¦ISKaES^ED the colossians SSSsSsS^ YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE LIBRARY OF THE DIVINITY SCHOOL CAMBRIDGE GREEK TESTAMENT FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES General Editor: R. ST JOHN PARRY, B.D., FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE THE EPISTLES OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS AND TO PHILEMON CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE, C. F. CLAY, Manager. &01t&0tt: FETTER LANE, E.C. (Blaagoto: 50, WELLINGTON STREET. JUtoia: F. A. BROCKHAUS. £ti>j lark: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS. ISomfaH ano Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. {All Rights reserved.} THE EPISTLES OF PAUL THE APOSTLE TO THE COLOSSIANS AND TO PHILEMON Edited by A. LUKYN WILLIAMS, B.D. Vicar of Guilden Morden and Examining Chaplain to the Lord Bishop of Durham WITH INTRODUCTION AND NOTES Cambridge : At the University Press 1907 Cambrtlfif : PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. PREFACE BY THE GENERAL EDITOR. rflHE General Editor does not hold himself respon- -*- sible, except in the most general sense, for the statements, opinions, and interpretations contained in the several volumes of this Series. He believes that the value of the Introduction and the Commentary in each case is largely dependent on the Editor being free as to his treatment of the questions which arise, provided that that treatment is in harmony with the character and scope of the Series. He has therefore contented himself with offering criticisms, urging the consideration of alternative interpretations, and the like; and as a rule he has left the adoption of these suggestions to the discretion of the Editor. The Greek Text adopted in this Series is that of Dr Westcott and Dr Hort with the omission of the marginal readings. For permission to use this Text the thanks of the Syndics of the Cambridge University Press and of the General Editor are due to Messrs Macmillan & Co. Trinity College, Cambridge. 1 December, 1906. PEEFACE. WHEN I accepted the invitation of the late General Editor (the present Bishop of Ely, Dr Chase) to write a commentary upon the Epistles to the Colossians and to Philemon, I hardly realized the difficulty of the task or the length of time that it would require for its accomplishment. For not only is the Epistle to the Colossians one of the hardest of St Paul's writings, but the existence of two such admirable commentaries as those by Bishop Lightfoot and Bishop Moule, though affording invaluable help towards the elucidation of the Epistle, lays a heavy burden on him who attempts to follow them. It had been comparatively easy, but, alas, superlatively dishonest, to extract the pith of their work and knead it into a new form. But this being out of the question, nothing remained but to use concordances (Geden for the New Testament, Hatch- Redpath for the Septuagint), and Grammars (Winer- Moulton, 1870, Blass, E. Tr. 1898, and latterly J. H. Moulton's Prolegomena), as thoroughly as possible, and only after an independent examination of the language and thoughts of the Epistle to refer to commentaries upon it. A list of those that have been used will be found on p. lxv. But the work would have been much more imperfect than it still is if the present General Editor had not given to it much painstaking care, and made many suggestions. A. L. W. Advent, 1906. CONTENTS. Introductions. Colossians. I. Destination. The Church at Colossae II. Occasion III. The False Teaching IV. The Doctrine and the Worship of Angels V. Canonicity ... VI. Genuineness and Integrity VII. Place and Date. Belation to the other Epistles of the same Group ... VLTI. Authorities for the Text ... IX. Analysis X. Commentaries Philemon. I. Canonicity and Genuineness II. Its relation to Slavery III. Analysis IV. Commentaries Texts. IX xii xviixxii xxxviii xl xlvi liv lxiii lxv lxvi lxviiilxxiv lxxiv ColossiansPhilemon Notes. Colossians Philemon Indices. Colossians. Greek words with Tables. Philemon. Some of the Greek words . 11 172 193 206 INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. Destination — The Chuech at Colossae. 1. Or the two forms Colossae or Colassae the former is evidently the older, as o alone is found on coins before the third century a.d. (" even as late as the reign of Gordian a.d. 238 — 244 when they ceased to be struck," Lightfoot), and in the more trustworthy mss. of writers who lived before that time (Herodotus, vil 30, and Xenophon, Anab. I. 2. 6, vide infra). Observe (see Notes on Textual Criticism) that in i. 2 "Coloss.'' is certain, whereas in the Title', which is doubtless not Pauline, and probably somewhat late, and in any case is more liable to alteration than the body of the Epistle, the evidence is very conflicting and is perhaps in favour of the a1. 2. " Colossae was situated at the lower western end of a narrow glen some ten miles long2. On the north and east the broken skirts of the great central plateau hem in the glen. On the south Mount Cadmos rises steep above it. On the west a low rocky ridge about two miles in breadth divides it from the lower Lycus valley. This glen forms a sort of step between the lower Lycus valley, which is an eastern continuation of the long narrow Maeander valley, and the central plateau, to which it affords the easiest approach ; and the great highway from the 1 Bamsay thinks KoKaaao.1 is nearer the Phrygian form and was grecized to suggest a derivation from Ko\ov kcu fieyakr) when Cyrus stayed there (Anab. I. 2. 6), Strabo (c. 24 B.C.) calls it only 7rdXtcr/xa (xn. 8. 13). Laodicea appears to have outstripped it2, more especially in political and commercial influence, and Hierapolis, as it seems, in popularity for its baths. " Without doubt," says Bp Lightfoot, " Colossae was the least important Church, to which any epistle of St Paul was addressed." 1 For the limits of "Phrygia" at different times, see Ramsay, Hastings' D.B. m. p. 864. 2 So also Laodicea, but not Colossae, is addressed in Bev. iii. 14—22. k* CHAPTER II. Occasion. 1. Assuming for the present the Pauline authorship of the Epistle (see ch. vi.) we can see two immediate causes for his writing it, one, so to say, accidental, the other inherent, i.e. one the return of Onesimus, and the other the state of the Colossian Church. The former compelled (if we may use the word) St Paul to write a letter to one of the leading Christians at Colossae (see Phm. 1 note), and made a further letter to the Colossian Church generally appear but natural, especially as the presence of Tychicus (iv. 7) would tend to make Onesimus' return more acceptable ; the latter must have been upon St Paul's mind for some little time, and have waited only for an opportunity to draw out his advice and warning. 2. It must be confessed that our knowledge of the state of the Colossian Church at that time is much less definite than we could wish. For not only is our direct knowledge of it limited to the contents of this epistle, but the meaning of those contents is often uncertain owing to our ignorance of the religious con dition of the city, and its immediate neighbourhood, as regards its non-Christian elements, whether heathen or Jewish. In either direction we feel sadly the need of direct evidence, and failing it are obliged to resort to probabilities and conjectures. i. The heathenism of every town in "Asia" was at this time roughly of two or rather of three kinds, viz. first, the worship of the Emperor ; secondly, the local cults of individual deities, more or less similar in kind, and to be grouped under Phrygian or Anatolian religion, with which may perhaps be classed imported cults of deities worshipped by foreigners, and so-called mysteries • RELIGION IN COLOSSAE xiii and thirdly, the philosophising religions due largely to syn cretism, i.e. a more or less thoughtful incorporation into specific systems of religious ideas that were essentially different. (a) The first kind, that of the worship of Caesar, need not detain us1. For our epistle does not, as it seems, contain any direct or indirect allusion to it. (b) Nor does the second kind throw much light on the contents of the Epistle, save in connexion with the worship of angels, vide infra, p. xxxiv. We may assume however that the rehgion originally proper to Colossae partook of the general character of the religions of Asia Minor, viz. a strange enthu siasm, not to say fanaticism; marked in some directions by a strong ascetic tendency, in others by what we should now call immorality, together with an inclination to expect supernatural guidance in every detail of life. (c) The third kind again does not throw the light upon our Epistle that might have been expected. Neither philosophy as such, nor even as connected with heathen religions of varying forms, readily falls under the description of the errors of the false teachers at Colossae2. ii. Jews. The subject of the Jews in Asia Minor is treated so conveniently and at the same time so succinctly by Schiirer in Hastings' Diet. v. pp. 93 — 95, that a detailed account here is quite unnecessary 3. (a) Antioehus III., the Great, planted 2000 Jewish families from Mesopotamia and Babylon in Phrygia and Lydia as a safeguard against native revolts there, also giving them lands for houses 1 On this subject see esp. Westcott's excursus on The Two Empires, § m. in his Epistles of St John. In "Asia" it was the special care of the "Asiarchs," see recent commentaries on Acts, and Bamsay, s.v., in Hastings' D.B. ; cf. his Cities and Bishoprics, p. 627, and Letters to the Seven Churches, eh. x. 2 The most convenient description of the Greek religion both in its comparative purity and in its more debased and eclectic form is Bamsay's illuminating essay on "The Religion of Greece" in Hastings' D.B. v. pp. 109—156. 3 See also Bamsay, Cities and Bishoprics, ch. xv. pp. 667 sqq.; Letters to the Seven Churches, ch. xn. pp. 142—157, ch. xxrx. pp. 420— 422. Lueken, Michael, 1898, p. 80. 62 xiv INTRODUCTION and cultivation, and remitting taxes for ten years and assuring them of protection (c. 197 B.C., cf. Jos. Antt. xil. iii. 4). In 139 B.C. the Roman senate sent a letter to the rulers of the various parts of Asia Minor (Pergamus, Cappadocia, Caria, Pamphylia, Lycia, and, as it seems, a part of Pontus) " that they should not seek the hurt of the Jews, nor fight against them, and their cities, and their country" (1 Mac. xv. 16 — 24). After Rome had obtained direct power over Asia Minor she held the same policy, as may be seen from edicts by Julius Caesar and others, B.C. 50 — 40, collected by Josephus (Antt. xiv. 10), permitting the Jews to maintain their customs, and to collect funds for sacrifices. That some of the Roman officials confiscated moneys intended to be sent to Jerusalem (Cicero, pro Flaeco, xxvni.) is only what was to be expected, for to let large sums of money be sent out of the country seemed a waste — unless indeed it went to Rome. But Augustus repeatedly reminded the authorities of Ephesus that they were not to prevent it being sent to Jerusalem (Jos. Antt. xvi. vi.). (6) It is indeed true that Colossae is nowhere mentioned as a place where Jews resided, but Laodicea is expressly named by Cicero (loc. cit.), and we have a dispatch from the authorities of Laodicea to the proconsul C. Rabellius (Rabirius) disclaiming any intention of interfering with the religious freedom of the Jews (Antt. xiv. x. 20). Hierapolis also appears to have contained many Jews. Two inscriptions found there speak of them, and in another money is left to the guild of purple-dyers and another guild (r&v Kmpo- dairurrav, weavers (?)), the interest of which is to be applied on the Feast of Unleavened Bread and on the Feast of Pentecost, respectively, for the decorating of the donor's tomb. If the members of these guilds were not themselves Jews, as is perhaps probable, they must at least have been well disposed towards them. Compare the 7ropvp6ira>\is from Thyatira, Lydia the proselyte (Acts xvi. 14). In view therefore of the fact that there were certainly Jews living, apparently in some numbers, close to Colossae, it is reasonable to assume that some lived in this city itself. It is CHRISTIANITY IN COLOSSAE xv also evident that its situation on a great road would bring it a good many Jewish traders. Hence we can hardly be wrong in supposing that Jewish thought and religion had already some footing in the town, and probably had already exerted some influence before the Gospel came there. iii. The early history of Christianity at Colossae. (a) If we have little exact knowledge of the nature of the heathenism at Colossae, and are obliged to assume a good deal with regard to the presence and influence of Jews, we are not much better off as regards the early history of Christianity there. We have no direct information as to how it came. Yet such evidence as there is suggests that it did not filter through to them along the highways of communication, but was rather due to the painstaking efforts of an individual evangelist. (b) That St Paul ever visited it is exceedingly improbable, in view of his statement (Col. ii. 1) that the believers in Laodicea and Colossae had never seen his face in the flesh1. Twice indeed he passed through Phrygia (in some meaning of the word, Acts xvi. 6, xviii. 23), but even if it were in both cases the southern part (which is far from certain) his route in Acts xvi. 6 sqq. is undefined, and in xviii. 23 apparently lay north of Colossae ; " The apostle did not follow the longer and easier trade-route by Apamea, Lake Anava, Colossae, and Laodicea (which led through Lower Phrygia), but took the other more direct road (less suitable for wheeled traffic, but better for walking travellers) across High Phrygia, keeping very near a straight line from Metropolis (some ten miles north of Apollonia) to Ephesus2." We may therefore affirm as certain that Colossae was not one of the many places to which St Paul brought the Gospel. (c) The agent was, as it seems, Epaphras (see i. 7 note), who was perhaps, and even probably, a native of the place. It is not certain whether he had previously worked with St Paul (o-vv- 1 It has been suggested that the words do not actually exclude his passing through the town, but only his staying long enough to preach there. But the ordinary interpretation is simpler. 2 Bamsay, s.v. "Phrygia" in Hastings' D.B. in. p. 867. xvi INTRODUCTION bovKov f/paiv i. 7 may refer only to later conditions), or whether or not his activity among the Colossians had been at St Paul's suggestion (see note on vwep rjpav, i. 7). But he evidently stayed some time among them, teaching them as disciples (ipaBtre, compare padrjTeva-aTe, Matt, xxviii. 19). When this took place we are not told. Perhaps it was during St Paul's long stay at Ephesus (54 — 57 a.d. Lightfoot, 52 — 55 Turner, Acts xix. 1 — xx. 1), or more probably, we may suppose, after he had been compelled to leave, when therefore his followers and fellow-workers would feel that there was no special call for them to remain there, but that they were free to return to their own homes. If so we may place the evangelisation of the Colossians c. 57 or 55 a.d. (d) The result of bringing the Gospel to them was for a time extremely satisfactory. Their faith was joined with love, and the future hope was very real to them (Col. i. 4, 5). Their lives were changed (i. 6), and they had some experience of spiritual power (i. 11 — 13). They had at least one meeting-place for worship, the house of Philemon (Phm. 2), and perhaps had a daughter-church in Laodicea superintended by Archippus (Col. iv. 15 — 17). Yet before St Paul wrote they had been exposed to temptations in the form of strange theological speculations and of arguments in favour of a non-Christian asceticism and of other non-Christian practices, and they had so far yielded to these as to make St Paul exceedingly anxious for them. He had heard of this no doubt through Epaphras, who had visited St Paul in Rome, and had been with him there for perhaps some time (Phm. 23), and was staying on there (Col. iv. 12). Onesimus, however, a converted runaway slave, was now returning to his master Philemon, in Colossae, and St Paul took the opportunity of writing to them plainly of their danger. CHAPTER III. The False Teaching. What was the precise nature of the False Teaching promul gated at Colossae about which St Paul felt so strongly ? 1. The Materials for a Decision1. i. Direct references. (a) ii. 4 Trapa\oyijj)Tai iv m6avo\oyiq, "cheat you by false reasoning in plausible speech." The arguments though false were, St Paul seems to grant, specious. (b) ii. 8. The means by which one would make booty of the Colossian Christians was his "philosophy," spoken of by St Paul as "vain deceit"; i.e. empty of all moral power for practical life. The standard of this "philosophy" was tradition received from men (not from God) ; i.e. it put forward no claim to originality, but rather (as it would seem) to the prestige of antiquity. This standard is described contemptuously by St Paul as really that of merely rudimentary teaching belonging to the visible world, when compared with Christ the great Teacher and the great Lesson. (c) ii. 16 — 19, v. 16. A false teacher would criticise the behaviour of the Colossian Christians in their diet and in their attitude towards certain religious days. v. 18. And would condemn them while himself delight ing in "humility," and " cult of the angels," spending time 1 On the details mentioned here, see the Notes. xviii INTRODUCTION in exploring the meaning of his visions, inflated without any just cause by his mere thinking power, which was itself really governed by his flesh. v. 19. He thus has in reality slackened his hold on Christ, the one and only source of true nourishment and growth. (d) ii. 20 — 23. He had many rules about touching and tasting things, though, says St Paul contemptuously, the objects of these prohibitions themselves perish by the very fact that they are used at all. These orders, and the reasons alleged for them, come from men, not Christ. All such rules have the credit indeed of wisdom acquired in self-chosen religious service and humility and severity to the body, not in anything honourable, but (adds St Paul more contemptuously than ever) the result is only for the repletion of the flesh. ii. Indirect references. Besides possible allusions in i. 9, 12 — 14, St Paul's insist ence on the following points makes it probable that they were in some way impugned by the false teachers, either in so many words or as a logical deduction from their teaching. (a) i. 15—20, 23. The present relation of the Son to God and His supremacy over all Creation (vv. 15 — 17) and the Church (v. 18a), St Paul laying stress on the position gained for Him by His Resurrection (v. 18b), and on the universal extent of the effect of His death (vv. 19, 20). St Paul closes with a warning that the believers at Colossae must continue in their present faith (v. 23). (6) i. 27, 28. Stress on the wondrousness of the fact that Christ is in the hearts of Gentiles, and on His being the sphere in which full maturity of the believer's life is obtained. (c) ii. 2, 3. Christ is the great revealed secret of God, and in THE FALSE TEACHING xix Christ are all treasures of wisdom and knowledge stored up, to be found by those who search for them. (d) ii. 6. Christ had been delivered to the Colossians by Epaphras and other teachers, and they had received Him, who is indeed the historical Person Jesus and the supreme Lord. (e) ii. 9 — 15. In the incarnate Christ the fulness of the Godhead permanently dwells (v. 9). Believers have received nothing less than fulness of spiritual blessing in Him (v. 10a). He is supreme over, and the only source of life to, all heavenly beings, however high (v. 1011). False teachers may urge circumcision, but believers (though uncircumcised, v. 13) already have the reality denoted by it, as regards both putting off sin and putting on new life, and this since their baptism, by their faith in the working not of Powers, etc., but of God Himself. They have forgiveness of sins (v. 13 end, 14), and are set entirely free from all laws of ritual observances and from the Law itself, Christ accomplishing, be it noted, His work of redemption alone, thus showing up the weakness of all created Powers and Authorities, leading even them as captives in His train (v. 15). iii. Summarising the foregoing statements, we may say that the False Teaching had the following characteristics : (a) Its arguments were specious (ii. 4) ; (b) It was based on a " philosophy " which was traditional ~ (ii. 8); whose rules came from men (ii. 22) ; and which had the reputation of wisdom (ii. 23) ; but Christ is the great source of wisdom (ii. 2, 3). (c) It criticised Christians as regards their food and their observance of religious days (ii. 16). It gave many rules about even touching foods (ii. 21). It required circumcision (ii. 11) and obedience to rules (ii. 22). xx INTRODUCTION (d) It promulgated a cult of the angels (ii. 18), apparently failing to put Christ in the right place over Creation (i. 15—17) and the Church (i. 18) ; with self-abasement of some kind (ii. 18) ; and praise of visions which were supposed to have definite meanings, only to be understood after long thought (ii. 18). This led to neglect of Christ (ii. 19, cf. i. 23, 27, 28). («) It possibly differentiated between Christ and the historical Jesus (ii. 6) ; and apparently ignored the fact that the fulness of the Godhead permanently dwells in Him (ii. 9) ; and that the fulness of spiritual blessing is in Him (ii. 10a); and that He is the one only source of life (ii. 10b) ; and that Christ alone obtained Redemption for us (ii. 15). 2. While, however, we are able to form some idea of the False Teaching from the Epistle — and we possess no other indubitable evidence of its nature — it is a matter of no little interest, and even importance for the exegesis of the Epistle itself (if, as is certainly the case, writings cannot be fully under stood without a thorough understanding of the milieu in which they find their birth), to discover who and what the False Teachers were, or rather what was the source of their teaching. Was it of purely heathen, or of purely Jewish, or of heathen- Jewish origin, i.e. the product of thinkers who, consciously or unconsciously, had mingled the two great springs of thought in one common cup ? i. It has been urged with no little force that the False Teaching is essentially Heathen ; that it represents belief com mon at that time in all parts of the known heathen world, but recorded for us chiefly in writings that had their origin in Egypt. This belief was that heavenly Beings, of which the visible sun, moon, and stars were but, so to speak, the materialisation, ruled the earth, and that with a rod of iron. Hence the important thing for man was to worship them fittingly and thus escape as far as possible from all th§ evil that they might bring upon him. LARGELY JEWISH xxi This, it is said, explains why the False Teachers among the Colossians made so much of the observance of times and seasons — for, naturally, times and seasons fell under the special cogni sance of the heavenly bodies1. But a serious, and indeed fatal, objection to this is the direct mention of Sabbaths, with the following implication that they had been useful before Christ came (ii. 16, 17, see notes), and, above all, of circumcision (ii. 11 — 13). For it does not appear that any evidence is adduced that the heathen practised circum cision as a means of freeing themselves from the control of the heavenly bodies. ii. But was it purely Jewish ? Much in the epistle tends to give an affirmative answer. Its dependence on tradition and its estimate of wisdom, its insistence on dietary laws and on the value of circumcision, its refusal to grant the uniqueness of Christ's position and work, point to this. Above all, those who have read the Book of Enoch and other Jewish pseudepigraphic writings, and have taken note of the stress laid therein on visions, and especially of the elaborate Angelology to be found there, are inclined to accept this solution. iii. Yet in one vital particular it is unsatisfactory, that of the worship of angels as contrasted with theories and specula tions about them. This requires more examination, but it will be seen, we believe, that the facts point to the third solution as preferable, that, in other words, the False Teachers derived their teaching from sources mainly Jewish but not entirely so, for on this very important matter, the Cult of the Angels, they had absorbed practices and teaching which did not belong to orthodox Judaism, but only to such a form, or forms, of it as had been influenced by non-Jewish thought. 1 See in particular Reitzenstein in his edition of the Poimandres of "Hermes Trismegistus" (1904, esp. pp. 71—81). On the supposed meaning of croixem in ii. 8 see the Additional Note on that passage. CHAPTER IV. The Doctrine and the Worship of Angels1. The distinction between these has not been sufficiently re garded by many who have written upon this Epistle, yet it is important that they should be considered separately. For they may stand in all possible grades of relation to each other ; both may be equally developed, or the second be frequent in ob servance, and the first but slight and primitive; or the first be highly developed and the second held in check by other considerations. 1. The Doctrine of Angels. Perhaps the most convenient summary of the Doctrine of Angels mentioned in the Old Testament, the Apocrypha, the Jewish pseudepigraphical writings, and as held by the Essenes (apparently) and by Philo, is to be found in Mr Fair weather's article on "Development of Doctrine" in Hastings' D.B. v. pp. 285 — 290. It will be sufficient here to show the salient features of the An- gelology of the pseudepigraphical writings only, which, written, as they seem to have been, between the second century b.c. and the end of the first century a.d., probably represent the popular beliefs on the subject held by Pharisaic Jews" at the time when St Paul was composing his Epistles3. By these writings are intended (A) The Ethiopic Book of Enoch (its earliest parts before 1 On this subject see Everling, Die paulinische Angelologie und Damonologie, 1888, and especially Lueken, Michael, 1898. 2 Perhaps some portions of the Apoc. of Baruch (§ xi.) represent the beliefs of Sadducees. 3 There is, of course, much uncertainty respecting the places of origin and the dates of these books and their various parts. Those preferred by Dr Charles will be accepted here. THE DOCTRINE OF ANGELS xxiii 170 B.C. and its latest before the beginning of the Christian era, and its authors all Palestinian). (B) The Book of Jubilees or the Little Genesis (written by a Pharisee between 135 and 105 B.C.). (C) The Slavonic Book of the Secrets of Enoch (by an ortho dox Hellenistic Jew between 1 and 50 a.d.). (D) The Assumption of Moses (by "a Pharisaic Quietist" between 7 and 30 a.d.). (E) The Ascension of Isaiah, of which the first part, "The Martyrdom of Isaiah," is Jewish and probably of the 1st cent. a.d. ; the second, " The Testament of Hezekiah," is Christian, between 88 and 100 a.d. ; the third, "The Vision of Isaiah," Christian, and, in its primitive form, of the end of the 1st cent. a.d. (F) The Apocalypse of Baruch, which is said to contain five or six independent writings, mostly by Pharisaic Jews, and in part polemical against Christianity, dating from 50 — 90 a.d.1 i. According to the Book of Jubilees (ii. 2) there are three well-marked orders, two supreme, viz. the angels of the presence (cf. also Jvb. ii. 18, xv. 27, xxxi. 14) and the angels of sanctifica- tion, and a third inferior order, viz. the angels who presided over natural phenomena. ii. So we read how " the spirit of the hoar-frost is his own angel, and the spirit of the hail is a good angel " (Eth. Enoch, lx. 17). iii. The Ascension of Isaiah also contains a short description of each of the seven heavens2 with the angels that belong to each, the principal angels in each sitting on a throne and some times, apparently, themselves called thrones3. iv. Again, there are four angels higher than all others (Eth. Enoch, § xL). 1 The quotations from these books are in every case from Dr Charles' editions. 2 A very full account of the seven heavens is presented in the Slavonic Enoch, §§ iii. — xxi. For a critical examination of the various descriptions in Judaism and early Christianity see Dr Charles in his Introduction to that book, pp. xxx.— xlvii. Compare also Salmon in Hastings' D.B. n. pp. 321 sq. 3 Compare Col. i. 16 note. xxiv INTRODUCTION v. Again, there are seven principal angels : " And the Lord called those seven first white ones and com manded that they should bring before Him... all the [sinful] stars... and He spake to that man who wrote before Him who was one of the seven white ones, and said unto him : 'Take those seventy shepherds to whom I delivered the sheep ' (Eth. Enoch xc. 21, 22 ; cf. for the mention of seven Ixxxi. 5). vi. These seventy shepherds appear in this passage and § lxxxix. 59 to be angels appointed over Israel, but the Book of Jubilees" speaks rather of angels over the nations and not over Israel (xv. 31, 32). vii. Further, some angels are the guardians of individuals (Jub. xxxv. 17; Eth. Enoch, c. 5). viii. The two higher classes of angels mentioned in the Book of Jubilees were created circumcised (xv. 27), and, as well as God, keep the Sabbath, on which the writer enlarges that he may strengthen the observance of the Sabbath by Israel (ii. 17, 18, 30). ix. Parallel to the angelic kingdom is the Demoniac or Satanic kingdom. Through the fallen angels has come to men the knowledge of arts. "And he instructed mankind in writing with ink and paper, and thereby many sinned from eternity to eternity and until this day " (Eth. Enoch, lxix. 6, 8, 9). x. In particular the Watchers taught their wives "charms and enchantments, and made them acquainted with the cutting of roots and of woods" (vii. 1). But of the good angels, on the contrary, we read : " we explained to Noah all the medicines of their diseases, together with their seductions, how he might heal them with herbs of the earth " (Jub. x. 12). xi. The good angels fight [against the evil angels] on behalf of Israel against its foes. "Then the hands of the angel (i.e. Michael) will be filled (cf. Ex. xxviii. 41) and he will be appointed chief, and he will forthwith avenge them of their enemies " (Assumpt. Moses, x. 2). xii. They intercede for men. " The third voice I heard pray and intercede for those who dwell on the earth and supplicate in the name of the Lord of Spirits " (Eth. Enoch, xl. 6). THE WORSHIP OF ANGELS xxv 2. The Worship of Angels. It may be assumed that by this phrase is meant worship paid to angels, and not, as a few commentators have imagined, worship paid by them to God (see note in loco). But, while this is clear, certain questions of interest arise as to the fact of worship being paid to them. For although it is not uncommonly assumed that where there is speculation about the angels, and especially where this speculation busies itself with their various grades, and the nature of the various offices that they perform towards God on the one hand, and man on the other, there must also have been prayer offered to them, this is the very thing that requires proof. We must therefore consider what evidence we possess of the fact of worship being paid to angels at the time when the epistle to the Colossians was written. i. The evidence for the worship of Angels by the Jews generally. It is hardly to be disputed that such worship is not consistent with either the spirit of the Old Testament or the spirit of Orthodox Judaism. It seems therefore to be a priori improbable that the Pharisaic Jews of New Testament times should have worshipped angels. Neither their Bible history, nor their later history as a whole, suggests it. Yet, notwithstanding, the particular evidence may be such as to override all a priori improbability. Is this the case? Three sources of information are open to us for investigation (besides the New Testament which is itself now under discussion) : Jewish Apocryphal and Pseudepigraphic writings dating from the second century B.C. to the end of the first century a.d. ; heathen and Christian statements of the first three or four centuries a.d. ; and, lastly, writings that are strictly and solely Jewish and have been preserved in Hebrew or Aramaic. (a) The Jewish Apocryphal and Pseudepigraphic writings. In examining these there is a fundamental difficulty which at times obtrudes itself, viz. that they have come down to us, with hardly an exception, in a form that has been worked over by Christian thinkers. Indeed if it had not been for the Christian efforts that have been expended upon them it is more than doubtful if xxvi INTRODUCTION they would have been preserved. The result,' however, is that there is always some little doubt whether any particular passage is of purely Jewish origin, or whether it represents something at least of Christian thought. (a) 4 Mac. iv. 10—13, whose date is placed somewhere between Pompey, 63 B.C., and Vespasian, 70 A.D., relates that when Apollonius (? 187 B.C.) was entering into the temple with his army to plunder the treasures angels appeared on horseback from heaven. Apollonius, half dead with terror, fell down and stretched forth his hands towards heaven entreating the Hebrews with tears to pray for him, and propitiate the heavenly host. Onias the High Priest does in fact pray for him, and he is saved. But this is hardly evidence that the writer of the book knew of worship of angels1, much less that he sympathised with it. It expresses the natural impulse of a frightened tyrant to beg the prayers even of those whom he has oppressed when he sees supernatural powers coming to their aid. .(/3) The Ascension of Isaiah, which in its present form belongs to the end of the second century a.d., contains the following (c. ix. 35 and 36) : " I saw the Lord and the second angel, and they were standing. And the second whom I saw was on the left of my Lord. And I asked : ' Who is this ? ' and he said unto me: 'Worship Him, "for He is the angel of the Holy Spirit, who speaketh in thee and the rest of the righteous.' " But the whole chapter is evidently Christian, and the term " angel" here refers to the Third Person in the Blessed Trinity. (y) The Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. This interesting book is now generally acknowledged to have a very large substratum of original Jewish work, even though in its present form it is undoubtedly Christian (see Charles, Hastings, iv. pp. 721—725, Encycl. Bibl. pp. 237— 241)2. Perhaps the 1 Lueken, Michael, p. 11, "Vielleicht lasst sich 4 Mac. iv. 10 ff. als Zeugnis fur ein jiidisches Gebet zu Engeln herbeiziehen." 2 Conybeare considers it proved that the Greek text is " a para phrase of an old Aramaic midrash, interpolated by generations of Christians," Jew. Encycl. in. p. 113. IN PSEUDEPIGRAPHICAL BOOKS xxvii original was used by an over-zealous Jewish convert to Christi anity as a means whereby to attract more of his brethren to the faith. (1) Test. Levi, § 5, Kupie, ftTre p.01 to ovopd crov, Iva iniKakio-auat dyyiXa tco napaiTovp.iva> (R. 7rape- 7TOfJ.4v(p) vp.as' otl ovtos i- Kal rd iirovpdvia Kai fj B6£a t£>v dyyiXayv Kal ol ap^ovres oparol re Kal doparoi. Cf. Col. 1. 16, rd irdvra iv tols oipavols Kal iirl rrjs yi)ff, rd opard Kal Ta aopara, are 6p6voi e'lre Kvpiornres eire dp%al e'lre i£ovaiaL. ii. Ep. of Polycarp, § 10. 1 (here extant in Latin only), perhaps also has an allusion : firmi in fide, cf. Col. i. 23 supra ; and possibly also in § 11. 1 and 2, moneoitaque, ut abstineatis vos ab avaritia et sitis casti et veraces Si quis non se abstinuerit ab avaritia, ab idololatria coinquinabitur ; cf. Col. iii. 5, iiriBvpiav KaKTjV, Kal ttjv irXeove^iav rjris iarlv elBaXoXarpia. iii. Ep. of Barnabas, § 12. 7, referring to the words of Moses about the Brazen Serpent, perhaps alludes to the Epistle, e^eu irdkiv Kal iv tovtois rf/v B6£av tou 'I?ycroO, Sri iv avra irdvra Kal els avTOV. Cf. Col. i. 16, iv avra iKTio-drj rd irdvra. ..rd irdvra Bi airov Kal els avrdv eKno'Tai. iv. Justin Martyr, Dial. w. Trypho, § 85, p. 311, Kara yap rov ovoparos avrov tovtov tov vlov rov Qeov Kal irpcoTOTOKOv irdo-ris 1 The Committee of the Oxford Society of Historical Theology place all possible quotations of this Epistle by the Apostolic Fathers in their class d, i.e. as possessing a very low degree of probability (Apostolic Fathers, 1905). EARLY QUOTATIONS xxxix KTto~e- totokos irdo-r/s KTio-eas. Cf. also § 100, p. 327. v. Irenaeus, in. 14. 1. The earliest passage (except possibly the Muratorian Canon) in which the Epistle is quoted by name. Iterum in ea epistola quae est ad Colossenses ait Salutat vos Lucas medicus dilectus (iv. 1 4, do-ird^erai ipas Aov/car 6 larpos 6 dyan-qros). vi. The Muratorian Canon (? by Hippolytus) ad colosensis quarta, i.e. the fourth of the epistles which St Paul wrote to the seven churches. vii. Clement of Alexandria, Strom, vi. 8, says, mo-avTa>s dpa Kal rols e£ ^'EXXrjvav iirioTpi f/ Beorqs rijs ovtco BiijprjpevTjs rpidBos. Compare also Hippo lytus' summary of their doctrines (x. 6). ii. Monofmus the Arabian (Hippolytus, viii. 6) similarly mixes Col. i. 19 and ii. 9, kcu tovto ion to elpiqpevov "On irav to irXripcopa r)vBoKTjo-e KaroiKijO-ai iv ru via tov dv8pa>irov o-mpanKais. iii. Valentinus (Hippolytus, vi. 30) writes : koi 6 'Airoo-roXas To pv"? e'" TV trv dXLyjrecov (i. 24). But on the other hand, P. Ewald (p. 43), shows by some fifty examples that so generally acknowledged an Epistle as Galatians has its own peculiar constructions. (c) Again it is urged that the Epistle is conspicuously lacking in words and constructions that are often used by St Paul in writings that are really his. The following words and phrases are absent : BiKaioavvr), BiKala>o-LS, BtKalcapa, ccorrjpia, diroKaXvyjns, viraKof}, iriareveiv, Karapyeiv, KaTepyd£eo~8ai, koivos, Kotvavla, vopos, BoKipdfceiv, BoKiprj, BoKipos, Kavxdo~8ai, Kavxi)pa, neiBeiv, ireiroidrjcris, BivaoSai, Xotiros, pdXXov, el prj, oiBe, ovre, el ris, ei xai, el irws, e'lirep, povov, oi povov Be...dXXd Kal, en, oVKeri, Hi/Ken, re, Bw, Bioti, apa, apa ovv, and especially compounds of virep. 1 See P. Ewald, p. 39. DOCTRINAL STATEMENTS xliii Confessedly a heavy list. But its effect is greatly discounted by noticing that many of these words and phrases do not occur even in Galatians, viz. : 8ikoIo>o-i.s, SiKalcopa, o-carrjpia, viraKo-q, Karepyd^ea-Bat, koivos, BoKiprj, BoKipos, ireiroWr)o-is, el Kai, e'i ira>s, e'lirep, oil fiovov 8e...dXXd Kal, prjKeTi, re, Bioti, and even of the twenty-two compounds with virip employed by St Paul, only one, and that but once, is used by him in Galatians, viz. virepfioXr) l. It would then appear that the argument of the absence of specifically Pauline terms from the Epistle is not in itself very serious. The general result would appear to be that those arguments against the genuineness of the Epistle which are based upon the vocabulary and the constructions will not bear the weight that is often laid upon them. Change of subject invariably produces change in language, particularly if there is also change in the experience and the position of the author. So far there would appear to be no sufficient evidence against the verdict of tradi tion that the Epistle was written by St Paul2. v. It is urged, however, that the doctrinal statements in the Epistle with regard to the nature and work of the Son are not such as St Paul could have written, but are the product of a later age. But this is to beg the whole question. No one doubts that the doctrinal statements are in some respects more advanced than those found in the four Epistles (Rom., 1 and 2 Cor., Gal.) whose genuineness is accepted by practically all scholars, but the question is whether the statements peculiar to Colossians and Ephesians may not legitimately, and even probably, have been made by the same writer at a later stage in his life and under different conditions. It is urged, for example, that Col. i. 17 says that all things have their subsistence in the Son, a statement to which there is no parallel in the genuine Epistles. But 1 Cor. viii. 6 (as well as 1 See Haupt, Introd. p. 29, and P. Ewald, p. 41 sq. 2 On the vocabulary see also Nageli, Der Wortschatz des Apostel Paulus, 1905, pp. 83 sqq. rol. d xliv INTRODUCTION Col. i. 16) says that all things were by means of Jesus Christ ('I. Xp. 6V ov rd irdvra), and this would, without great difficulty, give rise to the former. Again, Col. i. 16 says that the Son is the aim of all (els airov), and 1 Cor. viii. 6 the Father, but there is no greater difference in this than when Rom. xi. 36 says that all things were by means of God, apparently the Father, and 1 Cor. viii. 6 by means of Jesus Christ. If St Paul were, accord ing to the usual view, concerned with showing the unique position of Christ he might (recognising His Divinity) use of Him terms which elsewhere he had used of the Father. Contradic tion between the two there is none. And there appears to be no a priori impossibility, or even improbability, in the supposition that the latter is the natural and logical result of the former, and that one and the same mind would be able to see this result, and under certain conditions be likely to express it1. 2. The Integrity of the Epistle. i. " Holtzmann's hypothesis is that in Colossians we have a genuine epistle of Paul to Colossae, which has been expanded by later interpolations ; the interpolator is the author of the epistle to the Ephesians, — a Gentile Christian, of Pauline training, who belonged to the post-apostolic age " (Jiilicher in Encycl. Bibl. p. 868). The original epistle, according to Holtzmann2, was roughly as follows : u. i. 1—5, 6a, 7, 8, 9a, a few words of 10, 13, a few words of 19, 20, rather more of 21, 22, 23, greater part of 25, 29 ; c. ii. 1, beginning of 2, greater part of 4, all 5, 6, 7b, greater part of 8, some words of 9, 11, greater part of 12, of 13, and of 14, 16, 18b, 20, 21, 22a, 23h ; c. iii. 3, 12, 13, 17 ; c. iv. greater part of 2—5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 1 1, much of 12, 13, 14, 18. v. Soden at first (1885) followed Holtzmann so far as to reject c. i. 15—20 (the great dogmatic passage dealing with the nature and work of the Son) ; c. ii. 10b (His headship over all rule and authority) ; 1 Cf. Haupt, Introd. p. 33. 2 Sanday, Smith's Diet. 2 625. INTEGRITY xiv c. ii. 15 (His triumph over them) ; c. ii. 18b (!) ; but in his Commentary (1891) he rejects only i. 16b — 17, so that, as Haupt says (p. 26), he may in fact be reckoned as a defender of the genuineness. ii. Sanday (Smith's Dict.2 626, s.v. "Colossians"), referring only to v. Soden's earlier theory, says that his answer to Holtzmann was excellent as regards the majority of the verses rejected by the latter, for it was easy to show that Holtzmann's theory "left abruptness and awkwardness of style and construction, quite as great as any supposed incoherence in the present text of the Epistle." Sanday adds three further reasons for rejecting Holtzmann's theory, the chief points in which are that (a) It is often forgotten that the onus probandi lies on the side of the critic, whose duty it is not "to leave nothing but what is undoubtedly Pauline," but " to remove nothing but what is decidedly un-Pauline." (6) Holtzmann's theory makes the interpolator very chary of interpolating, yet prodigal in writing a new letter to the Ephesians, when he might have easily so modified one or other as to make one effort do instead of two. (c) Although the interpolation of ecclesiastical writings is a possibility (see, for instance, the Sibylline Books, 4 Esdras, the longer Ignatian letters, and even in such instances in Historical Books in the N.T. as the Pericope Adulterae, the last twelve verses in St Mark, and compare the shifting place of the Doxology in Romans), yet no indubitable evidence has yet been produced in the case of the Epistles for the dogmatic interpola tion of the kind required by this hypothesis. d2 xlvi CHAPTER VII. Place and Date of Writing, with some Consideration of the Relation of the Epistle to the other Epistles of the Third Gkoup. 1. All four Epistles are alike in this, that St Paul was a prisoner at the time when he wrote them (Phil. i. 7 ; Eph. iii. 1 ; Col. iv. 18 ; Phm. 9). 2. But, on the other hand, while Philippians has no special relationship to any of the others, these others are closely united ;, Colossians to Ephesians, by style, expressions, and subject matter,, and by the mention of Tychicus the bearer of them both ; Colossians to Philemon by the mention of several names in common, particularly Onesimus and Archippus. We may therefore presume that while Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon were written at approximately the same time, Philippians was written at some little distance of time, either before or after, the Apostle being in either case in prison. 3. The place and relative date, however, of the writing of the Epistle to the Philippians is somewhat distinctly indicated. i. The Apostle was at Rome, for this is by far the most natural meaning of each of the expressions (and much more of the combination) iv SXa r Bern irarpt (right). (6) B 17, ii. 13, f)pds (hardly right). iii. 12, dyioi Kal rjyairrfpevoi. They omit Kai (pro bably wrong). (c) B 67**, j.18, ^ dpxi, (right). iii. 15, iv kv\ o-a>pan. They omit evl (possibly right). iv. 15, avrrjs (very uncertain, but on the whole perhaps wrong). (d) BD (Hort, § 306). ii. 7, rfj irlo-rei, not iv r. n. (right). iii. 4, jj £a>Tj rjpibv, not vpS>v (probably right). iii. 21, ipe8i£ere (probably right). ii. The following examples of "singular" and " subsingular " (i.e. with only secondary support) readings of B may be noticed (Hort, §§ 308—325) : i. 3, 'lrjo-ov [Xpiorov], B omits (perhaps right). i. 4, ijv exere, B omits (probably right). i. 9, Kal ahoipevoi., B omits (wrong). i. 12, evxapiarovvTes au.a (possibly right). i. 14, eo^xopev, not 'ixopev (uncertain). i. 20, eVl ttjs yns, B omits (probably wrong). i. 22, diroKaTipXXdyrrre (uncertain, but probably wrong). ii. 2, rov Beov, Xptorov (probably right). ii. 16, Kal ev iroa-ei (very doubtful). ii. 23, Kal dei8ia amparos, B omits (very doubtful). iv. 3, to pvo-rrjpiov rov 8eoI, B*L (hardly right). iii. On the other hand the local " Western " element of B has affected the text (Hort, § 320) in i. 12, B has the conflate KaXeaavri Kal lKava>o-avTi. iv. The following cases occur " where BDG or BG with other chiefly Western documents stand alone among Pre-Syrian docu ments" (Hort, § 341) : i. 3, mrep vpS>v (probably wrong). i. 20, the omission of 8i avrov (2nd) (probably wrong). ii. 10, '6 io-riv (probably wrong). p. 2 Ixii INTRODUCTION ii. 12, eV tuv vexpav (very doubtful). ii. 17, o io-riv (perhaps right). iii. 16, iv tjj x^PITh KCBD*G (wrong). iii. 22 iv 68ovXela (sing.), ABDG (wrong). iv. 3, 8i' 8v, BF^G (hardly right). v. In Philemon the absence of B would appear to render only one passage seriously uncertain (cf. Hort, § 343) : V. 6, iravrbs dyaBov [tov] iv rjpiv. vi. It is instructive to notice that X alone or in a Binary Group is generally wrong (cf. Hort, § 307). (a) "singular" or " subsingular " readings of N : i. 12, ra Bern irarpi (wrong). i. 18, i< t&v veKpwv, N* omits 6'k (wrong). (6) K*D* : iii. 14, os ianv (wrong). (C). NP:- i. 23, Krjpv£ Kal diroo-ToXos (wrong). lxiii CHAPTER IX. A Brief Analysis of the Epistle. In the case of a writer like St Paul, who is at once so con densed in style and at the same time so fond of enlarging upon a subject on which he has previously touched, no analysis can be perfect and final, but the following summary of the chief thoughts of the contents of the Epistle may be useful1 : (A) i. 1, 2. Salutation. (B) i. 3 — 14. Introduction. (a) i. 3 — 8. Introductory thanksgiving for their effective re ception of the Gospel as first taught them. (6) i. 9 — 14. Prayer for them, with the reason for their gratitude to God, viz. their emancipation in Christ. (0) i. 15 — ii. 5. Doctrinal and personal preparation for the direct subject of his letter. (a) i. 15 — 23. Christ's office and work described, and the aim of their emancipation stated. (6) i. 24 — ii. 5. St Paul's appeal to them is based on his glad toil for them and his personal interest in them. (D) ii. 6, 7. Transition. Reception of truth must be put into life. (E) ii. 8 — 19. His central subject; direct warning against the false teachers. (a) ii. 8 — 15. You have in Christ far more than the false teachers promise you and demand of you. He is superior to all spiritual powers. 1 See more fully in the Commentary at each larger division. An elaborate and minutely articulated analysis may be found in Mr G. W. Garrod's The Epistle to the Colossians — Analysis and Examination Notes, 1898. lxiv INTRODUCTION (b) ii. 16 — 19. Therefore hold yourselves free as regards rules of ritual, and do not be led into the worship of angels, for this means a weaker hold of Christ. (F) ii. 20 — iii. 4. Transition to detailed practical direc tions, both negatively and positively. (G) iii. 5 — iv. 1. Practical duties, (a) iii. 5 — 17, in the individual, (b) iii. 18 — iv. 1, in the relations of a household. (H) iv. 2 — 6. Appendix. The duty of prayer and of speaking for Christ. (I) iv. 7 — 17. Personal matters and final words. (a) iv. 7 — 9. The messengers commended to them. (6) iv. 10 — 17. Greetings from and to individual believers. (J) iv. 18. Valediction. lxv CHAPTER X. Commentaries. The following may be mentioned particularly. An asterisk has been prefixed to those that have been of special service in the preparation of this edition. Convenient lists of the earlier literature may be found in Meyer on Romans and on Colossians, and of the later in Abbott. *Chrysostom, Horn., ed. F. F[ield], 1855. Theodore of Mopsuestia (Lat. version only, with a few small fragments of Greek), ed. Swete, 1880. Davenant, Bp of Salisbury, 1627 (E. T. by J. Allport, 1831). *Wetstein, Nov. Test. 1752. *Bengel, Gnomon N.T. 1773 (ed. Steudel, 1862). *Meyer (E. T. 1879). von Soden, 1891. Oltramare, 1891. *Haupt, 1897. *Weiss, B., 1902. *Ewald, P., 1905. Alford, 4th ed., 1865. *Ellicott, 5th ed., 1888. *Lightfoot, 1st ed., 1875. *Moule, 1898. *Beet, 1890. *Abbott, T. K., 1897. Peake, 1903. Frequent reference has also been made to [Dean] J. A[rmitage] R[obinson's] Ephesians, 1903. Ixvi " Quomodo Christiani res civiles debeant tractare ex principiis altioribus." Benoel. INTRODUCTION TO PHILEMON. Canonicity and Genuineness. The Epistle is so short and so personal that it does not easily lend itself to quotation, especially by writers who, as for example Irenaeus, are chiefly occupied with doctrinal questions. 1. Orthodox : i. Ignatius possibly has echoes of it in Eph. § 2 koto irdvra pe dveiravaev (cf. Phm. 7 and 20), and ovaiprjv iipaiv Bid iravTos (cf. Phm. 20). Compare Magn. § 2 oi yap Svalptjv, and ad Polyc. §§ 1, 6. ii. Theophilus ad Autol. i. 1 (? 183— 185 a.d.) too has the same play upon ev,xP1°-Tos...dxprio-Tos that is found in Phm. 11. iii. The Muratorian Canon names it before the Epistles to Titus and Timothy ; " ad filemonem unam." iv. Tertullian does not quote it, but shows that he received it by his remark about Marcion (vide infra). v. Origen appears to be the earliest writer who actually quotes it. He also ascribes it to St Paul : 6V6p ko.1 6 IlaCXos iiriardpevos eXeyev iv rfj irpbs $iXrjpova iiriaroXfi t& $iXr)povi irepl 'Ovr/o-lpov Iva pr) kot dvayKr/v to ayaBbv jj, dXXd Ka6' eKoixriov ( = Phm. 14, Horn. xix. on Jer. 2). Cf. Matt. Comm. §§ 66, 72. PHILEMON: CANONICITY lxvii vi. Eusebius doubtless includes it among his opoXoyovpeva, for he does not mention it by name among the dvriXeyopeva or the v6Ba (HE. iii. 25), and also says tov Be JJavXov npdBrjXoi Kal O'acpels al 8eKaTearo%apes (iii. 3). vii. On the other hand there are reasons for thinking that it was not included in the earliest form of the Syriac Canon, for (a) Ephraem does not comment upon it, (6) the Armenian version, which appears to have been based upon the Syriac (vide supra, p. lix., cf. Zahn, Canon n. pp. 564 n. 1003), does not show traces of Syriac influence here. Ephraem accepted, and commented fully upon, the spurious Third Epistle to the Corinthians, and this is also found in the Armenian Version. Perhaps the early Syriac Canon made up the recognised number (14) of St Paul's epistles by including it instead of the Epistle to Philemon (see J. Arm. Robinson, Euthaliana, 1895, p. 91). 2. Unorthodox : Marcion included it in his Canon, presumably on account of its brevity ; cf. Tertullian, soli huic epistolae brevitas sua prof wit, ut falsarias manus Marcionis evaderet (c. Marc. v. 21). We thus find that not only is it used by early writers, but also it is included in the earliest lists of the Pauline Epistles (Marcion, the Muratorian Canon), and that its absence from the earliest form of the Syriac Canon may be satisfactorily explained. The genuineness of the Epistle has not been denied until recent times, and even so hardly for any other reason than its close connexion with Col. See a summary of the opinions of Baur, Pfleiderer, Weizsacker, in van Manen's article in the Encycl. Bibl. coll. 3693 sq. He himself after urging our ignorance of Philemon, Apphia, and Archippus, says that the " surprising mixture of singular and plural both in the persons speaking and in the persons addressed"1 indicates an unnatural style, and suggests that "the epistle was written under the influence of a perusal of ' Pauline ' epistles, especially those to the Ephesians 1 Is this so ? In W.H. the first and the second persons singular are used throughout, except in vv. 1 — 3, 6, 22, 25, where the reason for the plural is obvious. lxviii INTRODUCTION and the Colossians." It was therefore written in the second century (see coll. 3634). He further supposes that the author made use of the incident mentioned in Pliny's letter (see below, p. lxix.), but changed the freedman into a slave, and idealised the subject from a Christian standpoint. It was probably written in Syria (or, it may be, in Asia Minor) about 125 — 130. This theory is so far valuable that its author perceives that Phm. is closely connected with Col., but for all else it is much too fine spun to command the general acceptance of scholars. He quite fails to show sufficient reason for the forgery of such a simple and touching letter. Why, if the letter be genuine, we should be expected to know much about the persons to whom it was addressed, does not appear. On the connexion between the Epp. of Col. and Phm. see the Introduction to Col. p. Ii. and on the presence of Onesimus in Rome, ib. pp. xlviii. sq. II. The Epistle in relation to Slavery. 1. It must not be thought that no progress in right opinion upon the subject of slavery had been made before the influence of Christianity. In Rome at least a law issued by Augustus expressly limited the absolute power of a master over his slaves. and appointed a judge in cases of serious difference between them1, and Claudius issued an edict giving "the Latin freedom" to slaves abandoned by their masters for serious illness. But it was not until the time of Hadrian (117 — 138 a.d.) that the power of life and death over slaves was actually taken away from their masters. "Seneca again urged in the first century that knight and 1 Cf. Zahn, Sclaverei u. Christenthum in der alten Welt, 1879, p. 155. The reference appears to be to the Lex Petronia, which prohibited masters from making their slaves fight with wild beasts in mere caprice without an order from a judge. The state of slaves in Borne had become much worse in the first century b.c than in earlier times ; see Triebs, Studien zur Lex Dei, 1905, pp. 188 sqq. PHILEMON: SLAVERY lxix freeboru and slave were but names due to vanity or wrong, and protested against the gladiatorial shows, saying, Man is a holy thing to man, and he is killed for play and sport ! So also he praises his friend for treating his slaves in a friendly and trustful way : " They are slaves, you urge ; nay, they are men. They are slaves ; nay, they are comrades. They are slaves ; nay, they are humble friends. They are slaves ; nay, they are fellow-slaves, if you reflect that fortune has the same power over both1." And though he recalls the proverb of fearful import in a community where slaves out-numbered their masters, " so many slaves, so many enemies," he adds, "We do not have them as enemies, we make them so," and he bids his reader "make thyself respected rather than feared2." The letter of Pliny the younger (Ep. ix. 21) to a friend pleading for a freedman of the latter is translated in full by Lightfoot (Philemon, pp. 384 sq.). It is very touching, but the possibility mentioned is very suggestive : " concede something to his youth, something to his tears, something to your own indulgent disposition. Do not torture him, lest you torture yourself at the same time." 2. The true precursor however of Christian teaching upon slavery is not heathenism, even at its best in philosophic utterance, but Judaism. True that slavery of a kind was permitted in the Old Testa- ment, but it was very different from that prevalent among the heathen. It was, as regards Israelite slaves, tempered alike by the remembrance, religiously inculcated and often repeated, that all Israelites had sprung from one stock, and were all alike under the special protection of the one God, and also by special legis lation enjoining the emancipation of Israelitish slaves every seven years3, and also the emancipation of a slave who had been seriously injured by his master (Ex. xxi. 26). Slaves of heathen origin were doubtless included under the command to rest on the Sabbath, a charge enforced on their masters by the reminder ' Lightfoot's translation in St Paul and Seneca (Phil. p. 280). 2 Zahn, loc. cit. 3 Ex. xxi. 2 ; Deut. xv. 12. See Philo, De Septenario, § 9 (n. p. 286). lxx INTRODUCTION that they themselves had once been slaveg_in Egypt (Deut. v. i 14, 15). There is no trace in Old Testament history of the I harshness and cruelty which was common in Greece or Rome. ' In fact Job's words, when pressed to their legitimate issue, result in Christian teaching : " If I did despise the cause of my man servant or my maidservant... did not He that made me in the womb make him ? And did not one fashion us in the womb?" (xxxi. 13—15.) Further, this element of mercy had been strengthened by the later teaching of Jewish leaders. Philo speaking of servants says, " it is not the condition of fortune, but the harmony of nature, which, in accordance with the Divine law, is the rule of justice1." He also says that the Essenes possessed no slaves, for they considered slavery to be contrary to the dignity of man : " They do not use the ministrations of slaves, looking upon the possession of servants or slaves to be a thing absolutely and wholly contrary to nature, for nature has created'all men free2." 3. What was the attitude of the Christian Church towards slavery? i. It is evident that four courses were open. The Church might condone and even praise it. This has been the attitude (i) of individuals, even among the clergy, in times when slavery has become a prominent question ; or it might take up the cause of the slave so vehemently as to bring about a social upheaval ;/»¦ or it might put the matter on one side, regarding it as out of its u. province ; or it might, as it actually did, teach that slavery could not be defended upon principle, and discourage it as far as i^i possible, waiting however for time to produce a strong feeling against it. For it must be remembered, first, that Christianity does not profess to improve the world, but does proclaim the re demption of the world3: It was no more the business of the 1 De Spec. Leg. § 25 (n. p. 323) in Yonge's translation. 2 De Vitd Contemp. § ix. (n. p. 482 Yonge's translation). Cf. also Josephus, Antt. xvm. 1. 5. 3 " Das Evangelium ist nicht ein Programm der Weltverbesserung, sondern Verkiinaigung einer Welterlosung." Zahn, op. cit. p. 160. PHILEMON.- SLAVERY lxxi Church than it was the business of the incarnate Christ (Lk. xii. 14) to be a judge in earthly matters. The Church was to be a great tree, under the shadow of whose legislation the nations were eventually to take shelter, and it was to be leaven, ultimately leavening the whole lump of human thought and action. ii. Slavery was a question of grave importance to the Church from the very first. A large proportion of its members must have belonged to the slave class. But to become a Christian brought to a slave temptations of a special kind1. If his master was a believer he might think that because he was equal to his master both in Divine worship and in relation to the one Master in heaven, he was therefore justified in considering himself on an equality with him in all else. Against this St Paul writes 1 Tim. vi. 2. Again, if his master was still a heathen, and treated him harshly, he might, with his new learning of the duty of justice and mercy, be the more shocked at him and feel justified in trying to resist him (1 Pet. ii. 18) ; or he might feel that he had as a Christian no right to remain a slave of any mere man, and endeavour in some way to escape from so galling a condition (1 Cor. vii. 21). For it was not only a matter of service and compulsory obedience ; there was also the question of whether it was allowable to a Christian to take part, even under compulsion, in the many practices of heathen daily life that had reference to religion. " At every turn he must have been called upon to bow his head in the house of Rimmon, to fetch the incense for his master to burn, to dress the doors with branches on pagan fes tivals, to wear clothing embroidered with idolatrous emblems2." But if he did set his mind on obtaining his freedom, he might think that fresh opportunities came to him by belonging to a Christian community. Might not some of the contributions raised Sunday by Sunday be used to buy him from his master 1 Cf. Bigg on 1 Pet. ii. 18. 2 Bigg, loc. cit. lxxii INTRODUCTION and so to set him free ? That this was a real temptation may be seen from Ignatius' words to Polycarp (§4), " Let them not long to be set free at the expense of the community, lest they be found slaves of their own desires1." { iii. But the Church (in at least its early days) remained free from all complicity with slavery. There is no example in the i Christian literature of the first three centuries of a Christian selling his own slave, or any Christian slave, to another master2. And on the other hand no Church office was shut to slaves as such3. Chrysostom could say with truth, " The Church knows no difference between slaves and masters4." 4. In the formation of a right Christian opinion the Epistle to Philemon must have played an important part. It was written by the greatest of all the apostles on behalf of a slave ; whom he says he regarded as his own bowels ; for whom he entreated the sympathy of the very master from whom the slave had once fled, and whom, as it seems, this slave had robbed ; without (in all probability) hinting that Philemon should set Onesimus free, yet implying that he, with the other Christians who met for worship in his house, should honour Onesimus even though a slave, and admit him to full Christian privileges. Thus the letter emphasizes the enormous change that Christianity had brought to all slaves. It showed by a concrete example the truth stated in the contemporary letter that in Christ there is neither bond nor free (Col. iii. 11), and that earthly connexion or condition is unimportant compared with spiritual relationship to God. It was the abolition of the slavery of his will, and its consequent freedom to serve God, that turned Onesimus from a slave in heart to a free man in Christ. That it was a contra diction of the ideal of freedom to be enslaved in body when the 1 p^ ipdraaav dirb rov kolvov iXevdepovoSai, tva pr\ SovXoi ebpe8& iv Xpto-Too* ^dpis vp.lv Kal eipr/vr] airo Oeov iraTpbs r/fiwv. 3JLv%apio-ToviJ,ev tw Oetp irarpl tov Kvpiov i)fiolv \rjcrov [Xpio-Tov] trdvTOTe Trepl vfiwv irpoaev^ofievoi, iaKOvo-avT€<; rr/v ttuttiv vfiav iv X.pio~Tm 'I770-OU Kal ttjv dydirrjv [rjv e%ere] et? iravTas tov? dyiovs 68ia ttjv iXmSa ttjv diroKeip,ev7]v vp.lv iv Tot? ovpavois, fjv Trpor/Kovo~aTe iv tg> ~X.oya> tjj? aXr/Oeias tov evayyeXiov 6 tov irapovTof et? v/ias, Ka&ax; Kai iv iravTi ra Koo~/j,cp ecrTiv Kap7rocpopovfievov Kal aitjavofievov KaOax; Kai iv bfiiv, a 779 r)p,epa<; rjKOiio-aTe Kal iireyvmTe T17V %dpiv tov Oeov iv dXr)0eiq' 7KaO (pari, 13o? ipvcraTo r)/j,d<; e'« tj)? e'foucrta? tov k%pfiev ttjv airoX-VTpoiO'iv, ttjv dcpecriv twv dfiapTicSv 15o? iaTiv eiKwv tov Oeov tov aopaTov, irpcoTOTOKO'; irao-i)*; KTicreay;, w6ti iv aiiTW iKTio-Or) Ta irdvTa iv toi<; ovpavoi<; Kal iirl tj)? 777?, to opaTa Kal Ta dopaTa, etVe Opbvoi etre KvpioTijTes etVe ap%al elVe i^ovciaf rd irdvTa Bi avTov Kal et? avTov eKTio-Tai' 17Kai avTo<> ko~Tiv trpo TravTwv xal Ta irdvTa iv avT crvveo-TrjKev, I8#at ai/ro? io~Tiv r) Ke<; tj} Biavola iv Tot? epyoif rot? ttovi)- pot?, — vvvl Be diroKaTrjXXu^ev *22eV too o-wp,aTl tjj? aapKOi avTov Bid tov OavaTov, — TrapaaTrjo-ai v/tas dyiovs Kal dp.d>p,ov<; Kal dveyKXijTOv; KaTevmiriov avTov, ™ei ye itrip.eveTe tt) ir'iaTei TeOep.eX103p.evo1 Kal eSpaioi Kal p,r) p,eTaKivovp,evoi dirb tj)? eX^rt'So? tov evayyeXiov ov r)KOvo-aTe, tov KijpvxOevTO? iv trdo-rj KTiaei Ty virb tov ovpavov, ov iyevop,r)v iyeb TLavXos BiaKOvo<;. ^Nvv %a'ipm iv Tot? iraOr)p,ao-iv vTrep vp,d>v, Kal * sic WH edd. 1881, 1895 with A.V., B.V. but edd. 1885, 1887 begin v. 22 at vvvl. 2 8] TTPOS KOAAIIAEII 3 avTavairX'qpai Ta vareprjp.aTa tojv OXiyjrecov tov %pto~Tov ev ttj aapKi p.ov vtrep tov creo/iaTO? avTov, 6 iaTiv r) eKKXrjo-ia, ^'r/? iyevoprjv iym SidKovos KaTa Tr/v oikovo- p.iav tov Oeov ttjv BoOeiadv p.01 et? vp,a<; TrXr/pwaai tov Xoyov tov Oeov, 26to p.vaTr]ptov to diroKeKpvp.p,evov dirb toiv aimveov koi airb twv yevea>v,—vvv Be iavepd>Or) Tot? ayioi? avTov, ^ol? rjOiXrjaev 6 #eo? yvoipicrai ti to ttXouto? ri)? 80^77? tov p,vaTr]piov tovtov iv tois eOveaiv, 0 ecrTiv X.piaTO<; iv vp.iv, r) eX.7rt? ttj? Bo^rjf ^bv rjp.eis KaTayyeXXoptev vovOeTovvTes iravra dvOpoiirov Kal Bi- SaaKOVTes irdvTa dvO poiirov iv Trdcrrj crola, Iva irapa- o-TTjo-a)p,ev TravTa dvOponrov TeXetov iv XptfrTCO* Met? o Kal kottioj dyoovi£6p.evo<; Kara tt)v ivepyeiav avTov ttjv ivepyovpAvqv iv ep.ol iv Bvvdp,ei. 2 1©e\oj yap vp,daeoo KaTOiKel irav to irXr)pa)p.a tj;? OeoTrjTo<; aap,aTiKu><;, 10Kal iore iv avToo ireirXrjpoap.evoi, o? eartv r} Ke Kai irepie- TpijOrjTe irepiTopfj d.yeipo-Koir)T

iv tg> /3aTTTiap.aTi, iv a> Kai avvij- yepOrjTe Bid tt;? irio~Tep,a rov ypiaTov. 18/it7;8et? vpd<; KaraftpafteveTO} OeXcov iv Taireivoqbpoavvr) Kal OprjaKeia to3v dyyeXwv, a eopaxev ip,f3aTevwv, etKtj v iiriypprjyovpevov Kal avvftifSa^op.evov av^ei ttjv avgijaiv tov Oeov. 20 Et direOdvere avv Xpto-T&j dirb twv aTotxeiwv tov Koapov, Tt o>? ^o3vTe? iv Koapw Soyp,aTi£eaOe 21Mj) d-^ry p.i]Be yevay p,rj8e Olyy<;, 22a iaTiv irdvra et? (pOopdv rfj diro-^prjaei, Kara rd 6NTaAm<\ta ka'i AiAack&Ai'ac toon ANOpoSnojN ; 23d,Tivd iariv Xoyov p,ev eyovra aop,aT0$, ovk iv Tip.fi rivl 7rpo? irXnapovtjv ttj? aapKO ev to3 Oem' 4orav 6 ^pto-To? qjavepmOf/, r] %(or) r)p,wv, Tore koX vp.el<; avv avrS (pavepcoOrjaeaOe iv So^y. 6Ne/cp<»o-aTe ovv Ta peX-rj Ta eVt tj;? 717?, tropveiav, aKaOapaiav, rrdOo<;, iiriOvp,iav KaKtjv, Kal rr)v irXeove^tav tJti<; iarlv elScoXoXarpia, 6Bi a epyerai r) opyi) tov Oeov1 7iv oi? Kal vp.el' direKBvadpevoi tov iraXaiov avOpwnov aw Tat? irpa^eaiv avrov, 10Kal ivBvadp,evoi tov veov tov dvaKaivovp,evov et? iirlyvwaiv kat' 6IKONA TOY KTICANTOC avrov, UOTTOV ovk evi "TLXXrjv Kal 'IouSato?, irepnop.r) Kal aKpoftvaria, /3dp/3apo<;, %Ki)Qr)<;, SovXo<;, iXev0epo<;, aXXa irdvra Kal iv irdaiv Xpto-TO?. 12'Ei>St/'cra<7#e ovv a>? e'/eXe/CTOt tou Oeov, dyiot Kal r)yairvp,evoi, airXdyyva oiKrtpp,ov, XPV~ aroTijTa, Tairetvoqbpoavvrjv, irpavnjra, p,aKpoOvp,iav, ^aveypp&voi dXXr/Xojv Kal yapiC,6p,evoi eavrol<; idv Tt? 7rp6? riva eyji fiop,vSeap,o<; tj;? TeXetoTJjTO?. 15«at r) ' eipjjvr/ tov ypiarov ftpafieveTco iv Tat? Kap8taip,arf Kal evydpiaroi yiveaOe. 16o X070? tow ypiarov ivoiKeirco iv vp.lv irXovaiw; iv irdarj aocpia1 SiSdaKovres Kal vovOe- Tovi'Te? eai/TOu? yfraXp,ol<;, vp,voi<;, cJSat? irvevpariKal^ ETTISTOAH [3 16 iv xdpirt, dBovre<; iv Tat? «apSt'at? vp.&v ra> Oew- 17«at irav on idv iroirjre iv Xoyoj i) iv epym, irdvra iv ovd- p,ari Kvpiov 'Irjaov, evxapiarovvres rm Oem irarpi Si avrov. 18 At yvvatKes, virordaaeaOe Tot? dvBpdatv, to? dvrjKev iv Kvpiw. 19Ot dvBpe<;, dyairdre Ta? ywoiKa? /cat p.r) iriKpa'iveaOe 7rpo? aiirds. 20Td reKva, viraKovere rols yovevaiv Kara irdvra, rovro yap evapearov iariv ev Kvp'ia. 21Ot irarepe';, p.r) ipeOi^ere rd reKva vp.Stv, 'iva p.r) dOvp-watv. 220t SotlXoi, viraKovere Kara iravra rol<; Kara aapKa Kvplois, p.v iv ocpOaXfioBovXiatg, &)? dvOponrdpeaKoi, dXX' iv dirXorijTt KapSta?, (pofiov- pevoi tov Kvpiov. "o idv iroirjre, e'« ¦^•v^j;? ipyd^eaOe, a)? Too Kvpia> Kai ovk avopoiiroi<;, Meioore$ on airo Kvpiov diroXr]p.yfreaOe ttjv avrairoBoaiv ttj? KXvpovop.ia^' t&> Kvpioi X.piaro} SovXevere' 25o yap dBiK&v Kopiaerai b ijSiKrjaev, Kal ovk eariv irpoao}iroXvp.y(ria. 4 'Ot Kvpioi, rb BiKaiov Kal ttjv iaorrjra Tot? BovXoiia irepiirarelre 7rpo? toli? e£ft>, rov Kaipbv i%ayopa£6p,evot. 66 X6yo<; vp.S>v irdvrore iv ^dptrt, aXari r)pTvp,evo<;, elSevai 7rv irdvra vp.lv yvmpiaovaiv rd oSSe. 10 ' Acr7rd£eTat i5/xd? 'Apt'crrap^o? 6 avvaiXpdXar6<; p.ov, Kal Mdp«o? 6 dvei/rto? BapvaySa, (wept ou eXdfiere ivroXdv, BovXos Xpiarov 'It;o"ov, iravrore dyo)vt£6//,evo<; virep vfioov iv Tat? 7rpoo"eu^at?, iva araOrjre reXeioi Kai ireirXrjpo(popT)p,ivoi iv iravrl OeXrjpiari tov Oeov. 13piap- rvpd) yap avroj on e^6' iroXvv irovov virep vp.Sv Kai toov iv AaoSiKia Kal rwv iv Iepa IldXet. udaird^erat vp.a<; Aou/cd? o t'aTpo? 6 dyairr]Tb<; Kal Aj;/id?. 15 Acr- irdaaaOe toii? iv AaoSiKia dSeXov<; Kai Nvp, BXe7re rrjv SiaKovtav rjv 7rapeXa/3e? iv Kvpia, 'iva airr/v TrXwpols. 18<0 dairaap,b f16^ vp,wv. TTP02 b<; <£>iXrip,ovi tod ayairrjiai Kal avvepyop fjp,5>v "Kal Airqbia rj) dSeXcprj Kal 'Apxiirirw rm avvarpaTtwrij r)p5)v Kal rrj Kar oIkov aov iKKXnaia' "^dpt? vp.lv Kal eiprjvv dirb Oeov irarpb<; ijp.wv Kal Kvpiov 'Irjaov Xpiarov. ^EvxapiaToi to> Oeai p,ou irdvrore p,veiav aov iroiov- pevo<; eirl rwv irpoaevx&v p,ov,BdKovcov aov rrjv aydirrjv xal tt)v irianv fjv e'^et? et? rov Kvpiov 'Ir/aovv Kal et? irdvras tov? dyiow, 607Tft)? r) Koivwvia ttj? iriared>% aov evepyr)<; yevrjTai iv iirtyvioaet iravro<; dyaOo'v [tov] iv rjp.lv et? X.ptar6v 7x^pav yap iroXXr)v eaxov Kal irapaKXijaiv eiri rfj ayairrj aov, on rd airXdyxva twv dyicov dvaireiravrai Bid aov, d8eXi. 8A/o, iroXXrjv iv Xpiarai irapprjaiav exe0V iirirdaaeiv aoi to dvijKov, d8td rr/v dydirvv piaXXov irapaKaXm, roiovro<; (ov a>? IlaOXo? irpeafivrrp; vvvl Be Kal Beaptiot Xpiarov Irjaov, — 10irapaKaXd> ae irepl tov ipiov reKvov, ov iyevvrjaa iv toj? 8eap,ol<; 'Ovrjaip,ov, nrov irore aoi dxprjarov vvvl Be aol Kal ip,ol ei/%pj7<7T0i>, 12w dveirep.yjrd aoi avrov, rovr eariv rd ip,d airXdyxva' 13bv iyod i@ovX6p.ijv 7rpo? ipMvrbv Karexeiv, iva virep aov p,oi SiaKovrj ev toi? Seap,ols tov evayyeXiov, 14^&>pt? Be tji? ITPOI ? BovXov dXXd virep BovXov, dSeXd)ov dyairijrov, fidXtara ipoi, iroaw Be pdXXov aol Kal iv aapKi Kal iv Kvpitp. 17et o5V pe e%et? koivojvov, irpoa- Xafiov avrov a>? ip.e. 18et Be n rjB'iKrjaev ae rj ocpeiXei, rovro ip,ol iXXoya' wiyoo IlaOXo? eypatya rfj ipr) %etpt, e'7&j diroriaw 'iva fir) Xeyoo aoi on Kal aeavrbv p.01 TrpocrooSetXet?. wvai, aSeX aov ovaipriv iv Kvpi(p' avairavaov puov ra airXdyxva iv Xpta"T&>. 2ineTrot#&>? tt} viraKofj aov eypayfrd aoi, et8&>? on Kal virep a Xeya) iroirjaeis. i2dp.a Be Kal eroifia^e p.01 f;eviav, iXiri^co yap on Sid rwv irpoaevx&v vp.wv XaptaOrjaojiai vp.lv. ^ Aaird^erai ae 'E7rao!>pa? 0 avvaixpiaXooTO1; pov ev Xpianp Irjaov, MMap/co?, ' Apiarapyps, A?;p:d?, Aowcd?, 01 avvepyoi p.ov. ^'H X^PK T0U KVPi0V Irjaov Xpiarov perd rov irvevparo<; iip.ao'v. NOTES. COLOSSIANS. CHAPTER I. Title, irpbs KoXoo-aaeis XBC, Old Lat. Vulg., irpbs KoXao-o-aets AB*K. 2. KoXoo-o-cus X(A hiatus)BD ; KoXao-aais KP. airo Oeov iraTpos ^|io>v BDKL amiat. fuldensis. Both Origen and Chrysoatom expressly. Text. Bee. adds Kal Kvpiov 'ItjitoO X/mcttoB with KAC etc. Clementine Vulg. The addition is so often genuine, Bom. i. 7 ; 1 Cor. i. 3 ; Eph. i. 2 ; Phil. i. 2 ; 2 Thes. i. 2, that the insertion of it came very naturally to a careless scribe. 3. tu 8eu> Tro/rpl BC*. This difficult reading was corrected by the insertion either of t<$ before irarpi, D*G and Chrys.372, or of Kal, KAC2DCK, etc. Cf. iii. 17, also v. 12 infra. 'It\ early Kapirotpopoiinevov. Text. Kec. inserts Kal after Kaap.^, with Db0GKL, Old Lat. Vulg. Syrr. It is an attempt to improve » very difficult construction, but is practically limited to " Western " authorities. Kal ai|avop.evov, omitted by Text. Bee. with DbcK and many late MSS. perhaps by a mere error of sight, cf. v. 9. But apart from the external evidence we might have supposed the words to be added from v. 10. 9. koI a'iToii(i.6vot omitted by BK, perhaps by error of sight, cf. v. 6. 12. eivapicrToOvTes. B alone adds a/io, thus separating jierd xapds 12 COLOSSIANS [1— from evxap. There is no precise parallel to this addition in St Paul's writings (cf. iv. 3, Phm. 22, and cf. Ac. xxvii. 40). t£ Trorpl. Text. Bee. with ABC*DP amiat., Sy r. H"c]- text ; rep 8e$ Tarpl K, Vulg0101" fuld. Pesh. Syr. Boh. ; 8etp rip irarpi G ; rip Beip Kal irarpi C3. The variety in the forms of the additions is instructive. Contrast the absence of evidence against 8e

. 27 note. 27. 0 lo-riv ABGP, quod est Old Lat. vulg. Ss ionv Text. Bee. XCDKL. Cf. v. 24 note, and the difficult passage ii. 10. 1, 2. Salutation. (v. 1) Paul, Christ Jesus' Envoy by God's will, and Timothy, one of the Brotherhood, (v. 2) to those in Colossae who are at onee con secrated to God and faithful members of the Brotherhood in Christ — God, the Father of us believers, give you grace and protection. In beginning his letter with his own name St Paul is following the usual custom of his time (for exceptions see P. Ewald on Eph. i. 1). 1. IlavXos. His Gentile name, used, presumably, in intercourse with Gentiles even before his conversion, but from the time that he began his specifically Gentile work (Acts xiii. 9) always em ployed in St Luke's narrative (contrast Acts xxii. 7, 13, xxvi. 14) and in St Paul's epistles. Possibly had he written a formal epistle to Hebrew-Christians he would have used his Jewish name. d-n-do-ToXos. Both the name and the office of an apostle appear to be taken from Judaism, although there is no direct reference to Jewish "apostles" before the time of Christianity. In the LXX. the word airddToXos is found in the form of 1 Kings xiv. 6 recorded by A (not B), where it is intended to translate the passive participle shaluah "sent," Ahijah, of whom the word is used, being regarded as God's iiroo-roXos. But this is not an example of the use of the word in its more technical sense. Possibly 2 Chron. xvii. 7, 8 is a real example of the thing, though only the verb dirio-reiXev (shdlah) is used, not the substantive. It has moreover been noticed (Erauss, Jew. Quart. Rev., Jan. 1905, p. 382) that here Jehoshaphat sends five princes, and with them a body of ten Levites and two priests (i.e. twelve, representing presumably the twelve tribes as did the Christian apostles), who are commissioned to take the Book of the Law and to go round teaching it. i4 COLOSSIANS [1 1— In post- Christian times Jewish "apostles" appear to have been members of the Sanhedrin, chosen to go to various parts of the Diaspora for the double purpose of giving instruction and of re ceiving alms, and to have had a certain amount of disciplinary power. Saul of Tarsus himself very nearly, if not quite, satisfies the description when he is commissioned to go to Damascus. On the New Testament conception of both name and office see Lightfoot's classical note in Galatians (pp. 92—101, edit. 1869). As a, translation "envoy" perhaps best represents it. St Paul here of course employs it in its narrower sense, reminiscent as this doubtless still was of its employment by our Lord when iirolvtrev SibdeKa, ovs Kal diroo-rb\ovs ois lest he should seem to differentiate the persons. He regards. them first as saints towards God, and then as brethren towards each other. irio-Tois. This is almost certainly used in the passive sense of "trustworthy," proved "faithful," and not in the active sense of "believing," "trustful." For (1) in classical literature the active sense "is confined to half-a-dozen passages from poets, one from Plato, Leg. vn. 824 b (perhaps a quotation from a poet), and one from Dion Cassius xxxvu. 12, where iriarbs with a negative = amaros, which often has the active sense." Also "neither in the LXX. nor in any other Greek Jewish book (Apocrypha, etc.) does iriarbs have the distinctly active sense " (Hort on 1 Pet. i. 21). (2) Further, in every case in the N.T. where it = " believing " (John xx. 27 ; Acts x. 45, xvi. 1 ; 2 Cor. vi. 15 ; Gal. iii. 9 prob. ; 1 Tim. iv. 3, 10, 12, v. 16, vi. 2 ; Tit. i. 6) it is used either absolutely or semi-absolutely, predicating belief of those who would not neces sarily be believers. It never occurs, that is to say, as a mere epithet of those who are known to be already believing. Thus "believing brethren " would be tautology. Eph. i. 1 is indeed doubtful, but is probably to be interpreted passively on the analogy of our passage. For iriarbs with d8e\ Xpiarip both defines that in which they are brethren, and points to the reality in which alone true brotherhood takes its rise and is maintained. On the absence of tois before iv Xpiartp see v. 8 end. \dpis if.lv. The epistolary formula xalpeiv common among heathen (2 Mac. ix. 19, Acts xxiii. 26; cf. also the examples given from the papyri in J. A. B. Ephesians, p. 276) and Jews (2 Mac. i. 1), and even among Christians (Acts xv. 23; Jas. i. 1) is here ennobled by St Paul. He wants for his brethren more than greeting and joy, even God's grace, xdpis here doubtless comprises the fullest sense of the word, both God's favour and His power freely given. Kal e'lpijvr). Not, apparently, a heathen formula, though compare Dan. iii. 98=iv. 1 (LXX. and Theod.) of Nebuchadnezzar and vi. 25 (Theod.) of Darius, but Jewish. Perhaps derived from the high priest's blessing, Num. vi. 26. It occurs in David's message to Nabal, 1 Sam. xxv. 5 (iporrfjaare avrbv iirl Tip 6v6p.ari pav els elpijviiv). It is found with xaipeij' in 2 Mac. i. 1. As used by St Paul after x<*pis, which assumes that all is right between the soul and God, it probably refers not so much to inward peace as to external, the disposition of their affairs by God in such a way as to bring them quietness and happiness. The Christian greeting will then chiefly mean : May God's mercies be given to you, and His protection be ever round youl But of course this protection will reach to body, soul, and spirit. diro 8eov -rraTpds -^(loiv. The thought is not of God as the universal Father (Acts xvii. 28), but as Father of those who are in Christ, among whom St Paul includes himself. On the omission of Kal Kvpiov 'Xtioov Xpurrov in the true text see the notes on Textual Criti cism. The formula " Grace and Peace " is found in every epistle except Heb., James, 1 and 3 John (Jude), and is increased by "mercy" in 1 and 2 Tim., 2 John. St Paul, save in 1 Thes., always adds the Source of these blessings, limiting it to the Father here only. His reason for so limiting it here perhaps lies in the fact that in 0. 3, and frequently in this epistle, he brings out the special relationship of Christ to the Father, and he therefore avoids a phrase that, in itself, might support independence. He thus lays stress on God as col. B 1 8 COLOSSIANS [1 2— the Father of believers (v. 2), and in a special sense the Father of "our Lord Jesus " (v. 3). 3 — 8. Introductory thanksgiving for their effective reception of the Gospel in the true form of it taught them first by Epaphras. (v. 3) We both always thank the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ when we pray for you; (v. 4) for we heard of your faith in Christ Jesus and your continual love towards all the saints ; (v. 5) these being due to your reception of the news of your glorious future in the heavens, which you heard of before you were exposed to later errors, in the message of the Gospel in its integrity which is come unto you. (v. 6) But indeed you are not alone in this. It is already even in all the world, continually producing life and the results of life, and spreading — just as it does with you. For this was so with you from the very first ; you recognised God's surprising mercy accurately, (v. 7) This knowledge of yours corresponded to what you learned by word of mouth from Epaphras, who is our rightly- loved fellow-servant in the work Christ gave us to do, carrying out work faithfully for our benefit as a minister sent by the Messiah. (v. 8) It was he too who told us plainly about your love (as I said in v. 4) towards others in the new sphere of the Spirit in which you now live. 3. evxapwrrovaev. In all St Paul's Epistles except Gal. and the Pastorals he thanks immediately after the salutation, always em ploying eixapiareiv save in 2 Cor. and Eph. (yet cf. Eph. i. 16). Cf. ii. 7, iii. 15. The plural is to include Timothy; contrast v. 24. rip 0taj iraTpl t. Kvp. ^|i» 'Ir|opovp.evov Kal avgavdaevov Ka8us Kal ev vpiv- The punctuation is exceedingly doubtful. (1) Consider it first as printed. St Paul in this case purposely uses the paraphrastic present, 2 Cor. ix. 12, and perhaps Col. ii. 23 (cf. Blass, § 62. 2), " to express continuity of present action " (Light foot), and then, after still further enlarging the contents of the analogy in the preceding KaBiis by Kai ab£avbp.evov, doubles back upon the analogy, and states that even the fuller blessing is found in the Colossians (KaBiis k. iv 6p.iv). The construction is intelligible, but very awkward, and it has no real parallel in the N.T. 1 Thes. iv. 1 has been adduced (KaBiis irapeXdfleTe xap' r}p.dv rb wws Set vfids irepiirareiv Kal dpiaKeiv Beip, KaBiis Kal irepiirareTre) , but in that passage the second KaBiis introduces a fresh fact, that their "walk" corresponded to the lesson in it that they had " received." (2) Print iarlv, Kapirotpop. k.t.X. In this case the force of the first KaBiis stops at iarlv. The Gospel has come as far as you, even as it is, in fact, in all the world. KapToop. k.t.X. then becomes an ad ditional, but loosely appended, thought of the success of the Gospel in the world. To this very naturally is added the further statement that it is successful not only in the world but also in the Colossians (md. k. iv bpXv). This second method of punctuation is perhaps pre ferable in that it puts less force upon the language. Kapirotpopovuevov. The middle comes here only in the Greek Bible. The active, though used of plants in Hab. iii. 17, Wisd. j.. 7, suits excellently persons (e.g. v. 10) or the ground (Mark iv. 28). Even in Matt. xiii. 23 (and more clearly in ||s) the thought of the seed is merged in that of the person. For the middle comprises the notion of having life in itself, which persons and the earth do not possess. "The middle denotes the inherent energy, the active the external diffusion. The Gospel is essentially a reproductive organism, a plant ' whose seed is in itself " (Lightfoot). Kal avijavdaevov. av£dvop.ai is connected with Kapirotpopeiv also in v. 10. Observe that in the parable of the Sower Matt. xiii. 23 reads &s Si] Kapirocpopet Kai iroiei k.t.X., and Mark iv. 8, iSlSov Kapirbv, dva^a'ivovra Kal auijavop-eva. St Paul's words are apparently a re miniscence of our Lord's parable, but he divides the Gospel term, 22 COLOSSIANS [1 6— " seed," into its component parts, (1) the message (v. 6), and (2) those who receive the message (v. 10). Of the two words Kapiroip. implies that the activity of the Gospel is seen in its effect on life ; believers are changed in character, ail-av. in its spread ; believers are continually being added. Compare v. 10 note. Ka8us Kal ev vpitv, vide supra. dcp" ^s i]pipas. To be closely connected with the preceding words. The proper result of the Gospel among you was not postponed for » single day. r'Koii x^P'" rov Beov, but adverbial with hreyvoire, cf. Matt. xxii. 16; 2 John 1; 3 John 1. It is more than "in sincerity," and rather "in right and accurate fashion." See especially Matt. xxii. 16, with the parallel passages Mark xii. 14, Luke xx. 21. You knew in proper fashion, you not only heard the message, but grasped its contents rightly. Observe the undercurrent of assurance that their first perception of the Gospel was better than that which the false teachers desired to see in them now. 7. 4ud6ere. To be given its full force, implying some continuance of instruction. Compare 2 Tim. iii. 14; Phil. iv. 9; Matt. xi. 29. Compare also infra, ii. 7. dird 'Eiracppd, iv. 12, Phm. 23+. Doubtless a. short form of the word 'EiraippbSiros ("lovely," Lat. Venustus); cf. XXapp.evas for XXapp.e- vlbijs, ' Aprepds for 'AprepASupos, 'AXel-ds for rA\e^avSpos (see Winer, § xvi end). Yet both forms of the name are said to be so common that strong evidence would be required for us to identify this Epaphras with the Epaphroditus of Phil. ii. 25, iv. 18+. And, as far as it goes, the' evidence is the other way. For Epaphroditus is connected only with Philippi, to which he is sent by St Paul, and from which he brings back presents ; Epaphras, on the other hand, is connected only with Colossae, of which he is either a native (as seems most probable) or an inhabitant of long standing (iv. 12), and which he had evangelised (here), and the believers of which he greets both generally (iv. 12) and in the person of one of their leaders (Phm. 23). Both indeed were at Borne, but, so far as reference is made to them, at periods many months, or perhaps even one or two years, apart (see Introd., p. xlviii). tov d7a-iri]Tov. iv. 7, 9, 14; Phm. 1, 16; 3 John 1. Hort, on 1 Pet. ii. 11, says, "Not St Paul only, but all the other writers of Epistles in the N.T., make use of it. It refers back to our Lord's test of discipleship to Himself, the mutual love of those who believe in Him (John xiii. 34 f., xv. 12, 17); and is thus combined emphatically with iriarol, faithful, in 1 Tim. vi. 2 (q.v.): cf. Col. iv. 9." Certainly in our passage at least it serves to emphasize the satis factory character of him who first preached the Gospel to the Colos sians, and thus strengthens St Paul's argument. a\i)v §xovaa iiriaTr)p.r) rCiv ripAoiTdroiv.... Cicero de Off. 1. 43 ' princeps omnium virtutum.'...The Stoic definition of aoipla, as iiriar-qp-q Belav Kal dvBpuirlvwv Kal t&v roiroiv alriuv, is repeated by various writers " (Lightfoot). Yet we must be careful not to understand it here of wisdom in the abstract. From the usage of iv irda-n aoipla in v. 28, iii. 16 (cf. especially the parallel Eph. v. 15 — 19) and even Eph. i. 8, St Paul is evidently thinking of mental excellence in its application. Kal o-we'o-ei, ii. 2. aiveais is not found elsewhere with o-o0/a in the. N.T. (though in 1 Cor. i. 19 the two words are in parallel clauses of a quotation from Isa. xxix. 14), but see Deut. iv. 6; 2 Chron. i. 10 — 12; Isa. xi. 2. See also Ex. xxxi. 3 ; 1 Chr. xxii. 12 ; Dan. ii. 20 (Theod.) ; Bar. iii. 23. It stands in relation to aoipla as the part to the whole, and expresses the intellectual grasp, the discernment, of the condition of affairs in any given instance. Compare 2 Tim. ii. 7 vbei 8 \iyoi • Siiaei ydp aoi 6 Kipios aiveaiv iv iraaiv. It is "the faculty of putting together, and reading the significance of, facts and phenomena around " (Beet). " ' Wisdom ' is the noble faculty of judging and 28 COLOSSIANS [1 9— acting aright, ' intelligence ' that faculty in application to the living problems of the hour " (Moule, Colossian Studies), particularly (one may suppose in the present case) such as those suggested by the false teaching to which the Colossians were exposed. Trveup.a-n.Kfj, iii. 16. With the exception of 1 Pet. ii. 5 bis, irvevpariKbs occurs only in the Pauline Epistles, especially of course in 1 Cor. A remarkable example of such a combination of aoipla and aiveais as St Paul means here was seen in Bishop Westcott, who, though (or rather because) he possessed Christian aoipla in perhaps a higher degree than any teacher of recent years, was enabled by his aiveais to bring the great coal strike in the North to a satisfactory termination, and that without any use of merely worldly means. 10. TrepnraTT|o-ai. Probably epexegetic, see Acts xv. 10; Luke i. 54 ; 1 Sam. xii. 23 ; Pss. Sol. ii. 28. It may be due to the influence of Hebrew, in which both the construct (e.g. Ps. Ixxviii. 18) and the absolute (Jer. xxii. 19) forms of the infinitive may be used to expand a preceding statement. In English we can hardly use the infinitive in this sense, and must translate "walking." Observe that irepiirareiv in its metaphorical meaning (also ii. 6, iii. 7, iv. 5), self-evident as it appears to us, seems never to have been so used by Greeks uninfluenced by Semitic thought (though in Thuc. in. 64. 7 we find perd yap 'ABrjvaiiiiv adiKov bSbv Ibvroiv ixoipr\aare, and parallels for dvaarpiipopai and dvaarpoipT) are quoted in Deissmann, Bibl. Studies, pp. 88, 194, from the Inscriptions). But in Hebrew it is very common (e.g. Ps. xxvi. 11) and the metaphor even gives the name to the strictly legal part of Babbinic lore, the Halacha, i.e. the " walk." dijtws. Observe that while irepiirareiv is almost entirely Semitic d£lus is almost entirely Greek. No Hebrew word quite expresses the idea (cf. niB> Prov. iii. 15, viii. 11 ; Esth. vii. 4). Therefore Delitzsch can only render our passage by a free paraphrase, fllNn ,Jl,r3 31t2? " to walk according to that which is good in the eyes of the Lord and according to all His good pleasure." Had we nothing else whereby to tell the nature of the education of the Apostle the combina tion 7repi7raT7Jws Kal rijs e£ovcr£as tov Sarapa iirl rbv Bebv, tov Xafielv airobs dcpeo-iv daapTuov Kai KXfjpov iv tois i\yias oliefjropas alxp-aXorriaas pieriarijaev els ttjv abrov fiaoiXelav. There is no exact parallel in the LXX. or the N.T. The nearest is 1 Cor. xiii. 2, iriariv ware opv pieBiardveiv , compare Isa. liv. 10, but it is classical, e.g. Thuc. iv. 57. els Tt|v pVo-iXeCav, cf. iv. 11. Generally understood as " kingdom," "realm " (Apoc. i. 6, v. 10). But since Dalman (The Words of Jesus, 1902, pp. 91 sqq., 134 sqq.) has shown that r\ fiaaiXela ruv oipavuv (Matt.), or i) fiaa. r. Beov (Mark and Luke), properly means the "sovereignty" of God, i.e. His rule, not His realm, it seems probable that we must so interpret y\ flaaiXeia here. Observe the contrast to iK rijs i^ovalas tov aKbrovs — "out of the power," "into the sovereignty." Many other passages in the N.T. in which fiaaiXela occurs lend them selves to this interpretation (e.g. 1 Cor. xv. 24 ; Eph. v. 5). tov vlov. Here at last the idea of "the Father" (v. 12) is elaborated. There is probably a tacit contrast to angels (ii. 18), such as we find explicitly brought out in Heb. i. and ii. Observe, by the way, how curiously local as regards number are the references to Christ as the Son. In the Gospels, Bom., Gal., Heb., 1 John they occur often ; in each of the other books only once or twice. Our passage and Eph. iv. 13 are the only places where Christ is so called in the Third Group of St Paul's Epistles. ttjs d-ydirns avTov. (1) An attractive theory, originated, as it seems, by St Augustine, and followed by Lightfoot, understands aydirns as the genitive of origin, arguing that as love is the essence of God the phrase here refers to the Eternal Generation of the Son. It C2 36 COLOSSIANS [1 13— thus serves, it is said, to introduce the following passage, particularly the phrases os iariv elKiiv tov Beov tov dopdrov (v. 15), and iv abrtp eiSbKijaev irav rb irXijpoipuj. KaroiKijaai (v. 19). The phrase thus ap proaches the word povoyevrjs. St Augustine's words are "Quod autem dictum est, Filii charitatis suae, nihil aliud intelligatur, quam Filii sui dilecti, quam Filii postremo substantiae suae. Charitas quippe Patris quae in natura ejus est ineffabiliter simplici, nihil est aliud quam ejus ipsa natura atque substantia.... Ac per hoc Filius charitatis ejus nullns est alius, quam qui de substantia ejus est genitus " (De Trin. xv. 19 §37). But interesting though this interpretation undoubtedly is it is extremely precarious, in view of the fact that St John's words 6 Bebs dydirn iarlv (1 John iv. 8) probably describe not the essence of God (if we may so speak) but rather the sum of His attributes. Besides, St Paul himself does not so use dydirv of God. Also, there appears to be no parallel expression in the N.T. ascribing the origin of the Eternal Son to the Godhead in any other term than " of the Father" or "of God." (2) P. Ewald strangely understands it as a kind of genitivus autoris in the sense that He is the Son whom God's love to us gave us. But there seems to be no parallel for such a phrase. (3) Hence it is easier to understand the genitive as possessive — the Son who is the object of His love, the Son who belongs to the love of God as its eternal personal object. " The phrase fixes our attention on the relation of the Son to this unique attribute of the Father " (Beet). Observe that St Paul chooses the Semitic mode of expression rather than the Greek (d-yaTnjTos or rjyairvpivos, Eph. i. 6), because the former is more vivid and concentrates the thought more strongly on love, thus suggesting more clearly the relation of love in which even those who are in Christ's kingdom stand towards the Father (cf. Eph. ii. 4, 5, Bom. v. 8). Gen. xxxv. 18, vlbs bSivvs pov, is often adduced as a similar use of the genitive. But there it is probably objective as regards vlbs, " the son that has brought me sorrow." 14. This verse=Eph. i. 7, save that there we find the addition after diroXirpoiaiv of Sid toO atparos avrov, and the substitution of irapairrwpdroiv for apapriuiv. iv (3, cf. ii. 3 ; more than Si ov, and expressing that only in spiritual and real union with Christ, as members in the body (1 Cor. xii. 27) or as branches in the vine (John xv. 4), do we possess rip diroXi rpoiaiv. Severance from Him would mean loss of the blessings en- 1 14] NOTES 37 sured in Him. St Paul is doubtless already thinking of the effect of the False Teaching (of. ii. 19). ^Xou-ev. See notes on Textual Criticism. The marginal reading laxopev is ingressive, " we got " (see Moulton, Gram. Proleg. 1906, pp. 110, 145) our privileges. We entered on them at the time of our baptism (cf. ii. 11 — 14; see also iaxov, Phm. 7). The text, ixof-1" (°f- l'- 4 note), lays stress on the present possession of the Colossians and all believers, thus reminding them again of their privileges in Christ. The thought is taken up and enlarged in vv. 21», 22\ •njv diroXvTpuio-iv. The force of the article is perhaps possessive "our redemption," cf. Heb. xi. 35, but more probably by way of de finition, perhaps expressed idiomatically for us by " Bedemption, " as contrasted with "redemption." Compare i) aorrvpia, Acts iv. 12. The meaning that d7roXi)Tpweo-iv k.t.X. Epexegetic of rip> diroXirpoiaiv, bringing out not the positive side of salvation, final endowment with all moral and spiritual graces, but its negative side, release from the claims of sin. This is here mentioned as the primary character of redemption, in which indeed all else is involved. Observe that in the LXX. atpeais seems to be never used of the forgiveness of sins as such, but usually of the Jubilee (72V |£ times) and the liberty (TVY1 W times) connected with it, and also of the release (HElIX' ,?„ times) every seven years for land and creditors. Similarly in Egyptian papyri it is used of remission of taxes, or exemption from them (cf. Deissmann, Bible Studies, pp. 100 sqq., Nageli, Wortschatz d. dp. Paul, 1905, p. 56). Compare too 1 Mac. xiii. 34, 39, and perhaps Esth. ii. 18. Thus the idea of forgiveness must probably be supplemented by that of remission of claims, our sins being regarded as debts. Cf. the variants in the Lord's Prayer, Matt. vi. 12, 14 ; Luke xi. 4. It should be noticed that atpeais occurs in St Paul's writings only here and Eph. i. 7. It is found also in his speeches (Acts xiii. 38, xxvi. 18), but iu view of the fact that it occurs only once in Matt. (xxvi. 28), twice in Mark (i. 4, iii. 29), twice in Heb. (ix. 22, x. 18), and ten times in the writings of St Luke, it may be due in both these cases to the narrator. tov du.apTi.uv. This general and all-embracing word is perhaps chosen as suggesting the power of apapria (Bom. iii. 9, v. 21, vi. 17 — 22), while it would be impossible to have the singular itself here. In Eph. i. 7 on the contrary t. irapairTapdrav refers only to specific "transgressions" as infra ii. 13 bis. 15 — 23. The nature, office, and work of Him into whose sovereignty they have been removed (vv. 15 — 20), together with a further statement of the meaning and aim of their emancipation (vv. 21 — 23). St Paul wishes the Colossians to appreciate Christ as He now is, the risen and ascended Lord in glory, and to give Him His due. Attempts were being made to lead them astray, and to persuade them to find in created beings more help than Christ could give. 1 15] NOTES 39 St Paul, therefore, draws out at length His complete supremacy and power. He does this by telling them His present relation to God (v. 15a) , and to all creation (vo. 15b— 17), and to the Church (o. 18E), laying stress on the position gained for Him by His resurrection (v. 18b), and on the universal extent of the effect of His death (vv. 19, 20). St Paul then passes on to remind them once more of what Christ has already done for them (vv. 21, 22"), and His desire to present them faultless if they will but stand firm (vv. 22b, 23). (v. 15) He is the complete and visible expression of the invisible God, prior to all that has come into being from God; (v. 16) Because in Him was the creative centre of all things, namely in the various heavens and on earth, both those visible to our natural eyes and those invisible, including super-terrestrial beings of every grade ; of the creation of them all He was the instrument and He is the final aim. (v. 17) He (and no other) is (eternally) before all things (in time), and in Him (who ever remains the same) they all have their permanence, (v. 18) And it is He who is " the centre of the unity and the seat of the life " of the Church, for He is the Chief and Beginning of it, who was once among the dead, but was the first to rise from them, in order that He should take the first place among all things ; (v. 19) For this was God's good pleasure (to use the Gospel phrase) ; namely that in Him from all eternity the complete sum of the Father's attributes should permanently dwell, (v. 20) and therefore that He (the Son) should be the means by which the Father should reconcile all things unto Him (the Son), making peace by His death on the Cross — by Him and no other, whether the things be on earth or in the heavens, (v. 21) This reconciliation includes you — you who once were in a state of alienation and enmity in your thought, showing itself in your worthless deeds ; yet, as facts really are, He reconciled you (v. 22) in the incarnate Saviour by His death, that He might present you before Him at the judgment-day completely holy and without any blemish and unimpeachable, (v. 23) if only you stay on in your faith (cf. v. 4), set on the sure Foundation, and firm in character, and resisting all attempts to move you from the hope brought by the Gospel which you yourselves heard, the same which was proclaimed in every district, and of the power of which I myself am a living witness. 15. The student should not neglect the exposition of vv. 15 — 17 given by Bp Pearson, Creed, pp. 114 — 116. os. Probably not so much giving a reason for the preceding state ment (P. Ewald) as expanding the meaning of it, showing Who and What He is into whose Kingdom we have been brought. 40 COLOSSIANS [1 15 Io-tiv. The repetition of iariv in vv. 17, 18 bis suggests that this is more than the mere copula, and has at least some connotation of present time. St Paul is not speaking only of the pre-incarnate Son, but of Him as He is, including necessarily all that He ever was. elK 11133 JlSWin D"lN cb)V, Num. R. § 4. 6. (6) The secondary meaning of the higher position and privileges attached to a firstborn. So perhaps Ex. iv. 22, ab Si ipeis rip Qapati TdSe Xiyei Kipios Tibs irpoirbroKbs pov 'XaparjX, for Israel was by no means the eldest of the nations, though first in honour. Yet in that passage the phrase may merely mean that Israel is as the eldest son, i.e. in point of time, with very indirect reference to the privileges belonging to such. A clearer instance is Ps. lxxxviii. (lxxxix.) 28 of David, and thus of Messiah, Kay ti irpoirbroKov B-qaopai airbv, btpvXbv irapd rols flaaiXevaiv rijs yijs, where the reference is to the position He shall hold ; He is to be as the eldest son enjoying his privileges, as is brought out by the parallelism of the second clause. Ecclus. xxxvi. 17 (14), 'Io-paijX iv irpoirorbKip (X0" but irpoiroybvip B) lipoluaas, is only a reference to 42 COLOSSIANS * [1 15— Ex. iv. 22 as is evident from its original Hebrew, TI33 ?KTKW nrW'3, "Israel whom Thou didst surname Firstborn." Compare Jer. xxxviii. (xxxi.) 9 of N. Israel, 'Xitppdip irputrbroKbs poi iariv. If this be adopted the chief thought of our passage is that the Son surpasses iraira Kriais in honour. It will be observed that in none of the above passages is active sovereignty either stated or even implied. At the very most it is to be deduced frem primacy in honour. (2) But the following words 6Vi iv airip k.t.X. suggest that the primary, temporal, meaning of the word is that which was chiefly in St Paul's mind here. And indeed this seems to be the thought in every passage of the N.T. where irpoirbroKos is used of Christ. If arranged in the order of their historical reference they are (a) our passage, at the commence ment of creation, (b) Luke ii. 7 at His birth, (c) Col. i. 18, Bev. i. 5 at the Resurrection, (d) Rom. viii. 29, "among many brethren," apparently in heavenly glory (cf. probably Heb. i. 6). (3) A further and very important question is whether irpurb- tokos necessarily implies that the one of whom it is used belongs to the same category as those with whom he is compared. Does it, that is to say, necessarily mean here that the irpmrbroKos Himself comes under the category of Kriais'! (a) The question is not to be solved peremptorily by reading, as did Isidore of Pelusium, irpoirorbKos in the active, "the First-bearer" (Ep. in. 31). For such a meaning is never found in the Greek Bible, nor indeed exactly anywhere else, and further in our passage it would be inadmissible in view of the fact that SevreporbKos would be impossible with reference to Tracra Kriais (cf. Abbott). (6) Assuming then that we must undoubtedly read irpuirb- tokos in the passive, " the Firstborn," it may be conceded that ordinarily the irpoirbroKos is in the category of those with whom He is compared. Yet it must be observed (a) that irpoirbroKos does not of itself imply that others are born afterwards (for the firstborn is at once consecrated to God, without waiting to see whether others are born) ; (/3) that in the present case the various parts of creation are set (vv. 16, 17) in a position so utterly subordinate to Him that He cannot be a creature in the sense in which they are creatures ; and (7) that this suggests that the apostle did not intend to represent Him as in any sense a Kriais, but as prior to, and therefore superior to, irdaa Kriais. A curious, but very late, illustration of this use of the Hebrew word for "firstborn," "1133, is found in the commentary on the 1 16] NOTES 43 Pentateuoh by R. Bahya (Bechai), died 1340 a.d. (fol. 124. 4, Schoettgen on Heb. i. 6), who says of God, "He is the Firstborn of the world," DSlJ> b& "1133 Nine?, and again (fol. 74. 4, Sohoettgen, loc. oit.) says that God oalls Himself Firstborn, adding in explanation of Ex. xiii. 2, "sanctify to me every firstborn," as though it were Sanctify me with all the firstborn1. After this we cannot be surprised that Jews could call Jacob (pro- bably = Israel) the Firstborn of the Lord H'3pn btT 11133 (Exod. E. § 19, about the middle), or that they applied midrashically Ps. lxxxix. 28 directly to Messiah ; see Exod. R. (same §, near the end) on Ex. xiii. 2, "B. Nathan Bays, The Holy One, blessed be He, saith to Moses, As I made Jacob the Firstborn, for it is said (Ex. iv. 22) 'my son, my firstborn Israel,' so do I make King Messiah Firstborn, for it is said (Ps. lxxxix. 28) I too will set him as Firstborn." But that 7tpwt6tokos was a recognised title of MeBsiah among the Jews, especially among those of St Paul'3 time, there is no sufficient evidence to prove. Heb. i. 6 is in itself far from enough. irdo-t]s KTlo-eois. Kriais in the N.T. = (1) act of creation, Rom. i. 20; (2) creation as the aggregate of created things, Mark xiii. 19; Bom. viii. 22 ; (3) a single part of creation regarded as space, v. 23; institu tion, 1 Pet. ii. 13 (where see Hort) ; animate or inanimate beings, Bom. viii. 39 ; Heb. iv. 13. The first is evidently out of the question here, but it is very difficult to decide between the second and the third. In favour of the third is urged the absence of the article, cf. Blass, Gram. § 47. 9, Vulg. primogenitus omnis creaturae. Yet Kriais may be here used anarthrously like Koapms, yij, oipavbs, and " irpurrbroKos seems to require either a collective noun, or a plural iraaav rOv Kriaeoiv " (Lightfoot). We therefore translate here "of all creation." Cf. Judith ix. 12 (17) and Apoc. iii. 14. 16. oti. "Because"; justifying the preceding title (irpoirbroKos irda. Krla.). ev avV$, stronger than the Si airov in the second part of the verse, and in John i. 3", and even than xwP's airov iyivero ovSi Iv, John i. 3b. It is like v. 17, to irdvra iv airtp avviarvxev. We grasp, or think we grasp, the sense of the latter phrase without much difficulty, that all things find their coherence in Him alone, but we some times fail to appreciate its complement, that they must have had i Schechter, J. Q. K., Ap. 1894, p. 420, referring the first quotation from Bahya to Ex. xxxiv. 20, says that the title "is not to be found in the older Rabbinic literature, and seems to be only a later Cabbalistic term." 44 COLOSSIANS [1 16 their immediate origin in Him alone, who is " the creative centre of all things, the causal element of their existence" (Ell.). Hence He is called i) dpxv rijs Krlaeus rov Beov, Apoc. iii. 14. For a similar use of iv, but with reference to the Father, see Acts xvii. 28. Wisd. ix. lb, 6 iroi-qaas rd irdvra iv Xbyip aov, is parallel in form alone, for it is a literal translation of the Hebrew ^1313 which in such a phrase would naturally mean "by Thy word." eKTio-e-n. Krifa is used in the N.T. only of God's action, and so almost universally in the LXX., the exceptions being Lev. xvi. 16 of the tabernacle being set up, 1 Esd. iv. 53 of founding a city (a classical usage), Hag. ii. 9 apparently of building the temple, and possibly also Jer. xxxix. (xxxii.) 15 as a var. lect. for KrvBrjaovrai. Aquila and after him Sym. and Theod. frequently substitute it for a less exact term in the LXX. when the Hebrew has N13, e.g. Gen. i. 1, 27. rd irdvTa. See notes on Textual Criticism. Almost certainly to be separated from the following words, partly because in the right text no article follows (yet cf . Eph. iii. 15) , partly because rd irdvra occurs so often alone, both with Krlfa (e.g. the end of this verse, Eph. iii. 9 ; Apoc. iv. 11 bis ; Ecclus. xxiii. 20) and with other some what similar phrases (e.g. v. 20 ; Eph. i. 10, 11, 23, iv. 10). Observe (1) rd irdvra, as contrasted with TdcTa, regards the several parts as forming a whole, cf. 1 Cor. xv. 27, 28. (2) rd irdvra, after wards defined as iv oip. k.t.X., not barely rbv oipavbv k. t. yrjv, because St Paul is laying stress on Christ's relation not to the universe gene rally but to creatures, particularly sentient creatures, in it. (3) rd irdvra, not rd &XXa, or rd Xoiira, thus absolutely excluding the lrpoirb- tokos from being Himself a Kriais (cf. Lightfoot). ev Tots ovpavols *. e-rrl ttjs "Y^s. "In the heavens and on the earth," recalling Gen. i. 1 and especially ii. 1, all things whether above or below. Perhaps oipavoi here (contrast 1 Cor. viii. 5, etre iv oipavip k.t.X.) to include a reference to the seven stages of the heavenly regions so frequently spoken of in the apocalyptic literature (cf. Introd. p. xxiii.), a theory which can hardly have been absent from the false teaching that St Paul was combating, and one which he himself accepted in some measure (2 Cor. xii. 2). Ta opaTat Kal Td dopara, "the visible and the invisible." bparbs occurs elsewhere in the Greek Bible in this sense only in Job xxxvii. 21. abparos (see v. 15) is used nowhere else in the Greek Bible or the Hexapla fragments of invisible things absolutely (contrast Bom. i. 20 in reference to God), but it is used in Isa. xiv. 3, 2 Mac. ix. 5 of things unseen before a certain time, and in Gen. i. 2 of chaos. The two words together comprise all existing things regarded from 1 16] NOTES 45 the side of human vision. Compare Plato's rb bparbv and to deiS^s. They practically correspond to our " material and immaterial " but avoid the probable error, philosophical and scientific, of such a division, bpard probably includes both stellar and earthly powers ; dopaTa perhaps solely super-terrestrial beings, "angels" of every kind, but hardly souls of men on earth. Spovoi. Here only in St Paul. The throne, from being the mere symbol of power (Luke i. 52), easily becomes the synonym for it (e.g. Bev. xiii. 2 ; cf. 2 Sam. xiv. 9 ; 1 Kings i. 37, 47, ii. 33, etc.). Here, with the three following terms, it is personified, St Paul perhaps preferring personifications of abstract terms to direct per sonal appellations, as more suitable to the vague and mysterious nature of these exalted beings — if as is probable from ii. 10, 15 beings are intended. The exact reference of Bpbvoi here (a) cannot be to beings that merely support God's throne, for this would separate Bpbvoi from the class of the three following terms, which have a distinctly active sense ; and (6) can hardly be definitely to those who occupy thrones surrounding the throne of God, Rev. iv. 4 (Abbott), for we should then expect some definite reference in the following terms as well ; but (c) the reference is probably to the beings, whatever they were, called by this name in the current pseudepigraphical literature. See Slavonic Enoch xx. 1, and Asc. Isaiah, " worship neither throne nor angel which belongs to the six heavens " (vii. 21) ; " when I have raised thee to the seventh heaven... thou shalt know that there is nothing hidden from the thrones and from those that dwell in the heavens and from the angels" (vii. 27); "It is He alone to whose voice all the heavens and thrones give answer " (viii. 8). Testt. XII Patriarchs, " and in the heaven next to this are thrones, dominions, in which hymns are ever offered to God " (Levi, iii. Sinker's trans.). KvpidTnres, dominationes Vulg., dominaciouns Wycl., Eph. i. 21 ; 2 Pet. ii. 10 ; Jude 8f. Not in LXX. or Hexapla fragments. As Kipios seems to have taken much of its later connotation from the fact of its being the Greek equivalent of Dominus, the Latin title of the Roman Emperor (cf. especially Dalman, Words of Jesus, p. 330), so probably Kvpibrvs borrowed part of its meaning from dominatio. Ii so it probably has the connotation of despotism which is lacking in Bpbvos. Translated into personal and modern terms the two are " Kings, Czars." But in this case also the reference is doubtless to angelic beings : cf. the " Greek Legend " of Asc. Isa. vii. 21, pi) irpoaKwrjavs prjre dyyiXovs prjre dpxayyiXovs piyre Kvpibrrrras prrre Bpbvovs (Charles.' Edition, p. 144). 46 COLOSSIANS [1 16— dpxal, ejjova-Cai, " ether princeheedis, ether powers," Wycl. The two words frequently come together, ii. 10, 15 ; Eph. i. 21 (inrepdvu Trdaijs dpxrjs n. i^ovalas K. Svvdfieois n. KVpibrijros K. iravrbs dvbparos ivopafopivov k.t.X.), iii. 10, vi. 12. Of the two titles dpxal is doubtless the higher, expressing as it does a priority of rank and rule, igovalai being more general, contrasting the possessors of igovala with those, whoever they may be, over whom it is exercised. For dpxal without il-ovala see Rom. viii. 38, 39. On i&vaia cf. v. 13 note. For the use of these two words compare the phrase " all the angels of power and all the angels of principalities " (Eth. Enoch, lxi. 10). Observe (1) The terms are in a descending scale, generally but perhaps not in detail. For in Eph. i. 21 Kvpibfvs follows i£ovala. (2) The supposition (P. Ewald) that they are in two pairs has no support either from Eph. i. 21 or from the use of the terms in the pseudepigraphical books. Hence we have no right to regard the dpxal and igovalai as standing in closer relation (by opposition or assistance) to believers than the Bpbvoi and Kvpibrvres. (3) They include only supernatural powers, for there is no hint that the Colossians were in danger of worshipping human beings (contrast ii. 18). (4) Though St Paul believed in the existence of angels (1 Cor. vi. 3), and probably in grades of them (because such a belief was very common in his time), yet he here employs not strictly official, much less personal, names — contrast e.g. Eth. Enoch, Bk Jub. — but only personifications of abstract terms. This looks as though here he purposely expressed himself vaguely. He found the terms in common use, e.g. among the Colossians, and he uses them, but he neither affirms nor denies their personality. On the other hand it is hard to see here any signs of his " impatience with this elaborate angelology " (Lightfoot). ra Trdvra. Emphatic repetition, introducing new facts. &V auTou. Regarding the Son (v. 13) as the means by which all things have been created. So often, e.g. John i. 3, 10 ; 1 Cor. viii. 6 ; Heb. i. 2 ; cf. Rom. xi. 36. Compare Philo, de Man. ii. 5 (ii. p. 225), X670S...S1' 08 aipiras b Kbapios iSvpiovpyeiro. But Lightfoot points out that Philo regarded the Logos as a passive tool or instrument, and therefore "frequently and consistently used the simple instrumental dative ip to describe the relation of the Word to the Creator," e.g. Leg. All. iii. 31 § 96, Wendland (1. p. 106), 6 Xbyos...tp KaBdirep bpydvip irpoaxpvadpevos. But this the N.T. cannot and does not do. Kal els avrov. The Son is here regarded as the final aim to which all things tend. "The Eternal Word is the goal of the universe, as 1 17] NOTES 47 He was the starting-point. It must end in unity, as it proceeded from unity : and the centre of this unity is Christ. This expression has no parallel, and could have none, in the Alexandrian phraseology and doctrine" (Lightfoot). In Bom. xi. 36 we find stated of God, without regard to the hypostatic distinctions, tin i% airov k. SC airov it. els airbv rd irdvra, and in 1 Cor. viii. 6, expressly of the Father, 6 irar-qp, i( ov rd irdvra Kai fipeis eis airbv, where, however, the reference is verbally limited to the Father as the supreme object of the Christian life. But observe that St Paul could surely not have used els airbv of God, in one place as such, of the Father in another place, and, here, of the Sou, unless he had recognised the Son as wholly Divine. Pearson (Creed, p. 115), after pointing out the testimony that vv. 16, 17 bear to the greatness and the work of the Son, adds that even " if they were spoken of the Father they could be no way injurious to His majesty, Who is nowhere more plainly or fully set forth unto us as the Maker of the world." eKTio-Tai. The perfect is chosen because he is passing from the thought of creating (vv. 15b, 16) to that of sustaining (v. 17). 17. Kal avTos. i . 18, note. eVriv. " Non dicit, f actus est [iyivero] ; neque erat, quorum hoc tamen angusto sensu dici poterat, coll. John i. 1, sed est, in praesenti, conf. John viii. 58 " (Beng.). So St Basil, long before (as quoted by Lightfoot), 6 dirbaroXos eliriiv, nd*ra Si' airov Kai els airbv eVriffTai, tSipeiXev elireiv, Kai abrbs e-yeWro trpb lrdvraiv, eliriiv Se, Kal airbs 'icrri irpb irdvroiv, £5ei|e rbv p.iv del dvra ttjv Si Kriaiv yevop,ivijv (adv. Eunom. iv. vol. I. p. 294). St Paul, that is to say, here speaks of the existence of the Son above, and apart from, all time. Cf. irpiv 'Afipadp yeviaBai iyii elpl (John viii. 58), thus contrasting Him with Td irdvra already summed up under iKTiarai. Only in such a Being who " is," independently of all, can all be created and maintain existence. irpd. Doubtless of time, as apparently always in St Paul, thus pointing out the special reference of ianv. If it were of rank it would be superfluous, after the greatness attributed to the Son in v. 16. It repeats a part of the thought of irpoirbroKos irdavs Kriaeois [v. 15). irdvTwv. Certainly neuter because of rd iravra on either side. Contrast Vulg. et ipse est ante omnes et omnia in ipso constant. If omnes was not originally due to confusion with the et following (especially if the original omnia was contracted) it came presumably from a desire to emphasize the inferiority of the throni, dfimmationes, principatus, potestates. 48 COLOSSIANS [1 17— irdvrav, all things considered one by one ; rd irdvra, in their totality. Kal Td irdvTa e'v avTip. See notes on Textual Criticism. Ellicott, comparing iv airtp iKrlaBv, says that the change of verb modifies the meaning of iv : " Christ was the conditional element of their creation, the causal element of their persistence." Yet even their persistence is conditioned by the fact of Christ's existence as well as caused by it. So Chrysostom asks IIws avviarijKev iv rip oix bvn ; crvve'o"TT]Kev, "hold together," "endure." The perf. act. of avviarvpi occurs here only in the N.T. The word would probably be suggested to the Aramaic-speaking Apostle by the Aramaic D'lpJIN, of which it is a very literal equivalent. Compare Targ. Job xv. 29, nnn-11? D^JV t>b), " for neither shall his substance continue" (B.V.). So in Onkelos, Gen. xix. 20, xiii. 18; Deut. viii. 3 it is used of men continuing in life. Thus the Son is here spoken of as the One in whom all coheres, who is the Bond of all. Compare Philo, de Profug. ( — de Fuga et Invent.) 20 § 112, Wendland I. p. 562, o re ydp rov Svtos Xbyos Seapbs aiv twv dirdvriav, ws etpvrat, Kai avvixei rd p^pi] irdvra. Part of the same thought is expressed in the Rabbinic saying, lDlpD 1d!?1V PK1 D"?1J? h>V IDlpD iY3pn, "The Holy One, blessed be He, is the place of the world, and not the world His place " (Gen. R. § 68 middle). For a slightly different aspect of Christ's preservation of all things see Heb. i. 3. 18. Kal avTos. In vv. 14 — 20 abrbs occurs twelve times, besides os three times, in every case (vide infra) referring to Christ. St Paul will leave no loophole for another to creep in and steal His glory. In the present verse the thought is — He who is the image of God and the means and aim of all creation, He, and no other, is the source of life to believers. See the Letter to Diognetus, § 7, in Lightfoot. r\ KedtaXi). vv. 15 — 17 seem to enlarge on tou vioC rijs dydirvs airov, v. 18 on the preceding words tt)x paaiXelav (v. 13). KetpaXi) is used of Christ only in 1 Cor. xi. 3, 4, where He is called the Head of an individual man, and here, ii. 10, 19 ; Eph. i. 22, iv. 15, v. 23, where He is regarded as the Head of all spiritual powers as well as of the Church. tov o-uuxitos. Had this been omitted KetpaXr) might have appeared to be a mere figure of speech. Its insertion makes it clear that He stands to the Church iu the relation of Head to body. He is " the centre of its unity and the seat of its life " (Lightfoot). Observe that although St Paul compared the company of believers (or perhaps the local community of believers, see Hort, The Christian 1 18] NOTES 49 Ecclesia, p. 145) to a body in 1 Cor. xii. 12—27; Rom. xii. 4, 5, following therein Greek and Roman precedents (for Latin examples see Wetstein on Rom. xii. 5), yet he now speaks rather of Christ as its Head ; i.e. in that Second Group St Paul was laying stress on the relation of Christians to each other, here rather on the dignity of Christ and their relation to Him (of. Beet). Observe that "the relation thus set forth under a figure is mutual. The work which Christ came to do on earth was not completed when He passed from the sight of men : He the Head needed a body of members for its full working out through the ages : part by part He was, as St Paul says, to be fulfilled in the community of His disciples, whose office in the world was the outflow of His own. And on the other hand His disciples had no intelligible unity apart from their ascended Head, who was also to them the present central fountain of life and power " (Hort, The Christian EccUsia, p. 148). See further on v. 24. It is, by the way, somewhat strange that St Paul should here introduce the simile of the body as though it were well known to the Colossians. Perhaps Epaphras had heard St Paul use it at Ephesus about the time 1 Cor. was written. •rijs eKKXr/o-Cas. In apposition to rov aiiparos and explanatory of it. Cf. v. 24; Eph. i. 22, 23. For iKKXvala in the Epp. and Apoc. see Hort, The Christian Ecclesia, pp. 116 — 1 18, Swete on Apoc. xxii. 16. os edriv, an epexegetic relative clause. " Like the more usual Sans, the simple relatival force passes into the explanatory, which almost necessarily involves some tinge of causal or argumentative meaning " (Ellicott). Only by His resurrection, and all that this meant, did He enter into this relation to the Church. [r\] dpxij. See the notes on Textual Criticism. Lightfoot shows by examples that the article is generally omitted when dpxv is predicate ; e.g. Tatian, ad Graec. 4, Bebs...p6vos dvapxos uv Kal airbs birdpxoiv rCiv Skoiv dpxr). For apxh used of Christ see Apoc. iii. 14, xxi. 6, xxii. 13f, but hardly Heb. vi. 1. It has been suggested that iK rS>v veKpwv is to be taken not only with irpurbroKOS but also with dpxv, thus limiting the reference of apxr) to the Resurrection. But the thought is wider. The Son is regarded as the dpxn of all the beings that are reconciled (v. 20) and presented blameless (v. 22) in glory, i.e. of what is elsewhere called the new creation (2 Cor. v. 17, etns iv Xpiarip, Kaivi) Kriais, cf. Gal. vi. 15). Hence airapx^l is avoided here, for He is more than " first-fruits" as regards the new creation. POT.. X) 50 COLOSSIANS [1 18— Contrast 1 Cor. xv. 20. Hence, rather, dpxi is parallel to elxiiv (v. 15), and irparbroKos ix t&v vexp&v to irpoirbroKos irdavs xrlaeus, and, as will be seen, Iva yivvrai iv iraaiv airbs irpoireioiv, with its expansion in vv. 19, 20, to vv. 16, 17. We must thus attribute to apxi its fullest meaning, including, as in Prov. viii. 22, 23, and perhaps in Gen. xlix. 3, Deut. xxi. 17, that of time (which however is but subordinate here), and that of dignity and worth, Hos. i. 11 ( = ii. 2), besides its connotation of supreme source and originating power, cf. dpxvyos, Acts iii. 15. Observe that this full meaning would come more naturally to St Paul than to a Gentile, accustomed as he would be to the Hebrew equivalent of dpxi, viz. rWNI. Compare e.g. Bashi's manifold interpretation of the first word in Genesis, b'reshith. TrpwTOToKos, v. 15 note; in conformity with St Paul's words at Antioch in Pisidia that God had fulfilled the promise made unto the fathers, avdarvaas 'Xvaovv, lis Kal iv rip \j/aXp.ip yiypairrai rip Sevriptp' vlbs pov el ai, iyii a-fjpepov yeyiwvKd ae (Acts xiii. 33). kK. Not to be confused with the simple genitive (Apoc. i. 5, 6 irpoi rbroKos t&v veKpQv), but expressly implying that He was among the dead, and came up from them leaving them there. tov veKpuv. ix vexpCiv is very common, but the article is very rare, the exact phrase occurring only in Eph. v. 14, ko! dvdara ix rCiv vexpdv, and perhaps in 1 Thes. i. 10, iv rjyeipev ix [tup] vexp&v. Com pare also dirb t&v veKp&v, Matt. xiv. 2, xxvii. 64, xxviii. 7t, and /ierd r&v vexpuv, Luke xxiv. 5t- The article has almost the sense of "all." Contrast ii. 12. tva. The final object of His inherent supremacy, and His priority in Besurrection. ¦yevT|Tai, not rj. For this He becomes (contrast preceding iariv), partly at once on His Resurrection and Ascension (compare Phil. ii. 9), but completely only at the consummation of all things. Cf. ib. v. 10. ev irdo-iv. Certainly neuter, because of rd irdvra in vv. 17, 20. Compare Phil. iv. 12. Observe that by position the stress is on iv iraaiv, not on airbs. avTos, vide supra. irpwTevwvf, "holding the first place." Vulg. primatum tenens, cf. 3 John 9, 6 0iXo7rpa>Te!)wc air&v Aiorpitpvs. irpareieiv has precisely the same meaning in Esth. v. 11 (B). Lightfoot quotes appositely from Plut. Mor. p. 9, aireiSovres robs iraTSas ev irdo-i rdxiov irpuTevaai. 19. oti. Stating the reason for His eventually becoming irpoirebwv iv iraaiv. 1 19] NOTES 51 ev avrai. In the front for emphasis. Observe that the resulting collocation of words could hardly fail to recall the Baptism (Mark i. 11, b vibs pov 6 dyairvrbs, iv aol eiSbxvaa ; Matt. iii. 17, iv / rb irXfjpoipa, (3) God, or the Father. Grammatically there is but little to choose, save that there is a slight harshness in understanding "God" or "the Father." Yet cf. Jas. i. 12. But theologically the decision is not so hard. (1) If Christ be the subject (Tertullian, adv. Marc. v. 19, Conyb. and Howson), we have the unparalleled statement of His being the finally determining will, even over the ir\rjpbip.a, and we have the improbable statement of His being not only the means by which, but also the object to which, all things are to be reconciled, v. 20 (see note there). Contrast 2 Cor. v. 19, Bebs vv t" Xpiarip xoapov KaraX- Xdaaoiv iavrip. (2) If irav rb irXr/poip-a be the subject (R.V.mg., Weiss, Ell., Abb., P. Ewald) more is attributed to what is impersonal than we should expect, ii. 9 is parallel only in form, for there it is only said that the irXTJpoipa dwells in Christ, not that the irXr)poipa exercises pleasure and determination, and even reconciles (v. 20). (3) But if "God" or "the Father" be the subject (A.V., R.V., Lightfoot), there is no such difficulty. Further, eiSoxeiv is used of God thirteen times in the N.T. against seven times of men, and though it is true that these seven are all in St Paul's writings, yet he also uses eiSoKelv of God three times, 1 Cor. i. 21, x. 5 ; Gal. i. 15. The analogy of eiSoda in Eph. i. 5, 9, when St Paul is speaking of God's purpose, also tends to confirm the reference of eiSoKelv here to God. Compare Matt. xi. 26 (|| Luke x. 21), and probably Phil. ii. 13. Observe that although the infinitive after eiSoxeiv, in all the other seven times that the construction occurs in the N.T. (Luke xii. 32 ; Bom. xv. 26; 1 Cor. i. 21 ; 2 Cor. v. 8 ; Gal. i. 15 ; 1 Thes. ii. 8, iii. 1), refers to the subject of the finite verb, yet in 2 Mac. xiv. 35, as in our present passage, it does not do so (Si;, Ki)pie,...^vSoK57ue'vovs, Eph. ii. 12, iv. 18+, " alienated," i.e. positively estranged,and not merely designated aliens. Compare Ps. lvii. (lviii.) 4, lxviii. (lxix.) 9 ; Ezek. xiv. 5 : also Aq., Sym., Theod. in Isa. i. 4. Kal e\8pous. ixQpots 1S probably not passive (" hateful ") but active ("hostile"). For although the expression that a man is 1 21] NOTES 57 " hateful " to God may be defended theologically, because there is a true sense in which sm has caused God to look upon even the sinner in anger (cf. Sand.-Head. on Bom. v. 10, additional note), and although, again, the passive meaning of ixBpbs is probably found elsewhere in the N.T. (Bom. xi. 28, v. 10), yet (1) ixBpbs is generally active (Phil. iii. 18 ; Gal. iv. 16 ; Acts xiii. 10) ; (2) Ty Siavoia is more readily explained if ixBpol be active (vide infra) ; (3) the parallel passage, Eph. ii. 12 — 14, favours the active sense here, for although ixBpoi does not occur there yet ttjc fyBpav expresses the active hatred between Jew and Gentile. The word thus expresses concisely both the negative and the positive statement of St John, (1) John iii. 19 ; (2) John vii. 7. tt] Siavoia. Dative of the " side, aspect, regard or property, on and in which the predicate shows itself," Madv. § 40 (253). So Matt. xi. 29, irpavs elp,i xai raireivbs t% KapSla. Their active enmity shows itself in their Siavoia. If ixBpois be passive this explanation of the dative can hardly be maintained, for it would limit the sphere in which they were hateful to God to their Sidvoia. The dative must then be explained as indicating the catise of God's hatred. But it then becomes somewhat clumsy. 5id>'oia=the active principle of the mind, nearly our " thought." Compare Hort on 1 Pet. i. 13, who says that in Eph. iv. 18 "it belongs to St Paul's exposition of the foolishness, unreality, and falsehood of the view of the world generally prevalent among the heathen and to his exhibition of the Gospel as a message of truth as well as of salvation." So the LXX. use it fairly often in the Hexateuch (29 times) to translate leb and lebab (but KapSla 80 times), though only occasionally elsewhere. It is curious that it never occurs in the Psalms. ev tois epvois tois irovtipots. The enmity has its seat in their thought, its sphere of action in their works, and these evil works. Contrast v. 10, iv iravrl Ipyw dyaBtp. Cf. John iii. 19, vii. 7 ; 2 Tim. iv. 18 ; 1 John iii. 12 ; 2 John 11+. The primary notion of irovvpbs appears to be worthlessness, essential badness (see Chase, The Lord's Prayer, p. 93). Hence the meaning here is probably that their enmity makes itself felt in works that will not stand God's test, they are not SUaia (1 John iii. 12). vvvl Be. Although the MSS. often vary between vvv and vvvl the latter is confined to the Pauline Epistles (? 15 times), Hebr. (? 2), Acts (2). It is always followed by Si except in Acts xxii. 1, xxiv. 13. Also, it should be observed, vvvl Si never elsewhere marks the apodo- 58 COLOSSIANS [1 21— sis, as probably here (see note at the beginning of verse), but either begins a fresh sentence (e.g. iii. 8 and even Rom. xv. 25), or by a fresh epithet indicates a contrast, 2 Cor. viii. 22 ; Phm. 9, 11. It is apparently a stronger and more argumentative form than vvv, " now, as the case really stands." diroKaTTJXXa£ev. See notes on Textual Criticism. For the word see note on d7roKaTaXXd£ai, v. 20, and for the construction see note at the beginning of verse. The subject is the same as that of eiSbKvaev ...diroKaraXXdfci (v. 20), viz. the Father, the following words being parallel to eipvvoiroirjaas Sid rov aXparos rod aravpov airov. 22. ev Tip o-up.aTi ttjs o-apKos avrov. The exact phrase here only, but compare ii. 11, iv tt/ d7reK5iVei rov aiiparos rijs aapKos, and Ecclus. xxiii. 16 (23)+. The addition of ttjs aapxbs airov, "in the body which consisted in His flesh," lays stress upon His body having passions and the capacity for suffering, ' ' capacitatem patiendi ac passionem ipsam Eph. ii. 15 " (Bengel), as all human bodies have. Compare Heb. ii. 14, 15. The thought is so well suited to meet the opinions of the false teachers, who were inclined to include angels in the work of mediation, that probably the desire to distinguish this a&pa from that of v. 18 had but a small share in his choice of the expression. Marcion naturally omitted rijs aapKbs, but Tertullian rightly argues (without mentioning the true text) that a&pa alone cannot here mean the Church (adv. Marc. v. 19). iv refers to the sphere in which the act of reconciliation took place. Sid tov BavaTov. Sid expresses here, as in v. 20, the means of reconciliation. The article probably="His." Bavdrov. In view of the frequency of words and phrases in the N.T. suggesting the death of Christ as the means of our salvation it is curious how rarely the word Bdvaros appears to be actually used of it. The following references seem to be complete : Bom. v. 10 ; Heb. ii. 9b, 14, ix. 15 ; Phil. ii. 8. irapao-Trjo-ai. Probably dependent on diroKaT-/)XXa%ev (see note at beginning of v. 21), expressing the purpose and intent of the reconciliation. In this word 7rapd has the meaning of coram, "before," "in the presence of," which it has in the Classics, Od. i. 154, r;eiSe 7rapd pvvarijpaiv. So probably LXX., 1 Sam. v. 2, lrapiarvaav airvv irapd Aayiiv. But the meaning of definitely presenting, which the verb has here (so also v. 28 ; Eph. v. 27 ; 2 Cor. xi. 2, cf. Luke ii. 22), seems not to be found in the LXX, except as a varia lectio in Lev, xvi. 7 1 22] NOTES 59 Kal Xr)p\perai robs Sio x^d-poos Kal ar-fjaei (F. 7rapacrnJ