofthe He brew text is made to read ' ' gave gifts to men. ' ' The writer has not even followed the Greek translation (the Septuagint). Paul, indeed, employed the allegorical interpretation, but he nowhere showed such a disregard of the original as is here manifested. Captivity is used for ' ' captives, ' ' and the meaning is that Christ in his triumphant ascension over came the " principalities and powers, " " or the demonic agencies who are hostile to his cause and to mankind, and who according to vi. 12 have their abode in the heavenly regions. How the writer conceived this victory to have been achieved does not appear. The gifts are the charisms, " prophecy," " tongues," etc. 3 Now this, He ascended, what is it but that he also descended into the lower parts of the earth (iv. 9). — The writer argues that the ascent implies a previous descent, or, in other 1 Rom. xii. 6. s Col. ii. 15. 3 1 Cor. xii. 8-10 ; Acts ii. 33. iv. 10-12. EPHESIANS 159 words, that Christ existed in heaven prior to his descent upon the earth, so that in ascending he returned to his former abode. Into the lower parts ofthe earth does not necessarily mean a region lower than the earth, or hades, but probably denotes simply the earth. The writer's thought appears to be occupied only with the heavens and the earth and the intervening space. Far above all the heavens, that he might fill all things (iv. 10). — The idea of a series of heavens' (" third heaven") is conveyed. Compare Heb. iv. 14, vii. 26, where we find " through the heavens" and " higher than the heavens" used of Christ's exaltation. The purpose expressed in the clause, in order that he might fill all things, is grammatically connected with ascended far above all the heavens. And he gave some to be apostles ; and some prophets ; and some evangelists ; and some pastors and teachers (iv. II). — In 1 Cor. xii. 28 evangelists are not mentioned, and here are wanting " miracles, gifts of healing, governments, divers kinds of tongues." He gave. The several capacities are supposed to be related to Christ in their origin either directly, or indirectly through the Holy Spirit. The apostles were immediately called by him. The prophets were supposed to be endowed with the Holy Spirit to proclaim religious truths or foretell future events.2 The evangelists were auxiliary missionaries. 3 Pastors and teachers, overseers and instructors. For ihe perfecting of the saints, unto the work of ministering, unto the building up ofthe body of Christ (iv. 12). — These and several objects of the " gifts," according to the revised ver sion, which follows King James' . An allowable and perhaps preferable rendering connects " for the work," etc., directly with " he gave " (verse 11), to this effect : " For the per fecting of the saints he gave teachers, etc., unto the work of the ministry, to the building up of the body of Christ." 1 2 Cor. xii. 2 (" third heaven "). 2 Acts xi. 27 ; 1 Cor. xii. 10, 28. 3 Acts xxi. 8 ; 2 Tim. iv. 5. 160 EPHESIANS iv. 13-16. It is also allowable to connect " perfecting of the saints" immediately with "unto the work of the ministry," and read : " [He gave] for the perfecting of the saints to the work of the ministry," etc. This is Noyes' translation. The exact shade of thought in the writer's mind is inde terminable. But the main object in view is the building up of the Church, till we all attain unto the unity of the faith (iv. 13). — Faith is not employed here to denote the subjective state, the attitude of mind, of the Pauline usage, but rather an object, a doctrine, a confession, in which all Christians should attain unity. This usage has for its historical setting a later time than that of Paul, when the whole or catholic Church was striving to form itself. The measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ (iv. 13). — The word rendered stature literally means " age," and the sense is " the age in which we are fitted to receive the ful ness of Christ," that is, the growth in spiritual life which befits the fulness of Christ. Carried about with every wind of doctrine by the sleight of men (iv. 14). — Compare " precepts and doctrines of men " (Col. ii. 22). Sleight of men, literally the " dice-playing," " dishonest tricks " (Noyes). If the writer had any particu lar false and misleading doctrine in mind, he has given no intimation of its character. But speaking truth in love may grow up in all things into him which is the head, even Christ (iv. 15). — The rendering " dealing truly " is allowable, and grow up in love into him in all things is the proper connection. Love to the brethren is the condition and element of Christian growth. From whom all the body fitly framed and knit together . . maketh the increase of the body (iv. 1 6). — From the head, Christ, the body being fitly framed and knit together by means of every supplying joint, comes the growth of his body, the Church. Love (omitted in the parallel passage iv. 17-21. EPHESIANS 161 in Colossians) is the principle in which the growth of the Church proceeds. Exhortations to the moral deportment becoming Christians now follow, preceded by a delineation of the former condition of the gentiles (iv. 17-v. 21). In the Lord (iv. 17), that is, in Christ, in whom, and not in himself, his thought is grounded.1 As the gentiles also walk. Some manuscripts read, "the rest of the gentiles" (ii- 3)-' Being darkened in their understanding, alienated from the life of God (iv. 18). — See ii. 12 ; Col. i. 21 ; Rom. i. 21. In the phrase the life of God the relation of life to God is that of origin, the life derived from God. The life is that condition of mind which begins with faith, and is to be consummated in ' ' the age to come, " that is, after the second coming of Christ, in the blessedness of the Messianic kingdom. It is the oppo site of " death, ' ' which in the Pauline and post-Pauline usage includes exclusion from the resurrection and from participa tion in the " reign " of Christ. Because of the ignorance that is in them, because of the hard ening of their heart (iv. 18). — Ignorance is here placed in a causal relation with sin — a conception rare in the New Testament.3 Perhaps the comma after " them" should be omitted, and the second clause subordinated to the first, " ignorance that is in them because of the hardening of their hearts." Hardening of the heart is simply obduracy. Who being past feeling, etc. (iv. 19), that is, in a condition of moral indifference. But ye did not so learn Christ (iv. 20), that is, so as to adopt such a mode of life. Paul does not use the expression learn Christ. If so be that ye heard him (iv. 2l), that is, have been instructed as to him, so as to know what his moral ' Rom. ix. 1 ; 1 Thess. iv. 1. 2 1 Thess. iv. 13. 3 See Acts xvii. 30 ; Heb. v. 2, ix. 7 ; 1 Pet. i. 14. 162 EPHESIANS iv. 22-24. requirements are. And were taught in him, even as the truth is in Jesus : that ye put away, as concerning your former man ner of life, the old man (iv. 22). In him, a favourite expres sion of the writer's, which means here that the instruction was Christian, had Christ as its centre. The connection of the clause, that ye put away, etc., is doubtful on account of the looseness of the construction. As the truth is in Jesus, that ye put away is a possible construction, but awkward. A connection with verse 17 in the sense, that ye no longer walk, that ye put away, has analogies in the broken structure of the Epistle in its favour, and perhaps gives the best sense, although, and were taught that ye put away, is an intelligible construction. As concerning your former way of life (iv. 22). — If this means, " as something that concerns your former way of life," it is not a correct translation. If we read, " that as to your former way of life, ye put off," etc., there is a want of clear logical relation. The structure is obscure, but there is no doubt that the writer exhorts his readers to put away a sinful disposition and sinful practices as the Adam, or old man, which to Paul was a figure for sin. Which waxeth corrupt after the lusts of deceit (iv. 22). — The lusts that arise from sin, which is a deceiving principle in man.1 And that ye be renewed in the spirit of your mind (iv. 23). — Spirit is here used to denote the disposition, the ruling prin ciple of the individual, of which the mind is the organ.2 And put on the new man, which after God hath been created in righteousness and holiness of truth (iv. 24). — The change of tenses here indicates in the original the idea of the putting on of the new man as a continued process. After God, that is, the new creation is after the image of God.3 Wherefore, putting away falsehood speak ye truth each one 1 Rom. viii. n ; Heb. iii. 13. 2 Rom. vii. 23, 25 ; 2 Cor. xi. 4. 3 Col. iii. 10. iv. 25-29. EPHESIANS 163 with his neighbour (iv. 25). — See Col. iii. 8, where the figure of putting off the old man is closely connected with the ex hortation.1 Members one of each other, from Rom. xii. 5. Be angry and sin not (iv. 26). — Taken verbatim from Ps. iv. 4 according to the Septuagint. The meaning is, in be ing angry sin not, a denial of a necessary connection between anger and sin. Let not the sun go down upon your wrath. On the ground that a writer in the fourth century quotes these words as a saying of Jesus', and that Clement of Alex andria refers to the passage as " Scripture," Resch concludes that we have here a genuine logion of the Master's which has not been recorded in the Gospels. The evidence is, however, insufficient to support the claim. Neither give place to the devil (iv. 27). — In an angry mood there is especial need to be watchful against the tempter, hence, give him no opportunity. Paul does not use the word here employed for the tempter,2 but it is of frequent occurrence in the post-apostolic literature. In the Clement ine Homilies the writer, after quoting the words iu Matt. xiii. 39 as a saying of Jesus', adds as if from the same source, " do not give a pretext to the evil one." The conclusion, however, that the Ephesian passage or the other is therefore a logion which should be attributed to Jesus does not follow. Its aphoristic form places it in the same class to which the sayings or logia of the Master belong, and that a writer, whose references to passages in the New Testament show frequent inaccuracies, should have referred the words or similar ones to him is not surprising. Labour, working with his own hands (iv. 28), from 1 Cor. iv. 12. That it may give grace to them that hear (iv. 29). — Grace is here used in the sense of " kindness," " benefaction," "favour," and the meaning is "do good to them that hear." 1 Zech. viii. 16. 2 SidfioXoS. Z64 EPHESIANS iv, 30. And grieve not the Holy Spirit of God, in whom ye were sealed unto the day of redemption (iv. 30). — The Holy Spirit of God, supposed to reside in the Christian, is conceived as grieved by corrupt speech. The idea is unique, but has a parallel in the " Wisdom of Solomon," i. 5. Whatever the psychological facts in the case may have been, it is an incontestable fact that the primitive-Christian community regarded its members as endowed with a supernatural power which was technic ally designated " the Holy Spirit." The conception was not original, but was derived from the Old Testament and the later Judaism. If for a time the Spirit of God had been withdrawn from the Jewish people, it was believed to have returned with fresh and abundant efficacy with the advent of Christianity. It was thought to have descended upon Jesus,1 and to impel him.2 He assured his disciples that it should be in them,3 and in the early Church others than the apostles were sup posed to be " full " of it.4 It was thought to be the possession of Christians in general,5 and this bestowal was regarded as the fulfil ment of a prophecy in Joel iii. 1-5. 6 It does not appear to have been conceived in general as the source of the Christian disposition and belief, but as bestowed sometimes immediately upon those who have listened to the word,' sometimes previously to, and again after, bap tism,8 and in connection with the "laying on of hands" ofthe apostles. It was evidently the belief of the early Church that all who confessed Christ were thus inspired and somehow endowed with supernatural powers. There were also special manifestations of the Spirit 9 in ecstatic speech, prophecy, etc. The interpretation put by the early Christians upon these phenomena, due in some measure to the pre vailing enthusiasm and fanaticism, is readily apprehensible when we consider their strictly theistic point of view and their disregard of second causes. A doctrine of the Spirit first appears in the writings of Paul, in which along with a deeper ethical apprehension of the matter are manifest also the prevalent popular notions of exceptional "gifts," such as ecstatic utterance (speaking with "tongues"), in articulate and requiring "interpretation," phenomena of so-called 1 Mark i. 10. 4 Acts vi. 3, vii. 55. ' Ibid. x. 44, xi. 15. 2 Matt. iv. 1. B Ibid. ii. 38, x. 44, 47. 8 Ibid. x. 47, viii. 15, 16. 'Ibid. x. 20. 6 Ibid. ii. 17. » Ibid. ii. 4, x. 44-46, xix. 6. iv. 30-v. 2. EPHESIANS 165 " prophecy," etc.1 These exceptional manifestations were, however, to Paul of subordinate importance, although he himself claimed to be the subject of them. Paramount in his doctrine of the Spirit was the conception of it as dominating the entire Christian life and experi ence, which thus had to him a supernatural character. The Spirit alone could, he believed, overcome the power of the flesh, and secure " incorruption " or the resurrection to "life." 2 He thought himself to be a possessor of the Spirit, a pneumatic, from the time when God revealed His Son in him.3 A supernatural divine energy works in and by him whether called " the Spirit of God " or Christ, for he con ceives Christ the Lord to have been " the Spirit " 4 ; and he does not think himself to be an exception in this regard, for all believers are to him the " temple of God," 6 since the Spirit of God dwells in them. The possession ofthe Spirit is also the " earnest" of the future in heritance of the kingdom soon to come.6 Sealed unto the day of redemption (iv. 30) has a meaning similar to i. 13. The day of redemption, the day of " pro mise," is that of the second coming of Christ. Let all bitterness and wrath and anger, etc. (iv. 31)- — See Col. iii. 8. And be kind, etc. (iv. 32). — See Col. iii. 12, 13. Be ye, therefore, imitators of God as beloved children (v. i), that is, imitation of God becomes you, being God's children. The imitation of God may have been suggested by Matt. v. 48 ; Luke vi. 36. And gave himself up for us an offering and a sacrifice to God for an odour of a sweet smell (v. 2). — This clause is adopted from Gal. ii. 20. Offering and sacrifice. This conception recalls Heb. x. 10, 12. Paul does not apply these terms to Christ, but to Christians.7 For an odour of a sweet smell is derived from the Hebrew sacrificial directions in which the expression is used of a ram offered as a burnt offering." 1 1 Cor. xii. 4-11, xiv. 5-33. 5 1 Cor. iii. 16. 2 Rom. viii. 9-1 1, 13-17. 6 2 Cor. v. 5 ; cf. Eph. i. 14. 3 Gal. i. 16. 'Rom, xii. 1, xv. 16 ; Phil. ii. 17, iv. 18. 4 2 Cor. iii. 17 ; Rom. xv. 18, 19. 8 Ex. xxix. 18. 166 EPHESIANS v. 3-6. Paul, with his sense of fitness, does not employ the expres sion in reference to Christ, but once regarding gifts frpm a church.1 But fornication and all uncleanness, or covetousness (v. 3). — See Col. iii. 5. Filthiness (v. 4). — This is a term inclusive of baseness or dishonour of various kinds, and is not elsewhere used in the New Testament. ' ' Shameful speaking ' ' is mentioned in Col. iii. 8, and omitted in iv. 31 of our Epistle, which passage is formed on that in Colossians. For this ye know of a surety that no fornicator, nor unclean person, nor coveteous man, which is an idolater, hath any in heritance in the kingdom of Christ and God (v. 5)- — The motive for a clean and right life is conceived to be inclusion in the kingdom of Christ, since one should not do the for bidden thing because knowing that exclusion from that kingdom will be the consequence. The kingdom of Christ and God is the Messianic king dom which was expected soon to be set up at the second coming of Christ. Those who believed in Christ and prac tised the Christian virtues would share in its blessedness. Men could not enter it by means of " works," but only through " faith " and the works which follow it.2 Let no man deceive you witk empty words, for because of these things cometh the wrath of God upon the sons of disobedience (v. 6).— See " philosophy and vain deceit " (Col. ii. 8). The empty words are probably the specious arguments by which some persons were attempting to seduce the Ephesians to practise the vices mentioned in verses 3 and 5, to which these things refers. For because of these things, etc., is found in Col. iii. 6. The wrath of God (v. 6) would be manifested at the judg ment to be held at the second coming of Christ when the wicked, would suffer " destruction." 3 1 Phil. iv. 18. » 1 Cor. v. 9, 10 ; Gal. v. 19-22. 3 2 Thess. i. 8, 9. v. 8-14. EPHESIANS . 167 For ye were once darkness, but are now light in ihe Lord (v. 8). — See ii. 11, 12, iv. 17, 18 ; 2 Cor. vi. 14 ; Rom. vi. 17. Now , that is, since their conversion (1 John i. 7, ii. 9). For the fruit of the light, etc. (v. 9). — Compare "fruit of the Spirit," Gal. v. 22. " The fruit which the light ripens." Goodness and righteousness and truth, Gal. v. 22 ; Rom. vi. 21 ; Phil. i. n. The unfruitful works of darkness (v. II). — Works of dark ness is a Pauline expression,1 and denotes ungodliness and immorality in general. They are " works of the flesh," 2 "dead works,"3 and "works of ungodliness."4 They are unfruitful, since they do not effect the salvation of the Messianic kingdom, but their end is " death " and " cor ruption," the opposite of participation in the resurrection and " eternal life " 6 at the coming of that kingdom. For the things which are done by them in secret it is a shame even to speak of (v. 12). — Them refers to " the sons of dis obedience ' ' (verse 6). Nothing in the text or context indi cates a particular sort of evil deeds, and it is unwarrantable to read into the passage an allusion to " heathen mysteries," etc. See John iii. 20, " for everyone that doeth ill hateth the light, and cometh not to the light, lest his works should be reproved." But all things when they are reproved are made manifest by the light, for everything that is made manifest is light (v. 13). — By reproof, which is based upon truth, all deeds of dark ness or sin come into the light of truth and are made mani fest, and accordingly become light, that is, are no longer in darkness, so that their true nature can be discerned. In this proposition the writer lays a foundation for ' ' rather even reprove them " (verse n). Wherefore He saith, Azvake thou that sleepest, and arise from the dead, and Christ shall give thee light (v. 14). — He saith, 1 Rom. xiii. 12. 3Heb. vi. i. 2 Gal. v. 22. 4Jude 15. 'Rom. vi. 21, viii. 12 ; Gal. vi. 8. 168 EPHESIANS v. 16-22. the writer's formula for introducing Scripture-quotations, leads us to expect here a citation from the Old Testament. But no one has been able to find in the Jewish canonical or apocryphal literature a passage corresponding to this. Texts having some points of resemblance to it are Ps. xliv. 24; Is. xxvi. 19, li. 17, lx. 1, and these may have been the sources of it, but it is no proper citation from any known writing despite the solemn formula with which it is introduced. It has been conjectured that the passage was a formula used on receiving members into the Church after baptism. No such procedure as this appears in any of Paul's Epis tles. The writer may have fancied that he was quoting Scripture. Redeeming the time (v. 16). — See note on Col. iv. 5. Because the days are evil (v. 16). — Compare " this present evil age ' ' (Gal. i. 4). The wickedness of the times is re garded as a reason for improving every moment in behalf of righteousness. And be not drunken with wine wherein is riot (v. 18). — Wherein refers to the preceding clause. But be filled with the Spirit, that is, the Spirit of God, the Holy Spirit.1 Speaking one to another in psalms and hymns and spiritual songs (v. 19).— This is a variation of Col. iii. 16, with the substitution of Lord, Christ, for " God." On hymns and spiritual songs see note on the parallel passage in Colossians. There follow now directions and exhortations touching certain domestic duties according to Col. iii. 18-iv. 1, with a special elab oration of the relation of husband and wife (v. 22-vi. 9). Wives, be in subjection unto your own husbands as unto the Lord (v. 22)— a variation of Col. iii. 18, where we find " as is fitting in the Lord." Subjection is supplied from the pre ceding verse. For the husband is the head of the wife as Christ also is the 1 Col. ii. 10 ; Acts vi. 3, vii. 55, xii. 24. v. 23-27. EPHESIANS 169 head of the Church, being himself the Saviour of the body (v. 23). — This is adopted from 1 Cor. xi. 3 with modifications in accordance with the writer's doctrine of Christ as the head of the Church (i. 22). Himself the Saviour of the body. See verse 25. Christ as the head of the body, the Church, is its Saviour, as will be apparent when he comes in his king dom. But as the Church is subject lo Christ, etc. (v. 24). — If this sentence had been intended as an inference from the preced ing declaration one would expect it to begin with " there fore," or " accordingly." The but, however, appears to indicate an opposition to the doctrine which it contains, that was known to the writer, or that he had in his mind as sup posable, as if someone had argued or might argue against the subordination of the Christian wife to her husband. And gave himself up for it (v. 25). — The Church in the place of the individual according to the predilection of the writer. That he might sanctify it, having cleansed it by the washing of water with the word (v. 26). — The connection of the clauses indicated in this translation is probably correct. With the word does not belong to sanctify, but to having cleansed. The teaching, however, is unpauline, since the apostle never con nects sanctification with the death of Christ as its result. The doctrine is post-Pauline, and belongs with the concep tion of the death of Jesus as an " offering," which in the levitical system was regarded as purifying. The idea fre quently occurs in Hebrews.1 The washing of water is bap tism.2 Paul does not, however, use the expression, which has been regarded by some as containing an allusion to the usual bath of the bride on the day preceding her marriage. The meaning of with the word is doubtful. Perhaps the writer had in mind the baptismal formula, or, indeed, the gospel itself. That he might present the Church to himself, etc. (v. 27). — 1 Heb. i. 3, ix. 14, 22, 23, x. 2 ; Tit. ii. 14. s 1 Cor. vi. 11. i7o EPHESIANS v. 28-32. This is the purpose of the sanctification of the Church, and is regarded as about to be consummated at ' ' the end of the age," when Christ should come in his glory to establish the Messianic kingdom. Then the Church would be received by Christ as his spotless bride. See 2 Cor. xi. 2, where Paul, however, refers to an individual church and not to the Church as a whole, and does not represent Christ, but himself, as presenting the bride. Our author has introduced an incon gruity into his figure in making the bridegroom present the bride to himself. As their own bodies (v. 28). — The meaning is not " as they love their own bodies, " but " as being their own bodies," just as the Church is the body of Christ. It was a rabbinical doctrine, probably known to the author, that the wife was her husband's body (see Gen. ii. 24, " and they shall be one flesh"). Because we are members of his body (v. 30).1 — " Of his flesh and of his bones " is the reading of many manuscripts im mediately after " of his body." For this cause shall a man leave his father and his mother (v. 31). — From Gen. ii. 24, slightly altered. This mystery is great, but I speak in regard of Christ and the Church (v. 32). — The mystery is the hidden meaning which the writer sees in the passage from Genesis in accord ance with his allegorical method of interpretation. Whether the relation of the Church to Christ as his bride was regarded by the writer as existing in the then " present age," or was thought of as a consummation to be effected in the Messianic " age to come," is not certain. But the latter supposition can hardly be established by the future tense in shall leave his father and his mother applied to Christ's leaving the heavens at his second coming in order to join his bride the Church on the earth. The reference of the matter to the future Messianic age is probably correct on the ground of 1 Cor. xii. 27. , v. 33-vi. 5- EPHESIANS 171 the general Christian consciousness of the apostolic and post-apostolic times. And let the wife see that she fear her husband (v. 33). — This counsel corresponds to the injunction in verse 22 and Col. iii. 18, " be in subjection," and means " treat with reveren tial obedience." Husbands are told to love their wives, wives to fear and obey their husbands. The writer does not appear to have been greatly in advance of the best thought and sentiment of his age regarding the relation of husband and wife. Children obey your parents in the Lord ; for this is right (vi. 1). — This is similar to Col. iii. 20. " In all things " is omitted, and in the Lord is inserted. In the second clause for this is right is in the place of ' ' for this is well- pleasing in the Lord." In the Lord, that is, Christ, designates the required conduct as Christian. Right means according to the law. The first commandment with promise (vi. 2). — The first in the decalogue. The fact that the succeeding commandments have no promise does not render this statement inaccurate, for the writer was probably thinking only that none of the foregoing have a promise, and did not reflect whether there was a second with one. That it may be well with thee, and thou mayest live long on the earth (vi. 3). — From Ex. xx. 12, substantially according to the Septuagint. In the chastening and admonition of the Lord. — Chastening is instruction and training, admonition is exhortation and warning. Of the Lord relates to Christ as the guiding agency of the culture of the children through the fathers. No exhortation is given to the mothers respecting the train ing of their children. This omission is in accordance with the subordinate position to which the writer assigns them. Servants, be obedient unto them that according to the flesh are your masters with fear and trembling (vi. 5)- — See Col. iii. 172 EPHESIANS vi. 6-9. 22. ' ' In all things ' ' is omitted and with fear and trembling is added.1 The servants are slaves (verse 8). On the recog nition of slavery by Paul and the post-Pauline writers, see note on Col. iii. 22-24. As servants of Christ (vi. 6). — See " ye serve the Lord Christ" (Col. iii. 24) and compare 1 Cor. vii. 22. Doing the will of God from the heart. The slaves should be recon ciled to their condition as according to the will of God. To do the will of God is not found in Paul's writings. Doing service as unto the Lord (vi. 7)- — Compare " as servants of Christ " (verse 6). As Christian slaves they should serve their masters as if the latter stood in the place of Christ. He shall receive again from the Lord whether he be bond or free (vi. 8). — In the parallel in Colossians we find: " Know ing that from the Lord ye shall receive the recompense of the inheritance" (iii. 24), that is, reward in the Messianic kingdom. The change of phraseology here does not alter the nature of the conception. The good thing done and the action rewarded are alone mentioned here, while in the parallel passage in Colossians we find " he that doeth wrong," etc. And ye masters, do the same things unto them and forbear threatening (vi. 9). — The same things is a loose and inaccurate expression. Perhaps the writer had in mind " with good will" (verse 7). Col. iv. 1 is more explicit. And there is no respect of persons with him (vi. 9). — The one Master of slaves and their masters is the Christ ; who has been exalted " on the right hand of God." With him there is no respect of persons. In Colossians this is said with reference to the judgment of the slaves, and is not predicated of Christ. The general exhortations of the Epistle now proceed to the con clusion of the hortatory portion of it (vi. 10-23). 1 2 Cor. viii. 15. vi. 10-12. EPHESIANS 173 Finally, be strong in the Lord, etc. (vi. 10). — Strength in the Lord designates strength that is in Christ or Christian, since the principle of the Christian's life is Christ.' Put on the whole armour of God, that ye may be able to stand against the wiles of the devil (vi. II). — The panoply of God is that equipment which He gives against the evil one, the devil, who with cunning arts seeks the destruction of men. The figure here employed was probably derived from Isa. lix. 17 or from 1 Thess. v. 8. For our wrestling is not against flesh and blood, but against the principalities, against the powers, against the world-rulers of this darkness, against the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places (vi. 12). — The connection of thought is, we must be armed against the wiles of the devil, for our wrest ling, etc. Flesh and blood means simply human enemies, opponents among men.2 The contrast is between two kinds of external foes — men and devils. The demonic foes are named according to their classification in the Jewish myth ology, principalities, etc. The world-rulers of this darkness is an expression peculiar to this Epistle, and is a designation of the hostile evil beings supposed to rule over the darkness, or sinfulness, of the so-called present age, the mass of the peo ple of which were conceived as wicked, since they were not believers in Christ, and would have no part in the joys of the blessed " age to come." The demonic being hostile to the believers is also called " the god of this world," 3 " the prince of this world,"4 "the evil one,"6 "Satan," etc. The spiritual hosts of wickedness is a designation of the same evil powers with refererfce to their badness, while in the heavenly places, to be connected with hosts of wickedness, indi cates their locality. See " prince of the power of the air " (ii. 2). 1 1 Cor. xvi. 13. 3 2 Cor. iv. 4. 2 Gal. i. 16. 4 John xii. 31, xvi. II. 5 Matt. v. 37, vi. 13, xiii. 19 ; John xviii. 15 ; 1 John iii. 12, v. 18, 19. 174 EPHESIANS vi. 13-14. These conceptions, which were brought from the Jewish mythology into the Christian literature, should not be interpreted as personifica tions of evil tendencies in man. To the New Testament writers the "principalities and powers," " the evil one," etc., were nothing short of personal agents of wickedness, tempters, enemies of the Christians and of God and Christ. Those who do not believe in the existence of the devil should not attempt to make it appear that the authors ofthe Gospels and Epistles and even Jesus himself did not believe in him, by applying a method of interpretation which would, if fully carried out, remove the doctrine of the personality of God from the New Testament. That ye may be able to withstand in the evil day (vi. 13). — The evil day must have been understood by the readers as a particular period of time, a day of preeminence, when a conflict with ' ' the evil one ' ' must be endured. Such a con ception must have been current among the Christians of the time, and' was probably connected with "this present evil world" [age],1 " the last days," 2 the " grievous times," and " the last hour." 3 It was a Jewish belief that shortly before the coming of the Messiah Antichrist would appear, and in 1 John ii. 18 this belief is referred to as obtaining among the Christians, the coming of Antichrist being con ceived as immediately preceding the second appearance of Christ, which to them was the real Messianic manifestation. Such is the meaning of the words : " It is the last hour, and as ye have heard that Antichrist cometh." Then the be lievers would especially need " the whole armour of God." Having girded your loins with truth (vi. 14). — The spiritual warrior needs for his girdle truth, as the soldier must have a girdle about his loins in order to be equipped for battle (Isa. xi. 5). The breastplate of righteousness, that is, virtue, moral uprightness (verse 9). In the spiritual sense this is such a protection against " the wiles of the devil " (verse 11) as the real breastplate was to the soldier against the spears and darts of the enemy. 1 Gal. i. 4. sTim. iii. 1. s 1 John ii. 18. vi. 15. EPHESIANS 175 The occurrence in Luke xii. 35 of the words, " Let your loins be girded about and your lights burning," suggests the relation of the Epistles to the Gospel-history with respect to the influence upon their writers of the sayings of Jesus therein recorded. Since Paul's Epistles were written prior to any ofthe Gospels, there is question in his case only of his relation to words of Jesus handed down in the current tradition. To this are probably to be referred the remark respecting divorce,1 that about the support of ministers,2 the account of the last supper,3 and the words in Gal. vi. 2." With respect to 1 Cor. xi. 23- 26 it is questionable whether Paul's account was not the source of Luke's. "By the word of the Lord" 5 probably refers to a direct revelation which the apostle supposed he had from Jesus. The fact that the fundamental conceptions ofthe Epistles generally are differ ent from those of the synoptic discourses of Jesus is regarded by von Soden as indicating the slight immediate influence exerted by his teachings upon the thought of the primitive Christians. " To love " (dyaitdv) is not used in the synoptics of God or Jesus toward men. "Sin " in the singular conceived as a principle or power (d/iapria), imputed righteousness in the Pauline sense, xodiioS as the world of evil men, "seed of David " for Jesus, "faith" as Paul usually em ploys the word, the conception of Jesus as the second Adam, and the Pauline Christology in general, are all wanting in the first three Gospels. On the other hand, the forgiveness of sin — a frequently occurring expression in the Gospels — appears in the undisputed writings of Paul only in _ citation from the Old Testament. The figures and parables of the synoptic discourses of Jesus seem to have exerted no influence on the writers of the Epistles, while their ter minology and theological conceptions are to a considerable degree foreign to the original Gospels. Ephesians contains no citation of a saying that can be attributed to Jesus, and it is doubtful whether von Soden is correct in finding in this Epistle the influence of the synoptic collections of his words upon its terminology and elucida tions. The expression in iv. 14 does not require Luke xii. 35 for its explanation,6 and vi. 18 is explicable without reference to Mark xiii. 33. 35, 37- And having shod your feet with the preparation of the gospel of peace (vi. 15). — The preparation is that for the contest, 1 1 Cor. ii. 10. * 1 Cor. ix. 14. • 1 Cor. xi. 23-26. 4 Acts xx. 35 ; 1 Tim. v. 18. 5 1 Thess. iv. 15. 6 See Is. xi. 5. ' 176 EPHESIANS vi. 16-21. and the gospel of peace with God is regarded as furnishing it. The peace mentioned in ii. 14 and 17 may have been in the writer's mind. The shield of faith (vi. 16).— In 1 Thess. v. 8 we find Paul speaking of " the breastplate of faith and love." It is doubtful whether any doctrinal significance should be at tached to this variation. But that the apostle would thus have changed the figure is improbable. The fiery darts of the evil one. The figure is derived from the malleoli or fire- darts of the Romans. These the shield would quench, or render harmless. And take the helmet of salvation (vi. 17). — Seels, lix. 17. In 1 Thess. v. 8 Paul speaks of a helmet which is ' ' the hope of salvation " — a figure doubtless suggested by the passage in Isaiah. And the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God (vi. 17). — The sword of the Spirit is the sword which the Holy Spirit supplies, and is, indeed, the word of God, or the gospel, a weapon of attack and defence (ii. 18, 22, iv. 3, 4). Praying at all seasons in the Spirit (vi. 18). — Compare 1 Thess. v. 17; Col. i. 3; Phil. i. 4. In the Spirit means in a state of mind determined by the Spirit of God, or the Holy Spirit. Thereunto, that is, with reference to praying at all seasons in the Spirit. That utterance may be given me in opening my mouth (vi. 19). — That God may give me what I should speak when I open my mouth. The mystery of the gospel. Compare " the mystery of Christ " (Col. iv. 3). It is the mystery contained and made known in the gospel. But that ye also may know my affairs, etc. (vi. 21). — This is an imitation of one of the personal references in Colossians, and carries out the fiction of the authorship. The also be trays the writer. For the meaning evidently is " you as well as the Colossians." But it could not have escaped the notice of Paul that the also would be unintelligible to the vi. 22-24. EPHESIANS 177 Ephesians, since an Epistle to the Colossians is not referred to in this. Whom I have sent unto you for this very purpose (vi. 22). — This is an exact reproduction of Col. iv. 8. Peace be to the brethren, and love with faith (vi. 23). — There is no good reason for understanding peace here in a sense different from that in which it is used elsewhere in the Epistle, that of concord among the members of the Church conceived as a unity (ii. 14, 15, 17, iv. 3, vi. 15). Grace be with all them that love our Lord Jesus Christ in uncorruptness (vi. 24). — The Greek word here rendered love x is not used by Paul of a feeling of the believer toward Christ. It has been well remarked that the use of the third person in this concluding expression is without parallel, and shows that the writer had in mind no circumscribed circle of readers, but Christians in general. ' dyaitdoa. SOME DOCTRINAL FEATURES OF COLOSSIANS AND EPHESIANS. The doctrinal features of these two Epistles which will be discussed here are those that denote a greater or less departure from the teach ings of Paul in the Epistles to the Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, i Thessalonians, and Philippians. Some of these both Epistles have in common, and others are peculiar to one of them. Among the most important is the doctrine of the person bf Christ, which for brevity we shall call Christology. That this rests upon the basis of the Pauline teaching there can be no doubt. To Paul Christ is " the image of God," ' as in Col. i. 15, and there is a resemblance between the conceptions of him as "the first-fruits of them that are asleep " 2 and "the firstborn among many brethren," 3 and "the beginning," " the firstborn from the dead " of Col. i. 18. But " the firstborn of the whole creation " 4 goes beyond the Pauline conception. The absence from these Epistles of the Pauline ideas of Christ as "the second Adam," "the man from heaven," according to which he stood in an intimate relation with men as the representative of the human race, is significant of a point of view indicating a development of Christology in the direction of a greater exaltation of the person of Christ. In the designation of him as "the image of the invisible God " there is at least an intimation of his divine nature in accordance with Philo's idea of a twofold distinction in God as hidden and mani fest. Is not "the image of the invisible God " the God manifested? Again, the most that Paul said of Christ in his relation to the universe is that he was the medium " through " whom it was made.6 But in Co lossians he is not only declared to be the one " in whom and through whom all things have been created," even the "thrones, dominions," etc., but "unto" whom they were all made (i. 16). He is not only the "beginning," but the end of creation, and "in him all things 1 1 Cor. xi. 7 ; 2 Cor. iv. 4. 2 1 Cor. xv. 20, 8 Rom. viii. 29. 4 Col. i. 15. • Ibid. viii. 6. 178 COLOSSIANS AND EPHESIANS 179 consist" (i. 17). Paul says this of God in substance, "for of Him and through Him and unto Him are all things." ' That the writer of Colossians was dependent upon this passage and diverted it to a Christological application is very probable. It is entirely compatible with this exaltation of Christ as the end unto which all things were created that a doctrine should be taught in Ephesians that is irrecon cilable with the Pauline idea that the "reign" of Christ after the Parousia, or second coming, was to be temporary, "until he hath put all his enemies under his feet," when he would ' ' deliver up the king dom to God." 2 This termination is consistent with the Pauline con ception ofthe subordination of Christ to God. But in Ephesians the speculative idea of a cosmic, metaphysical Christ is carried out in the declaration that Christ was seated "at the right hand of God in the heavenly places far above all rule and authority and power and dominion, and every name that is named, not only in this age, but in that which is to come " (i. 21). Quite in accord with this point of view is the absence of a distinction between the kingdom of God and that of Christ in the expression, "the kingdom of Christ and God,"3 which an eminent advocate of the Pauline authorship of this Epistle finds "peculiar." The Christological point of view of these two Epistles, contrasted with that of the undisputed writings of Paul, cannot be explained as a "slight modification" which might occur within a few years in the mind of a strong thinker like the apostle. A considerable lapse of time, a change of environment, the necessity of a defence ofthe Christology of the Church against new opponents and heresies unknown to au earlier time, and the occupation of other minds with the theme, are necessary to an explanation of so radical a change. A marked influence of Philo's speculations is apparent, and though the term Logos is not directly applied to Jesus, the doc trine of these Epistles regarding Christ is well advanced toward that ofthe fourth Gospel. The couception of the work of Christ in Colossians and Ephesians corresponds with the speculative Christology which they set forth. The work ofthe "second Adam" ofthe Pauline Epistles, who by his death freed men from the curse of the law, and made possible their justification by faith, is here extended into the heavenly regions.4 Paul conceives of God as reconciling us, that is, the believers, to Himself. But in Colossians not only men, but also " the things in the heavens," are said to be reconciled to Christ, and the result of 'Rom. xi. 36. » 1 Cor. xv. 24, 28. 'Eph. v. 5.. 4Col. i. 20. 180 COLOSSIANS AND EPHESIANS the work of this cosmic Christ, who is regarded as the beginning of all things, the one in whom all things "consist," and "unto" whom they were created, is the foiling ofthe demonic "principalities and powers" and a "triumphing over them."' In him, in whom dwelt " all the fulness of the Godhead bodily," and who was " the head of all principality and power " (Col. ii. io), the writer of Ephes ians conceives that it was the purpose of God to "sum up all things in the heavens " and "in the earth " (i. io). It is incontestable that the Pauline conception of reconciliation, which includes only men,2 and that of the author of Hebrews, which directly excludes all other beings 3 is transcended in the doctrine of the work of Christ set forth in these two Epistles. This extension of the work of Christ proceeds hand in hand with an angelology developed beyond that of Paul by the addition of new orders of angels ("thrones" and "dominions"), and, since the thought of the two writers dwells preponderatingly in the regions of spiritual existences, with a demonology denoting a marked advance upon the earlier Christian thought. Accordingly, we find here "the world-rulers of this darkness " and " the spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places," 4 "filling the whole atmosphere " after the manner, as it has been remarked by Bleek, of the representation of the Rabbis and Greek philosophers of the time. Chief of these demonic powers is "the devil" (SidfioXoi), "the evil one,"5 "the prince ofthe power ofthe air." The " wrestling " ofthe believers Is against these terrible agencies, and they need "the whole armour of God" to withstand "the fiery darts ofthe evil one." The demon ology of Ephesians has been with good reason regarded as a develop ment of early-Christian thought concerning evil angels, which lies between Paul and the author of the fourth Gospel. The conception of a mighty personal power whom the latter represents as "the prince (dpxoor) of this world " 6 is not surprising to one who reflects upon this development. The difference between the Johannine representation and that of Ephesians is noteworthy in that the latter intensifies the satanic conception by enlarging the number of beings included in it, while the former drops out the subordinate agencies, and concentrates all the badness and hatred in one fearful personality, 'Col. ii. 15. v. 32). ' John viii. 44. 2 Eph. i. 21, ii. 17. 3 Ibid. ii. 8, 9. 4 Col. ii., 13, 14. 6 Eph. v. 2. ' Ibid. v. 26. ' See Tit. iii. 8. THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. INTRODUCTION. THE occasion of this brief Epistle was the escape of a slave of Philemon's, Onesimus, to Paul, when the apostle was in prison either in Csesarea or in Rome. The apostle sends Onesimus back to his master, whom he desig nates as his " fellow- worker." In Col. iv. 9 it is said that the slave was sent along with Tychicus when he carried the letter to the Colossians. But according to verse 19 Philemon had been converted by Paul, and since the apostle had never been in Colossse or in Laodicea,1 it is probable that he knew Philemon elsewhere, and that the connection of the slave's return with the journey of Tychicus is incorrect — a not improbable supposition if Paul did not write Colossians. Philemon, it appears, had a house in which believers were accustomed to assemble. Accordingly the Epistle is ad dressed not only to him, but also to the " Church in his house" (v. 2). The address also includes "Apphia our sister," and " Archippus our fellow-soldier." The genuine ness of the Epistle was first contested by Baur, but his objections to it as the beginning of a romance-literature are in part obviated by the not improbable supposition that Onesimus was acquainted with Paul prior to his escape from his master. A few words not found in the larger Epistles of Paul are contained in it. It is in every way worthy of the great apostle in style, dignity, courtesy, and friendliness. ¦Col. ii. 10. 183 THE EPISTLE TO PHILEMON. EXPOSITION. Paul a prisoner of Christ Jesus (v. i). — Of Christ Jesus, that is, for the sake of Christ, whose he is, he is in prison. The customary " apostle " is omitted, perhaps because not appropriate to a personal letter. Fellow-worker.1 We are not informed of the circumstances of the relation here indi cated, and it is not known how Apphia and Archippus (v. 2) stood related to Philemon. Grace to you and peace, etc. (v. 3). — Verbally like Phil. i. 1. Compare Col. i. 1. Hearing of thy love and of the faith which thou hast toward the Lord Jesus (v. 5). — This clause expresses the reason why Paul is thankful to God. Whether love should be con nected with to the brethren and Jaith with toward the Lord Jesus, or faith with the Lord Jesus and the brethren in the sense of " fidelity," love being left without relation to either through the prepositions is doubtful. The translation here given is in accordance with the latter alternative, and affords a good sense. That the fellowship of thy faith, etc. (v. 6). — This clause is capable of connection with " making mention " (verse 4), or with " which thou hast " (verse 5), indicating the direction of the faith. The meaning probably is ' ' that others, being 1 Col. iv. 11; Phil. ii. 25, iv. 3. 185 1 86 PHILEMON v. 7-16. in spiritual communion with you, may make common cause with your faith, and so come to a knowledge of every good thing that is in you for Christ and his cause." Because the hearts of the saints (v. 7). — The reference is vague and we have no means of identifying the saints.' Wherefore, though I have all boldness in Christ, etc. (v. 8). — In what respect the apostle had boldness in Christ to enjoin Philemon is not certain. Some relation to Christ is clearly conceived to be the ground of his boldness, but whether he had in mind his apostleship in Christ, or was thinking of Christ as the common ground of the religious life of himself and his friend, is not clear. I beseech thee for my child (v. io), that is, his convert — an affectionate designation, and touching in connection with verse 9.' Onesimus, who was aforetime unprofitable to thee (v. II). — Apparently a play upon the word Onesimus, which from its derivation means ' ' profitable, " " helpful. ' ' In what respect the slave had been unprofitable is not certain, perhaps in that he had escaped. A possibility only is indicated in verse 18. But is now profitable to thee and me. See verses 13, 15, 16. — That is, my very heart (v. 12). — By these words Onesi mus is designated as very dear to the apostle. See " my child " (v. 10). In the bonds of the gospel (v. 13), that is, in the bonds which the gospel places upon him, since for its sake he is in prison. That thy goodness should not be of necessity (v. 14). — The goodness of Philemon in the ministering of the slave to the apostle. For perhaps he was therefore parted (v. 15). — For gives a reason why Paul did not do what he would " fain " have done (v. 13), that is, a providential dispensation is the " reason." 1 1 Cor. xvi. 18. 2 See 1 Cor. iv. 14, 15. v. 17-25. PHILEMON 187 Both in the flesh and in the Lord (v. it), that is, both in his human relation as a slave and in his relation " in Christ " as a spiritual brother. If, then, thou countest me a partner (v. 17), that is, in Christian fellowship, receive him as if you received me, as you would receive me. But if he hath wronged thee at all, or oweth thee aught (v. 18). — A considerate way of putting the matter, "Attic politeness." That I say not unto thee how that thou owest to me even thine own self besides (v. 19), that is, in declaring his obligation to pay any loss the apostle will not remind Philemon that he owes to him his conversion to Christianity. Let me have joy of thee in the Lord, refresh my heart in Christ (v. 20). — The word rendered let me have joy is akin to Onesimus and appears to have been chosen for that reason as a play upon the slave's name. It does not occur elsewhere in the New Testament. From this point of view let me have profit, or advantage, is the correct translation. In the Lord, with the usual meaning of in Christ as the ground of Christian faith, hope, etc. In thine obedience indicates his apostolic right to command waived in verse 8. — The grace (v. 25). — Verbally like Phil. iv. 23, See Gal, vi. 18, THE PASTORAL EPISTLES. INTRODUCTION. THE three Epistles generally designated " the Pastoral " (i and 2 Timothy and Titus) are so similar in char acter as to warrant a common introduction. In the early literature of the Church all are known wherever one is known. There is no evidence that they were used by any writer before about the middle of the second century. Jus tin Martyr appears to have known them, and they were recognised as Pauline writings in the canon of Muratori and by Tertullian, Irenseus, and Clement of Alexandria. They are not occupied with the discussion of doctrinal quest ions or with the establishment of a theology, but their common object is to combat certain false teachings in the Church, to direct its organisation, and to maintain the tra ditional faith. The style of all is similar, and many indica tions favour the supposition that the three are the work of the same author ; although each has peculiarities of lan guage. It is not probable that the writer of any one of them used either of the others, but if- there were different authors they must have been closely related in thought and purpose. The supposition that the Epistles were written at different times furnishes a natural explanation of some of their diversities. The fact that Christian writers of the end of the second century and the beginning of the third believed the Epistles 189 i9o INTRODUCTION to have been written by Paul does not suffice to settle the question of their authorship. This question must be determ ined by the relation of the historical situations appearing in them to the facts of Paul's life as they are known from Acts and from his undisputed Epistles, and by their contents both as to thought compared with the apostle's and as to the historical environment implied. With respect to i Timothy the circumstances of its composition indicated in it do not fit any known period of the life of Paul. According to the Epistle itself Paul, who had been with Timothy in Ephesus, had gone into Macedonia, and left Timothy in his place to attend to the false teachers. He writes him this letter in order to exhort him anew to this end (i. 3, 4), although ex pecting soon to return to him (iii. 14, iv. 13). Now we learn from Acts that Paul was twice in Ephesus, once on his first missionary journey, when he remained but a short time.1 He could not have written the Epistle after leaving on this occasion, for there was then no church there, and he did not then go into Macedonia. The second time he resided there from two to three years, and on leaving went into Macedonia. But the circumstances are not favourable to the writing of the Epistle at this time. For the Epistle requires that Timothy be in Ephesus when it was written. Yet he had been sent away into Macedonia before Paul went thither.2 According to 1 Cor. iv. 17 he had directions to go also to Corinth, and was expected to return.3 But there is no mention either in Acts or any of Paul's Epistles that he came back to Ephesus prior to Paul's departure. Again, when Paul wrote his first Epistle to the Corinthians from Ephesus he did not intimate an intention to return to that city, but wished them to set him on his way after he should have visited them, " whithersoever" he might go,4 and on his return from Greece he went by determination past it in 1 Acts xviii. 19. ! Acts xix. 22. 3 1 Cor. xvi. n. 4 1 Cor. xvi. 6. THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 191 order to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost.1 But in the Epistle he expresses his purpose to come back to Ephesus (iii. 14, iv. 13). Finally it appears from 2 Cor. i. 1 that Timothy was with Paul in Macedonia when that Epistle was written, and according to Acts xx. 4 he accompanied him on his journey from Corinth to Philippi. Yet according to 1 Tim. iv. 13 he had directions to remain in Ephesus until the apostle's return ! 2 Unable to bring the composition of 1 Timothy into accord with known events of the apostle's life, some defenders ofthe Pauline authorship have supposed a second Roman impris onment preceded by a journey, the incidents of which are invented to fit the situation presupposed in the Epistle. But this second imprisonment out of which the letter is assumed to have been written rests upon the slender support of a passage in Clement of Rome, which is of doubtful inter pretation on account of the corrupt state of the text, and upon an unsupported statement of Eusebius in the fourth century. If the work of Paul continued some time after the Roman imprisonment known to history it could not have failed to leave traces behind it. There is no intimation of it in the First Epistle to Timothy, supposed on this theory to have been written thereafter, and Acts is not only silent 1 Acts xx. 16. 2 The question has been raised whether, assuming that Timothy was left in charge at Ephesus, Paul would have written him such directions as are contained in the Epistle. On this matter Prof. E. Y. Hincks writes in the fournal of Biblical Literature, 1897, p. 104 : " It is altogether probable that before going away the apostle would have given his vicar directions as to the matters treated of in the let ter. In that case the instructions of the Epistle repeat or fill out the initial instructions. We should expect in a writer as practical, skilful, and tactful as Paul was some allusion to the fact. . . . With regard to the administration of church government not only is there no sug gestion that Timothy had been told how to act, but the directions taken by themselves would suggest that he had not." 192 INTRODUCTION about it, but also presupposes that the journey to Rome which it records was to his death. Such a desperate resort as this invention of a second imprisonment in order to save the Pauline authorship of i Timothy cannot commend itself to the sober second thought of unbiased scholars. The Second Epistle to Timothy is also involved in his torical difficulties which preclude its composition by Paul during his imprisonment in Rome. Trophimus is said to have been left ill at Miletus during the journey to Rome.1 But in Acts xxi. 29 Trophimus is mentioned as with Paul in Jerusalem, and hence could not have been left behind at Miletus. Besides, Paul did not stop at Miletus when he went from Csesarea to Rome. The statement that Eras tus abode at Corinth ' does not correspond with the facts, for on the journey in question the apostle did not stop at this city. Besides, it is very improbable that Paul should mention, long" after their occurrence, to Timothy events of another journey on which according to Acts xx. 4 he was his companion. A writer assuming the rdle of Paul and having a vague knowledge of circumstances which he did not cleverly put together might place persons and inci dents in such relations, but the apostle himself could not have made these mistakes. The situations presupposed in Titus do not fit into the life of Paul as it is known to us from Acts. We have in fact no account of a work of his in Crete, either alone or in connec tion with Titus, such as is assumed in Titus i. 5. In the account in Acts xxvii. 7-13 of the apostle's sailing by Crete, a prisoner on the way to Italy, and putting in at a harbour of that island there is no intimation that there were any Christians on the island whom he was permitted to see as in other places.3 Accordingly it has been supposed by some that the Christianity of the island was of a later origin. But this gives Paul no opportunity to have visited the island 1 2 Tim. iv. 20. " Acts xxvii. 3, xxviii. 14, 15. THE PA S TOR A L EPIS TLES 1 93 except on the presumption of a journey thither after an assumed deliverance from the first Roman imprisonment. But this supposition allows too short a time for the conver sion of the Cretans and the rise of heretical opinions and teachers. Conjectural combinations are possible, but they are of little importance since they are without an historical foundation. There is no mention of Titus in Acts, and though he is several times introduced in Paul's Epistles he is nowhere said to have been in Crete. The Epistle is without historical setting, and has such internal incongruities as that Paul tells Titus what according to the assumed situ ation he must already have known (i. 5), and gives him a description of the false teachers which he must be supposed to have had from Titus himself (i. 10-14), an(l which was in any case needless, since the latter should be assumed to know them better than he did. Such language regarding a people among whom he had laboured as we find in i. 12 is without parallel in the apostle's writings. The appearance of false teachers is the occasion of the three Epistles and one of the principal objects in view in their composition was evidently to warn against and combat the dangerous doctrines which these innovators were propa gating. The interest manifested by the writer in the organisation of the Church may have been subordinate to this end, since a Church well organised and officered is an effective means of opposing heresy. The vagueness with which the false teachers are characterised renders it difficult to identify them among the many forms of so-called heresy in the early Church. We find such terms employed of their teachings as ' ' myths " or " fables, " " profane and old wives' fables," "genealogies," etc.1 Among their teach ings were ascetic prohibitions of certain foods and of mar riage,2 and Timothy is warned to "turn away from the profane babblings and oppositions of the knowledge (gnosis) 1 1 Tim. iv. 7 ; 2 Tim. iv. 4 ; Tit. iii. 9. 2 1 Tim. iv. 3, 4. i94 INTRODUCTION falsely so called." 1 Heresy appears to have become a standard designation, and a man is designated as " heret ical " who departs from the " sound doctrine." 2 The false teachers are also charged with misleading the people morally. They are said to combine immorality with their heresy, to be " corrupted in mind and reprobate con cerning the faith." 3 They are lovers of self and of money, unthankful, unholy, lovers of pleasure rather than lovers of God. They creep into houses and take captive silly women laden with sins, led away by divers lusts. They hold a form of godliness, but have denied the power thereof.4 In 2 Tim othy two are mentioned in particular, who have " erred concerning the truth, saying that the resurrection is past already" (ii. 18). This was probably a totally different phase of doctrine from that mentioned in 1 Cor. xv. 12, which was a denial that there is a resurrection. Its contents cannot be exactly determined. Perhaps it was that " the age to come " had already begun, that there was to be no future Parousia, or second coming of Christ, in connection with which the orthodox Christians expected the resurrec tion, and that accordingly men ought then to live the angelic life, to abstain from flesh, from marriage, etc., and be "as the angels." 6 In opposition to these teachings are perhaps such passages as 1 Tim. ii. 12, 15, v. 23, vi. 5, 14 ; 2 Tim. ii. 18, iv. 1 ; Tit. i. 2, ii. 4. That the false teachers repre sented some form of Gnosticism is very probable, and Iren- seus, Tertullian, and Epiphanius were of this opinion, but the exact phase or stage of that many-sided heresy which appears in the Epistles is indeterminable. That the errors combated were later than the time of Paul may be regarded as hardly questionable, and that they belonged to the first decades of the second century is almost certain. The organisation of the Church occupies a large share of 1 1 Tim. vi. 20. 2 Tit. iii. 9, 10. 3 2 Tim. iii. 8. 4 Ibid. iii. 1-8. 5 Matt. xix. 12 ; Luke xx. 35. THE PA S TOR A L EPIS TLBS 1 95 attention in the Epistles as a means of overcoming the heresies. This is especially the case in 1 Timothy, which is probably the latest of the three. Unmistakable traces ap pear of a condition of the Church far advanced beyond the time of Paul. Prayers are enjoined for " all men, kings, and all that are in high place." ' We meet here with none of the conditions ofthe worship of the Christians of Paul's time as set forth in 1 Cor. xii. 28, xiv. 3, 4, 6, 26, 27, but one office of teaching and doubtless a public liturgical read ing of the Old Testament.2 Traces of a fixed confession of faith appear in such expressions as : " Jesus Christ, risen from the dead, of the seed of David " ; " Jesus Christ who under Pontius Pilate witnessed the good confession " ; " who should judge the quick and the dead." 3 The direction regarding widows 4 indicates a well-developed church-organi sation. The injunction that a bishop must not be a recent convert does not fit a time when the Church was in the beginning of its existence, as during Paul's life. The requirement in a bishop that he be " the husband of one wife " " is totally unfitting to the time of the apostle and contrary to the spirit of his teaching. The meaning without doubt is that a man is unfit for a bishop if he marry a sec ond wife after the death of his first, since polygamy was so exceptional among both Jews and gentiles of that age as to be excluded, and adultery or fornication would, if intended, have been expressed in other terms. But the Church fathers relate that in the second and succeeding centuries a prejud ice existed against second marriages, some regarding them as immoral, and since there is no evidence that Paul in his undisputed writings entertained any such opinion, but rather allowed the marriage of widows," the conclusion is forced upon us that the requirement regarding the remarriage of 1 1 Tim. ii. 1, 2. ' 1 Tim. iv. 9-13. 2 Ibid. iv. 13. 6 Ibid. iii. 2 ; Tit. i. 6. 8 Ibid. vi. 13 ; 2 Tim. ii. 8, iv. 1. 6 1 Cor. vii. 9-13. 196 INTRODUCTION bishops indicates the late date of the Epistles. As a coun terpart to this injunction may be cited that regarding the widows, who might be " enrolled," that is, put on the list for support, if they had not contracted a second marriage. ' This is certainly not simply unpauline, but anti-Pauline, and shows how strong the sentiment was against a second marriage when the Epistles were written. The connection of " the gift of God " with " the laying on of hands," whether of an apostle or of the " presbytery," is without parallel in the writings of Paul.2 To him the "gifts" were solely by the " working " of the Spirit,8 and the situa tion implied in the Pastoral Epistles is that of a time when the apostolic conception of an office in the Church was pass ing or had already passed into the ecclesiastical, in which an ordination by a college of presbyters took the place of the earlier direct endowment of the Spirit. It is the opinion of the most competent judges that the idea of a bishop as the head of the college of presbyters was in the mind of the writer, and that it shows itself in the functions which he as signs to Timothy and Titus. The conception of the Church as an organised whole, that is, as " catholic, ' ' which we have seen in Ephesians, is unmistakable in these Epistles. His torical criticism must, then, assign them to a period in the development of the Church in which the actual environment corresponds to their contents. The indications of an unpauline authorship shown in the language, style, and diction are numerous, but the discussion of this subject would be out of place in a handbook intended for the general reader. It may suffice to remark that an examination has shown that out of the 897 words used in the Epistles, names of persons excluded, 171 are not found elsewhere in the New Testament, and 133 are not known to the undisputed Pauline writings. Peculiar families of words and new compounds abound, and the style indicates not 1 1 Tim. v. 9. %Ibid. iv. 14 ; 2 Tim. i. 6. 3 1 Cor. xii. n. THE PASTORAL EPISTLES 197 Paul grown older, but a man of a different mind and manner of thinking. The dependence upon the genuine Epistles, shown in numerous contacts with them in ideas and phrase ology, betrays an imitator. The writer was evidently a disciple of Paul's, and represents him in some of the features of his teaching, while in accordance with the general tend ency of the post-apostolic age, allowing others which are the most distinguishing to drop out of sight. Apart from the dependence on Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, and 1 Thessalonians, in many expressions peculiar ideas of He brews are suggested, although a literary dependence on that Epistle is not certain. Numerous expressions similar to passages in 1 Peter have been pointed out, a detailed exam ination of which shows the probable priority of the latter. Some contacts with Ephesians and numerous ones with Luke and Acts have been found. Especially noteworthy is it that out of the 80 words not found in the Pauline writings which these latter contain 34 appear in the Pastoral Epistles. Since Hebrews, 1 Peter, Ephesians, Luke, and Acts consti tute a related group of writings showing many features of similarity in points of view, the judgment appears to be well founded which places the Pastoral Epistles in the midst of this post-Pauline development. In the traits of the false teachers combated there is some similarity with those of the heretics in 2 Peter and Jude. Some contacts with the Johannine group of writings are apparent, but whether to the Pastoral Epistles should be assigned the priority or not is indeterminable. The time of the origin of the Epistles must be placed in the last part of the first or the early years of the second century, with a preponderance of probability in favour of the latter, between a.d. 118 and 140. Second Timothy pur ports to have been written from Rome, and the Latinisms of the style of all three, together with the preponderant dependence on the Epistle to the Romans, favour the suppos ition that they originated there. THE FIRST EPISTLE TO TIMOTHY. EXPOSITION. The Epistle begins with the address and greeting usual in the Pauline letters and immediately proceeds to a consideration of the truth of Christianity as opposed to false teachings (i. 1-20). Christ Jesus our hope (i. 1). — Suggested perhaps by 1 Cor. xv. 19 or 1 Thess. i. 3. Paul does not call Christ or God our hope. He speaks of ' ' the hope of salvation ' ' and of " the hope of the glory of God" ' with reference to the blessedness which Christ at his second coming would pre pare for the believers in his kingdom.2 As I exhorted thee (i. 3). — This introductory clause (vv. 3 and 4) has no conclusion, but a conclusion is easily supplied. Certain men, that is, men whom I do not wish, or do not need to name. Perhaps scorn is implied. Teach a different doctrine (i. 3). — The word so rendered occurs here and in vi. 3 only in the New Testament, and means, to teach a doctrine not in accord with that which had been handed down, that which was " sound " (verse 10). 3 Tables and endless genealogies (i. 4). — This expression is too vague to admit of precise determination, and there has been no little discussion as to the particular doctrines of the 1 1 Thess. v. 8 ; Rom. v. 2. 2 Similar Tit. i. 2, ii. 13. 3 ii ¦ Ep0S1SadxaXe.lv. See Gal. i. 6 ; 2 Cor. xi. 4 ; Rom. xvi. 17. 199 200 FIRST TIMOTHY i. 4-8. early heretics which are referred to. The reference to the Gnostic speculations of the second century is probably cor rect, especially since the Christian writers of about the time in which that heresy flourished so understood the matter, supposing Paul to have prophetically anticipated the heresies. Myths (i. 4) may be understood as designating the current Gnostic " fantastic fictions" regarding the world of spirits, and genealogies as describing the speculations of the Gnostics about the orders of the so-called seons or emanations of the Deity. Perhaps the two terms are nearly synonymous. These speculations the writer says minister questionings rather than a stewardship or dispensation of God, which is grounded in faith. This dispensation is God's plan of salvation. But the end of the charge is love (i. 5). — Charge is taken up from verse 3, and its object is said to be love, that is, kindly regard for the welfare of others, the love that springs " out of a pure heart and a good conscience and faith unfeigned " (see " faith working through love," Gal. v. 6). Desiring to be teachers of the law (i. 7). — These were not "doctors of the law" (Luke v. 17; Acts v. 34, where alone the word occurs, besides, in the New Testament), but those who occupied themselves with idle talking about the law, with Gnostic speculations, perhaps, as to its origin and meaning. But we know that the law is good (i. 8). — The law is here as with Paul the entire Mosaic law, ritual and moral, which the apostle calls "holy, just, and good" (Rom. vii. 12). The lawful use of it has reference to the teachers, as is evid ent from verse 7. If the heretical teachers do not make a right use of it, this fact does not disparage the law as such. Perhaps the declaration that the law is good was also directed against the heretics, who may have denied its value and de preciated its importance. The rambling list of sinners for i. 10-14. FIRST TIMOTHY 201 whom the law is intended might well have been dispensed with, since it must necessarily be deficient unless it should be extended beyond all propriety. As it is, it goes beyond good taste, and is not at all in the style of Paul. The writer appears to have let his mind rove without a definite purpose. Abusers of themselves witk men (i. 10). — Sodomites, see Rom. i. 27 ; 1 Cor. vi. 9. The sound doctrine. In 2 Tim. iv. 13 this term is employed to designate the right belief handed down from the apostles. Here it denotes the opposite of a number of violations of the moral law. The writer doubt less connected good morals with right doctrine. According to the gospel of the glory of the blessed God (i. 1 1). — This is to be connected with ' ' for the law is not made for a righteous man " (verse 9). On the glory of God see Rom. ix. 23 ; 2 Cor. iv. 4, 6. This was manifested in Jesus, and is the content of the gospel.1 / thank him that enabled me, even Christ Jesus our Lord (i. 12), that is, made me capable of performing the arduous labours of an apostle. The writer is of course speaking ostensibly for Paul. Though I was before a blasphemer (j.. 13). — Paul does not so designate himself, and the word is not elsewhere used in the New Testament.2 The occasion for this arraignment is not apparent, and the whole connection is forced and un natural compared with 1 Cor. xv. 8, 9. " The monstrous difference " between this and all the passages in which Paul speaks of his former life has been remarked. Howbeit, I obtained mercy (i. 13). — Paul never uses " mercy " in connection with his conversion, but " grace." 3 " Mercy" is employed with reference to his apostleship.4 Ignorantly in unbelief. See Eph. iv. 18; Acts iii. 17, xvii. 30; 1 Pet. i. 14; Heb. v. 2. And the grace of our Lord abounded exceedingly with faith and love which is in Jesus Christ (i. 14). — This sentence ap- ' Tit. ii. 13. 2 fiXadcprj/j-oi. 3 1 Cor. xv. 10. 4 2 Cor. iv. 1. 202 FIRST TIMOTHY i. 15-17. pears to indicate a want of clear conception on the part of the writer. The sense is that the grace of Christ abounded exceedingly along with faith and the love which is in Christ, that is, the writer represents Paul as having experienced the grace of Christ on the ground of his own faith and love. Faithful is the saying and worthy of all acceptation (i. 15), as if the fact that Jesus came into the world to save sinners needed this special corroboration either to the writer or to the reader, remarks Schleiermacher. The expression came into the world, etc., is introduced as if it were a current say ing. It is not found in Paul and not in the other Pastoral Epistles, but is Johannine.1 Of whom I am chief. An imi tation of 1 Cor. xv. 9, " the least of the apostles." The in tensifying goes beyond that of Eph. iii. 8, " less than the least of all the saints," and the Epistle of Barnabas goes farther with the inclusion of the rest of the apostles. For this cause I obtained mercy, that in me as chief (i. 16). — The idea is probably not as "chief sinner," but "especially," or "foremost," and "in me especially," is a preferable rendering, although in the original the same word is used that in verse 15 is properly rendered " chief." Believe on him. Belief on (ini ) Christ — a conception in which he is not the ob ject but the ground of faith in the sense of " confidence " or " trust," is not elsewhere expressed in the New Testament. Now unto the king (i. 17). — King eternal, literally " king of the ages," is not elsewhere in the New Testament applied to God.2 It occurs in the earliest extra-canonical Christian literature, with which the Pastoral Epistles were probably nearly contemporaneous. The doxology seems to be inap propriate here, and occupies an awkward position at the con clusion of an incidental portion of the chapter. But after this interruption the writer does not proceed to a new subject but resumes the theme of verse 5, as is evident from the words " charge," " faith," and " a good conscience." 'John i. 9, vi. 14, xi. 27. 2 fiadiXevS r I Tim. ii. 9 and the notes on the passages. The hidden man of the heart (iii. 4). — See Paul's " inward man." ' For after this manner . . . the holy women (iii. 5, 6). — The prominence given to the idea of woman's subjection is noteworthy. The writer treats the subject like an enlightened man of his age who is unable to transcend its point of view. Ye husbands, in like manner (iii. 7)- — " In like manner " probably relates vaguely to the similarity of the relation be tween exhortations to husbands and to wives. According to knowledge. This is probably to be taken adverbially in the sense of " with insight," that is, with understanding of what belongs to the relation of husband and wife. It were probably a preferable translation to omit the words your wives which have been supplied, and read, "dwell according to knowledge with the woman as the weaker vessel, giving honour to her as both being heirs, ' ' etc. Finally, be ye all likeminded (iii. 8, 9). — Compare Rom. xii. 13-17 ; 1 Thess. v. 15 ; 1 Cor. iv. 12 ; Luke vi. 28 ; Heb. xii. 17 (" without a blessing "). The citation (vv. 10-12) is from Ps. xxxiv. 13-17 according to the Septuagint. Exhortations follow to patience under persecution in view of Christ's sufferings. Mention is made of the preaching to the spirits in prison, and soberness and pure love are recommended (iii. 13-iv. 19). 1 Rom. vii. 22 ; 2 Cor. iv. 16. 3I4 FIRST PETER iii. 14-19- For righteousness' sake (iii. 14).— This passage appears to have been suggested by the beatitude, Matt. v. 10. Fear not their fear (iii. 14). Apparently from Isa. viii. 12, 13. Here the meaning is, "fear not the fear which proceeds from them." But sanctify in your hearts Christ as Lord [that is, rev erence him . . . hold him as honoured], being ready always to give an answer (iii. 15). — When questioned before the Roman judicial tribunals as to yonr hope, that is, your Christian faith, which includes the hope that is to become fruition at the Parousia, be ready to answer. Because Christ also suffered for sins once, the righteous for the unrighteous, that he might bring us to God (iii. 18). — Since Christ was righteous, his suffering was not for his own sins, but for the sins of men, that is, he made atonement for them or ransomed men from bondage to them. The Pauline idea of the relation of Christ's suffering to the law is not fully carried out here, but the emphasis is placed on the result of the atonement in the words, that he might bring us to God. Once. See Heb. ix. 26, 28. The connection does not indi cate that the writer had the thought of Hebrews in mind. Being put to death in the flesh, but quickened in the spirit (iii. 18). — The expression, quickened in the spirit, means made alive, or raised from the dead (verse 21).1 This entire verse is manifestly a reproduction of the Pauline teaching on the subject. The suffering of Christ for sins accords with " gave himself for our sins " (Gal. 1. 4) and " died for our sins"(i Cor. xv. 3). We have here, too, the well-known Paul ine antithesis of ' ' flesh" and ' 'spirit. ' ' The Pauline doctrine ofthe spirit also appears in i. 2, 12, iv. 14. In which also he went and preached to the spirits in prison (iii. 19). — Not as essential to his argument, but as if expressing incidentally a current belief which was suggested to him by the word " spirit," the writer here inserts (for verse 18 would make 1 Rom. viii. 11 ; 1 Cor. xv. 22. iii. 20. FIRST PETER 3i5 a good connection with verse 22) a tradition that Jesus went into the underworld in the spirit, that is, after having laid aside the flesh, and preached to the spirits. Who were aforetime disobedient hi the days of Noah (iii. 20). — In which he went, etc., literally " in which [spirit] having gone, he preached," etc. These words unquestionably im ply that the writer thought of a personal going of Christ to preach to the spirits in prison, just as " having gone into heaven" (verse 22) admits of no other interpretation. A preaching through Noah to the contemporaries of the latter, as some interpret the words, is accordingly excluded. Be sides, if this latter view be adopted, in prison has no intel ligible sense, since to say that the spirits were in prison because they would not listen to Noah is to strain a figure too much, to say nothing of the unfitness of calling the living men of that time spirits. "Spirit" (nvevyioi) is sometimes used in the New Testament to designate men who have departed this life.1 Prison denotes the place where the spirits of the disobedient were confined, that part of the under world or realm of the dead assigned to bad men.2 To this place, then, Jesus was believed to have gone in spirit to preach to the spirits of the men who had been disobedient when the ark was preparing , for when must be connected with disobedient. As to the time when Christ was supposed to have gone in spirit to preach to the spirits in prison, it is arbi trary to suppose that the writer had in mind any period prior to Jesus' coming in the flesh, since he is here speaking of the passion and resurrection. The time was probably thought to be between his death and his resurrection. The preach ing of Christ in question was doubtless conceived to have been similar to that in which he was engaged during his earthly ministry, that is, a preaching of repentance, and it, is arbitrary to suppose that he was thought to have gone to 1 Acts xxiii. 9 ; Luke xxiv. 37, 39 ; Heb. xii. 23. 2 Rev. xx. 7 ; 2 Pet. ii. 4 ; Jude 6. 316 FIRST PETER iii. 20-22. these spirits in prison to announce to them their condemna tion, which their imprisonment must be assumed to have already made known to them. This tradition of obscure origin has only an historical importance. It shows that prior to and at the time of the composition of this Epistle it was believed among some Christians that the disobedient spirits in prison of the Noachian time were not in a hopeless con dition. If the passage be regarded as having doctrinal significance, it must be taken with the qualification that, strictly interpreted, it ap plies only to the spirits of the people who lived when the ark was pre paring. Why in the formation of the tradition this limitation was put upon the preaching of Jesus to the departed must remain a mys tery. It is evident that with this restriction the doctrinal importance of the passage practically disappears. The preaching of repentance to a small fraction ofthe disobedient departed spirits in a mythological underworld is not a matter of great significance in a system of dog matic theology. A few . . . were saved through water (iii. 20). — Since the eight souls were saved through the ark as instrument or means, through cannot be taken in connection with water as instrumental. Yet this idea seems to have been in the writer's mind, since he says the water does now save the Christians by means of baptism. The flood seems to be regarded as a type of baptism after a true likeness (iii. 21), but the writer's figure limps. The interrogation of a good conscience. The word rendered " in terrogation " means sometimes " an earnest seeking," and the idea is that baptism saves because its subjects have earnestly sought a good conscience toward God, or " a con science reconciled to God." The Pauline idea is added that the subjects in question are saved through the resurrection of Jesus Christ. Who is on the right hand of God (iii. 22). — See Rom. viii. 5$; Col. iii. i. Here his sway extends over all the heavenly powers, which are here nanied as to their ranks in accordance with the Jewish mythology. See the different names and iv. 1-6. FIRST PETER 317 arrangements of the classes of angelic beings in Rom. viii. 38; Col. i. 16; Eph. i. 21. Forasmuch, then, as Christ suffered in the flesh, etc. (iv. I). — The believers are exhorted to imitate the Master in not shrinking from suffering in the flesh from persecutions, for he that hath suffered in the flesh hath ceased from sin, that is, one who suffers on account of opposition to sin, has carried his opposition to it to the point of suffering for it, has in fact broken the power of sin in his life. To the lusts of men (iv. 2). See the same construction as "to righteousness " (ii. 24). For the time past may suffice, etc. (iv. 3). — The past time of their life, when they walked in lasciviousness, etc., was sufficient to devote to the satisfaction of such desires as per tain to the gentiles, who live " after the flesh." Who shall give account to him that is ready to judge the quick and the dead (iv. 5). — This judge is Christ, see Acts x. 42 ; 2 Tim. iv. 1, who is " on the right hand of God " (iii. 22). When he should come in glory it would be " to judgment." The judgment at the Parousia is conceived by this writer as about to be passed upon the living and the dead, those who would be living at the time of Christ's second coming and those who had died prior to that event. Probably so far as the dead are concerned believers only are included in the writer's thought, just as the Pauline doctrine of the last things takes account of them alone. The believers were conceived as subject to judgment.1 For to this end was the gospel preached even to the dead (iv. 6). — The end is that the dead might be judged as men, but might live to God in the spirit. It is evident that none of the dead are included except those to whom the gospel had been preached. Accordingly, they must be supposed to be either those of the time of Noah mentioned in iii. 19, or the dead who had been ' ' evangelised ' ' prior to their death. 1 2 Cor. v. 10. 3 1 8 FIRS T PE TER iv. 7-8. The resurrection and judgment of all the dead at the Parousia is not expressed here, as it does not certainly appear to have been the teaching of Paul, judged by his Epistles, although intimations of such a belief are not wanting in some New Testament writers/ But the end of all things is at hand (iv. 7), that is, the end of the existing world-order, the pre- Messianic age, when the judge, Christ, would appear. It is evident that from this point of view the writer could not have thought of a universal preaching ofthe gospel. But on that hypothesis all who should be dead at the coming of Christ would not have heard it, so that they could be included in the judgment ; and of the in numerable multitude of those who had not heard the message while living only those ofthe time of Noah are by implication favoured ac cording to iii. 19. The materials for a system of theology here sup plied are therefore very meagre. Be ye therefore of sound mind . . . for love covereth a multitude of sins (iv. 7-8). — Therefore, that is, because the coming of Christ, the judge, is at hand. Of sound mind. The Greek word implies the exercise of moderation of mind, self-control. Sober unto prayer, that is, in a state of mind suitable to prayer. In accordance with the essence of Christ's teaching the writer exhorts his readers to love one another, and adds the proverbial expression, love covereth a multitude of sins, adopted from Prov. x. 12. The reference is to the covering of one another's sins, putting them out of sight, by a spirit of forgiveness. The relation of this practi cal exhortation to the idea of the approaching " end of all things " is somewhat obscure. There is no sufficient reason for regarding these words as one of the sayings of Jesus not recorded in the Gospels. It is quoted in the Didaskalia with the words, " the Lord says," but Mr. Ropes calls attention to the fact that the writer also quotes Prov. xv. 1 with the same formula, and thinks, in opposition to Dr. Resch, that 1 Acts xxiv. 15 ; John v. 24 ; Rev. xx. 5. iv. 9-14. FIRST PETER 319 the false reference of the passage to Jesus is " easily intel ligible." See Jas. v. 20, " hide a multitude of sins," and compare Ps. xxxii. 1, Ixxxv. 2. Using hospitality (iv. 9). — See Rom. xii. 13; Heb. xiii. 2. According as each hath received a gift (iv. 10). — A gift, a charism. See Rom. xii. 6 ; 1 Cor. xii. 4, 28. A dependence of the writer on these Pauline passages is evident. Speaking as it were the oracles of God (iv. II). — This is probably said with reference to the function of " prophet," or teacher, or preacher.1 He who performs this function should not speak his own thoughts, but the oracles (logia) of God, that is, the words of the Old Testament — the only writing recognised as " inspired " among Christians at the time when this Epistle was written. If any man ministereth, ministering as of the strength which God supplieth (iv. 11). — See Rom. xii. 7. Those who per formed the official function of ministers or deacons, the same that is called ' ' helps " in 1 Cor. xii. 28, should not serve iu reliance on their own power, but on the strength which God supplieth. Whose is the glory, etc. This doxology may refer grammatically either to God or to Christ. The former is probably the correct reference here, though according to i. 21, the writer might consistently have had Christ in view. Doxologies to Christ are not wanting in the later writings of the New Testament.2 Brethren, think it not strange concerning the fiery trial, etc. (iv. 12). — This is said with reference to the persecutions which the Christians addressed were suffering (see the Intro duction). These come to prove them, but they should rejoice, since they endure such sufferings as Christ endured, that at the revelation of his glory, that is, at the Parousia, they may rejoice with exceeding joy (iv. 13). For the name of Christ (iv. 14). — This expression is not 1 Rom. xii. 6. 2 Heb. xiii. 21 ; 2 Tim. iv. 18 (probably) ; 2 Pet. iii. 18 ; Rev. i. 6. 3_o FIRST PETER iv. 14-v. i. used elsewhere in the New Testament. On persecution for the Name, see the Introduction. The Spirit of glory and the Spirit of God resteth upon you (iv. 14). — They are made partakers of the Spirit of God which is a Spirit of glory, that is, its " ministration " will be glory to be realised at the coming of Christ.1 For let none of you suffer as a murderer . . . but if a man suffer as a Christian let him not be ashamed (iv. 15, 16). — No one could suffer as a murderer, etc., without arraign ment before the Roman tribunals, and the suffering as a Christian here implies such an arraignment as fits the inquiry (iii. 15) which Pliny was ordered to conduct. For the time is come for judgment to begin (iv. 17). — This judgment is that of " the end of all things" (v. 7). The house of God is the community of Christians. The judg ment of the Parousia was conceived to be about to begin with them, and the writer expresses doubt as to the fate of the unbelievers, the ungodly and sinner (Prov. xi. 31), since the righteous are scarcely saved (iv. 18). See 2 Thess. i. 8, 9. Those who suffer according to the will of God (iii. 17) may commit their souls in well-doing unto a faithful Creator (iv. 19). — God is not elsewhere designated Creator in the New Testament. The Epistle ends with exhortations to elders, to submission on the part of the younger, to constancy in faith, and to resistance to the devil (v. 1-14). The elders, therefore, among you I exhort who am a fellow- elder and a witness of the sufferings of Christ (v. i). — The elders were overseers of the churches, and are not in the New Testament distinguished from bishops.2 Fellow-elder. If we suppose the writer consciously to act the part of Peter here, he represents the apostle as a fellow-elder in some unreal sense, such as that an apostle having oversight might 1 2 Cor. iii. 8. * 1 Tim. v. 17, 19 ; Tit. i. 5 ; Jas. v. 14. v. i.-4. FIRST PETER 321 call himself an elder. This may have been his point of view, or he may have forgotten his rdle and called himself what perhaps he was in fact an elder or presbyter of the church. Witness of the sufferings of Christ (v. 1). — According to iv. 13 the sufferings of Christ may be the afflictions which fell upon believers in persecution. A witness of these may be one who bears testimony by his own fidelity in persecu tion, a martyr. This interpretation seems required by the fact that the article unites the two nouns in a single concep tion, the fellow-elder and witness of the sufferings of Christ, not " a fellow-elder and a witness," etc. But if witness be understood to mean eye-witness and the sufferings of Christ those which he personally endured, the passage is a part of the fiction of authorship. Also a partaker of the glory that shall be revealed (v. i). — The glory in question is that of the Parousia, when Christ was expected to come in a surprising pomp and magnificence to set up the Messianic kingdom (iv. 13 ; Jude 24). The writer expects to share in that glory. Tend the flock of God, etc. (v. 2). The figure of a flock and shepherd passed from the Old Testament into the New.1 See Luke xii. 32. Not of constraint. See Heb. xiii. 17. Nor yet for filthy lucre. See Acts xx. 33 ; Tit. i. 7, 11. And when the chief Shepherd 2 shall be manifested, that is, at the Parousia, ye shall receive the crown of glory thatfadeth not away (v. 4). — The unfading crown is the glory itself. See " crown of righteousness," 2 Tim. iv. 8 ; " crown of life," Jas. i. 12 and Rev. ii. 10. At the Parousia Christ was expected to have a ' ' body of glory " 3 to which the bodies of the believers would be " conformed," for those of them who had died would be raised " incorruptible" and those living would be " changed," 4 and both classes would " bear •Jer. xxiii. 1-4; Ezek. xxxiv. 2. 3Phil. iii. 21. 2 Heb. xiii. 20. 4 1 Cor. xv. 52. 322 FIRST PETER v. 5-8. the image ofthe heavenly " ' — the heavenly, glorious body of Christ.Yea, all of you gird yourselves with humility to serve one another (v. 5). — The word rendered gird yourselves means "to fasten anything by means of a knot," hence "to clothe," or " fasten on a garment." Clothe yourselves with humility so as to be in a disposition to serve one another, is the sense of the passage.2 The writer seeks to strengthen this teaching by a citation from Prov. iii. 34 according to the Septuagint with " God " for " Lord." 3 Humble yourselves, therefore, under the mighty hand of God, that He may exalt you in due time (v. 6). — Mighty hand. See Deut. iii. 24. On humility and exaltation see Matt. xxiii. 12 ; Luke xiv. 11 ; Jas. iv. 10. This verse has the appearance of having its origin in a reminiscence of some passages in the Gospels, particularly Matt, xxiii. 12, Luke xiv. n. The writer's relation to the Gospel-history is neither that of close familiarity nor that of marked contact. The influence of ex pressions in the earlier literature can hardly be affirmed on the strength of such resemblances as " gird up the loins of your mind " (i. 13) compared with Luke xii. 35, " let your loins be girded about"; of ' ' watch " or " be watchful " (v. 8), cf. Matt. xxiv. 42 and Luke xxi. 36 ; of "the Holy Ghost sent down from heaven" (i. 12), cf. Luke xxiv. 49. "The stone which the builders rejected " (ii. 7) has accords with Luke xx. 17 f., and Rom. ix. 33, but was not improbably a cur rent phrase. Reminiscence may account for i. 10, cf. Luke x. 24, for i. 6-9, ii. 12, iii. 16, cf. Luke vi. 32 f., and for i. ii, cf. Luke xxiv. 26. Casting all your anxiety upon Him, etc. (v. 7)- — Erom Ps. Iv. 22, substantially according to the Septuagint. Your adversary, the devil, as a roaring lion (v. 8). — Spiritual sobriety and watchfulness are enjoined because the adversary of the believers, the personal power of evil, the devil, walketh about like a roaring lion hungry for his prey, 1 1 Cor. xv. 49. 2 Rom. xii. 16 ; Eph. iv. 2 ; Phil. ii. 3. 3 Jas. iv. 6. v. 9-13- FIRST PETER 323 seeking whom he may devour. Perhaps the special form of temptation from the devil which the writer had in mind was that connected with the persecutions already referred to and again indicated in verse 9. Whom withstand (v. 9). — See Jas. iv. 7. The same suffer ings, etc., implies a general persecution. See the Introduc tion. Who called you unto His eternal glory in Christ (v. 10). — In Christ should be joined with called. Being called into fellowship with Christ, the believers are called to the eternal glory of God, that of which He is the Author, and which will be manifested at the coming of the Messianic kingdom. This is also called " the glory of our Lord Jesus Christ." Shall Himself perfect, stablish, strengthen you (v. 10). — God is conceived as directly acting upon the Christians to this end. To whom be the dominion (v. II). — The doxology is as cribed to God. By Silvanus, our faithful brother, as I account him, I have written unto you briefly (v. 12). — Silvanus, so called by Paul, Silas, in Acts. He is here designated as the bearer of the Epistle. (See " by them," Acts xv. 23.) The mention of this person, who is known to Acts and some of the Pauline Epistles,1 belongs to the fiction of the authorship. As I account him refers to faithful. That this is the true grace of God (v. 12). — To set this forth and impress it upon the readers was the main object ofthe Epistle. Hence the final exhortation, stand ye fast therein. She that is in Babylon, elect together with you, saluteth you (v. 13). — The interpretation of this passage to the effect that the words, " the elect one [fern.] in Babylon," refer to the wife of Peter or to some other Christian woman, has not found any considerable support. The majority of expositors understand them to refer to the church in Babylon, and the 1 Acts xv. 22 ; 2 Cor. i. 19 ; 1 Thess. i. 1 ; 2 Thess. i. I. 324 FIRST PETER word " church " appears in the Sinaitic manuscript. Since, however, there is no known tradition connecting Peter with Babylon, it is not easy to explain why a writer assuming the name of the apostle should have represented the Epistle to have been written in that city. It is probable that Babylon is used for Rome according to Rev. xiv. 8, xviii. 2, 10. Such was the opinion of Papias, according to Eusebius, in which he has been followed by Clement of Alexandria, Jerome, and many recent expositors. The salutation from Mark is added in accordance with the part which the writer had assumed, since tradition connects him with Peter as an " interpreter." Salute one another with a kiss of love. — Peace be unto you all that are in Christ. THE SECOND EPISTLE OF PETER. INTRODUCTION. LIKE the so-called first Epistle of Peter this purports to have been written by that apostle, although here the name ' ' Simon ' ' is prefixed, and the writer is suspiciously anxious to make the apostolic authorship prominent (i. i, 14, 16-18, iii. 1, 15). The address is more vague than that of the other, being to " them that have obtained a like precious faith with us," etc. Yet the readers so indefinitely indicated are strangely assumed in iii. 1 to be the same as those addressed in 1 Peter. They are represented, besides, as having formerly been instructed by Peter and to have received a letter or letters from Paul, whom the writer calls "our beloved brother" (iii. 15). Such a combination is more likely to have had its origin in the imagination of a time when a tendency prevailed to bring the followers of these two leaders into union in one Catholic Church, than to have historically existed. It has not extravagantly been characterised as " an impossibility in history." The object of the Epistle is clearly manifest on a glance at its contents. After a brief introduction (i. 1-4), follow some general exhortations to the practice of Christian virtues, in order that the readers may make their " calling and elec tion sure " (i. 5-1 1). The design of the writing is then im mediately made evident by a reference to the " power and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ " (i. 16), as an evidence of 325 326 INTRODUCTION the credibility of which a reference to the transfiguration is introduced (i. 17, 18). A reference to prophecy is thereafter made (i. 19-21), and in contrast with the true prophets the Gnostic false teachers are described and condemned (ii. 1-22). In opposition to the ' ' mockers " of " the last days, ' ' who scoff at the deferred Parousia, the writer makes em phatic the certainty of its coming with the dissolution of " the heavens" and the melting of " the elements" with " fervent heat " (iii. 1-13). The Epistle ends with admoni tions appropriate to this dread certainty of the great event (iii. 14-18). The difference between this Epistle and the first tradition ally ascribed to the same author, Peter, is so great, particu larly in the matter of style, that as early as the time of Jerome its genuineness was doubted along with the assumption of that of the other. The two Epistles do not agree as to the nearness of the Parousia. In 1 Pet. iv. 7 " the end of all things is at hand," while in 2 Pet. iii. 8, 9, each day that separated the time of the writer from that event is declared to be " a thousand years " — an expression which, if it is not to be taken literally, at least amounts to an indefinite post ponement of " the end." The term employed to designate "the coming of the Lord" is in 1 Pet. i. 7, 13, iv. 13, " revelation," while in 2 Pet. i. 16, iii. 4, it is " Parousia." While 1 Peter contains many citations from the Old Testa ment, this Epistle has none, and along with occasional men tion of events therein recorded legends from apocryphal books are referred to without discrimination (ii. 4-8, n, iii. 5-10). The Greek style of 2 Peter as regards vocabulary and word-forms is less Hellenistic, that is, purer, than that of 1 Peter, while in construction the first Epistle is far more skilful than the second. " Hope," which is a prominent word in 1 Peter, is unknown to the second Epistle, which has " knowledge," a term not used in the first. The false teachers, so conspicuous in this, do not appear in the first. SECOND PETER 327 The conclusion which must be drawn from these facts is that the author of the second Epistle did not write the first, and that he shows in relation to it no literary dependence. The contacts with Paul so frequent in the first Epistle are almost wholly wanting in this writing. Dr. Edwin Abbott has undertaken to show its dependence on Josephus, but the question must be regarded as undecided. The writer's ac quaintance with any one of the Gospels is not certainly demonstrable. But see i. 17 compared with Matt. xvii. 5. The traits of the false teachers combated resemble those delineated in the Pastoral Epistles, but it is not certain that the author was acquainted with these writings. While the Epistle is exceptionally independent of the New Testament literature in general, it holds a unique relation to the quaint and original Epistle of Jude. The details of the relation cannot be minutely set forth here, but the conclusion which an examination of them compels is that the writer of 2 Peter knew and used that Epistle. This is now the pre vailing opinion.1 In 2 Pet. ii. 4 the conception is obscure on account of the omission of the allusion to the particular sin of the angels, which is made in Jude 6 in dependence on Gen. vi. 2 by the words, " left their proper habitation." In some places there is a revision of Jude in 2 Peter effected sometimes by omissions, sometimes by changes, and again by abridgment, with the advantage, so far as originality and force are concerned, on the side of Jude. There are no certain traces of the use of the Epistle in Christian literature until near the end of the second century. The canon of Muratori omits it, and it is not contained in the Peshito, the Syriac translation of the New Testament. Although the existing writings of Clement of Alexandria contain no evidence of his knowledge of it, it is probable from the testimony of Eusebius that he was acquainted with 1 See 2 Pet. ii. 4, Jude 6 ; 1 Pet. ii. 10, Jude 8 ; 2 Pet. ii. 13-17, Jude 12, 13 ; 2 Pet. ii. 18, Jude 16 ; 2 Pet. iii. 1-3, Jude 17, 18. 328 INTRODUCTION it, and commented on it, but we do not know that he re garded it as a writing of Peter's. The Epistle contains many indications of a late date. Such are the mention of the " apostles " in connection with the " prophets " as an authority (iii. 2, 3), and an appeal to the writings of Paul, as if they existed in a collection (iii. 15), and as " Scriptures" (iii. 16). The Epistle of Jude is used, which belongs to the latter part of the first century or to the early part of the second. The doubts as to the second com ing of Christ, which appear to have been widely prevalent, also indicate a late period. The opinion is well sustained which dates it as late as the middle of the second century, and some authorities place it not earlier than 170 and 180. The place at which it was written is indeterminable, and the author is entirely unknown. ' 1 See the writer's article, " Peter, Epistles of," in the Encylopadia Biblica, vol. iii. THE SECOND EPISTLE OF PETER. EXPOSITION. After a brief introduction and exhortations to the practice of Christian virtues, the design of the Epistle is revealed in the refer ence to the Parousia, in connection with which the transfiguration is mentioned, and prophecy is appealed to (i. 1-21). Simon Peter, a servant and apostle of Jesus Christ (i. I). — Paul calls himself the servant of Jesus Christ in Rom. i. 1. It has been conjectured that servant and apostle is due to a combination of the " apostle " of 1 Peter i. 1 and the " serv ant" of Jude 1. To them, etc. The address is vague and is unique in an Epistle. Of our God ajid Saviour Jesus Christ (i. I). — " Lord and Saviour " is a frequent combination of attributes of Christ ; but it is questionable whether God should here be regarded as an attribute. Although if God be taken separately the article would naturally be expected before Saviour, the ex pression, " Saviour Jesus Christ," may be used without the article as well as " Lord Jesus Christ," which is frequently so employed. ' See note on Tit. ii. 13. Faith in the righteous ness of God is not faith in the righteousness which He bestows, but in that which is a quality of His nature. Grace to you and peace be multiplied in the knowledge of God and of Jesus our Lord (i. 2). — Knowledge is made prominent in this Epistle (i. 3, 8, ii. 20), and here grace and peace are 1 Rom. i. 7, xiv. 14 ; 1 Cor. i. 3. 329 33° SECOND PETER i. 3~4- regarded as grounded upon it, for such is the sense of in. It is doubtless due to the controversy with Gnosticism that prominence is given to knowledge (Gnosis) in the Epistle. To the Gnosis of the heretics is evidently here preferred that of the Lord Jesus Christ, by means of which it is declared, in ii. 2, that the pollutions of the world may be escaped. ' ' With all the hatred against Gnosis its chief defect, a too exalted estimate of knowledge (Gnosis), is appropriated. ' ' Seeing that, etc. (i. 3), gives the ground on which the wish of ' ' grace and peace ' ' (verse 2) is based. Life is the blessedness of the Messianic kingdom, or salvation, and godliness (a word which belongs almost exclusively to the Pastoral Epistles) is the piety which pertains to " the present age." These are supposed to be granted through the knowledge of Him that called us by His own glory and virtue. It is uncertain whether the words him that called us refer to God or Christ, but probably the former is the correct reference, since generally in the New Testament it is God who "calls" the believers. But the idea of a "call" through the knowledge of Him by His own glory and virtue is unique, and does not convey a very clear conception. Virtue is not elsewhere in the New Testament applied to God in the singular. The plural in the sense of " excellencies " is employed in 1 Pet. ii. 9. It is through these, the " glory and virtue," that God's great and precious promises have been granted (i. 4). The promises relate to the blessedness in which the believers were expected to share at the Parousia (iii. 13), and through these they are said to become partakers of ihe divine nature. To refer these to " the things that pertain to life and godliness" is extremely forced, and promises is the only natural reference. Yet how the believers were to become partakers of the divine nature through the promises is not clear. The entire period betrays a writer who combines current words and phrases without a clear conception of their meaning and relations. i- 5-13. SECOND PETER 331 The partaking of the divine nature by believers is nowhere else mentioned in the New Testament. The nearest ap proach to such an idea is in Heb. xii. 10, " partakers of His holiness," and the conception of the new birth is kindred to it. In your faith supply virtue (i. 5), that is, having faith, let there be virtue in connection with it, literally, contribute or supply virtue in your faith. The knowledge which should be supplied in virtue is Christian k7iowledge in contrast with the Gnosis of the false teachers. Temperance is the control of the desires in general.1 And in your love of the brethren love (i. 7), that is, love toward all men. Not idle nor unfruitful unto the k?iowledge of our Lordfesus Christ (i. 8). — These virtues are regarded as leading to a knowledge of Christy which is the true Gnosis (knowledge). For he who lacketh these things is blind (i. 9), that is, as the writer says, ' ' near-sighted, ' ' a word not elsewhere used in the New Testament." Give the more diligence to make your calling and election sure (i. 10). — In these words is implied a danger of losing the election through failing in practical right living. The end of the ' ' calling and election ' ' is entrance into the eternal kingdom of Christ (i. Il), and this will be richly sup plied to the believers if they never slumber. The kingdom is that which Christ was expected to establish at his second coming or Parousia. See verse 16, iii. 4. Wherefore I shall be ready always to put you in remem brance of these things (i. 12). — Wherefore, that is, because he only will enter the " kingdom " who practises the virtues previously mentioned, and thereby makes his ' ' calling and election sure." These things must be interpreted from this point of view. Tabernacle (i. 13), that is, in the bodily life. See 2 Cor. v. 1. 1 Acts xxiv. 25 ; Gal. v. 22. ! jxvmndC,aov. 332 SECOND PETER i. 14-19. Cometh swiftly, even as our Lord Jesus signified unto me (i. 14).— What words of Christ to Peter the writer had in mind is indeterminable. If he was thinking of the saying attributed to Jesus in John xxi. 18, 19, he must have misin terpreted it, for the reference there is only to a violent death, and nothing is said about its coming swiftly. There is, however, no evidence in the Epistle of his acquaintance with the fourth Gospel. He might have been acquainted with the tradition from which the record in John xxi. 18 was made, and, misunderstanding it, have turned it to his purpose in the rt>le of Peter. I will give diligence (i. 15). — This does not necessarily refer to an intention to write other Epistles than this. For we did not follow cunningly devised fables (i. 16). — For connects somewhat loosely with " I will give diligence." Cunningly devised fables. This is a refe/ence to the Gnostic myths of the false teachers.1 When we made known unto you the power and coming of our Lord Jesus Christ (i. 16). — The Parousia is again referred to, and thus appears as the prominent theme of the Epistle. But we were eye-witnesses of his majesty (i. 16), that is, at the transfiguration, according to verses 17 and 18. The writer's excessive zeal to make it appear that he is the verit able Peter, the apostle, is manifest. See also verse 18. The excellent glory (i. 17) is a circumlocution for God. And we have the word of prophecy made more sure (i. 19). — The transfiguration is regarded as a prophetic intimation of the glorious Parousia on account of the " glory " with which it was attended. But the writer thinks the prophetic word of the Old Testament is surer. The translation, made more sure, is incorrect, and conveys the idea that the prophecy of the Old Testament was enhanced as to its certainty of fulfil ment by the transfiguration. The writer means to place the prophets above the intimation given in the transfiguration. 1 1 Tim. i. 4, iv. 7 ; 2 Tim. iv. 4 ; Tit. i. 14. i. 19-ii. I. SECOND PETER 333 What prophecy he had in mind which he could allegorise into a foretelling of the Parousia we do not know. Until the day dawn (i. 19). — The day is that of the Parousia, after which in its full splendor there will be no need to take heed to the word of prophecy. No prophecy of Scripture is of private interpretation (i. 20). — The meaning oi a prophecy does not depend upon a private or personal opinion of it. But whether the writer had in mind the interpretation of the prophet himself or of others — perhaps those who falsely interpreted the prophecies assumed to refer to the Parousia, so as to make them read to the effect that there was to be none (iii. 4), or that it had already taken place — is uncertain. The latter view is probably the correct one, and the passage may be brought into connection with verse 16. For no prophecy ever came by the will of man ; but men spake from God, being moved by the Holy Ghost (i. 21). — This passage expresses the current view of the Church of the time regarding the inspiration of the Old Testament writers. The Gnostic false teachers are now described and violently con demned (ii. 1-22). But there arose false prophets also among the people (ii. i). — The people are those of the Old Testament times, the Jews. The "murmurers," " complainers," and "mockers" of Jude (vv. 16, 17) appear here as false teachers, and since the writer of Jude, on whom the author of 2 Peter depends in this chapter, says that the apostles foretold the coming of these heretics, we see our author here assuming the rdle of an apostle and prophesying the coming of the teachers who were evidently present in the Church in his time, and are so spoken of in verses 9-1 1 of this chapter. Deny even the Master that bought them (ii. 1). — Master is a questionable rendering of the Greek word, which is not used for Christ. " Sovereign," that is, " God," were a 334 SECOND PETER ii. 2-6. better translation. (See Jude 4.) Swift destruction. This is an abrupt change from the description of the heretics to an announcement of their end. And many shall follow their lascivious doings (ii. 2). — It appears from this passage and from vv. 18, 19, and _>o, as well as from Jude 4, that the false teachers connected with their doctrines certain immoral precepts and practices. Besides, they sought to make gain for themselves out of their occupa tion.1 And in coveteousness made merchandise of the Christians (ii. 3). — Here again the writer abruptly breaks off to indi cate the destruction of these false teachers. For if God spared not angels when they sinned, etc. (ii. 4). — The writer now proceeds to cite three examples of sum mary divine judgment, in order to show that the false teach ers will be speedily dealt with. The angels that he had in mind (Jude 6) are those who under the name of " the sons of God" are represented in the legend, Gen. vi. 1-4, as having ' ' come in unto the daughters of men. ' ' The passage is obscure on account of the writer's omission of the words in Jude 6, ' ' kept not their own principality, but left their proper habitation." The legend is reproduced in Enoch x., and the idea of the punishment of the angels was derived from that book, where it is said that they were ordered to be ' ' bound fast under the hills of the earth for seventy genera tions, until the last judgment be held for all eternity." Hell. The word in the Greek is Tartarus, not elsewhere used in the New Testament. It is the word used by the Greeks for the abode of the wicked dead in the underworld. The second example of the divine vengeance is that of the destruction of the ancient world by the flood (ii. 5). — This legend is recorded in Gen. vi. 7— viii. The third is that of the destruction of Sodom and Gomor rah, Gen. xix. 1-29 (ii. 6).— In Jude 7 the mention of this 1 1 Tim. vi. 5, 9 ; Tit. i. 11 ; Jude 16. ii. 9-1 1. SECOND PETER 335 story is brief, and the writer of 2 Peter has considerably expanded that account. The Lord knoweth how io deliver (ii. 9). — Here the writer, who appears to have lost sight of the conclusion which ought to follow the conditional clause beginning with verse 4, introduces a general remark on the Lord's deliverance of the godly out of temptation, and His keeping of the unrighteous under punishment unto the day of judgment, that is, until the Parousia. The doctrine evidently is that in the underworld the wicked are in a state of conscious suffering.1 But chiefly them that walk after the flesh (ii. 10). — This verse and the following verses may be regarded as the con clusion, somewhat clumsily introduced, of the conditional clause previously mentioned, and we have here an applica tion to the false teachers, who are bitterly and unsparingly denounced through the rest of the chapter. And despise dominion (ii. 10). — " Thrones," " dominions," "principalities," and "powers" are names of orders of angelic beings according to the Jewish mythology.2 The demonic powers are sometimes so named.3 The reference here is probably to the good angels. They tremble not to rail at dignities (ii. 10). — Dignities is here used in the same sense as ' ' dominion ' ' in the preceding verse. Whereas angels . . . bring not a railing judgment against them before the Lord (ii. II). — Them represents " dignities " in verse 10, but the term is here understood to mean the demonic powers. The verse would be unintel ligible but for Jude 9, where the railing judgment relates to the devil, against whom Michael the archangel durst not bring it. The writer's thought is much confused in his de pendence on Jude, and the passage is accordingly deficient in precision. 1 See Luke xvi. 23, 24. 2 Col. i. 16 ; 1 Pet. iii. 22 ; Jude 8. 3 Eph. ii. 12 ; Col. ii. 15. 336 SECOND PETER ii. 12-22. But these, as creatures without reason, born mere animals (ii. 12). — The writer's zeal against the false teachers here betrays him into a very harsh j udgment. In their destroying be destroyed, that is in their destructive or corrupting doings. (Compare Jude 10.) Count it pleasure to revel in the daytime (ii. 13). — This rendering is doubtful. Probably "ina day " is the equiv alent of " to a day, ' ' and the sense is ' ' count the revel of a day a pleasure," with reference to the transient nature of the pleasure. Spots and blemishes revelling in their love-feasts (ii. 13). — In Jude these persons are designated as " hidden rocks " in the " love-feasts " (v. 12). Love-feasts. Some textual authorities here read "deceivings" (anarai<;), instead of ayartmS. Having followed the way of Balaam, etc. (ii. 15, 16). — See Jude n. The legend referred to is in Numb. xxii. 22-31. These are springs without water and mists driven by a storm (ii. 17). — " Clouds without water " is the figure in Jude 12. They promise much, but perform nothing, giving water neither from the spring nor from the clouds. The blackness of darkness refers to the punishment of these persons (Jude 13)- Great swelling words of vanity. See Jude 16. They entice in the lusts of the flesh, etc. (ii. 18). See verse 2. The last state is become worse with them than the first (ii. 20). — See Matt. xii. 45; Luke xi. 26. ' It has happened with them according to the true proverb (ii. 22). — Of these two proverbs the former is substantially that of Prov. xxvi. n, and the latter is otherwise unknown. The persons referred to in vv. 20-22 are the false teachers, and not those whom they mislead. At the end of the pre ceding verse the false teachers are spoken of as " bondserv ants of corruption," being brought into bondage by that 1 Compare Heb. x. 26, 27. iii. 1-4. SECOND PETER 337 with which they are " overcome," and in verse 20 they appear again as " overcome," their last state having become worse than the first. The writer now addresses himself to the scoffers at the deferred Parousia, and describes the terrors of its coming (iii. 1-13). This is now, beloved, the second Epistle that I write unto you (iii. 1). — This is probably a reference to the so-called first Epistle of Peter, and if so, implies a knowledge of it on the part of the writer of this Epistle, as well as his purpose to address the Christians of Asia Minor, although he omitted all address at the beginning. The writer of this Epistle, who cannot have been the author of our canonical 1 Peter, may have written another prior to this, to which he here refers. There is no improbability in the supposition that many letters were written in the name of Peter. And in both of them I stir up your sincere mind (iii. I). — See i. 13. That ye should remember the words spoken before by the holy prophets . . . through your apostles (iii. 2). — The difference in purpose, point of view, and contents of the two Epistles does not warrant this conjunction of them. Prophets . . . apostles. The mention of the apostles as having coordinate authority with the prophets indicates the post-apostolic age. Knowing this first, that in the last days mockers shall come, etc. (iii. 3). — Knowing relates to " ye " (verse 2), or, since this is not expressed in Greek, to the subject of " remem ber." In the last days. These are the days of " the end of all things," the last of the pre-Messianic age, the time just preceding the Parousia. Where is the promise of his coming ? etc. (iii. 4). — The ques tion indicates a belief on the part of the ' ' mockers ' ' (Jude 18) that the promise of the Parousia is vain. The mention of the fathers as having departed without seeing the fulfilment 338 SECOND PETER iii. 5-7. of the promise indicates the post-apostolic age as that of the writer, for although he here assumes the prophetic point of view, it is evident that he had before him the phenomena of his own time. For this they wilfully forget (iii. 5). — This is said in refuta tion of the saying of the false teachers that " all things remain," etc., and the writer proceeds, after a reference to the creation, to show from the fact of the deluge that things had been changed. Heavens from of old, and an earth compacted out of water and amidst water (iii. 5). — The source ofthe author's hypothesis of creation is uncertain. That the earth was compacted out of water and by water (for by and not amidst is the proper rendering) is not indicated in Gen. i. 6-8. There are other ancient cosmogonies, however, with which the writer's con ception accords, and he either borrowed from them or mis interpreted the account in Genesis. By which means (iii. 6). — The original is, " by means of which" (plural), but to what the " which" refers is alto gether vague. Grammatically it relates to the heavens and the earth, but it is anything but precise to say that the deluge came by means of the heavens and the earth. "Water" and " the word of God" may possibly be the antecedents of " which." But the vagueness of the con struction remains in any case. The world that then was . . . perished (iii. 6). — Per ished must either be understood in the sense of " changed," or the world must be regarded as including all that lived upon the earth at the time of the deluge, in which case the word is used with approximate accuracy. But the heavens that now are and the earth (iii. 7). — This rendering is of doubtful propriety. It were better to read : " The heavens, etc., are by His word kept in store, reserved for fire against the day," etc. The writer's idea is that at the Parousia fire would sweep away the present heavens and iii. 7-8. SECOND PETER 339 the earth (verse 12), and that in their place " new heavens and a new earth " (verse 13) would be provided, adapted to the Messianic kingdom of " righteousness." The earth was regarded as tainted with sin, but why it was thought that the heavens should be dissolved is not apparent. Re lated conceptions are expressed both in the Old and the New Testament.1 Such fancies were also indulged in by the Stoic philosophers. One cannot but recall in this connection Paul' s idea that " the creation was subjected to vanity " and was " groaning and travailing in pain " in consequence of Adam's transgression. Its hoped-for deliverance " from the bondage of corruption into the liberty of the glory of the children of God," he evidently looked for at the Parousia.2 The author of 2 Peter will have it " delivered " and purified by " fire." The destruction of ungodly men (iii. f). — See 2 Thess. i. 9. " Ungodly men " having been put out of the way, the re novated earth, spanned by ' ' new heavens, ' ' would be a fit abode for the saints in the Messianic kingdom. To attain this blessedness was " salvation " according to the concep tion of the early Christians. This was to "inherit" the kingdom of God. But forget not this one thing, that one day is with the Lord as a thousand years (iii. 8). — This is the writer's answer to those who " mocked," asking, " Where is the promise of his coming ? ' ' He appears to have abandoned the general doctrine of the early Church, expressed in 1 Pet. iv. 7, that " the end of all things is at hand," and applies with a slight variation a passage from Ps. xc. 4 in support of his position, which is that the postponement of the Parousia cannot be urged as a reason for doubting its certain coming, for the Lord, that is, God, as in verse 8, is not slack concerning His ' Ps. cii. 26, 27 ; Isa. xxxiv. 4, li. 6, Ixvi. 15, 22 ; Matt. xxiv. 29, 35; 2 Thess. i. 8. 2 Rom. viii. 20-22 ; Heb. xii. 27 ; Rev. xxi. 1. 34o SECOND PETER iii. 9-15- promise (iii. 9). He turns the delay of the coming of Christ to good account in that he regards it as furnishing an oppor tunity for repentance, because God does not wish that any, being unrepentant on that day, should ' ' perish ' ' in the " destruction" ofthe ungodly. But the day of the Lord will come as a thief (iii. 10). — This was probably a current saying among the early Christ ians. See Matt. xxiv. 43 ; 1 Thess. v. 2. In the following verses (10-12) the writer expands the declaration made in verse 7, accumulating the catastrophic features of " the end of all things." The elements, which he thought would be dissolved with fervent heat, are not the heavens or the earth, but the elements of the material uni verse, literally, " the material causes ofthe world." ' ' The doctrine of the burning of the world, which is com mon to this Epistle and the first Epistle of Clement, appears first in tbe Jewish sibyls, and originated without doubt in the Heraclitic-Stoical theory of the periodically recurring destructions of the world by fire. It is accordingly, like pur gatory, to be regarded as borrowed from the ancient nature- philosophy." So Pfleiderer ; and Holtzmann remarks upon it that this is not the only tone which the wind that blows in the Epistle has wafted from the Grecian world. A practical exhortation is drawn from the terrible certainty of the great catastrophe (iii. 1 1), and the believers are told that they ought earnestly to desire the coming of the day of God, despite the fact that God is postponing it in the hope that the number of the saved may be increased by the repentance of the ungodly (iii. 14-18). Account that the long-suffering of our Lord is salvation (iii. 15). — This is to be explained from verse 9. On the reference to Paul, see the Introduction. No such teaching of Paul's as that here referred to is found in his extant Epistles, the passage in question being supposed to be the first clause of verse 15, as is probably the case. A wider reference, as to verse 14, or to the whole subject of the Parousia, is hardly iii. 17. SECOND PETER 341 admissible. The meaning of wrote to you is indeterminable, since this Epistle is without address. But the writer adds that Paul taught the doctrine in question in all his Epistles when speaking of these things. So comprehensive a state ment shakes our confidence in the writer and raises the question whether he was in fact at all acquainted with Paul's Epistles, and did not simply wish to associate the apostle with Peter, in whose name he wrote, in the interest of a harmonising of the Pauline and Petrine parties. The men tion of all the Epistles of Paul manifestly implies the exist ence of a collection of them known to the writer, or to his readers, or to both, and the designation of them as Scripture, implied in other Scriptures, necessarily puts a late date upon this Epistle. If other Scriptures be not referred to the Old Testament — a reference which would indicate a date when, according to the history of the canon, the New Testament writings were placed as "Scriptures" on an equal footing with the former, that is, not far from the end of the second century l — the term must probably mean some of the current Christian writings, Epistles, apocalypses, etc., and we must suppose the author to have written at a time when a begin ning at least was being made of the formation of a collection of such writings as now compose our New Testament. Ye therefore, beloved, knowing these things beforehand (iii. 17), that is, that the false teachers would come before the Parousia, beware lest . . . ye fall from your own stead- fast?iess. " Forewarned is forearmed." The peril was great, for the apostles would share the fate of the ungodly on that day, that is, " destruction " (verse 7). The remark that the unlearned and unstable wrest the difficult things in Paul's Epistle to their own destruction may have reference to the interpretation of his doctrine of the abolition of the law (antinomianism) in the interest of 1 See the "Sketch of the History of the Canon of the New Testa ment " at the end of this volume. 342 SECOND PETER iii. 18. licence. The perils of this teaching appear to have been pointed out by some of Paul's opponents during his own life (Rom. iii, 8, vi. i). But grow in the grace and knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ (iii. 18). — The writer's predilection for knowledge here appears again. The Epistle ends with a doxology ascribed to Christ. THE EPISTLE OF JUDE. INTRODUCTION. IN Luke's list of the apostles (vi. 16) is mentioned a Judas, the son of James, but who the James in question was is unknown. The author of this Epistle calls himself Judas the brother of James, thereby rendering it certain that he was not the apostle Jude, apart from the improbability that an apostle in writing an Epistle would not call himself an apostle rather than the brother of some one of the name of James. The probability, then, is that this writer wished to pass for Jude the brother of James the brother of Jesus. ] The Epistle is without definite address, the writer having in mind as readers " them that are called, beloved in God the Father, and kept for Jesus Christ. ' ' There is no reason for suppos ing that it was intended especially for Jewish Christian readers. The object of the Epistle is to combat certain tendencies to false doctrine among the readers and a libertine mode of life represented by men who, the writer says, had " crept in privily," and whose influence was in the direction not only of " lasciviousness," but also of a denial of Christ (vv. 3, 4). They " rail at dignities," that is, the angelic powers, are " mockers," and have not the Spirit (vv. 8, 18, 20). The false teaching of certain Gnostic sects, with which libertinism was connected, was probably in the writer's mind. The 1 Matt. xiii. 55. 343 344 INTRODUCTION particular sects in question can only be conjectured, but that they belonged to the second century is probable. The writer did not discriminate between the Old Testament canonical writings and the so-called apocryphal books, de pending upon the Book of Enoch for his reference to the sin and punishment of the ' ' angels ' ' and upon tradition for his account of the contest between the devil and the archangel Michael. He also quotes words which he says Enoch "prophesied" (v. 14). Indications of the late date of the Epistle appear in the traits of the doctrines of the false teachers which are those of the second-century Gnostics. They " deny the only Master (Ruler) and our Lord Jesus Christ" (v. 4), as the Gnostics did in asserting that the Creator of the world was not " the only " supreme God, and in maintaining that Christ was not such a being as the Christians thought him to be. As there were Gnostics who made a sort of religious cult of their lasciviousness and sexual looseness, so the writer charges the enemies of the Church with turning the grace of God into lasciviousness, says that they " defile the flesh," and are " hidden rocks in the love-feasts" (vv. 4, 8, 12). A late date is also indicated in the way in which ' ' faith ' ' is spoken of as an objective traditional doctrine, instead of a subjective state or attitude of mind (vv. 3, 20). The expres sion, ' ' the words spoken before by the apostles of our Lord Jesus Christ " (v. 17), suits not the apostolic, but the post- apostolic age. The Epistle was used by the writer of 2 Peter not very long probably after it was written, but apart from this there is no certain trace of its use until after the close of the second century. The canon of Muratori mentions it as received in the Catholic Church or among the catholic Epistles. The text of the Muratorian fragment is, however, uncertain at this point. Origen mentions it as being " full of powerful words of heavenly grace," yet he speaks with reserve in JUDE 345 saying, "if any one receives the Epistle of Jude. ' ' Eusebiu accounts it " controverted," and remarks that not many of the ancients have made mention of it, while Jerome says it was " rejected by many " in his time. Nearly one half of the Epistle is composed of references to and extracts from Old Testament and apocryphal stories. The style is clear, strong, and vivid, and the writer appears as a man much in earnest and severe against the false teachers, while zealous and solicitous for the purity of the faith, and for the right living of the believers.1 'Seethe writer's article, "Jude, Epistle of," in the Encyclopcedia Biblica, vol. ii. THE EPISTLE OF JUDE. EXPOSITION. After the greeting the writer proceeds at once to warn his readers against the false teachers, whom he condemns with great severity (vv.1-16). Judas, a servant of Jesus Christ and brother of James . . . kept for Jesus Christ (v. 1). — Beloved in God. In is causal, and at the same time expresses the idea of the fellowship in which ' ' the elect ' ' are supposed to stand with God. Kept for Jesus Christ, that is, preserved for him from the perils of apostasy so threatening at the time, so that when he should come they might be his (1 Pet. i. 5). While I was giving all diligence to write unto you of our com mon salvation, I was constrained, etc. (v. 3). — The implica tion is that the writer was either in the act or on the point of writing to persons unknown to us a letter perhaps more extended than this on the subject of " salvation," but found himself "constrained" to write them an exhortation to steadfastness in the faith which they had through tradition. Faith here means not an attitude of mind, but a fixed doc trine, such as might be " delivered " from one generation to another, a sort of consensus of Christian belief. On ac count of the appearance of false teachers there was need, as the writer thought, that the believers should contend earnestly for this faith. For there are certain men crept in privily . . . set forth 347 348 JUDE v. 4-5- unto this condemnation (v. 4).— The false teachers are re garded as having crept in stealthily, that is, they do not really belong among the Christians because not in ac cord with them. Set forth unto this condemnation. The original is literally " designated beforehand in writing," and the idea of the author appears to be that they were written of in the Old Testament prophecies or in those of the Book of Enoch, or perhaps recorded in God's book of judgment analogous to that in which the believers were conceived to be "enrolled in heaven."1 The divine fore knowledge and predestination are implied in this conception.2 Turning the grace of God into lasciviousness (v. 4), that is, they have made the grace of God granted them in the privi leges of the Christian Communion an occasion for lascivious practices, so that under the cloak of religion they live as libertines. And denying our only Master and Lord Jesus Christ (v. 4). — This should not be taken as a single conception, but should read ' ' the only Sovereign [God] and our Lord Jesus Christ." The word rendered Master is not used of Christ in the New Testament (see 2 Pet. ii. 1). This was the Gnostic denial of God as the " only " and Supreme Ruler in attrib uting the creation of the world to a subordinate divinity. The Gnostic view of Christ also differed materially from that of the orthodox Christians. Now I desire to put you in remembrance, though ye know all things oncejor all, etc. (v. 5), that is, though the things of which the writer is about to speak are not unknown to his readers. He now proceeds to give three examples of such a divine judgment as threatens the persons mentioned in verse 4. Having saved a people out of the land of Egypt, afterward destroyed them that believed not (v. 5). — What destruction is referred to is uncertain. It has been supposed to be that of ' Heb. xii. 23. 2 2 pet> „_ 3 v. 6-9. JUDE 349 the twenty-four thousand mentioned in Numb. xxv. 1-9, the Babylonian exile, the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans, and the perishing in the wilderness during the assumed forty years' sojourn there. See Heb. iii. 16-19. And angels which kept not their own principality, but left their proper habitation (v. 6). — See 2 Pet. ii. 4. The legend of the angels who corrupted themselves ' ' with the daughters of men" appears to have been derived from the Book of Enoch, chapters x. and xii., since their punishment is ex plicitly pointed out, as it is there, while in Gen. vi. 1, 2, there is no mention of it. In Enoch xii. the angels are said to have ' ' left the high heaven and their holy eternal place ' ' and to have " corrupted themselves with women." The judgment of the great day is that of the Parousia or " the end of all things." Even as Sodom and Gomorrah, etc. (v. f). — See 2 Pet. ii. 6. In Gen. xix. no other cities are mentioned, but see Deut. xxix. 23. Gone after strange flesh. See Lev. xviii. 22-24 '• Gen. xix. 5. Are set forth as an example, suffering the punishment of eternal fire (v. 7). — This is probably to be explained from the tradition that beneath the Dead Sea raged a subterranean fire. In their dreams defile the flesh, and set at nought dominion and rail at dignities (v. 8). — Besides having voluptuous dreams and imaginings, the result of their lascivious waking thoughts and deeds, they set at nought and rail at the angelic powers'; but since "dominions," "powers," etc. are employed of both good and bad angels, it is probable that dignities here refers to the latter on account of the fol lowing verse, the sense of which is that they have a pre sumption which Michael did not possess, since he did not bring a railing judgment against the devil while disputing with him about the body of Moses (v. 9). The legend in ques tion is not contained in the Book of Enoch, and where the 1 2 Pet. ii. 10. 350 JUDE v. 10-12. writer found it we do not know. He may have taken it from an apocryphal writing, " The Assumption of Moses," which according to Origen contained it, or from a tradition which ran to the effect that God intrusted the burial of Moses to Michael, but the devil resisted it on the ground that Moses was a murderer, and did not deserve a decent interment — a remarkable case of scrupulousness on the part of Satan !' And what they miderstand naturally, like the creatures with out reason, in those things are they destroyed (v. io). — The reference here is to the ' ' flesh, ' ' the natural impulses of the senses (vv. 4, 8, 16). Following these tendencies like the creatures without reason, they destroy themselves by their excesses. Woe unto them ! for they went in the way of Cain, ran riotously 'in the error of Balaam for hire, and perished in the gainsaying of Korah (v. II). — The past tense is used in went, ran, and perished, because the writer looks at the completed acts and the judgment from the point of view ofthe execu tion of the latter, and thinks of the consummation of his Woe! In the way of Cain (v. 11). — The application is not appar ent, since fratricide is not one of the crimes charged against the false teachers. The case of Balaam ' is referred to as an example of disobedience for hire. See 2 Pet. ii. 15. The false teachers are reproached for taking pay for their instruc tion.2 The case of Korah is taken from Num. xvi. The writer sees the false teachers perish, as did Korah, on account of their gainsaying. Hidden rocks in your love-feasts (v. 12). — In 2 Pet. ii. 13 a word similar in form to that used here is employed, the meaning of which is " spots." Hidden is not called for by the meaning of the word, which is simply "cliffs" or "rocks." As these imperil ships, so does the conduct of the false teachers endanger the salvation of those who par- 1 Num. xxii., xxiii. s 1 Tim. vi. 5. v. 13-17- JUDE 351 take of the love-feasts with them. The word rendered love- feasts is not used elsewhere in the New Testament except in 2 Pet. ii. 13, where the reading is doubtful. Clouds without water, etc. This figure and those that follow are intended to indicate the unstable and unfruitful character of the false teachers. The blackness of darkness (v. 13) refers to the punishment reserved for them. And to these also Enoch, the seventh from Adam, prophesied (vv. 14-15). — In the Book of Enoch he is called the seventh from Adam, probably as a distinction on account of the sacredness of the number seven. The words quoted from this apocryphal work are found substantially in Enoch i. 9. These are murmurers, complainers, walking after their own lusts (and their mouth speaketh great swelling words), shewing respect of persons for advantage (v. it). — See 2 Pet. ii. 18. What these persons murmured and complained about is not indicated. Probably they found fault with everything that they did not like in the doctrine and administration of the Church. The word translated complainers means persons discontented with their lot. Shewing respect, etc., would perhaps be better rendered " admiring men's person." The desire of these men to make profit out of their occupation is here again indicated. After declaring that the apostles had foretold the appearance of the false teachers, the writer exhorts his readers with respect to the traditional faith and the love of God, and closes with a dox ology (w. 17-25). But ye, beloved, remember ye the words which have been spoken before by the apostles, etc. (v. 17). — The writer could hardly have so spoken of the apostles if he had accounted himself one of them. One writing in the post-apostolic age would naturally thus speak of them as having announced certain phenomena which he then saw before him. Said to 352 JUDE v. 17-23. you does not necessarily mean that the unknown persons addressed had heard the apostles. In the last time there shall be mockers, etc. (v. Vf). — This is not necessarily to be regarded as a quotation from any spoken or written words of " the apostles." Probably the writer had a vague idea of some such announcement. See 1 Tim. iv. 1 ; 2 Tim. iii. 1, iv. 3 ; Acts xx. 29, 30. In the last time there shall be mockers (v. 18). — See 2 Pet. iii. 3. Sensual, that is, "natural," or "animal." The same word is used in Jas. iii. 15 of the " wisdom " of certain persons opposed to the true faith — a wisdom also character ised as " devilish." Having not the Spirit (v. 1 9), that is, the Holy Spirit, which was believed to be bestowed upon Christians generally. Your most holy faith (v. 20). — See note on verse 3. The mercy of our Lord Jesus Christ, which he would show at his Parousia, when the believers would enter into eternal life or the Messianic kingdom. And on some have mercy who are in doubt (v. 22). — Accord ing to the most approved reading this should be, " and some rebuke when they contend," or " separate them selves," that is, apostatise. Who are in doubt is not, how ever, an incorrect rendering of the Greek word. Hating even the garment spotted by the flesh (v. 23). — This may be intended literally, but is probably symbolical in the sense, "shun everything that can even outwardly contam inate the inner life, through intercourse with the persons in question." Now unto Him that is able (v. 23). — The Epistle closes with an ascription of praise to God, who is called Saviour, as in 1 Tim. i. 1, ii. 3 ; Tit. i. 3, ii. 10, iii. 4. A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE NEW TESTAMENT CANON.1 THE history of the canon of the New Testament is occu pied with the early fortune of the writings composing it, the use that was made of them, and the estimation in which they were held until they were united to the exclusion of all others in a collection regarded as canonical,2 that is, as constituting the rule of faith and practice for Christians. Since Christianity originated in Judaism, the first Christians recognised the Old Testament as a sacred and authoritative book, regarded its writers as inspired, and appealed to it in confirmation even of their new religion. This was their Scripture, and was quoted with such formulas as, " the Scripture saith," " as it is written," etc. It was long before any of the Christian writings, Gospels or Epistles, received such a recognition or became a canonical authority along side of the Old Testament. It is evident that the history of the canon of the New Testament, which must consider the opinions held in the primitive Church concerning the several books composing it prior to the time when they came to be generally regarded as a sacred or canonical literature, has nothing to do with investigating the origin or composition of these writings, their date, their authorship, the inspira tion of their authors, and kindred questions. If it shall appear in the course of the inquiry that the 1 For a more detailed and extended treatment of this subject the reader is referred to the author's Gospel-Criticism and Historical Christianity, chap, ii., pp. 27-118, and the works therein referred to. In the present sketch use has been made to some extent of that treatise. * xavoov, a rule. 23 353 354 HISTORY OF THE CANON books in question were at one time regarded in the Church as merely human productions, and at another as the infallible works of inspired men, in each case we shall have nothing more than an historical fact, which may, indeed, be explica ble in its genesis, but which will decisively answer no ques tions respecting their internal character. The historian of the canon has nothing to do with traditions regarding the various writings except to study them historically. A tradition that arose in or near the apostolic age will natur ally be deemed important, since it may fairly be assumed to have arisen among men who had valuable sources of informa tion ; but it must be genetically examined, and subjected to critical tests, precisely as traditions of a later origin should be treated. What, then, is precisely the idea of canonicity that must be kept in mind in the course of this study, and that alone comports with a really historical examination of the history of the canon ? What, in a word, does it signify that certain biographies of Jesus and certain Epistles were selected out of the large number of such writings, and honoured with an exclusive authority as canonical ? It is just here that the limits of a purely historical investigation appear. The canonicity of the New Testament writings, so far as an historical inquiry has to do with it, is simply the reputa tion in which they were held during a certain period as the best or the most trustworthy among the current writings of a similar character. Just as certain productions of other ancient literatures have been honoured as classical by the common judgment of mankind, so a few books of the early Christian literature were regarded in the primitive Church as most worthy of confidence and most excellent in form, and were separated from others as canonical. Classical and canonical are terms of substantially the same import from the historical point of view.' 1 Eusebius furnishes a confirmation of this view of the matter when HISTORY OF THE CANON 355 Even if we consider the term " canonical " from another point of view, according to which the canonicity of a biblical writing is regarded as determined by its genuineness, or by its conformity to Christian doctrine as set forth in writings of undisputed validity and eminence, it will be found to have its origin in an act of judgment very similar to that by which some writings are called classical in distinction from all others. For the discussion of questions of this sort is always carried on with reference to a certain standard, conformity to which determines the canonicity referred to, just as con formity to a literary standard marks a writing as classical. It is doubtless from this point of view that the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Apocalypse, and some other New Testament books are sometimes treated as if their canonicity were open to question, and that Luther called the Epistle of James an "Epistle of straw." Neither its supposed apostolical authorship nor the decree of an ecclesiastical council assigning it a place on the canon ical list can permanently establish the real canonicity of a writing. Very likely a feeling or a judgment like that just referred to was an important if not a determining factor in the formation of the New Testament canon in the early Church, and the recognition everywhere and by all (ubique et ab omnibus) of certain writings as canonical was the re sult of their supposed conformity to a standard that existed in the Christian consciousness of the time. The term "canonicity," however, when applied to a writing of certain books, the Gospels of Peter, Thomas, the Acts of the Apostles by Andrew and John, and other writings "adduced by heretics, " he says : ' ' The character of the style itself is very different from that ofthe apostles, and the sentiment and the purport of those things which are advanced in them, deviating as far as possible from sound orthodoxy, evidently prove that they are the fictions of hereti cal men, whence they are not only to be ranked among the spurious writings, but are to be rejected as altogether absurd and impious." — Hist. Eccles., iii. 25. 356 HISTORY OF THE CANON biblical writing to mark it as infallible or inspired, is dog matic, and has no other foundation than an assumption of the infallibility of the writer. It is scarcely necessary to say that no one of the New Testament writers has set up such a claim for himself as dogmatic theologians have gratuitously made for all of them. With this sort of canonicity it is evid ent that criticism can have no sympathy, since it admits of no presumptions of the kind as to the character of the writings in question, but requires that the results of the critical process be awaited as the only right ground of all judgments regarding their origin, purpose, and claims to be regarded as exceptional productions. The historical treatment of the canon of the New Testa ment has never been regarded with favour from the dogmatic point of view, and is, indeed, of modern origin. Notwith standing the fact, which the history of the canon clearly shows, that the early Church, at least after the second century, exercised considerable critical discrimination regard ing the canonicity of the New Testament writings, and that in the classical passage in Eusebius (iii. 25) the doubts re specting certain books, since accepted as canonical, which prevailed as early as the beginning of the fourth century, are set forth in detail, it was not until the first decade of the eighteenth century that these doubts began to be brought forward again. Semler' s thorough criticism showed that the canon of the New Testament was a gradual growth, which only reached a relative completion toward the end of the second century. I. — THE APOSTOLIC AGE. The so-called apostolic age, extending toward the close of the fourth century, furnished few conditions favourable to the formation of a canon of such Christian writings as then existed, or, indeed, to the creation of a Christian literature. The religion of Jesus found its first adherents not among the HISTORY OF THE CANON 357 cultivated classes, but among the lowly and poor, to whom literature was unknown. Paul writes to the church in Corinth, which was perhaps composed of as cultivated people as could be found in any of the churches of the middle of the first century, that not many of them were " wise men after the fashion of this world, not many mighty, not many noble. ' ' This age was, too, without an historical perspective. It had no conception of a future development of Christianity extending through many centuries. Its horizon was extremely narrow. The early Christians be lieved that " the last days" were " at hand," when Jesus would appear a second time in " glory " for the establish ment of the Messianic kingdom. Under such conditions literary productions intended for the instruction of future ages or the collection of existing writings for a remote result could not be expected. That " unlearned and common men " ' should occupy themselves with such matters is a priori improbable, except that under the spur of necessity and for immediate ends they might set down some things in a fragmentary way in writing". Even Paul was lacking in historical foresight, and we have from him only writings for the occasion, called forth by the immediate needs of the communities to which they were ad dressed. There is no evidence, and scarcely is there a prob ability, that he intended his Epistles to constitute a sacred canonical literature for appeal and citation by future genera tions. He did not think himself to be specially inspired to write. He thought, indeed, that he had " the Spirit " and ' ' the word of God, ' ' but in no especial sense. All the be lievers of the time were supposed to be endowed with the Holy Spirit, which was the common ' ' grace ' ' and privilege of all who had accepted Jesus.2 He appealed to the Old Testament as the only authoritative Scripture that he knew,3 1 Acts iv. 13. 2 Gal. iii. 2, 5 ; 1 Cor. iii. 16 ; Rom. viii. 9. 3 1 Cor. ix. 9, 10, x. 11 ; Gal. iii. 8. 358 HISTORY OF THE CANON and applied passages from it by a strained allegorising to the circumstances of his own time. Tendencies, however, toward the formation of a canon are observable in the apostolic age and in the time immediately succeeding it. For as such may be regarded the reading in the churches of some of the Epistles of Paul.1 But there is no trace of any such recognition of the Gospels, and the apostolic literature contains no reference to them. A sort of " oral canon " of the gospel existed in the valued " words ofthe Lord," or the sayings of Jesus, with which, however, Paul shows surprisingly few contacts. His account of the institution of the Lord's Supper is one of the most striking of these.2 Apart from the crucifixion and the resurrection, he appeared to care little for the tradition of Jesus. It is not, indeed, improbable that some of the most im portant sayings of Jesus may have been committed to writing as early as the date of the great Pauline Epistles. An old tradition runs to the effect that a writing ascribed to Matthew was early in circulation, in which- were set down certain " oracles " 3 of Christ in the vernacular of the people.4 But there is no trace of its use in the apostolic age beyond its probable incorporation in our synoptic Gospels, and its date is altogether a matter of conjecture. The writings compos ing our New Testament do not all belong to the apostolic age, but tendencies found in the later ones toward a canoni cal recognition of some of the earlier may properly be noted here. In the so-called Second Epistle of Peter * occurs mention of the commandment of the Saviour through the apostles in immediate connection with the words of ' ' the holy prophets, ' ' and Paul's Epistles are spoken of as if existing in a collec tion, and are placed side by side with ' ' the other Scriptures." The date of this Epistle is uncertain, but it may fairly be 1 1 Thess. v. 27. * 1 Cor. xi. 23-25. 3 Xoyia. 4 Euseb., Hist. Eccl., iii. 39. 6 iii. 2, 16. HISTORY OF THE CANON 359 concluded that in the early part of the second century the Epistles of Paul had been collected and copied, and were considerably used, perhaps even read in the churches along with the Old Testament. But we are far at this period from a New Testament canon as such. II. — THE POST-APOSTOLIC AGE. From the latter part of the first century to the end of the first quarter of the second, conditions existed and influences were at work of considerable importance to the formation of the canon. We cannot, however, think of the Christians of this period as entertaining views of the writings composing the New Testament similar to those now held by believers. The oral tradition of the life and teachings of Jesus still existed, and was continually propagated by the preachers and teachers in the public religious assemblies. Epistles from leaders in the churches must have been frequently re ceived and read, and those of Paul were doubtless circulated and copied. Perhaps fragmentary narratives of the life of Jesus had a similar fortune. That many such existed ap pears from the prologue to the third Gospel, where they are expressly mentioned. No especial, exclusive sanctity appears, however, to have been attached to these writings ; and when our canonical Gospels were completed, and came into the hands of the people, there could have been no reason, either from their contents in comparison with other writings of the kind in circulation or from any claims put forth by their authors, for regarding them as possessing a divine sanction. Indeed, the author of the third Gospel makes it very apparent in the introduction to his narrative that he undertook the work after the manner of an ordinary biographer who wishes ac curately to instruct a friend. Besides, the reverence felt by the Jewish Christians for the 360 HISTORY OF THE CANON Old Testament must have rendered them reluctant to place upon an equal footing with it any other writings, particularly such as set up no claims to inspiration in their authors. Moreover, we may reasonably suppose that there was carried over from the apostolic age into this the belief in the gift of the Holy Spirit as common to all Christians, so that writings as such would not naturally be invested with a peculiarly sacred character.1 Such an agreement among many persons to accept certain writings and reject others, as is implied in the formation of a canon, presupposes considerable communication and inter course — a condition requiring a long period of time in view of the means of transportation and the wide dispersion of the Christians at the time in question. When we consider, be sides, the absence of an organisation through which a general consensus might be obtained and expressed, we see the impossibility of an early agreement of the several com munities of believers respecting the canonical authority ofthe early Christian writings. In such a condition of affairs there could not but be a con siderable development of individual freedom of opinion in isolated churches and a corresponding narrowness and pro vincialism of judgment as well as decided predilections in favour of certain writings. Such tendencies and preferences could not but operate unfavourably to the settlement of the canon. If we join to these considerations the fact that the age was uncritical, that is, not inclined in the nature of the case to undertake a recension of manuscripts and to examine the claims of writers to special authority, when none stood forth with preeminent authorisation, we shall find the critical selection and sifting of books and the dis tinguishing of some of them by a general consensus as ex clusively to be accepted the remotest of probabilities. Another obstacle to the formation of the canon was the ' Clem. Rom., i ad Cor. ii. 46 ; Barnab., ix., xvi., xix. HISTORY OF THE CANON 361 conflict, dating from the apostolic age, between those who favoured and those who opposed the Pauline doctrine that the gentiles should be admitted into the Christian fold without submission to the Jewish ceremonial law. It required a long time to effect an adjustment of these differences, and although the liberal view of Paul prevailed, it did not succeed at once by the exclusion of all that opposed it; and accordingly there stand side by side in our canon Gospels and Epistles in which the opinions representing it and those opposed to it and those of a mediating tendency are more or less openly expressed. The important witnesses for this period are Clement of Rome, Barnabas, and Hermas. Their testimony must be considered with regard to the current opinions in their time respecting the inspiration and authority of the Christian literature then in use. In order to ascertain what were the earliest tendencies toward the formation of a canon, they must be questioned as to the nature of the writings in their hands and as to their manner of using them for quotation or for illustration. 1. Clement of Rome. — Without entering upon the question of the genuineness of the Epistles ascribed to Clement, it is sufficient to remark that his first Epistle addressed to the Corinthians was probably written at the end of the first cent ury or in the first quarter of the second. The writer was evidently a diligent student of Paul's writings, and once ex pressly mentions him as " the blessed Paul," the author of an Epistle, which is not specified. We cannot determine how many Epistles he knew, but his injunction to the Cor inthians to " take up the Epistle of Paul " ' implies a use of some of them in the churches of the time and perhaps the public reading of them in the religious assemblies, which was the first step toward the acceptance of writings as 1 " Take up the Epistle ofthe blessed Paul the apostle. ... Of a truth he charged you in the Spirit concerning himself and Cephas and Apollos, because even then ye had made parties." 362 HISTORY OF THE CANON canonical, since they were thereby placed side by side with the sacred Scriptures of the Old Testament. No citations, properly speaking, from the Gospels are found in Clement. ' ' The words of Jesus our Lord ' ' are referred to, and repro duced in one or two instances, apparently from memory, but not in the form of accurate quotations. The writer shows no evidence of an acquaintance with any of our Gospels, and does not mention or refer to them. The most that can be inferred from his repetition of sayings of Jesus is that he had read some writings in which they were recorded, probably our first Gospel and possibly the third. But his acquaintance with some Gospels and Epistles is all that can be affirmed. He does not intimate that he regarded them as " Scripture," that is, as authoritative and inspired writings. His inaccurate quotations and his ascription of sayings to Jesus that are not found in our Gospels show that there was to him no exclusively sacred text recording the life and teachings of the Master. 2. The Epistle of Barnabas. — This writing, falsely attributed to Barnabas,1 was composed at about the same time as the first Epistle of Clement, and was held in high regard by some of the Christian fathers. Tbe writer shows no in tellectual grasp, no profound apprehension of Christianity, and carries the allegorical and typological method of inter pretation to the utmost extremes. He was evidently ac quainted with Romans and perhaps with Galatians and 2 Corinthians, but he does not mention the Epistles by name, or treat them as sacred writings. His quotations of sayings of Jesus bear a strong resemblance to the record of them in the first Gospel. In iv. 14 he cites the words, " many are called, but few chosen," with the formula, "as it is writ ten," and some have regarded this as a quotation from Matt. xxii. 14 as sacred Scripture. But apart from the circum stance that the source of the quotation is uncertain, this ' Acts iv. 26, xii. 25, xiii. 1. HISTORY OF THE CANON 363 single instance cannot be regarded as establishing the fact that in.the first quarter of the second century our Gospels were reputed to constitute a sacred Scripture, especially since this writer ascribes to Jesus sayings that are not contained in them. Westcott admits that the proverbial phrase intro duced by the formula of Scripture-quotation may by a failure of memory have been ascribed by the writer to some book of the Old Testament — a confusion similar to that which occurs several times in Justin Martyr. 3. The Shepherd of Hermas. — An ancient tradition, as cribed to a certain Hermas, mentioned by Paul,1 — the writing known by this title. It was, however, written in the first half of the second century. Like the Epistle of Barnabas, it was highly esteemed in the primitive Church, and thought by Origen to be " divinely inspired." It consists of visions, commandments, and similitudes, and is destitute of literary interest. A scholar who has written a treatise on it char acterises it as " the most spiritless book that the ancient Church has handed down to us." 2 The fact that such men as Clement of Alexandria and Origen could value it so highly as they did shakes our confidence in their judgment on matters connected with the early Christian literature. It has very little to do with the facts of historical Christianity. The writer knew 1 Corinthians, Ephesians, and James, and possibly Hebrews and 1 Peter, but he neither mentions nor refers to any Epistle or Gospel. Westcott goes too far in maintaining that he was familiar with our Gospels, and even made allusions to the fourth. Weiss says that the work contains no certain trace of them, and finds only an ' ' accord ' ' with Mark x. 24. The writer, in common with the authors of Clement and Barnabas, believed that all the Christians of the time had received the Holy Spirit, and appears to think himself as well qualified as the apostles to write for the edification of the Church. The idea of citing a 1 Rom. xvi. 4. 2Jachmann, Der Hirte des Hermas. 364 HISTORY OF THE CANON supposed apostolical writing as an authority seems never to have occurred to him. 4. The Didache— -The writing technically known as the Didache, or " The Teaching of the Twelve Apostles," or, ac cording to its sub-title, " The Teaching of the Lord through the Twelve Apostles," should be mentioned in this connec tion, since it probably belongs to about the time of Clement and Barnabas, though placed later by some authorities. Its object is to present in a simple form the rules that should govern the Christian life. It has been well remarked that such a writing would have been impossible had an authoritative canon of the New Testament been in existence at the time when it was written ; and it shows by the total absence of ref erence to the books that have since become canonical that the author knew nothing of an inspired Christian literature. The only canonical authority recognised in this writing is the Old Testament, from which several quotations are made in due form. The Gospels of Matthew and Luke appear to have been known to the writer, and he quotes from them with such indifference to accuracy as is indicated in combin ing different passages and making additions of his own. He speaks of " the gospel " and " the teaching of the gospel," but does not refer to any Gospel-writing. Once he quotes with " it is said " a saying, the origin of which is unknown. Nothing is quoted from the Epistles of the New Testament, although the author was probably acquainted with some of Paul's and perhaps with Titus and 1 Peter. 5. The Gospel of Peter. — The recently discovered Fragment of the Gospel of Peter should also have a brief notice in this connection, on account of its relation to our canonical Gos pels and its importance to the history of the canon. It belongs probably to the early part of the second century, and its treatment of the older Gospels accords with the atti tude toward them of the writings of that period already considered. The Fragment discloses a close relation to our HISTORY OF THE CANON 365 synoptic Gospels, but deviates from them in details, particu larly in the account of the resurrection. Dr. Harnack regards it as proved, or nearly proved, that the writer knew our Gospel according to Mark. But it is doubtful whether he was acquainted with the first Gospel in the form in which it now exists, since, although he follows its narrative in some respects, he deviates from it in several particulars, and omits incidents that he could hardly have omitted had he known it. If his record was based on Matthew's, he re garded the latter as of little importance, as is shown by the liberties that he takes with it. But he very likely followed traditions and legends that the author of the first Gospel used, and may have drawn from that narrative also. The relation of the Fragment to the third Gospel is similar to that which it holds to the first. If the writer knew it, he used it with great freedom, and even ventured to correct it. If he knew the fourth Gospel at all, he paid little attention to it, and corrected it in an important particular. His sources may have been the same as those of its author. Such an attitude toward our canonical Gospels on the part of a writer living in the second century is of great signi ficance respecting the question of canonicity. If a writer undertaking to compose a history of the life of Jesus and having some of our Gospels in his possession could take such "liberties with them as this writer takes, it is evident that they could not then have been regarded as con stituting a sacred literature produced by divine inspiration, that is, could not have been looked upon as canonical in the sense that this word later came to have. The existence of our Gospels at the time in question is one thing, and the treatment that they receive in the literature ofthe period is quite another. The whole question of the canon is involved in the latter consideration. The fact that a second-century writer quotes a Gospel or an Epistle is of little moment. The important matter is how he quotes it. 366 HISTORY OF THE CANON III. — PAPIAS AND HEGESIPPUS. No works of Papias, bishop of Hieropolis, remain, but Eusebius records that he wrote a work entitled, ' ' Exposi tions ofthe Oracles of the Lord. ' ' This writing was probably composed near the middle of the second century, and the fragments that Eusebius has preserved are important for the history of the canon. "The Oracles of the Lord" are the sayings of Jesus, and the consideration of chief moment in the case is, what sources did Papias use for these sayings ? His own words as reported by Eusebius answer this ques tion. He says that he gave place in his book to everything that he heard from the "elders"; that whenever he met anyone who had been a follower of the elders, he inquired about the discourses of these ; and that he did not think he could derive so much profit from the contents of books as from the utterances of the living and abiding voice.1 Books, then, it appears, Papias knew, that contained the sayings or "oracles" (Aoyia) of Jesus. What these were Eusebius informs us in the following passages : "Of Matthew he [Papias] stated as follows : ' Matthew composed the oracles (logia) in the Hebrew [Aramaic] dialect, and everyone trans lated them as he was able.' " " And John the presbyter also said this : ' Mark being the interpreter of Peter, what ever he recorded he wrote with great accuracy, but not, however, in the order in which it was spoken or done by our Lord, for he neither knew nor followed our Lord, but was a follower of Peter, who gave him such information as was necessary, but not to give a history of our Lord's discourses. Wherefore Mark has not erred in anything by writing some things as he has, for he was carefully attentive to one thing, not to pass by anything that he heard, or to state anything falsely in these accounts.' " It does not belong to this in quiry to determine whether the Aramaean Matthew and the 1 Euseb., Hist. Eccl., iii. 39. HISTORY OF THE CANON 367 Mark mentioned by Papias were our first and second canoni^ cal Gospels, or were rather earlier writings that served as a basis for them. It is enough that the books were a sort of Gospel- writings, and that he speaks of only two of the kind. We are especially concerned with the manner in which Papias introduces the books. He appears to regard them as the works of ordinary historians, which may be supplemented by such information as he may be able to pick up from oral sources. In the absence of any intimation that he thought the writers inspired or the works authoritative, and in the declaration that he preferred oral to written sources, he shows that he had not the slightest idea of a canonical New Testament book or books. Papias's account of the death of Judas shows that he put confidence in sources that do not agree with our canonical records. He relates that Judas' s body, having so swollen that he could not pass where a chariot could easily pass, he was crushed by the chariot, so that his bowels were emptied out. Again, according to Eusebius, " he relates a story of a woman accused of many sins before the Lord, which is contained in the Gospel according to the Hebrews." Euse bius mentions no reference by Papias to our third Gospel or to the fourth, but says that " he used testimonies from 1 Peter and 1 John." He appears to have passed Paul by without mention and to have quoted none of his Epistles, while it is reported that he regarded the Revelation as inspired.1 1 "Eusebius promises (H. E., iii. 3) to record (1) the quotations of ecclesiastical writers from ' disputed books,' (2) ' what they have said about the Canonical Scriptures and the uncanonical as well.' His promise to include the latter we have reason to believe that he faith fully keeps. But he gives no extracts from Papias about Luke and John. It may be reasonably inferred that Papias was silent about them. This silence may have proceeded from either of two causes : (1) John and Luke may not have been recognised by Papias as on an equality with Mark and Matthew ; (2) though recognising them as authoritative, Papias may have had nothing to say about them. The 368 HISTORY OF THE CANON Hegesippus, a Palestinian Jewish Christian, after making a journey to Rome about the middle of the second century and visiting many churches on his way, wrote, ' ' Memoirs of the Unerring Tradition of the Apostolic Message," of which Eusebius has preserved a few fragments. He reported that he found everywhere " that which the law and the prophets and the Lord enjoin." The first two terms relate, of course, to the Old Testament, and a first step toward the formation of the canon of the New Testament is indicated by joining with this ancient standard the words of the Lord, or the sayings of Jesus. It is, however, noteworthy that Hegesippus does not refer to the sources of his knowledge of that which the Lord enjoins, that is, he says nothing of any one of our four Gos pels, and reveals no conception of a series of canonical New latter of these alternatives just mentioned is highly improbable. Papias dwells on the defect of order or arrangement (rd^Ei) in Mark, who, he says, never even contemplated an orderly treatise (dvvrai.iv) of the logia. And Luke avowed it as one of his objects to write in (chronological) order (xaBESfji) ,and Luke's order differs not only from that of Matthew, but also from that of John. It is hard to believe, then, that Papias 'would have nothing to say ' about Luke if he recog nised Luke. Again, as regards John, would not Papias have natur ally added what the Muratorian Fragment says — that this want of order was corrected by John, who wrote 'in order (per ordinem)' '? The Muratorian Fragment, Clement of Alexandria, and the anony mous tradition preserved by Eusebius (iii. 24) all have something of great importance to tell us about the original authorship of the ' spiritual ' Gospel of John, the disciple of the Lord, and what they say testifies to the interest taken in its origin by those ecclesiastical writers who were among the first to recognise it as apostolical. Is it likely that Papias, if he acknowledged it to be the work of the last of the apostles, knew nothing about it that he deemed worth saying? These considerations point to the conclusion that Luke and John were not recognised by Papias as on a level with Mark and Matthew." — E. A. Abbott, in article "Gospels," in Encyclopaedia Biblica, vol, ii. column 1813. HISTORY OF THE CANON 369 Testament writings. But Eusebius expressly states that he quoted from the apocryphal Gospel according to the Hebrews. He was, however, probably acquainted with our first and third Gospels — a fact which, if incontestably established, as it is not, would prove what no one disputes, that they were then in existence. Their recognition as canonical is, as has already been pointed out, quite another matter. Hegesippus appears to have known some of the Pauline and the Pastoral Epistles, expressions from which he appropriates without acknowledgment. IV. — JUSTIN MARTYR. Justin, who was of Greek descent and a student of the Grecian philosophy, wrote two defences (" Apologies") of the Christian religion and a dialogue with Trypho, from a.d. 145-160. The study of his works is of great importance to the history of the canon, for the reason that he made exten sive quotations from early records of Christian history. He frequently informs us that his citations as to the life and teachings of Jesus are taken from a work or works that he calls ' ' Memoirs of the Apostles, ' ' but he does not designate the author or authors of those Memoirs by name. The number of citations is very large, and their resem blances to and differences from their parallels in our Gospels render the question of their source very difficult. Various hypotheses have been advocated : That he drew from an original or originals from which our Gospels were derived ; that his Memoirs were the Gospel according to the Hebrews ; that he used a harmony or combined narrative ; and that our canonical Gospels furnished the greater part of his materials. The way in which Justin speaks of his sources is a con sideration of importance. " Memoirs of the Apostles " is a somewhat inexact term, if it was intended to apply to our 370 HISTORY OF THE CANON Gospels, only two of which were ostensibly written by apostles. Though he once adds the explanatory words, " which are called Gospels," and once quotes words which, he says, are " written in the Gospel," it is impossible to de termine what Gospel or Gospels he had in mind, since with the single exception of a " Gospel of Peter " mentioned once, he does not connect any particular author with his sources. It is well known that many writings ascribed to apostles and others were early in circulation purporting to be Gospels (the Gospels according to Peter, James, the Twelve, Thomas, the Hebrews, etc.), and it would be a begging of the question to assert that whenever Justin mentioned Gospels in general he had in mind precisely our four. Justin's remark that the Memoirs were read along with the prophets in the Christian assemblies for worship throws no light on their character or on the estimation in which they were held, since many of the early Christian writings not afterward admitted into the canon were so used. What Justin omits to say about his sources is also of im portance. He does not give the names of their authors, and does not imply that they were regarded as canonical, but he cites them simply as historical documents without an intima tion that they were thought to be inerrant, although he held so rigid a doctrine of the inspiration of the Old Testament authors that he has been called " the Doctor of Inspiration." Indeed, his faith in the statements made in his Memoirs rests upon the belief that the events related in them had been foretold by the prophets. Since Justin often quotes inaccurately from the Old Testa ment, and sometimes refers passages to the wrong authors, his carelessness in quoting his Memoirs does not go to estab lish the hypothesis that they were not exclusively our Gospels. But opposed to it is the fact that he mentions incidents in the life of Jesus not recorded in the latter, such as that Jesus was born in a cave near Bethlehem. Now HISTORY OF THE CANON 371 several uncanonical Gospels record this tradition, and the presumption is that he derived it from them, and that they belonged to his Memoirs. The incidents also that he re lates, that at the baptism of Jesus a fire was kindled in the Jordan, and that when Jesus came out of the water a voice came from the heavens : " Thou art my beloved Son, this day have I begotten thee," are found in the fragments of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. Many similar examples could be cited from Justin's works, showing that his sources were not exclusively our Gospels, and that he derived numerous incidents from apocryphal Gospels, and related them as if they were as authentic as any others. It must suffice, without further discussion of the difficult question, to state the results that have been reached by two of the fairest and ablest scholars, who bave thoroughly examined the whole subject. Credner says: "Justin was acquainted with our canonical Gospels, but used them little or not at all immediately. The basis of his quotations was a writing different from them, which can hardly have been any other than his own recension of the manifold Gospel according to the Hebrews, the same which often appears also as the Gospel of Peter, and which must have arisen from a harmonising combination of the evangelic history." Hilgenfeld, who has written an extended treatise on the subject, thus presents his conclusions in substance: " Justin knew Matthew, Mark, and Luke, and his acquaintance with the fourth Gospel can hardly be denied. He advances be yond Papias, and marks a certain contrast to him in that he totally excludes the oral tradition as a source of the know ledge of the life of Jesus, and has everything relating thereto in written Gospels. These apostolical Memoirs Justin reckons among the writings which belong to the Christians, and reports that they were read along with the prophets in the Sunday-assemblies for worship. Thus in him we 372 HISTORY OF THE CANON approach nearer in every respect to the conception of a collec tion of the sacred writings of Christianity. Yet with all this approximation it cannot be denied that Justin limits the conception of holy Scripture to the Old Testament, and does not transfer it to the Christian writings. Everywhere, whether he contend with Jew or heathen, only the books of the Old Testament are recognised by him as holy Scripture. Justin agrees entirely with Papias in holding exclusively to the twelve apostles. Besides the Gospels, he recognises the Revelation as the work of the apostle John. But no mention of the apostle Paul and his letters is found in Justin ; rather they are directly excluded. Accordingly, the Epistles of Paul are not reckoned by him among the Christian writings. The fourth Gospel might possibly have found its way into his Gospel-harmony on account ofthe name of the apostle John.1 But in the evangelic quotations of Justin we find much that is so peculiar as to require reference to an uncanonical Gospel." The opinion expressed in the foregoing summary of Hil- genfeld's conclusion should be supplemented by the remark that while Justin apparently with intention omits mention of Paul and his writings, there are in his works unmistak able indications of his acquaintance with the chief Pauline Epistles, Romans, Corinthians, Galatians, and Philippians, and with Colossians and Ephesians. He had evidently read 1 E. A. Abbott is of the opinion that " if Justin knew John, he re fused to base any statement on it." " It is generally recognised that the Synoptists do not teach, whereas John and Justin do teach, Christ's preexistence, the feeding on Christ's ' flesh and blood ' (as expressed in those precise words), the application of the term ' only- begotten ' to Christ, and the Logos-doctrine. When, therefore, we find Justin either not appealing to any authority, in behalf of these doctrines, or appealing to pointless passages in the Synoptists instead of pointed passages in John, it is a legitimate inference that Justin did not recognise John as on a level with the Synoptists."— Art. "Gospels" in Encycl. Biblica, vol. ii. col. 1835. HISTORY OF THE CANON 373 them or heard them read. But he could not have attached to them any special sacredness and authority, for he believed in the inspiration of all Christians from the beginning down to his own time, and no doubt thought himself to be as good an authority as any preceding writer of a Gospel or an Epistle. The attempt to explain Justin's quotations by the exclu sion of all our Gospels, which has been made by the author of " Supernatural Religion," and that of Westcott and Nor ton by the exclusion of all other sources than these except oral tradition, are both extreme and hardly tenable. The essential facts in the case for the historian of the canon are, however, independent of the vexed question of the character of his Memoirs, and are rather that, granting that he knew and used our Gospels, he nowhere intimates that they were to him anything more than ordinary historical documents ; that he does not regard or treat them as exclusive sources of information, but draws freely from another source or other sources, probably written; that he fails generally to identify any of the records that he uses by giving the names of their real or supposed authors ; that the only sacred Scripture that he recognises is the Old Testament, the supposed prophecies in which relating to events of the life of Jesus are paramount and conclusive evidence to him of the signifi cance of these events for the divine mission of Christ ; and that, finally, he does not reveal in his writings any well- defined discrimination as to canonical and uncanonical writings, but is apparently unconscious of such a distinction. V.— THE CLEMENTINE HOMILIES, BASILIDES, AND VALENTINE. An imaginary contest of arguments between Peter and Simon Magus, supposed to personate Paul, written in the interest of the anti-Pauline party in the Church, is repre sented in the so-called Clementine Homilies, which date 374 HISTORY OF THE CANON from after the middle of the second century. The work is a forgery in the name of Clement of Rome, and has little in terest or importance except for the history of the canon. While Justin expressly mentions his sources as " Memoirs of the Apostles," this writer designates no sources, and does not mention any Gospel by name. Only three or four exact quotations from our Gospels occur among a large number of references to sayings and acts of Jesus, and some are not found in them at all, e. g., "Be ye approved money changers," and " Why do ye not discern the good reason of the Scriptures ? ' ' Hilgenfeld' s conclusion is doubtless correct, that along with our four canonical Gospels the writer used an uncanon ical one, while the author of ' ' Supernatural Religion ' ' under takes too much in maintaining that he used none of our records. He was acquainted with the Epistles to about the extent of Hermas' s knowledge of them. With respect to Basilides, a leader of a Gnostic sect, who wrote about 125, little accurate information is attainable, since his writings have perished, and we know nothing of them except what the later writers who opposed him tell us. Reuss's summing up of the case must suffice for our purpose : " The exegesis of the Gnostics attached itself above all to the words of Jesus in order to bring out of them their own dogmas. But these words either circulated in a purely traditional form, or were embodied in writings more or less different, more or less circulated, but yet not sorted by an ecclesiastical authority, and all serving equally according to the occasion the use one wished to make of them. Now nothing was easier than to form new collections of this sort either by making extracts from those that one had at hand, or by combining several books, or by composing one's self accounts under the direct influence of the preoccupations of the system. There are famous examples of each one of these HISTORY OF THE CANON 375 methods." ' The fact that Basilides had no idea of a canon of the New Testament is evident in. that he did not confine himself to whatever writings he may have had, but appealed to the authority of a certain Glaucius whom he declared to have been an interpreter of Peter, and made use of some traditions of Matthias, who, it was maintained, had had private intercourse with Jesus. He is reported to have written a commentary on " the gospel," whatever that term may have meant to him, and interpretations made by him self and his followers of some synoptic passages and of por tions of Romans, 1 Corinthians, and perhaps 1 Peter are mentioned by later writers. Valentine, another Gnostic leader of about the middle of the second century, makes no direct appeal to the Gospels in the fragments of his writings that have been preserved in quotations from homilies and letters. Later writers charge him with introducing alterations, corrections, etc., in some of the Epistles. Origen says that his followers even altered the form of the Gospel, and Irenaeus says that this sect brought forward their own compositions as Gospels, and entitled one of their books " The Gospel of Truth," " though it accorded in no respect with the Gospels of the apostles." The fact that Valentine was acquainted with Paul's Epistles and that he argued, as Holtzmann maintains, from the Gospel of Matthew, proves nothing more than the existence and use of these writings in his time. There is absolutely no evidence that they were regarded as exclusive and authoritative sources, that is, as canonical. In view of the considerable number of Gospels that were in circulation in the second century, the use by these writers of isolated passages that are found in our canonical Gospels, without reference to the particular source, does not go far towards establishing the genuineness of these records. 1 Histoire du Canon, p. 70. 376 HISTORY OF THE CANON Credner has well stated the circumstances and conditions of this period : ' ' The early Church saw come forth from its bosom a multitude of the most contradictory asseverations and systems, which were more or less foreign to the true sense of the Christian doctrine, and which were afterward condemned by the orthodox as heretical. It was not inten tional hostility to Christianity by which these so-called heretics were animated. It was rather in the case of the majority at least an honest seeking after truth and the in born striving of the thoughtful and intelligent man to bring an earlier mode of thought, in which he had been reared, and perhaps grown grey, into accord with a new and to him ac ceptable teaching. But these strivings would certainly have turned out quite differently, certainly there would have been no Corinthians, Valentinians, Marcionites, and other sects of heretics of whatever name, at least not in the form that they assumed, had the doctrines of Christianity been then laid down in divinely attested writings, and not in mere tradition. This assertion will be established if we are able to show that all these heretics sought to confirm their doctrines not by an appeal to certain writings authorised in the Church, but to oral and written tradition, just as we have found to be the case with the orthodox Christians." 1 The establishment of this fact may be regarded as one of the assured results of historical investigation into the con dition of the Church in the second century, to which no one contributed more in his time than the candid scholar from whom the preceding quotation is taken. VI. — MARCION AND TATlAN. The great Gnostic heretic, Marcion, a man of noble char acter and life, undertook with sincere purpose the purification of Christianity. He believed that it had become corrupted 1 Beitrage, i. 36. HISTORY OE THE CANON 377 with Jewish elements, and supported his belief by the Epistle of Paul to the Galatians. The twelve apostles, being Jews, had in his opinion mingled their national ideas with the teaching of Jesus, and he discovered Jewish and anti-Jewish tendencies in the current Christian writings. He accord ingly undertook to construct a canon of his own by selecting out of the various existing books a few, which he regarded as least affected by Judaism, taking considerable liberty with them in the way of changes and excisions. He thought that Paul was the only genuine apostle, and accordingly his col lection of writings, made soon after the middle of the second century, was composed of those that came from the great apostles and from his followers. He chose ten Epistles : Romans, Galatians, 1 and 2 Corinthians, 1 and 2 Thessalon ians, Ephesians (which according to Tertullian he called " to the Laodiceans"), Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon. The precise character of Marcion's Gospel, and he chose only one, is indeterminable, but it is probable that he used a somewhat modified Gospel according to Luke. But it is not important for the present purpose to determine the precise character of Marcion's Gospel, since our task is to ascertain the estimation in which the Gospels in general were held, and how they were treated in Marcion's time. His pro cedure furnishes the desired information on this point in two or three conclusive facts : He did not ascribe his Gospel to any author, at least we have no information from his oppon ents that he did so ; he simply called it " the Gospel" (to evayyeXiov) ; he admitted that he changed the original text, and gave his reasons for doing so. Now the taking of such liberties with a writing is irre concilable with a belief in its infallibility or inspiration, and Marcion's procedure was in accord with the point of view of his time in which, as has been shown, no trace can be found of a belief in the exclusive divine inspiration of the writings afterwards united in the New Testament and regarded as 378 HISTORY OF THE CANON canonical. Accordingly, his adaptation of a single Gospel to his purposes along with the rejection of others, his recep tion of some Epistles that pleased him and his exclusion of others, were in accordance with the opinions and practices of his age, in which Christians were accustomed to rely upon oral tradition and to quote writings afterward rejected as un canonical, as if they were as authoritative as those finally accepted. It has been remarked that the general laxity of belief and usage regarding canonicity is evident from the fact that there does not appear to have been any objection raised against Marcion's procedure in his own time. It was unfortunate for his fame that he took a Gospel that was afterward re ceived as canonical, and treated it with so much freedom. But had such an opinion of its sanctity as could alone justify a condemnation of him existed in his time, it is certainly unaccountable that his contemporary, Justin Martyr, who frequently brings charges against the Marcionites, did not raise his voice against such a profanation of sacred docu ments.1 Tatian, an Assyrian by birth, was in Rome a disciple of Justin. An oration or apology, addressed to the Greeks, alone remains of his writings, and in this he shows, not by express mention or quotation, but by " contacts," his ac quaintance with some of Paul's Epistles, with the Epistle to Titus, and with the four Gospels. This work dates from the third quarter of the second century, and his performance de notes a tendency toward the formation of the canon, in that he sought to make some of the Pauline Epistles more read able by improving on their literary style — an indication that they were esteemed as works suitable for edification and probably for public reading in the churches. Tatian was also the author of a harmony of the four Gos- 1 Credner, Beitrage, i. 44. HISTORY OF THE CANON 379 pels, which is known as " the Gospel by Four," or the " Diatessaron." Eusebius is the first to mention this work, and he speaks of it as " a certain amalgamation and collec tion of the Gospels," put together he knows not how. Theodoret, about the middle of the fifth century, reports that he had seen it, that it did not contain the genealogies or any other parts that declare that Jesus was born of the seed of David, that it was used by others than those of his own [heretical] sect who in their " simplicity " did not see the evil of it, and that he collected above ten thousand copies of it, and put them aside as dangerous. It appears that Ephraem of Edessa wrote a commentary on the Diatessaron about the middle of the fourth century, of which in 1876 Massinger published a Latin translation from the Aramaic. More recently a supposed Arabic trans lation of the Diatessaron has been discovered. All this shows nothing more than that our Gospels existed in the third quarter of the second century, and that they were held in sufficient esteem as records of the life of Jesus to induce Tatian to make a harmony of them. On the contrary, the fact that Tatian took such liberties with the Gospels as to make excisions of portions of them that did not accord with his doctrine proves that he attached no special sacredness to these records. Historical documents regarded as without special sanction he might, indeed, have treated in this way, but records believed by him to be in fallible he would rather have undertaken to bring into accord with his theories by means of a violent exegesis, as the writers of his time treated the Old Testament, and as all dogmatists since his time have treated the Bible. Since his tampering with the Gospels was carried to such a degree that the good and orthodox Theodoret thought his harmony unfit for the use of sound Christians, it is evident that he had no conception of a New Testament canon.1 In this 1 " What may be the correct inferences from Theodoret's account 380 HISTORY OF THE CANON respect he was in accord with the general point of view of his age. VII. — DIONYSIUS OE CORINTH, MELITO OF SARDIS, AND ATHENAGORAS. Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, was the author of a letter to Soter, bishop of Rome, of which a few fragments remain. In these he makes complaint that certain " apostles of the devil " had taken the liberty to change some of his letters by additions and excisions, and adds that " it is not surpris ing if some have recklessly ventured to adulterate the Scriptures of the Lord, when they have corrupted those that are not of so much importance." It is a legitimate inference from these words that a sharp line of distinction was then drawn (about the last quarter of the second century) between the writer's own productions and certain writings recording the words of " the Lord," or Christ ; but there is no intimation that a canon of the New Testament yet existed, for at this time many spurious Gos pels and other writings, not finally accepted as canonical, were read in the churches and quoted as " inspired." Dionysius, indeed, informs the Romans that the Epistles of Clement and of Soter, their bishops, were read in his church, and since the Epistles of Paul to this church can hardly have been neglected, the inference is very natural that no exclu sively sacred or canonical character can have been accorded to the latter. It is worthy of note that the Gospels are not mentioned among the books read in the churches. of Tatian's excisions and of the ' mischief of the composition,' and what ought to be inferred from Eusebius's (probably) contemptuous statement about the work, are questions that do not affect Tatian's recognition of John. All agree that before the end of his life, i . e., about 170-180 a.d. , he recognised the four Gospels as being of special authority, although his notions of authority may not have prevented him from handling them with considerable freedom."— E. A. Abbott, art. "Gospels," in Encycl. Biblica, vol. ii. col. 1839. HISTORY OF THE CANON 381 From the fact that Melito, bishop of Sardis, made a collec tion of the books of the Old Covenant, the inference has been drawn that he was acquainted with a corresponding list of canonical New Testament books. But while the Old Coven ant implies the New, a canon of the former does not imply one of the latter, since the distinction of the two Covenants was made in the New Testament itself long before a canon of the latter was thought of. It may, however, be admitted that Melito regarded a New Testament canon as attainable and even desirable, but there exist no means of knowing what books he or the Christians of his time (the last quarter of the second century) would have included in such a collec tion. On the contrary, everything goes to show that no general agreement on the subject had been, or in the nature of the case could have been, reached at this time. In the "Apology" of Athenagoras, written about 176, occur a few sentences from the Sermon on the Mount and some passages from the Pauline Epistles, but the writer does not indicate any of the Gospels or Epistles by name, and gives no sign of regard for them as exclusively authoritative or canonical writings. To him the true source of authority is the Old Testament. VIII. — THEOPHILUS OF ANTIOCH AND THE CANON OF MURATORI. The three books of Theophilus to Autolycus, written in the latter part of the second century, are an important witness for the canon, and denote a decided advance toward its formation. He is the first writer who explicitly refers the fourth Gospel to John, whom he calls one of the " vessels of the Spirit." While he employs " holy Scripture " for the Old Testament only, he quotes from the first Gospel and some of the Epistles with the formula, " the divine word says," and calls " the evangelic voice " "the divine word." 382 HISTORY OF THE CANON The so-called Canon of Muratori, discovered at Milan in the seventeenth century by Muratori in a manuscript of the eighth or ninth century, is an anonymous list of the sacred books accepted by the Roman Church, although the first two Gospels are wanting at the beginning. It is the oldest list of the kind that is known, having probably been made toward the end of the second century. Hilgenfeld remarks that " the conception of holy Scriptures of the New Testa ment appears here already fully formed." The first words of the Fragment are the conclusion of a sentence, " at which [quibus'] nevertheless he was present, and he so placed [it]." This sentence is supposed to relate to the Gospel of Mark, and the preceding, which is wholly absent, to that of Matthew. Then follow the words : " Third Book of the Gospel according to Luke. Luke, that physician, after the ascension of Christ, when Paul took him with him as studious of the right, wrote it in his name, as he deemed best ; never theless he had not himself seen the Lord in the flesh, and he followed him according as he was able, beginning thus from the nativity of John." The text then proceeds to narrate some strange circumstances connected with the origin of the fourth Gospel, which it ascribes to John " of the disciples," as follows: " Being entreated by his fellow-disciples, and his bishops, John said, ' Fast with me for three days from this time, and whatever shall be revealed to each one of us, let us relate it to one another.' On the same night it was revealed to Andrew, one of the apostles, that John should relate all things in his own name aided by the revision of all," etc. Then follows a mention of Acts as containing a record by Luke and of thirteen Epistles ascribed to Paul, with an arrangement different from that in our canon and with reasons assigned for writing some of them. An Epistle to the Laodiceans and one to the Alexandrians (supposed by some to be that to the Hebrews), " forged under the name HISTORY OF THE CANON 383 of Paul," and " many others," it is declared, cannot be re ceived in the Catholic Church. The remark that these two Epistles are rejected because written in the interest of the heresy of Marcion indicates a discrimination between apos tolical and heretical writings. ' ' Gall should not be mixed with honey," says the writer. On account of the corruption of the text it is impossible to determine whether the Book of the Wisdom of Solomon is included or not. The writer appears to say that Jude and two of John are received in the Catholic Church " as the Wisdom of Solomon written by his friends in his honour," but " as " (ut) may be "and" (et). The former reading implies that Jude and " two of John " were written in honour of these apostles by their friends, and the latter, that they are received along with the Wisdom of Solomon. Two apocalypses " only " are received according to the Fragment, that of John and that of Peter, which latter " some of us are unwilling," it is said, " to have read in the churches," — a remark that shows the influence of the churches in the matter of canon icity. The Shepherd of Hermas is recommended for private reading, but is excluded from public use. The Epistles as cribed to James and Peter are not mentioned, and nothing is said of Hebrews, unless the Epistle to the Alexandrians, which is rejected, be identified with it. The Fragment con cludes with the rejection of compositions of the Gnostic heretics, Valentine and Basilides. It is important to observe that nothing is said of the supposed inspiration of the writ ings accepted, but apparently real or supposed apostolical authorship is a consideration of moment, since letters " forged under the name of Paul " are rejected, although no suspicion of forgery is thrown upon the Revelation of Peter as a reason why some did not think it ought to be read in the churches. In forming a judgment respecting this so-called canon, it 384 HISTORY OF THE CANON should be borne in mind that the author is wholly unknown ; that the manuscript dates from the eighth or ninth century ; that, as Donaldson suggests, it may have received interpola tions, although the presumption of interpolation should not have great weight in the absence of evidence,1 and finally, that in the light of the conclusions of the preceding investi gations, the Fragment would present a strange anachronism at any time before about the end of the second century. The writer does not give his own opinion regarding the books mentioned, but professedly the general sentiment of the Church. If, now, in writings of undisputed date and genuineness, we do not find that prior to about the end of the second century the books of the New Testament are mentioned and massed after the manner of this Fragment of uncertain date and unknown authorship, this fact ought certainly to have great weight in determining its importance for the history of the canon. IX. — IREN/EUS AND TERTULLIAN. In his work " Against the Heretics," written about 190, Irenaeus appeals to most of the writings of the New Testa ment as holy Scripture and puts them substantially on an equality with the Old Testament. He gives the tradition regarding the composition of the four Gospels ; but he mani fests no inclination toward a critical judgment, apparently satisfied to record the traditional view of the origin of the Gospels. He reports, after Papias, that Matthew wrote a Gospel in the dialect of the Hebrews, but as to the important relation of this to our first Greek Gospel he is uncritically silent. His testimony, then, amounts only to this, that in his time our four Gospels were traditionally accepted, and ascribed to the writers whose names were associated with them. ' Donaldson thinks that the passage regarding the date shows signs of having been tampered with.— Hist . Chr. Doct. and Life, iii. 209. HISTORY OF THE CANON 385 Irenseus's reasons for accepting four Gospels are such as that there are four quarters of the globe, four general winds, etc. He admits, however, that the fourth Gospel was dis puted by some. That the Gospels were not in his judgment self-authenticating is evident from the remark that " if any say that our Lord did these things [miracles] only in appear ance [it seems there were then doubters of the miracles], we shall refer them to the prophetic declarations, and shall show from them that all these things were strictly foretold." He cites the Gospels, however, with the same formula that he uses in citing the Old Testament, and refers to Matthew as " inspired." The apostles are to him the authentic source of Christian truth. He accepts the Epistles traditionally ascribed to Paul (but not Hebrews as Paul's), 1 and 2 John, and the Revelation. He recognises Acts, and one passage indicates his acquaintance with James. Tertullian, whose activity extended into the second decade of the third century, accepted on " the authority of the apostolic churches " our four Gospels, Mark being brought into recognition as apostolic through Peter, and Luke through Paul, to whom he says the third Gospel is gener ally ascribed, since " it is allowable that that which scholars publish should be regarded as their masters' work." Be sides the Gospels he admitted Acts, thirteen Epistles ascribed to Paul (excluding Hebrews, which, however, he found recognised by some), 1 John and Revelation, Jude, and 1 Peter. Tertullian acknowledged the Shepherd of Hermas prior to his conversion to Montanism, after which he rejected it as " an Epistle of adulterers." The Epistle of James is not mentioned in his writings, but in one passage a phrase seems to imply acquaintance with it. He speaks a good word, however, for the Epistle of Barnabas. His conception of canonicity was evidently not well defined, and his attitude 386 HISTORY OF THE CANON toward the whole subject was uncritical, his criterion being, " that has been derived by tradition from the apostles which has been preserved in the churches of the apostles." X. — THE CATHOLIC CHURCH AND THE CANON. In the absence of means of easy communication between the different and often widely separated Christian communi ties in the second century, the conception of unity and a common bond of faith and fellowship among them must have been slowly developed. The journeys, however, of prominent teachers among the various little communities and the letters occasionally sent from the leader of one of them to the brethren in another must have tended to gener ate the idea of a whole Church, or a Church throughout all, that is, a Catholic or universal Church. The Gnostic con- troversy, however, probably contributed more than any other influence to bring the churches to a consciousness of historic unity. The appeal to tradition was not, indeed, unknown apart from the exigencies of this controversy, in the midst of which it became the very natural and general resort of the defenders of the orthodoxy of the times. It was deemed the best answer to the speculations of the heretics to set forth the fundamental doctrines of primitive Christianity, as they had been handed down from Christ through the apostles and their successors. The creed was simple and in a few words. There was one God, who had created the world by His Son, the Word. This latter had inspired the prophets, had finally become flesh, and preached the new kingdom of God ; had been crucified, raised from the dead, and was seated at the right hand of God, whence he sent forth the Holy Spirit upon believers. At length, and very soon, he would return in glory in the great Parousia to take them to himself and to punish the unbelievers. This was " the Rule of Faith," HISTORY OF THE CANON 387 which had been handed down, and which was deemed essen tial to the integrity of the Church and the soundness of the individual believer. Above all questions of mere interpretation of Scripture, it appeared to the orthodox contestants to be of supreme im portance to determine the grounds of the authority of the writings themselves ; and it is natural that in proportion as the conception of canonicity was formed and defined, the tendency in this direction should become more pronounced and positive, particularly in the controversy with heretics. To minds untrained in critical investigation, the appeal to the venerated tradition of the Church furnished the most congenial source of confirmation. What Christ had taught, and the apostles preached, could be determined in no way so well as through the churches in which " the living word " had been preached and handed down. We have seen that to Papias " the living voice " was that of individual teachers. It is not surprising that with the consolidation of the Church a change should take place in the form 'of the appeal to tradition ; and in Tertullian a change is, in fact, observable. For he finds the standard of right knowledge and belief as well as of true interpretation in the tradition of the churches from the apostolic age down through the entire succession. When the heretics denied the infallibility of the apostles, and maintained that these were incapable of comprehending the profounder sense of the teachings of Jesus ; when they referred to the disagreement between Peter and Paul, it was maintained by the defenders of the faith that only among themselves, the real descend ants of the apostles, was the genuine tradition to be found, on which the true faith could alone be established, and in accordance with which alone a right interpretation was possible. It was but a step from this appeal to the tradition of the churches, which derived its chief worth from its apostolic 388 HISTORY OF THE CANON source, to an appeal to the writings of a supposed apostolic origin, so as to meet the heretics with weapons drawn from the armoury of Scripture texts. Their denial of the par ticipation of the Supreme God in the revelation of the Old Testament could not be more effectively answered than by an appeal to apostolic writings recognised as equal in authority to that, as inspired — in a word, as holy Scripture. The ground of their validity was their supposed connection with the apostles in their origin and their conformity in doctrine with what was believed to be the genuine apostolic tradition as held in the churches. A striking illustration of this point of view is furnished in a proceeding of Serapion, bishop of Antioch, at the end of the second century. It appears that a division had arisen in the church at Rhosse in reference to the Gospel of Peter. Serapion, in order to appease the strife, at first permitted the Gospel to be read, presumably because of its supposed apostolic origin. But having learned afterward that it contained some hereti cal teachings, he forbade its use. He declared the principle on which he acted to be that Peter and the other apostles are to be accepted as Christ himself, but that the writings which falsely go under their names are to be rejected. The consolidation of the Catholic Church, then, was the condition of the settlement of the canon of the New Testa ment. As the Church came to a consciousness of itself ; as the instinct of self-preservation in the conflict with heresy more and more united it ; as the appeal to the apostolic tradition, preserved in its various branches, and to writings believed to be of apostolic origin became a necessity ; as an authority held to be above question could not be dispensed with in the exigencies of its development, it found itself con strained to hold fast to its revelation contained in the teach ings of the apostles, to exclude all writings that deviated from the traditional catholic faith, and to collect the docu ments of this revelation in a canon or rule of faith and HISTORY OF THE CANON 389 practice. Apostolic in origin, that is, written by apostles or by men who had been in intercourse with them, and apostolic in doctrine according to the tradition of the churches, must all writings be that were accepted as canonical. The chief promoters of canon-forming were probably the bishops, and it is likely, as Holtzmann maintains against Tischendorf, Bleek, and others, that the process of establish ing the canon would have been much slower than it was, if it had been obliged to wait upon the agreement of the churches through general enlightenment and mutual under standing. The bishops, tracing their succession from the apostles, would naturally regard the writings of these as the true standard of Catholic orthodoxy. The procedure of Serapion, previously mentioned, is a good illustration of the fact and the necessity of episcopal supervision in the matter of accepting and rejecting the current writings. Clothed with authority in matters of doctrine they would naturally be looked to for a decision as to what books should be read in the churches and should thus receive a sort of canonical recognition. It would doubtless be an error to suppose that the leaders in the Church during the latter part of the second century engaged, after the manner of modern theologians, in critical researches to establish a canon of the New Testament Script ures. As little are we justified in thinking them to have been preoccupied with the absolute and exclusive authority of the supposed apostolic writings. True representatives of the catholic tendency, which has remained essentially the same to the present day in the Roman Church, their pre dominant interest was ecclesiastical. They were far from assuming the Protestant attitude toward the Scriptures or toward tradition. According to one of them, the Spirit of God comes to individuals only through the Church, so that one may say not only that " the Church is where the Spirit is, but also that the Spirit is where the Church is." They 390 HISTORY OF THE CANON taught that the depositaries of tradition, the chiefs of the different communities, especially of those founded by the apostles, above all that of Rome, were the best teachers of the truth. XI. — THE CANON OF THE ALEXANDRIAN CHURCH. The Alexandrians treated the conception of canonicity with greater freedom and in a more spiritualising way than did the western Church. Clement (170-211) not only took into account the external, apostolic origin of Christian writings, but also their spiritual derivation from the apostles, or the question of their contents as worthy or unworthy of their authorship. The perils of this subjective view were controlled to some extent by a regard for testimony, and modified somewhat by philological criticism. The Epistle to the Hebrews, for example, attributed in the Western Church to Barnabas, was regarded by Clement as the work of Paul, because worthy of the apostle. It was thought to have been written in Hebrew, and the translation was ascribed to Luke, because of a similarity in its style to Acts. According to Eusebius, Clement's canon, in a work now existing in only a few fragments, comprised the entire New Testament, including Hebrews and certain "disputed" writings, such as the Epistle of Jude and the Catholic Epistles, and, besides, the Epistle of Barnabas and the Apocalypse of Peter. In the works of his still in existence, he does not use 3 John, 2 Peter, and James, but does cite the writings of Barnabas and Clement of Rome as apostolic, and Hermas as " inspired." He also quotes other writings not since recognised as canonical, and does not definitely dis criminate between our four Gospels and the Gospels accord ing to the Hebrews and the Egyptians. It is evident that his conception of a New Testament canon was not very well defined. HISTORY OF THE CANON 391 Origen's canon denotes some advance upon that of Clem ent, and we find him distinguishing between " acknow ledged " and " disputed" books. He accepted the four Gospels, Acts, the Epistles traditionally ascribed to Paul (that to the Hebrews, however, not being generally acknow ledged), seven Catholic Epistles (1 Peter and 1 John only without doubt), and the Revelation. He mentions, besides the Gospel according to the Hebrews without full recogni tion, the Gospel according to Peter, and the so-called Prot- evangelium of James. The Epistles of James, Jude, 2 and 3 John, and 2 Peter are not accorded an unquestionable recognition. Expressions more favourable to some of these, however, appear in those of his works that exist only in a Latin translation. He cites Hermas as "Scripture," and regards it as " inspired." XII. — FROM EUSEBIUS TO AUGUSTINE. Eusebius, in the first half of the fourth century, mentions as " acknowledged " writings the four Gospels, Acts, thirteen Epistles ascribed to Paul (excluding Hebrews as "disputed"), 1 Peter, 1 John, and, "if one please," the Revelation of John. Among the ' ' disputed ' ' books he reckons James, Jude, 2 Peter, and 2 and 3 John. Another division includes the "spurious" writings, — Acts of Paul, the Shepherd of Hermas, the Revelation of Peter, the Epistle of Barnabas, the Apostolical Constitutions, and finally, " if one please," the Revelation of John, "which is rejected by some, and accepted by others." Cyrill of Jerusalem, about the middle ofthe fourth century, recognised as " acknowledged " seven Catholic Epistles and the Epistle to the Hebrews, but rejected the Revelation of John. Athanasius in the East, however, accepted the Revelation, besides the four Gospels, the Acts, fourteen Epistles of Paul (including Hebrews), and seven Catholic 392 HISTORY OF THE CANON Epistles. He recognised as books " to be read " the Apos tolical Constitutions and the Shepherd of Hermas, but he was unable with all his influence to secure general recogni tion for the Revelation in the Eastern Church. Theodorus of Mopsuestia, in the first quarter of the fifth century, entertained doubts of the Epistle of James, while at about the same time Rufinus accepted Hebrews and the Revelation. Jerome also acknowledged these, while admit ting that all did not agree with him. With respect to 2 Peter, James, Jude, and 2 and 3 John he admits a prepon derating rejection, and while he reckons Barnabas among the apocryphal writings, he speaks of the first Epistle of Clement of Rome and the Shepherd of Hermas as read in some churches. Under the influence of Augustine, in the first quarter of the fifth century, the western canon was closed with the admission of Hebrews, which in the synod of Carthage in 397 had been mentioned apart from the thir teen Epistles ascribed to Paul, but which in the synod of the year 419 was admitted into the list ofthe apostle's writings. The oldest list of the writings of the New Testament made by a synod is that of the synod of Laodicea, the date of which is uncertain. It was probably held not far from the middle of the fourth century. The decree of this council relative to the New Testament canon recognises the four Gospels, Acts, fourteen Epistles ascribed to Paul (including Hebrews), seven Catholic Epistles, James, two of Peter, three of John, and Jude. The Pauline Epistles are placed after the Catholic, and the Revelation is not mentioned. The genuineness of this canon (No. 60) has been disputed, but it is generally accepted. In the Syrian Church, how ever, the Peshito, a Syriac translation of the New Testament of uncertain date, which appears as a recognised authority about the middle of the fourth century, contains James and Hebrews, but omits 2 Peter, 2 and 3 John, Jude, and the Revelation. HISTORY OF THE CANON 393 XIII. — THE REFORMATION AND THE CANON. While the Roman Catholic Council of Trent in 1546 affirmed the canonicity of all the disputed books of the New Testament, the Reformation may be regarded as denoting the beginning of the great critical activity, which during more than three centuries has steadily modified the judgment of Christendom respecting the authorship, date, and authen ticity of a large number of the writings composing the canon. While the Church of the Reformation intensified the doctrine of inspiration, and made the Bible rather than the ecclesiastical tradition the sole source of authority, and while it left the canon in form substantially inclusive of all the previously disputed writings, some of its leaders assumed an attitude of subjective criticism of certain books, which practically amounted to their rejection. Luther maintained the right of individual judgment as to which of all the New Testament books are the best. He regarded the fourth Gospel and the Epistles of Paul as con stituting ' ' the right kernel and marrow ' ' of all the books, because they contain little of the wonder- workings of Christ; but " sketch in a masterly way how faith in Christ over comes sin, death, and hell, and gives life, righteousness, and salvation." Since the fourth Gospel, in contrast with the other three, records the words rather than the works of Jesus, it is " the only, tender, right chief-Gospel," and is greatly to be preferred to the others. Paul's Epistles, espe cially that to the Romans, and the first Epistle of Peter are far superior to the synoptic Gospels. Luther regarded Hebrews as inferior to the other Epistles ascribed to Paul, because the writer had built, though upon the right ground, with " wood, hay, and stubble," and James he could not tolerate, because it ran directly counter to Paul's doctrine of justification by faith. To him it was " a right strawy Epistle," destitute of "evangelical quality." He would not have it in his Bible, at least not among " the 394 HISTORY OF THE CANON right chief-books." It is evident that his point of view is dogmatic rather than critical. " My mind," he says, " can not fit itself totiie book, and it is to me reason enough why I do not hold it in high regard, that Christ is not taught or known in it." "I stand by the books that represent Christ to me bright and clear." As to Revelation, he regarded it as " neither apostolic nor prophetic." The position given to Hebrews, James, Jude, and the Revelation at the end of the Lutheran Bible has been regarded as indicating that these books were in the judgment ofthe reformer " disputed." Zwingli rejected Revelation, and Calvin thought that Hebrews was not written by Paul, and that 2 Peter was not the work of the apostle Peter. The Arminian, Hugo Grotius, not only entered upon a critical consideration of the synoptic problem in endeavouring to determine the relation of Mark to Matthew, and of Luke to Matthew and Mark, but also contested the Pauline authorship of Hebrews, and cast suspicion upon the genuineness of 2 Peter and 2 and 3 John. XIV. — CRITICISM AND THE CANON. Criticism denotes no new departure in its relation to the canon. It only affirms the right of all Christians to assume the attitude toward the New Testament books that the primitive Church assumed, and that was again taken up by Luther — that of the right and necessity of judging each separate book as to its claims to be accounted a representa tive of apostolic Christianity. Text-criticism having ap proximately established the original text, it is the task of the higher criticism to determine, as far as possible, the authorship of the various writings (genuineness), the relation of the first three Gospels to one another (the synoptic prob lem), the date or time of composition of the different books with reference to the attitude that they assume toward the ideas and tendencies of certain historical periods, and the HISTORY OF THE CANON 395 relations existing among all of them as regards the develop ment and progress of religious thought during the two or three generations within which they arose. Its procedure is historical, so far as it treats the writings as historical pro ductions that grew out of certain conditions, and were influ enced by an environment more or less known. Literary the procedure also is, inasmuch as it deals with the books as literary productions, and subjects them to an examination as a peculiar and well-defined literature. From these points of view criticism can entertain no presumptions regarding the inspiration of the writings in question in the sense that they are infallible or inerrant in matters of history, biography, or doctrine. A certain in spiration may as a matter of fact be accorded to their writers in the degree to which they were affected by the influence that proceeded from Jesus and the great spiritual awakening that he promoted. But the inspiration of a writer is not to criticism a criterion of the canonicity of his writing; neither is the fact that the author of a Christian book was an "apostolical man" such a criterion. Indeed, from the point of view of criticism, the conception of canonicity has undergone a radical change inwardly, while outwardly the traditional-historical idea of it is maintained. Criticism recognises the New Testament, as we now have it, as the historical canonical New Testament, without regard to the apostolical authorship of its several books or to the inerrancy of their writers. It interprets each of its writings historically as a literary phenomenon of its time and as hold ing a relation near to or remote from the original teaching of Jesus. From the point of view of the critical school, strictly so called, the first three Gospels stand closest to the genuine tradition of Jesus, though no one of them was writ ten by an apostle, while the fourth Gospel is a speculative, ideal construction of his life and teachings, representing a later development of religious thought. 396 HISTORY OF THE CANON The only incontestably genuine Epistles are Romans, i and 2 Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, and i Thessalo nians ; so that if apostolical authorship were a criterion of canonicity, the canon of the New Testament would be com posed of these alone. But they represent little of the original teaching of Jesus, being an independent construction of a doctrine of salvation foreign to the essential teaching of the Master. The remaining Epistles represent a progressive development of religious thought, particularly in the direc tion of an enhancing of the Christological conception, and of the various practical and ecclesiastical points of view of the time when the Church was striving to solve the momentous problems of unity and catholicity in the conflict with heresy and in the reconciling of opposite tendencies in its own household. The attitude of criticism toward the canon, then, denotes a return to the point of view of the primitive Church at the time when the question of canonicity was receiving serious consideration — an attitude that was discriminative of the difference in worth of different books, and with which was consistent the recognition of disputed writings side by side with the undisputed as having an importance to be determ ined by the judgment and the Christian consciousness of the Church. Criticism does not attempt to overthrow the canon of the New Testament, but its aim is to determine the value of each book composing it with relation to the only real Christianity, the teaching of Jesus, and to assign it its place in the development of religious thought that had its beginning in his wonderful personality. THE END. WORKS BY ORELLO CONE, D.D. GOSPEL-CRITICISM AND HISTORICAL CHRISTIANITY A Study of the Gospels and of the History of the Gospel- Canon during the Second Century ; together with a Consideration of the Results of Modern Criticism. Second Edition, 8vo, gilt top, pp. xiii-365, $1.75. CHIEF CONTENTS.— I. The Text— II. The Canon— III. The Synoptic Problem— IV. The Gospel According to Mark— V. The Gospel According to Matthew — VI. The Gospel According to Luke — VII. The Gospel According to John— VIII. The Escha- tology of the Gospels — IX. Dogmatic " Tendencies " in the Gospels — X. The Old Testament in the Gospels ; or, The Her meneutics of the Evangelists — XI. The Gospels as Histories — XII. Criticism and Historical Christianity. " A strong book, and well worth reading by any one who knows or does not know the recent results of the higher criticism." — Christian Union. " The work of a scholar who has made himself familiar with the most important recent investigations, and who appreciates the nature and bearing of the questions at issue. . . . Re plete with information for those who have not made the subject a specialty, and executed in a spirit of candor and rational inquiry." — Geo. B. Stevens, Professor of New-Testa ment Criticism in Yale University, in Yale Review. " It is not excelled in attractiveness by any work that has been written on the subject." — Prof. C. H. Toy. " I admire its careful learning and thorough mastery of the subject, and more I admire the singular mental poise which it exhibits. . . . Such a book marks an era in American scholarship." — R. Heber Newton, D.D. " A thoroughly scholarly work ; its tone is deeply reverent and spiritual, and its literary style is marked by sobriety and conspicuous refinement and grace. ... It has commanded throughout our close attention and frequent admiration." — The London Literary World. " I feel very great admiration for the scholarship and wisdom shown in the treatment of the whole subject. . . . The book is admirable and cannot fail to do great good among thinking men." — Andrew D. White. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London. FOR SALE BY ALL. BOOKSELLERS. [over] WORKS B Y ORELLO CONE, D.D. THE GOSPEL AND ITS EARLIEST INTERPRETATIONS A Study of the Teaching of Jesus and its Doctrinal Transformations in the New Testament. 8vo, gilt top, pp. viii-413, $1.75. CHIEF CONTENTS. — Introduction, The Historical and Critical Treatment of the New Testament — I. The Teaching of Jesus — II. The Jewish-Christian Interpretation — III. The Paul ine Transformation — IV. The Deutero-Pauline Interpretations — V. The Johannine Transformation — VI. Anti-Gnostic Interpre tations— VII. Jewish-Christian Apocalyptic — VIII. The Gospel and Theology. The object of this work is to elucidate the teaching of Jesus and to present both in their relation to it and to one another the principal types of religious doctrine contained in the New Testament. " The scholarship, skill, and spiritual insight and sympathy evinced, have created a picture of the teaching of Jesus and of the Pauline, Johannine, and other transformations and inter pretations of it which, I believe, is unique in our language, and which will be welcomed and appreciated by all who are interested in the supreme question of our age." — J. G. Schur- man, President of Cornell University. " An admirable sketch of the vicissitudes of Christian doc trine within the limits of the canonical writings." — Dr. C. H. Toy, of Harvard University. " Rev. Dr. Cone's second volume in the field where he is so erudite a scholar, so candid a thinker, and so lucid a writer, will confirm the high position at once accorded him by dis cerning readers of his work on Gospel- Criticism and Historical Christianity." — The Literary World. "Handles the subject with perfect candor, learning, and skill, yet not without the caution and reverence that belong to every phase of biblical exegesis. "— The National Baptist. G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London. for sale BY ALL BOOKSELLERS. [ovbr] By W. M. RAMSAY. THE CHURCH IN THE ROMAN EMPIRE BEFORE A.D. 170. With Maps and Illustrations, 8vo $3.00 '* Ic is a book of very exceptional value, Prof. Ramsay is a real scholar and of the very best type of scholarship. A thoroughly good book ; a product of first hand and accurate scholarship ; in the highest degree suggestive ; and not only valuable in its results, but an admirable example of the true method of research." — The Churchman. ST. PAUL THE TRAVELLER AND THE ROMAN CITIZEN. With Map, 8vo $3.00 "Awork which marks an important step in advance in the historical inter- {iretation of St, Paul. . .. It is an immense gain to have the narrative ifted from the mean function of being an artful monument and mirror of a strife internal to Christianity which it seeks by a process, now of creation, now of elimination, ^ to overcome and to conceal? to the high purpose of representing the religion as it began within the Empire and as it actually was to the Empire and the Empire to it. . . . Professor Ramsay has made a solid and valuable contribution to the interpretation of the Apostolic literature and of the Apostolic age — a contribution distinguished no less by ripe scholarship, in dependent judgment, keen vision, and easy mastery of material, than by fresh ness of thought, boldness of combination, and striking originality of view."— The Speaker. IMPRESSIONS OF TURKEY DURING TWELVE YEARS' WANDERINGS. 8vo $f-75 " No conception of the real status of Turkey is possible unless something is understood of ' the interlacing and alternation of the separate and un blending races/ ,t . . Such an understanding is admirably presented in Prof. Ramsay's book, which gives a near and trustworthy insight into actual Turkish conditions." — _V. Y. Times. WAS CHRIST BORN AT BETHLEHEM? A Study in the Credibility of St. Luke. Part I. The Importance of the Problem. Part II. The Solution of the Problem. 8vo, $1.75 " The work is one of which students of biblical criticism will need to take account. It is absolutely candid and straightforward, thorough and discriminating, and courteous to other scholars whose conclusions it sees most reason to condemn. It is a fine piece of work." — The Congregationalist. HISTORICAL COMMENTARY UPON THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS. 8vo $3.oo G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS, New York and London. DA II I THE MAN* THE mission- rnUL) ARY. AND THE TEACHER BY ORELLO CONE, D.D. Cloth, gilt top, $2.00 CHIEF CONTENTS— PART I. The Man: i. Formative Influences; 2. Personal Traits; 3. The Conversion. PART II. The Missionary: 1. The First Years — Galatia and the Galatian Epistle; 2. Philippi, Thessalonica, Corinth; 3. Ephesus — Rome; 4. The Paul of the Acts and the Paul of the Epistles. PART III. The Teacher: 1. The Law; 2. "Life," "Death," and "Salvation;'' 3. Doctrine of Sin; 4. Salvation — Atonement; 5. Person of Christ; 6. Supernatu ralism; 7. Faith and Justification; 8. Ethics; 9. Predestina tion; io. The Church and the Sacraments; ii. Eschatology. "An exposition of Paul as he was." — Dr. Thos. R. Slicer in The New World. "Among the many treatises on Paulinism published of recent years, this book takes a high place. In the present writer's judgment it surpasses all others written in Eng= lish in acumen and vigor. ... A special merit of the presentation of Paul's ideas is the fulness and lucidity with which the subtle and mystical elements of his thought are stated. Dr. Cone's style . . . has a sinewy vigor which makes his book easy reading throughout." — Prof. E. Y. Hincks of Andover in The Church. "As an exhaustive and luminous account ofthe life and work of Paul as a missionary to the gentiles and as a teacher, it stands unrivalled. Part III is a masterly expo sition of the apostle's thought which leaves nothing to be desired. " — The Aberdeen Journal. "Biblical scholarship in America has not produced a more creditable work than this." — The Christian Register. "A standard work . . . will for a long time constitute the point of departure for all studies of Paul that are to be taken seriously." — Prof. H. Holtzmann, University of Strassburg. PUBLISHED BY THE MACMILLAN CO., New York A. & C. BLACK, London YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 05118 6485