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DIVINITY SCHOOL
TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY

GIFT OF
The Rev. Cscar E. Maurer, D. D.
Pasior
First Church, New Haven

EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL

EPOCHS IN THE LIFE
OF PAUL

A STUDY OF DEVELOPMENT
IN PAUL'S CAREER

BY
A. T. ROBERTSON, A.M., D.D.
PROFESSOE IN THE SOUTHERN BAPTIST THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY, LOUISVILLE.
XI.; AUTHOR OF " EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF JESUS," "SHORT GRAMMAR
OF THE GREEK NEW TESTAMENT," " STUDENT'S CHRONO
LOGICAL NEW TESTAMENT," ETC.

'E/wl yip rb Ifiv xpurrbs — Phil. 1 : 21

CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
NEW YORK :::::: 1909

Copyright, 1909
By Charles Scribner'b Sons

Published April, 1909

TO THE MEMORY OF
JOHN D. ROBERTSON
BROTHER BELOVED AND
SERVANT OF CHRIST

PREFACE
The generous reception accorded "Epochs in the Life
of Jesus" on both sides of the water has emboldened
me, in response to many requestSj to publish a com
panion volume on Paul. Here also detailed critical
discussions will be subordinated to the positive inter
pretation of the story. The books are legion where
one can find in English and German all sides of nearly
every point of criticism in the lives of both Jesus and
Paul. Critical discussion is invaluable, but that is not
the service attempted here. After all, criticism is only
a means to an end. The aim of the present work is
rather to give as the result of criticism a constructive
picture of Paul and his work as set forth in the Acts
and Paul's own Epistles.
I have faced the manifold problems of criticism
which meet one at every turn in such a study, and
have formed my own judgment where the evidence
justified such a conclusion. I am still a learner about
Paul and still in the dark on many points. But enough
is known (reasonably clear, I think, to one who is open
to historical evidence) to enable one to project a vivid
and true outline of the life of Paul. The main outline
is all that is here attempted. Questions of geography
and general history are touched upon only incidentally.

viii PREFACE
Paul wrought so widely and wrote so much that it is
well-nigh impossible to compass it all from every point
of view in one volume of moderate size. The great
events in Paul's career are just the ones which it is most
important to seize upon and which are often missed.
If one does this well, he will have less trouble in filling
in the details. Sometimes one cannot see the wood
for the trees.
The task is complicated further by the fact that Paul
has so many sides. He cannot be understood unless
all sides of his life are brought up adequately and to
gether. His own environment, his intellectual and
spiritual development, his relation to Jesus, his out
ward activities, his literary remains, must all be kept
in mind. The Epistles furnish rich personal material
and illustrate the growth of Paul's theology. The
formal exposition of the Epistles and of his theology is
not attempted. The interest is centred in Paul him
self. But the orderly and progressive study of his life
in its main points helps one to solve the riddle of Paul,
as some scholars make him.
Paul is so masterful as to be beyond praise. Some,
indeed, go to the point of making him the real author
of modern Christianity and the perverter of the original
Christianity of Jesus. How far short that view falls of
the truth the present volume will endeavor to show.
Nearly twenty years ago I first read Dr. James
Stalker's " Life of St. Paul." This powerful little book
has left a deep mark upon my conception of Paul.

PREFACE ix
In common with the whole world I am debtor to
Sir W. M. Ramsay, Litt. D., of Aberdeen, for fresh
light on Paul. It is a pleasure to acknowledge this
obligation here. I cannot make detailed acknowledg
ment of my debt to the many books on Paul. The
bibliography will show the way for those who wish to
go further in this great subject. In the nature of the
case the specific references to the literature must be
few. Conybeare and Howson 's "Life and Epistles of
St. Paul " is still the classic on the subject.
For twenty-one years now I have been a teacher of
Paul's life and Epistles. Each year this chief Apostle
fascinates me more and more. He richly deserves the
power that he still holds over modern men in spite of
antique modes of thought. His mighty heart grappled
with the new fresh problems of Christianity as it first
fought its way into the hearts and lives of men in the
Roman world. Because his trained and gifted intellect
met the issues of his day as a missionary statesman, a
philosophical theologian, an intensely practical preacher,
he is an unfailing source of light and leading for men
of force to-day.
I shall not undertake to justify my use of the Acts
and all of Paul's thirteen Epistles as reliable sources of
information. I am fully aware of the fact that some
critics credit none of these books with real historical
value. Critics vary all the way from the absurd posi
tion of Van Manen to the acceptance of them all. I
have satisfied myself that even the Pastoral Epistles

x PREFACE
are justly credited to the Pauline authorship. If one
waited till all critics agreed about all points of dispute
in Paul's career before he wrote his own convictions,
the pen would drop never to be taken up again. But
it is only just to say that the tendency on the whole is
steadily to increased confidence in Luke as an historian
and to acceptance of all of Paul's Epistles as genuine.
I do not claim that this volume represents all modern
scholarship. It is my own interpretation of Paul after
prolonged study of what others have had to say. I
have come back to Luke and Paul to hear what they
have to tell about the young Jew who turned about
face and turned the world to Christ.
I wish to acknowledge the kindness of Rev. P. V.
Bomar, of Marion, Ala., for help in the making of the
indexes.
A. T. Robertson.
Louisville, Kt.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
CHAPTER page
I. Saul the Pharisaic Student  1
II. Saul the Persecuting Rabbi  25
III. Saul's Vision op Jesus  39
IV. Saul Learning Christianity  67
V. Saul Finds His Work  93
VI. Paul the Missionary Leader  103
VII. Paul's Doctrinal Crisis  121
VIII. Paul Answers the Cry op Europe  139
LX. Paul the Teacher op the Churches .... 173
X. Paul at Bay  220
XI. Paul Free Again  290
XII. Paul Faces Death  303
Bibliography  321
Index to Subjects  329
Index to New Testament Passages .... 333

EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
CHAPTER I
SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT
"And I advanced in the Jews' religion beyond many
of mine own age among my countrymen." (Gal. 1 : 14).
1. A Word of Appreciation. — Saul of Tarsus was a
man of such vehemence and power that he was head
in whatever circle he moved, whether as Saul the perse
cuting Pharisee, or Paul the laboring missionary. If
he was chief of sinners, he became chief of saints. If
he was the man of action whirling over the Roman
Empire, he was doing it with constructive statesman
ship with no less a purpose than to bring the Roman
Empire to the feet of Christ. He was the very type of
missionary statesman1 demanded to-day in China,
Japan, India, Africa, Turkey. It is a curious turn of
the wheel of history that the very scenes of Paul's strug
gles and triumphs for Christ are now the hardest spots
on earth to reach with the message of the Cross. We
need a new Paul for the new situation.
Paul was no less a man of thought than a man of
1 Cf. Lock, " St. Paul the Master Builder," pp. 38-67; Sir W. M.
Ramsay, "Pauline and Other Studies," pp. 49-100.
1

2 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
action. He loved his books and missed them when
without them (II Tim. 4 : 13). He was the busiest of
men, but he kept up his habits of study to the shame of
every city pastor (for Paul was a preacher in the great
cities of the world) who lets his books go unused even
at the call of pastoral work. He solved the problem
for himself as every minister must do. I agree with
Sir W. M. Ramsay1 that Paul was a real philosopher,
perhaps not in the technical sense of the term, though
he knew how to hold his own with the Epicurean and
the Stoic philosophers (Acts 17 : 18 ff.). But he pos
sessed a higher and nobler world view than those op
portunists in philosophy. Paul knew how to think and
had such passion of soul and keenness of intellect that
he still challenges the respect of the greatest minds of
the modern world. He knew the technical terms of
the Jewish rabbi and the Greek philosopher (Gnostic
and Agnostic), but he was able to drop mere abstract
verbiage and deal with the heart of things in words
that burn into the very conscience of men. Certainly
Paul had a real philosophy of history2 and a definite
programme for the redemption of the empire as well
as the salvation of individuals.
But it is as the exponent of Christ that Paul com
mands chief attention. This matter will call for fuller
treatment further on, but a word is needed here. He
claimed a place on a level with the very chiefest Apos
tles (II Cor. 12 : 11), when that place was denied him
1 "Cities of St. Paul," p. 4. ' Ibid., p. 10 f.

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 3
by the Judaizers. Indeed, he is the real primate among
the Apostles (not Peter), though not one of the Twelve.
He rebuked Peter, not Peter Paul. So powerful is
Paul's conception of Christ that it has dominated
Christian theology. It is a pertinent inquiry whether
Paul accurately grasped the truth about Jesus when
he probably did not know him face to face in the flesh,
for in II Cor. 5 : 16 he does not imply ("even though
we have known Christ after the flesh, yet now know we
him no more") that he had ever seen Jesus before his
death. He had even looked upon Christ from the
Jewish or fleshly standpoint. The inquiry about Paul
is greatly important, for, if Paul went astray, he has
led the world after him. Augustine and Calvin,
Pelagius and Arminius, Origen and Clement, all drink
from the fountain of Paul's theology. We are indeed
recovering the Johannine view of Christ, the Petrine
and the Jacobean, but after all they do not radically
differ from Paul's conception, though each gives an
interesting personal touch. In simple truth, it is
idle to hope to get back to Christ except through
the medium of the first interpreters of Jesus who told
their wonderful story. Paul's story is not the first in
order of time, but it is first in order of apologetic inter
est, and apologetics is still worth the while of every
intelligent Christian. We strike terra firma in Paul,
begging Van Manen's pardon. Taking one's stand
by Paul, one can work his way more securely through
the mazes of Johannine and Synoptic criticism to the

4 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
truth as it is in Jesus. He will at last come to see that
Paul and the Gospels give us the same Christ with
just the differences in detail that one had a right to
expect. Passing by Jesus himself, Paul stands forever the fore
most representative of Christ, the ablest exponent of
Christianity, its most constructive genius, its dominant
spirit from the merely human side, its most fearless
champion, its most illustrious and influential mission
ary, preacher, teacher, and its most distinguished
martyr. He heard things in the third heaven not
lawful to utter (II Cor. 12 : 4), but he felt himself a
poor earthen vessel after all (II Cor. 4:7). He sought
to commend himself in the sight of God to every man's
conscience, for he had seen the light of the gospel of
the glory of Christ and was the servant of all for Jesus'
sake (II Cor. 4 : 3 ff.).
We have a clear picture of Paul in the Acts. It is
a legend that Luke was a painter and left a portrait of
Paul. He was obviously a master in word painting,
though we have no painting in oil. We may pass by
as worthless the legend that Paul was a hunchback,
though his personal appearance probably was not re
markably prepossessing, since his enemies ridiculed
him on that score (II Cor. 10 : 10). There is an ad
vantage in a commanding personality provided undue
expectations are not excited which cannot be fulfilled.
Paul in action was impressive enough as when he,
"filled with the Holy Spirit, fastened his eyes on" Ely-

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 5
mas the sorcerer (Acts 13:9) and exclaimed "Thou son
of the devil, thou enemy of all righteousness, wilt thou
not cease to pervert the right ways of the Lord ?" But
his Judaizing adversaries belittled his speech as of no
account (II Cor. 10 : 10) because, forsooth, he reasoned
in possibly a conversational manner. Some, indeed,
much preferred the more ornate oratory of Apollos, who
"powerfully confuted the Jews" at Corinth (Acts 18 : 28).
But he did have an infirmity "a stake in the flesh, a
messenger of Satan" (II Cor. 12 : 7), which kept him
humble and reminded him again of the earthen vessel
which carried the gospel treasure. If weak eyes was
this infirmity, he had loving friends who would have
plucked out their own if it would have done him any
good (Gal. 4 : 15). But one cannot doubt that all human
frailties were forgotten when Paul poured out his
very soul in passionate speech and stirred men to
heroic endeavor. He could change his tone and strike
the deeper note of pathos himself (Gal. 4 : 20), for he
was a man of the strongest emotion. He could chal
lenge men to duty by his very tears (Acts 20 : 19) as
well as by his independent self-reliance.
One could not well plunge into the life of Paul with
out this much of panegyric, certainly not one who has
felt that " charm of Paul " of which Ramsay1 so winning-
ly writes. The richness of his nature will appear in
ample fulness as we proceed. If he could go up to
the third heaven and bring down unutterable glories,
1 "Pauline and Other Studies," pp. 27-45.

6 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
he could spend a day and a night in the deep (II Cor.
11 : 25). He knew human and inhuman nature. He
had loyal friends, but he felt to the quick the treachery
of false brethren, the ostracism of his own race, the
jealousy of some preachers of the Gospel (Phil. 1 : 15)
far more than he did the open hostility of a Roman
emperor like Nero.
2. Saul's Ancestry. — Saul loved his people with in
tense patriotism. Few things gave him keener anguish
of heart than the refusal of his Jewish brethren, his
kinsmen according to the flesh, to take Jesus as the
Messiah of promise (Rom. 9 : 2 f.). He was almost
ready to be cut off from Christ himself if that would win
them. He had once boasted, as other Jews did, of
descent from Abraham (II Cor. 11 : 22). He had felt
the proud scorn of the Gentiles which animated the
strict Jews. Indeed, he was a Hebrew of the Hebrews
and set much store by the stock of Israel. His blood
went back to the tribe of Benjamin (Phil. 3 : 5) whose
glory was another Saul, the first king of the Hebrew
people. He probably once took a keen interest in the
"endless genealogies" (I Tim. 1 : 4) and family trees
of the Jews of his time. He knew what pride of race
was, the heritage of a long and noble ancestry that
reached far back into the distant centuries. The
Jew had enough in his history to give him some right
to be proud. His was the chosen people "whose is
the adoption, and the glory, and the covenants, and
the giving of the law, and the service of God, and the

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 7
promises; whose are the fathers" (Rom. 9:4 f.). It
mattered little with a story like that if the hated Roman
yoke was upon the neck of the Jews. The day of
the Roman would pass as had that of the Seleucid
kings, the Ptolemies, Alexander the Great, the Persian,
the Babylonian, the Assyrian, the Hittite, the Egyp
tian. Kingdoms came and went, but the Jew remained,
proud, isolated, defiant, conscious that he was to
fulfil a strange Messianic mission in the world. True,
the Messianic hope was trailing now in the dust of
a deliverer from Rome who would establish a Jewish
empire in Jerusalem, yet it was to come with great es
chatological features. But to make the whole world
Jewish was honor enough for the human race. All this
and more ran in the blood of Saul's ancestors.
3. His Family. — One can draw a closer picture yet of
the home in Tarsus into which Saul was born, though
many details are sadly wanting. We do not know
what was the name of either his father or mother.
And yet the picture is not wholly blank. We know
that his father was a strict Jew, for his son was "in
structed according to the strict manner of the law of
our fathers " (Acts 22 : 3). He was not merely a Phari
see himself but the son of a Pharisee (Acts 23 : 6) . Hence
we know that, though his father lived in Tarsus when
Saul was born (22 : 3), he was not a Hellenizer. His
father was indeed a Hellenist and lived in one of the
great Greek cities of the world, but he was loyal to the
traditions of Palestine and was at heart a real Jew,

8 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
though actually one of the Dispersion. One other
detail is certainly known about Saul's father. He was
a Roman citizen. The time came when Paul would
take great pleasure in saying: "But I am a Roman
born" (Acts 22:28). Whether his father was also
Roman born or was made a Roman citizen for some
deed of valor or for money, as was true of Claudius
Lysias (Acts 22 : 28), is not known, or at least was not
known till recently. Ramsay1 has shown that there
had been a body of Jews settled in Tarsus since 171
B.C. It was only possible for individual Jews to be
come Roman citizens in a Greek city like Tarsus by
being enrolled in " a Tribe set apart for them, in which
they could control the religious rites and identify
them with the service of the synagogue."2 If this is
true, and Ramsay proves it, Saul's father was enrolled
in this City Tribe of Jewish citizens in Tarsus for
his high standing in the Jewish community, unless
indeed his grandfather had been a citizen also. We
do not know how long the family had been in
Tarsus. At any rate Saul's father was a man of
position in the Jewish community and was able to
send his son later to Jerusalem to school. He may
have been a man of some wealth. The fact that he
was a tent-maker and taught his trade to his son does
not prove anything, since Jews generally knew a trade
and taught it to their sons. This custom stood Paul
1 "Cities of St. Paul," pp. 169 ff.
' Ibid., p. 176.

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 9
in good stead later. There is every reason to think
that Saul was proud of his father.
The mother shrinks still further into the background
except that we know she must have been a woman of
force to have reared such a son. We catch a faint
glimpse of her also when Paul says: "I thank God,
whom I serve from my forefathers" (II Tim. 1:3).
She is in that pious fine. That is the noblest heritage
of all. In the mention of Timothy's mother, Eunice,
and grandmother, Lois (1:5), it is not difficult to catch
the reflection of Saul's own fireside. When Paul re
minds Timothy of whom he had learned the Holy
Scriptures even from a babe (3 : 14 f.) he was echoing
his own experience in the home in Tarsus. This Jew
ish matron must not be overlooked when we study the
influences that moulded Saul. She made the home
where he grew and whose stamp he always bore.
When we ask for the other members of that family
group we can only bring up the picture of a sister
(Rachel, a later story calls her) whose son did Paul such
a good turn in Jerusalem in a time of storm (Acts
23 : 16). This nephew was worthy of his uncle, and
that is enough to say for his shrewdness and courage.
There may have been other sisters and even brothers.
We simply do not know. The curtain refuses to rise
on this point. But we have caught some conception
of the home in the city of which Saul was proud.
4. The Date of Saul's Birth. — The ancients did not
have the same concern for minute chronology that

10 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
modern men show. Luke (Luke 3 : 1 f.) does exhibit
an historian's interest in the time when John the Bap
tist began his ministry. He seeks to locate the event
by the names of the rulers of the time. In the Acts,
likewise, there is occasional allusion to men and events
that lie outside of the Apostolic story. One is grateful
to Ramsay again for the vindication of Luke's trust
worthiness as a historian.1 But it is to be borne in
mind that Luke does not profess to give the life of
Paul. He takes up Saul, who is already a young man
(Acts 7 : 58), where he touches the story of Christianity
and follows him with more or less fulness to Rome
and there drops the narrative. There are no clear
indications in Paul's Epistles, though hints are dropped
here and there. He is Paul the aged when he writes
to Philemon (verse 9). Unfortunately there is no ab
solutely certain date in Paul's entire career. Even the
two foci (the coming of Saul to Antioch about the time
of the death of Herod Agrippa I and the famine, the
change of Roman Procurators at Caesarea when Felix
is recalled and Festus succeeds him) are not fixed
points any longer. If we knew for certain that the
one was A.D. 44 and the other A.D. 60, there would
be less difficulty in arranging approximately the other
chief dates in Paul's life. For a discussion of the
matter, see Turner's article, N. T. Chronology2 in
1 Cf. "Was Christ Born at Bethlehem?"
2 Cf . also, Ramsay's discussion of Pauline Chronology, " Pauline
and Other Studies."

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 11
Hastings' "D. B." We may, with some hesitation,
use these two dates as a working hypothesis for the
division of Paul's life into three parts. Then the
great missionary journeys come between A.D. 44 and 60.
But even so, we have no clear light thrown on the length
of Paul's life. Whether he was put to death in A.D.
64 or 68, he would still be an old man when he wrote
the letter to Philemon. If, as is possible, Saul was
thirty years old at the time of the stoning of Stephen,
which would certainly be true if he was actually a
member of the Sanhedrin (Acts 26 : 10), we must add
to this the fourteen years (II Cor. 12 : 2) plus the three
spent in Arabia and Damascus (Gal. 1 : 18). But these
two periods cannot be insisted on minutely, since pieces
of years might be counted at the beginning and the close.
At any rate one will not be far astray if he thinks of Saul
as five years the junior of Jesus. This would make
his birth about A.D. 1. There is no straining of the
facts if we imagine the boy John in the hill country of
Judea, the boy Jesus in Nazareth, and the child Saul at
Tarsus at the same time. Each faced the same world,
but from a different point of view, these boys who were
to revolutionize the world. John came out of a priestly
atmosphere, and when his aged parents died took to
the wilderness as a place for preparation for life's
problems. Jesus lived on in the humble Nazareth
home doing the work of a carpenter (Mark. 6 : 3) and
waiting for the voice in the wilderness to call him to
his destiny.

12 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
5. The Boyhood of Saul at Tarsus.— What was the
boy at Tarsus doing meanwhile? Unlike John, Saul
lived in a city. Unlike Jesus, his home was in one of
the great Greek cities of the world. Nathanael could
sneer at Nazareth (John 1 : 46), but Paul could brook
no reproach on Tarsus. He was proud to hail from
"no mean city" (Acts 21 : 39). How much right Paul
had to civic pride in the town of his birth Ramsay1
has shown at great length and with brilliant success.
Tarsus was the city of all the world best adapted for
the youth of the Apostle to the Gentiles. In Tarsus
was accomplished most perfectly that union between
east and west that Alexander the Great attempted
everywhere. The city remained Asiatic in character
while it appropriated the Greek qualities. Greek in
fluence, indeed, dated back to the Ionian colonists,
but the Greek spirit did not obliterate elements which
survived even the work of Alexander. Under the
Romans it was a "free city" and the Jewish element
was a positive force in the life of the community.
There was a great university here also. It would be
difficult to imagine a city of that era more thoroughly
cosmopolitan and representative of life in the empire.
The absence of intense hatred of the Jews would open
the way for more sympathy on the part of the Jews
toward the best things in the Grseco-Roman civiliza
tion. In common with the Hellenists in general Saul
spoke Greek in addition to his Aramaic, and seemed
1 "Cities of St. Paul," pp. 85-244.

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 13
to find it not inconsistent with his Jewish scruples
to witness the public games which he afterwards used
so effectively as illustrations (I Cor. 9 : 24 f.). The
middle wall of partition between Jew and Gentile
did not extend to every detail of life, though in the main
the atmosphere of his home in Tarsus was thoroughly
Jewish, not to say Pharisaic. If he mingled to some
extent in the life and play of Gentile boys in Tarsus,
it is not so clear that he went to the Gentile schools.
It was just here in the matter of education that the
Pharisee would be more particular. As a boy he
would learn the Old Testament story from his mother
and from the synagogue teaching, which had become
a great institution in Jewish life. Environment plays
an important part in every human life. Heredity
plus environment and the curious personal equation,
added to the grace of God, explains the wonderful
creature called a man. Saul would not have been
quite the same man if he had been reared wholly in
Alexandria or Jerusalem. Both of these centres of
culture left their impress on Paul, as is seen in the use of
allegory about Hagar and Sarah (Gal. 4 : 24) and the
rabbinic refinement in the use of words (Gal. 3 : 16)
and traditional interpretation (I Cor. 10 : 4). But it
is easy to see that Saul of Tarsus was not cut out to
be Philo, nor, indeed, Shammai. Tarsus left its mark
upon him as a boy and made possible the more generous
sympathies of his later life. It is interesting to observe
how the comparatively few illustrations in his teaching

14 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
are drawn chiefly from city life.1 It is not, however,
necessary to say that he misused the subject of graft
ing the wild olive, for he expressly explains that it is
"contrary to nature" (Rom. 11 : 24). John and Jesus
both revelled in the use of illustrations from nature
with which they were so familiar. From one point of
view it seems a pity for a boy to have to live in a city
and miss the joy and freedom of the country. But
Saul had some compensations. His life was to be in
the great cities of the empire, and he had a natural
bond of sympathy with city life and had less to learn
in that respect. It is clear that his boyhood was free
from the enervating dissipations of city life, and so he
had strength of constitution to endure the terrific strain
of missionary work, not to say persecution and im
prisonment. One may imagine that the boy at Tarsus
took some interest in athletics from his fondness for
the figure. I Tim. 4 : 7 f . surely cannot be construed
as condemnation of bodily exercise. He was a self-
reliant boy, if we may judge from his advice to Timothy
(I Tim. 4 : 12). What his day-dreams were we do
not know, but so gifted a boy was bound to feel a call
to higher service. He doubtless sympathized with the
desire of his parents that he should become a Jewish
rabbi, perhaps another Gamaliel. As a Jew, no higher
glory was open to him than this, since the prophetic
voice had ceased from Israel and the kingly sceptre
was no longer in Jewish hands. The heel of Rome
1 Cf. Resker, "St. Paul's Illustrations."

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 15
was upon the world, the Mediterranean world, Saul's
world. Long afterwards he will look back upon
God's plan in his life and see that God had "separated"
him even from his mother's womb (Gal. 1 : 15) to make
a spiritual Pharisee of him, a Separate for the Gen
tiles, not from the Gentiles, charged with the revelation
of the Son of God in his very self. But it will take
time and a revolution in his nature before he can
see that foreordination. None the less we may con
clude that the Tarsian Jewish boy was instinct with
life and eager to have a part in the great world that
surged all about him. If he felt the impact of his time,
he was anxious to play his part in his day. We may
suppose that already his conscience was active accord
ing to which he sought to live free from offence towards
God and men (Acts 24 : 16). But if, on the whole, the
life at Tarsus still remains obscure to us, it was not
obscure to Saul's later friends, for he was a young man
of prominence as his father was a man of position.
Paul does say that "from the first" his friends in the
Sanhedrin and others in Jerusalem, had knowledge of
him (Acts 26 : 5), but it is not clear that this knowledge
went further than his youth in Jerusalem (verse 4).
But from the time of his student days in Jerusalem he
was in the open so far as the Jewish world was concerned.
It will repay us to form a mental picture of the boy
that left Tarsus.
6. At the Feet of Gamaliel. — It was no mean am
bition that Saul's parents had for him to receive his

16 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
theological education in Jerusalem. That city was
the goal of Jews all over the world. Here was con
centrated the history of the nation. Every hill and
every valley teemed with holy associations. Saul had
learned the outlines of that story, and he was coming
to his own when he came to the Holy City. He was
probably, according to Jewish custom, about thirteen
when he came to school in Jerusalem, so that he could
speak of his being "brought up" there (Acts 22 : 3).
One cannot help thinking of the brief visit of the boy
Jesus to the temple at the age of twelve. Each was
full of zest in the problems of his people and his time.
Saul probably did not astonish his teachers by the
penetration of his questions and his answers in the
same measure that Jesus did, but one cannot doubt
the keenness of his interest in the new world that he
had now entered.
But much as the city had to offer of historic attraction,
the thing that stood out clearest in his after life was the
fact that he sat at the feet of the great teacher of his
time among the Jews (Acts 22 : 3). The temple had
its wonders, that glorious temple of Herod still un
finished. But the greatest thing in the world is a
man. It is a supreme moment in the life of any youth
when he comes under the spell of a master teacher.
This grandson of Hillel was the glory of the law and it
meant much for Saul to come under his influence. His
school (called the school of Hillel) was more liberal
in some fine points than the rival rabbinical theolog-

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 17
ical school of Shammai (contemporary of Hillel).
For one thing Gamaliel was willing to read the
Greek authors, and his pupil Paul will later show
some knowledge of Greek literature. To be sure,
Paul says, that he was "instructed according to the
strict manner of the law of our fathers" (Acts 22 : 3),
but he explains this later when he remarks: "After
the straitest sect of our religion, I lived a Pharisee"
(26 : 5). He does not say that he was brought up in
the more rigid of the Pharisaic schools. From the
non-Pharisaic view, however, it was strict enough.
It was a life of complacent self-satisfaction to which
he was reared (cf. Rom. 7:7) in bondage to the letter
which killeth (II Cor. 3:6). One must not, however,
get too extravagant an idea of Gamaliel's breadth of
view and sympathy. It is true that he did protest
formally in the Sanhedrin against the violence of the
Sadducees towards the Apostles (Acts 5 : 34). But
one is slow to believe that this action on his part was
due either to any interest in Christianity or real con
cern for religious toleration, not to say liberty of opin
ion. When, later, Stephen had fired the Pharisees
by his denunciation of mere ceremonialism and in
sistence on the spiritual nature of worship (cf. the ex
perience of Jesus), there is no indication that Gama
liel raised a restraining hand to save him from the
fury of his pupil Saul, and the Pharisees in the Sanhe
drin (Acts 6 : 11 ff.; 7 : 57 f.). In Acts 5 : 35-39 he does
warn the Sanhedrin to beware lest they be found fight-

18 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
ing against God, a piece of advice not to be pressed
too literally, as he did not later use it himself. It is
evident that, while only the Sadducees were enlisted
in the fight against the Apostles on the ground of the
doctrine of the resurrection, the Pharisees were holding
aloof, and in this very division lay the safety of the
disciples, a point that Paul knew how to use on a later
occasion (Acts 22 : 9 f.). But when Stephen stirred the
Pharisees also, Gamaliel takes no interest in the matter.
Jesus did not come under the spell of the rabbinism
of his time. In the Nazareth home there was less of
the oral tradition (Midrash) and more of the spiritual
teaching of the Old Testament prophets and psalms.
Simeon and Anna breathed that atmosphere also, as
did Zacharias and Elizabeth, as is shown by the report
of their words. It is no reflection on theological edu
cation as such to comment on this fact. From the
human point of view Jesus was free from this cere
monial perversion and had no cobwebs to brush aside.
He sprang into instant opposition to the traditionalists
of his time. It will not do to say that if Saul had not
gone to Gamaliel's school of the prophets, he, too,
would have been more open to the New Way. Peter
and John were unschooled, and they, too, were slow
to learn Jesus. There are difficulties of ignorance as
truly as there are problems of knowledge. They are
not the same in character, forsooth, but just as real in
fact. One can see how Christianity gained by having
this man of theological training, even though much

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 19
of his knowledge was rabbinical rubbish. The Talmud
itself, though written down much later (both Mishna
and Gemara several centuries after Saul), yet gives
us a fair specimen of the theological hair-splitting in
dulged in by the grave and reverend doctors of the law
who dispensed wisdom in Jerusalem. Paul did have
much to unlearn, much that he came to count only as
"refuse" (Phil. 3:8), but great blessings resulted to
him and to the cause of Christ. These more than
made up for the loss, and may console any man who
may have spent his time at a modern school of merely
rabbinical methods and points of view, provided he
gets over them.
For one thing, he gained a thoroughly trained mind.
He was all in all the most gifted man of his time, leav
ing out of view, of course, Jesus of Nazareth. The skil
ful use of question and answer was not merely drill,
though drill in school is not to be despised. He learned
how to distinguish between things that differ (Phil.
1:10 rnarg.), a true mark of the justly educated mind.
His ambition led him to surpass his fellow pupils
(Gal. 1 : 14), and the result was that his brilliant intel
lect had received really magnificent training in mental
gymnastics. Much that he had learned was really
good in itself. He won familiarity with the letter of
Scripture, a point about which some brilliant modern
scholars are gloriously indifferent. He was to learn
the spirit of Scripture-teaching later, but there was
some good in the letter, provided it was not allowed

20 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
to kill. He gained, likewise, the art of disputation
which stood him in good stead on many an important
occasion as on Mars Hill, on the steps of the Tower
of Antonia, before the Jewish Sanhedrin, before Felix,
Festus, Agrippa, and perhaps Nero himself the first
time. Being well versed in rabbinical theology,
when he came to the side of Christ, he knew how to
parry all the points of his old friends the rabbis. He
knew the strength and the weakness of Pharisaism
and could speak as an expert on that point. Cf. "Tell
me, ye that desire to be under the law" (Gal. 4 : 21).
He knew only too well "the weak and beggarly rudi
ments" of bondage to the ceremonial law (Gal. 4: 9),
and his biting sarcasm will later sting his Jewish ene
mies to fury. But now he loved Pharisaism and lived
it with fierce conviction, a Hebrew of the Hebrews.
What did Gamaliel think of his brilliant pupil?
One would like to have a word from him. But the
position of leadership to which he will soon attain
shows that the master's approval rested on Saul.
Perhaps the old teacher looked proudly on the young
man from Tarsus as a possible successor. When Saul
left Jerusalem he was to all intents and purposes the
one young Jew in all the world who had most in pros
pect before him. He had been educated as a rabbi
and the career of a rabbi lay before him. But that
was not all. Many a young rabbi lived in comparative
obscurity. This young rabbi had great friends at
Jerusalem who could help him to the highest places

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 21
if he proved worthy. We may imagine the joy of his
parents as he returned home full of honor, the hope of
Gamaliel and the pride of his home.
7. Elements in Said's Education. — These have al
ready been touched upon in the preceding discussion
to a certain extent, but it is well to gather up the main
outlines here. In fact scholars are not agreed as to
this matter, some insisting that the influences that
moulded him were wholly Jewish, others finding a
rather large Greek side to his training, others even
would add a positive Babylonian influence. It is
not an easy matter to keep the balance in a matter of
this sort. But after all the facts must decide.
To begin with, Paul shows in his Epistles a forceful
and commanding style. His Greek is not, indeed, that
of Demosthenes, and it would have been an anachro
nism if it had been. He uses beyond controversy the
Koine" Qeoivrj) vernacular, as did other cultivated and
uncultivated men of his day. The papyri show all
grades of culture in the vernacular then as now. While
his Epistles exhibit traits of the merely personal letter
as in Philemon, the passionate appeal of non-literary
correspondence, as in I and II Thessalonians, Gala
tians, II Corinthians, yet in Romans and Ephesians
there is more literary style and conscious effort to
express himself in accord with the greatness of his
ideas. Cf. also I Cor. 13 and 15. He is an educated
Jew who knew his Aramaic (Acts 22 : 2) and Hebrew,
but who was also at home in the Greek of his time.

22 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
The few quotations from the Greek writers (Acts 17:
28; I Cor. 15 : 33; Tit. 1:12) are not from writers of
the highest rank, and cannot be used as proof that
Paul was thoroughly familiar with Homer and Plato.
That matter may be left open to conjecture. What is
clear is that he could hold the attention of the cult
ured Athenians so long as he did not offend them
by the doctrine of the resurrection.
In discussing the Hellenism of Paul one must re
member that he was himself a Hellenist, not a Pales
tinian Jew. Besides, the Hellenism of Paul's day was
not the Hellenism of Aristotle's time.1 The "later
Hellenism and the later Judaism of the Dispersion
were not so far apart as their antecedents had been.
"In the mind of Paul a universalized Hellenism co
alesced with a universalized Hebraism."2 To be sure,
one must not make a real Greek out of Paul. But it
is, I believe, missing a part of Paul's nature to refuse
to see his bond of contact with the Greek world in
which he lived.
We know how proud he was of his Roman citizenship,
so that the Roman side of his training is not to be over
looked, though it was naturally slight as compared
with the Hebrew culture. He seems to have known
some Latin, as he managed his own case in the various
trials before the Roman courts.
1 Ramsay, "Cities of St. Paul," p. 31. Cf. Hicks, "St. Paul and
Hellenism." Thackeray, "Relation of St. Paul to Contem
porary Jewish Thought."
2 Ramsay, "Cities of St. Paul," p. 43.

SAUL THE PHARISAIC STUDENT 23
But it is quite within bounds to think of Saul's edu
cation as really cosmopolitan, as much so, indeed, as
that of a young Jew who was loyal to his people could
well have been. Besides the teaching of the rabbis,
he probably read some of the Jewish apocalypses like
the Psalms of Solomon, Book of Enoch, Testament of
the Twelve Patriarchs, books which had a vogue at
that time. Other books, like the Wisdom of Solomon,
which reflected the Jewish Alexandrian Philosophy,
he possibly read also. There is no reason to think
that he was too narrow a Pharisee to be open to the
various means of culture of his time. Fundamentally
a rabbi, he was familiar with the apocalyptic method
of teaching also (cf. II Thess. 2 : 3-10). But around
this Jewish learning there gathered a certain amount
of Greek and Roman culture which made him a real
citizen of the world and a fit vessel to bear the Gospel
to the Gentiles when Christ should lay his hand upon
him. If Christianity only possessed one so well equipped
as this young rabbi! No one of the Twelve Apostles
was his equal in mental gifts and culture. But he is
far from any thought of Christ in his home at Tarsus.
Brilliant, accomplished, masterful, ambitious, he is
eager to be in the midst of the stirring events in Judea.
He appears in Jerusalem again, possibly drawn
thither by the attacks of Stephen on the citadel of
Pharisaism. It is not improbable that he measured
swords in debate with Stephen in the Cilician synagogue,

24 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
where Saul would naturally go (Acts 6:9). But, if so,
he had a new experience. He could not stand against
this tornado of the Spirit. Few things annoy a man
of culture quite so much as to be overcome in public
discussion whether by ridicule or weight of argument.
An unanswerable argument is a hard thing to forgive.
Stephen was all ablaze with passion. Before him
Saul's critical acumen and theological subtleties van
ished. Saul was beaten and his defeat rankled within
him. Such in brief is the picture that we may form
of Saul and Stephen in Jerusalem.

CHAPTER II
SAUL THE PERSECUTING RABBI
" I verily thought with myself that I ought to do many
things contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth"
(Acts 26:9).
1. Saul's First Taste of Blood. — This form of state
ment may shock one a bit at first. It suggests that
Saul became bloodthirsty in his persecution. That is
true. He was, indeed, a most respectable persecutor,
but blood was on his hands, and he afterwards recog
nized it with shame and humiliation. "And when
they were put to death I gave my vote against them"
(Acts 26 : 10). "And I persecuted this way even unto
the death, binding and delivering into prisons both
men and women " (Acts 22 : 4). He could never for
give himself for this lapse from the true moral standards.
Paul was by nature a gentleman, and to think that he
had led even lovely women to prison and death! "For
I am the least of the Apostles, that am not meet to be
called an Apostle because I persecuted the church of
God" (I Cor. 15 : 9). The only consolation about it
all that he could get was that he "did it ignorantly in
unbelief" (I Tim. 1:13), but he could never think of
himself as aught but the chief of sinners. In him as
chief, Jesus set forth " an ensample of them that should
25

26 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
thereafter believe on him unto eternal life " (1 Tim. 1:16).
If Christ could save a sinner like Saul, he felt that no
one else need despair. Paul did not spare himself
later by the reflection that he thought that he had done
his duty to God in this matter. That is the excuse of
every persecutor. It is just his way of serving God,
to kill the heretics! Indeed, the conscientiousness of
Saul in the matter merely added to his later remorse.
So we know how Saul felt after he saw his persecu
tion in its true light and how he felt before his con
version. When he stands by Stephen, keeping guard
over the garments of those who had stripped themselves
for vengeance on Stephen the traducer of the faith of
the Pharisees, he is full of self-complacency. His con
science gave him no trouble at all. The sense of sin had
not revived in him, and he felt very much alive (Rom.
7:9). He seemed to have abundant justification for this
first step in persecution. Pharisaism was the hope of
Israel and so the hope of the world. Had not Gamaliel
said so ? When the real Messiah came he would be
a Pharisee, not this Jesus of Nazareth who had met a
just death on the cross for his opposition to the Phari
saic teaching. "Paul had been nurtured on the
Messianic Hope of Israel. What a caricature was
this of the glorious fulfilment for which devout Jews
had yearned."1 And Stephen was actually repeating
the blasphemies of Jesus and seeking to subvert the
customs which Moses had delivered unto them! Jesus
1 Kennedy, "St. Paul's Conceptions of Last Things," p. 82.

SAUL THE PERSECUTING RABBI 27
himself had dared to say that he would destroy the
temple itself, and now Stephen is repeating that saying
(Acts 6 : 14) and is depreciating the value of the temple
in the worship of God (7 : 48). He has actually charged
us with not keeping the law, as if the Pharisees were
not orthodox! He even insults the Sanhedrin by ac
cusing them of being "betrayers and murderers" of
Jesus (7 : 52) ! As if Jesus were not legally tried and con
demned by Pontius Pilate the Roman Governor!
No wonder the Sanhedrin are gnashing their teeth at
this blasphemer and have stopped their ears to hear
no more. He actually imagines that he sees Jesus
now! We will rush upon him without waiting for a
formal vote of condemnation. Even Gamaliel does
not protest. Out of the city we shall go and stone him
there as a common blasphemer. So is justice satisfied
and the temple preserved.
Saul did not, indeed, cast a stone at him. He could
not stoop to that, nor was it necessary for him to stain
his hands with blood that far. Perhaps he did not
stop to analyze his ideas and emotions very closely at
the moment. It was mob violence, in fact, close to a
modern lynching. He could justify it if necessary, for
Stephen deserved his fate! Indeed, the Sanhedrin
could no longer put one to death without the consent
of the Roman Governor, and this it had been difficult
to obtain in the case of Jesus. On the whole, therefore,
it was just as well to take the law into their own hands.
The excitement and resentment of the moment had

28 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
led Saul on along with the crowd. There may have
been an unconscious personal element in it all. If
Saul had gone down in defeat before Stephen in the
Cilician synagogue, a touch of personal revenge came
in also. This was Saul's answer to Stephen's un
answerable addresses. Thus the defeated rabbis had
squared accounts with Jesus for that last debate in
the temple. Stephen would never trouble Saul again.
Saul was not merely passive in the matter of Stephen's
death. He was a scholar and a rabbi and so left the
actual killing to others. But he was in hearty sympa
thy with the deed. "And Saul was consenting unto
his death" (Acts 8:1). The word here used (<rvvev-
Sok&v) in its simple form is the one used of the Father's
good pleasure in the Son (Matt. 3 : 17). It suggests
complacent approval, and the preposition adds to the
force of the verb ("perfective" use of the preposition).
We may pause a moment, therefore, to contemplate
the brilliant young rabbi who is now introduced to us
for the first time in Luke's narrative. He was not the
kind of a man to do things by halves. He had been
drawn into the controversy against Stephen in behalf of
Pharisaism. His whole soul was enlisted in the cause.
He probably did not at first expect to have a very
active part in the matter. Stephen had been formally
arraigned before the Sanhedrin, and witnesses had
been secured to testify against him. It was Stephen's
own speech which had precipitated the riot and the
death in this form. But things had to take their course.

SAUL THE PERSECUTING RABBI 29
There was no need of Saul's going further in the matter.
One mob did not matter so much after all, especially as
it had the seeming approval of the members of the
Sanhedrin itself.
2. Saul's Leadership in the Persecution. — Saul never
sought to shift the responsibility in the matter to the
Sanhedrin. He always confessed simply : " I persecuted
the church of God, and made havoc of it" (Gal. 1:13),
"I was before a blasphemer, and a persecutor, and
injurious" (I Tim. 1:13). The wonder ever was to
him how Jesus counted him worthy, putting him into
the ministry. The narrative of Luke (Acts 8:1) seems
to imply that the extension of the persecution to the
other Christians was more a natural evolution than the
result of preconcerted action. It is easier to start a
fire than to put it out. It is the history of mob law
everywhere. It is first just for this one man guilty of
so grave a crime. Then it is for any one charged with
that crime or even suspected of it. Then the ven
geance of the mob vents itself on anybody suspected of
any crime. The excuse against Stephen had been that
he was a blasphemer against Moses and the temple.
The charge against the rest of the Christians is that
they are sympathizers with Stephen. They are guilty
of the crime of being disciples of Jesus. Christ had
sought to protect the Apostles when he was himself
caught in the toils of hate and gave himself up to his
destiny. (John 18 : 8). They had escaped persecution
then, though Peter had quailed before the sneers of the

30 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
servants. Since the Ascension of Jesus the Apostles
had learned what it was to go to prison for Christ.
They had the new-found joy, " that they were counted
worthy to suffer dishonor for the Name" (Acts 5 : 41).
The death of Stephen had extended the persecution
to the deacons if we are justified in so terming the
Seven chosen in Acts 6 : 1-6.
But the persecution that arose on the very day of
Stephen's death was "against the church that was in
Jerusalem." There, for the first time, was a general
attack on the entire body of believers in Jerusalem.
This attack was so "great" that the bulk of them fled
for their lives instanter and were scattered throughout
Judea and Samaria. The Apostles stood their ground.
They had gotten used to going to prison. Besides, if
Stephen could die, so could they. It is not clear whether
the "devout men" who gave Stephen decent burial,
were believers or merely sympathizers who had cour
age enough to do that service to the first martyr of the
faith. The work of extermination was swift and seemed
complete. But it is just at this point that Saul steps to the front.
He wishes no half-way measures. It is a great popu
lar movement to stamp out the vicious heresy and
rescue Pharisaism from future peril. In every crisis
there is always a man who comes to the surface as the
man of the hour. It is not always true that a man
makes a crisis or the crisis the man. Sometimes both
spring up together and react the one on the other.

SAUL THE PERSECUTING RABBI 31
Saul "laid waste the church, entering every house"
(Acts 8 : 3). Already the term church (i/cKXrjo-ia) has
left its merely etymological sense of assembly and taken
on that of body. It was a church when out of service
as well as when assembled. One can well imagine the
dumb terror that entered into the hearts of the Christians
who had remained in the city. It was bad enough to
feel the senseless rage of a mob which spent itself in a
day. But here was relentless hate that deliberately
violated the precincts of one's home. The approval of
the Sanhedrin (Acts 26 : 10) gave this high-handed action
of Saul the semblance of legality, but it cannot mitigate
the bitterness that filled his own soul as he dragged
men and even women out of their homes to prison for
the crime of Christianity.
One might palliate a spurt or two of this sort on the
part of the hot-blooded young rabbi, who, like all perse
cutors, had his conscience and his prejudices sadly
mixed. He "shut up many of the saints in prison"
(Acts 26 : 10), and kept it up as long as there were any
to seize. His activity in Jerusalem ceased only when
the material there gave out. He had various means
of refined cruelty for those who did not flee before this
wolf who was ravening the fold. Some he simply
punished in the synagogues (Acts 26 : 11). This he
did "oftentimes," though the exact shape that his wrath
took is not made clear. He even "strove to make them
blaspheme" the name of Jesus. Let us hope that he
failed in this attempt. One is reminded of the days

32 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
of Antiochus Epiphanes. Others were put to death
by formal vote of the Sanhedrin and with Saul's full
approval (Acts 26 : 10). It is a grewsome tale at best,
and the matter is not improved when Luke describes
Saul as "yet breathing threatening and slaughter
against the disciples of the Lord" (Acts 9:1). That
"yet" is quite significant. His thirst for blood was
not quenched while any Christians remained. True,
the Apostles were not seized then, though why they
escaped we do not clearly see. They remained boldly
behind and even untouched. There is sometimes safety
in boldness.
Saul himself has grown apace. He had in him the
material for an arch-persecutor if the occasion came.
He was made of the right stuff and his training under
Gamaliel gave help also. The touch of Hellenism in
him was not enough to withstand the lion of Pharisa
ism once aroused. One recalls also that the Athenians
demanded the death of Socrates and Antiochus Epiph
anes sought to inject Hellenism into the Jews by com
pulsion. Saul had been taught to regard the minutest
regulation and scruple of the oral tradition as on a par
with the very Word of Jehovah. The intensity and
ardor of his nature added fuel to the dry tinder of
rabbinism. Individual infallibility and conscientious
ness make a dangerous combination. Once his blood
was up it was easy to spring from the place of helper
at the death of Stephen to that of leader in a great move
ment to rid the country of the disciples of the hated

SAUL THE PERSECUTING RABBI 33
Nazarene. One can well suppose that his former
fellow-students rallied around the brilliant young leader.
In all probability Saul led a student movement against
Christianity with the sanction of the Jewish authorities.
The Sanhedrin had itself tried to put down this heresy,
but Gamaliel had put a stop to their proceedings.
They now rejoiced in a Pharisaic revival as an offset to
the rising tide of Christian power in Jerusalem. This
tide had been neglected too long.
3. Saul's Connection with the Sanhedrin. — The ques
tion is raised at once whether Saul himself was a mem
ber of the Sanhedrin. If one takes the language used
by him in Acts 26 : 10 ("I gave my vote against them")
literally, then he was, of course, a member of this august
body. It must be confessed that this is the obvious
and natural way to take the language. There exists,
so far as I know, no real obstacle in the way of such a
fact. He was young, and yet he was probably over
thirty. If he had to be married, as was the custom,
we have no evidence to the contrary. His unmarried
state later (I Cor. 7 : 8) can be explained just as well on
the ground that he was a widower. It is to be said
further that one small objection to Paul's comments
on the subject of marriage would thus be removed.
It is, of course, not impossible to think of a merely meta
phorical use of the term "vote" in Acts 26 : 10. But,
on the whole, it seems more than probable that he
means to imply that he was a member of the Sanhedrin.
It is not impossible that the rather^f&myia^aaeof Acts

34 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
22 : 5 is explained by this fact: "As also the high priest
doth bear me witness, and all the estate of the elders:
from whom also I received letters unto the brethren."
Observe that "the brethren" here are Jewish brethren,
not Christians. Note also "brethren and fathers" in
verse 1. If he was a member of the Sanhedrin, it is
possible that it was due chiefly to his activity in this
persecution as a reward of merit. He may have been
promoted rapidly by reason of his unusual zeal for the
cause. At first blush it seems a Uttle strange that the San
hedrin should here be exercising the power of death
when in the trial of Jesus it is expressly disclaimed by
them to Pilate (John 18 : 31). We do not know, to be
sure, the exact date of the events growing out of the
stoning of Stephen. There was some delay in the
appointing of a successor to Pontius Pilate, who was
recalled in A.D. 36. But even before that time his
great unpopularity had broken his authority with the
people very largely. It is entirely possible, therefore,
that the Sanhedrin may have taken the reins of au
thority back into their own hands in this time of con
fusion. They could have evaded responsibility for the
death of Stephen, but not for those slain under Saul's
leadership since he expressly says that he "received
authority from the chief priests" (Acts 26:10). But
Luke is so careful in other matters that one cannot
well doubt his comments here merely on the ground of
our ignorance of the true explanation. He has been

SAUL THE PERSECUTING RABBI 35
vindicated on too many points already where quibbles
of like nature were once raised against him.
But, whether Saul was an actual member of the San
hedrin or not, he was in the closest touch with them
now. He was, indeed, their spokesman. Perhaps
Gamaliel felt that his hopes about Saul were already
more than realized. He had known that a great future
was before him. It had come more quickly than he
had expected. He could rest in peace now. As Presi
dent of the Sanhedrin (A.D. 30-51)1 he was in a posi
tion to work in thorough accord with his great pupil
who was now so active in Jewish public life.
4. Saul's Fight to a Finish. — He was "exceedingly
mad against them" (Acts 26 : 11). Those not already
dead he had driven out of town. That ought to have
satisfied an ordinary man. But Saul was not an ordi
nary man. He "persecuted them even unto foreign
cities." "Beyond measure" (Gal. 1 : 13) he was zealous
in his persecution. No wonder that the poor fleeing
disciples went as far as Damascus and Cyprus. The
marvel is that they stopped at all. This Pharisaic
war-horse sniffed the battle from afar. His very breath
(evn-veav) was threat and slaughter (Acts 9 : 1). He
seemed to have paused a moment to survey the field
of carnage. News came to him that a band of believers
in Jesus had collected in Damascus. That was enough
for Saul. He "went unto the high priest, and asked
of him letters to Damascus unto the synagogues, that
1 Pick, "What is the Talmud?" p. 31.

36 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
if he found any that were of the Way, whether men or
women, he might bring them bound to Jerusalem"
(Acts 9 : 1 f.). Once in prison in Jerusalem the pun
ishment (Acts 22 : 5) would be easy. He was deter
mined to finish the business while he was at it.
He was going with "the authority and commission
of the chief priests " (Acts 26 : 12), and that authority
would have been acknowledged beyond doubt if he
could once have served his papers. The Jew, like the
modern Roman Catholic, owed a double allegiance,
one to his state, the other to the ecclesiastical or temple
authorities at Jerusalem. It is not certain whether
Damascus was at this time under Roman rule or under
a governor of Aretas as was the case a little later
(II Cor. 11 :32). The point is not material. In either
event the Sanhedrin claimed religious control over
Jews, and Christians as yet were treated merely as a
sect of Jews like the Sadducees or Pharisees.
Saul was now the typical heresy-hunter of all time.
He has been carried on by the tide of events till he is
the acknowledged leader of aggressive and triumphant
Pharisaism. He felt himself pitted against the very
name of Jesus. Brutal passion was linked with high
motives. He felt personal zest in his attacks on the fol
lowers of Jesus. He had outlined a definite programme
of extermination, and complete success was within his
grasp. It is idle to conjecture what might have happened if
Saul had met Jesus in Jerusalem before his crucifixion.

SAUL THE PERSECUTING RABBI 37
The probability is that he would have joined the Jewish
leaders in crucifying him, for Jesus opposed the precious
theology which Saul had learned from Gamaliel. But,
whatever might have happened then, the offence of the
cross was insuperable. To Saul the cross was the very
curse of God upon this Messianic pretender (Gal. 3 : 13).
He richly deserved the shameful death that befell him.
Perhaps as Saul rode upon his way to Damascus his
mind was full of thoughts about the great events that
had recently occurred. The Christians were a stub
born set and were hard to teach the truth, the ortho
doxy of the time. The death of Jesus ought to have
been enough. But Stephen had gone the same way.
It was a pity, for Stephen was a man of parts. After
all, the leaders were the most responsible. He would
take up the case of the Apostles when he returned to
Jerusalem, for they had been neglected too long. It
was too bad that these ignorant and misguided fol
lowers of Jesus had to be slaughtered like sheep. It
was particularly bad about the women. He had
shrunk back at that a number of times, but the miserable
business would soon be over. Then he could return
to the study of theology. There were some new
apocalypses that he had not yet had time to read. Of
course it was not worth while to make any serious
investigation of the claims of Christianity. It was
bound to be false since it was opposed to Pharisaism
which was the test of all truth. Gamaliel was a great
teacher. How fortunate he had been in his career

38 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
so far, in his parents, his home advantages, his theo
logical training, this very uprising which had given him
his opportunity. He was now the victorious champion
of orthodox Judaism. The path ran straight before him
to glory and power. True, Stephen had said some
things about Jesus that had a fascination for him at
times when he had leisure for abstract thought. Some
day he would look further into this question of the
Messiah. Then at night, ofttimes, the wistful face of
Stephen haunted him. Just before he died he really
did look like an angel, and he spoke as if he were talk
ing directly to Jesus. What if it should turn out after
all that Stephen was right, that Jesus was really the
Messiah, that all these disciples whom he had destroyed,
men and women, were pious people? The faces of
some of them were strangely ecstatic as they died!
And why did they die so cheerfully? How could
heretics have any consolation in the hour of death?
But away with such thoughts which sting one like an
ox's goad. The road to Damascus was indeed beauti
ful, but the noonday sun was growing very hot and
the glare of the sand was painful. It would be pleasant
to be at the journey's end. What a surprise he had in
store for the heretics in Damascus! They could hardly
know that he was coming. Damascus was a great
and ancient city. He would be glad to see it.

CHAPTER III
SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS
"Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me?" (Acts 9:4).
1. The Challenge by Jesus. — The darkest hour is
just before the dawn. From the human point of view
Saul was carrying everything before him. Unless his
career was stopped the annihilation of Christianity
may have seemed imminent to some of the disciples.
And who was there who could stop his onward course ?
No one of the Apostles at Jerusalem seemed equal to
the task, nor indeed all of them combined. No one of
them could stand before Saul nor was equal in ability,
training and experience. One may well contemplate
this "if of history." What would have been the his
tory of Christianity if Saul had not been converted?
It would not have been exterminated. That much we
know.1 But the difficulties in its path would have
been immeasurably greater than they were when he
stepped out of the way. A man is sometimes more than
a kingdom. Alexander was more powerful than all
the hosts of Darius. If Washington had been on the

» "But the Good Shepherd had heard the cries of the trembling
flock and went forth to face the wolf on their behalf." Stalker,
"Life of St. Paul," p. 43. 39

40 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
side of the British, the whole course of American his
tory might have been different.
Jesus had said that he would be with the disciples
all the days (Matt. 28 : 20). They had never needed
him more than now. It did seem to the despondent
disciples as if Jesus no longer cared what became of
his cause. Was he powerless to interfere? But just
at this point he did interpose in a wonderful way.
From every point of view we come here to one of the
epochs in human history, not merely an epoch in the
life of Saul. So many matters clamor for discussion
at this point that only a selection of the most pressing
and pertinent can be attempted. In the whole dis
cussion one should keep in mind the larger aspects
of the matter, not merely the personal experience of
one man, important and vital as that is. If Jesus could
reach out his hand in behalf of his disciples, now was
the time and Saul was the man to lay hold of in this
supernatural way.
We may pass by the abstract discussion of the possi
bility of miracles. The world has largely lost interest
in that phase of the subject, and few, save the boldest
materialists like Haeckel, have the hardihood to say
any more what God can and cannot do. It is utterly
unscientific to approach this great event from the point
of view of the impossibility of the miraculous, as that
term is used for the unusual interposition of God in
human affairs. Indeed so strong and clear to many
has come the conception of the immanence of God in

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 41
nature that the absence of God would seem more of
a miracle than his presence. And, after all, what we
call the laws of nature are merely our notions or dis
coveries of God's ways, and these laws worked before
we discovered them as do the many others that we have
not yet found out.
But still we must squarely face the question, Did
Saul see Jesus ? That is a matter to be determined by
historical evidence. We need not here enter into the
metaphysical or psychical phases of the subject which
are brought up by the word uxpdrj "appeared" in I
Cor. 15 : 8, except to observe that it is the very same
word that Paul uses about the appearance of Jesus
to the Apostles and others after the resurrection
(I Cor. 15 : 5-7). Luke uses the same word about the
appearance of Jesus in Luke 24 : 34. It is no mere refine
ment of Paul's. What Paul's doctrine of the resurrec
tion of the body of Jesus was is not the point at issue
here. It is the personality of Jesus in visible and
audible form that Saul claims to have met. The
notion of a mere vision of Jesus, who had no real body,
does not relieve the incident of its supernatural aspect.
That, after all, is the crux of this problem as it is of the
resurrection of Jesus himself, not to say the funda
mental question of Christianity itself.1 It is obviously
true that the new knowledge in psychology decreases
the difficulties in the way of our apprehension of the
phenomena connected with Saul's conversion. We
1 Cf. Orr, "The Resurrection of Jesus" (1908).

42 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
may not hope that the discoveries concerning the sub
conscious mind or telepathy will relieve the incident
of all the supernatural element. But it is increasingly
hard on scientific grounds to deny the possibility of
the manifestation of God to man. What Paul means
beyond controversy is that he had a personal interview
with Jesus of Nazareth after his death. In that inter
view he heard the voice of Jesus and understood his
words in a conversation of some length (Acts 9 : 4-6;
22 : 7-10; 26 : 14-18). It was not a mere voice that Saul
heard. He claims that he saw Jesus (I Cor. 9 : 1).
There are difficulties of detail about the narratives in
Acts, but they are not specially material and have
possible explanations, such as the men standing speech
less (Acts 9:7) and the falling down of all (Acts 26:14),
where two stages may be referred to, though we do
not know. In the contradiction between hearing the
voice (a/covovTe; rfj'; <pcovr)<; Acts 9 : 7) and not hearing
the voice (ttjv cjjqjvtjv ovk fjnovaav Acts 22 : 9) the dif
ference in case (hearing the sound with the genitive and
understanding the sense with the accusative) is in har
mony with ancient Greek usage. They all beheld the
light, but Jesus spoke to Saul (Acts 22 : 9), not to the
men. They were all dazed by the brilliance of the light
that flashed at mid-day above the brightness of the sun
(Acts 26 : 13). It is admitted that the men with Saul
did not comprehend this event and that Saul fell to the
ground himself (Acts 9 : 4) from the glory of the light out
of heaven. When he rose from the earth, he was blind.

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 43
What happened to Saul on the road to Damascus?
Only three alternatives are possible. Either Saul
invented this story as an excuse for his change of atti
tude toward Jesus, or he was deceived by a wrong
interpretation of a natural phenomenon, or he has told
what actually occurred. I see no escape from these al
ternatives. We cannot throw on Luke the responsi
bility of making up the whole matter including Saul's
speeches in Acts 22 and 26. For one thing, he did
not even take the trouble to correct verbal disagree
ments. Another and much more important point is
that Saul himself repeatedly affirms the heart of his
story in his own Epistles. If we left Acts out entirely
we should have substantially the same problem as be
fore. The position that Saul deliberately made up
such a story to justify his desertion of Judaism and
espousal of Christianity is a psychological impossibility
plain to any one familiar with human nature and the
facts of Saul's life up to this point, not to say afterward.
That he misinterpreted a natural experience is more
worthy of discussion. But what sort of an experience ?
That he had an epileptic fit? Then how explain the
light, the voice, the effect on the other men? That
Saul was asleep and was awakened by a clap of thunder
and a flash of lightning ? But it seemed to have been
a clear day, not to mention the detailed conversation
and Saul's claim that he saw /Jesus. If one supposes
that Saul had worked himself into a fury over this
business of persecution and suddenly went mad, he

44 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
has more problems on his hands than he had before.
If one imagines that Saul, who did have trances and
dreams later, had a nightmare or a sunstroke, he like
wise makes Saul read back into a mass of incoherence
the most coherent and definite expression of his whole
life. However possible such a thing might be for a
mere neurotic, Saul's mental vigor and clearness re
main indisputable and a protest against such playing
with the deepest experience of a man like him. Add
to all this the clearness of Saul's recollection of the
interview (that it was in the Aramaic tongue) and
Saul's instant apprehension of the momentous issues
raised. Besides the whole current of his career was
flowing in a consistent channel. Schmiedel, indeed,
admits that Saul imagined that he saw Jesus. It was
an hallucination, but Saul was sincere in his belief that
he had had this experience. But here again Saul is
the last of men to be the victim of a mere hallucination,
especially on a theme so vital to his whole career.
Baur (" Paul," Vol. I, p. 68) doubts the historic reality
of the bright light, but at last confesses his inability
to explain away the experience of Saul by mere dia
lectical or psychological analysis (" Das Christentum,"
etc.). No rational motive for a deliberate change has
ever been suggested, and Saul was a rational man. I
mean no rational motive apart from Saul's own state
ment of the case. Against his own wish and plan he
was seized and turned round. Saul says that Jesus
did it. No one has yet successfully explained away

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 45
Saul's own explanation of what occurred to him on the
way to Damascus.
Saul was too clear-headed to quibble with Jesus
about the use of "me" (Acts 9 : 4). He would have
persecuted Jesus in person if he had had a chance.
He was not now persecuting the disciples of Jesus for
their own sakes. It was the teaching and career of
Jesus that he was aiming at all the time. He did not
yet know how true in the mystic sense it was that Jesus
was identified with his people. "Caput pro membris
clamabat" (Augustine). The matter was at bottom
a personal one between Saul and Jesus. By the most
unexpected turn in a man's career possible he suddenly
was face to face with Jesus of Nazareth whose Messianic
claims he had denied, whose name he had traduced,
and whose disciples he had led to prison and death.
The zealot for the traditions of the fathers was at once
put on the defensive and challenged to give a reason
for the faith that was in him and in particular for the
excess of zeal shown in his persecution of the saints.
2. The Quandary of Saul. — It is a shock to have
one's unquestioned beliefs suddenly challenged, espe
cially if one had simply assumed them as true without
any effort to formulate an explanation of them. Saul
was no novice in Pharisaism. He knew what the
rabbis taught. He knew the line of cleavage in theol
ogy that divided the Pharisees from the disciples of
Jesus. If he had been asked at another time, he could
have presented a reasoned, if not rational, justification

46 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
of the whole case of ceremonial religion against the
emotional spiritual theology of the Christians. But
he was manifestly caught at a disadvantage and there
was no time for theological fencing. He was face to
face with the eternal realities and the foundations
of his theological prepossessions were crumbling all
around him. It was idle to argue on minor points
when the major premise was in ruins. He will not
attempt to answer the "why" of this inquiry till he
leams "who" it is (Acts 9 : 4 f.) that makes the demand.
One thinks rapidly in an emergency. He speaks
deferentially and the word "Lord" apparently implies
more than merely the civil "Sir" of ordinary address
which the word may mean. He is willing to admit
the supernatural (perhaps angelic) visitation. Beyond
doubt Saul was filled with awe and so was on the way
toward agreement with the demands of the strange
visitor. Besides, the stranger had made use of a proverb
that bore marvellously on his personal situation. "It
is hard for thee to kick against the goad" (Acts 26:
14). How came this visitor to know that Saul had
had secret struggles, may, indeed, have been but just
now struggling with them in an acute form? When,
indeed, Saul himself at first may not have been fully
conscious of it?1
3. The Personal Issue Pressed by Jesus. — The reply
of the stranger repeats the charge of the first inquiry
1 Bacon, "Story of St. Paul," p. 37.

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 47
"whom thou persecuted" (Acts 9 : 5). The repetition
of the charge would not decrease the tension of the
moment. His answer removes all doubt as to the
personality of the speaker by the use of the name
Jesus of Nazareth (Acts 22 : 8). He calls himself Jesus,
the human name hated by Saul. He does not here claim
to be the Christ (Messiah). It is not a time to raise
theological discussion by the use of terms. It is the
historic Jesus of Nazareth who here converses with
Saul of Tarsus. He is confronted with his hitherto
unseen enemy, and now he must explain why he hates
him. While Saul hesitates, for he is in doubt for once
in his life, Jesus bids him to rise to his feet. Jesus
resumes the conversation, when Saul, in a conflict of
emotion, asks what he is to do. Jesus tells him to go on
to Damascus as he had planned. There he would find
one who would tell him what to do (Acts 9:6). A new
destiny is now "appointed" for him (Acts 22:10).
For a while he must remain in darkness as to what that
destiny is. In Acts 26 : 16-18 Paul, in his address to
Agrippa, in the brief summary omits the mission to
Damascus and puts in the mouth of Jesus the message
of Ananias. But that is a mere detail and easily under
stood. Jesus has sharpened the issue between himself and
Saul of Tarsus. He assumes that Saul surrenders.
What will Saul do now ? The crisis of his life is upon
him. He cannot turn to Gamaliel for advice, nor to
his father and mother. Here in the open and practically

48 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
alone with this wondrous Person he must decide. We
may well imagine that he foresaw what would happen
to him if he gave up to Jesus. He knew the Pharisees.
He saw what he had to undergo. But was Jesus what
he claimed to be? What must he answer to this
Voice? 4. The Surrender of Saul. — Did Saul give up to
Christ at this point, or was it only after his eyes were
opened in Damascus that he was converted? There
is no doubt as to the conviction at this point. The
matter is not very material, but one is led to conclude
that the surrender took place during the interview
with Jesus from the question which Saul made to
Jesus: "What shall I do, Lord?" (Acts 22 : 10). The
temper of this inquiry is one of submission to the will
of Jesus. He surrenders on the spot and at discretion.
There is no reserve. He is the slave of Jesus from this
time forth, to obey the commands of the Lord Christ.
Light had shone into his heart, "the light of the knowl
edge of the glory of God in the face of Jesus Christ"
(II Cor. 4:6). He had seen the face of Jesus be
fore he fell to the earth and darkness came over
him. Stephen was right when he thought that he looked
upon Jesus standing at the right hand of God. The
spirit of controversy has left Saul. He wishes to know
what Jesus wishes for him to do. "I was not diso
bedient unto the heavenly vision" (Acts 26 : 19).
This interpretation of the story is not without diffi-

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 49
culty, though the most probable on the whole. It is
hard to think of so radical a change in a man like
Saul taking place so suddenly. But a tornado had
swept over Saul and there was no room left for dispute
with the storm. Some light is thrown on the matter
by the words of Jesus about kicking against the goad
(Acts 26 : 14). They suggest a struggle in Saul's soul
that had been going on for some time. Our ignorance
of such a struggle does not controvert the words of
Christ on the subject. Saul does not contradict the
indictment of Jesus. Saul had failed in the moment
of his triumph. Persecution was futile. Saul's state
of mind may have been more ready for the capture
by Jesus than we know. Two explanations of the
possible preparation in Saul's own mind have been
offered. One (see Findlay, on Paul, in Hastings'
"D. B.") view is that the goad was Saul's struggle with
the law from the awakened sense of sin (Rom. 7 : 9 f.).
It was a bootless conflict with the commands of the
law. Pharisaism was not wholly satisfactory. The
other view is that Jesus had more fascination for Saul
than he had been willing to admit. Stephen had left
his mark upon Saul who was really to take up the
unfinished task of this exponent of spiritual religion.
In spite of his vigorous attacks on Christianity he had
had secret misgivings as to whether, after all, Stephen
might not be right. This explanation is well set forth
by Bruce.1 The very vehemence of Saul's persecution
1 " St. Paul's Conception of Christianity."

50 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
was partly due to the lurking doubt that Jesus might
be in truth the Messiah.
"Who lights the fagots?
Not the full faith; no, but the lurking doubt."
This inward struggle may very well have included
both of these elements. The sudden and penetrating
question of Jesus with this remonstrance served to
reveal Saul to himself. The inner light from Christ's
face exposed Saul's heart to his own gaze. Often the
man who shouts the loudest his own orthodoxy is a
heretic at heart. All that may be needed for crystalli
zation is a jar of the glass. It is one of the causes for
gratitude that it was not psychologically impossible
for Saul of Tarsus to turn his face in full surrender to
Jesus of Nazareth.
But, when all is said, there remains the supreme
difficulty. Why did Saul surrender to Jesus? As
a matter of fact at bottom the surrender of Saul to
Jesus does not differ from that of others. Jesus as
sumes the mastery of Saul at once. Saul wavered
not for a moment afterward. His course had run
straight on and consistently up to this point. He all
at once wheeled right round and forever kept to the
new turn in his life. I have a notion that there is
something in this contact with Jesus that is not told.
Perhaps in the brief instant before darkness came Saul
saw the glory of God in the face of Jesus (II Cor. 4 : 6).
The transcendent, appealing, melting, powerful look

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 51
of Jesus, as in the case of Peter, may have broken every
barrier down. The stem will of Saul gave way be
fore the imperial will of Jesus. "It was by something
which may perhaps best be called a divine contagion
that the spirit of Paul was absorbed into the life of
Christ."1 5. The Temporary Darkness. — No reason for the
blindness is assigned other than the one given by Saul
himself. "I could not see for the glory of that light
(Acts 22:11). Luke (Acts 9:8) naively remarks:
" When his eyes were opened, he saw nothing." He had
spiritual light though physical blindness possessed him.
The contrast of the helpless blind man led by the hand
to Damascus with the masterful rabbi who was riding
the spirit of persecution to victory is complete. Cer
tainly the pathos of the situation is consonant with
the sudden whirl in the fortunes of Saul, whatever may
have been God's purpose in this affliction. The tables
were completely turned. He was now himself led by
the hand of Jesus (Phil. 3 : 12) and the spirit of perse
cution had died out in him forever.
Perhaps one object of the blindness to the outer
world was to give Saul a better opportunity for mental
readjustment. The affliction would be a perpetual
reminder of the genuineness of his experience. The
tornado had left his house of theology in a state of min.
As he sat in the ashes of humiliation, he could see the
¦Percy Gardner, "Historic View of the New Testament,"
p. 216.

52 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Phcenix of a new theology rise. The vision of Christ
had changed the whole world for Saul. All his anti-
Christian premises and conclusions had vanished in
a moment. As yet, and always, in fact, Jesus had come
to him "as to the child untimely bom" (I Cor. 15 : 8).
At this juncture it was all so new and strange that he
needed to feel his way and had to grope awhile. It
was appropriate that these three days of blindness
should be a time of fasting also (Acts 9:9).
It was fitting that he should go on to Damascus.
His papers for the arrest of the disciples were now
useless. But it would bring matters to a clearer focus
for him to take his stand in Damascus with the very
people whose destruction he had had in mind. He would
never persecute again, though he would often be the
victim of persecution.
6. The Appeal to Ananias. — It is, perhaps, needless
to moralize on the reason for the use of a man like
Ananias to induct Saul in a more formal way into the
outward observances of Christianity. The miracle
was necessary to halt Saul and turn his course. A
miracle is not needed for the more humble duties that
fell to the lot of Ananias, save the opening of Saul's
eyes. This of itself is explanation enough for the
fact that in these respects Saul followed the usual course
of other believers in Jesus.
But even Ananias had to be made ready for Saul.
The fame of the arch-persecutor had gone far and wide.
It is the Lord Jesus who appears to Ananias to per-

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 53
suade him to receive Saul to his heart. This is evident
from the terms used in Acts 9 : 15 ff. The difficulty of
this appearance of Jesus is certainly no greater than that
to Saul and is free from the outward phenomena. But
the heart of the problem remains the same, which is
the manifestation of the Risen Christ to a mortal man.
That is a supernatural fact, not an ordinary experience.
There is, of course, the further difference that in the
appearance of Saul there was not a mere vision.
Ananias is not, however, thrown into the state of ex
citement that was true of Saul. He recognizes the
voice of the Lord, but is not willing to obey without
protest (cf. Simon Peter on the house-top at Joppa).
Evidently Saul, at the house of Judas (curious names
to be revived in Saul's experience, Judas and Ananias),
had made no proclamation of the fact that he was now
a follower of Jesus. The news of his mission had ap
parently come to Damascus ahead of him, and the fact
that he had papers from the chief priests for the binding
of the believers was also known. Ananias knew "how
much evil he did to thy saints at Jerusalem" (Acts 9:13).
This is an interesting colloquy where the servant shows
more anxiety for the safety of the saints than the Master
does. It was only after further assurance of the Lord's
purpose concerning Saul (Acts 9 : 15 f.) that Ananias
consented to do his part by Saul.
Saul, indeed, did not know of the reluctance of
Ananias to welcome him to the fold, this wolf suddenly
lying down with the lambs, for he speaks only well of

54 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Ananias (Acts 22 : 12). But Saul himself had been
granted a vision of his benefactor coming to him and
laying his hands upon him that he might receive his
sight again (Acts 9 : 12). Thus again, in a truly un
usual way, a welcome was provided for Saul among
the Christians of Damascus. If one is disposed to
scout the possibility or probability of such care on the
part of Jesus in such a matter, let him consider the
sure fate of Saul in Damascus if he had come announc
ing himself a new recruit for the cross! No one would
have believed this wolf in sheep's clothing! The dis
ciples knew too well his teeth and claws.
But, once he started, Ananias opened his whole
heart. He greeted him as "Brother Saul" (Acts 9 : 17),
and explained to him that the same Jesus who had ap
peared to him had sent him. Thus Saul knew it was
true, for he had not told his wondrous experience and
yet it was known. Thus, at the very start, Saul's ex
perience of grace in Christ was the open sesame to
other Christian hearts. What exact relation existed
between the laying on of the hands and the opening
of Saul's eyes we may not settle. It was, indeed, a
miraculous restoration, and synchronized, not his con
version, which had already occurred, but the bestowal
of the Holy Spirit (Acts 9:17). It is one of the mysteries
of the apostolic history how the bestowal of the
Holy Spirit for service, not for salvation, was so often
at the hands of men and accompanied by miracles. It
does not, of course, follow that we to-day may not be

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 55
filled with the Holy Spirit for service save by the ac
companiment of miracles and at the hands of others.
But it is a point on which later Saul will insist that his
apostleship is wholly independent of that of the Twelve.
They imparted nothing to Saul, he is careful to explain
(Gal. 2 : 6 f.). When he consciously receives his sight,
he looks up joyfully to Ananias who had brought him
this blessing (Acts 22 : 13).
The baptism of Saul, likewise, calls for a few words.
So far as the record indicates, there was no meeting of
the disciples in Damascus, if indeed a church had been
already organized there. It seems to be a meeting
between only Ananias and Saul at the home of Judas.
There would be no difficulty about the baptism, since
the Jews, like other Orientals, had bathing facilities
in the court. But the fact that Saul submitted to the
usual rite without protest shows how normally baptism
followed conversion. The use of "wash away thy
sins," in Acts 22:16, in connection with "baptize,"
cannot properly be insisted on as teaching baptismal
salvation, since the Oriental symbolism often put the
symbol to the forefront in descriptions when, as a matter
of fact, the experience preceded the symbol in order of
time. We know, in fact, that this was the case here, for
Saul not only was already converted, but had received
the Holy Spirit before his baptism (Acts 9 : 17 f.).
Saul now took food and was strengthened.
7. The Call to a World Mission. — Jesus had told
Saul that he would be told in Damascus what it was

56 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
appointed for him to do. He knew full well what he
had given up in choosing Jesus as Lord and Saviour.
He had suffered the loss of all things (cf. Phil. 3 :4~9).
He gave up all that he held dear, pride of race, family,
creed, position, fame, leadership. These he will come
to count loss for Christ, and he will not complain. He
is indeed a new man in Christ Jesus with a new world
outlook (II Cor. 5 : 17). But Ananias was charged with
a new commission from Jesus, to take the place of the
papers from the Sanhedrin. Jesus had assured Ananias
that Saul of Tarsus, strange as it might seem, was
a "vessel of choice" for him. God goes to strange
places for his agents : to the wilderness for John, to the
despised Nazareth for the Messiah, to the fishermen
and the publicans for the Apostles, to the jail for the
dreamer, to the cobbler's bench for the great mission
ary, to the priest for a revolutionist against the papacy,
to the ringleader of the Pharisees for the spiritual
emancipator of Jew and Gentile. This quondam leader
of an inquisition is to bear the name of Jesus be
fore Gentiles, kings, and the children of Israel (Acts
9 : 15).
Ananias is able to explain to Saul why Jesus has
called him, how "the God of our fathers hath appointed
thee to know his will, and to see the Righteous One, and
to hear a voice from his mouth. For thou shalt be
a witness unto all men of what thou hast seen and
heard" (Acts 22 : 14 f.). Thus, in few words, that
Saul never forgot, he hears his destiny proclaimed.

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 57
As he recites it elsewhere (Acts 26 : 18), he is to open
the eyes of the Gentiles, just as his own have been
opened, to turn them from darkness to light, that
Gentiles as well as Jews may receive remission of sins.
He is to be a minister and a witness of what he has
seen and of what he will see (26 : 16). His theology
and message will therefore be grounded in his own
experience. A good part of this experience is yet to
come and he will learn as he receives it, "for I will
show him how many things he must suffer for my
name's sake" (Acts 9 : 16), Jesus said to Ananias.
Fortunately for Saul this revelation of his sufferings
was not to come all at once. The time will come when
his chief ground for glorying will be the sufferings that
he undergoes for Christ (II Cor. 11 : 23-33), though
he could ultimately glory in other things also. But
the point to observe just here is that Saul was not
drawn into the service of Christ under a misapprehen
sion of what was before him. He knew what he was
to receive in lieu of what he had given up.
One need not insist, indeed, that Saul fully under
stood the significance of his mission to the Gentiles,
nor do we know how largely that aspect of his call
bulked in his mind at the time. The work for the
Jews was included also. The time will come when, by
agreement, there will be a delimitation of the work in
a general way (Gal. 2 : 9), though it was never meant
to be absolute. It always remained to Paul one of the
mysteries of grace how Jesus broke down the middle

58 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
wall of partition between Jew and Gentile (Eph. 2 : 4-6),
and in particular how to him, who was less than the
least of all saints, was this grace given to preach unto
Gentiles the unsearchable riches of Christ (Eph. 3:8).
In this world-wide mission he came to find the very joy
of work for Christ. He rose to his mission as God led
him on.
Saul, therefore, had a commission from Christ as
definite and clear as that given to the earlier Chris
tians who likewise received it in their capacity as indi
vidual Christians as did Saul. The commission of
Jesus to preach the Gospel to the heathen was not
merely to the Apostles, but was given to all Christians.
Not preachers alone have this obligation, but members
of the body of Christ have the burden of sending the
Gospel to all the world. This burden was rolled upon
Saul at the start.
But more than this is true, though all phases of it
do not come out here. Saul is called to be an inde
pendent Apostle to the Gentiles. This independence
he will later have reason to insist upon when his
apostleship itself is challenged by the Judaizers. In
Gal. 1 and 2 he makes a formal defence of his apostle
ship as he does with even more passion in II Cor.
10-13. He will work in harmony with the other Apos
tles (Acts 15 : 22; Gal. 2 : 6-10), though on occasion
he will resist Peter to the face (Gal. 2 : 11-21). It is
purely gratuitous for one to say, as does Baring Gould,1
1 "A Study of St. Paul," p. 83.

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 59
that Saul did not know till fourteen years after his
conversion that he was to go to the Gentiles. Such
juggling with the sources is wearisome. Not only was
the call to go to the Gentiles clear at first, but it was
repeated at Jerusalem (Acts 22 : 21) a few years later.
Paul was always distinctly conscious that he had re
ceived this definite ministry from Jesus himself (II
Cor. 5 : 18 f.; Gal. 1 : 1, 16). Jesus had said through
Ananias: "I send thee" (Acts 26 : 17). Though he
was not one of the Twelve, he was an Apostle in the
real sense. He had seen "Jesus our Lord" (I Cor.
9:1). He had received his apostleship directly from
Christ (Gal. 1 : 1, 11 f.). Ananias baptized him and
conveyed to him the message of Jesus, but he did not
get his apostolic authority from Ananias. It was a
comfort to Paul that, as a rule, the Gentiles were loyal
to him as the Apostle of Christ (I Cor. 9:2). He
had the seal of his apostleship in the conversion of the
Gentiles. Paul's Epistles are full of expression of his fidelity
to the call of Jesus. He tried to heed the voice of
Jesus. He felt a woe upon him if he did not preach
the gospel of Christ (I Cor. 9 : 16). He felt himself
the ambassador of Christ (II Cor. 5 : 20). He never
felt that he had succeeded as he could have wished
(Phil. 3 : 13), yet it was his constant aim to realize
Christ's ideal about him, to "lay hold of that for which
also I was laid hold on by Christ Jesus" (verse 12).
If his office as Apostle is grounded more in the inter-

60 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
nal revelation of Christ in him (Gal. 1 : 12, 16),1 yet
it was far more than merely internal in its basis. If it
was pneumatique and mystique, it was also historique
and traditionaliste (Heinrich Bruders) in one sense only
of traditional, however. But the historic and the spir
itual aspects of Saul's mission were always clear to him.
God gave him all the signs of the Apostle (II Cor. 12 : 12)
and in truth as to authority and work he was not one
whit behind the chiefest Apostles (II Cor. 11 : 5). But
he was not merely an official Apostle, he was also and
mainly preacher and teacher of Christ Jesus (I Tim.
2 : 7; II Tim. 1 : 11).
8. Saul's Immediate Response to His Call. — We
must remember that Saul is already under the guidance
of the Holy Spirit. The Spirit of Jesus will block his
way (Acts 16 : 7) as well as direct him where to go
(13 : 2 f.). It is not possible to think of the restless
Saul as idle in Damascus. His first experience as a
preacher of Jesus was at Damascus (Acts 26 : 20).
The circumstances were not particularly auspicious.
"And all that heard him were amazed, and said, Is
not this he that in Jerusalem made havoc of them that
called on this name?" (Acts 9 : 21). The Jews them
selves would regard Saul as a renegade and a turncoat.
The disciples could not help being suspicious. Was
this a genuine conversion ? Would it hold out ? Why
1 Neander, " Planting of Christianity," Vol., I., p. 86. Cf. t» i/*ol
also in I Cor. 4:11. Thackeray, " Relation of St. Paul to Con
temporary Jewish Thought," p. 8, suggests that this may mean
"in my spirit," but "in my case" is probably the true idea.

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 61
had he changed his position? What was his motive
in it all ? They had abundant ground for their amaze
ment. It was a new experience for Saul. Never was a first
sermon a greater cause for embarrassment. No doubt
Saul's voice sounded strange to himself as he heard
it proclaiming "Jesus, that he is the Son of God"
(Acts 9 : 20). That was a new note, one that he had
never struck before. He did not know a great deal
of Christian theology. He had, indeed, heard Stephen
and others preach Jesus. But he keeps close to shore
in this first discourse. He preached what he had
learned from his own experience. That is the basis
of Saul's theology. He was able to identify Jesus
with the Son of God. He had grasped at the start the
humanity and the deity of Jesus. All the great super
structure of his future teaching will rest on this basis.
He knows by experience that Jesus is the Messiah of
the Jews (verse 22).
His preaching was powerful at first. He was indeed
already a man of education. He did not need to leam
how to think nor how to speak. He is a master in
speech by training and experience. So long as he con
fined himself to what he knew about Jesus he was on
safe ground. One can well imagine the commotion
that his advocacy of Christianity created among both
Jews and disciples in Damascus. It would seem as
if the Jews made reply to his onset, but were "con
founded" as completely as Saul had once been by

62 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Stephen. The resistance to Saul's main position put
him on his mettle. He was no longer a mere theological
hair-splitter. The days of quibbling had gone forever.
He had had a great experience that could never be
taken from him. Already he knew him whom he had
believed (II Tim. 1 : 12). J He would as soon doubt
his own existence as doubt that he had seen Jesus.
Hence Saul grew in strength by practice in speech.
Opposition roused him. He had a new passion that
had never before gripped his soul. He could under
stand better how Stephen had been so masterful and
mighty. The persecution in its organized form had collapsed.
It went down with the loss of its head. The church will
soon have peace (Acts 9 : 31). Meanwhile Saul him
self is the victim of resentful hate on the part of the
Jews in Damascus. He has to face the question of
going on in spite of their opposition, or returning to
Jerusalem, or of retiring to a strange region for a while.
There was nothing in Jerusalem to draw him now.
Damascus was in a turmoil. It was time for him to
take stock of his situation and see exactly how it was
with him. Events had moved so rapidly with him. He
had taken his stand for Christ. All the world would
now know where he stood.
9. The Apologetic Value of Saul's Conversion. — If
we leave the personal aspects of this great event, we
1 " His whole theology is nothing but the explication of his
own conversion." — Stalker, "Life of St. Paul," p. 45.

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 63
still have the effect of the change in Saul on Judaism
and on Christianity. As for Judaism, it is not merely
the collapse of the persecution that followed. There
was much more. The whole situation was at once
changed and Judaism was put on the defensive. The
time will come when Judaism will rally again and turn
on Paul with a vehemence and vengeance that will
seem all too familiar to him (Acts 22 : 3-5). But for
the present Saul had turned round and was preaching
that they should repent and turn to God, doing works
worthy of repentance (Acts 26 : 20), a proceeding
exactly in line with that of John the Baptist, of Jesus,
and of Stephen.
But it is Christianity itself that receives the greatest
impact from this reversal in Saul's position. For one
thing a new Apostle is gained on a par with the Twelve
who will be an independent witness of the resurrection
of Christ which is the fundamental proposition of
apostolic Christianity. He is not only the most brilliant
young Jew of his time, but is thoroughly equipped in
Jewish theology and methods of discussion. His-
Roman citizenship and Hellenistic affiliations in Tar
sus made him cosmopolitan in sympathy. He is an
Apostle of a new type and will be able to preach Jesus
to both Jew and Gentile throughout the Grseco-Roman
world. It will be small wonder if he becomes the chief
personal force in Christianity, next to his Lord and
Master. It is hard to overestimate the apologetic value of

64 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Saul's conversion to modern Christianity. The op
ponents of Christianity have always perceived that
the resurrection of Jesus and Saul's conversion were
the two great historical pillars that had to be overthrown.
For this purpose every form of attack known to crit
icism has been resorted to, verbal disagreements,
mythological parallels, scientific difficulties. Even the
existence of Saul as an historical personage has been
denied by the Dutch scholar Van Manen. Baur's
admission of the four great Epistles (I Cor., II Cor.,
Gal., Rom.) left the real problems of Jesus and Paul
just where they were before. In these very Epistles
he repeatedly and pointedly asserts the fact of the resur
rection of Jesus, a matter known to him by personal
experience. It was necessary either to overturn these
Epistles as genuine works of Paul, to find some other
interpretation of his language or some defect in Saul's
mental or moral endowment, or to accept Saul's testi
mony. The attempt has boldly been made to eliminate
Paul's Epistles entirely along with the Acts of the Apos
tles. It is now possible to say positively that this at
tempt has failed. On the other hand, the majority
of modern critics accept as genuine more Epistles of
Paul than Baur did. But the acknowledgment of
these Epistles as genuine makes it impossible to make
a successful onslaught on Saul's integrity of mind or
heart. The same moral passion blazes here that was
once turned against Jesus. A wonderful mental clear
ness shines in Paul's writings that paralyzes any at-

SAUL'S VISION OF JESUS 65
tempt to make Saul appear a fool or a weakling. But
to cease to try to find some weakness in Saul's armor
would be to admit his account of his conversion and
the tremendous corollary that goes with it, the resur
rection of Jesus and the truthfulness of Christianity.
The battle will never cease to rage around the ques
tion of Saul's conversion so long as Christianity has a
voice raised against it. But Saul's judgment about
the resurrection of Jesus was an historical judgment
based on his own experience in seeing Jesus and cannot
be lightly brushed aside as a mere "wonder," as Strauss
does in his "Leben Jesu." One has no right to say
that Saul was out of his body on this occasion as he
was later at Tarsus (II Cor. 12 : 2-5). He did not
tell what he heard at Tarsus. He never ceased telling
what he saw and heard on the road to Damascus.
Holsten's effort to explain Saul's vision of Jesus on
purely naturalistic grounds is not successful.1 Saul
not only dared everything for the new faith that was
in him, but it is impossible to believe that this high
allegiance was due to an illusion. Of all the men of
his time he shows spiritual sanity and insight. The
very wealth of Paul's view of Jesus gives much trouble
to the merely naturalistic theologian.2 The direct testi
mony of Saul to Jesus is not seriously impaired by
the attacks of Steck and Loman. Even Renan3 calls
1 "Zum Evangelium des Paulus und Petrus," (1868); "Das
Evangelium des Paulus Dargestellt" (1880).
3 Weizsacker, "Das Apostol. Zeitalter," etc., S. 120.
3 Les Apotres.

66 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Gal. 1 and 2 "les deux pages les plus importantes
pour l'e*tude du Christianisme naissant," and Pfleiderer1
compares Paul to Luther in the boldness of his stand
for Christ and its great results. Even a sorcerer could
see that there was some vital relation between Paul and
the Jesus whom he preached (Acts 19 : 13, 15). Saul
stood forth in defence of Christ against Jew and Gen
tile. He stands still a tower of strength, a bulwark
that cannot be moved. Saul's career makes it easier
for modern men to believe in Jesus of Nazareth. If
one thinks that the experience of Paul is so peculiar
as to rob it of evidential value, he must remember that
Saul was a religious genius of the highest order and
just the man to have and to interpret such an experi
ence.2 1 "Urchristenthum," S. 1534.
2 Sanday, Art. Paul in Hastings' "Dictionary of Christ and
the Gospels."

CHAPTER IV
SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY
"That I may know him and the power of his resurrec
tion" (Phil. 3:10).
1. Saul's Jewish Inheritance. — This is the striking
phrase of a recent German writer.1 What of his old
Judaism did Saul take with him into Christianity?
It is a pertinent inquiry and doubtless Saul had a
battle over just this matter. He was already a Jew
ish theologian of a high order of culture. He had
formulated or rather followed a definite theological
system. He had taken sides on many minor points.
He was a partisan theologian, in a word a Pharisee of
the type of Gamaliel. He was so fierce a rabbi that
he had believed in persecuting those who disputed the
tenets of Pharisaism. But we have already noted
that he was also familiar with the apocalyptic teaching
of the time. He uses in his Epistles later both the
rabbinical and the apocalyptic methods of discussion,
and naturally so for they were the current methods in
vogue among the Jews.2 But Sanday3 well observes
1 Kb'hler, "Zum Verstandnis des Ap. Paulus" (1908), S. 2.
2 On the place of eschatology and the apocalyptic form in
Paul's religious thought, see chapter I in Kennedy's "St. Paul's
Conceptions of Last Things." The Jew of the first century
A.D. did, indeed, have some alien influences on him. He had
passed through Egyptian, Babylonian, Persian, Greek rule. It
would have been a marvel if no trace of that fact were apparent.
3 Art. Paul, in Hastings' "D. C. G. "
67

68 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
that Paul rose above these methods very largely and
saw spiritual realities. In particular is this noticeable
in his use of the Old Testament. With the average
rabbi the comment on the Old Testament was more
important than the Scripture itself. But this was not
true of Paul. He knew the Old Testament and he
will come to get at the heart of the Scriptures even
though his method will at times be rabbinical or apoc
alyptic. But the right result is far more important
than the mere method of argument. There was much
in this body of Jewish theology that Saul did not have
to surrender. The great spiritual realities about God
and man remained the same. In the matters of dis
pute between Pharisees and Sadducees Saul remained
a Pharisee, and on occasion could say so (Acts 23 : 6),
especially on the point of the resurrection.
But one must not go to the extreme of finding in
Saul's Pharisaism the roots of all his Christian the
ology. Pfleiderer1 even traces Paul's doctrine of
justification by faith to his Pharisaic notions! One
could hardly go further astray, for the rest of Paul's
life will be spent in the endeavor to show how hollow
is the Pharisaic legal observance and how rich and
vital is the grace of Christ in the heart (Rom. 9 : 31).
Paul will indeed prove that Christianity is the real
Judaism, the spiritual Israel, the true Israel (Rom.
2 : 28 f.), but he will have to learn how this is true.
This interpretation is the very antithesis of that spirit
»" Paulinismus," S. 12.

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 69
which was satisfied merely with being the children of
Abraham. The Judaism of Saul was not that of John the
Baptist nor of Jesus. It was not that of Philo. It
was really Palestinian traditionalism with some out
side influences which tempered it and modernized it
to some extent. But his Judaism was hard enough to
amalgamate with Christianity. One has only to con
sider the struggle that Peter had towards the spiritual
and universal aspects of Christianity to sympathize
with Saul's limitations on this point. " He was changed
from an anti-Christian Jew to an anti-Jewish Chris
tian."1 This is rather an overstatement, for he loved
the Jews still, but he did oppose the current orthodoxy
of the Pharisees and of the Judaizers.
We know quite well what the Pharisaic notion of the
Messiah was. It is clear in the background of the Gos
pels as well as in such books as the Psalms of Solomon.
It is not necessary to draw that picture here in detail.
It is enough to say that while it had eschatological
features in some respects like that drawn by John the
Baptist and Jesus himself, at bottom it was widely
different. It concerned itself mainly with the temporal
side of life and the Pharisaic hope centred in a de
liverer from the Roman yoke who would impose
Pharisaic ceremonialism upon the whole world. There
was terrific opposition on the part of the Pharisees
•Means, "St. Paul and the Ante-Nicene Church," p. 6. Cf.
Hilgenfeld, "Zeitschrift fur Wiss. Theol.," B. XVIII., S. 162.

70 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
to the programme of Jesus in his teaching of a merely
spiritual Messiah who would reign in the hearts of men,
and in particular when that conception was embodied
in Jesus himself who had collided with the Pharisees
on various items of their theology, such as the Sabbath,
washing of hands, fasting, etc. Saul inherited this
antipathy to Jesus as the Messiah and was more
vindictive about it than any other Pharisee.
And yet God chose a Pharisee,1 but a Pharisee who
had already learned the emptiness of mere legal cere
mony and who could interpret that hollowness with
consummate skill after he had learned more completely
the difference between the letter and the spirit. He
was an expert in religiosity. He was to learn the heart
of religion.
Saul was already a theologian. He brought the
theologian's love of order and analysis with him. He
differs in the theological type of mind not only from
Jesus, but also from the other Apostles and New Testa
ment writers. He will naturally become the first
Christian theologian.2 Matthew Arnold3 perceives Paul's
Judaism so clearly that he considers it impossible to
tell what he really meant in his Epistles. This is an
overstatement surely. He did have the "thought-
forms" of his time as every one has, but the kernel is
not hard to get out of the hull.

'Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 69.
2 Means, " St. Paul and the Ante-Nicene Church," p. 3
3 "St. Paul and Protestantism," p. 23.

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 71
As already indicated, Saul was able to bring over the
heart of Judaism to his Christianity. His Christianity
will be rooted in his Judaism. In this he will not differ
from Jesus, his new Master, who in the Sermon on the
Mount carefully explains how his teaching seized the
spirit of the Old Testament and realized that ideal
while it was in opposition to some of the current in
terpretations and additions. Saul, though he has
undergone a revolution in his whole mental make-up,
never felt that he had deserted the true Judaism of
Abraham, Moses, David, Isaiah. He longed to lead
all Jews into the full fruition of their hopes. But the
apprehension of this point of view lies in the future
with Saul. He will admit that Jesus himself was born
under the law.1
2. Saul's Greek Inheritance. — Did Saul have af
finities with the Hellenism of his time ? The question
is hotly debated and has already been alluded to in
this book. Sabatier,2 for instance, says pointedly that
"to seek the origin of Paul's Christian universalism
in his Hellenism is, therefore, manifestly an entire
mistake." Pfleiderer3 even charges that Paul has
"rabbinized" Christ and hence has obscured Jesus
instead of revealing him. On the other hand, Rabbi
Kohler4 asserts that Paul was a Hellenist and no real
1 Hilgenfeld, "Zeitschrift fur Wiss. Th." (1894), S. 510.
2 "The Apostle Paul," p. 69.
3 " Influence of Paul on the Development of Christianity " (1885).
4 Article Saul of Tarsus, "Jewish Encycl." So Fraedlaender,
"Reliog. Beweg" ('05), rather overdoes the Hellenistic side
of Paul.

72 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Jew like Jesus! Paul, indeed, changed the whole
character and course of Christianity, for Jesus had no
notion of a break with Judaism. "Paul fashioned a
Christ of his own, a Church of his own, and a system
of belief of his own; and because there were many
mythological and gnostic elements in his theology
which appealed more to the non-Jew than to the Jew,
he won the heathen world to his belief." The truth is
between these two extremes.
As a Hellenistic Jew of Tarsus, Saul had been open
to the best things in Greek culture without any for
feiture of his Pharisaic loyalty.1 There has, indeed,
been no such blending of Judaism and Hellenism as
we find in Philo of Alexandria, nor indeed later in the
Grecized Christianity of Clement of Alexandria.
Ramsay2 has shown us the right way in this matter
when he asserts that it was a universalized Hellenism
and a universalized Judaism that coalesced in the mind
of Paul. He stoutly objects to Harnack's view that
Paul's mind was wholly Jewish. He was mainly so
beyond a doubt. Kennedy3 well shows Paul's knowl
edge of the Greek ideas of flesh and spirit, not to say
other psychological terms. Many arguments go to
show the possibility of Paul's acquaintance with the
Book of the Wisdom of Solomon, which had undoubted
influence from the Greek philosophy.4 The similarity
1 Hicks, "St. Paul and Hellenism," Vol. IV., in "Studia Bibl.
et Eccl." 2 "The Cities of St. Paul," p. 43.
3 "St. Paul's Conceptions of Last Things," p. 343 ff.
4 Cf. Menzel, "Der Griech. Einfluss auf Prediger und Weisheit
Salomos" (1889).

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 73
in idea and phraseology between Paul and Seneca has
often received discussion as by Lightfoot, in his " Com
mentary on Philippians." The real explanation is
probably due to the fact that both Paul and Seneca
drank from the same fountain of Greek philosophy.1
If Gamaliel, for diplomatic purposes, could read
Greek writers, his pupil could easily follow suit. One
need only mention further Paul's use of "knowledge"
and "wisdom" to see a real Greek influence. There
is, besides, a Greek clarity of mental vision which at
times reminds one of Plato.2 If one wonders how a
Pharisee could ever have any contact with Greek
culture after the days of Antiochus Epiphanes, he may
recall two things. One is that the Maccabees them
selves came to be called Philhellenes (cf. Aristobulus)
after the breach with the Pharisees. The other is that
Saul had lived in Tarsus, not Jerusalem. If God
called a Pharisee, he also called one who could speak
on Mars Hill and to the Greek world of his time.
Modern life is chiefly a blend of the Jewish contribution
to religion, the Greek contribution to culture, and the
Roman contribution to government. All these streams
had already met in Saul.
I do not enter into the discussion of Saul's contact
with the Babylonian and Persian mythology and
1 Ramsay, "Cities of St. Paul," p. 34. Cf. also Fraedlaender,
"Der religib'sen Bewegungen innerhalb des Judentums," etc.,
V., "Die Botschaft des Paulus."
2 Cf. Kohler, "Zum Verstandnis des Apostels Paulus," S. 9-13,
for a brief discussion of Paul's Greek inheritance.

74 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
mysticism. The Oriental cults all had a foothold in
Tarsus. The reUgion of Tarsus was a blend between
the Anatolian and Greek ideas,1 but one cannot think
that Saul received any positive impress therefrom. In
his later years he will be all alert to preserve Christian
ity from the blight of incipient gnosticism, as is apparent
in Colossians, Ephesians and the Pastoral Epistles. But
we do not know that as yet Saul had come in contact with
this cult. Paul shows some knowledge of Roman law as
used in the Graeco-Roman world in his use of the term
" adoption " (Rom. 8:15). "To the Jewish student and
the Greek cosmopolitan Paul there was added the Ro
man gentleman" (Findlay, Paul, in Hastings' " D. B.")
3. The Original Christian Inheritance of Saul. —
Here again I use a phrase of Kohler.2 What had Saul
added to his Judaism and Hellenism in lieu of what
he had given up ? We must not put into this conception
what Saul later learned of Jesus either by experience,
revelation or from other Christians. His entire
system of doctrine "simply means the exposition of the
content of his conversion, the systematizing of the
Christophany."3 But the "system of doctrine" is in
the future, when we see him in Damascus. We do
not indeed know how much he really knew of the
message of Jesus to men. If, as a boy, he had heard
Jesus preach in the temple at Jerusalem, he gained
1 Ramsay, "Cities of St. Paul," p. 137 ff., discusses the religion
of Tarsus.
* "Zum Verstandnis des Ap. Paulus," S. 13.
3 Holtzmann, "N. T. Theologie," Vol. II., S. 205.

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 75
little from that experience. - If he heard Stephen in
the Cilician synagogue, he would by that time be able
to get a better idea of the Christian contention. One
can hardly imagine that he parleyed much with the
disciples whom he persecuted. But before the San
hedrin, if they were all as skilful as Peter is reported in
the Acts (chs. 2-5) to be, they may have managed to get
in the heart of their belief about Jesus. Saul had seen
it all with eyes of prejudice and hate. How much of
that can he now recall as he seeks to readjust himself
to the new situation ? A reinterpretation1 and restate
ment of what he already knew of Jesus was necessary
in the light of the profound spiritual experience of his
conversion. He "taught what he had first felt, and
he verified his teaching by experience."2 He was not
an immediate disciple of Jesus, and so came to the inter
pretation of Jesus from the point of view of Luke rather
than that of John. He has seen the preexistent
Christ as well as the historical Jesus, and both con
ceptions will remain with him.3 In this picture of
Christ he has a standard by which to test all his future
thinking'.4 He is lifted into a mystic union with Christ
which will glow and warm his soul into intense intel
lectual activity.5 "He stands almost by himself in
1 Cf. Means, "St. Paul and the Ante-Nicene Church," p. 57.
2 Sanday, Paul in Hastings' "D. C. G."
3Drescher, "Das Leben Jesu bei Paulus," S. 107. Cf. Stade's
"Festgruss," 1900.
4 Titius, "Der Paulinismus," etc., S. 11.
BAquelhon, "L'Homme Psychique d'apres Saint Paul,"
1898, p. 63.

76 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
his manifestation of intellectual activity."1 What
ever else Saul did or did not know about Jesus, he
knew the main thing at the very start of his Christian
career. Christ is henceforth to him the "Kern und
Stern" of his religious thinking and fife.2 It is a
wonderful thing to have a great experience of grace.
This was the true genesis of Saul's Gospel, the reve
lation of Christ in him (Gal. 1 : 16).3 One has no right
to expect a fully developed creed a few days after
one's conversion. We shall soon see in Paul's sermons
as reported by Luke in Acts how clearly he apprehended
both the historical Jesus in the main outlines of his life
and the significance of Christ's life and death. For
the moment he is almost intoxicated with the glory of
the vision of Jesus. He can already see in the light of
the call to be the Apostle to the Gentiles the trend of
his theology. We need not credit him yet with full
knowledge of all that was to come. Some day he will
be "the Apostle KaT'e^oxhv, the disciple who raised the
Messianic faith, hitherto but the creed of a Jewish
sect, to the position of a world religion."4 But the
revolution in Saul's theology has come. Hence it is
now merely readjustment and interpretation.
4. The Years in Arabia. — Luke passes by this part
of Saul's life. It is probably to be inserted between
verses 22 and 23 in Acts 9. Paul himself is not re-
1 Means, "St. Paul and the Ante-Nicene Church," p. 2.
2 Sturm, "Der Apostel Paulus," etc., S. 5.
3 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul,'-' p. 71.
4 Juelicher, "Introduction to the N. T.," p. 45.

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 77
ported as mentioning it in Acts 22 and 26. But for
Gal. 1 : 17 f. we should know nothing at all of these
"three years" or less in Arabia, a lesson for those who
draw large inferences from silence. The " three years"
include also a second stay in Damascus on his return
from Arabia. They need not be strictly full years, since
the first and third years may only have been parts
of years. We may conclude, however, that something
over twelve months at any rate was spent in Arabia
on Saul's sudden departure from Damascus.
We do not know what part of Arabia is meant,
since the term was very flexible then as now and
varied at different periods. He may, indeed, have
gone as far south as Mount Sinai, though one cannot
logically argue so from the mention of Mount Sinai in
Gal. 4 : 24. There might be an appropriateness in
the presence at Sinai, full of memories of Moses and
the law, of one who was to present grace and faith as
the message of the covenant antedating the law and
realized in Christ (Gal. 3 : 17). But that is idle con
jecture. We are left in ignorance, besides, both as to Saul's
motive for going to Arabia and his work there in the
meantime. He does tell one thing in Gal. 1:16:
"Straightway I conferred not with flesh and blood."
He did not wish to talk with men now, but with God.
One can sympathize with a desire at such a time to
get away from the stress and storm of Damascus.
He would at least be in new scenes and among strangers.

78 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
He could find desert places also in Arabia if he wished
it, like John the Baptist and Moses long before. It is
more than likely that he did for a while seek solitude
for meditation and reflection. Jesus himself after his
baptism spent forty days in the wilderness. Saul needed
some time to see clearly his bearings, to commune
with God, to grasp more adequately the significance of
this whirlwind in his life. This much seems certain.
Whether in addition Saul also labored for Christ in
various parts of Arabia one cannot tell. If he did,
as he himself says he labored later in Tarsus (Gal. 1 : 21,
23), we may conclude that he did missionary work
in Arabia also.
5. In Damascus Again. — Here Luke goes on with
the story (Acts 9 : 23-25). One is reminded of a similar
probable combination of the narrative in Acts 15 and
Gal. 2 concerning a visit of Paul to Jerusalem. If
this arrangement of the story is correct, Paul spent
"many days" in Damascus with the result of a plot
on the part of the Jews to kill him. This would have
come at once if he had not gone to Arabia. But the
anger of the Jews toward the "turncoat" has not
ceased. Saul now knows how it feels to be persecuted.
He has his first experience in the very city where he
had expected to make a finish of the business of perse
cuting the disciples. A very homely saying comes to
one's mind at this point. We have a proverb about
chickens coming home to roost. It is only poetic
justice after all.

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 79
It was a delicate situation for Saul, when he learned
of the plot. He could, of course, meet his fate like a
man and a Christian as Stephen and others had done
before him. He did not lack courage. But was it
wise to sit still and be killed? It is a wise man who
knows when to run and when to fight. On the whole
Saul decided on flight. But the gates were watched
day and night and flight was not easy. Saul now had
friends who devised a plan of escape. His enemies
had even stirred "the governor under Aretas the
King" of Arabia against Saul (II Cor. 11 : 32). He
had known himself how to get authority for his ven
geance. It was not very glorious, but they let him down
one night through a window in the wall in a basket!
He did not tarry, one may be sure. Thus Saul left
Damascus for good, he who had come not over three
years ago with blast of trumpets and papers from the
Sanhedrin. Where can he go now ?
6. Saul in Jerusalem. — He could not be treated any
worse in Jerusalem than he had been in Damascus
Besides he must go to Jerusalem some day if he was
not to be a sort of pariah in the ministry. The Apostles
were there, and many other disciples had come flocking
back to Jerusalem after the wolf ceased ravaging the
fold. To Jerusalem then he will go.
But he feels no need of receiving the imprimatur of
Peter or any of the other Apostles. He is clear about
his own call at the hands of Jesus himself. He has
been baptized. He has received the special gift of the

80 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Holy Spirit with the laying on of hands. Still, while
he did not need or desire any apostolic ordination at
the hands of those who had been Apostles before him
(Gal. 1 : 17), he did owe a courtesy to those noble men
chosen also by Jesus himself to push on the work of
the Kingdom. He was free from jealousy. He wished
to cooperate with them.
It would be pleasant to relieve their minds of any
uncertainty about him that might linger. In particular
he would like to pay his respects to Cephas, the leading
spirit among them. What thoughts must have filled
his mind as he retraced his steps to Jerusalem? Did
he go back over the same road by which he had come
three years before ? If so, he passed the very spot, the
never-to-be-forgotten spot, where he had seen Jesus
face to face. That was henceforth his holy place.
Once in Jerusalem one can well imagine that he would
be shy of approaching or seeing his old associates.
The scorn of Gamaliel would be terrible to face. Still
harder to bear would be the sneers of the lesser men
who had once looked up to Saul as leader and hero.
There was only one thing to do. He must go right
to the disciples themselves and tell his story to them.
Would they believe him ? Did he first attend a public
meeting of the disciples ? If so, he noticed a peculiar
dread of him. There was suspicion in the very at
mosphere. "They were afraid of him, not believing
that he was a disciple" (Acts 9 : 26). Could one well
blame them? True, he now said that he was a fol-

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 81
lower of Jesus and he had taken a stand for Chiist-
at Damascus, so a few reported. But all men knew
what he had done to believers right here in Jerusalem.
Can the leopard change his spots ?
Barnabas was apparently at the meeting. Barnabas
was from the island of Cyprus and so a Hellenist.
He was somehow convinced of the sincerity of Saul's
conversion, though no one else was. It is a heroic
thing to take a stand by an unpopular man. Barnabas
championed the cause of Saul, and became the one
friend that Saul now had in Jerusalem, where once his
word was almost law. Barnabas took him straight
to the Apostles who were in town (Acts 9 : 27). As
a matter of fact, Paul himself declares that he saw only
Cephas and James, the Lord's brother, who was not
an Apostle in the technical sense (Gal. 1 : 18 f.). Now
that the persecution had ceased, the rest had probably
gone on mission work among the Jews in various parts
of the world. Barnabas tells these two the essential
parts of Saul's story, viz., his vision of Jesus in the
way, the message of Jesus to Saul or his call, the bold
preaching of Saul in Damascus (Acts 9 : 27). It was
enough. He had come primarily to visit (become ac
quainted with, la-roprja-ai, Gal. 1 : 18) Cephas. Now
for fifteen days he had that privilege. He went in and
out freely with Peter, James, and other disciples. It
is pleasant to think of Peter and Paul here together
for two weeks in Jerusalem. Paul would naturally
be the learner and let Peter tell the history of Jesus

82 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
in particular as it was connected with Jerusalem.
There was Bethany; here was the road of the Triumph
ant Entry, down there was Gethsemane, where Peter
went to sleep; here Jesus was arrested; at this place the
trial took place and just here Peter had denied him;
and on yonder hill they crucified him; and in that
tomb they buried him; lo! here was the spot where
Jesus had appeared to Peter after his resurrection;
in this upper room he had appeared to the disciples
twice; up here on Olivet was the place where they had
caught the last glimpse of him as he went up on the
cloud. And Saul had seen him since then. These
great spirits held high converse with each other about
Jesus. Each was the richer for the visit of Saul.
Saul now had in simple outline at least the original
apostolic gospel. He knew the leading facts, the
cardinal events, in the earthly life of Jesus. He had
heard Peter preach in all likelihood during this time.
That was worth much.
And Saul had to preach himself. How could he help
it after all these new experiences ? The people wished
now to hear him. Once he had opposed Stephen
(so it seems) in the Cilician synagogue. He will go
to this very synagogue and seek to undo some of the
mischief that he had then done. He will set himself
straight with the Grecian Jews for he is one himself,
and they are more open to new truth than the Pales
tinian Jews. Stephen had once had great power with
these Hellenists, but, alas! Saul had taught them how

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 83
to kill Stephen and other believers. They will not hear
Saul's new doctrine. They will turn his old doctrine
of persecution on himself. Damascus had cast him
out and now Jerusalem will not hear him. What
should he do? He can pray. So in a prayer in the
temple he falls into a trance, and, lo! he sees Jesus again
at his side. Jesus bade him leave. He can only
acquiesce for he recalls how in every synagogue he
had beaten those who believed in Jesus. They will
now hear him in no synagogue. "Depart," says Jesus,
"for I will send thee forth far hence unto the Gentiles"
(Acts 22 : 21). They will hear. The brethren escort
him hurriedly out of town before the plot is carried out.
The way looks dark for Saul. Gone his power, his
place, his friends, his fame, an outcast from Jerusalem!
Whither shall he now go ? In Acts 26 : 20 he speaks
of preaching throughout all the country of Judea.
This may have been on his way to Jerusalem, for now
they sent him on to Tarsus (Acts 9 : 30).
7. Back in Tarsus Again. — A man can always go
home. That is one good thing. It had probably
been a long time since Saul had been to Tarsus, not
since the death of Stephen, several years ago. There
had been changes in the city, of course. Some people
had died, but probably Saul's father and mother were
still living, loyal Pharisees as of old. How had they
regarded Saul's change of base? They must have
heard if he had not himself written about it, as is likely.
He was fond of writing letters, as we know, and it was

84 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
easy to have communication over the world, thanks to
the Roman order. But even so he had not seen them
since he had gone over to the side of Jesus. They had
taken pride in his prominence as a leader of the Phari
sees. And now? He knew full well what the name
of Jesus had meant to them. What can he say? Let
us hope that he received a welcome. He was still their
son with all his gifts and graces. He was sincere and
honest. His father and mother knew that. He had
tried to do right as he saw it. Let us hope that they
heard his story and that they were led to the service of
Jesus. That would atone for his treatment in Da
mascus and Jerusalem.
We only know one thing for certain. He was not
idle during these years at Tarsus. He tells us himself
that he preached in the regions of Cilicia and Syria and
that the churches of Judea, to whom he was unknown
by face (save in Jerusalem), heard of his activity and
glorified God in him (Gal. 1 : 21-24). Saul found
pleasure in that. He was busy with his work of preach
ing Christ in the regions near Tarsus. Christ had
called him to go far hence to the Gentiles. Mean
while there was work at home. In truth he was among
the Gentiles already. Did he preach to them? The
man who will not work for the lost at home will do
little for Christ abroad.
We are to think then of Saul as working and learn
ing. He is learning by doing. He continued to have
unusual experiences. Christ did not desert him. In-

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 85
deed, during this period (he only speaks of it fourteen
years afterwards, II Cor. 12 : 2) he had a wonderful
rapture to Paradise in the body or out of the body, he
cannot tell. He heard unspeakable words, and they
will remain unuttered by him — unlike "special"
secrets with many. The revelations were so great,
indeed, that he was in danger of being exalted overmuch.
But Jesus blessed him in giving him a thorn in the
flesh. He had prayed to him for its removal, but in
stead he obtained grace to bear it, which was better
(II Cor. 12 : 9). One cannot, of course, tell the nature
of this experience. It was a supernatural revelation
of Christ's glory. Nor do we know the precise nature
of the thorn in his flesh. There is special consolation
in our ignorance, for each can make a personal appli
cation. He comes out of the Tarsus period of his
ministry, however, richer in experience than when
he entered it. He is a stronger man and minister from
every point of view. He has a "handicap" in the
thorn in the flesh that apparently remained with him
to the end. But he learned lessons of wisdom out of
that. 8. Saul as an Interpreter of Jesus. — It is just here
that Saul commands so much attention in modern times.
His mission as Apostle to the Gentiles does concern
us greatly also since we are in large measure the heirs
of his European labors. He planted Christianity in
the Roman Empire, and modern Europe has risen out
of the ruins of that empire. But, important as the

86 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
official aspect of Paul's career is, it is in his claims as a
competent interpreter of the life and teachings of Jesus
that he stands or falls in the present day. The cry
"Back to Christ" is a reasonable cry, when one con
siders the dust of mediaeval theology that has been
scattered over the story of Christ. Ecclesiastical
councils turned dogma into a club to use on the heads
of the recalcitrant. The schoolmen split hairs, like
their prototypes the Pharisees of old, to justify or to
evade the current dogma. The reformers set up new
dogma to crush the dogma of the schoolmen. The
hunger for Christ has become world-wide. Men could
see Calvin; but where was Christ? Men could find
Augustine; but where was Jesus?
It was not hard to find Paul in the New Testament;
but where was the historical Jesus? Has Paul given
us the real Jesus of the Gospels? Indeed, have the
Gospels represented or misrepresented Christ? Do
we have in the New Testament the Christ of dogma
or the Christ of fact? One cannot complain at ques
tions like these. They are legitimate, if only the investi
gation be prosecuted in the right spirit and with proper
methods. The question as to the Gospel story de
mands a book in itself, but one may remark that the
gradual coming back of Harnack to the acceptance of
the genuineness of Acts is a symptom of the times.
The acceptance of the early date of the Gospels and
the probable order (Mark, Matthew, Luke, John)
simplifies the matter also. Two other documents are

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 87
fairly well worked out, one the Logia or Sayings of
Jesus, probably used by Matthew along with Mark.
Ramsay » accepts, in the main, Harnack's view in Say
ings and Speeches of Jesus that this book of Logia or
"Q" corresponds to the original Aramaic Matthew.
The point of it all is that the result of historical re
search is to strengthen the historical basis of the Gospel
najratives. John's story stands largely by itself, but it
stands. From the Gospels we can form an adequate
picture of Jesus.
What about Paul? Wrede2 makes Paul's teaching
differ radically from that of Jesus. He considers that
Paul brought his preconceived ideas of the Jewish
Messiah and clothed Jesus with them. Thus the Jesus
of fact is not the Jesus of Paul's theology. Indeed,
according to this view we must discard Paul as a com
petent witness in the apprehension of the historical
Jesus. This is a serious charge to make. But Wrede
is not by himself. He is supported by Bruckner.3
Nietsche, of course, ridicules both Paul and Jesus.
And Wellhausen4 has to be reckoned with. But Paul
has defenders of great ability. Kaftan5 answers
Bousset's notion8 of Jesus that he unwillingly accepted
the r61e of Messiah. He attacks vigorously Wrede's
views about Paul's perversion of Jesus. Jiilicher7
has a very able defence of the essential continuity of the
1 " Luke the Physician," pp. 71-101. 2 "Paulus."
3 "Die Entstehung der paulinischen Christologie.
4 "Einleitung in die drei ersten Ev.," S.
6 "Jesus und Paulus." • Jesus. ' "Paulus und Jesus."

88 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Gospel and the Pauline conception of Jesus. In
deed, so clearly is this true that some critics even as
sert that all the New Testament is Pauline except the
Petrine1 books. If one rejects the Pauline view of
Christ he must logically reject the Synoptic and the
Johannine conceptions. At bottom they agree.2 Kol-
bing3 ably contends for the justness of Paul's picture of
Christ. The discussion grows in interest 4 and Paul's
position as a great exponent of Jesus is ably main
tained. Fraedlaender 5 sums the matter up by calling him
"the congenial interpreter of the message of Jesus."
Goguel 6 properly argues that with Jesus the concrete
reality of the gospel is dominant, but Paul aims to
interpret the facts of Christ's life and teachings. Saul
did not invent a story of Jesus. He is not the origi
nator of Christianity in any sense. He is not the second
1 Sanday, Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. C. G."
2 Cf. Warfield, "The Lord of Glory."
3 "Die Geistige Einwirkung der Person Jesu und Paulus."
4 Cf . Schaeder, " Das Evangelium Jesu und das Ev. von Jesus " ;
Resch, "Der Paulinismus und die Logia Jesu"; Goguel, "L'Apo-
tre Paul et Jesus"; Ruegg, "Der Apostel Paulus und sein zeugnis
von Jesus Christus"; A. Meyer, "Wer hat das Christentum be-
griindet, Jesus oder Paulus?" Feine, "Jesus Christus und
Paulus"; Monteil, "Essai sur la Christologie de Saint Paul";
Moffatt, Review of Theology and Philosophy for July, 1908, and
Biblical World for September, 1908; Knowling, "Testimony of
St. Paul to Christ"; Knowling, "Witness of the Epistles." These
will serve as specimens of the increasing literature on the sub
ject. For further lists see Theol. Rundschau for 1902, 1905, etc.;
Amer. Journal of Theol. for 1905, etc.; the "Brief Bibliography"
in this book.
5 "Religiosen Beweg.," S. 373.
6 "L'Apotre Paul et Jesus," pp. 98 f.

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 89
founder of Christianity. He built on the one foundation
laid by Christ himself (I Cor 3 : 11). Paul built his
theology around Jesus. This fact explains the genetic
connection between Jesus and Saul. The differences
in Saul's view are due to fuller expansion and adapta
tion with his own peculiarities of mind and method,
(cf. James, Peter, John) not to difference in spirit or
content. But Saul was not an immediate disciple of Jesus.
That is true. He is not, however, disqualified for appre
hending Christ. If so, the mission of Christ would be
a failure. No one has the right to say that Saul had
no knowledge of the historical Jesus. If Luke could
learn, so could Saul. Sanday J rightly argues that the
allusions in Saul's Epistles (cf. I Cor. 11 : 23-25; 15 :
3-8) must be regarded as samples of Paul's knowledge
of the details of the life of Jesus. He appeals to the
words of Jesus; he understands the character of Jesus;
he knows what the message and mission of Christ is.
One is not to suppose that Saul's theology did not
grow with new knowledge and new experience. The
orderly development of his theology can be traced in
the four groups of his Epistles (I and II Thessalonians;
I and II Corinthians, Galatians, Romans; Philippians,
Philemon, Colossians, Ephesians; I Timothy, Titus, II
Timothy), to adopt a probable grouping. In the
first group he will contend with a perversion of the
doctrines of the Second Coming, a matter prominent
1 Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. C. G."

90 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
in the early apostolic preaching. In the second group
he is in conflict with the Judaizers. In the third group
the Gnostics have brought the person of Christ to the
fore. In the fourth group ecclesiastical, pastoral and
personal problems naturally concern the aged Apostle
before his death. Each group suits the time and is
vital with living issues. There is growth in grasp and
power from the first to the second and third groups.
In the fourth we see Paul in the contemplative mood of
an old man. One is not to think of Saul as entering
upon his career with a fully developed system. Indeed
he had turned from a system to a person ! 1 He will in
evitably have system in his theology, but only as that en
ables him to express his growing apprehension of Christ.
The death and resurrection of Christ is with Paul
the heart of Christianity as it was in truth with Jesus
himself when rightly understood. Saul, indeed, began
with this basal truth vivified and glorified by his own
great experience. His early preaching coincided with
that of the other Apostles in proclaiming the Messiah-
ship of Jesus. 2 The crucifixion of Christ had been the
stone of stumbling for Saul. Now it is the rock of his
faith. In the future Paul will go high and go deep,
but he will never get away from the Cross as the centre of
his message. Around this he will place the love of
God, the grace of God, the deity of Jesus the Son of
God, the sinfulness of man, justification by faith,
'Baring-Gould, "A Study of St. Paul," p. 89.
2 Matheson, "Spiritual Development of St. Paul," p. 28.

SAUL LEARNING CHRISTIANITY 91
sanctification in Christ, all the great doctrines of grace.
They were all but the unfolding of the seed. He had
seen the face of Christ.
The effort of Baur to pit Paul and Peter over against
each other in bitter hostility has failed. He has ad
mitted too much. One has only to compare the report
of Peter's Sermon in Acts 2 at Jerusalem with that of
Paul at Antioch in Pisidia in Acts 13 to see how much
they agree in all essential matters. If one is not willing
to trust Luke as an accurate reporter, then compare
I Peter with Romans. If one declines to acknowledge
I Peter as a proper representation of Peter's views,
then he has no right to set Peter over against Paul. In
Gal. 2 : 11 ff. Paul did rebuke Peter for inconsistency,
not for difference in theology. They had already
agreed in their theology and shaken hands over it
(Gal. 2 : 9). We need not refer to Acts 15 and II Peter
3 : 15. The Christ of Paul in all the main outlines
is the Christ of the early apostolic tradition, of Mark,
of Matthew, of Luke, of Peter, of James, of John, in
a word, of Jesus himself as we know him through the
first interpreters of Christ. Primitive Paulinism is
essential Christianity. Paul's Gospel has become the
standard of the Christian world because he had learned
Christ as he really was and is, "even as truth is in
Jesus" (Eph. 4 :21). We may thank God for this
man of a nature so intense and an insight so penetrating.
Christ has never had another servant who so well con
veyed the fulness and richness of that Gospel of the

92 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
happy God which is the hope of the race unless John
the Apostle be placed by his side, as he ought. One
can feel the lieart-throb of Paul in his letters and the
rapier sharpness of his intellect, the passion of a great
soul all ablaze with love of Jesus and the lost.
But no view of Paul's relation to Christ is adequate
which overlooks the mystical side of his life in Christ.
Christ lived in Paul and Paul lived in Christ (Gal. 2 : 20).
For him life meant Christ (Phil. 1 : 21), no more, no
less. Hewas Christ's slave. He did all "in Christ."1
This intimate knowledge of Christ was part of the every
day experience of Paul. But he claimed for his mes
sage special revelation also. "When ye read, ye can
perceive my understanding in the mystery in Christ"
(Eph. 3 : 4). We can indeed. We are still reading
and perceiving new things in that understanding.
1 Cf . Campbell, "Paul the Mystic"; Deissmann, "Die Neut.
Formel" "in Christo."

CHAPTER V
SAUL FINDS HIS WORK
"To preach unto the Gentiles the unsearchable riches
of Christ" (Eph. 3 : 8).
1. The Emergency at Antioch. — Luke, in the Acts,
has not traced the order of events in such a way as
to make it perfectly clear how things went at this stage
of the history. He left Saul at Tarsus and comes
back to Jerusalem. Now the story of Peter is taken
up. Did Saul preach to Gentiles in Cilicia and Syria ?
We do not know. He had been expressly directed to
preach to the Gentiles. At any rate Luke tells in
some detail the struggle that Simon Peter had in seeing
that the Gentiles could be converted without first be
coming Jews. Peter, like the other disciples, received
the commission to go into all the world. But he did
not at all understand that Gentiles must not first be
come Jews. It is an extremely interesting story how
he was led gradually and with difficulty by his experi
ence on the housetop at Joppa and in the house of
Cornelius at Caesarea, to see that God was indeed no
respecter of persons and would save a Gentile as a
Gentile. That was the new point which he "now"
at last perceived (Acts 10 : 34). He had a hard time
93

94 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
convincing some of the saints at Jerusalem that his
freedom with Cornelius was the work of the Lord. It
was well that he had the six Jewish brethren along with
him else it might have gone hard with him (Acts 11 : 2 f .,
12, 18). Evidently the mass of the Church at Jerusa
lem were not ready for a missionary campaign except
along lines of Jewish proselytism.
But the hand of God was moving again. Some of
the disciples expelled from Jerusalem by Saul never
.came back. They went as far as Cyprus, Phoenicia
and Antioch, but still spoke only to Jews, not willing
to experiment with the Gospel unduly (Acts 11 : 19).
But some of them were men of Cyprus and Cyrene,
Hellenistic Christians, therefore. These, for some
reason not told, ventured to try the Gospel on some
Greeks at Antioch (11 : 20), perhaps to some devout
Greeks, not yet proselytes, who had business and
friendly connections with the Jews. Some of them,
we know, attended the synagogue worship. The
mss. vary about the word "Greeks" or "Grecian
Jews," but I heartily concur in the acceptance of
"Greeks" as the correct text. Otherwise the word
"also" has little sense. It was no novelty to preach
to Hellenistic Jews. That was going on everywhere
and at Jerusalem itself (Acts 9 : 29). The same
message of the Lord Jesus was preached to these
Greeks that the Jews had heard. "And the hand of
the Lord was with them : and a great number that be
lieved turned unto the Lord" (11 : 21). This Gentile

SAUL FINDS HIS WORK 95
revival broke out of itself and without any knowledge
of what God had done with Peter and Cornelius.
These men of Cyprus and Cyrene were men of en
lightenment. They seemed to realize no difficulty
at all in the new situation. They had no desire to op
pose the manifest work of the Holy Spirit.
2. A Gentile Church at Antioch. — A new thing had
come into existence, unless, indeed, the household of
Cornelius was organized into a church or the converts
at Samaria had formed a church. At any rate, whether
a new thing or not, the Gentile church at Antioch was
a fact. It was all the more remarkable, too, because
the Apostles had had nothing to do with it. They
had sent Peter and John to Samaria to examine the
results of the work of Philip there, and Peter himself
had been the instrument used of God at Caesarea.
But here was a work that had sprung up independently
and the brethren felt no need of help from Jerusalem.
Slowly the leaven is working and the gospel is taking
root in Gentile soil.
3. The Mission of Barnabas. — If the party of the cir
cumcision (Acts 11 : 2) demanded an explanation of
Peter for his conduct at Cassarea, they would not hesi
tate to demand an investigation of the proceedings at
Antioch. The precedent had already been set in
sending Peter and John to Samaria. No issue then
would be made in Jerusalem on this point, though ap
parently the Antioch saints had not asked to be in
vestigated. But the report had come "to the ears of

96 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
the church in Jerusalem" (Acts 11 : 22). The pro
posal probably came from the Pharisaic party in the
church there, for the experience of Peter at Cassarea
had revealed a serious cleavage of opinion among them
on the missionary question.
But, whatever the impulse, a wise man was sent, a
committee of one, Barnabas, the son of exhortation.
He was just the type of man needed for this crisis,
prudent and yet courageous, as was seen in his cham
pionship of Saul in Jerusalem. It is worth noting that
none of the Apostles went, though Peter had received
special preparation on the Gentile aspect of the situ
ation. It is possible, of course, that he and the other
Apostles were away from Jerusalem at the time. The
fact that Barnabas was from Cyprus may have marked
him out as the man to send. But already it is clear
that the Apostles are not to do all the work in the King
dom. Stephen and Philip had given ample proof of
this, if any was needed. It is particularly added about
Barnabas on this occasion that "he was a good man,
and full of the Holy Spirit and of faith" (verse 24),
those qualifications that fitted him for the really serious
task imposed upon him. For actually what was he to
do? We know what he did do. He came, he saw the
grace of God, he was glad. Evidently Barnabas was
not of the Pharisaic party in the Jerusalem church.
He exhorted them not to become Jews, but to cleave
to the Lord. They had made a good start. They

SAUL FINDS HIS WORK 97
were just to go on as they had begun. The reason
why he acted so wisely is found in the quotation from
verse 24 which is introduced by " for." A smaller man
could and would have caused no end of trouble here
as to circumcision, baptism, ordination. The seal of
God's blessing was on this work "and much people
was added to the Lord." The thing to accent specially'
in the matter is that Barnabas rejoiced at the power
of God which was at work among the Greeks. He
himself had come from the island of Cyprus as had
some of those who had first preached here. He was
thus a Hellenistic Jew and had some sympathy with
the Gentiles.
4. The Insight of Barnabas. — There had evidently
been no thought in Jerusalem of sending for Saul
of Tarsus. They had taken him into the fold, but
had no notion of intrusting great interests to his care.
He was too uncertain a quantity and too new a convert.
He could wait. But Barnabas' hands seem to have
been left free by the Jerusalem church. Indeed, they
could not very well be tied. The church at Antioch
did not have to take orders from the church at Jeru
salem. The independence of the local church has an
actual historical development in the difference of con
ditions between Antioch and Jerusalem.
Barnabas had the gift of understanding men. He
had seen the good in Saul in Jerusalem. He has heard
of the work that he had since been doing in Syria and
Cilicia. He saw at a glance that Saul was the man to

98 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
keep up this work at Antioch, Saul and not the original
Apostles, who were all Palestinian Jews. Here was
a condition that called for a man of breadth of sympathy
and culture that only a Hellenistic Jew could have.
The door of opportunity was opening to the whole
Gentile world. There must be no mistake made at
Antioch. It perhaps never occurred to Barnabas to
go back to Jerusalem and ask the Pharisaic party
what to do in the matter. Perhaps one of them would
have liked to take the matter in hand.
The matter was urgent. So Barnabas went him
self to Tarsus to seek for Saul. He found him. He
brought him to Antioch. The thing was done. The
problem was solved, for Saul was at Antioch. It is a
curious reflection that Saul is now here, Saul the very
man who scattered the Christians from Jerusalem
and so made possible this open door.
5. The Man and the Hour. — We have no remarks
on Saul's point of view. The story is all told from
the standpoint of Barnabas. But we know enough of
Saul's history to see that he knew that the hour of
destiny had struck for him. Here is a Gentile work
ready to hand in the greatest city of Syria, one of the
strategic centres of the world. It was the hand of
Providence beyond a doubt. He evidently came with
alacrity. The man and the hour had met. It is a great thing
to be ready when the hour of opportunity comes.
Saul had been getting ready for this hour all his life,

SAUL FINDS HIS WORK 99
most of the time unconsciously, part of it consciously.
In Tarsus and Jerusalem God had been preparing him
for work among the Gentiles as well as Jews. His
conversion and call had come some eight or ten years
ago. The call was as distinct as the conversion, but
still God had not opened wide the door for work among
the Gentiles. But he had not chafed nor had he been
idle. He had been driven from Damascus and Jeru
salem. But they would listen to him in Cilicia and Syria.
So he had worked near home and God had blessed him.
Now he is ready by grace, culture and experience to
grapple with the new problems of teaching the gospel
to the Greeks. He had the zest that fires every true
missionary's heart. He is now in the prime of life,
about forty three or four years old, if it is about A.D.
44 when he comes to Antioch. He has had a wondrously
checkered career so far. Will he justify Christ's choice
of him as the Apostle to the Gentiles ?
6. The Year at Antioch. — Barnabas remained with
Saul at Antioch. He was the older and more experi
enced man. There was work enough for both of
them and Barnabas' heart was really in the new field,
the world-wide work of missions. He was not needed
in Jerusalem. The work of expansion and instmction
went on well.
There was a new spirit in Antioch. Jew was not
writ so large over the Great Commission here and it
could be read in a clearer light. Indeed, a new name,
that of Christian, is first given to the disciples here.

100 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
It probably arose in the effort of the Gentiles to dis
tinguish this new religious body, which at Antioch, be
ing a Gentile church on the whole, was not a sect of
Judaism. They were followers of Christ about whom
they preached and in whom they beUeved. The name
comes from the Gentile point of view and may have
been first given as a nickname in sport or derision.
But it has stuck. In the first century, however, it is
not so common, occurring only three times in the New
Testament, the usual name being believers, dis
ciples, saints. Manifestly no great point was made
of the name. Gradually new issues come to the sur
face at Antioch which promises to be a rival of Jeru
salem. 7. The Mission to Jerusalem. — There was some
intercourse between Antioch and Jerusalem. Some
prophets from Jerusalem (Christian prophets ap
parently) had come and predicted a great famine,
which soon came. This famine accented the poverty
of the Jerusalem saints. They had already been
drained to the bottom in previous efforts (Acts 4 and
5) to reUeve the necessities of the great number of
poor people in the church there. Barnabas himself
knew all about the financial situation in Jerusalem,
and was probably one of the generous givers at that
time (Acts 4 : 36 f.). Possibly he suggested a collec
tion from this Gentile church for the great Jewish
church. That would greatly help the Pharisaic party
to understand how Gentiles could be converted. There

SAUL FINDS HIS WORK 101
was no pressure, but each gave according to his ability
(Acts 11 : 29).
Barnabas and Saul took the contribution. This
gives Saul another opportunity to visit Jerusalem.
The Apostles were apparently absent in the mission
work, since the money was taken to "the elders"
(Acts 11 : 30), officers of the church now for the first
time mentioned. The term occurs in connection with
the Jewish synagogue and also popular assemblies in
Egypt (see papyri). These same officers are after
ward termed bishops and pastors.
We do not know the exact relation in order of time
between this visit of Barnabas and Saul and the death
of James and imprisonment of Peter "about that time"
(Acts 12 : 1). It may have been before the persecu
tion by Herod, during it or afterward. If it was
after the persecution the Apostles may have been
absent from the city. Ramsay puts the famine and
visit of Barnabas and Saul in 46 and the persecution
U144.1 If the Apostles were absent on the occasion of this
visit, one can the better understand why Paul later,
in enumerating his interviews with the Apostles to
establish his independence of them, should not allude
to this visit at all (Gal. 2:1). That Paul is thinking
of the Apostles in Gal. 2 : 2 is manifest by the word
" them " which refers to the Apostles who were mentioned
back in Gal. 1 : 19. But if the Apostles were in the
' "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 49.

102 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
city, the visit was not to them and still may not have
been in his mind in Gal. 2 : 1 f .
We are not, indeed, told what reception Saul had
in Jerusalem at this time. Barnabas was the one
who had to explain to the Pharisaic party what had
taken place at Antioch. He seemed entirely successful,
for John Mark returned with him and Saul to Antioch
(Acts 12 : 25 correct text). It was a wonderful story
that Barnabas and Saul had to tell. It had fired the
imagination of one recruit who would go with these
returned missionaries as they went back to Antioch.
There is a lull for the moment. Antioch is the city
of opportunity. Will Antioch be worthy of it? Will
she be the centre of a world-wide expansion or will the
work stop here? Jerusalem had missed her day
with Christ and without him. It was not exactly
stagnation at Jerusalem, for the new civil persecution
under Herod Agrippa I. had led to the death of James
the Apostle and to the capture of Peter. The brethren
had met at the house of John Mark's mother to pray
for Peter, and James, the Lord's brother, had come
to the front in the church there (Acts 12 : 17).

CHAPTER VI
PAUL THE MISSIONARY LEADER
"Now Paul and his company set sail from Paphos,
and came to Perga in Pamphylia" (Acts 13 : 13).
1. The Call to a World Campaign. — The call had
in reality been given a long time ago. Jesus had him
self given it to the disciples three times after his
resurrection. Peter had been led to see a great light
on the subject of the conversion of the Gentiles. The
church at Jerusalem had acquiesced in the manifest
work of God at Caesarea and at Antioch. The Apostles
themselves may have been on various mission trips to
the Jews scattered abroad. It was clear that Greeks
could be saved. The Jewish Christians were willing
for them to be saved without becoming Jews, provided
the Lord did it. He must be responsible for that breach
in the middle wall of partition between Jew and Gentile.
Saul himself had received a clear and definite call
to the Gentile work, and he is now engaged in it along
with Barnabas. They have both shown their fitness for
leadership in an advance movement among the Gen
tiles, if one is to be made. In the list of prophets and
teachers at Antioch (Acts 13 : 1) the name of Barna
bas heads the list for obvious reasons, while that of

104 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Saul comes last for reasons not so obvious. It is not
safe to call Barnabas a prophet and Saul a teacher,
nor indeed to say that Saul was the least influential
in the list. Luke has not explained his reason for
this order, and so we pass it by.
But the impulse towards a missionary campaign
on an extended scale did not come from any of these
brethren. The Holy Spirit spoke to the prophets and
teachers, whether to the church is uncertain (owing
to the ambiguous phrase "in the church"). The words
of the call do not specify where Barnabas and Saul are
to go nor indeed specifically what the work is. But
they are called directly for the new enterprise. The call
was acknowledged by both Barnabas and Saul. Was
it the first time that Barnabas had received such a call ?
2. The Acquiescence of the Antioch Church. — This
is all that we are entitled to say for them. It is not
absolutely certain that "they" of Acts 13 : 3 includes
the church as a whole, but it is probable. If so, we
do find approval by the church of this great missionary
enterprise. It is the glory of the church at Antioch
that they put no stumbling-block in the way of Barna
bas and Saul, but wished them well. That was cer
tainly more than the Pharisaic party in the Jerusalem
church would have done. But Antioch, not Jerusalem,
is the new centre from which the gospel starts on its
world conquest. Christianity continually finds new
centres as the old ones prove unworthy — Jerusalem,
Antioch, Ephesus, Alexandria, Rome, not to go further.

PAUL THE MISSIONARY LEADER 105
There is no evidence that the Antioch church gave
anything for the support of Barnabas and Saul. The
church as a church did not originate the campaign nor
finance it. They prayed for Barnabas and Saul and
bade them God-speed. They were "sent forth by
the Holy Spirit" (Acts 13 : 4). It was an heroic task
for these two men to go out into the heathen darkness.
They knew that Jesus would be with them. But al
ready Herod Agrippa I. had killed James. Who
could tell what fate awaited them? It is always a
solemn thing to stand by the fountains of historic
movements. Here was the genesis of the mission
work on a large scale. God was in it, though some
Christians were not.
There is no evidence that the laying on of hands in
verse 3 was ordination. Both Barnabas and Saul
had been effective preachers a number of years. It
was probably more like a consecration service or fare
well service.
3. The Leadership of Barnabas. — One need not be
surprised at the fact that Barnabas is at the head of
the new campaign. He was the older man and had
had charge of the work in Antioch. He had asked
Saul's help in that field. One must not let the after
development of Saul obscure the real situation at this
stage. Luke is a true historian and preserves the right
perspective. Saul had had a marvellous experience,
but none the less as yet he had not won the place in
the kingdom now occupied by Barnabas. There was

106 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
in this matter no reflection on Saul at all, even though
he had received a direct call from Jesus to the Gentile
work. Besides, the Holy Spirit had expressly named
the order "Barnabas and Saul" who were to be sepa
rated for this work. It was all very simple, and certainly
Saul would feel no jealousy toward Barnabas who had
done so much for his ministry.
The reason for the presence of John Mark in the
company is not made perfectly clear by Luke (Acts
13:5). The term "attendant" is rather vague.
Was he, as has been suggested, a synagogue minister ?
Perhaps he had wished to go on with Barnabas and
Saul, having come with them from Jerusalem. A
certain youthful spirit of adventure may have led him
on along with a real desire to be useful in the cause of
Jesus. He was kin to Barnabas anyhow and agree
able to Saul.
4. Cyprus: Leadership of Paul. — The reasons for
going to Cyprus are fairly obvious, though Luke does
not announce a formal programme for the expedition.
As Barnabas was the leader, he probably desired to go
to Cyprus because it was his old home and because
there were already some Christians on the island.
There were Jews there besides, and it was near. These
reasons that lie on the surface may have been reinforced
by others.
They landed at Salamis, on the eastern shore facing
Syria. No details of the work are given by Luke
save the fact that they "proclaimed the word of God

PAUL THE MISSIONARY LEADER 107
in the synagogues of the Jews" (Acts 13 :5). They
had been sent forth to preach to the Gentiles, but they
were not told not to preach to the Jews. Besides, a
number of Gentiles would have more or less connection
with the Jews in business and worship. If this nucleus
of devout Greeks could be reached, it would be easier
to get hold of the other Greeks. The conduct of the
Apostles at this place, for Barnabas is an Apostle
in the etymological sense of missionary, will be re
peated uniformly whenever Jews can be found who
will listen. The Jews and their Gentile friends form
a nucleus accessible to the new faith. We are not told
what the success was at this point nor in the long
journey afoot across the island.
But at Paphos, the seat of the licentious worship
of Aphrodite, a more detailed picture is given. Two
men of prominence, typical of the times, are here.
One was the Jewish sorcerer, Elymas Barjesus, who
reminds us of Simon the sorcerer, with whom Simon
Peter had a sharp collision (Acts 8) at Samaria. The
case of the seven sons of Sceva, a Jew, in Acts 19 : 14
is parallel. If it seems queer that Jews should have
taken to the magic art, one has only to reflect that in
Christian lands soothsayers and mediums still flourish
and live on popular superstition.
The other man of distinction was the proconsul of
the island, Sergius Paulus. It is now common knowl
edge how Luke's accuracy in the detail of the term
proconsul rather than propraetor has been vindicated

108 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
both by coin and by better understanding of Dio
Cassius. Cyprus at this particular time was a sena
torial province. This official was also "a man of
understanding" in spite of his being under the in
fluence of the Jewish sorcerer. He showed intelli
gence clearly in sending for Barnabas and Saul and
wishing to hear the gospel preached. To-day some
men imagine that they display intelligence by refusing
the preaching of the word. But the false prophet had
no notion of seeing his hold on the proconsul loos
ened. So he withstood Barnabas and Saul, trying
to undo what they had already accomplished with
him. It was a crisis. Saul is the one who sees the issue
at stake. It is interesting to note how Luke here, for
the first time, brings in Saul's Roman name Paul, per
haps suggested to him by the conflict over the Roman
Sergius Paulus. It was common in that cosmopolitan
age for men to have one name from one nation, the
other from another. Thus Cephas was Aramaic,
but Simon, Greek, like Salome Alexandra. John
Mark had both Aramaic (Hebrew) and Roman names
like Saul-Paul. As a Roman citizen Paul had always
probably had both names. Luke may have had an
artistic purpose in using Paul from now on.
Paul is filled with the Holy Spirit, and with penetrat
ing gaze challenges this "son of the devil" and pro
nounces the curse of temporary blindness upon him.
The result was all that was needed to confirm Sergius

PAUL THE MISSIONARY LEADER 109
Paulus in the faith. He is astonished. He had
never seen Elymas do it in this wise.1
And now it is "Paul and his company," according
to Luke, who set sail from Paphos. Was anything said
about the leadership ? One hardly thinks so. Indeed,
Barnabas may still have felt himself in charge of the
work. Occasionally after this Luke will speak of
Barnabas and Paul, but usually it is Paul and Barna
bas. But the inevitable had happened. Paul was the
man of initiative and energy. He had the gift of leader
ship and exercised it as the occasion rose. The rest
followed naturally. Barnabas gave no sign of jealousy
nor did he probably have any such feeling. He could
easily be proud of Paul. If Barnabas led the way to
Cyprus, probably Paul suggested the mainland of
Pamphylia. 5. Perga: John Mark's Desertion. — Perga was in
Pamphylia, a rough province in many ways. It now
became apparent to Mark that he had enough of this
tour if Paul meant to push on up the mountains to
the high table-lands of Pisidia. There were some
privations in Cyprus, but here perils of rivers and
perils of robbers loomed before his imagination. Did
the change in leadership affect Mark at all ? Barnabas
will not hold Mark's return to Jerusalem against him,
but Paul will not forget that "he went not with them
to the work" (Acts 15 : 38). It is a serious indictment
against a man that he will not stand to his task. Per-
»Cf. Stalker, "Life of St. Paul," p. 79.

110 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
haps Mark had excuses enough. He was going Dack
home. His mother may not have been willing for him
to come anyhow. He was really not much needed,
for Paul did all the preaching. His work was only of
a subordinate nature. The positiveness and intensity
of Paul later, when Barnabas proposes the name of
Mark again, suggests that Paul may have said some
sharp things to him as he left and certainly felt them.
Paul met Perga as well as Mark, but he and Barnabas
went on over the mountains while Mark sulked and
went home.
6. Antioch in Pisidia: a Specimen of Paul's Preach
ing. — Pamphylia was probably the objective point
when they left Cyprus, though, for some unexplained
reason, no actual work was done there at this time.
They push on to Pisidian Antioch, which is about
3,600 feet above the sea. They are now in the Roman
province of Galatia. It is the southern part of the
province which embraced part of Phrygia, Pisidia,
and Lycaonia. The northern section of the province
of Galatia covered Galatia proper, the old home of
the Celts (Gauls), who invaded this region and gained
a foothold, and the northern part of Phrygia. It is
still a debated question in what sense Luke uses the
term Region of Galatia in Acts 16 : 6 and Acts 18 : 23
and what is Paul's usage in Gal. 1 : 2. The question
is of too technical a nature for minute discussion in this
book. It is possible, indeed, that Paul may include
the whole province in his use of the term. If so, the

PAUL THE MISSIONARY LEADER 111
Epistle would be addressed to all the churches in the
province. Luke may be using the term in the ethno
graphic sense like Pisidia, Lycaonia, Phrygia, Mysia.
As matters now stand one cannot be dogmatic. Ram
say, in all his books on Paul,1 has set forth very ably
the South Galatian view that both Paul and Luke
mean only the region included in Phrygia, Pisidia,
Lycaonia (Acts 13 and 14) and that Paul never entered
Galatia proper, the old ethnographic use of the term
(North Galatia). But the view that Paul entered
North Galatia, that Luke so means in Acts 16 : 6 and
18 : 23, and that Paul addressed his Epistle to the
real Celts of that section still has able advocates. On
the whole I cannot see that this natural way of inter
preting both Luke and Paul is overthrown, though
admitting fully the doubt on the subject.
So then Paul and Barnabas are in the Roman prov
ince of Galatia, whether or not Paul ever entered the
old Galatia. Paul is in one of the great cities of this
ancient region. He will tap the centres of life along the
great roads that run east and west. It will mean much
if the gospel can be firmly planted in the great prov
ince of Galatia. This southern part was a hive of
life. Antioch in Pisidia was the centre of a vast
region. We do not know how long Paul and Barnabas had
been in the city before they addressed the Jews in the
'See especially "St. Paul the Traveller" and "Historical
Commentary on Galatians."

112 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
synagogue. It may not have been the first1 Sabbath.
They sat down in orderly worship as other Jews did,
but could not conceal the fact that they were strangers.
The invitation to give the Jewish brethren "a word
of exhortation" (Acts 13 : 15) could not be resisted.
Paul stood up according to the Greek fashion, and
Luke even comments on his gestures.
We are grateful for this specimen of Paul's preaching.
He is now an experienced preacher, but as yet we have
had only fragments of his discourses given, the mere
theme or the main points. But on this occasion the
line of argument is presented to us in some detail.
It is easy to say that Luke has just made up this ad
dress after the fashion of Xenophon and Thucydides.
But we know that Luke made use of documents in
his Gospel (Luke 1 : 1-4). Paul may have made notes
for this address and preserved them for Luke. Surely
Luke was with Paul enough to have access to any
papers which he kept. We may accept the report as
a substantial presentation of Paul's address. As the
first of Paul's discourses we may note some details.
The first thing that impresses one is the fact that
Paul here occupies the same point of view that he
had in Damascus when he first began his ministry
(Acts 9 :20) when "he proclaimed Jesus, that he is
the Son of God." So here also are found the resurrec
tion of Jesus (13 : 30 f.) and the Sonship of Jesus
(verse 33). The Messiahship of Jesus is proven by
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 99.

PAUL THE MISSIONARY LEADER 113
his resurrection from the dead (32, 34). Paul grasps
clearly the human and the divine aspects of Christ's
person. He does not here allude to his own experi
ence in seeing Jesus alive after his death, but he
rather appeals to the common experience of many
in Jerusalem who were still alive (verse 31). Perhaps
this was due to the fact that Paul was a total stranger
to the audience and his own experience as yet would
carry little weight.
But around this central theme Paul built up a skil
ful argument. Like Stephen, whose successor he is
in many ways, he first recounts the history of the chosen
people from Moses to David (17-22). He then an
nounced the wonderful fact that the Messianic King
promised to David's line has come and that his name
is Jesus (verse 23), and he is a Saviour to Israel. He
outlines briefly the mission and message of John the
Baptist (24 f.) in perfect accord with the Synoptic
account of the Baptist as the forerunner, preacher of
repentance and baptizer, unwilling to pose as the
Messiah himself. Evidently Paul had been learning
the historical facts about the origin of Christianity.
He then appeals to the Jews and the proselytes (in a
loose sense of that term) from the Gentiles, and an
nounces "to us is the word of this salvation sent forth"
(26). The dreadful story of the death of Jesus at
the hands of the Jewish rulers and of Pilate is briefly
told (27-29). The resurrection is discussed more at
length as the heart of the great message (30-37) and

114 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
in accord with the Scriptures. "Therefore," says
Paul, the first of those logical "therefores" so com
mon in his Epistles, "through this man is proclaimed
unto you remission of sins" (38). This "therefore"
points to the atoning death of Jesus who is shown to
be the Messiah and Saviour by his resurrection. But
this is not all: "And by him every one that believeth
is justified from all things, from which ye could not
be justified by the law of Moses" (39). This sentence
is pregnant with meaning. This salvation is personal
("by him") and not by a mere creed or ceremonial
observance. It is open to all ("every one") both Jew
and Greek. Belief or trust is the basal demand, not
works of the law. Full justification is realized as a
fact, not a mere hope. The Mosaic law had not
brought actual justification. Here is the kernel of Paul's
theology as we have it expounded in Galatians and
Romans. It is clear that he has rightly apprehended
the teaching of Jesus as set forth by Christ himself, by
Peter on the Day of Pentecost, and by Stephen. Paul
will learn more, but he will not need to unlearn this.
He closes the sermon by a passionate appeal from
Hab. 1 : 5 (40 f.).
The sermon, as a whole, is a masterpiece of skill
and adaptation in a difficult situation. His addresses
will all repay study, as reported in Acts, for this adap
tation to time, place, audience. Instance, besides this
one, that at Lystra (Acts 14 : 15-17), at Athens (Acts
17 : 22-31), on the steps of the tower of Antonia (Acts

PAUL THE MISSIONARY LEADER 115
22 : 3-21), before Felix (Acts 24 : 10-21), before
Festus (Acts 24 : 10 f .), before Agrippa (Acts 26 : 2-
23), before the Jews in Rome (Acts 28 : 17-28). His
addresses were never "misfits." It is small wonder
that on this occasion the effect was very great. The
people begged a repetition of "these words" on the
next Sabbath.
But the new preacher was entirely too successful
from the point of view of the Jews, and especially
the rulers of the synagogue, who had asked Paul to
speak at first. They did not relish the whole town's
coming out, including Greeks of all sorts. Paul had
let the bars down for the Gentiles to come right into
the Jewish synagogue. They came, but the Jews were
filled with jealousy and openly contradicted Paul and
even blasphemed or railed (marg.) at him (Acts 13 : 45).
The issue had come at last. Paul and Barnabas
wished to preach the Gospel to both Jew and Gentile.
Paul had done so. But these Jews at Antioch in
Pisidia would have no Messiah like that, nor message
for the 'am-ha-'aretz. Paul and Barnabas were quick
to grasp the new turn of affairs. "It was necessary
that the message of God should first be spoken to you.
Seeing ye thrust it from you, and judge yourselves
unworthy of eternal life, lo! we turn to the Gentiles"
(13 : 46). Every word cut like a knife. They justify
their conduct by an appeal to Scripture (Is. 49 : 6),
a passage evidently not familiar to the Pharisaic rab
bis. But here is a platform upon which Paul will

116 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
stand in his presentation of the gospel for the whole
world. The Jews have the right to a hearing first.
But the Gentiles shall not have the door of hope shut
in their faces.
It was a crisis in the world campaign. But the path
was plain. What would be the result? That must
take care of itself. God took care of it. The elect
among the Gentiles believed with gladness and glorified
God (Acts 13 : 48 f.) and the word of the Lord spread
throughout all that region. Evidently Paul and
Barnabas remained here some time and worked among
the Gentiles. But success merely angered the Jewish
rulers all the more. Paul and Barnabas paid no at
tention to them. But the rabbis found a way to reach
the magistrates of the city,1 not officials of the province.
They managed, by means of some female proselytes,
to get hold of some "devout women of honorable es
tate" who persuaded2 the magistrates to expel Paul
and Barnabas from the city as disturbers of the peace.
The rabbis and the women had their ears. Paul and
Barnabas had to obey the city magistrates and depart,
but they "shook the dust of their feet against them"
as they went (verse 51). But the rabbis cannot undo
what Christ has done for the Gentiles at Antioch.
7. Iconium: Division Among the Gentiles. — At
Iconium they were in the same Region as Antioch.3
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 105.
2 Conybeare and Howson, "Life and Epistles of St. Paul," p.
81, Vol. I., Scribner's ed.
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 109.

PAUL THE MISSIONARY LEADER 117
Here they boldly entered the synagogue of the Jews
and had great success with both Jews and Greeks
(14 : 1). Here also the disbelieving element among
the Jews resisted Paul and Barnabas. History often
repeats itself as in the work of Jesus in different parts
of Palestine. The new thing at Iconium was that
the Greeks themselves became divided, part holding
with Paul, part with the hostile Jews (14 : 2-4). Signs
and wonders were wrought here, but still the multitude
was divided. At Antioch the Jews had finally gotten
the Greek women and magistrates to drive Paul and
Barnabas out of town. One must remember that
then, as now, the Jews had financial influence. But
here at Iconium the opposition takes the form of a
mob, and both Gentiles and Jews make an "onset" on
the Apostles, to treat them shamefully and, if possible,
to stone them. But discretion was the better part of
valor and Paul and Barnabas fled (14 : 6). The Jews
had carried their point again.
8. Lystra: The Fickle Populace. — Here a new
region1 is entered, that part of Lycaonia, comprising
Lystra, Derbe and a "cityless" section. At Lystra
no mention is made of a synagogue nor indeed of any
Jews. It is a Gentile atmosphere into which they
enter. The excitability and fickleness of the Lyca-
onians have been often commented upon, with which
one may compare the changeableness of the Galatians
(Gal. 1:6), who may, indeed, be the same people.
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 110 f.

118 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
The healing of the lame man led the multitude to take
Barnabas for Jupiter and Paul for Mercury. They
manifestly took Barnabas as the major god and Paul
as his spokesman. They had a myth about such divine
visits to their country. They know Greek as well as
their own Lyeaonian dialect. Surely, Paul and Barna
bas have popularity to spare when the priest of
Jupiter gravely proposes to offer sacrifice. The ad
dress of Paul (and Barnabas) was noble in its tone,
and skilful in turning their thoughts to the living God.
He has to appeal to these men from the point of nature,
presenting God as creator and preserver of all men
(14 : 15-17). His Hellenism stood him in good stead
now as he sought a standpoint from which to reach
such a crowd. Even so, he had difficulty in restrain
ing the multitude (verse 18).
A god one day, a mere man the next day stoned
and left for dead. Thus the crowd changed under
the subtle persuasion of the Jews, who had come on
from Antioch and Iconium, flushed with victory, and
determined to kill Paul at any rate. They did stir
this Greek crowd. One may wonder how Jews could
be successful with Greeks, but they knew what argu
ments to make. They dragged Paul out of the city
and left him as a dead man. The real disciples in
Lystra, for there were some (Timothy, for instance,
whose father was a Greek and whose mother was a
Jewess), gathered in a circle around the body in sor
row. Probably Timothy was in that circle. So near

PAUL THE MISSIONARY LEADER 119
did Paul come to the end of his career on his first
missionary tour. But he rose from the ground and
went on his way. He had once had a share in the work
of the mob that stoned Stephen. Now he knew what
it was to be stoned himself by the fury of a mob.
9. Derbe: The End of the Tour. — Not a single de
tail is given' of the work in this city except that much
success was achieved (Acts 14 : 21). Probably perse
cution arose here likewise. It was now time to go
back home. How shall they return ?
10. Strengthening the Churches. — Much had been
accompUshed, if it could be made permanent. Organ
ization was needed with officers. Words of encourage
ment and advice would be helpful. But how could
they return in safety? Ramsay1 suggests that new
magistrates had now come into office in all the cities
where they had been, and hence they could come back
to them in safety. It is with grateful hearts that the
Apostles retraced their steps. They could exhort
with power how "that through many tribulations we
must enter into the Kingdom of God" (14 : 22). They
prayed and they fasted. A church with elders is es
tablished in each city, Gentile churches these, for the
Jews had given little response to the message. When
Perga was reached they hurry on to Antioch, skipping
Cyprus. 11. Report to the Church at Antioch. — They had a
wonderful story to tell. They had "fulfilled" (14 : 26)
1 "St. Paul the Traveller."

120 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
the work to which they had been committed at Anti
och. It was not exactly as they had hoped. The
Jews had not responded to the message as they had
wished. But the Gentiles had heard with open hearts.
God "had opened a door of faith unto the Gentiles"
(14 : 27), which would never be closed again. The
church at Antioch was a Gentile church, and they heard
with satisfaction this report of the first returned
missionaries of the world. The work among the Greeks
had now been launched upon a great scale and God
had set the seal of his blessing upon it. Paul and
Barnabas deserve some rest with the disciples. The
missionary work with Paul is now not a theory merely,
but a glorious fact. The Gentiles know the love of
Jesus and they will never forget him. One of the
greatest revolutions in human history has come about.
Jews and Greeks are now members of the body of
Christ. Will they dwell in peace together?

CHAPTER VII
PAUL'S DOCTRINAL CRISIS
"That the truth of the Gospel might continue with
you" (Gal. 2:5).
1. The Doctrinal Issue Raised by the Judaizers. —
The indignation of the party of the circumcision in the
church at Jerusalem over Peter's conduct at Caesarea
in going into a Gentile's house (Acts 11 : 3) had sub
sided when they saw that Peter had done this by divine
direction (11 : 18). They acquiesced in the conver
sion of the Gentiles and held their peace for the present.
Events at Antioch had already led them to send Barna
bas up there, but Barnabas, instead of reporting to
the Pharisees, went on saving the Greeks. The fires
of prejudice were not quenched, but were only smoul
dering. Barnabas and Saul had prudently brought a
contribution from the church at Antioch to the poor
saints in Jerusalem. But this formal campaign on
the part of Paul and Barnabas among the Greeks was
more than the Judaizers had bargained for. They saw
visions of Gentile Christians who might outnumber
the Jewish Christians, take charge of Christianity,
and divert it from Judaism. News had come to Jeru
salem of the great success of Paul and Barnabas. The
121

122 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
matter had already been overlooked too long. Some
of the Judaizers decided to save the Kingdom by going
up to Antioch and laying down the law to Paul and
Barnabas. They had not obtained the consent of
the Jerusalem church, the mother church, for this
Gentile propaganda.
The term Judaizer is applied technically to those
Jewish Christians who felt that the Gentiles could not
be saved without becoming also Jews. The Gentiles
must be Judaized as well as Christianized. Christian
ity was not adequate of itself. Judaism must be added.
Now, originally, before the vision on the housetop at
Joppa and the work at Csesarea, this had apparently
been Peter's view also. It was clearly never the view
of Jesus who had other sheep not of the Jewish fold
(John 10 : 16). In enjoining his followers to make
disciples of all the nations he had not said that they
were to be circumcised or Judaized (Matt. 28 : 19 f.).
But the disciples were Jews first, then Christians.
When Christianity diverged from Judaism, as it did
in the conversion of the Gentiles, they had, some of
them, difficulty in shaking off the Jewish point of view.
Some of them continued more Pharisee than Christian.
There was already a party of the circumcision (Acts
11 : 2), a Pharisaic party inside the Jerusalem church
(Acts 15 : 5). Here is the origin of the first cleavage
among the early Christians. It springs out of the
mission problem as have so many divisions in the cen
turies since due to the prejudices of race, creed or

PAUL'S DOCTRINAL CRISIS 123
custom. It is the spirit of Pharisaism redivivus in
Christianity. Pharisaism had killed Jesus, but not
Christianity. That attack was from outside the fold.
Now the Pharisaic ceremonialism lifts its hand from
inside the walls to smite the spiritual conception of
religion. It is the eternal conflict between the spirit
and the letter, a battle that rages to-day in every
Christian land.
Paul knows this spirit of intolerance better than the
Judaizers themselves. He had once been its foremost
exponent. It is a curious turn of the wheefl of fortune
that the man who rejoiced in the death of Stephen
for preaching spiritual worship independently of the
temple should be the man who will wage the great
battle for Gentile freedom. Stephen fought the fight
for the spiritual conception of religion against the
Pharisees (as did Jesus). Paul has to fight for the
spiritual gospel against the Judaizers. The regulators
from Jerusalem came up to Antioch and put the matter
bluntly: "Except ye be circumcised after the custom
of Moses, ye cannot be saved" (Acts 15 : 1). There
was the Christian law laid down for the Gentiles by
disciples from Jerusalem! If they were right all the
work of Paul and Barnabas at Antioch and on the recent
mission tour was for naught. They should go back
and Judaize the saints. Would Paul agree to that pro
gramme? He had not so learned Christ. Could he
be mistaken? If these men were right, Christianity
was small gain. He would not go back to the husks

124 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
of Pharisaism after renouncing it at so great cost.
These things were gain to him once, but not now.
He did not believe that Peter and James held such
views. He was sure that this was not the real spirit
of the Old Testament teaching concerning the Messi
anic reign. There was only one thing to do. It
would cause discussion. This was plain. But he
would resist any attempt to bring the Gentiles under
the bondage of Mosaic ceremonial law, not to say
Pharisaism. He knew the emptiness of tithing the
mint and anise of rabbinism. He loved his Greek
converts too much to see this calamity befall them.
And he loved Christ too much to see him so misin
terpreted. The church at Antioch stood with Paul
and Barnabas. Would there be a split on the issue?
Will the church at Jerusalem side with the Judaizers ?
That would be a great misfortune.
2. The Appeal to Jerusalem. — It was a solemn
moment. The issue of Paul's life was upon him.
Had he and Barnabas faltered, a Judaized Christianity
might have conquered the world instead of a Pauline
or spiritual conception of the kingdom (Rom. 14 : 17).
It is a great mark of the true statesman to see the real
issues involved in a controversy. Paul and Barnabas
showed themselves equal to this great occasion by see
ing at once that the very essence of Christianity was
at stake. Spiritual Christianity was meeting the icy
hand of formalism and traditionalism. It was Christi
anity by itself or Christianity plus ceremonialism.

PAUL'S DOCTRINAL CRISIS 125
Paul was a man of peace, but not peace at any price,
not peace at the cost of principle. The pathos of
Christian history is that not long after Paul's great
victory was won this very perversion of Christianity
did triumph. But his victory was not in vain. The
inspiring record of what he here won is a constant
challenge to men to win and maintain spiritual freedom.
He will have to fight the battle again in the letter to the
Galatians, and that Epistle was Luther's bugle-note
in the Reformation.
We do not know at whose suggestion the appeal to
Jerusalem was made. "Paul and Barnabas and cer
tain others of them " were appointed to take the matter
up with "the Apostles and elders" in Jerusalem
(Acts 15 : 2). It was the action of the church (verse
3), but most likely Paul really proposed the matter.
He tells us himself (Gal. 2 : 2) that he "went up by
revelation." He had probably gone to the Lord about
this great question, and this was the answer, to con
sult the Jerusalem brethren. It is not necessary to
make an elaborate discussion of the reasons for tak
ing Gal. 2 and Acts 15 to refer to the same visit to
Jerusalem. That is still the position of most scholars.1
There are difficulties in this view, but not insuperable
ones, and fewer than in any other. Thus we take it
that Luke gives the story of the conference in its gen
eral aspects, while Paul gives the story of the private
conference which really gave shape to the public
1 Cf. Findlay, Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

126 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
meeting. It is to be recalled that Paul wrote first and
that in his Epistle he is discussing the independence of
his authority. It was in the private meeting that this
issue came up. Luke in all probability never saw
the Epistle to the Galatians, and wrote obviously
and naturally about the general subject. There is surely
no real contradiction in Paul's remark about a special
revelation to him and Luke's mention of the action of
the church.
But why go to the Jerusalem church at all? Was
not the church at Antioch independent of the church
in Jerusalem? They had not asked the consent or
advice of the Jerusalem church in the matter of
Barnabas and Saul's going on the mission tour. Why
do it now? Was there not danger of having a yoke
put upon their necks? A number of common-sense
reasons occur to one. There must be no cleavage be
tween these two great churches on this subject. There
must be no schism, not two denominations, one Jewish,
one Gentile. Besides, these Judaizers belonged to the
church at Jerusalem. They had tried to get the church
at Antioch to take sides against Paul and Barnabas.
It would be only fair to see if the Jerusalem church
would not take a stand with Paul and Barnabas against
their own Judaizing members. Moreover, the other
Apostles, the Twelve, were members of the church at
Jerusalem. This fact would necessarily give great
weight to the opinion of the mother church in the
present emergency. A concordat, in which the great

PAUL'S DOCTRINAL CRISIS 127
Jewish church and the great Gentile church agreed,
would settle the matter with all sensible men. Paul
would take pains to make it plain to the Apostles and
all concerned that he did not come to Jerusalem to
receive orders from anybody. He came to confer with
them as equals about this great question of Gentile
liberty in the churches.
To Jerusalem then both sides go. Paul and Barna
bas tell the story of the conversion of the Gentiles as
they pass through Phoenicia and Samaria and cause
great joy to the brethren (Acts 15 : 3). Already there
are churches here. Naturally no objection to the
Gentile cause would be raised in these parts.
3. The First Public Meeting in Jerusalem. — A
general meeting was called (Acts 15 : 4) to hear the
story of Paul and Barnabas. They knew how to tell
it and it had a wonderful effect on the audience. Al
ready it was plain that the church at Jerusalem
sanctioned the work of God by the hands of Paul and
Barnabas. But the Pharisaic party were not going
to surrender without a fight. They "rose up" saying:
"It is needful to circumcise them, and to charge them
to keep the law of Moses" (15 : 5). There it was!
The church had the ipse dixit of the Pharisaic Chris
tians. It would be presumption to oppose the position
of these intensely orthodox brethren. They sat down.
Somebody must have moved to adjourn, a very con
venient parliamentary device at times, unless James
adjourned for dinner or pronounced the benediction.

128 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
In verse 6 we are told that they "were gathered to
gether to consider of this matter," a reference to a
second meeting. But the issue was sharply joined in
public at Jemsalem. What will Paul do now? He
tells us himself.
4. Paul's Stand for Gentile Liberty. — He probably
called a meeting of the Apostles present and the elders,
the leading spirits in the church. He did not wish an
unseemly public wrangle with these Judaizers. He
was no more concerned about them. He had said his
say to them at Antioch. Peter, John and James, in
particular, were the men that he wished to see. If he
and they saw eye to eye, it mattered Uttle about the
rest. He had no reason to suspect the position of
these great exponents of Christianity, but there was
nothing like talking things over in private. In a pub
lic debate there were all sorts of chances for misunder
standing. It was plain that the Judaizers had made
some impression by their bold, positive stand for tra
ditional Judaism. Paul never showed greater wisdom
than when he gathered these "pillars" of the church
and "laid before them the gospel" which he preached
among the Gentiles (Gal. 2 : 2). These men knew
what Jesus preached, if anybody did. He had no
fear of the outcome. He did not acknowledge their
superiority to him at all, nor had he received his message
from them (2 : 6). He was sure that they would
understand his message, that they were not Judaizers.
He was right. "They perceived the grace that was

PAUL'S DOCTRINAL CRISIS 129
given" unto Paul (2:9), and they shook hands all
round as equals who agreed on this great issue of
Gentile freedom. Paul had carried his point. Paul's
own apostleship is thus freely acknowledged by the
other Apostles, though it will be later attacked by the
Judaizers. The rights of Gentile Christianity are
freely admitted.
It seems clear that there were some timid brethren
in the private meeting, perhaps some of the elders,
who were willing to make a compromise in order to
hold on to the Judaizers. Paul sharply resented the
idea of surrender to these Judaizers, "false brethren"
he even calls them, for the sake of peace, "who came
in privily to spy out our liberty which we have in
Christ Jesus" (verse 4). They took special umbrage
at the fact that Paul had brought along with him Titus,
a Greek Christian, who had not been circumcised. He
had with him a live specimen to illustrate the point in
dispute. It was proposed that the principle could be
discussed to better advantage if Titus were first circum
cised. But Paul stood his ground firmly and refused
(verse 5, thus reads this somewhat involved sentence).
"The truth of the gospel" was at stake in the case
of Titus. The apparent inconsistency of Paul in cir
cumcising Timothy will be treated later.
Paul and the leaders did agree on a general sort of
division of work. Paul and Barnabas would devote
themselves specially to the Gentile work, while James,
Cephas and John would labor especially among the

130 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Jews. But the matter was not an absolute division,
as the future showed. It was hinted (2 : 10) that Paul
and Barnabas should continue to remember the poor
at Jerusalem as they had been doing. Had they for
gotten it this time ? Paul will one day remember this
point with a great collection. They are now ready
for another public meeting. Probably the programme
of the proceedings was agreed on in the main, for
everything will now go smoothly. There is wisdom
for brethren in responsible positions in the kingdom.
5. The Victory Over the Judaizers. — It was a victory,
not a compromise, as can be shown. One must not
overlook the "much questioning" (Acts 15 : 7) which
came first in the second pubUc gathering. It would
appear that full opportunity was given for the Judaizers
to say all that they wished. After all desire for public
controversy had been satisfied, Peter "rose up" and
spoke. The Judaizers would probably look with sus
picion on him since his experience at Caesarea, but,
still, they had not given him up. He was the great
speaker among the Twelve, and the Judaizers had prob
ably tried to use his name against Paul as they did later
in Corinth. His opinion is bound to carry weight.
He reminds the audience how this is not a new matter
at all. He had himself been before the church once
on this very point. They had all agreed that the con
version of Cornelius was the work of the Lord, as shown
by the bestowal of the Holy Spirit. They had not de
manded that Cornelius should be circumcised. Besides,

PAUL'S DOCTRINAL CRISIS 131
they had not as Jews been able to bear this yoke of
the law. Why impose it on the Gentiles? As Jews
they had to believe just as the Gentiles (15 : 7-11).
Every word told in favor of Paul's contention. Peter
and Paul agree here as they do later in their Epistles
on the doctrines of grace and Gentile liberty.
Peter's speech made a profound impression. No
body seemed willing to answer it. Finally, Barnabas
and Paul (probably in this order, verse 12) told their
story again, to refresh the minds and hearts of the
brethren. After a further pause James, the leading elder
and apparently the President of the Conference, arose
and addressed the body (15 : 14-21). Every one would
wish to hear his opinion, for he was regarded as thor
oughly Jewish. The Judaizers had hoped to win him,
as they later will use his name to frighten Peter (Gal.
2 : 12). He seems deUberate and begs for attention.
He refers to Symeon's (note the Jewish form of the
name as in 2 Pet. 1:1) speech with approval. At once
then he takes sides with Paul and Barnabas. He
does a characteristic thing for a Jew. He shows how
this whole matter of the incoming of the Gentiles
was foretold in the Prophets (Am. 9 : 11 f.). That is
enough for him after all that they have heard of God's
blessing and what they knew already of the work of
God at Caesarea. He is ready with his "judgment."
It is in favor of letting the Gentiles alone (verse 19).
He offers a suggestion that this body send an epistle

132 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
to the Gentiles expressing their opinion that they be
careful to avoid a great sin to which they were specially
subject and respect the Jewish feeUngs on two other
matters. There was no need to worry about Moses.
That was a Jewish, not a Gentile problem, and the
Jews had synagogues everywhere. As yet the Jewish
Christians had not ceased to worship in the synagogue
(cf. also Jas. 2 : 2).
It was a powerful plea that covered the whole ground
and brought matters to a focus. The wonderful part
about it was that the verdict was unanimous in favor
of the resolution, if one may so call it, of James (verse
22). One can hardly suppose that the Judaizers voted
for it. They probably remained in sullen silence,
completely overcome, and in utter defeat. The pro
posal of James about a letter was agreed to, and two
leading brethren, Judas and Silas, were appointed
with Paul and Barnabas to convey the decision of
the conference to Antioch and Syria and CiUcia. The
epistle is not in the form of a command. James
had used the word "judgment." The word "seemed
good" is the term used in the epistle itself (verse 28).
They claim the guidance of the Holy Spirit in the
conclusions reached. The epistle disclaims responsi
bility for the troublesome and arrogant attitude of the
Judaizers (verse 24) and is very full of appreciation of
the work of Paul and Barnabas (verse 25 f.). No
demands are made of the Gentile Christians outside
of the well-known Christian principles, except these

PAUL'S DOCTRINAL CRISIS 133
"necessary" things (verse 28). Fornication was a dire
peril in the Gentile world, and they needed warning on
that point (cf. the Epistles later also). The question
of meats offered to idols is not on the same plane,
but can become in certain phases of it a very serious
matter (cf. I Cor. 10 : 14-22). It will give Paul trouble
in the future. He did not regard this decision as a
"law," for in I Cor. 8-10 and Rom. 14 f. he discusses
the matter in its fundamental aspects. Some phases of
the subject were open to question. But he has won the
great thing. It would not be wise to stickle over a small
point. Besides, idolatry was another ever-present
temptation to the Gentiles (I Cor. 10 : 14). The
matter of "things strangled" was a concession to Jew
ish feeUng that the Gentiles would not complain of.
In fine, the Gentiles were not to become Jews. That
was the great thing. They were to be careful about
fornication and idolatry, their great temptations, as
they ought to do. They could well afford to respect
Jewish feeUng in a matter like things strangled. There
is the spirit of concession here and love, but not of
compromise of principle. As to the actual working out
of the matter of meats offered to idols that Ues in the
future. All this is very subordinate and relatively
unimportant in the light of the victory for Gentile
freedom, for spiritual Christianity, so gloriously won.
One will be pardoned a word as to the prominence
of James in this work. The epistle sent is much like
his speech and may have been written by him. It

134 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
has often been noted how both speech and epistle re
semble the Epistle of James written by the same noble
man, and probably just before this conference. He
makes no attacks on real Judaism, but he takes his
stand with Paul and Peter for liberty and progress.
6. The Reception of the Victory at Antioch. — They
were naturally jubilant in this Greek centre that the
Jerusalem church had taken their view of the situ
ation (Acts 15:30-35). It was, indeed, a "consola
tion" not to have a schism, for the Greeks would not
become Jews. Judas and Silas were prophets and
gave vent to many words. It was a good time all
round. They at last returned to Jerusalem, while
Paul and Barnabas and many others went on preach
ing the Word.
7. Peter's Temporary Defection at Antioch. — It is
Paul who tells this painful incident (Gal. 2 : 11-21).
He does it only to show his independence of the other
Apostles, not to cast reflection on Peter. But it was
the sequel of the battle for Gentile freedom, indeed the
same struggle renewed in another form. In the course
of time Peter came up to Antioch to see how this great
work went. The wonder is that he had not come
sooner. But he was now publicly aligned with Paul
and Barnabas and he could come with no possible
misunderstanding. Peter's impulsive nature went the
whole way this time. He "ate with the Gentiles."
He had done this with apologies to Cornelius (Acts
10 : 28; 11:3), but now he made no excuses about it.

PAUL'S DOCTRINAL CRISIS 135
He acted just like Paul and Barnabas. The Jerusalem
conference had not passed on the question of social
usages between Jewish and Gentile Christians. So
the Judaizers have fresh cause for a quarrel if they
wish it.
Perhaps news of what Peter is doing comes to Jeru
salem. The Judaizers are quick to see the chance to
reopen the controversy which had not been settled to
please them. As before, so now they come up with
assertion of infallibility and authority. They claim
to be "from James." The claim need not be true
because they made it. We know that James had agreed
with Paul at Jerusalem. It is possible, of course, that
some of the brethren may have asked James before
they left if they thought Jews ought to have cordial
social relations with Gentiles, and may have received
a negative reply. We know that later (Acts 21 : 20 ff.)
he is anxious for Paul to disabuse the minds of the
brethren of the charge that Paul opposed the main
tenance of the Mosaic customs on the part of Jewish
Christians. But I do not beUeve that James sent a
message of condemnation of Peter's conduct in eating
with the Gentiles.
But, when confronted by the Judaizers with the
threat to tell James about it, Peter changed his conduct,
though not his convictions. It was a piece of cowardice,
like his dreadful denial of Jesus to the servants of the
high priest. "He drew back and separated himself,
fearing them that were of the circumcision." He was

136 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
not brave enough to face possible social ostracism
in Jerusalem or another trouble in the church there
(Acts 11 : 3). Paul felt very strongly on the subject.
He charged Peter with hypocrisy and not standing to
his real convictions. Peter "stood condemned" when
Paul "resisted him to the face." Poor Peter. He can
now answer neither Greek nor Judaizer.
The worst of it was that all the other Jews followed
Peter's example. If it was wrong for Peter, it was
wrong for them. Paul and Barnabas stood alone.
They had lived with the Gentiles apparently on the
tour as well as in Antioch. But soon Barnabas also
deserted Paul. It was the first break that had come
between Paul and Barnabas. This was a cut, indeed,
to the quick. It was hard to stand up against Peter
and call him "Judaizer" "before them all" (2 : 14).
He expounded to Peter the fundamental gospel prin
ciple of justification by faith (15-21) to help him see
his inconsistency. It was Paul contra mundum. Sup
pose he had faltered ? The victory of Gentile freedom
would have been seriously endangered if not lost.
Eternal vigilance is indeed the price of liberty. But
Paul's boldness won back both Peter and Barnabas.
They afterward are on friendly terms with Paul.
This passage in Galations really presents the essential
ideas of the PauUne theology which Paul explained to
Peter, "for if righteousness is through the law, then
Christ died for naught" (verse 21). If Moses must be
added to Christ, Moses is greater than Christ. Indeed

PAUL'S DOCTRINAL CRISIS 137
Christ in that case made a useless sacrifice of himself.
The Judaizers, in truth, "belonged more to Moses than
to Jesus." 1 Peter had to face "the overwhelming di
lemma" that either faith in Christ was sufficient or it
was not sufficient.2 In fact, he had already faced that
question (Acts 15 : 10 f.). Paul now sharply brought
him back to the light.
8. The Controversy Reopened. — The Judaizers are
greatly encouraged at the momentary sympathy on
this point which they had obtained from Peter and
Barnabas. They see a new line of battle. It is to
isolate Paul, fcvdrive a wedge in between him and the
Jerusalem Apostles. They will claim at Corinth to
have letters from the Apostles (II Cor. 3:1). They
will undertake some missionary work on their own
account, "a counter-mission."3 They lost at the
Jerusalem conference, but they have made headway
at Antioch. They will appeal to Paul's own converts
on the field and seek to shake his authority with them.
They will use the concessions at Jerusalem to Paul's
hurt. Henceforth a double campaign will be waged
over the world. Paul and his coadjutors will carry
the gospel from province to province in the Roman
Empire. The Judaizers will follow in his train and
dog his steps, maUgning his name and preaching the
gospel of ceremonialism, while Paul proclaims the gos
pel of grace. Paul will win the lost to Christ. The
1 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 126.
2 Ibid., p. 131. 3 Ibid., p. 135.

138 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Judaizers will seek to save the saved, to rescue them
from Paulinism and save them to Pharisaic orthodoxy.
They will have only too great success in Galatia and
Corinth. Paul will go on with foes in front and in
the rear.

CHAPTER Vin
PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE
"Come over into Macedonia and help us" (Acts 16 : 9).
1. The Break with Barnabas. — The missionary fever
soon returned to Paul. He must go out again. So
he proposes to Barnabas that they visit the churches
which they had estabUshed. Manifestly Paul and
Barnabas are on good terms again. Barnabas has
come back to Paul's view in the matter of social rela
tions with the Gentiles. Paul was too great a soul to
cherish against one a temporary lapse like that. He
had confidence in Barnabas, as in Peter, in spite of their
faltering before the Judaizers. It is possible, how
ever, that Barnabas was a Uttle sensitive on the score
of Paul's rebuke. It had, perhaps, brought up sharply
the whole story of Paul's forging ahead of him in the
work. But the recent unpleasantness made it neces
sary for Paul to take the initiative. They do not now
wait for another revelation of the Holy Spirit to spur
them on. Barnabas agreed and all seemed well.
But Barnabas made an unfortunate suggestion, that
they try Mark again. One can see very easily how
Barnabas would wish to give his kinsman another
chance. He would reason that he was young, that the
139

140 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
experience had taught him a lesson, and that he felt
sure that Mark would be faithful this time. Paul
undoubtedly wished Mark well, but he did not wish
to experiment with him a second time. The risk was
too great in a work of this nature. Let Mark first
show himself a man by sticking to his work. Judg
ment of men is a very difficult matter, but very essential
to success. People inevitably have the right to differ
about personal likes and dislikes. One need not de
cide who was right here, Paul or Barnabas. There
was something to say on both sides. The contention
between them was "sharp," as is common in personal
matters. It is a sad story at best. If it were the only
case in Christian history! "They parted asunder one
from the other" (Acts 15 : 39). Henceforth Paul and
Barnabas never work together.
They will work separately. They agree to disagree.
They drop the matter and do not nag each other.
Paul will later allude to Barnabas (I Cor. 9 : 6) in a
most pleasant way, showing that he bore no resentment
and that Barnabas was still at work. Luke drops
Barnabas from his story, for he will follow Paul. One
could wish for more knowledge of this generous spirit
who did so much for Paul and for Christ. It is
always pathetic to see estrangement come between two
who have been so much to each other.
Barnabas takes Mark and goes to Cyprus, his old
home. Mark will learn his lesson. He doubtless was
humiliated by Paul's refusal to take him along. But

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 141
it did him good. Later he will be of service to Peter
(I Pet. 5 : 13) and to Paul (Philem. 24; Col. 4 : 10;
II Tim. 4:11). A young minister can overcome his
faiUngs. Mark the inefficient becomes Mark the use
ful to Paul for ministry. But the world looks drear
for Barnabas and Mark as they leave Antioch. The
sympathy of the church is with Paul (Acts 15 : 40).
2. Paul's New Campaign with SUas. — Silas (Latin
Silvanus) had shown himself in full sympathy with
Paul at Jerusalem and Antioch. He was a prophet
and apparently of more age and force than Mark. In
deed, he takes the place of Barnabas, not Mark.1 Paul
turns to the other part of the former tour, since Barna
bas had gone to Cyprus. They pass through some of
the churches of Syria as they go by land on toward
Galatia by a more direct way than in the former trip.
Both here and in Cilicia Paul had already labored so
that he will have a cordial welcome (Gal. 1 : 21 f.).
He strengthened the churches.
Ramsay2 suggests that Luke fails to make any com
ment on the realm of Antiochus between CiUcia and
Derbe (in Galatia) since it was "non-Roman territory
and out of Paul's plans." Already, according to
Ramsay, Paul has the purpose of converting the
Roman Empire to Christ.
3. Lystra: Finding of Timothy. — No incident is
mentioned at Derbe when Paul comes upon the track
1 Ramsay, " St. Paul the Traveller," p. 177.
2 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 179.

142 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
of his previous journey, but at Lystra Paul finds an
other companion for his work. Timothy was a child
of Paul's in the Gospel (I Tim. 1 : 2). His mother,
a Jewess, had also beUeved, but his father, a Greek,
is not said to be a Christian. Already Timothy has
a good reputation both in Lystra and Iconium (Acts
16 : 2). It is a great thing to discover a preacher.
Paul made no mistake in choosing Timothy to go with
him. He will never flicker as Mark had done. This
young man will be one of the chief joys of Paul's min
istry. Timothy agrees to go, but Paul first has him
circumcised so that he will not be obnoxious to the
Jews. The case is not similar to that of Titus, who
was a pure Greek. Timothy, being half Jew and half
Greek, was in an anomalous position. So he became
a Jew also. No matter of principle was involved in
his case and prudential reasons ruled.
4. Paul Lives up to the Jerusalem Agreement. —
They proceed on the journey and deUver "the de
crees to keep which had been ordained of the Apostles
and elders that were at Jerusalem" (Acts 16 :4).
They had been dupUcated so that a copy could be left
in each church. The decree or decision would come
in well if any effort should be made to enforce Judaism
on them. Paul delivered this document after he had
had Timothy circumcised, evidently seeing no contra
diction between the two. The epistle was not meant
as a law to bind the Gentiles. It was rather a charter
of freedom from Judaism. The Gentile Christians

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 143
were already, of course, opposing idolatry and fornica
tion. They show no reluctance to agree to Jewish
feeUng about meats offered to idols and things strangled.
The trouble at Corinth about meats offered to idols
comes after the Judaizers have been there and brings
up aspects of the subject not contemplated in the
Jerusalem epistle. But Paul is not allowing the fact
that the Judaizers had reopened the controversy at
Antioch on the ground of social relations with the
Gentiles to keep him from loyal adherence to the agree
ment made in Jerusalem. Ramsay1 thinks that the
Judaizers will later use these decrees and Paul's circum
cision of Timothy as an argument for their contention.
Hence he thinks Paul soon ceased to say anything
more about the decrees. The Galatians were led to
desert Paul, he argues.
5. Hedged in by the Spirit of Jesus. — "And they went
through the region of Phrygia and Galatia, having been
forbidden of the Holy Spirit to speak the word in
Asia" (Acts 16 : 6). Few historical statements in Acts
have caused more comment over the geographical
details. The natural way of taking this passage is
that Paul has in verse 5 finished the region of Lyca
onia (South Galatia), and had planned to go into
Asia (Roman province) to the west, probably aiming
to go on to Ephesus. But the Holy Spirit forbade that.
Hence he turned north-west through the Phrygio-
Galatic region. This is the normal way to understand
• "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 182 f.

144 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
the correct Greek text. He went on into another
part of the province of Galatia after leaving South
Galatia. It is still a question whether "the region of
Phrygia and Galatia" means the Phrygian part of the
Galatic province rather than the Phrygian part of the
Asian province, in addition to Galatia. The margin
of the American Revision has "Phrygia and the region
of Galatia," which would imply two separate parts
rather than two names for one region. According to this
view Paul went north through the Phrygian region after
leaving Lycaonia and went on into Galatia proper
(old Galatia). According to the other view he may
not have touched old or North Galatia at all, or he
may have gone through only the western side of Galatia
proper. This latter modification (North-western Ga
latia) is the view of Findlay in his article on Paul in
Hastings' "D. B." It is just one of those questions
that may never be settled satisfactorily, though a turn
of the spade some day may put the matter at rest.
Ramsay has ably advocated the position that Paul never
entered Galatia proper (North Galatia) at all, but only
Lycaonia, Pisidia, and Phrygia. Then he wrote only
to the churches of South Galatia. This view has
many attractions, but still has grave critical difficulties
in its way. To be sure, Paul may have gone on this
trip to Galatia (the western end) and still have written
only to South Galatia. But it remains true that the
incidental manner in which Luke, in Acts 16 : 6 f.,
mentions the journey suits best the accidental way

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 145
in which Paul comes to preach to the readers of the
Epistle (Gal. 4 : 13). But the question is too large
for minute discussion in this volume, though I still
think that Paul probably had the real Galatians in
mind in his Epistle, to whom he went for the first time
in the second missionary tour. We know from the
Galatian Epistles that he had success with them and
was kindly treated by the volatile Celts (Gal. 4 : 14 f.).
Luke seems to hurry over this portion of the trip
in the desire to reach Troas. Ramsay1 may be right
also in suggesting that the desertion of the Galatians
led Paul to say Uttle about them to Luke. Findlay
finds the explanation of Luke's silence about the
North Galatian work in the fact that it was off the
main Une and a sort of "parenthesis" in Paul's labors.
It is clear that the northern part of the province of
Galatia (or north-western) was reached, because Paul
tried to go on into Bithynia. Here he was debarred
again by the Spirit of Jesus. Two rebuffs on the same
trip would have discouraged some men. Paul was not
allowed to go west into Asia, nor north into Bithynia.
But he had no notion of turning back home in disgust.
He pushed on to the north-west through the edge of
Asia by Mysia to Troas. He was pressed by the Spirit,
not backward, but forward.
6. The Macedonian Call and Luke.— -Troas was fulL
of memories of Europe which it faced. This region
was that of Priam and Agamemnon, of Xerxes, of Julius
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 183 f.

146 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Caesar, of Alexander. Once the European conqueror
of Asia stopped here, but Conybeare and Howson1 do
not put it too strongly when they say that we are more
concerned with the memories of Paul than of Alexander.
In a sense Alexander's conquest of Asia made possible
Paul's conquest of Europe for Christ. The triumph of
the Greek culture had unified the world. Roman sway
had conserved the Greek culture. Both Roman power
and Greek culture are the servants and agents of Paul
as he stands upon the shores of the iEgean Sea and faces
the problem of Europe. It is one of those eras in
history which give one pause. One can but wonder
what might have been the result if Paul had not pushed
on to Troas, but had turned back to Cappadocia and
Pontus, to Armenia and Babylonia, to India and
China. Others might in time have carried the gospel
westward, as some did to Rome. But if the stamp of
Paul were removed from Macedonia, Achaia, and Rome,
Christian history would not have run the same course.
Paul had visions at great crises in his ministry. It
has been suggested that in this vision the man of
Macedonia was in reality Luke who lived in PhiUppi.
A merely natural explanation will hardly meet the
demands of the language in Acts 16 : 9, though Luke
may have had his home in Philippi and may have
spoken to Paul on the subject of the needs of Mace
donia. The vision was clearly a call of God to Paul.
1 "Life and Epistles of St. Paul," p. 280 of Vol. I Scribner's
edition.

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE .147
What should he do ? It was a venture to go to a new
continent among a strange people. He had no ex
amples to guide him. But it was in Une with his mis
sion to the Gentiles.
Paul took the brethren into his confidence. He
told Silas, Timothy, and Luke. We have not had
Luke's presence in the story before and it is revealed
here by the use of "we" and "us" (Acts 16 : 10).
Where Luke joined the party we are not told. It is
possible, though pure conjecture, that this "beloved
physician" (Col. 4 : 14) may have saved Paul's life
during his sickness in Galatia (Gal. 4 : 13). But the
appearance of this Gentile Christian (one of Paul's
new converts ?) on the scene is an event of the first im
portance in the Ufe of Paul. He will not, indeed, be
with Paul constantly, though he is in the story in Acts
steadily, from Acts 20 : 5 to the end, as well as from
16 : 10 to Philippi (the "we" sections). He is with
Paul in Rome in both of his imprisonments (Col. 4 : 14;
II Tim. 3 : 11). He is Paul's best interpreter (after
his own Epistles) as well as one of the historians of
Jesus. He brings a literary quality to the study of
original Christianity, in the case of both Jesus and the
disciples, that is extremely valuable. He is, in truth,
the first church historian as Paul is the first Christian
theologian. But he never obtrudes himself. We
merely know that now he is giving us what he has
learned first hand by his own experience.
The problem raised was not merely one of revelation,

148 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
though it was that. It was one of reason also. It was
an issue that had to be faced with the best judgment
to be had. It called for sober criticism. It did not
occur to Paul to go back to Jerusalem to get an opinion
on the vision from the brethren there. He acted on the
judgment of those with him. The result of the in
vestigation was the conclusion (avp,pil3d%ovT?i) that
God had called the whole party ("us") to preach
the gospel in Macedonia. Duty followed interpreta
tion. They start and make a straight course to Samothrace.
The next day they are at NeapoUs (Newtown), the sea
port of Philippi. It is a quick trip. The thing is done.
This Rubicon has been crossed. A great forward
step in the history of Christianity has been taken. It
is a noble company, these four, who step upon virgin
soil and grapple with the tremendous problem of
establishing the gospel among the mighty Greeks in
their own home. Macedonia and Greece are prac
tically one from this point of view. The history of
Europe will largely turn upon the success of this cam
paign. The Greeks were the teachers of Rome. Ram
say observes that in saving the Roman Empire for
Christ Paul was really preserving it from decay by
putting a new vital force within it, a force that made
for peace and for progress.
7. Philippi: Lydia and the Jailer. — Paul is now in
the Roman province of Macedonia, the land of PhiUp,
of Alexander the Great, of Aristotle. The city of

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 149
PhiUppi was a colony of Rome (Acts 16 : 12 ). It had
been started as a military post and was still largely so,
though commercial interests were large. Luke does
not claim that PhiUppi was the first city (Acts 16 : 17)
in the province, for Thessalonica would challenge that
claim. Even in the district Ramsay1 thinks that prob
ably AmphipoUs still had the lead of PhiUppi in public
opinion, though Philippi was "first by its own consent"
and was rapidly forging ahead. Ramsay thinks also
that Luke, being a citizen of Philippi "had the true
Greek pride in his own city" and took PhiUppi's
side in the rivalry between them. Did Paul know
of the famous battle here in B.C. 42, when Brutus
and Cassius went down before Antony, Octavius and
Lepidus (the second triumvirate) ? He is on historic
ground. Where should Paul begin the European campaign?
He seems to have waited some days (Acts 16 : 12) to
find out where he could take hold. The Jews seemed
to be few, since it was largely a military city. No
synagogue is mentioned. But Paul knew well what
the habits of the Jews were. Their ablutions required
water. Did Luke give Paul any clew ? At any rate they
went out of town, down by the river-side (Gaggitas ?),
"where we supposed there was a place of prayer."
It was not a very encouraging field for a beginning.
Besides, they found only a handful of women. Com
pare Jesus at Jacob's Well in John 4:6. Paul made
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 206 f.

150 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
the best of the situation. Curiously enough, Lydia
was herself from Thyatira of the province of Asia,
in which province Paul had recently been forbidden
to labor. God opened the heart of this Jewish mer
chant woman, as well as the hearts of her employees.
The work of Christ in this great European campaign
begins with a handful of humble women. Thank
God that the women can be enlisted for Christ even
if gold still grips the souls of men. Her home was
opened to the brethren, and the place of prayer by the
river became Paul's pulpit for PhiUppi.
It was not long before trouble came. It is impossible
for a minister, who is always loyal to Christ, to keep out
of trouble. Ramsay1 considers the girl who was con
verted under Paul's preaching merely a ventriloquist,
but one who herself believed that she had "a spirit of
divination." The trouble with this otherwise possible
explanation of the "python" is that Luke represents
Paul as addressing the spirit and ordering it to come
out of the girl (Acts 16 : 18). We have thus a case
parallel to the demoniacs who bore testimony to Jesus.
But, whatever the explanation, her masters ceased to
make money out of the poor girl's misfortune. They
seemed to have organized a regular company that
traded with her gift of divination. Paul and Silas
had touched the pockets of these men, and they rose
in wrath against the new preachers who had interfered
with their vested rights. The lottery, the saloon, the
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 215 f.

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 151
gambUng hells of modern Ufe have all made like com
plaint against courageous ministers of Christ.
The attack seems to have been rough, for they
"dragged" Paul and Silas before the rulers (apxovres)
or magistrates (o-TpaTij<jo( praetors). Luke uses both
terms, the general and the Latin, perhaps using the
mixed language of conversation.1 It is an old and ever
new story that here follows. These infamous men
blandly pose as Roman patriots and seek to arouse
Gentile prejudice against Paul and Silas as Jews, not
knowing any special difference between Christians
and Jews. They say nothing, of course, about their
private grudge, but their patriotism is for revenue only.
The "trouble" to the "city" was what had come
to the masters of the girl. But the demagogues had
all too much success with the rabble, and the magis
trates, Uke Pilate before them, yielded to popular
clamor and ordered the prisoners, after a flogging, to
stocks and the inner prison.
That night in the Gentile prison was a new ex
perience for Paul. He was to have many more Uke
it in the future. The joy of Paul and Silas is note
worthy. Paul will one day write out of a prison in
Rome to the church at PhiUppi an Epistle full of
cheer. Ramsay2 explains that an earthquake would
easily open an Eastern prison, while the prisoners
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 217. Ramsay thinks
it uncertain whether these "Masters" were themselves Romans
eince the majority of the population were Greeks.
2 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 224 f.

152 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
would be overawed by the effect of that portent. Paul
is quick to seize the opportunity of the jailer's con
viction, to win him from suicide to salvation.
The magistrates possibly felt that Paul had caused
the earthquake. At any rate, they wish to be rid of
these strange prisoners. It is not clear why Paul did
not claim Roman citizenship before the flogging. No
explanation is given by Luke. In the heat and ex
citement of the moment it is possible that Paul may
not have thought of it till later. Indeed the mob and
the magistrates gave Paul no time for explanation. He
will appeal to it in Acts 22. But, at any rate, Paul shows
plenty of independence when the magistrates wish him to
help them out of their dilemma. Silas is called a Roman
citizen also by Paul (Acts 16 : 37). Ramsay1 thinks
that Luke has mistranslated Paul's Latin to the
magistrates when he claimed his Roman citizenship,
since the condemnation of a Roman citizen would not
alleviate the flogging, but make it worse. On the other
hand, the argument in Paul's mind may have gone thus.
It is unlawful to flog any one uncondemned; besides,
it was done pubUcly; then again we are Romans and
it was unlawful to do it at all; to cap it all they have
put us into prison. The argument about "Romans"
thus is not the first one, but toward the end. It is
the magistrates who are now afraid. They show proper
courtesy now. Paul and Silas leave Luke and Timothy
behind in PhiUppi with a church fully estabUshed.
1 " St. Paul the Traveller," p. 224 f.

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 153
8. Thessalonica: The Excitable Populace. — Thessa
lonica is the capital of the province of Macedonia and
the most important city that Paul has come to since
Antioch.1 It is the Roman administrative city and a
great commercial emporium (the present Saloniki).
The Jews are strong here. In their synagogue Paul
preached on three successive Sabbaths (compare
the two at Antioch in Pisidia (Acts 13 : 44). One is
constrained to think from Paul's remarks in I Thess.
1 and 2 that he preached in the city much longer
than this. Perhaps Luke's account is confined to the
work in the synagogue alone.
Paul's preaching followed the famiUar line of argu
ment for Jews in an appeal to the Scriptures to prove
that the Messiah was to suffer, to die, to rise again;
that Jesus did all this; therefore Jesus was the Messiah.
Thus we have (Acts 17 : 2 f.) only the premises and the
conclusions, not the details, for which one may turn to
the sermon at Antioch in Pisidia. Some impression
was made on the Jews and a great one on the "devout
Greeks," especially the women. One is reminded again
of Antioch in Pisidia where the women were turned
against Paul. In Thessalonica, however, the jealous
Jews adopt bolder methods. The rabbis collect some
"vile fellows of the rabble" ("toughs" from the out
cast sections of the city) and engage them to "set the
city in an uproar." They do it to perfection, and drag
Jason and others, in Ueu of Paul and Silas, to the
1 Findlay, Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

154 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
"politarchs," Luke's strange term for the mlers of
the city now amply confirmed by inscriptions. Jason
and his party of disciples are gravely charged by the
rabbis and the hired rabble with having turned the
city upside down, the very thing which the rabble had
been employed by the rabbis to do ! One might imagine
himself back in Jerusalem at the trial of Christ, for the
charge is filed against the disciples that they preach
Jesus as King "contrary to the decrees of Caesar"
(Acts 17 : 7). The Jews were not notorious for loyalty
to Caesar, and these hired "hoodlums" were not loyal
to anybody. In Philippi money was behind the cry of
patriotism. In Thessalonica the motive is jealousy.
These Jewish leaders "troubled the multitude and the
rulers of the city" by their specious charges. But the
orthodoxy that resorts to such demagoguery is rather
lurid and spectacular, to say no more.
None the less, Jason and the rest were put on their
good behavior. They apparently felt that Paul had
better leave town. So they "sent away Paul and Silas"
probably against Paul's own desire. The riot had
been really very dangerous. Paul will later allude to
these "Jews" (he lays the blame on them, not the poU-
tarchs) who "drove out us," "forbidding us to speak
to the Gentiles" (I Thess. 2 : 15 f.). But a great work
has been done in Thessalonica.
It is possible that the stress put by Paul here on the
second coming of Christ may have played into the
hands of the Jews in stirring up the mob against Paul.

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 155
They may have charged that Paul proclaimed that
Jesus would soon come and supplant the Roman
Caesar. He did, indeed, preach to them about "the
man of sin" "setting himself forth as God" (II Thess.
2 : 3 f.). "When I was yet with you I told you these
things" (verse 5). It was not difficult for the Jews,
who did not like the current emperor-worship any more
than Paul, to turn his strong words on this subject
against him and all the disciples. The excitabiUty
of the mob at Thessalonica, under the lead of the Jews,
throws a side-Ught also on the volatile misconcep
tions of the disciples there about Paul's real statements
as to the second coming of Christ. He had exhorted
them to look for that coming and to be ready for him.
He would come suddenly as a thief in the night (I
Thess. 5 : 2). But some of them had claimed that
Paul taught that Jesus' coming was "just at hand"
(a point which he later expressly denies, II Thess. 2 : 2),
and hence it was useless to work. These pious en
thusiasts Paul exhorted while with them to be quiet,
to attend to their own business and to work with
their own hands (I Thess. 4:11): He has no sympathy
with the type of piety that makes one unfit for work
(II Thess. 3 : 10). Evidently Paul is not a sociaUst
in the strict use of that term. This is not the last time
that Paul will be misunderstood while present and
absent. But the work at Thessalonica was a great achieve
ment. This strategic city with a live church in it

156 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
served as a sounding-board to echo forth the gospel
to all the region round both in Macedonia and Achaia
(I Thess. 1 : 7 f.). Paul tells us much of the consola
tion and joy that he found in the church at Thessalon
ica (I Thess. 1-3) so that one must expand a good deal
the brief narrative of Luke in Acts 17 : 1-10. The
pastoral side of Paul's work is prominent in the Epistles
to Thessalonica.
He carefully explains to them the substance and
spirit of his message, as well as the love which he still
bore them, and his exemplary conduct while with them.
9. Beroea: Search of the Scriptures. — If Paul and
Silas had to flee from Thessalonica by night (cf.
Damascus), they had reward in Beroea. They begin
with the synagogue of the Jews who differ from the
Jews in Thessalonica in a readiness to investigate the
Scriptures to see if the new doctrines were true. That
shows an openness of mind towards new truth that
entitles them to the term "noble" (Acts 17 : 11).
Timothy had now rejoined Paul and Silas (17 : 14).
The story of Thessalonica is, in a measure, repeated
here, for the Jews of Thessalonica follow Paul to
Beroea as those from Antioch in Pisidia went to Iconium.
It does not seem to have been necessary to get "hood
lums" to raise a mob for Paul's benefit in Bercea,
though that is possible, "stirring up and troubUng
the multitudes" (17 : 13). The "brethren" (17 : 14)
sent him on to the sea. Silas and Timothy remain
in Bercea, while Paul goes on to Athens with instructions

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 157
for them to rejoin him there speedily, apparently with
news from Thessalonica and Bercea. In Athens Paul
waited for them (17 : 16). From I Thess. 3 : 1 it
looks as if Timothy, at any rate, came on and was sent
back again by Paul to Thessalonica. If so, when Luke
in Acts 18 : 5 speaks of Silas and Timothy coming
down from Macedonia to Corinth, he is alluding to
the second coming, not to the first at Athens (cf. Paul's
allusions to the visits to Jerusalem in Gal. 1 and 2).
10. Athens: Idolatry and Philosophy. — One need
not suppose that Paul was insensible to the glory and
greatness of Athens. But his mission to Europe was
that of ambassador for Christ. He was, indeed, in
the chief seat of ancient culture of all the world. The
University of Athens had rivals now in Alexandria,
Rhodes, Tarsus and elsewhere, but none of them had
the glory of Athens. The great historians, orators,
poets, generals, statesmen, philosophers of Athens
were known all over the world. Paul was distinctly
open to Hellenic influence, Jew though he was. The
architecture, the sculpture, the beauty of Athens had
been unrivalled in the crowning age of sculpture and
architecture. The golden age of Athens was far in
the past, but the glory still lingered over the Acropolis
(as it does yet over its ruins). Paul had time enough
to enjoy them, if he willed.
But the sculpture faded before the multitude of
idols. The glorious Parthenon was itself the home
of the worship of Minerva. The learning, the phi-

158 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
losophy of the city was under the spell of idolatry.
The city, this glorious city, was given over to idols
(Acts 17 : 16). That fact stared him in the face. He
had seen idolatrous cities before, even of the baser sort
as Antioch in Syria and Paphos in Cyprus. His very
spirit was provoked to see this city, the home of so
much that was high and noble, given over to false gods.
There were gods at every turn; some thirty thousand
in all were worshipped in Athens.
He must speak. In the synagogue he spoke to the
Jews on the Sabbath. On other days he had a word
with chance comers in the agora (17 : 17) where teach
ers of every philosophy and reUgion dispensed their wis
dom to any who would listen. Paul was just one more
in the vast army of these lecturers who had come to
the world's intellectual centre. Ramsay1 conceives
that Paul's debate with the Epicurean and Stoic phi
losophers in reaUty took place in the University of
Athens. That view gives more dignity to the matter.
These two schools of practical philosophy were dom
inant in the world of that time. Socrates turned the
trend of thought from mere cosmological speculation
to man himself. Plato had taken the cue from his
master and Ufted philosophy to a high plane of abstract
thought with many noble ideals. Aristotle was en
cyclopaedic and combined the outward and the inward,
and systematized methods of thought and expression.
•Zeno and Epicurus represented a recoil from so much
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," pp. 241 ff.

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 159
speculation to a practical view of life. The one (the Stoic)
aimed at conquest over evil by self-control that hardened
into pride, despair and pantheism. The other (the Epi
curean) was atheistic, Ught-hearted, flippant, selfish, and
degenerated into mere love of pleasure. But they held
the field, not only at Athens, but in all the great centres
of life (Jerusalem excepted). They were ready to de
fend their views to any new-comer. Some of them
cannot conceal their fine scorn for Paul "this babbler"
(seed-gatherer like a sparrow picking up crumbs in
the agora, or o-7repp,oX6yo<;). Others are more polite,
but equally obtuse, for they think that Paul preaches
two gods (one Jesus, the other the resurrection).1
The Athenians made gods out of the abstract virtues.
Evidently Paul was not meeting with much success
with the philosophers. One recalls Christ's difficulty
with the Jewish rabbi Nicodemus.
They take him to Mars Hill! Why? Clearly
not to be tried, though one is reminded of Socrates,
who was charged with teaching strange doctrines.
Was it merely idle curiosity to pass away the time?
They were, true to their nature, always ready for some
thing newer than the last fad if for nothing serious
(17 : 21), a touch true to Ufe in Athens as drawn by
Plato himself. This motive was undoubtedly present.
But was there any more serious purpose? Ramsay2

»Cf. Shakespeare, "St. Paul at Athens"; D'Ooge, "The
Acropolis of Athens " (1909).
3 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 247. /

160 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
makes out a pretty good case for the idea that Paul
was really brought before the Council, not for trial,
but to see if he was entitled to a lecturer's certificate
so as to have proper standing as a lecturer on religion
and philosophy along with the Stoics and Epicureans.
The matter is not entirely clear. It is possible, though
slightly artificial. But, in any case, the tone of the
audience is contemptuous, while formally poUte
(17 : 19 f.). It is, however, an inspiring moment
when he stands on Mars Hill, facing the noble temple
of Minerva on the AcropoUs, with members of the
Council present along with Epicurean and Stoic philos
ophers, to speak about Jesus of Nazareth in the midst
of Greek culture. We have seen Paul in various try
ing situations before. He has not yet met one that
called for more resource and readiness. He will need
not only his Jewish training and Christian experience,
but all his knowledge of Greek Ufe and thought. He
has never addressed an audience whose world outlook
(Weltanschaung) was so utterly different from his.
Can he so put Christianity as to be loyal to Christ
and at the same time win the attention of this assembly ?
There is a curious Attic flavor to the address of Paul
here which every Greek student appreciates. Paul
seems to respond to his atmosphere in his very language,
and Luke has the same feeUng about it.
The address is a masterpiece of real eloquence on
the greatest of themes. He skilfully introduces the
subject of God after passing a compliment on their

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 161
reUgiosity (verse 22 f.). He waves aside the worship
of idols by an argument from nature and represents
God as near those who are groping in the dark toward
him (cf. in Rom. 1 and 2, the other side, the heathen
going away from God). He presents God, the Uving
God, as the centre of Ufe and the Father of all men,
as spirit and to be worshipped in spirit. This God com
mands repentance from sin and will judge all by the
man whom he has sent and has raised from the dead.
The sermon ends abruptly. Paul probably had more
to say about Jesus, but he could not go on. Some
laughed in his face, others poUtely excused themselves,
a few beUeved; Paul abruptly went out from among
them (17 : 33), probably disappointed at such treatment.
But he had been faithful to Christ and the truth.
He had condemned idolatry and exalted God. He
had preached sin, repentance, judgment, Jesus and
the resurrection, as much as they would hear. He
had not preached philosophy instead of the gospel.
He had only alluded to their philosophy indirectly to
turn their thoughts to God. He had preached a great
sermon, but little was accomplished by it. Probably
he was mortified as many a preacher has been since,
at the result of his efforts. What shall he do? If
Athens will not listen to him, will any city in Greece
do so ? Will they follow the example of Athens ? It
matters not. He will stick to the preaching of the
Cross. He will preach Christ crucified whether the
philosophers will have it or not (I Cor. 2 : 2). Let the

162 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Cross be fooUshness to the Greek as it is a stumbling-
block to the Jew in every city. Paul knows that it is
both the power of God and the wisdom of God (I Cor.
1 : 23 f.). He will preach the word of the Cross. The
day will come when the disputer of this world as well as
the scribe will both be made foolish before God (I Cor.
1 : 20). The Greek philosopher and Jewish rabbi
do not use the same weapons in debate. Perhaps
Paul was at a loss to know how to measure swords
with this new variety of word-mongers. He was a
greater philosopher than all of them in reaUty, but they
could not grasp the range of his spiritual vision. Paul
was not driven out of Athens. He was laughed out.
They would not even persecute him.1
11. Corinth: Sudden Wealth and False Culture. —
Will Corinth prove a more promising field ? It could
hardly be worse. Athens was old and self-confident,
volatile and scornful. Corinth had been utterly de
stroyed by Mummius and lay in ruins for a hundred
years, till JuUus Caesar restored it. Now it is a great
and flourishing commercial metropoUs, rich and wicked.
Like other "boom" towns, Corinth has a veneer of
culture and an imitation of philosophy. The false
in taste was in the ascendant. There are difficulties
in abundance in Corinth, but they are not exactly
those of Athens where the whole Ufe was dominated
by the critical and philosophical atmosphere of the
'"Nowhere else had he so completely failed." — Stalker,
"Life of St. Paul," p. 97.

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 163
University. Christianity and culture are not in oppo
sition. They are in reality at one. But an arrogant
philosophy can be very scornful of spiritual matters.
But in a city Uke Corinth the false culture did not have
a firm hold on all. There were many who would be
open to something better, who even hungered for the
realities of life.
The Jews are strong in Corinth, and Paul found,
as usual, the synagogue at his service. The presence
there of Aquila, of Pontus, and Priscilla his wife, was
due to the expulsion of the Jews from Rome by the
Emperor Claudius (Acts 18 : 2). They are of much
interest in themselves, for they will come across Paul's
path a number of times and always in a helpful way.
Whether they were already Christians or became so as
the result of Paul's labors we do not know. What is
stated by Luke (18 : 3) is that they, Uke Paul, had the
trade of tent-making. That was a common bond,
besides that of Christ. So they dwelt together, while
Paul reasoned in the synagogue on the Sabbath. Here
is a noble picture of Paul, who had been begged to leave
Philippi, driven out of Thessalonica and Bercea,
laughed out of Athens, yet pushing on alone to Corinth,
supporting himself, making new friends, winning a
place for Christ among Jews and Greeks in that great
city. He had moments of depression, but he held on. He
was longing and looking for the coming of Silas and
Timothy from Thessalonica. The arrival of Timothy

164 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
and Silas gave Paul great joy (I Thess. 3 : 6), for now
he knew that the church at Thessalonica was standing
fast in the Lord. Now he really Uved (verse 8). The
immediate effect of these new helpers was that Paul
devoted himself with fresh energy to the word (Acts
18 : 5). They may have brought a supply of provisions
from the church at PhiUppi, as had happened several
times while Paul was in Thessalonica (Phil. 4 : 16).
At any rate, Paul would need to make fewer tents
and could preach more sermons.
The new power in Paul's preaching caused resistance
among the Jews. The story of Antioch in Pisidia,
Thessalonica, Beroea is, in a measure, repeated, but
with a difference. The modification is that Paul now
stands his ground. As at Antioch in Pisidia, Paul turns
dramatically from the Jews to the Gentiles. Ramsay1
admits that Paul's manner was not very conciUatory
when he was angry, and calls the shaking out of the rai
ment a "very exasperating gesture." In the trial of Jesus
the Jews took the blood of Jesus on their heads. Here
Paul says: "Your blood be upon your own heads"
(Acts 18 : 6). He was clean. It was probably ex
asperating to the Jews for Paul to hold his preaching
services in a house "hard by" the synagogue. The
sense of rivalry would thus be keen. Corinth, Uke
PhiUppi, was a colony, and Titus Justus has a Roman
name, though he had probably been an attendant on
the synagogue worship (Acts 18 : 7). The conversion
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 256.

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 165
and baptism of Crispus (ruler of the synagogue) and
his household would add to the bitterness. It would
be like the pastor of a church of one denomination
joining another next door.
The vision of the Lord to Paul and the message not
to be afraid show that resentment was sharp (18 : 9 f.).
Perhaps but for this message Paul might have left
Corinth as he had done in other cities and not without
reason. He had been told by Jesus to leave Jerusalem.
But now he holds on till the outbreak comes and many
days after, probably two years in all (18 : 11, 18).
The coming of GaUio, brother of Seneca, to Achaia
as proconsul (so after 54 A.D.) had an important bear
ing on Paul's career in that there is developed under
him "the imperial poUcy in its relation to Paul and
to Christian preaching." J In Galatia and Asia Minor,
where Paul had been the victim of persecution, his
case had only come before the city magistrates or a
mob had driven him off as in Lystra. The various city
magistrates had all felt the force of personal intrigue
or popular clamor. Here, however, the proconsul
himself is appealed to, who either had a more liberal
and just temper or took more pains to separate the Jew
ish ceremonial quibbles from Roman provincial law.2
As a result the Jewish conspirators fail utterly in this
case against Paul, while Sosthenes, the new ruler of the
synagogue, himself gets the beating that he had meant
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 257.
2 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 258.

166 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
for Paul, gets it from the mob which the Jews had so
successfully used against Paul, while GalUo, Uke Nel
son, has a "bUnd eye" to the work of the mob. The
result of Gallio's refusal to punish Paul was to give
him and his preaching a standing before Roman law
that it had not had heretofore, a very important
matter. It was a virtual edict of rehgious freedom for
Christian preachers as a sect of the Jews at any rate,
for GalUo did not go into the differences between Paul
and the Jews.
12. Paul's First Epistles: I and II Thessalonians.
— It was probably before the latter part of Paul's stay
in Corinth that he wrote the Epistles to the Thessa
lonians. It was soon after Timothy and Silas came.
These are the first of Paul's thirteen Epistles preserved
in the New Testament. As already mentioned, these
Epistles fall into four groups:
I and II Thessalonians.
I and II Corinthians, Galatians, Romans.
Philippians, Philemon, Colossians, Ephesians.
I Timothy, Titus, II Timothy.
The order here given is not known for certain.
Some critics put Galatians as the very first on the Ust,
but on insufficient grounds, in my opinion. Others
would place it between the Thessalonian Epistles and
I Corinthians. The position of Philippians is not
clear, whether before or after Colossians and Ephe
sians. But these two matters of doubt do not greatly
affect the working scheme here presented.

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 167
Paul had written other letters before these, as might
be expected in an age of letter- writing.1 In II Thess.
2 : 2 Paul warns his readers against forgeries, and in
3 : 17 tells them how to tell a genuine letter of his.
Evidently he had already written more than one when
men were trying forgeries of them. There is a differ
ence between a merely personal letter and a formal
and stately epistle that one writes for public perusal
or for permanent preservation. Paul's Letters vary
from Philemon, which is almost wholly personal, to
Ephesians, which is almost wholly general. Those
addressed to churches necessarily have a more formal
character, but a personal tone is found, or, at least,
personal items. The numerous papyri letters of the
early Christian era illustrate well Paul's correspondence
with the churches and individuals. He seems to al
lude in I Cor. 5 : 9 to an epistle which is now lost. A
good illustration of the doctrinal epistle (cf. Romans)
is found in Acts 15, the epistle from the Jerusalem
conference to the Church at Antioch and the Gentile
Christians generally. It was distributed as Paul's
Epistles came to be (Col. 4 : 15 f.).
The Thessalonian Epistles were probably written
during the period A.D. 52-3, and represent an important
stage in Paul's spiritual and doctrinal development.
One can trace with reasonable correctness the funda
mental principles of his Christian theology prior to
1 Cf. Deissmann, "Bible Studies"; Milligan, "Commentary on
Thessalonian Epistles."

168 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
this time from the account in Acts. But it is signifi
cant in the study of any great man when one comes
upon documents by the man himself, especially if they
be letters where a man gives his real sentiments with
freedom. The ecclesiastical nature of these letters
does not keep Paul's own personaUty out of them.
His very heart is poured out in gratitude or concern,
for the disciples who were his crown and joy.1
The doctrinal theses of Paul's later and more ex
tensive Epistles are here, the love of God in Christ,
his death on the Cross for sin, justification by faith,
obedience, judgment, the second coming of Christ.
But the remarkable element here is that the Thessa
lonian Epistles are largely taken up with the second
coming, a subject not mentioned by Luke as belonging
to his preaching so far, and which is not treated at
much length by Paul elsewhere save in I Cor. 7. One
is hardly prepared for its prominence just here in
Paul's teachings. But it is to be remembered that it
was present in the teaching of Jesus and in the early
apostoUc preaching. Local circumstances or Paul's
own mood may have brought the subject to the front
at Thessalonica. It was misunderstood and demanded
further explanation. The explanation in the first
Epistle was still misunderstood and called for a second
Epistle. Thus the subject gained a rather larger pro
portion of attention in these Epistles than seemed to
1 On the pastoral side of Paul's work, see Chadwick, "The
Pastoral Teaching of St. Paul."

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 169
have been true of Paul's preaching as a whole. But
one cannot deny that Paul, like Jesus, urged the dis
ciples to be in an expectant attitude and ready for the
Lord to come at any time. The collision at Thessa
lonica with the city authorities may have led Paul to
feel strongly that the Roman Emperor was the man
of sin who set himself up to be worshipped instead of
God. There is no doubt at all that Paul was right in
his perception that this emperor-worship was the great
foe of Christianity, the real Anti-Christ. Paul saw
it thus early as John will discuss in Revelation this
titanic struggle between Christianity and imperial
Rome. The history of Christianity in the first three
centuries amply vindicated the foresight of both Paul
and John.
The thing here to observe about these Epistles,
as about all of Paul's Letters, is that they spring out
of actual historic circumstances and were written to
meet immediate and pressing needs. They possess
the element of Ufe and hence are powerful to-day.
They are not artificial or merely Uterary performances.
Paul wishes to instruct the Thessalonian Christians,
to cheer them, to rebuke them, to lead them to juster
conceptions of the Christian Ufe, to hoUer Uving.
Paul's Letters are echoes of his preaching to which he
alludes in these Epistles. They teem with suggestions
that are rich to-day for every soul that loves Christ.
I cannot here give a minute analysis or exposition of
Paul's Epistles. That would be to write a commentary,

170 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
One may be referred to my "Student's Chronological
New Testament"1 for my analysis of Paul's Epistles
in their historical setting.
But at Corinth we see Paul fully conscious of a great
message to men. He speaks with the note of authority
and power. This gospel (II Thess. 2 : 14) which he
said he had preached in Thessalonica was, indeed, the
gospel of God (1 Thess. 2 : 2, 8, 9). He feels that he
is preaching the word of God both at Thessalonica
(1 Thess. 2 : 13) and at Corinth (I Cor. 2 : 4). He
feels emboldened to "command" the church at Thessa
lonica (II Thess. 3 : 4, 6, 12) as he had done while with
them (verse 10). He even threatens those who obey
not his Epistles (II Thess. 3 : 14). He enjoins that
they hold fast to his instructions both by word and
epistle (II Thess. 2 : 15). He is now an experienced
preacher of Christ and the proven Apostle to the Gen
tiles who knows that the hand of God is with him.
Along with the clear doctrinal grasp of Christ's person,
mission and message there breathes in these Epistles
the same deeply spiritual note so really PauUne.
Experience precedes theory with Paul.2 He leaves
Corinth the masterful exponent of the Risen Christ
with a vision of a world empire for him. He now
knows that Christ can conquer Caesar's realm. Find
lay3 justly conceives that Paul has been making "an
1 Fleming H. Revell Co.
2 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 114.
3 Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

PAUL ANSWERS THE CRY OF EUROPE 171
interested study of the Roman Empire and its relation
to the Kingdom of Christ." As he approached Rome
he felt its grandeur and was repelled by its idolatrous
Caesar-worship. 13. The Return to Antioch. — I pass by the detail
about the cutting of the hair at Cenchreae (Acts 18 : 18)
in fulfilment of a vow. The Greek is ambiguous.
Whether it was Paul or Aquila cannot be determined.
Paul was still a Jew and had himself no objection to
observing the Jewish ceremonial law on the part of
Jews as is made clear later (Acts 21 : 26). Paul had,
on the voyage to Ephesus, the pleasure of the com
panionship of Priscilla and Aquila. The noble wife
of Aquila is often mentioned before him. They were
both congenial spirits to Paul.
They actually sailed, of course, from Cenchreae,
the harbor of Corinth. Did Timothy and Silas re
main in Corinth or come on to Ephesus? Did Tim
othy go back to Lystra and Silas to Jerusalem? It
may seem remarkable that, after being forbidden on
the outward journey to come to Ephesus in the province
of Asia, Paul should now boldly proceed there. It is
plain that the prohibition was temporary and for a special
purpose. That purpose has now been realized, the
proclamation of the Gospel in Macedonia and Achaia.
Aquila and Priscilla will remain in Ephesus till Paul
returns there and is ready to leave (I Cor. 16 : 19),
over three years in all. Paul has a brief ministry with
the Jews in Ephesus, but hurries away to Jerusalem,

172 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
hoping to return "if God will" (Acts 18 : 19 ff.). The
Textus Receptus for verse 21 explains that Paul
was anxious to reach Jerusalem for the feast which
may have been the passover. If so, in the spring of
A.D. 54 (or 53) we may think of Paul's taking ship to
come to Caesarea on his way to visit the Church at
Jerusalem (Acts 18 : 22).
It is not absolutely certain that Paul went up to
Jerusalem, but that is the natural meaning of "went
up" and "went down." It had been some four years
since Paul had his battle for Gentile freedom at the
Jerusalem Conference. They had been years of great
progress for him and the cause of Christ among the
Gentiles. He has a more wonderful story to tell than
ever. Did he see Peter, James and the other "pillars"
at Jerusalem ? One cannot tell. The apparent brev
ity of his stay indicates that the Apostles were chiefly
away. Did Paul meet the Judaizers again? Prob
ably their leaders were in Galatia or on the way to
Corinth to regulate Paul's Gentile converts. They
will soon begin to give Paul serious trouble all along
the line of his great tour. But he " saluted the church "
and, after an uneventful visit, went on his way home
to Antioch. That was his real objective point. Here
he was sure of a great welcome. He could now rest
awhile and take his bearings. What had Barnabas
accomplished meanwhile? One wishes that he knew.

CHAPTER IX
PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES
"Besides those things that are without, there is that
which presseth upon me daily, anxiety for all the
churches" (2 Cor. 11:28).
1. The Statesmanship of Paul. — It will come out
at every turn in this chapter as we see him carry on
his heart the burden of the churches. He has now
taken the whole world into his vision, and, wherever
the body of Christ suffers, Paul suffers (II Cor. 11 :
29). His horizon has broadened till it compasses the
whole Roman Empire. At Ephesus he will fight the
opposition of Jews and the rage of the silversmiths who
are losing the trade in their shrines; he will throw
his soul into the solution of the troubles at Corinth;
he will superintend the collections for the poor saints
in Jerusalem, a collection that has included Galatia,
Asia, Achaia and Macedonia in its scope before he
leaves Ephesus (I Cor. 16:1 f.; II Cor. 9:2; Acts
19:22); he is planning for a trip to Macedonia,
Achaia, Jerusalem, Rome (Acts 19 : 22). At Troas
Corinth will still be a burden as will be the case in
Macedonia. In Corinth he yearns after Galatia, where
the Judaizers have been playing havoc; after Jerusalem,
where the opposition has crystallized against him;
173

174 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
after Rome, where he has not yet been and where the
Judaizers have gone on ahead of him; after Spain
that great Western empire ripe for the gospel of Christ
(Rom. 15 : 28). His sweep of sympathy is that of
the Christian statesman who loves the whole world.
It is just during this period that the difficulties thicken
in his way. He has now three sets of enemies to fight
in detail or together, as Jesus had to meet the com
bination of Pharisee, Sadducee, Herodian, and finally
also the Roman Pilate drawn in (cf. Nero with Paul).
Paul has to meet the Jew, the Greek and the Judaizer,
and finally the Roman. But during this period (A.D.
54-57) the Romans are not hostile to him, thanks to
Gallio's decision in his favor. Nero has succeeded
Claudius, but Nero's golden quinquennium was the
very time when Paul is struggling with the problems
of the mission churches, bringing order out of chaos
with some of them, indoctrinating all of them. He
has to fight Jew and Greek on the ground at Ephesus,
while the Judaizer has followed his trail (and that of
Apollos at Corinth) and sowed discord with marvellous
success. The false brethren let their dogs loose on
Paul's heels while he drives back the wolves in front.
The perils from his countrymen, from the Gentiles,
from the false brethren (II Cor. 11 : 26) were the perils
that affected him more than shipwreck, hunger and
cold. The hostility of the Jew gave him anguish of
heart (Rom. 9:2). The Judaizers he spumed as
"false apostles," Uke Satan, coming as angels of Ught

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 175
(II Cor. 11 : 13 f.). The Gentiles rage at him like
wild beasts (I Cor. 15 : 32). But he loves both Jew
and Gentile and tries to be all things to all men to
save some (I Cor. 9 : 20-22).
The grandeur of Paul's nature comes out in this
gigantic struggle which he wages with the forces of
evil thus massed against him. He has friends, indeed,
though some of them are treacherous. He has joy in the
churches, though some of them are fickle. The other
Apostles have followed the agreement made in Jerusa
lem and are endeavoring to win the Jewish world to
Christ, though with comparatively poor success accord
ing to Rom. 9-11. Tradition reports them in various
parts of Egypt, Arabia, Mesopotamia, India, and Peter
writes to the various provinces of Asia Minor (I Peter
1 : 1 f.). But Paul is not entirely alone, though no
other figure of Uke stature stands by his side as he
directs the great campaign in the Roman Empire.
He has faithful lieutenants who are loyal to him, men
Uke Timothy, Titus, Erastus, Aquila (with Priscilla),
Sosthenes, Apollos, Tyrannus, Sopater, Aristarchus,
Secundus, Gaius, Tychicus, Trophimus, Luke, the
household of Chloe, Phoebe and the noble array of
coworkers whose names occur in Rom. 16. There
were others also (see I Cor. 16), but these are enough
to show the strong personal ties that Paul had made
all over the world. These helpers were his stay and
support as he strengthened the work at Ephesus,
managed the great collection, wrote his Epistles, sent

176 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
committees or embassies, sought to strengthen the
cause and extend the sphere of the Gospel everywhere.
"He was, indeed, born for conflict," and "without
these great troubles we should never have known Paul
at his greatest, nor guessed how tender his heart was,
how heroic his faith, how vigorous his mind, how in
finite the resources of his strong and supple genius." 1
Paul appears in his true glory now, but he himself
sees only the face of Jesus. "For the love of Christ
constraineth us" (II Cor. 5 : 14). He glories in his
weaknesses that the power of Christ may rest upon him.
"When I am weak, then am I strong" (II Cor. 12 : 10).
The passionate love for Christ and for lost souls has
him fast. He is wilUng to be thought beside himself
(II Cor. 5 : 13) if so be he succeeds in his ambition to
please Jesus.
Findlay2 has a remarkably vigorous paragraph
about "the period of his struggle with the Judaistic
reaction in the Church, and of the four great evangeUcal
Epistles which were its outcome. The evangelist
becomes the controversiaUst; the church founder must
defend the churches of his foundation. The apologetic
and doctrinal interests now predominate in St. Paul's
work; he is employed in consolidating the conquests
already won." The Judaizers have made an im
pression outside of Jerusalem. They have led many
of the Gentiles to believe that Paul was unsound, that
1 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 136.
2 Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 177
the Judaizers alone were the exponents of true Chris
tianity, that they have the sanction of the real Apostles.
In a word, they are Judaizing the Gentile Christians.
The Jerusalem agreement has been set aside. Paul
confronts the whole array of them with a lion's cour
age and vanquishes them in the greatest struggle of
his career. His great Epistles "are the crushing and
terrible blows with which the mighty combatant
openly answered the court intrigues of his enemies.
The contest is in reaUty a drama, which grows larger
and more compUcated as it advances from Galatia to
Rome." J
2. Paul Leaves Antioch Again and for the Last Time.
— Like a whaler he yearns to set forth once more. He
is too far from the centre of his great mission conquests.
He must be in the thick of the fight. Antioch is now
a seasoned church and does not need him so much.
His objective point is Ephesus, to which place he had
promised to return. He proceeds "through the region
of Galatia and Phrygia" (Acts 18 : 23). Ramsay2
here understands Luke to describe two regions, the
Galatic and the Phrygian. Thus Paul went through
the province of Galatia and that portion of Phrygia
west of Galatia (really in Asia). This interpretation
leaves undetermined what portion of the province he
traversed, though Luke's phrase in Acts 18 : 23 natu-
1 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 136. Cf. Lock, "St. Paul
the Master Builder," pp. 38-67.
2 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 211.

178 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
rally impUes that he revisited the churches of Lycaonia
and Phrygia, at any rate, "in order." This would in
clude Galatia proper if he had gone there on his previous
visit. This is the third time that Paul has come to the
province of Galatia and the second time to Galatia
proper, if we follow the North or North-western Galatian
theory. It was during this visit that Paul probably
arranged the collection in Galatia for the poor saints
at Jerusalem (I Cor. 16 : 1). The Judaizers followed
him and got in their mischievous work in Galatia
after Paul had left it.
3. Three Years in Ephesus. — It was most Ukely in
the early summer of 54 (or 53) that Paul reached
Ephesus. He was probably here less than three full
years (cf. Acts 19:8, 10, 21 f.; 20:31). It was in
the spring of A.D. 57 (or 56) that he left Ephesus
(I Cor. 16 : 8). In this great metropolis of the province
of Asia and of the whole of Asia Minor, Paul plants
himself. The city was a strategic one from every point
of view. The gospel is already well established in
Central Asia Minor. He passed "through the upper
country" on his way to Ephesus (Acts 19 : 1), an ex
pression in harmony with the North Galatian con
struction. The silversmiths will charge that "not
alone at Ephesus, but almost throughout all Asia,
this Paul hath persuaded and turned away much
people" (Acts 19:26), a testimony to the power of
his ministry in Ephesus. Luke himself remarks that
as a result of Paul's labors here "all they that dwelt

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 179
in Asia heard the word of the Lord, both Jews and
Greeks" (Acts 19 : 10). Paul will later write to
Colossae and Laodicea (Col. 4 : 16), cities in the Lycus
valley, a portion of the province which he had not
visited (Col. 1 : 9). Later, Timothy will be located
here to superintend the mission work in this vast region
(I Tim. 1 : 3). John the Apostle seems to have spent
the closing years of his ministry in Ephesus and
neighborhood. The Book of the Revelation of John
is addressed to a circle of seven churches in this province
of Asia (Rev. 1 : 11), a list which by no means includes
all in the province. It is clear, therefore, that Paul
made no mistake in choosing it for his present head
quarters. We not only have Luke's historical account in the
Acts of the Ephesian ministry, but a report of Paul's
own summary of his labors there given in an address
to the Ephesian elders at Miletus on his way to
Jerusalem (Acts 20 : 17-35). The so-called Epistle to
the Ephesians was probably a general letter for other
churches (Col. 4 : 16) also and is devoid of personal
details. But the address at Miletus throws a clear Ught
back upon Paul's work in the city of the goddess Diana.
He sketches with tenderness and pathos the elders'
knowledge of his life in Ephesus, his loneliness of mind,
his tears, the plots of the Jews against him. He is
glad to recall his courage in public and private teaching.
He had faithfully told them the whole counsel of God.
He had done his duty by them. He had preserved

180 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
his manhood by self-support for his own necessities
and for the help of those with him. He had not been
a covetous preacher. He had been an example to
them of helping the weak. He had remembered and
practised the word of the Lord Jesus about the joy
of giving. This is a farewell sermon a year after he
had left the Church, an address to other preachers. It
is wonderfully pertinent to-day. It will help us get
Paul's own point of view about his work in Ephesus.
Paul just misses Apollos when he reaches Ephesus.
This brilUant young Alexandrian disciple of John the
Baptist had become an accurate and powerful ex
pounder of Christianity before he reached Ephesus
(Acts 18 : 25), but he was ready to learn more accurately
at the hands of Priscilla and Aquila. He was teach
able as well as mighty in the Scriptures, and eloquent.
It was doubtless a pleasure to Aquila and Priscilla
to write to the Corinthians a note of introduction
(Acts 18 : 27; cf. II Cor. 3:1). As an Alexandrian
Jew he powerfully confuted the Jews in Corinth, per
haps with more success than Paul had (Acts 18 : 28).
He was a noteworthy successor to Paul and "helped
them much." Paul will meet Apollos when he returns
to Ephesus. Aquila and Priscilla meanwhile give Paul
a joyful welcome.
The case of the twelve misinformed disciples of
John the Baptist whom Paul met on his arrival illus
trates well the complicated development that went on
after the death of John and Jesus. The most of

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 181
John's disciples who survived were probably merged
into the Christian body, but some held aloof, as we
know was true, for a good while after this period. Some
of these may have regarded Christianity as a rival,
while others were merely in ignorance of the relation
of the Baptist's work to that of Jesus. The present
group were evidently friendly towards Christianity,
but ignorant of the basal elements of John's own
preaching. They had not heard of the Holy Spirit, of
Jesus, of repentance. John taught all these subjects.
They had not really received the baptism of John
except in name, a very different example from that of
Apollos. Paul baptized them, therefore, in the name
of Jesus (Acts 19 : 5), showing that the full name of
the Trinity was not always used. The essential name
for Christian baptism was that of Jesus. But note
Paul's question in verse 3. Then followed the laying
on of hands, speaking with tongues, and prophecy,
common experiences of the early Christians.
When Paul had stopped at Ephesus, on his way to
Jerusalem, he had been received kindly by the Jews
and even invited by them to stay longer. So he renews
his work with them, showing that Aquila and Priscilla
had kept on good terms with the Jews of Ephesus.
He now spends three months teaching the Kingdom
of God in the synagogue. But the inevitable breach
came when Paul began to get soUd results from his
work. When they spoke evil of "the Way," he took
the disciples away from the synagogue, but without

182 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
any special dramatic act as at Corinth or at Antioch
in Pisidia. They went to the school of Tyrannus.
One of the school-teachers (a Greek) had become a
disciple. Paul was not over-particular as to the place
where he should preach. He would take the Jewish
synagogue, a place of prayer by the river-side, a jail,
Mars Hill, the home of a disciple (Titus Justus), a
school-house, anywhere. But now a cleavage has come
and Paul addresses himself more directly to the popu
lace. After school-hours were over (about the fifth
hour1) we are to think of Paul's addressing the people
in the school-room of Professor Tyrannus ("King").
This went on for two years till the riot broke it up.
It is a remarkable incident Luke records in Acts
19 : 11-20. He calls the miracles "special," quite
aware of the unusual character of such cures from the
use of handkerchiefs or aprons. One is reminded of
the cases in connection with Peter's shadow and the
hem of Christ's garments. It is evident that the his
torical evidence for such instances is hardly on a par
with that for the more usual miracles. And yet one
must not fall into the error of thinking that no diffi
culties exist about the narratives of the more common
miracles. If the event is really supernatural, the
humble channel of an apron need not of itself debar
beUef. Ramsay2 cites the sudden change from "seven"
sons to "both" as discrediting the story. But Moul-
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 271.
2 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 272.

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 183
ton1 has produced papyri examples of the use of
ap,$oTepoi (both) in the sense of irdvTe<i (all). One is
not yet able to throw any light on Sceva as a "chief
priest." The failure of these strolling Jewish exorcists
greatly increased the influence of Paul for Christ.
The burning of the magical books set a good example
for all time. The price was high, but not too high, if
it meant deUverance from the spell of bad books.
Many a city and home needs a book-burning. Be
sides in this instance it was a voluntary book-burning,
not oppression.
Paul is drawing his work in Asia to a close and his
thoughts are reaching out to the other cities in the
empire. His original plan had been to go direct from
Ephesus to Corinth, thence to Macedonia, returning
again by Corinth on his way to Judea (II Cor. 1 : 16).
But this plan was abandoned when he wrote the first
Epistle to Corinth, for he there (I Cor. 16 : 5 f.) ex
presses an unwillingness to come "by the way." He
wishes, if possible, to spend the next winter with them
(it is now spring, I Cor. 16 : 8). He hopes that they
will speed him on his journey after that "whitherso
ever I go." This programme agrees exactly with the
one outlined in Acts 19 : 21 as actually carried out.
Why Paul had sent Timothy to Corinth (I Cor. 4 : 17)
and then the Epistle instead of going himself, thus giving
color to the charge of fickleness (I Cor. 4 : 18 f . ; II Cor.
1 "Prolegomena," p. 80. Cf. Robertson, "Short Grammar of
the Greek New Testament," p. 23.

184 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
1 : 17 ff.), is a matter that belongs to the discussion of
the troubles at Corinth which will be taken up directly.
It is clear from Acts 19 : 22 that Timothy had come
back from Corinth before Paul left Ephesus since he
had sent him and Erastus on to Macedonia ahead of
him, unless, indeed, he went to Corinth that way and
returned (II Cor. 1 : 1), which is not Ukely. He is
later in Macedonia with Paul. Paul's plans at Ephe
sus include Macedonia, Achaia, Jerusalem, Rome (Acts
19 : 21), and soon Spain comes into that programme
(Rom. 15 : 24-28).
He was, indeed, hurried away from Ephesus rather
sooner than he had expected. It is possible, though
not certain, that I Corinthians was written from Ephe
sus about the passover time (I Cor. 5:7). He did not
remain till Pentecost (I Cor. 16 : 8) in spite of " a great
door and effectual " which was opened unto him. The
"many adversaries" at last proved too much for him.
It had already come to be Uke fighting wild beasts to
go on at Ephesus (I Cor. 15 : 32). He was in daily
peril of his life. He had held his ground at Ephesus
longer even than at Corinth. But finally a condition
arose that drove him away, a consolation perhaps to
many a pastor who has had to leave the scene of former
triumphs for Christ. The story does not differ greatly
in principle from the greed of the masters of the poor
girl in Philippi and the jealousy of the rabbis in Thes
salonica. Demetrius carried on a "god-factory" in
Ephesus. He claimed to manufacture the best type

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 185
of silver shrines of Diana on the market. The preach
ing of Paul had not only had a bad effect on evil books.
It had run down the demand for the wares of the house
of Demetrius. His craft and Paul were in direct oppo
sition. Paul had touched the rights of invested capital.
Luke has drawn the picture with a master's hand.
Demetrius gathered together all the craftsmen of the
company and laid before them the danger to their
pockets and their piety, and in this order (Acts 19 : 27).
Their shout took up the appeal to the dignity of Diana
as a matter of course. The rest took care of itself.
As in Thessalonica, so here they fail to get hold of
Paul himself, but do seize two Macedonian friends of
Paul, Aristarchus and Gaius. The scene in the vast
theatre is that of the typical mob. Paul was bent on
facing these "wild beasts," but he was restrained by
the disciples and the Asiarchs. It is interesting to note
the friendly attitude of these Asiarchs toward Paul.
Ramsay1 calls these "High Priests of Asia" heads of
the worship of Rome and the emperors in the province.
He argues therefrom that imperial policy was not yet
hostile to Christianity and that the educated Greeks
in Ephesus did not share the superstitious hatred of
the vulgar toward Paul. A mob is not very discrim
inating. They had started out against Paul as a
Christian, but he was also a Jew. Now Jews hated
idols as did Paul, and somehow their rage got started
toward the Jews. These put forward Alexander, one
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 281.

186 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
of their number, to explain the difference between the
Christians and the Jews. But the fact that Alexander
showed his Jewish face was enough for the mob.
They had been all confusion till now they became
unanimous in their shout for Diana against the Jews.
After two hours the town clerk quieted the crowd and
demanded that Demetrius take his complaint against
Paul to the courts of the proconsul. There is also the
regular assembly. He rightly called the mob a riot.
His speech shows the true insight into the whole busi
ness and that it was mock-patriotism or mock-piety
that started it, piety for revenue, in truth. It is plain
from Acts 20 : 1 that Paul did not tarry long in Ephesus
now. It was useless.
4. The Trouble at Corinth: 1 Corinthians. — It has
seemed best to present the work at Ephesus as a whole.
We must now, however, bring up that side of his Ufe
at Ephesus which concerned Corinth and then discuss
briefly the first Epistle to the Corinthians. So far as
one can tell, the troubles broke out at Corinth after
Apollos came. An Apollos party, a Paul party, a
Cephas party and a Christ party soon resulted (I
Cor. 1 : 12 ff.). It is not at all probable that this
divisive spirit grew merely out of likes and disUkes of
various disciples in Corinth for Apollos or Paul. That
element was present beyond a doubt (I Cor. 3:4 f.).
The two men differed greatly in style and training.
Paul had more weight and intellectual grasp, Apollos
more oratorical display in his speech. The two

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 187
types of preachers always exist and have their following.
But Apollos would not be a party to such rivalry, and
so he left. He came back to Ephesus. Paul besought
him much to return to Corinth, but he stoutly refused
(I Cor. 16 : 12). One can but respect the feelings and
conduct of Apollos in the matter.
But this was not all. There is no evidence that Peter
had ever been in Corinth, though that is barely possible.
The partisan use of Peter's name by the Judaizers,
who did come to Corinth, does not prove that Peter
had come. His conduct at Antioch had given them all
the handle that they needed to pit Peter against Paul.
They were quick to take advantage of the split over
Apollos and Paul to drive another wedge into this
Pauline Church. The name of Cephas (I Cor. 3 : 22)
was used as the chief Apostle. Indeed, it was alleged
by the Judaizers that all the real Apostles opposed
Paul's Gentile programme. The Pharisaic party
among the Jewish Christians in Corinth would re
spond to this so that Paul will have to insist to the
church at Corinth, where of all places in the world it
ought to have been unnecessary to do so, that he was
"in nothing behind the very chiefest Apostles" (II
Cor. 12 : 11). The Judaizers gained a strong follow
ing here. It is probably this Judaizing party that
will stand out against Paul the longest (cf. II Cor.
10-13) after the Apollos and the Christ party have sur
rendered. When Paul writes II Corinthians there are
probably only two parties, the Pauline and the Judaiz-

188 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
ing.1 The first Epistle won over to Paul the Apollos
and the Christ party.
The Christ party is rather nebulous after all. Paul
drops the term in I Cor. 3 : 22. Perhaps it was a party
of reaction against the other three. Away with Apollos,
Paul, Peter, they urged. Let us use only the name of
Christ. It was more a contention for the name than
a protest against Paul's teachings and easily melted
back into the PauUne position.
But before Paul wrote the Epistle that we term
I Corinthians he had probably written another letter
about the dreadful peril of immorahty in that worst of
Greek cities (I Cor. 5 : 9, 11). Some of the disciples
had been swept back into the vortex. The household
of Chloe (I Cor. 1:11) had come to Ephesus and told
Paul of the dissensions in the Corinthian Church. He
had himself thought of going (1 Cor. 4 : 18-21), but
instead had sent Timothy (4 : 17), whom he warmly
commends to them (16 : 10). He will surely come soon,
but does not wish to come with the rod (4 : 21). It is
held by some scholars that Paul did himself make a
hurried visit to Corinth and came back to Ephesus.
This is, indeed, a possible interpretation of "the third
time" in II Cor. 12 : 14; 13 : 1. But the language
may as well refer to his plans to come three times,
though as yet he has only gone once. In either view
he has not yet gone the third time. Observe also "a
second benefit" in II Cor. 1 : 15. He put off his pro-
1 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 159.

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 189
posed visit out of consideration for them (II Cor. 1 : 23).
He wished to spare them. It is argued, on the other
hand, that "come again with sorrow" (II Cor. 2:1;
cf. 12 : 21) means that he had already had one sorrow
ful visit, but that is not a necessary interpretation. It
may mean a second which would be a sorrowful visit.
In the meantime the Church had sent a formal
deputation to Paul at Ephesus (Stephanas, Fortunatus,
Achaicus, I Cor. 16 : 17). They had refreshed Paul's
spirit. A letter from the church had also come which
made specific request that Paul help them with other
problems also, such as marriage (I Cor. 7:1), meats
offered to idols (8 : 1), spiritual gifts (12 : 1), and
probably the doctrine of the resurrection (15 : 1).
This demand offered him the occasion to group to
gether a discussion of the main problems in the church
at Corinth.
The Epistle called I Corinthians is that discussion.
It was written probably in the spring of 57 (or 56),
though Ramsay1 thinks that it dates in the autumn of
55. This great document is all ablaze with passion
and power. It is vital with the real difficulties that
confronted the church in Corinth. Apparently it
is a pamphlet to meet an emergency rather than a
formal theological treatise. But it is just here that
its tremendous value for modem life lies. Paul had
to meet the live issues of a mission church in a great
and wicked city. These issues vary greatly in value.
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 275.

190 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
They range from petty prejudices about preachers to
the great doctrine of the resurrection, from serious
moral lapses to the eating of meats offered to idols,
from the problem of marriage to the collection for the
poor, from going to law before the heathen to misuse
of the spiritual gifts. There is no one central doctrine
advanced in the Epistle. The various topics are treated
in successive groups: the divisions in 1-4, the moral
questions in 5 and 6, marriage in 7, meats offered to
idols in 8-10, abuses in church worship 11-14, the
doctrine of the resurrection in 15, the collection and
sundry personal items in 16. There is a kind of unity
and progress in the whole. Each part is treated with
force and enthusiasm. But the remarkable thing
about it all is that in the treatment of casuistical ques
tions Paul does not use mere dialectical skill. He
seeks the Christian principle that will guide one aright.1
In doing this he marked the way for Christians in all
similar matters. Some, indeed most, of these problems
in casuistry have long since passed away, but others
have arisen Uke them. Hence I Corinthians is the
most modern of all Paul's writings. Some of the same
problems survive with us in a somewhat altered form.
But in any case Paul's Christian insight helps every
honest-hearted man to-day who longs to walk in the
footsteps of Jesus.
But let no one think that a controversial document
written in the heat of passion has no literary quaUty.
1 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 161.

, PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 191
The noblest passage in literature on love is I Cor. 13.
The classic on the doctrine of the resurrection is I Cor.
15. These are enough to distinguish any work and
testify to the genius of Paul. But his whole tone,
besides specific remarks, shows that he is conscious
of divine guidance in the message which he sends.
He ploughs his way through the maze of theological
quibbles and the bog of immorality to the clear light
of truth in Christ.
The emphasis laid on the collection for the poor
at Jerusalem is noteworthy, for Paul is pushing this
offering from Gentiles to Jews on a large scale at the
very time that the Judaizers are seeking to make
Paul out an enemy of Moses and an apostate Jew.
All the varied gifts of the great missionary statesman
come into play. The very existence of spiritual
Christianity is at stake. The battle between Paul
and the ceremonialists is now world-wide. Paul is
almost omnipresent. He deals them a heavy blow in
I Corinthians, one that tells mightily as we shall soon
see. We have seen (I Cor. 4 : 17; 16 : 10) that it was a
Uttle uncertain how Timothy would be received in
Corinth. We do not know whether he came back to
Corinth or met Paul in Macedonia. He is with him
when he writes II Corinthians (1 : 1). Findlay1 follows
Beyschlag and Pfleiderer in thinking that Timothy
was mistreated in Corinth by some one who took it as
'Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

192 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
an insult that Paul had sent another instead of com
ing himself. According to this view Paul has this
matter in mind in II Cor. 2:5-11, not merely the
case of the incestuous man in I Cor. 5, a matter easily
disposed of. Paul may, indeed, have written another
letter to Corinth demanding an apology from this in
solent brother and his following, the writing of which
caused Paul anguish of heart, though it was necessary
to do it (II Cor. 2 : 1-4; 7 : 5-16). The majority
stood with Paul on this point, though a minority were
still obstinate. A part of this theory is that Titus1 was
the bearer of this lost letter sent also from Ephesus.
One cannot be dogmatic here, for the data are some
what conflicting. It is, however, a possible interpre
tation of a difficult stage in Paul's career.
Another point coupled with this theory is that in
II Cor. 1:9; 6:9 Paul alludes to a well-nigh fatal
illness which overtook him in Asia. The revolt in
Galatia and Corinth added to his illness made this the
darkest hour of Paul's life so far.2 We are indebted
to this experience for Paul's interpretation of death in
II Cor. 4 and 5.
But, whether or not Titus was sent to Corinth with
another Epistle now lost to us, he was sent there.
Paul was not wholly satisfied with the effect of I Corin
thians, or new problems arose (if Timothy so reported).
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 284, thinks that Titus
was the bearer of 1 Cor. rather than the brethren in 1 Cor. 16 : 17.
"Findlay, Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 193
Then he sends Titus. It does not appear that Titus
was with Paul during the second missionary tour.
Ramsay,1 with his usual brilliant acumen, suggests
that possibly the Judaizers had interpreted Paul's
dropping Titus after the Jerusalem conference for
Timothy, who was circumcised, as a back-down on
Paul's part. So Paul repUed by taking Titus with
him on this third tour. After Timothy returned from
Corinth, he sent Titus there to confront the Judaizers
themselves. It is, indeed, curious that Luke nowhere in Acts
alludes to Titus. Ramsay2 thinks that this was due
to the fact that Titus was kin to Luke, who does not
mention his own name. This hint has been carried
further by Prof. Alexander Souter,3 who proposes the
idea that Titus was Luke's own brother. He agrees
with Ramsay that Luke was one of the two other en
voys besides Titus sent by Paul from Macedonia to
Corinth (II Cor. 8 : 16-24). He takes "the brother"
in II Cor. 8 : 18) to be Titus' brother (Luke). This
is possible. However, we know that both Timothy
and Erastus had been sent to Macedonia (Acts 19 : 22).
If these were still in "Macedonia with Luke, the two
would come naturally out of these three.
So then, besides the riot in Ephesus that forced Paul
out of Ephesus, we may have to think of possible

1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 285.
2 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 390.
3 The Expository Times, 1907, and Luke, Hastings, "D. C. G."

194 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
illness as combining therewith. Indeed, his illness
may have been the reason that the craftsmen of De
metrius did not get him. If so, his weak condition
would greatly enhance his peril from the mob.
5. The Suspense in Troas. — It had been his hope to
meet Titus at Troas (II Cor. 2 : 12) on his return
from Corinth via Macedonia. But the rather sudden
departure from Corinth had brought Paul to Troas
ahead of time. None the less, he is restless in spirit
because he does not find Titus. His bodily weakness
would make the disappointment harder to bear. He
had expected to preach the Gospel at Troas, where Uttle
had apparently been accompUshed when he was here
before. The door of opportunity was now wide open
(II Cor. 2 : 12), but he was not able to enter it. It
is often true of ministers that an overwrought physical
condition closes the door that has opened for them.
With a sad heart Paul moves on from Troas toward
Macedonia, hoping to see Titus. Corinth fills his
heart now. Is the work at Corinth to be ruined?
If that may happen, his work everywhere may go to
pieces. The world looks dark for the great Apostle
who journeys alone from Troas. He is "pressed on
every side," "perplexed," "pursued," "smitten down,"
"always deUvered unto death for Jesus' sake" (II Cor.
4 : 8-11). Is it worth while after all ?
6. The Rebound in Macedonia: II Corinthians. —
It is a remarkable transition that Paul makes in
II Cor. 2 : 14. He breaks forth into a paean of praise

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 195
to God for the glory and dignity of the Christian
ministry without any apparent cause. The de
spondency at Troas is suddenly replaced by the spirit
of triumph in Macedonia. It is not till 7 : 5 that he
resumes the thread of the narrative in 2 : 13. He
comes back to the historical situation in Macedonia
in 7 : 5-16 where the explanation of the passionate
outburst in 2:14-7:4 is found. "For even when
we were come into Macedonia our flesh had no reUef,
but we were afflicted on every side; without were
fightings, within were fears." God "comforted us
by the coming of Titus."
That was joy of itself to see Titus again, but his story
gave yet more joy. He "told us your longing, your
mourning, your zeal for me." Titus then had accom
plished what Timothy failed to do. If Timothy had
been mistreated by the incestuous person or by one
who had resented Paul's assertions of apostolic au
thority (I Cor. 5 : 4 f.), he had not written primarily
for their sakes, but for the good of the whole church
(II Cor. 7 : 12). He had written sharply and with bitter
tears (II Cor. 2 : 4) and anguish of heart. We are here
assuming a lost letter between I Corinthians and II
Corinthians, to which^he is referring. He had put the
church to the test in the matter (II Cor. 2:9). He
had, in fact, regretted the writing of the letter after
Titus had gone with it (7:8). He disliked so to give
pain. But now he regrets it no more. He is even
glad that they were made sorry (7 : 8), since it had

196 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
resulted in repentance. Mere sorrow is not repentance.
Their sorrow was a godly sort that had led to repen
tance. Hence, he is glad that he wrote, since he sees
the revolution wrought in the church (7:11). He
is comforted since Titus was comforted by them
(7 : 13). He had dared to glory of them to Titus, and
now he knows that it is the truth.
One can but regret the loss of this third Epistle.
It went to the heart of the controversy between Paul
and his enemies in Corinth. Hausrath1 has suggested
that we possess that letter in II Cor. 10-13 which has
somehow come to be joined on to the fourth Epistle,
our II Cor. 1-9. This view has found some support in
spite of Klopper's refutations in 1874, as from Dr. J. H.
Kennedy, The Second and Third Epistles to the Corin
thians (1900).2 But Dr. Dawson Walker3 presents very
strong arguments against the partition of II Corinthians.
We treat the Epistle as a unit.
If so, what is the explanation of the great difference
in tone between chapters 1-7 and 10-13? An ade
quate reason is not difficult to find. Indeed, it is clear
from II Cor. 2:5 that only "in part" had sorrow
come to the Corinthians. True (verse 6), it was the
majority ("the many") who took Paul's side and in
flicted the needed punishment whether on the in
cestuous person or an insolent offender against Paul's
1 "Der Viercapitel Brief des Paulus an die Corinther."
2 Dr. Dawson Walker (Review and Expositor, Jan., 1907)
quotes Adeney, Bacon, Konig, McGiffert, Plummer, Schmiedel
for it. 3 Ibid.

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 197
authority in the person of Timothy. Paul wished
"obedience in all things" (verse 9). It was the
gracious acquiescence of the majority of the church
that led Paul to write in the exultant strain of 2 : 14-
7 : 16. In 1 : 3-2 : 13 Paul had explained the sorrow
ful train of circumstances that led up to his depression
of mind when Titus came. He attributes his recovery
of heart to the loyal friends in Corinth. But Titus
had told Paul the whole story. The Judaizing emis
saries still had a following (II Cor. 3 :1; 11 :22 f.;
12 : 11). There are now only two parties in the church
at Corinth, the PauUne and the Judaizing or Anti-
PauUne. The repeated efforts of Paul to compel sub
mission and to overcome the Judaizing faction had
brought matters to a high state of tension. Thus it
will appear that the tone of Paul in II Cor. 10-13
towards the recalcitrant minority really suits the situ
ation better after the return of Titus than before.
Paul really had, it seems, three motives in writing
this very remarkable Epistle, which reveals his inner
consciousness better than any of his writings.1 In
the Thessalonian Epistles the conflict of Christianity
with the Man of Sin (the Kingdom of God vs. the
Kingdom of Rome) showed that eschatological prob
lems held a prominent place in Paul's thoughts. But
recently Paul has looked death in the face and he has
passed through "a crisis in his soul" 2 which is reflected
1 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 165.
2 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 179.

198 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
in II Cor. 4 and 5. It is an intensely personal Epistle
and wonderfully exempUfies the trials and consolations
of a minister of Christ. The three motives for writing
again and at once were to express his gratitude to the
majority with an explanation of his conduct toward
them (1-7), the pushing on of the collection for the
poor saints at Jerusalem (8 and 9) and the rebuke
of the stubborn minority (10-13). Each of these sec
tions of the Epistle stands to itself in a sense, yet all
three concur and harmonize with the actual situation.
We do not know who carried the Epistle. Ramsay1
considers very improbable the usual notion that the
envoys mentioned in II Cor. 8 : 16-24 conveyed it.
But Findlay2 follows the old view that Paul exhorts
the church at Corinth to show proper respect to these
three "messengers of the churches" "in the face of the
churches" as the bearers of the Epistle as well as agents
for the collection. The charge may have a reference
to their previous mistreatment of Timothy. If this
view is correct, Timothy was not one of the three,
since he sends his salutation with Paul to the church
(1 : 1). The committee would then probably be Titus,
Luke, Erastus. We are grateful for this discussion
of the great collection. It shows how Paul enUsted
the churches in the enterprise, what difficulties he met,
what success he attained. The comity of the churches
is also manifest. Paul is anxious to stir Achaia on
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 286.
2 Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 199
this subject. They had been kept so busy by the
Judaizers in regulating Paul's theology that they had
overlooked the matter of the collection.
If the closing chapters (10-13) seem harsh and bitter,
one must recall Acts 15, Gal. 2, and I Cor. 1-4, besides
the many hints in II Cor. 1-7. Paul has reached the
point where endurance ceases to be a virtue. The
Judaizers turn every overture for peace into weakness.
They ridicule his forbearance and his threats. They
maUgn him, they pervert all that he says and does.
They do not wish to be satisfied. They only wish
new occasions for injuring Paul. Personal controversy
is always to be regretted. It is sorrowful to reflect
how easily theological controversy lapses into personal
ities. But Paul will not surrender to this insolent
minority. He will expose them. He does it with the
skill of a master. One is reminded of Matt. 23, where
Jesus' invective against the Pharisees in the temple
is recorded. Paul uses here irony, ridicule, sarcasm,
denunciation, threat. He is holding the rod in his hand
as he writes. He will wield it when he comes if neces
sary. One must remember that Paul here is using the
authority of the Apostle which the Lord gave him
(12 : 12; 13 : 10). Ordinary ministers may well hesi
tate before they assume exactly this tone even under
some provocation. But the time does come even
now when there is nothing left for the true preacher
to do but to lift up his voice and spare not (II Cor.
13 : 2).

200 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
7. The Triumph in Corinth.— Paul distinctly im-
pUed that he would not come at once to Corinth
(II Cor. 12 : 20; 13 : 1, 5, 10). It would be only wise
to give this powerful Epistle time to have its effect
before he went himself. Luke says (Acts 20 : 2) that
Paul gave "much exhortation" in "those parts."
We may suppose, therefore, that Paul and Timothy
went on through Macedonia and "round about unto
Illyricum" (Rom. 15 : 19), since after reaching Corinth
Paul will write to Rome about that ministry when he
"fully preached the Gospel of Christ." He here, as
always, made it his ambition to preach Christ where
he had not yet been proclaimed so as not to build on
another's foundation (Rom. 15 : 20). We have no
record of this ministry as indeed we have none of
Paul's labors in Arabia, Judea, CiUcia, Crete, Spain,
if he did go there.
One could wish for some account of the reception
of II Corinthians on the part of the Judaizing faction.
But Luke expressly tells us that Paul came to Greece
and spent three months there (Acts 20 : 2 f.). At last,
therefore, he came and he staid. This simple story
gives eloquent testimony to the efficacy of the Epistle.
Doubtless the Judaizing emissaries disappeared before
Paul came. The opposition dwindled away. When Paul
actually arrived, all is at peace once more. He is loved
and honored as he ought to have been all the time.
8. The Appeal to the Deserting Galatians. — Paul had
saved the day at Corinth after a terrific struggle. But

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 201
the cause has nearly been lost in Galatia. I do not
raise again the question whether the Epistle to the
Galatians was addressed to the Roman province as
a whole, or to the Lyeaonian and Phrygian disciples
alone (South Galatia), or to the real Celts (North
Galatia). That is an interesting historical inquiry,
but, apart from a few incidental references, the inter
pretation of the Epistle is not materially changed
whichever theory one adopts.
The Epistle throws practically no Ught on the time
and place of its composition. In this respect it is
quite unUke the Thessalonian and Corinthian letters.
As to place, in fact, there is absolutely nothing to help
one form an intelligent opinion. We know a little
about the relation of the date to Paul's first visit to the
readers of the Epistle. He had preached the gospel
to them rather by accident "because of an infirmity
of the flesh " (Gal. 4 : 13) " the former time " (or " first ").
Does that mean that he had preached to them on two
separate visits before he wrote? That is possible,
but not necessary. If he is not writing to the Celts of
North Galatia, two visits would include the first and
second tours. If he is addressing the Celts, the date
would come after Paul had passed through "the upper
country to Ephesus" (Acts 19 : 1) on the third tour. In
that case the letter would be written either from
Ephesus or from Corinth. On the other hand, if
Paul does not mean that he had been twice among the
Galatians and is writing only to South Galatia, the

202 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
date could come soon after the first tour and not far
from the time of the Jerusalem Conference. The
place could be Antioch.
Where there are so many alternatives one welcomes
everything that will help. In Gal. 1 : 6 Paul marvels
"that ye are so quickly removing from him that called
you in the grace of Christ unto a different gospel."
But here again we do not know Paul's standard of
comparison for "so quickly" nor the visit which forms
the starting-point. All that we really know is that in
a few years from his last visit the Galatians are deserting
Paul and his gospel of grace for the weak and beggarly
elements of the world (4:9). In Ueu of any decisive
external evidence, I follow Lightfoot's plan1 in placing
this Epistle just before Romans. In these two Epistles
we have the same general theme. In Romans Paul
gives a more orderly, impersonal and dispassionate
discussion of justification by faith. In Galatians the
subject is at white heat. He is all aglow with fire
and indignation. It would seem, therefore, that
Galatians was written before, but not long before,
Romans. We know that Romans was written while
he was at Corinth, just before he started on his last
journey to Jerusalem with a view of going to Rome
and Spain (Rom. 15 : 22-31). The doctrinal atmos
phere of the two Epistles is the same. Indeed, it is
not difficult to hear the echo of II Corinthians in
1 "Comm. on Galatians." But cf. Ramsay, "Historical
Comm. on Galatians."

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 203
Galatians. The heavy blows that did such good exe
cution in Corinth are now turned upon Galatia. Paul
had heat on the subject of the Judaizing controversy
about the time of the Jerusalem Conference, but it
is hard to think that the situation in Galatia had de
veloped so far as we find it in the Epistle. With some
hesitation, therefore, I put Galatians toward the
beginning of Paul's " three months" in Greece. Romans
came at the close. In the fall of 57 (or 56) A.D.,
therefore, when Paul reached Corinth, we may sup
pose that messengers had come over from Galatia to
tell the story of the desertion of the Galatians.
The situation was really very bad. They had been
bewitched by some wizard among the Judaizers
(Gal. 3 : 1). One could wish to know who this man
was. The Galatians at first had treated Paul Uke
an angel (4 : 14), had even been ready to pluck out
their eyes and give them to him (when he had eye
trouble?). But now they look upon him as an
enemy because he tells them the truth. They have
wandered after a false gospel which is no gospel (1 : 7)
at all. They have fallen away from grace and gone
back under the bondage of the law (5 : 3 f.). They
had been running well till this hinderer came. Now
the Galatians have largely gone over to Judaism in
the observance of Jewish days and feasts. Paul is
afraid that his labor is all in vain (4 : 11). These
Judaizers do not themselves keep the law which they
have laid upon the necks of the Gentiles (6 : 13).

204 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Paul pronounces an anathema on these perverters of
the gospel (1 : 8 f.). He cares nothing for the favor
of men in a matter of this kind, this Apostle who was
all things to all men if so be he could save some. It
is, indeed, a fierce indictment which the Apostle has
drawn and vividly portrays the success of the Judaizers
since Paul was there. It shows well also what would
have been the fate of Corinth if Paul had not put his
whole soul into the struggle there. The desertion
of the Galatians, however, astonished Paul beyond
measure (4:9). They were Gentiles and had tasted
freedom in Christ.
Paul changes his tone from invective to passionate
pleading (4 : 19 f.). He is keenly aUve to the bondage
of Pharisaism since he once wore that yoke. He
calls the Galatians "my Uttle children" and wishes
that he could see them once more, for then he would
change his tone. He is in travail again over them.
Meanwhile, he pleads with them to stand fast in the
freedom which Christ gave them and not to be en
tangled in the yoke of bondage (5 : 1). He does not
mean Ucense, but Uberty (5 : 13). He even takes the
pen in his own hand and gives a closing summary in
large letters (6 : 11). Did he have eye trouble still?
He closes with a demand that no one trouble him more.
He has the right to that respect by reason of "the
marks of Jesus," "branded" on his body (6 : 17) in
perils oft for Christ. It is a powerful plea, and must
have had an immediate effect. One may suppose that,

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 205
as the Judaizers were driven out of Corinth, so they
were expelled out of Galatia by this tremendous
polemic. As an apologetic for spiritual Christianity the Epistle
to the Galatians has never been surpassed. The
sparks fly hot from the anvil. The book met a great
crisis and solved it. Luther used it with telling effect
also in the Reformation, in his call to justification by
faith, not by works. The manifest genuineness of the
Epistle has made it a bulwark of the faith to-day.
The heart of the gospel is in the Epistle. It is a
permanent exposition of the spiritual Ufe as against
mere ceremonialism on the one hand and license in
morals on the other. The note of reality is the dom
inant one here, the note of a Uve faith, a faith that shows
work as proof of the faith. The Apostle has to vin
dicate his right to speak to the Galatians with authority
(1 and 2). He then expounds his gospel to them
(3 and 4) and pleads with them to be true to this
gospel of freedom and Ufe (5 and 6).
9. Paul's Gospel: The Epistle to the Romans. — It
is probable that the Epistle to the Romans was not
written till shortly before Paul's departure from
Corinth. He is expecting to come to them soon (Rom.
1 : 10; 15 : 22-25). He must first go by Jerusalem
(15 : 26-28), but it is manifest that he expects to start
for Jerusalem promptly (15 : 25). We find him in
PhiUppi during the passover feast (Acts 20 : 6) of
this year on the way to Jerusalem. We may assume,

206 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
therefore, that the Epistle to the Romans was written
from Corinth toward the close of winter in A.D.
57 (or 56). The bearer of the letter was "Phoebe
our sister, who is a servant of the church that is at
Cenchreae" (Rom. 16 : 1). Her going to Rome gave
Paul the occasion for writing to the church there.
This is the first of Paul's epistles to a church that
was not established by him. He recognizes that this
point will be observed and justifies it on the broad
ground of his apostleship to the Gentiles (15 : 15 f.).
He acknowledges his debt to all the Gentiles, both
Greeks and Barbarians (1 : 14). He feels hopeful
that they may be mutually helpful and confesses to a
desire to some fruit among them as well as among the
rest of the Gentiles (1 : 12 f.). In writing to them he
does not wish to infringe upon the work of others
(15 : 20). He had always avoided that. We do not
know, indeed, who established the church at Rome.
The numerous friends of Paul and former fellow-
workers in various parts of the empire now in Rome
(Rom. 16) explain to some extent the growth of the
church there. Some of the these names are Greek,
some Latin, some Jewish. Doubtless, the member
ship as a whole consisted of all three elements with a
predominance of the Gentile element, since it is on
that ground that Paul justifies his writing to the church.
But Paul writes to the church as a whole without con
sidering now one section, now the other! 1 Whether
1 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 190 f.

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 207
the church arose under Jewish or Gentile auspices we
cannot tell. The influx of the large body of Christian
workers mentioned in Rom. 16 (for I take this chapter
as a genuine part of the Epistle) was enough of itself
to explain the rise and growth of the church in the
imperial city. The tide of travel and life was toward
Rome and drew many Christians along.
It is evident that Paul had already much influence
in Rome. The names of his followers and friends
given in Rom. 16 prove that the church already, be
fore he wrote, had a positive PauUne influence. The
names of Prisca and Aquila, already so closely linked
with that of Paul in Corinth and Ephesus, greet us
first on the Ust. Paul bears testimony to their devo
tion to him at the risk of their Uves (Rom. 16 : 4), per
haps at Ephesus, and also to the gratitude of "all the
churches of the Gentiles." It is possible, according
to Hort,1 that Prisca was connected with one of the
important families (Priscus was a great Roman name)
and was not a Jewess. Luke only calls Aquila a Jew
of Pontus. At any rate, they are both here and have
opened their house for a meeting of a portion or all of
the church at Rome (16 : 5). Epaenetus is from
Asia (16 : 5). Paul knows of the great labors of Mary
at Rome (16 : 6). Andronicus and Junias Paul calls
his kinsmen and fellow-prisoners. They have a
reputation among the Apostles and have been Chris-
1 " Prolegomena to St. Paul's Epistles to the Romans and to
Ephesians," p. 14 f . Cf . also Sanday and Headlam on " Romans."

208 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
tians longer than Paul (16 : 7). All the names called
are dear to Paul for one reason or another. Nor does
he name all whom he knows in Rome (16 : 14 f.).
From the personal side Paul has ample justification
for writing to the church at Rome.
The Epistle gives us a glimpse of Paul's Ufe in Corinth
during the three months there. Gaius is his host,
and of the whole church in truth (16 : 23). Paul
had baptized him (I Cor. 1 : 14) and he was evidently
a man of importance. He may or may not have been
the recipient of the third Epistle of John. Erastus,
who has been with Paul in Ephesus and Macedonia
(Acts 19 : 22) is the treasurer of the city of Corinth.
Not many mighty were called there, but some were.
Some of Paul's kinsmen are with him here and Timothy
(16 : 21). We know the name of the scribe to whom
Paul dictated the Epistle, Tertius, who puts in a
sentence of his own (16 : 22). We are grateful for all
these personal items.
But Paul had a larger and stronger reason for writing
to the church at Rome than these. It is no less than
the first step of his plan of campaign in the west. He
is now at the zenith of his work. He has estabUshed
powerful churches in Cilicia and Syria, Galatia and
Asia, Macedonia and Achaia. He looks to the great
west and longs to win it to Christ. Rome is on the
way to Spain and must be the base of operations for
the work in Spain. He wishes, therefore, to prepare
their minds for this great campaign (15 : 24, 28).

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 209
It is no sudden impulse with him. He has long had the
desire to come to Rome itself (15 : 23) and had often
times purposed to come. (1 : 13). He had been plan
ning for this journey for some time (Acts 19 : 21).
From Rome he could reach not only Spain, but also
Gaul, Germany, North-western Africa, and even
Britain. The church at Rome is the key to the work
in the western half of the empire! J Hence Paul wishes
to get in definite touch with them before he comes to
carry out his plans. We now see in outline Paul's
statesmanlike grasp of the situation in the empire
which he purposes to take for Christ.
The purpose of the Epistle was not, therefore,
primarily polemical2 as was true of Galatians. Most
Ukely some Judaizers had gone on to Rome in pursuit
of their plan to graft Judaism on to Gentile Christianity.
They have definitely failed in the east, outside of
Jerusalem, and Paul is going there. They are in
Rome when Paul is there (Phil. 1 : 15 f.). It is en
tirely possible that a few of them had gone on to Rome.
But, if so, they have made Uttle headway as yet. Paul
does indeed discuss the Judaizing controversy which
has so largely consumed his energies of late, but he
does so in a much calmer spirit and more indirectly.
The treatment of meats offered to idols and the observ
ance of Jewish days in Rom. 14 and 15 indicate
that the Jewish problem was a real one in the church
1 Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul," p. 188 f.
2 Hort, "Romans and Ephesians," p. 5 f.

210 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
as it naturally would be in a church where both Jews
and Gentiles mingled. The position taken is that held
by Paul in I Cor. 8-10, though the discussion is briefer
and with less heat. The Jerusalem agreement is not
alluded to in either instance, and had long ago been
abrogated by the Judaizers, though Paul, for a while at
least, kept this part of the settlement. There was, to
be sure, no reason to refer to it, now that the Judaizers
had renewed the strife and were violating the decision.
The rather, Paul presents fundamental considerations
growing out of the Christian principles of love and
forbearance. But one word more is to be said. Probably most
of the Roman disciples knew of the world-wide con
flict between Paul and the Judaizers. They had heard
the perversion of Paul's gospel. It was only proper
that Paul should give them, since he could not come
to them at once, a more formal exposition of what his
gospel really was. He is fully conscious of possessing
a definite message which he calls his gospel (Rom. 2 : 16;
16 : 25). It was not that of the Judaizers. He is not
ashamed to preach his gospel in Rome also (1 : 15). If
it was good enough for Corinth, it was good enough
for Rome. He wishes them to be established accord
ing to his gospel (16 : 25) which he is sure is the mind
of Christ (1 : 1, cf. Gal. 1 : 6-10). This Epistle is
not a treatise nor a mere book of systematic theology.
It is not a sermon. It is at bottom, while in the form
of an Epistle, a careful exposition of the fundamental

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 211
principles of Paul's message to the Gentiles which he
considers to be the gospel of God (Rom. 15 : 16).
He does not mean to imply that they are heretics or
ignorant (15 : 14 f.). He will confine himself to what
God has wrought through him (15 : 18). His gospel
is the gospel of experience. It is well to remember,
therefore, that in this most abstract of Paul's Epistles
he himself grounds his doctrines in God's deaUng with
him. He will, therefore, attempt to expound the gospel
to them in Rome. He is not ashamed of that gospel
anywhere (1 : 16).
Findlay1 well suggests that "fronting the imperial
city, Paul rises to a higher stature and assumes a loftier
accent. The added stateUness of diction and ampli
tude of treatment betray an imagination, and a states-
manUke sense, touched by the majesty of Rome."
The Epistle is planned upon a grander scale with more
artistic and Uterary skill than the preceding ones. He
states this theme in 1 : 17 to be the revelation of
God's righteousness by faith. Around this central
idea he developes what is an apologetic for his whole
career, a polemic against the Judaizers, a fundamental
and philosophical discussion of the plan of redemption
in its bearing on Gentile and Jew. In the rest of chapter
1, Paul proceeds to show how the Gentiles are lost with
out the gospel. But the Jew is not a whit better off
because he does not live up to his increase of light
(chapter 2 and 3 : 1-20). In 2 : 21-31 Paul expounds
1 Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

212 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
his theory of the plan of salvation. He then shows
how at bottom it is in harmony with the covenant of
grace as shown in the case of Abraham (ch. 4). He
points out the great advantages of justification by faith
in practice and in theoretical comparison between
Christ and Adam (chapter 5). Paul answers the ob
jection of a carping Jew who might urge that salvation
by grace was really an invitation to Ucense. Instead
of that it is an appeal to Ufe in Christ since one has
died to sin (ch. 6 and 7 : 1-6). But the consecrated
life is not an easy one (7 : 7-25) and is possible only
by the help of the Holy Spirit who makes the triumphant
outcome beyond doubt (ch. 8). Here we reach the
conclusion of Paul's theology as appUed to justifica
tion and sanctification. He feels called upon, how
ever, to relate the elective purpose of God to the salva
tion of both Jews and Gentiles since so largely the Jews
are turning away from Christ (9-11). The whole argu
ment is magnificent and is unsurpassed for profundity,
analysis, and power. He makes a great appeal for
consecration to Christ and mutual helpfulness (12-15).
He has, in reality, given us his philosophy of history
and his hope of the ultimate triumph of the gospel over
Jew as well as Gentile. When Paul began his work
it was doubtful what the Gentiles would do. Now the
Jew is the problem. We can only be grateful for this
grand exposition of the mature theology of Paul at
the climax of his career written with deUberation and
care.

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 213
10. The Gathering Storm at Jerusalem. — The horizon
has brightened all round save at Jerusalem. This
city has continued to be the home of the Judaizers.
We are not at Uberty to say that any of the Apostles
sympathized with them. It way be assumed that the
Apostles remained firm in their compact with Paul
(Gal. 2:9). James, the chief Jerusalem elder, has
continued to be Paul's friend, as will appear on Paul's
arrival there. But the Jerusalem church was very
large and the Judaizers very active. It would be easy
in the long absence of Paul to misrepresent his real
position. The noise of the conflict between Paul and
the Judaizers would reach Jerusalem. The Judaizing
missionaries would return to report, and so the Jerusalem
church would have the full benefit of the Judaizing
side of the controversy.
Paul was not unaware of the situation in Jerusalem.
While at Ephesus he was planning to go to Jerusalem
(Acts 19 : 21), though when he wrote I Corinthians he
was thinking of sending the collection by messengers of
the churches with letters to Jerusalem (I Cor. 16 : 3 f.)
and to go himself only if it seemed meet. But be
fore he leaves Corinth it is clear that he must go him
self because of the disobedient in Judea (Rom. 15 : 31).
He had used the utmost prudence in the collection
to be above suspicion in the eyes of men (II Cor. 8:21;
12 : 17). The collection has been going on quite a
while and is now complete. Galatia, Asia, Macedonia,
and Achaia (I Cor. 16:1; Rom. 15 : 26) have contributed

214 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
toward it. Agents of the churches from each province
accompanied Paul to Jemsalem (Acts 20 : 4 f.). Some
mss. add " as far as Asia," but this is probably a gloss.
Luke goes from Philippi with him to Jerusalem (Acts
20 : 6). Trophimus of Asia is expressly mentioned
in Jerusalem (Acts 21 : 29). Paul had taken a contri
bution there before with Barnabas from the Gentile
church at Antioch to Jerusalem (Acts 11 : 30), and it
had a good effect. Besides, he had promised the Apostles
at the Jerusalem Conference to do this thing (Gal.
2 : 10). It is now supremely important that something
be done to conciUate the Jerusalem Christians who have
had their minds poisoned against Paul and his work.
Paul feels that it is only just for the Gentiles thus to
acknowledge this debt to Jerusalem (Rom. 15 : 27).
He is not certain of the outcome and asks for the
prayers of the Roman disciples as he faces his ad
versaries again in their home. He did that once
and was victorious. But that was some seven or
eight years ago. Many changes have come mean
while. The Judaizers seem to have vanished from Corinth
when Paul came, but not so the Jews. They are as
hostile as ever,, though more cautious. They do not
repeat their inglorious experiment before GalUo, but
resort to a secret plot to kill him as he was about to
sail for Syria, possibly on a pilgrim ship carrying
Achaian and Asian Jews to the passover.1 Fortunately
'Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 287.

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 215
Paul discovered the scheme in time and changed his
route by PhiUppi. God overrules all things. One
of the blessings of this change of plan was that Paul
picked up Luke again in Philippi (Acts 20 : 6), who
goes with him to Rome and is with him when he writes
his last letter. Luke might, indeed, have gone on to
Jerusalem with Paul anyhow, meeting him at Ephesus,
but the sudden change in Paul's plans indicates the
contrary. Luke passes over Paul's week in Philippi
with a verse only. One could wish to hear again of
Lydia. We may be sure of Paul's welcome here, for
this church was loyal and actively helpful. Perhaps
Luke and Lydia explain much of their zeal for Paul
and his work. The rest of the party had gone on to
Troas ahead of Paul, and Luke also came after the
passover in a voyage that took five days (Acts 20 : 6).
The stay at Troas gave Paul opportunity to do
some work that he had not been able to do when he
was last here. They are meeting on the first day of
the week (Acts 20 : 7), after the fashion that was soon
to become universal among the Christians in the break
ing of bread. Luke the physician was interested in
the death and recovery of Eutychus (Acts 20 : 9-12),
who slept and fell out of the window while Paul
preached. It was a long sermon, and Paul resumed
it after bringing Ufe back to the young man.
We may not tarry long with Paul and his party on
their way to Jerusalem. Paul walked alone from
Troas to Assos where he again took ship with his com-

216 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
panions. In the beautiful spring-time they sail slowly
through the Grecian Archipelago, stopping at Mitylene,
passing by Chios, touching at Samos, and on to Miletus.
Paul did not wish to stop at Ephesus, since he was anx
ious to reach Jerusalem by Pentecost (Acts 20 : 16).
Besides, he had probably not yet forgotten the manner
of his departure just a year before. But he had time
at Miletus to send for the elders of the church at
Ephesus, who came. Luke probably heard1 the ad
dress of Paul to this body of preachers (Acts 20 : 17-35).
Possibly he took notes at the time. At any rate, he
has preserved it with wonderful sympathy and tender
ness. Here we see Paul talking as a preacher to preach
ers (cf. Jesus in John 14-17). He speaks about his
own pastoral problems at Ephesus and how he met
them. He urges them to fideUty to themselves and to
the flock, to feed the church of God, to guard the flock
against "grievous wolves" who will come among
them. As for himself, he is going bound in the spirit
from a stern sense of duty to Jerusalem, not knowing
what his fate there will be except that the Holy Spirit
has repeatedly told him that bonds and afflictions
await him (Acts 20 : 22 f.). But he does not care for
that, if only he may really accompUsh his course and
his ministry. His Ufe is not dear to himself apart from
that. He may never see them again (20 : 25), as he
now feels. It was a pathetic scene as he knelt on the
sea-shore, prayed, and wept with these devoted min-
1 Cf. Ramsay, " Luke the Physician," p. 23.

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 217
isters. They went with him down to the ship and saw
it sail out of sight. Did they ever see Paul again ?
Luke hurries his narrative on by Cos, Rhodes, to
Patara, where a new ship was found, one going to
Phoenicia (21 : 2). They come in sight of Cyprus,
going to the south of it. Did not Paul think of Barna
bas, of Mark, of Sergius Paulus ? At Tyre they landed
and the same warning came from the Holy Spirit about
his fate at Jerusalem. Paul evidently took it all as
information, not as prohibition (Acts 21 : 4). But
another pathetic parting occurred on the shore. There
was a stop at Ptolemais, and now they come to Caesarea,
the port for Jerusalem. Here Paul meets Philip the
evangelist (21 : 8), the former deacon (Acts 6) and
friend of Stephen. Like Stephen, he had become a
powerful preacher (Acts 8). His four virgin daughters
have the gift of prophecy. One can but wonder if
the subject of Stephen came up between Paul and
PhiUp. Paul, as has often been said, was the real suc
cessor of Stephen. But Agabus, a prophet from Judea,
comes and gives Paul a most dramatic warning as to
the fate that awaited him in Jerusalem (21 : 11). This
was more than enough both, for Paul's party and his
friends in Caesarea. Their pleading did come near
breaking Paul's heart, but did not change his ad
herence to his sense of duty. Bonds and death for
the name of Jesus had no terrors for Paul (21 : 12-14).
The brethren acquiesced in the will of the Lord when
they failed to have their own way (verse 14).

218 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
This almost tragic narrative of Luke will enable
us to understand the gravity of the situation at Jerusalem
as Paul saw it. He was not willing to go on to Rome
and the west and leave a cankering sore at Jerusalem
right in the heart of Christendom. Under God he
had won the east for Christ and saved it from the
Judaizers. He would win the west. But, if he left
the great church at Jerusalem practically at outs with
him, the trouble might break out again in Syria,
Galatia, Asia, Macedonia, Achaia. And if he should
be able to hold his following again there would be a
schism in the Christian body. There was already a
Judaic type of Christianity of a harmless sort rep
resented by James and Peter. In principle this con
ception of Christianity did not differ from the Gentile
type represented by Paul. But the Judaizers were
driving the thing to the extreme. They were not
content for the Judaic type and the PauUne type to
exist side by side. They aimed to destroy the PauUne
type and compel Peter and James to come over to
their view. If they failed in this,' the next step would
be an open spUt. They could organize a denomi
nation composed only of loyal Pharisaic Christians.
No uncircumcised Gentiles would be admitted. Paul
saw this peril as he came toward Jerusalem. Once
the cloud was no bigger than a man's hand. Now it
covers the face of the heavens. But he will not run
in the face of danger. He is wilUng to die if he can
save the cause of freedom for the Gentile Christians

PAUL THE TEACHER OF THE CHURCHES 219
and overthrow the power of the Judaizers who have
intrenched themselves in Jerusalem.
He will then go on, come what may. Paul's party
falls in with Mnason, of Cyprus, one of the early
disciples. Possibly he knew Paul at Antioch or during the
first tour in Cyprus. He has a home in Jerusalem,
it seems, whither he is now going probably for the feast
of Pentecost. Some of the disciples from Caesarea
went on also. So it is a goodly company, but one with
the shadow of a grave portent overhanging them.
Perhaps they have something of the courage of Thomas
who proposed that the disciples go to Jerusalem with
Jesus to die with him (John 11 : 16). There are, in
deed, many points of similarity between Paul's last
trip to Jerusalem and the situation of Jesus as he faced
his death. Paul comes to Jerusalem conscious of ap
proaching disaster. Jesus foresaw clearly the death
that was coming. Paul was largely in the dark save
that he knew that he was beset by his enemies here.
The time that Paul was at the conference here the
church was on his side in the controversy. How is it
now ? How will the beUevers receive him ? He knows
only too well what the Jews will do if they get a chance.

CHAPTER X
PAUL AT BAY
" If, then, I am a wrong-doer, and have committed any
thing worthy of death, I refuse not to die; but if none
of these things is true whereof these accuse me, no
man can give me up unto them. I appeal unto
Casar" (Acts 25: 11).
1. The Charge of the Judaizers. — Paul had come to
Jerusalem to face this charge. His fame had filled all
the Jewish world. Jerusalem had long been all agog
with it. The Jews thus hated him with more intensity
than ever and indorsed the hostile attacks made upon
him by their brethren in various parts of the world.
In the later accusations against Paul he will be de
scribed as a general disturber of the peace all over the
world. Paul's reception by the leading disciples in Jerusalem
was all that he could wish. The brethren " received
him gladly," and on the next day Paul and his com
pany paid a formal visit to James and all the elders who
had met at the house of James (Acts 21 : 17 f.). They
Ustened to Paul's story with the same enthusiasm that
they had shown when he first recited his account of
the work during the first missionary tour. He took his
220

PAUL AT BAY 221
time, for he had much to tell, and " rehearsed one by
one the things which God had wrought through his
ministry." They "glorified God" now as before.
So far all was well. Paul was assured of the loyalty
of James and the elders. They had not beUeved the
perversions of the Judaizers.
But the elders felt obliged to tell Paul that Jerusalem
was full of rumors about him, diUgently circulated by
the Judaizers (Acts 21 : 21), to the effect that Paul was
opposed to the observance of the Mosaic ceremonial
law by the Jewish Christians; in fact, that he taught the
Jews of the Dispersion to forsake Moses and the cus
toms of the fathers. It is easy to see what a serious
situation this new charge created. At the time of the
Jerusalem Conference Paul contended for freedom for
the Gentile Christians from the Mosaic regulations
and won his point. No issue was raised about the
Jewish Christians. It was simply assumed that they
would keep up the customs of the fathers.
It is easy to see why this new charge was trumped
up against Paul. They had failed to carry their con
tention for the bondage of the Gentile Christians to
the Mosaic ritual. Their resentment against Paul
led them to manufacture this charge in order to ruin
him. It was this charge that caused Stephen's death
(Acts 6 : 11). The charge against Stephen was false
and was supported by hired witnesses, as was that
against Jesus about the destruction of the temple. In
reality the Pharisees had opposed Jesus mainly because

222 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
they considered him hostile to their traditions. So Paul
is in the goodly succession of Jesus and Stephen. In
all probability it occurred to Paul that now at last he
himself was to face the very charge that cost Stephen
his life. That story Paul knew only too well. In
Paul's case, however, the perversion of his position
came from the Judaizers, fellow-Christians, alas!
The saddest part about the matter was that the charge
of the Judaizers was credited by the many thousands
among the Jews in Jerusalem who had beUeved (Acts
21 : 20), or at any rate they were disposed to credit
it. It was the old story of readiness to beUeve evil of
a good man. They probably argued that, as Paul
had gone so far about the Gentiles, it was only a step
further to make the Jews also throw off the yoke of
Moses. It is hardly necessary to state Paul's real position
about the Jewish Christians and the Mosaic ceremonial
law. He has nowhere said that it was wrong for Jewish
Christians to observe it. His battle had been for the
Gentiles and had been successful. The case with
the Jews was very different. As Jews they felt the
insufficiency of the law and became Christians in order
to be saved as Peter had so well said at the Jerusalem
Conference (Acts 15 : 10 f.). Christianity was the
complement of Judaism, not Judaism the complement
of Christianity. Both Jew and Gentile were under
sin (Rom. 3 : 20) and needed to be redeemed by the
grace of Christ. That done, there was no need to

PAUL AT BAY 223
impose Greek philosophy on the Jew nor Jewish law
on the Greek. It might, indeed, be needless for the
Jewish Christian to keep up the ceremonial law.
Neither circumcision nor uncircumcision availeth
anything. But it was not wrong nor had Paul so
taught. 2. The Plan for Answering the Charge. — The
brethren in Jerusalem had evidently decided on what
to do before Paul came. They put the matter to him
gently (Acts 21 : 20). In truth, Paul is persona non
grata to the saints as a whole in Jerusalem. It will
not be possible to conceal his presence in town (21 : 22).
The thing for Paul to do is to be seen in the temple offer
ing sacrifices for himself and four men who have a vow.
Thus " all shall know that there is no truth in the things
whereof they have been informed concerning thee"
(21 : 24). Clearly the falsehood of the Judaizers will
be completely answered and all will see "that thou thy
self also walkest orderly, keeping the law." It is plain
that James and the elders are greatly troubled over the
situation. It is time for action, not mere talk.
In itself the thing that they ask Paul to do is not at
all inconsistent with this general position. Indeed,
he had been anxious to come to the Jewish Pentecost
which was probably now going on. He had urged the
Galatians as Gentiles not to observe the Jewish feast
(Gal. 4 : 10), but for the Jews such matters were
subjects for individual freedom (Rom. 14 : 4-8). At
Cenchreae Paul may have completed a vow similar to

224 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
the one now upon these four men (Acts 18 : 18). He
had had Timothy circumcised. Hence with apparent
alacrity Paul acquiesced in the proposal and on the
next day purified himself with the men and entered the
temple. An offering was made for every one of them,
and the service was to continue for seven days (21 : 26 f.).
Paul, of course, did not consider the sacrifice as of real
efficacy in itself, but merely as part of the shadow that
found its realization in the real sacrifice of Jesus our
Passover (I Cor. 5:7).
The brethren make it plain to Paul that his conduct
is not to be interpreted as a reversal of the agreement
made before concerning the freedom of the Gentiles.
They only wish that the Gentiles continue to respect
Jewish prejudices concerning things sacrificed to idols,
blood, things strangled, and fornication (21 : 25).
This pointed reference to the Jerusalem letter to the
Gentile Christians is interesting since it is alluded to
only once after the return to Antioch (Acts 16 : 4). Evi
dently the brethren at Jerusalem continue to regard it
as still an agreement that is binding in spite of the con
duct of the Judaizers. Paul himself, as we know from
I Corinthians and Romans, had gone into the subject
of meats offered to idols more exhaustively, though his
advice is in accord with the decision of the conference.
So far as one could judge beforehand, the advice of
the brethren to Paul seemed wise. He had all to gain
and nothing to lose by such a course. Suppose that
Paul had refused to do what was asked of him. It

PAUL AT BAY 225
would have been instantly construed as proof of the
charge against him. To be seen obeying the law as
a pious Jew in the temple would do more with the com
mon people than any amount of explanation or argu
ment. 3. The Jews from Asia Upset the Plan. — In all
probabiUty the conduct of Paul did dispel the prejudices
against him in the minds of the disciples at Jerusalem
who had been misled by the Judaizers. The leaders
among the Judaizers do not themselves appear in the
present situation. So far as is known the Christian Jews
of Jerusalem, who noticed what he did, were satisfied.
The thing seemed a master-stroke of wisdom.
But Paul had enemies of many kinds. He had
labored in various parts of the world and had left
behind him many rankling animosities. The feast of
Pentecost had brought many Jews to Jerusalem from
the Dispersion. "The Jews from Asia" here at the
feast knew Paul of old in Ephesus. They were hardened
against the Way long ago (Acts 19 : 9) and joined in
the clamor against Paul's friends in the theatre at
Ephesus (19:33). They well knew the power of
uproar with a mob as they saw it on that occasion.
It so happened that Paul had brought Trophimus,
one of his Greek converts from Ephesus, with him to
Jerusalem as one of the bearers of the collection. One
day they saw Paul and Trophimus walking together
in the city (21 : 29). Another day they saw Paul in
the temple (21 : 27). That was enough for them.

226 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
They "supposed" that Paul had brought Trophimus
into the temple also as he walked with him on the street.
They felt that he was none too good to do so anyhow.
The definite charge that Paul brought Greeks (Tro
phimus has now been multiplied) into the temple
and so defiled this holy place is merely the local color
ing to their previous hatred (21 : 28). The first charge
was more general: "This is the man that teacheth all
men everywhere against the people, and the law, and
this place." They claimed to know how he had done
at Ephesus. It was once more the charge against
Stephen (Acts 6 : 13). Paul had heard the cries of the
mob after Stephen's blood as he held his garments.
Now he hears the yelping wolves as they gnash their
teeth at him.
It matters not that Paul at this very moment was
engaged in an act of worship in accordance with the
Mosaic ritual. It was a small consideration that Paul
did not have any Greeks with him then. The Jews
from Asia did not say where the Greeks were nor when
the act of defilement occurred. They had raised the
cry of "fire," so to speak. Then they vanish out of
sight. It will be probably five years before Paul will
be set free from the consequences of this maUcious
falsehood. He had faced many perils before this.
Mobs had raged round him at Lystra, Thessalonica,
Beroea, Corinth, and at Ephesus he had to fight with
veritable wild beasts in human form. But this is a
Jewish mob, a religious mob, a fanatical rabble Uke

PAUL AT BAY 227
those that clamored for the blood of Christ and of
Stephen. It is not difficult to start a senseless mob
(all mobs are senseless) after an innocent man. Only
touch a sensitive spot and the mischief is done. In
Ephesus the Temple of Diana was the cry. In Jerusalem
the Temple of Jehovah. The whole city was soon in
a stir. Paul was literally dragged out of the temple
and the doors shut to keep him and his imaginary
Greeks out. The next thing was to kill him. Prob
ably the masses of them knew Uttle of Paul of late years
save that they heard of him as a renegade Jew. But
enough knew of his great work for Christ to give edge
to the movement against him.
The Roman power saves Paul from death. The
sight of the Roman military tribune with soldiers
stopped the murderous act. The mob left off beating
Paul (21 : 32). But the captain thought that he must
be a dreadful man to be the victim of such a mob's
hate. He would take no chances and so bound Paul
with two chains. He got Uttle information from the
crowd as to who he was and what he had done. Prob
ably some did not even know who Paul was. Few
knew what the charge of the Jews from Asia was. All
who had ever heard anything bad about Paul spoke
it out. The captain was only puzzled by the uproar.
The soldiers actually had to lift Paul upon the stairs
of the tower of Antonia from the violence of the
crowd. Paul heard them yell "Away with him" (21 :
36). Jesus had heard that same cry a generation ago.

228 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
The captain was at his wits' end, like Pilate before
him. Inside the castles, in astonishment that he knew
Greek (21 : 37 f.), he asks Paul if he is not the dread
ful Egyptian Assassin. Paul is proud to claim his
Jewish ancestry and his citizenship in Tarsus. He
was, indeed, a civiUzed man! That was reassuring to
the captain. But what was the trouble all about?
The Jews were curious people surely.
4. Paul's Defence to the Mob. — A moment Uke this
calls for all of one's resources. It was worth some
thing if he could get this hostile rabble to Usten at all.
They had already prejudged his case. They did not
wish to pause for a speech. They longed for his blood.
Not even the presence of the Roman soldiery had kept
them quiet.
The captain gave Paul leave to speak with probably
much doubt as to the outcome. It was one of the
queerest cases that had ever come under his care. It
was a magnificent spectacle to see Paul stand on the
stairs and Uft up his hand unto this people whom he
so much loved (Rom. 9 : 1-5) and who so hated him.
He spoke to the captain in Greek (Acts 21 : 37), but
to the Jews in Hebrew (Aramaic, 21 : 40). That
very fact gave him a better hearing. They would
probably, nearly all of them, have understood the
Greek, but there was a greater silence when he spoke
in the tongue of the people (20:2). He had won
that much. He had their attention. He even called
this rough crowd "brethren and fathers." Members

PAUL AT BAY 229
of the Sanhedrin had come into the crowd (22 : 5).
He put himself en rapport with his hearers as far as it
was possible. One is reminded of a like behavior on
Paul's part on Mars Hill.
Paul pleaded for a respectful hearing on the ground
of his Hebrew birth and training (22 : 3-5). It is a
familiar story to all of them who cared to know,
especially to the members of the Sanhedrin with whom
he had once had such intimate relations. He had been
educated here in the school of GamaUel and had once
looked upon Christ as they still do. He knew what it
was to lust for blood with the persecutor's hunger.
Their passion towards him he had once shared towards
others. He explains that his conversion was due to the direct
intervention of God and hence should command their
attention (22 : 6-16). It was the last thing that he
had ever expected to happen to him. The change
in him was of God's doing, and no one should charge
him with being a turncoat or renegade Jew. The de
tails that Paul gives all prove that his conversion was
due to the direct interposition of Jesus himself. Could
any one blame him for surrendering to Jesus, then?
Would they have done differently?
This is not the first time that he has told his story in
Jemsalem (22 : 17-21). When his preaching, a long
time ago, met with opposition in Jerusalem, Jesus told
him in a trance to get out of Jerusalem quickly because
the Jews would not hear his testimony. He had that

230 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
trance as he prayed in this very temple where he was
just now worshipping. He had reminded the Lord
Jesus that all people in Jerusalem would know that his
change was sincere since he had been so public in his
opposition to Stephen and the rest. But even so the
Lord Jesus bade him depart for there was no work for
him in Jerusalem. As it was then, so it clearly is
now. He did not choose to go to the Gentiles of his
own accord. He would have been glad to have preached
at Jerusalem if that were possible. It was the Lord's
will that he go to the Gentiles.
Paul probably had much more to say, as at Athens.
He had laid the foundations for a skilful apologetic
for his ministry to the Gentiles, and he could now put
in its true light exactly what he had preached to the
Gentiles, why he had come to Jerusalem, what he was
doing in the temple at the very moment when the
Jews from Asia started the hue and cry about him.
But the mob would have none of it. Paul had used
one word too many, the word "Gentiles" (22: 21 f.).
The charge against him had been that he had brought
Greeks into the temple. They instantly react to that
and all of Paul's fine diplomacy has come to naught.
A mob is fickle at best or worst. The psychology of a
crowd, the mob mind, is a curious reaUty. The ex
citement once started again was more virulent than
ever. Garments, dust, yells, all filled the air.
The poor captain was now sorry that he had let
Paul speak. The speech had been in Aramaic and he

PAUL AT BAY 231
had probably not understood a word of it. As a result,
he is more mystified than ever. But he is now out of
patience also. If no one can tell him what all this
business means, he will examine Paul by scourging,
that he may know "for what cause they so shouted
against him" (22:24). He is tired of being in the
dark. Luke gives much detail. When Paul was tied
with thongs, he dropped a remark that positively
frightened the centurion. It was unlawful to scourge
a Roman at all. It was unlawful to scourge anybody
uncondemned. It was a narrow escape, and the chief
captain eagerly asked if Paul was really a Roman
(22 : 27 f.). Paul was proud to say: "I am a Roman
born." It was the one magic word in all the world.
The examination was postponed indefinitely. He
had been too rash with Paul and had bound him severely
for scourging. One need not wonder that Paul here
appealed to his rights as a Roman citizen. It was plain
that he could not get justice from the Jewish mob nor
even from the Roman officials without doing so.
But instantly a new turn comes to the affairs of Paul.
The Roman captain sees that Paul cannot be mistreated
bodily, nor must any official irregularities be allowed.
The forms of legal usage must be observed else he will
have to answer for his failure.
5. Paul before the Sanhedrin. — The chief captain
had failed utterly to unravel this Jewish snarl. He
did not have the wit nor the courage of Gallio to cut
the Gordian knot of thin peccadillos and punctilios.

232 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Besides, though Paul was a Roman citizen, his offence
seemed to concern the Jews somehow. So he called
a meeting of the Sanhedrin to clear up the matter for
him. Surely Paul was guilty of something or other.
These grave judges could determine what his crime
was. It is a familiar experience for Paul to meet with this
body of distinguished Jewish officials. If he had not
been a member himself, which was entirely possible,
he, at any rate, had been the official agent of the body
and had often had conferences with them. Many of
them were known to him by face. But it was a new
experience for him to be on trial before the Sanhedrin.
Here again he was following in the footsteps of Stephen.
But Paul has a very brief word to add to what he had
said on the steps of the tower the day before : " Brethren,
I have lived before God in all good conscience until
this day" (Acts 23 : 1). It was a simple enough thing
to say; it contradicted all the charges made by the mob
against Paul and evidently indorsed by the Sanhedrin.
They had long wished to have him in their power,
and now by a turn in the wheel of fortune that time had
come. It was an insult to the body for Paul to assert
that all he had done against Judaism, as they conceived
it, was done in good conscience. If anything, it only
made the matter worse.
This point of view explains the conduct of the high
priest who so hotly resented Paul's brief defence. It
also throws light on Paul's indignant response to the

PAUL AT BAY 233
high priest's command. It is not merely to be noted
that Paul did not turn the other cheek. Jesus did not
do that, but firmly protested against such treatment.
What is more noticeable is that Paul pronounced a
bitter curse on the high priest, calUng him a "whited
wall," a vivid way of terming him a hypocrite (23 : 3).
A good many explanations have been offered for Paul's
remark that he did not know that it was the high priest
(23 : 5) : such as his weak eyes, the change of dress in
the high priest, etc. It seems to me that the most natu
ral view is that Paul was so angry that he was not at
the moment considering the fact that it was the high
priest to whom he was speaking. His denunciation of
the high priest was a sudden explosion, not a deUberate
reviUng. But clearly Paul's outburst had not helped his chances
for acquittal by the Sanhedrin or recommendation to
the captain for release. It was plain that the body as
a whole was already hostile to him.
Paul's perception (23 : 6) that one part were Sad
ducees and the other Pharisees was, of course, nothing
new to him. It was merely that he then saw how he
could turn that fact to his advantage. These two
sects were still bitterlv hostile on many points. Paul
knew all about their controversies. One may here re
call how Gamaliel had declined to help the Sadducees
persecute the Apostles on the issue of the resurrection
of Jesus from the dead. On that issue alone, apart
from the claims of Jesus to be the Messiah, the Pharisees

234 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
had no fight with Christianity. Paul probably knew
all about the conduct of GamaUel on that occasion.
On this point, as opposed to the Sadducees, he was still
a Pharisee (23 : 6). It was also true that at bottom
the charge against him involved the question of the
resurrection of the dead in the case of Jesus. That
was the point that turned the scales with him when he
became a Christian as he had explained to the mob on
yesterday. He brushed aside the superficial charges
made by the Asian Jews yesterday and which nobody
remembered clearly enough to tell the chief captain.
Those charges had not come before the Sanhedrin.
As a matter of fact Paul felt himself to be on trial for
his whole Christian career, not for any special act in
that career. Hence he was entirely justified in his
statement of the case. He had not said all that was
true of himself. He did not, of course, mean that he
was merely a Pharisee. They knew full well that he
was also a Christian. What he means for the Sanhedrin
to understand is that, although a Christian, as he had
explained on yesterday, he was still a Pharisee on the es
sential doctrine of the resurrection, and that this
doctrine was really at stake in the case against him.
A great deal depends on the way a thing is put.
Paul had purposely and shrewdly stated the matter
so as to array the two parties against each other.
Surely no one can fairly say that Paul had no right to
save his own life by a skilful manoeuvre like this.
What he did was in no sense immoral. He divided

PAUL AT BAY 235
to conquer as any able general will do. It was war
in which Paul was now engaged. He was in the hands
of men who were bent on his ruin. He told no untruth
nor acted one. Yet he so completely outgeneraled his
enemies that the grave and dignified judges lost control
of themselves in a theological scramble and lost all
sight of Paul (23 : 9 f.). This incident throws a
curious sidelight on the intensity of the feeUng between
the two great Jewish parties since they could not con
trol themselves when in court. Probably such dis
cussions were common, as Paul knew. The jury was
now hopelessly hung. In the heat of debate the
Pharisees had actually become the champions of Paul
and openly proclaimed his innocence, while the Sad
ducees as stoutly maintained his guilt (23 : 9 f.). The
division among the judges was strictly according to
party lines as is often the case to-day when a number
of judges act on a partisan issue.
Indeed, so fierce had become the furor between the
two parties that the chief captain actually had to
rescue Paul by force to keep him from being torn to
pieces in their attacks on each other. He was safe in
the castle from the Sanhedrin as yesterday when he
had been rescued from the mob. Still the mystery re
mained to the chief captain. What was the matter
with Paul? What had he done? The Sanhedrin
had behaved as badly as the mob.
Ramsay1 discusses at some length why Luke has
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 307 f.

236 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
gone into the series of trials at Jerusalem and Caesarea
in such detail. It is due, he thinks, to Luke's idea that
this experience in Paul's Ufe marked an epoch in the
history of early Christianity. He thinks that some
light may be thrown on the matter by reason of the
fact that this contact with Roman provincial and finally
imperial law set an example or precedent for Christians
afterward. He is sure that Luke contemplated a
third book to take up Paul's career after his acquittal.
That may be true, but one cannot prove it from Luke's
use of "first" (irpwrov, Acts 1:1), a usage common
in the Koine vernacular,1 as in modern EngUsh, where
only two subjects are under consideration. One may
add that, after all, the space given by Luke to this period
of five years when he was with Paul is not greatly out
of proportion to the space devoted in Acts to the five
years before. This close grapple with the Jewish
people, the Sanhedrin, Roman provincial governors
and finally the Emperor himself did vitally concern
not only Paul's own career, but the development and
progress of Christianity unhindered by Jew and Roman.
Heretofore the Roman, save at PhiUppi under a mis
apprehension, had not been really hostile. But now
at last Paul has to get a better adjustment with Roman
law than the temporary permission resulting from
Gallio's indulgence. The matter, of course, was
pressed against Paul on the ground of his personal
shortcomings, not that of Christianity per se. But,
1 Moulton, " Prolegomena to N. T. Greek Grammar," p. 79.

PAUL AT BAY 237
as a matter of fact, it was the great success of Paul that
had concentrated Jewish hate on him.
Paul had never needed the help of Jesus more than
now. James and the elders were not very prominent
just now. We know very well where their sympathies
were. But their advice had all turned out wrong
somehow. It was vain to give mere advice, and they
had naught else but prayer. Paul's life had been saved
twice, once from the mob, once from the Sanhedrin.
No hope lay in further appeal in either direction. The
Roman captain seemed kindly, in a way, but he was
afraid to be too friendly to Paul for fear the Jews
would complain to Felix, the Governor at Caesarea.
The road began to seem long to Paul. That night
Jesus stood by him as he had appeared to him once
before in Jerusalem when the Jews were hostile to
him. Then Jesus bade him leave Jerusalem for work
among the Gentiles. Then he fled to escape trouble.
Now he cannot escape. He is caught in the toils.
His enemies howl about him on every side. But
Jesus has a cheering word even now (23 : 11). It is
that after all he shall go to Rome. He will not then
die at once. His life will be spared, but Jesus had no
word about freedom. He will testify in Rome as in
Jerusalem. At Jerusalem his testimony had borne
little fruit save a harvest of trouble. What has Rome
in store for him ?
6. Paul's Rescue from the Conspirators. — Paul needed
the comfort of this reassurance on that very day, for

238 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
at dawn the Jews banded together under a curse
neither to eat nor drink till they had killed Paul
(Acts 23 : 12). The riot had failed, the Sanhedrin
had failed, the Roman captain was uncertain. A plot
was the only sure thing. One recalls the plot against
Paul by the Jews of Corinth on his departure.
It was a formidable conspiracy of forty Jewish zealots.
It was essential to the plan to tell the Sanhedrin and
let them be partners in the crime. The Sanhedrin
had a technical ground on which to request another
hearing of Paul's case, since the matter had not come
to a clear issue before and the captain had himself
taken Paul from them. The Sanhedrin could easily
use this pretext, "as though ye would judge of his case
more exactly" (23:15). They were brutally told
the whole plot: "And we, before he comes near, are
ready to slay him." Luke plainly implies that the
Sanhedrin agreed to this murderous plot, and they
were the ecclesiastical Ughts of Judaism.
But Jesus had not deserted Paul. "Paul's sister's
son heard of their lying in wait." You can count on
a boy to learn what is on foot. So many people knew
the scheme that some were overheard talking of it.
This boy was worthy of his uncle and went and told
Paul. The rest was easily managed. Soon the boy
goes with a centurion to the chief captain. Note the
centurion's point of view about "Paul the prisoner"
(23 : 18), just one of the many prisoners on hand!
He little knew that he was deaUng with the greatest

PAUL AT BAY 239
man alive at that time, one of the greatest of all time.
The chief captain was a man of skill. He took the
boy aside and held his hand as he told his story. He
told it simply and begged the chief captain not to let
Paul fall into the trap set for him.
Put it to the credit of Claudius Lysias that he had
courage enough to thwart this plot. He naturally en
joined silence on the boy, and sped Paul out of Jerusalem
at nine o'clock that night (the third hour) under the
protection of four hundred and seventy soldiers. Paul
was a Roman citizen and Lysias was determined that he
should not be murdered. This desire explains the size
of the guard and the three kinds of soldiers sent (legion
ary soldiers, horsemen, and spearmen). In order to
guarantee speed, "beasts" were provided for Paul.
Lysias was doubtless glad of a way out of a troublesome
situation. He was perfectly willing to pass Paul on to
FeUx, with his compliments, just as Pilate had tried to get
Herod Antipas to decide the case of Jesus. His letter
was therefore very courteous. He now, for the first time,
betrays some knowledge of the charges against Paul.
They were merely "questions of their law" (23 : 29)
He even expressed the opinion, as Pilate did about
Jesus, that he had "nothing laid to his charge worthy
of death." But all the same he made no recommenda
tion in the case, though he implied that he ought to be
set free. He explains that he had already brought him
before the Jewish Council to learn what the charges
were about. He did not get any definite information,

240 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
but only that they disagreed among themselves about
Paul. So he has sent Paul the prisoner down to
Csesarea with the charge to his accusers to come before
Felix also. This he did because of a plot. Thus far the
letter is in accord with Luke's story of the facts. But
he puts too favorable a color on his arrest of Paul.
He had, indeed, rescued Paul from the mob, but not
until he learned that he was a Roman! He thus
covers up his peril of scourging a Roman citizen, and
turns his conduct into a defence of the rights of the
Roman citizen. He is now rid of Paul and has cleared
his skirts of any possible harm from the case.
The soldiers only accompanied Paul as far as Anti
patris, but the seventy horsemen, after a night's rest
there, went on with him to Caesarea. Lysias had told
Paul's accusers, it seems (23 : 30), that he would be
sent to Csesarea, but evidently had not revealed his
plan for doing so. Hence he succeeded in deUvering
Paul to FeUx with the letter. The usual Roman
procedure is manifest in the question of FeUx about
Paul's province (Cilicia). It was only proper for him
to wait till the accusers came, and he was kept in
Herod's palace (praetorium) in Caesarea. FeUx prom
ised Paul a full investigation.
7. Paul before Felix. — As explained in a previous
chapter, one could wish that he knew exactly the date
of Felix's recall. It was after he had kept Paul two
years (Acts 24 : 27). The matter cannot be discussed
here. It may be assumed to be either 60 or 59 A.D.

PAUL AT BAY 241
Hence Paul appears before Felix first in the spring of
58 or 57. Felix was a representative of the worst type
of Roman provincial governor. He is a fit successor
of Pilate, a man guilty of every vice. Tacitus1 bluntly
said of him that "in the practice of every kind of lust
and cruelty he exercised the power of a king with the
temper of a slave." How much Paul knew of Felix
we do not know. But the Jewish rulers knew his
vulnerable points as they did about Pilate and will not
hesitate to make charges to the Emperor about Felix
as they threatened to Pilate to do. Felix is open to all
that is worst in Roman provincial administration —
to graft, bribery, indifference, selfish advantage. It
is not a hopeful outlook for Paul. Relentless Jewish
hatred will press the case against him before a governor
who has no scruples about abstract justice nor particular
interest in a troublesome Jewish rabbi who happens to
have also Roman citizenship.
The case of the Sanhedrin is ably presented. The
high priest Ananias took five days to get the charges
against Paul properly prepared. He comes with
"certain elders, and with an orator, one Tertullus"
(24 : 1). They seem to have laid their side before
Felix before the trial. Tertullus has a Roman name
and is clearly a Roman lawyer who knows how to plead
before a governor like Felix from the point of view of
Roman provincial law. His speech could have been
1 Hist., V. 9. Cf. Conybeare and Howson, Scribner's ed.,
Vol. II, p. 275.

242 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
in Latin, but was probably in Greek since it was as
sented to by the Jews (24 : 9). He was an adept in
flattery and adroitness. He actually praises Felix
as a reformer! He fawns before the corrupt Gov
ernor to carry his point. His smooth sentences roll
along till he comes to Paul, whom he damns by a
phrase — "this pestilent fellow." Paul the prisoner is
now Paul the pest, a common nuisance! He repeats
as a fact the supposition of the Jews from Asia in the
temple that he had "assayed to profane the temple"
(24 : 6). But the keen Roman lawyer has added
two other points to get a case that will stand in Roman
law. He charges Paul with being "a mover of insur
rections among all the Jews throughout the world,"
a rather vague charge, and yet one for which they could
get a specious form of proof from what had occurred
in Antioch, Iconium, Thessalonica, Corinth, Ephesus.
He would know how to twist the facts Uke an un
scrupulous pleader. The other charge is that of heresy,
and consists in his being "a ringleader of the sect of
the Nazarenes." Here it is assumed that this new sect
is different from Judaism, is, in fact, a religio nova et
illicita, and has no standing in Roman law. Hence
to be a ringleader in this unlawful sect was itself a
crime. The decision of Gallio in Achaia, of course,
had no weight in Palestine. Eventually the matter
must be passed on by the Emperor himself. Was it a
crime to be a Christian if Christianity was different
from Judaism? Technically, Tertullus had scored

PAUL AT BAY 243
a legal point against Paul and had thrown suspicion
on him by the other two charges. One charge was
true, for he was a Nazarene (note the term). Another
charge was true only in a perverted sense, for the dis
turbances were raised against Paul; he did not cause
them himself. The other and the original one was
flatly untrue; he had not profaned the temple nor
tried to do so. This, then, is the Une of attack of
Paul's Jewish enemies.
He had escaped the mob, the Sanhedrin, the con
spiracy. What will be his fate before Roman law?
The provincial courts were proverbially slow and the
governors willing to use prisoners for private gain.
Paul has no advocate to plead his cause. He has no
witnesses to substantiate his statements. He is in
much the same position as Jesus before Pilate. What
can he say that will make a legal defence against the
legal quibbles of Tertullus ? Paul is courteous, but no
fawning sycophant. He says all that he can consis
tently with truth in praise of FeUx, which is very little
(24 : 10). One thing is plain, Felix can learn the facts,
if he wishes to do so (24 : 11), about the charge of
defiUng the temple. Witnesses could be gotten to
prove Paul's conduct since he arrived in Palestine
twelve days ago. The charge of insurrection is equally
groundless and cannot be proved. But he will not
deny being a Nazarene, a term which he does not use
(recall Nathanael's slur against Nazareth). He fol
lows the Way which the Jews call a sect, a departure

244 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
from Judaism, but which he considers the real fruition
of the true Judaism of the law and the Prophets. The
Prophets, like Paul, hoped for a resurrection of both
just and unjust. He has walked in this Way with good
conscience toward God and men and done his duty.
In reality, therefore, Paul has found a legal shelter
for Christianity in the Roman indulgence of Judaism.
So far from profaning the temple recently, he was at
the very moment of the mob's attack engaged in the
act of purifying himself in the temple "with no crowd,
nor yet with tumult" (24 : 18). Indeed, he had come
to the city to bring alms to his own people. The trouble
in Jerusalem all arose from some Jews from Asia, who
are not here as they ought to be. Let these members
of the Sanhedrin tell what charge they found against
me when I stood before them except it be the doctrine
of the resurrection which all Pharisees hold.
It was a masterly defence and completely disposed
of the charge of profaning the temple, and put the
Jews on the defensive about the charge of insurrection.
The only point left was the legal standing of Chris
tianity, the doctrine which Paul confessed, but which
he claimed to be the true Judaism which Roman law
allowed. Felix reserved the right to pass judgment
on this point till he could learn more about the tenets
of " the Way " and see what Lysias had to say about
Paul's statement of the recent facts. Meanwhile,
Paul was to have indulgence and to see his friends.
Luke, we know, was with him in Caesarea at the close

PAUL AT BAY 245
of his story (27 : 1) and was probably there most of the
two years. So far Felix had acted circumspectly with
Paul. It seems that FeUx did not wait long to hear more
exactly from Paul "concerning the faith in Christ
Jesus" (24:24). It was on this point that FeUx
claimed to have most trouble, since Paul had confessed
his guilt, if crime it was in Roman law. One would
suppose that Paul would be disposed to give a presenta
tion of Christianity that would give it, if possible, a
legal standing. But Paul shows complete indifference
to that phase of the subject beyond what he had al
ready said. If Roman jurisprudence branded that a
crime, let it be done. Indeed, Paul seems on this oc
casion to forget that he is a prisoner. He preaches
a sermon that exposed the sinfulness of Felix and the
infamous Drusilla instead of giving an abstract dis
cussion about the relation between Christianity and
Roman provincial law. The power of the sermon
was shown in the terror of FeUx (24 : 25). But a
vicious demagogue like FeUx was not to be won by
one sermon. He had a conflict of emotions. He
loved money and hoped to get a bribe from Paul for
his freedom and the legal standing of Christianity.
His love of gold led him to frequent communion with
Paul (24 : 26). One may wonder how he expected
to get money out of Paul. Probably Luke and others
of Paul's friends had come. He had spoken of taking
alms up to Jerusalem. Paul's standing as a Roman

246 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
citizen of Tarsus showed that he was not a pauper.
Ramsay1 thinks that Paul was now able to draw on
his father's fortune for the expenses of his trial. He
does not mean that Paul bribed FeUx. Far from it.
The very fact that he left Paul bound for two years
proves that he received no money from him. But the
long-drawn-out trial would require a deal of money
in many ways that were legitimate, especially in the
matter of the appeal to Caesar which came later.
When FeUx failed to get money from Paul, he lost
interest also in the legal status of Christianity. He
was unable to restrain uprisings in Palestine, indeed
in Caesarea itself. On his recall for failure to manage
the affairs of his province, he left Paul in prison as a
sop to Jewish hatred, hoping to lessen their charges
against him in Rome. It is some comfort to reflect
that Pilate and FeUx gained nothing by their paltering
serviUty to the Jews against innocent men. FeUx
knew perfectly well that Paul was innocent of any crime
against Roman law as Lysias had written him. He
knew already enough about Christianity to know that
it was no crime for a Jew to be a Christian, if we take
the language Uterally (Acts 24 : 22).
8. Paul before Festus. — One may well imagine that
Paul shed no tears over the departure of FeUx. Two
years he had let an innocent man remain a prisoner.
Festus might be better. He does, indeed, bear a some
what better reputation. Some of the books are dis-
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," pp. 310 ff

PAUL AT BAY 247
posed to credit him with candor and a disposition to
befriend Paul. But I am not able to see in his treat
ment of Paul anything more than the perfunctory
routine of the ordinary politician who seeks to curry
favor with the people at the expense of an innocent
man, a governor who aims to keep up the show of
fairness, but who lacks the courage to do the right
thing when it is not the popular thing.
The hatred of the Jewish leaders against Paul has
not disappeared during these two years (Acts 25 : 2).
It is, in fact, the main thing in their interview with the
new Governor when he appears ceremoniously in Jeru
salem. They make a specious request that Paul be
brought to Jerusalem. But it is to the credit of Festus
that he was not caught in this net of Jewish chicanery.
They planned to kill him on his way to Jerusalem, a
revival in another form of the former plot that vividly
pictures the relentless wrath in Jerusalem against Paul.
They seemed to think that if they could only kill Paul,
Christianity would disappear. It was Christianity
that they so despised. But Festus had not yet taken
his bearings, and Paul's case was new to him. He
was soon going to Caesarea anyhow. They would
therefore come down and make their charges in
regular form.
No Roman lawyer is mentioned in the presentation
of the "many and grievous charges" (25 : 7) against
Paul. The Jews from Jerusalem stood around in
solemn Une and made their accusations. The number

248 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
seems to have grown with the years. Perhaps they
did not present them in clear-cut legal form, but they
could not prove them any better than before.
Paul's defence this time is very short, but very clear.
He denies sinning against the Jewish law, the Jewish
temple or the Roman Csesar (25 : 8). He deserved to
be set free at once. Nothing is here said about the
crime of being a Nazarene. Perhaps FeUx had told
them that there was nothing in that.
Curiously enough, Festus now proposes that Paul
agree to go up to Jerusalem to be tried there be
fore him (25 : 9). The suggestion is self-explanatory
and convicts Festus of hollow insincerity. Luke
pointedly accuses him of wishing to curry favor with
the Jews. He will later himself confess that Paul, in
his opinion, had done nothing worthy of death or even
of bonds (25 : 25). He should have set Paul free.
Festus' later excuse, (25 : 18 f.) that he wished to take
him up to Jerusalem to clear up these Jewish ques
tions, is quite beside the mark, for the trial in Jerusa
lem was to be before Festus (25 : 9), not before the
Sanhedrin. He had found Paul a troublesome prisoner
and recalled the suggestion of the Jews in Jerusalem
which he had rejected. It was a mere trick on the
part of Festus. In Jerusalem he would probably have
found some pretext to throw the case over to the Sanhe
drin as Pilate tried to do with Jesus. Festus is dereUct
in his duty here as was Felix, as was Pilate.
Paul quickly and clearly saw through the whole

PAUL AT BAY 249
scheme of Festus (25 : 10). He was standing at Caesar's
judgment seat as a Roman citizen. He was not will
ing to go back into the jaws of death in Jerusalem.
Paul pointedly tells Festus that he himself knows his
innocence of any crime against the Jews, though un-
wilUng to decide according to his knowledge. He
has tried the Jews and refuses to go back to them.
" No man can give me up to them. I appeal to Csesar."
These are brave words and bold words. Were they also
wise words ? It is easy to retort that they led to three
more years of imprisonment. But, if he had gone to
Jerusalem, death was his fate. If he remained in
Caesarea, he had the example of Felix to go by, and
Festus was starting the same dilatory tactics. Wis
dom was in the Une of Paul's decision. Sooner or
later Christianity must be passed on by the imperial
government. Paul was a Roman citizen and had the
right of appeal. Ramsay1 argues that only a serious
case would be entertained when an appeal was demand
ed. But, after all, Festus was probably more than glad
to be well rid of a case that promised trouble for him
with the Jewish leaders with whom he had to get on
somehow and which had given Felix such annoyance.
He had conferences with the assessors (council), but
quickly announced his decision that Paul was to go
to Caesar (25 : 12). So he was to go to Rome after all.
9. Paul before Agrippa. — Paul is no more a matter
of serious concern to Festus except on one point.
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 310.

250 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
He must present in legal form the charge against Paul
and some adequate explanation of his continued im
prisonment. It is while Festus is in this frame of mind
that Agrippa and Bernice came to Caesarea by way of
salutation to Festus (Acts 25 : 13). One may imagine
the languid air of the palace when the conversation
flagged and Festus, for lack of other topics and be
cause his guests were Jews, "laid Paul's case before
the King." He relates the story (finely preserved by
Luke) with the air of nonchalance and a tone of superi
ority to Paul and Jesus natural to this Roman Governor
of easy manners and morals. He stands for his ad
herence to Roman usage in the matter of the request
at Jerusalem (25 : 16), and expresses his surprise at
the pettiness of the Jewish charges against Paul,
merely "certain questions against him of their own
religion, and of one Jesus, who was dead, whom Paul
affirmed to be aUve" (25 : 19). Put yourself in the
place of Festus and use his eyes as you look upon the
career of Jesus and Paul's relation to him, and you will
duplicate the attitude of some modern savants who with
superciUous scorn write down Jesus and Paul.1 Festus
actually counted it a merit in himself that he offered
1 " And the root mistake of much of what is called religious-
historical exegesis is that it is guilty of a new kind of isolation —
an isolation which, in its results, proves much more serious than
the old. And the first essential for a true exegesis of the Pauline
writings — and of the Biblical in general — is a sympathetic under
standing and realization of the new experience which is determi
native of this content." Rev. J. M. Shaw, The Expository Times,
March, 1909, p. 253.

PAUL AT BAY 251
to take Paul up to Jerusalem to clear up these Jewish
details! He almost impUes that he might have set him
free if he had not appealed to Caesar!
The interest of Agrippa was aroused. It was evidently
an interesting case. He should hear him to-morrow.
Hear him for what ? Mainly for the entertainment of
Agrippa and the court, and partly to see if Agrippa
can eUcit from Paul any charge which Festus may send
to the Emperor (25 : 26). Festus actually jokes about
his absurd predicament in having to send a man to
Rome with no legal charge against him! It did not
occur to him that thereby he condemned himself for
not setting Paul free.
Festus makes a sort of court function of the affair
(25 : 23). They all knew Paul's ability at any rate.
Paul takes the matter seriously, though well knowing
that nothing could come of it for himself save the
opportunity to put his cause in its true Ught before
Agrippa and these people of prominence. One may
suppose that Luke was present. This is the second
formal defence of Paul's career that we have in Acts.
The one on the stairs of the tower of Antonia was
obviously delivered under very different circumstances.
He is still defending himself against a charge of which
he is not guilty. The circumstances and the char
acter of the address of Paul render his defence before
Agrippa one of the really great orations of history.
He has a graceful introduction (26 : 2 f.). Whatever
were the Umitations of Felix and Festus in their failure

252 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
to understand Paul's case, here at last was a man who
was "expert in all customs and questions which are
among the Jews." Hence he asks for a patient hear
ing. The Sanhedrin at Jerusalem were disqualified
by their hatred. Agrippa is competent, and it is the
first time that Paul has had this good fortune.
Paul recounts the story of his early Ufe to show that
he is not prejudiced against Judaism (26 : 4 f.). This
is a matter of common knowledge among the Jews.
Indeed, he had been the strictest sort of a Pharisee.
As a matter of fact, the real charge against him now,
that of being a Christian, grows out of his belief that
Jesus rose from the dead, a fact in perfect harmony
with one of the leading tenets of Pharisaism (26 : 6-11).
Pharisees were the last people in the world to scout the
resurrection from the dead. He once felt just as the
Jews do now toward him. But he became a Christian
in response to a direct manifestation of Jesus himself.
A new light came to him which he could not ignore
(26 : 12-18). It was a wonderful experience that on
the road to Damascus. It was the Lord's doing.
Who then can blame him if he was not disobedient
unto the heavenly vision ? (26 : 19-23). He had
preached repentance and good works worthy of re
pentance to both Jews and Gentiles. Indeed, he was
engaged in a good work in the temple when the Jews
seized him, but they seized him because he had
preached to the Gentiles. It was race prejudice in
truth. God is still with him, and after all his message

PAUL AT BAY 253
is in perfect harmony with what Moses and the Prophets
foretold, that the Messiah must suffer, must rise again
and be proclaimed to both Jew and Gentile.
Agrippa had Ustened intently, but it was Festus
who was carried away with excitement as Paul rose
in power toward the close. Festus, indeed, looked
upon Paul as a learned fanatic. It was all beyond
his depth, and he thought that Paul was losing his
mind with his philosophical subtleties. He showed his
excitement by his loud voice.
But Paul calms Festus and turns with a pointed
appeal to Agrippa about his knowledge of the Prophets.
If he admitted his knowledge of the Prophets, he either
had to agree with Paul's interpretation of them or
oppose it. He did not care to do either and so accused
Paul of trying to entrap him (26 : 28). His answer
iv 6\iya> cannot mean "almost" but it is not certain
whether he meant with Uttle persuasion, in a Uttle
time or to some extent. Either interpretation is
possible and suits the context. At any rate, Agrippa
was too much of a Jew to be caught on a syllogism.
But Paul makes a noble prayer for him with a deUcate
exception of "these bonds."
But Agrippa showed his freedom from prejudice
by plainly saying to Festus that Paul was innocent of
any wrong from the Jewish point of view and could have
been set free if he had not appealed to Caesar (26 : 32).
Festus knew that before. Did he learn what charge
to make against Paul ? It would seem not.

254 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
10. Going to Rome at Last. — Jesus had said so at
Jerusalem over two years ago. Paul had planned it
a number of years before. In a true sense the journey
to Rome had become the goal of his ministry. But it
was not just to go to Rome. He wished to make
Rome the spring-board, in a way, for going on to the
farther west. He has not given up that hope in spite
of the reverses of the last two years. His forebodings
about what was in store for him at Jerusalem had more
than come true. The cloud of Jewish hate had burst
upon his head with terrific force. And yet he was
not sorry that he had come on to Jerusalem. He had
brought the collection for the poor saints. He had
put himself right with the great body of disciples in
Jerusalem who had been led astray by the Judaizers.
He had a host of real friends now in Jerusalem. There
was no longer any real peril of a schism in Christianity
over the Gentile problem. Hence the real objects of
his visit to Jerusalem had been accompUshed. The
leaders among the Judaizers will no more be able to
stir the masses of the Jerusalem disciples against
Paul. Hence they will have no real base of operations.
Their future movements will be insignificant in con
sequence. At last the Judaizing controversy may be
considered over.
It would be interesting to know how Paul occupied
himself during the two years at Caesarea. If Luke
wrote his Gospel during this period, as is possible,
one may think that Paul was in touch with him.

PAUL AT BAY 255
The Gospel of Luke is often called PauUne in tone.
Luke gives abundant evidence in his Gospel to justify
his claim to real historical research for the facts and
skill in the use of his materials (Luke 1 : 1-4). He
was near the sources of information and manifestly
made abundant use of his opportunity whether he
actually wrote the Gospel at this time or later. But
Paul was too active in mind to be entirely inert all this
time. It is almost tragic, however, to think of five
years of the prime of Paul's Ufe being hindered thus.
What could he not have done in the west during these
years ?
Ramsay,1 who is so fruitful in original hints as well
as fresh facts about Paul, suggests that Luke (of Phil
ippi) and Aristarchus (of Thessalonica) could only
accompany Paul as his slaves. They had to pass on
the voyage as Paul's slaves, and this circumstance would
give Paul added importance and dignity. Clearly
"JuUus treated Paul kindly" (Acts 27 : 3) in the matter
of seeing his friends at Sidon, though it might not fol
low that he would allow two friends to go with him all
the way to Rome. Luke, perhaps, might have claimed
the right to go as Paul's physician if JuUus had that
much of the spirit of indulgence. But, at any rate, it
is certain that Paul enjoyed more distinction and con
sideration as a prisoner of importance than the "certain
other prisoners" who may have been merely already
condemned to death and just more "human victims
» "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 316.

256 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
to amuse the populace by their death in the arena"
at Rome.1 The Augustan band or "troop of the
Emperor" may have been one of the auxiUary cohort
under a legionary centurion detached for service in
the provinces.2
One had to take advantage of what ships he could
get to go to Rome. JuUus took Paul under his care
along with his band of soldiers and the other prisoners,
but he could not start from Caesarea directly for Rome.
This particular ship was bound for Adramyttium
(27 : 2), probably a coasting vessel now on its way
home.3 Such a ship would naturally go by the province
of Asia (27 : 2). The reason for following so close
in shore by Sidon, under the lee of Cyprus (Paul's
ship, 21 : 1, to Jerusalem had gone west of Cyprus),
off CiUcia and PamphyUa, grows out of the prevaiUng
westerly winds at this season (summer) in the Mediter
ranean.4 At Myra, in Lycia (27 : 5), a change in ships
was made by JuUus. The first stage in the voyage,
therefore, is in the Adramyttium coasting vessel from
Caesarea to Myra (27 : 1-5).
The next stage is from Myra to Fair Havens in
"a ship of Alexandria saiUng for Italy" (27:6-8).
This was an Alexandrian grain ship (27 : 38). With
a steady western wind a saiUng ship of the ancients
could not safely go directly from Alexandria to Crete.
1 St. Paul the Traveller, p. 314. 2 Ramsay, Ibid., p. 315.
3 Smith, "The Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul," p. 62 f.;
Conybeare and Howson, Scribner's ed., Vol. II, p. 310 f.
4 Ibid., p. 67 f .

PAUL AT BAY 257
But it would be easy to sail straight for Myra, which
"was one of the great harbors of the Egyptian service." J
This was probably the usual course for this time of
year. The voyage was very slow in the face of a con
trary westerly or north-westerly wind. It would be
necessary to tack in and out along the coast, and even
so it was "with difficulty" that they came "over against
Cnidus, the wind not further suffering us." Smith2
shows that the wind was what would in popular language
be termed north-west. Up to Cnidus the ship could
work along under the lee of the shore ("weather shore").
But here a halt had to be made for beyond was the
open sea. It would be useless to go on up the coast of
Asia. Only two courses were open, one to wait at
Cnidus for better winds, the other to make to the south
west and get under the lee of Crete where the ship
would be protected from the north-west wind and would
have made some progress toward Rome. The late
ness of the season argued for going to Fair Havens
on the south of Crete. This course was possible
with a north-west wind, and Salmone (the eastern
promontory) was reached without much apparent
trouble. But now the course had to be more directly
westward so as not to get away from the protection
of Crete, and at once fresh difficulty was found. But
they coasted along till Fair Havens was reached.
Luke (27 : 9) explains that much time was spent
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 319.
3 "Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul," p. 76.

258 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
here until after "the Fast was now already gone by."
This "Fast" was on the tenth of Tisri, and was usually
about the last of September or the first of October.
Ramsay1 thinks that it is in 59 that the voyage was
made instead of 60, and so finds the Fast that year
October 5th. He argues that the party sailed from
Caesarea about August 17th. At any rate, it is per
fectly plain that the time of the year has come, before
the north-west wind ceases, when it is dangerous to
put out into the open sea.2 One must remember that the
ancients had no chart, no compass and were unable to
sail with safety during the autumnal and winter storms.
A council was called by the centurion to decide
what to do. He seemed to be in supreme control.
The captain and the saiUng-master were in the con
ference along with Paul. It was a tribute to Paul
that, though a prisoner, he was treated as a man of
experience and resource in an emergency Uke this.
According to Ramsay,3 the centurion outranked the
captain of the ship and so had the final decision of
the course to be pursued. The point at issue was not
whether to go on to Rome or not. That was ob
viously out of the question. It was merely whether
to winter at Fair Havens or to put to sea in the en
deavor to reach Phcenix, a better haven of Crete, and
not very far away. This harbor probably corresponds
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 322.
" Smith, "Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul," p. 84.
3 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 325.

PAUL AT BAY 259
to the modern Lutro, the only secure harbor on the
south of Crete. The interpretation of Smith 1 that Luke
follows Herodotus in speaking of the harbor from the
landward view of the harbor, which really faces north
east and south-east and thus was protected from the
north-west and south-west wind. It is not strange
that Paul's advice was not taken by the centurion
since the captain and the saiUng-master were wilUng
to try the voyage to Phoenix (27 : 11). It was the old
contrast between a mere preacher and a business man,
a man of common sense. Paul made his plea upon
rational grounds (" I perceive," 27 : 10) and foretold
disaster and loss of Ufe as the outcome. The risk was
too great. It seems, moreover, from the expression
"the more part" that Paul was not alone in his advice
against taking such chances (27 : 12).
But when the wind changed to a gentle zephyr from
the south they had Paul at a hopeless disadvantage
and the start was made. But he laughs best who
laughs last. The wind that had changed once could
change again. This new sudden "tempestuous wind"
(typhonic) was called Euraquilo (27 : 14). Smith2
shows that this wind blew close from E.N.E. The
change came after they had passed Cape Mataler
and were out in the open sea. The language of Luke
is very vivid. The wind " beat down from " Crete on the
1 "Voyage and Shipwreck," etc., p. 87 f. But Ramsay, "St.
Paul the Traveller," p. 326, opposes this idea.
2 "Voyage and Shipwreck," etc., p. 100.

260 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
ship. The Cretan mountains rose seven thousand feet
high.1 The ship was headed toward Phcenix and was
fairly caught "and could not face the wind" and sur
vive. There was only one thing to do, and that was to
give way to the wind and be driven by it. But that
meant ultimately to strike the Syrtis or quicksands
of North Africa. It was no longer a question as to
who was right or wrong. The Uves of all were in peril.
The one chance for escape came as the ship, scudding
before the wind, came under the lee of the Uttle island
of Cauda or Clauda. What was done must be done
quickly. Three things were accompUshed. The Uttle
boat was hoisted on board to secure it. The ship itself
was undergirded with ropes that it might the better
stand the terrific strain of wind and wave. They
lowered the gear. Full sail would mean ruin in such
a storm. Only enough was left up "to keep the ship's
head to the wind."2 The ship itself was on the star
board tack with her head to the north so as to avoid
the Syrtis.3 With the sail down, and under the lee
of Cauda, the ship was brought as close to the wind
as it would stand. The ship could sail within seven
points of the wind and would have six points for lee
way, a total angle of thirteen points.4 However, if the
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 327.
2 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 329.
3 Smith, "Voyage and Shipwreck," etc., p. 122.
4Smith, "Voyage and Shipwreck," etc., p. 125 f. This posi
tion of Smith has been recently challenged, but on insufficient
grounds.

PAUL AT BAY 261
wind was E.N.E. the course of the vessel would be
W. by N.1 When this was done there was nothing
to do but to wait. They would escape the Syrtis.
What was before them ? They were drifting.
They labored exceedingly with the storm (27 : 18).
After one day they began to throw the freight over
board. On the next day the tackUng or furniture of
the ship was cast out. Then for many days there was
the dreadful monotony of no sun and no stars. The
tempest raged upon the ship till "all hope that we
should be saved was now taken away." They had
lost their appetites and their hope. Then it was that
Paul spoke (27:21). He had not said "I told you
so" before. He would not have done it now merely
for that thankless task. But he had a message of cheer,
and they needed it sorely. They will lose the ship,
but will save their Uves. He knows that, for "an
angel of the God whose I am" has told him. It was
not because they deserved it. God meant for Paul to
stand before Csesar (27 24) as the ambassador of
Christ and had given him the Uves of all. Paul believes
God and urges all to be of good cheer even in the face of
certain shipwreck. It might be worse. It was one
gleam of Ught in the black darkness. The centurion
and the captain are silent.
They drifted on till the fourteenth night came
(27:27). They had come to the Sea of Adria. It
was once supposed that Luke meant what is now
1 Conybeare and Howson, Scribner's ed., Vol. II, p. 331.

262 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
termed the Adriatic Sea between Italy and the mainland.
Like many geographical terms in popular usage, it
was extended (cf. Asia) to include the sea between
Malta, Italy, Greece, Crete. Luke's usage, Uke Strabo's,
was that of "conversation, not of Uterature."1 This
point is pertinent, for it is plain from the course of the
vessel, W. by N., that it could not have gone into the
Sea of Adria in the technical Uterary sense. It is
obvious both from the direction, distance and time
that the island on which the vessel was stranded,
Melita, is the modern Malta.2 The distance between
Cauda and Malta is less than 480 miles. Thirteen days
at 36 miles a day would be 468 miles. It was a Uttle
over thirteen days, and the direction is that of Malta.
The sea became choppy ("driven to and fro") as
they neared land, and the sailors at midnight sus
pected the truth. The soundings confirmed it. The
peril now was that they would be hurled upon the
rocks in the night. The four anchors from the stern
are easily understood as the wind was still E.N.E.
To have put out the anchors only in front might have
snapped them or broken the ship as it swung round
before wind and wave. If not, it would be hard to
handle the ship so as to beach her. The end would
come with day if the anchors held. Paul comes to the
front again at this crisis, for the sailors with cold selfish
ness were seeking to save themselves under cover of
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 334.
2 Smith, "Voyage and Shipwreck," etc., p. 126.

PAUL AT BAY 263
the darkness by means of the boat that had been
preserved. With sailors and boat both gone the rest
would be in poor plight. The sailors professed that
they were going to swing out anchors from the foreship
also (27 : 30). Paul had plainly promised that the
Uves of all would be spared. But he now as pointedly
told the centurion and the soldiers that they would
lose their lives if they let the sailors go. The soldiers
were quick to see the point, and settled the matter by
cutting the rope and setting the boat adrift before the
sailors got into it.
Paul is now master of ceremonies. "He speaks , as
the prophet, not the anxious passenger."1 Ramsay
rightly sees no objection to Paul's rise to this point
of view in the crisis. The fasting had not been volun
tary, indeed. No one had taste for food at such a time.
But it had gone on too long. Desperate work was
ahead of them and they needed food. Paul begged
them to eat with the assurance that not one should
lose a hair of his head (27 : 34). This was not mere
optimism; it was faith in God. He said grace for
this unusual breakfast in the early dawn. It was a
goodly company of 276 souls in all. They lightened
the ship by throwing the wheat into the sea so that they
could run the ship as far up on the pebbly beach as
possible. St. Paul's Bay, in Malta, with its Uttle island,
creek, and two seas meeting, fulfils all the conditions
of Luke's narrative.
1 Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 337.

264 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
When the ship was run aground it was not long be
fore the stern began to break in pieces before the waves.
Now the soldiers fail, as the sailors did before, to rise
to any nobility of conduct. They actually propose
to kill all the prisoners for fear some of them may
escape (27 : 42). Once again Paul's promise of no
loss of Ufe came near to failure. But the centurion
Julius had evidently recognized his obUgations to
Paul, who was no ordinary prisoner and a Roman citi
zen besides. He desired to save Paul and hence re
fused to let the soldiers have their way. It is a vivid
picture of the rescue of all, some on planks, some on
plunder from the ship, some by swimming. They were
safe on shore as Paul had said.
Luke appears wonderfully well as an historian in
chap. 27. He is here on a par with Thucydides in
grasp and power. Indeed, this chapter furnishes more
information about ancient seafaring than any other
source. Smith's " Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul "
is the great monograph on this chapter.
Luke is particularly proud of his hero for his con
duct during this voyage. Even "the barbarians" of
Melita (28 : 1 f.) could be uncommonly kind. The
term with Luke means only non-Greek, not uncivil
ized. Luke here writes from the Greek point of view.
It is a pathetic picture, the cold, the rain, the bedraggled
condition of the whole company. Paul was not a
mere spectator, and his zeal was responsible for his
not perceiving the viper which came out by reason

PAUL AT BAY 265
of the heat and fastened on his hand. There are
said to be now no vipers on the island, but that proves
nothing about this time. The snake may or may not
have been poisonous; but the people thought it so.
Popular interpretation of such incidents is well illus
trated here. One moment Paul is a murderer, the
next a god. At Lystra it was first a god,- and then one
fit only for death. Paul's stay of three months in
the island was not without good results. Publius
was the ruler of the island whose title was "first" ac
cording to inscriptional support. As at Cyprus,
Thessalonica and elsewhere, Luke is found to be mi
nutely accurate. Paul appears here as the healer of
diseases (along with Luke ?), after the manner en- .
joined in James 5 : 14 f. He had the example of Jesus
also. In the early spring or late winter (February) "a
ship of Alexandria which had wintered in the island"
(28 : 11) with the sign of The Twin Brothers set sail
for Italy. They had probably been caught here just
as Paul's second ship had been at Fair Havens, but
had followed wise counsel and waited for spring. One
can imagine Paul's eagerness to get on to Rome, and
Luke greatly abbreviates the narrative here. They
do spend three days at Syracuse, famous seat of Greek
culture. At Rhegium they wait a day for a south wind
which blows them safely to PuteoU. Here Paul and
his party land. Nothing is said about JuUus and
his soldiers and other prisoners. It is simply assumed

266 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
that they go along too. It is noteworthy that Paul
found brethren at Puteoli. It was, indeed, a great
harbor and shows that Christianity was spreading
from Rome over Italy (cf. Heb. 13 : 24).
11. The Reception at Rome. — Ramsay1 explains the
double mention of coming to Rome (28 : 14, 16) by
the two senses of the word Rome as city-state in Greek.
Paul first came to the district of Rome, then to the
walls of Rome. He had spent seven days at PuteoU,
and that gave time for the brethren there to send word
on to Rome that the great Apostle was approaching
the city. They had received his Epistle nearly three
years before this. It is possible that they had been
notified of his trials in Judea. At any rate, they send
a delegation out to greet Paul at the Market of Appius
and The Three Taverns. He was travelling the famous
Appian Way, portions of which are still in use and
testify to the greatness of the Roman roads. Paul
was not insensible to the great historic scenes all
around him as he neared the mighty city. But at this
moment his chief joy was in seeing the brethren, per
haps some of those whom he already knew and loved
(cf. Rom. 16). He had had enough to discourage
the stoutest heart. But now "he thanked God and
took courage." Jesus had kept his word. He had
brought him to Rome. True, he had not expected
to come in this manner. The brethren must excuse
the soldier and the chain (28 : 16).
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 347.

PAUL AT BAY 267
It used to be said that Paul was delivered over to one
of the Praetorian Prefects, who at that time was the noble
Burrus. But Ramsay1 argues plausibly, following
Mommsen, that the Stratopedarch in some mss. of
Acts 27 : 16 (absent from the oldest) means Princeps
Peregrinorum, the commanding officer of the "soldiers
from abroad" who were used to conduct prisoners to
Rome and had a camp on the Ccelian Hill called
Castra Peregrinorum. It was to this Stratopedarch,
not to the Praetorian Prefect, that Julius delivered his
famous prisoner. It may be replied that Paul in
Phil. 1 : 13 and 4 : 22 shows somewhat close relations
with the Prsetorian Camp. But still he did not live in
either camp, but in his own hired house (Acts 28 : 30).
If he was under the control of the Stratopedarch, he
might still occasionally preach to the Praetorian
Guard. Paul's first joy was with the brethren whom he knew
in Rome. They probably brought others to see him
so that he soon had new friends in Rome. It was an
unspeakable joy for him to have this spiritual fellowship.
He is estabUshed in his own house, but he does not
know how long he will have to wait for his trial. He
must have known by this time how slow Roman legal
procedure could be. Certain forms had to be observed.
The charge against him had to arrive^, if by- this time
Festus knew what to do about the matter. The wit
nesses had to be gathered together. Other reasons
1 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 348.

268 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
will occur later. These were present at the first and
made it plain that an immediate trial was out of the
question. 12. The Effort to Win the Jews. — Paul waited only
three days to get together the chief men of the Jews
(28 : 17). It was important to have their sympathy
if possible. Besides, Paul was anxious to win these
Jewish leaders to the service of Christ. Poppoea,
the infamous wife of Nero, was a Jewess. If his case
came before Nero himself, she might be reached by
the hostile Jews. So Paul gives them a brief account
of the history of his case. He was innocent of any
wrong to the Jewish people or customs; yet the Jews
had delivered him up to the Romans who had desired
to set him at liberty but for the Jews who were so bitter
against him. Hence he had appealed to Caesar. But
he is not here to make any accusations against his
people. In fact, he is bound with this chain because of
the hope of Israel. It was a skilful plea, but the Jews
were wary. They had received no letters about his case
nor had any of the Jews from Palestine now in Rome
said aught against Paul. But they would Uke to hear
his views, for, they must confess, "his sect" was every
where spoken against by the Jews. He had that much
against him. He was a Christian. It was not a very
hopeful beginning, though they were willing to Usten.
So, on a stated day, Paul endeavors to win the great
crowd of Roman Jews that came. He gave them his
interpretation of the kingdom of God and sought to

PAUL AT BAY 269
prove that Moses and the Prophets foretold Jesus as
the Messiah. It was an all-day meeting. He had
some success also, but a number disbeUeved. Paul's
"one word" to this part who resisted is in accord with
Rom. 9—11. He reminds them of the curse of Isaiah
on them (6:9 f.), a curse often on the lips of Jesus.
But the Gentiles in Rome will hear, if the Jews do not
(Acts 28 : 28).
13. The Delay of Paul's Trial. — Luke passes over
two whole years of Paul's life in Rome with no record
save what is contained in two verses (28 : 30 f.). He
Uved in his own hired dwelling, had free intercourse
with his friends in spite of his chain and the soldier,
had perfect freedom in preaching the kingdom to all
who came and in teaching the things concerning the
Lord Jesus Christ, and he did this with boldness.
This, therefore, is Luke's picture of Paul's Ufe in Rome
for two years. We are grateful for this much informa
tion, but cannot help wondering why we do not have
more, especially as Luke was with Paul nearly all of
this time.
If Luke wrote the Acts a good while afterward,
it may be explained that his object in the Acts was
merely to take Paul to Rome. That was the cUmax
of his career. With that goal Luke was satisfied and
may have meant to write another volume carrying on
Paul's career to the end. That is a possible interpre
tation, though it leaves unexplained why Luke should
have mentioned the item about the "two years" if he

270 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
only meant to take him to Rome. In reality he takes
him almost up to the time of his release.
If, on the other hand, we suppose that Luke fin
ished the Acts at the point where he stops the book,
we have the "two years" explained and also the reason
why he went no further in this volume. The question
of a third volume is not raised. Luke used the leisure
of the years in Rome to write the book with Paul to
draw on for much information for his career. We
should still have left the perplexity why Luke gave
so Uttle space to the two years in Rome. But, after
all, they may have been rather uneventful years.
There were friends of Paul coming and going. He
wrote great Epistles to distant churches. But the
life itself in Rome before the trial may not have been
marked by unusual incident. On the whole, I incUne
to this interpretation of the situation.
The trial itself must wait on the whim of Nero or
of one of the two Praetorian Prefects. We do not know
before whom Paul actually appeared. We know how
dilatory Tiberius was in such cases, and Nero was
proverbially averse to real business. He was the
victim of caprice and impulse. Ramsay1 suggests
that his opponents may have wished also to put the
trial off as long as possible, knowing that they could
not make a real case against Paul (cf. the dilemma of
Festus). He thinks also that the Imperial Office may
have been making investigation. He adds: "The whole
1 St. Paul the Traveller," p. 356.

PAUL AT BAY 271
question of free teaching of an Oriental religion by
a Roman citizen must have been opened up by the case;
and it is quite possible that Paul's previous proceedings
were inquired into."
As we look back upon the Rome of the early 60's
the three men who stand out most prominently from
our point of view are Paul, Nero and Seneca. But
at that time it would have seemed ridiculous to the
world at large to put Paul in the same class with Nero
and Seneca. Paul in reality rose so far above them
both in all the real elements of character and man
hood that one now feels Uke apologizing for mention
ing them in connection with Paul. It is a striking
instance of the superiority of the spiritual forces of
Ufe over the material. Pomp, station, power were with
Nero and his brilliant but servile and inconsistent
minister of state, Seneca. Paul was only a Jewish
Christian preacher, a prisoner with ugly charges
against him from the Jews themselves, at best a fanatic
out of touch with the real life of the time. Pilate,
Caiaphas, and Jesus met one day in Jerusalem. We
do not know that Nero, Seneca and Paul ever met
in Rome. They meet in our ideas of the Rome of the
time. Paul had appealed to Nero, the incarnation
of unbridled lust and whimsical power. Seneca was
the briUiant Stoic philosopher who turned out aphorisms
and sententious sayings for the benefit of other people
who had himself little real moral fibre and force. It
has been thought by some that Seneca and Paul met

272 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
and had influence, the one on the other. But Lightfoot1
is followed by Ramsay2 in the view that what bond of
contact may exist was not personal nor direct, but in
direct. Paul knew the Stoic tenets of the day. He had
lived in Tarsus, the home of Athenodorus, a leading
Stoic philosopher who had afterward come to Rome.
Seneca shows evident use of Athenodorus. There is
no real evidence for thinking that Seneca was a dis
ciple of Paul nor that Caesar himself was a beUever
because the gospel took root in some members of his
numerous household (Phil. 4 : 22). But Paul, Nero
and Seneca represent the great forces of the time.
Nero was the acme of Roman absolutism. Seneca
was the refinement of Roman Stoicism putting a good
interpretation upon the evil Ufe of the time under cover
of half-hearted protest. Paul was the uncompro
mising exponent of the supremacy of the spirit over the
flesh, the gospel that was to brush aside Stoicism and
to subdue the civil power to Christ. But that will
only come after ages of conflict. Victory will ulti
mately be on Paul's side in spite of his lowly estate and
partly because of what he here undergoes. And Paul
never gave way in Rome to the obsession of circum
stance. He was always the ambassador of Christ
even if in chains (Eph. 6 : 20).
14. The Love of the Philippians for Paul: The
Epistle to the Philippians. — Paul did not lose interest
1 "Commentary on Philippians."
2 "St. Paul the Traveller," p. 354.

PAUL AT BAY 273
in the problems of the East by reason of his imprison
ment in Rome. It could have been easy for some
men to become out of humor with everybody and every
thing when checked and hedged in as Paul now was.
So far from that Paul is the comforter and inspirer,
not only of the many friends in Rome, but also of the
churches back in the East where he had so long labored.
He retains his world outlook and world sympathy and
his environment does not change his buoyant optimism
nor slacken his energy of thought and action.
Communication between Rome and distant parts
of the empire was easy and constant, thanks to the
fine system of Roman roads and postal service. Paul
was not long without expressions of sympathy from the
East, as friends of his would be going from Rome or
coming to Rome. The going of some of these friends
gave him the opportunity to send messages to several
of the churches that are of priceless value to the modern
world. New problems had arisen in some parts of the
East since Paul was there that furnish the occasion for
a discussion of the person of Christ and the dignity of
the Christian Ufe upon a loftier plane than Paul had
reached before. It is not that his theology has changed,
but that it is enriched in his grapple with the new issues.
He here sounds depths and reaches heights beyond
what he did even in the Epistle to the Romans.
The order of this third group of Paul's Epistles is a
matter of dispute. There is no doubt at all that three
of them were sent at the same .time (Philemon, Colos-

274 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
sians, Ephesians). Onesimus was the bearer of the
letter to Philemon (10) and along with Tychicus of
that to the Colossians (4 : 7-9). Tychicus was also the
bearer of the letter called that to the Ephesians (6 : 21).
The only matter of dispute is whether the Epistle to
the Philippians was written before or after this group
of three. Unfortunately there is no absolutely con
clusive evidence on this point and the scholars disagree.1
Timothy is with Paul when all are written (Phil.
1:1; Philem. 1). Aristarchus (Col. 4 : 10) and Luke
(Col. 4 : 14) are with Paul when the group of three are
sent, besides a number of others (Col. 4 : 10-14). It
seems as if neither Aristarchus nor Luke is present
when Paul writes to the Philippians (2 : 19-21). But
there are several ways of explaining this fact. In both
Philippians (1:25; 2:24) and Philemon (22) Paul
expects to be set free, a little more confidently, indeed,
in Philemon, except that he uses "shortly" in Phil. 2 :24.
He wishes prayers for his release (Col. 4 : 18). In the
absence of decisive evidence either way I fall back upon
Lightfoot's use of the doctrinal situation. In Colossians
and Ephesians there is no echo of the Judaizing con
troversy, but in Phil. 3 we do have something of the
same point of view found in the great doctrinal Epistles.
Then again in chapter 2 of Phil, the person of Christ
comes to the fore as it does more prominently still in
Colossians and Ephesians. As a matter of fact it is not
necessary for any great length of time to exist between
1 Hort, "Judaistic Christianity," p. 114, puts Philippians first.

PAUL AT BAY 275
Philemon and the rest. They may all come in the
last year of Paul's first imprisonment in Rome, Philip
pians at the beginning of that year.
Paul has been long enough in Rome for some positive
work for Christ to have been done. The gospel has
made progress in Rome by reason of his imprisonment
even in the Praetorian Guard (Phil. 1 : 12-14). His
courage, though he is in bonds, has been contagious.
True, he has found enemies even in Rome, who seem to
correspond with the old Judaizers in the East (1 : 15 ff.).
These rejoice in Paul's troubles and enjoy annoying
him by preaching in Rome, right where Paul is, a
perverted gospel. But Paul finds joy in the fact that
even so men can learn something of Christ though
mixed with error. There are enemies of the cross
of Christ in Rome as there were in PhiUppi, as Paul
used to tell them, and it causes him to weep to say so
now (3 : 18). The gospel has gone not simply to the
Praetorian Guard, but even to Caesar's household
(4 : 22). We are grateful for these glimpses of Paul's
life and work in Rome.
In the Epistle Paul describes beautifully and deli
cately the love of the Philippians for himself and his
appreciation of their affection. The saints at Philippi
had been the first to contribute to Paul's support and
for a while the only church to do so (4 : 15). He would
not allow the mission church where he labored to pay
him for fear of being considered a man seeking their
money, though he was entitled to it (I Cor. 9 : 7-18).

276 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
The Philippians had helped Paul repeatedly Phil.
(4 : 16) from the first until now (1 : 5). They had
the fellowship in the mission cause that comes from
giving to its advancement. He would not allow the
Corinthian church to do anything for him even after he
left, though by this time other churches had followed
the example of the Philippian church (II Cor. 11 : 7 f.;
12 : 13 f.). He appreciates more than he can tell their
spirit and this present gift (Phil. 4 : 18), and he is rich
indeed. Not that he cares so much for the gift, but
the love behind it (4 : 17). He has learned by bitter
experience the secret of contentment, how to be filled
and to be hungry (4 : 11-13). But God will bless
them for their gift (4 : 19).
Paul is grieved over the misfortunes that befell
Epaphroditus after his arrival in Rome. He was sick
nigh unto death (2 : 30). Did he come in the summer
and catch the Roman fever? After Epaphroditus
recovered, he learned that the PhiUppians had heard
of his illness and this knowledge added to his grief.
Hence he is going back to PhiUppi with Paul's letter
and love (2 : 25 f.). Good thus came out of evil for
the PhiUppians and for us.
The Epistle itself is full of love and joy. The very
noblest side of Paul's nature is uppermost in this message
of hope from his state of imprisonment. He had
with Silas even sung praises in the jail at Philippi.
The key-note of the letter to the Philippians is joy.
The letter is not keyed to the discussion of a great

PAUL AT BAY 277
doctrine. It is rather discursive after the manner of I
Thessalonians and I Timothy. But in chapter 2 : 1-11
we have the classic passage about the humiliation of
Christ, while in 3 : 1-16 we have not only the contrast
between Paul's ideals as a Pharisee and as a Christian
(cf. Rom. 7), but also the matchless passion of his striv
ing for the goal of Christ-likeness. This singleness of aim
(3 : 13 f.) and identity of spirit with Christ (1 : 21) is
enough to distinguish any epistle. Put beside this also
the motto for high thinking and high doing (4 : 8 f.).
One would like to know the name of the " true yoke
fellow" addressed in 4 : 3, since the Epistle as a whole
is directed to the saints, bishops, and deacons (the
entire church) at Philippi (1 : 1). But Paul had
many fellow-workers in PhiUppi besides Clement,
and the two sisters who did not have the same mind
(4:2f.). It is not necessary to think that Paul had suffered
undue depression about the delay in his trial because
of the balance that he strikes between life and death
(1 : 21-24). For several years surely he has looked
death in the face. In his last letter to Corinth (II
Cor. 5 : 1-10) he expressed the same preference for
death that we see here. It is not the melancholia of
a hypochondriac, but the spiritual aspiration of one
who is longing for the end of the road where he can get
out of the harness and rest with Christ (1 : 23).
But meanwhile he will work gladly, knowing that the
Lord is near him (4 : 5).

278 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
15. A Specimen of Paul's Work in Rome : The v
Epistle to Philemon. — The Epistle to the PhiUppians
makes it clear, besides Luke's closing comment in Acts,
that Paul was not idle in Rome. He is still the central
moving force in Gentile Christianity. His heart goes
out to all the world, and he fights his battles with his
pen and his prayers. These Epistles breathe, indeed,
the atmosphere of his surroundings, but they have
caught also the breath of Heaven. Paul moves on
the holy heights of spiritual vision. But now we have
a sample of Paul's work in Rome itself.
All sorts of people came to Rome. Runaway slaves
came among others. Slaves were not necessarily de
graded persons. They were often captives taken in
war and might be superior in culture to their masters.
In Rome itself the Greek slaves were often the school
teachers in the family. It is clear that Onesimus had
run away from his master Philemon at Colossae
(Philem. 12) and it is impUed that he had taken some
thing as he left (18 f.). Paul had labored successfully
with those in high station, but he was not above win
ning a slave to Christ and calUng him a brother in
Christ (16), his child in the gospel (10).
It was, indeed, a very deUcate situation with so
many slaves in the Roman Empire. It is now Paul the
aged and the prisoner of Christ (9) who sends back the
converted runaway slave to his Christian master (12).
The law will be observed, but he is not to come back
just as he was. He is to be loved and treated as Paul

PAUL AT BAY 279
would be (17), and Paul hints that Philemon will set
him free (21). He gave a new conception of love for
a slave that has set all slaves free in Christendom and
will ultimately shake off all shackles everywhere.
This is a purely personal letter, but it is rich in the
spirit of Christ. Besides Philemon it is addressed to
Archippus and Apphia. Was the church that met
in the house of Philemon at Colossae '(2) the same as
the one that meets in the house of Nymphas (Col.
4 : 15) ? Were they separate organizations or different
meeting-places for the same body? Besides Aristar
chus, Luke and Timothy, Paul has with him Demas,
Epaphras and Mark (Philem. 1, 23 f.), who has now
regained the favor of Paul. Like Onesimus, who was
once unprofitable to Philemon (11), Mark has become
useful to Paul.
16. The New Peril of Gnosticism: The, Epistle to
the Colossians. — It was the coming of Epaphras from
Colossae to Rome (Col. 1 : 7; 4 : 12) with news of the
new heresy in the Lycus Valley that stirred Paul to
action in the matter. Paul had not preached at" Colos
sae, but Epaphras had estabUshed this work. He
had labored also much at Hierapolis and Laodicea
(4 : 13), also in the same valley in the province of Asia.
We have here indications of the spread of the Gospel
in a province already mentioned by Luke (Acts 19 : 10).
Paul had apparently seen signs of the new heresy
when at Miletus (Acts 20 : 29 f.). Paul is so much
aroused about the situation in the valley of the Lycus

280 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
that he sends Tychicus and Onesimus now to comfort
their hearts (Col. 4 : 8 f.), and hopes to send Mark later
(4 : 10). Indeed, he had already communicated with
them about Mark, whether personally through Barnabas,
Mark's cousin, or by letter, we do not know. But this
is not all. Paul sends also along with this Epistle one
to the Laodiceans. He urges that each church make
an exchange of Epistles (4 : 16), a hint as to the custom
with Paul's other Epistles. It is generally supposed
that this Laodicean Epistle is the one known to us as
the Epistle to the Ephesians.1
It is evident, therefore, that Paul has the situation
well in mind before he writes the Epistle to the Colos
sians. Although Mark was the cousin of Barnabas,
he is grouped by Paul with Aristarchus and Justus as
belonging to the party of the circumcision (4 : 10 f.).
Mark had been working with Simon Peter also, or,
at any rate, soon will be with him (1 Pet. 5 : 13). Paul
cherishes no bitterness towards Jewish Christians as
such. These men were not Judaizers, but were follow
ing the ministry alluded to in Gal. 2:9. It is in this
Epistle (Col. 4 : 14) that Paul gives Luke the praise of
"the beloved physician." That was probably not
merely Paul's own love, but the common feeUng
among the Roman Christians toward this noble
servant of Christ. There are few more beautiful
relations in Ufe than that between the preacher
and the Christian physician. In concluding Paul
'Cf. Rutherford, "Epistles to Colossas and Laodicea" (1908).

PAUL AT BAY 281
calls attention to the signature with his own hand
(4:18). What was the new heresy in the Lycus Valley?
It is difficult to explain Paul's language in this Epistle
without thinking of an incipient Gnosticism that had
been blended with Jewish Essenism. There is no
doubt about the existence of Gnosticism of an ad
vanced type in this part of Asia in the second century.
The case of Simon Magus in Acts 8 is a forecast also
of what was coming. Hort,1 indeed, fails to see any
evidence of either Essenic or Gnostic influence in
Colossians. He sees merely Jewish speculation with
some Greek influence as at Corinth. This is a justi
fiable reaction against the extreme opinion that the
Gnosticism of the second century is found at Colossse
in A.D. 62-3. Still, I can but think that Lightfoot, in
his masterly essay on the Colossian Heresy,2 has laid
down the Unes of truth on this subject. There was
in Colossse a cult that was a mixture of Greek philos
ophy and Essenic teaching. The Essenic doctrine had
already incorporated some Persian and Greek ideas.
It was a time of philosophic syncretism. The Essenes,
of course, had their home in the wilderness of Judea,
but their influence went beyond that region. Some
travelUng Jewish teachers had probably picked up
these mystic ideas about God, matter, angels, morals,
before they came to Colossse. Here they fell under the
1 "Judaistic Christianity," pp. 116-129.
2 "Commentary on Colossians."

282 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
spell of Christian teaching. What they did was to in
corporate the chief Christian doctrines into their phi
losophy and seek to propagate the result as the true
philosophical gospel. The peril of that situation
Paul was quick to see. Hence this eager and powerful
Epistle to open the eyes of the Colossian Christians
to the subtle danger confronting them.
The main outUnes of this incipient Gnostic philoso
phy can be drawn from Paul's condemnation of it in
the Epistle and from the well-known later develop
ments. Similar forms of teaching are condemned in the
Pastoral Epistles of Paul and in the Epistles of John
and possibly also in the Apocalypse. The new teach
ers had a theory of the universe which considered
matter essentially evil while God is good. Their philo
sophical problem was how the good God could have
created evil matter without responsibility and contam
ination. Hence they imagined a series of inter
mediate agencies called aeons that came in between
God and the creation of matter. Each one in the
series was further away from God till the last one was
far enough from God to cause no contamination to
the deity and yet near enough to God to have power
to create matter. This curious theory of the origin
of matter and evil satisfied some minds. One may
remark in passing that no one has yet presented an
adequate explanation of the origin of evil. But cer
tainly this theory of the essentially evil character of
matter is wrong. Hence the Gnostic Christians at

PAUL AT BAY 283
once had trouble with the person of Christ. Where
did he come in ? Was he above these aeons or merely
one of them ? They seem to have put him at the bot
tom of the list. So Paul is contradicting this theory
when he insists on the primacy of Christ in his relation
to God whose very image he is (Col. 1 : 15-17). "He
is before all things," aeons included, if there are any.
In the practical working out of the theory about
the nature of Christ the Gnostics fell into two wings.
One view was that Jesus only seemed to be a man.
In reality he had no human body (cf . modern theosoph-
ical theories popular in some quarters). These were
called Docetic Gnostics, as Ignatius makes clear.
Hence Paul speaks of the "blood of his cross" (1 : 20),
"body of his flesh" (1:22), and remarks that "in
him dwelleth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily"
(2:9). The other type of Gnostics, called later
Cerinthian Gnostics from Cerinthus, held that Jesus
was a mere man, but that the divine Christ (aeon) came
upon him at his baptism in the form of a dove and left
him on the cross when Jesus felt himself deserted.
Paul seems to have this view in mind when he insists
on "Christ Jesus the Lord" (2:6) as the one whom
they received and in whom they are to walk.
Paul sums up "all the fulness of the Godhead" in
Jesus Christ (1 ; 19: 2:9). It was not distributed
in a series of aeons. "Fulness" was one of the fa
vorite Gnostic terms. Jesus was head over the physical
universe (1 : 15-17) and the spiritual body or church

284 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
general (1 : 18), "that in all things he might have the
preeminence." Hence he is to be "the Head" (2 : 19)
for all believers. So angels are not to be worshipped
(2:18). No false philosophy can take the place of
"the mystery of God, even Christ, in whom are all the
treasures of wisdom and knowledge hidden" (2:2 f.).
In answer, therefore, to the Gnostic debasement of
Jesus, Paul expounds the dignity and glory of the
person of Jesus. He does not here use the term God,
but he describes him in language which leaves no other
alternative possible as to his real meaning. Just as
the Judaizing controversy developed clearly and fully
Paul's position about faith and works, so the Gnostic
controversy was the occasion for the richer exposition
of the person of Christ. It is easy to see how the deity
of Christ is no new idea with Paul. The roots of it go
back to the vision of Jesus on the road to Damascus,
and he shows it at many points previous to this Epistle.
But here the cross of Christ stands out, not against
Pharisaic legalism as in the four great doctrinal Epistles,
but against the bondage of false philosophy (2 : 13-16.)
In practical life also the Gnostics divided. Some
took the ascetic turn. Since matter was evil, they would
separate themselves from Ufe around them by external
renunciation and self-imposed regulations for the abuse
of the body (2 : 20-23). But this plan was a failure.
Mere asceticism is of no avail against the indulgence
of the flesh. The other party went to the extreme of
license and argued that evil could not be kept from the

PAUL AT BAY 285
body, which was itself evil. The soul, however, could
be kept pure in spite of the sinful indulgences of the
body. The soul alone was worth while. Let the body
have Ucense in its indulgences. Against this low view
of Ufe Paul sets the ideal of Ufe in Christ and urges a
fight to the death on the sins of the body, putting off
the old man with his doings and putting on the new
man with the new heart and the new Ufe (3 : 1-17).
It is a noble appeal that Paul makes, and he appUes it
to the various cla ses of the time. He sees the social
side of Christian endeavor and carefully explains how
each section of society may meet its specific difficulty
in the spirit of Christ.
17. A General Appeal to the Churches of Asia: The
Epistle to the Ephesians. — Paul seemed to feel so strongly
the importance of vigorous treatment of the new heresy
that he sent another letter along at the same time
which he wished passed around among the churches
(Col. 4 : 16). A natural inquiry is raised as to the
fate of this Epistle to the Laodiceans. Curiously
enough the words "at Ephesus" (Eph. 1:1) are want
ing in the oldest Greek mss. Marcion actually calls the
Epistle known to us as that to the Ephesians the Epistle
to the Laodiceans. There are no personal greetings
as one would expect (cf. Col. 4 : 10-17) in a letter to
Ephesus, where Paul labored three years. The whole
tone of the Epistle is that of a circular letter. The term
church throughout has the general, not the local,
sense and is synonymous here with "body" (1 :22 f.),

286 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
"one new man" both Jew and Gentile (2 : 15), "one
body" of both (2:16), "commonwealth of Israel"
(2:12, 19), "household of God" (2:19), "a holy
temple in the Lord" (2 : 21), the bride of Christ (5 : 23).
He seems to have in mind the Christians of Asia as a
whole, both Jew and Greek (cf. 1 Peter 1 : 1; 2:4).
One may suppose either that several copies were made
with a blank left for the name of this church or that, as
the one copy was passed around from church to church,
other copies were made. One came to Ephesus,
the capital city of the province of Asia, and that copy
naturally is the one preserved to us.1
This general appeal of Paul against the Gnostic
heresy well illustrates his interest in the Kingdom of
God. He is still the ecclesiastical statesman, though a
prisoner at Rome. He is as yet debarred from going
to Spain, but he is eager to conserve the cause in the
East. These two Epistles (Colossians and Ephesians)
challenge comparison at once. They were sent at the
same time, but obviously Colossians was composed
before Ephesians as the one that directly called forth
the discussion of the Colossian heresy. As has often
been pointed out, there is much the same relation in
manner of treatment between Colossians and Ephe
sians that we see between Galatians and Romans
The specific treatment precedes the general discussion.
Hence in Ephesians there is less warmth than in Co-
1 Two new commentaries on Ephesians are worth mentioning:
Westcott (posthumous) in 1906, and Robinson in 1907.

PAUL AT BAY 287
lossians. The subject is handled with less passion, but
with more intellectual grasp. The heights and depths
of the spiritual interpretation of life are touched in
Eph. 1-3, the most profound passage in all Christian
literature. In Colossians Paul was anxious to exalt Christ to his
true position of dignity and power. In Ephesians he
rather assumes that place for Christ and unfolds the cor
responding dignity of the body of Christ, the church,
his bride. Here the doctrine of election is treated
(1 : 3-14), not as needing defence by reason of the
failure of the Jews to respond to the gospel message
(Rom. 9-11), but rather as an exhibition of the love
of God to both Jew and Greek. Two great prayers
glorify this Epistle (1 : 15-23; 3:14-21) that sound
the depths of profound emotion and scale the heavenly
places in noble aspiration.1 Chapter 2 is Paul's best
exposition of the breaking down by Christ of the middle
wall of partition between Jew and Gentile. He is here
not defending the right of the Gentile to equal terms
with the Jew in Christianity (Galatians and Romans).
He is the rather reminding the Gentiles of their glorious
privilege, made possible by Christ, and urging them to
be worthy of membership in the body of which Christ
is Head. He is jealous that Gentiles shall prove
worthy of their new position.
The fuller discussion of the Christian Ufe in its
private and social aspects in Ephesians grows naturally
1 Cf. Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," p. 103.

288 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
out of this broad and exalted conception of the Chris
tian's connection with Christ. The exalted Head calls
for an exalted body. This intimate relation between
the redeemed and Christ reaches the height of nobility
in the discussion in 5 : 22-33. One cannot forbear
remarking how pertinent is the detailed discussion of
the Roman armor in 6 : 10-20. Paul surely had ample
opportunity to become familiar with every piece of
that armor as he watched the soldier to whom he was
chained. If Paul's prison life in Rome had done nothing for
the world save give it the Epistles to the Colossians and
Ephesians it would have been more than worth while.
The heat and burden of a busy life are now behind him.
The sun has turned toward the west with him. He
is an old man, but not a broken man. If there is less
fire than in the four great Epistles, as they are called,
there is equal light here, if not more. Clearly, Paul is
now more serene, more restful in spirit, more tender,
more spiritual in his insight. It is a normal develop
ment to which he has come. He will never go back
to the stormy time of I Corinthians, II Corinthians, and
Galatians. "The greatness of the Church and the
divine glory of Christ fill Paul's prison meditations."1
He has not merely rounded out his doctrine. He has
finished the pyramid. Jesus Christ is all and in all with
Paul (Col. 3 : 11). Christ is for all men and all men are
for Christ. There is a greater Kingdom in the world
1 Findlay, Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

PAUL AT BAY 289
than that of Rome. Even in Rome, indeed partly
because in Rome,. Paul sees the splendor and glory
of that Kingdom, the true imperium, that shall gather
into its sweep men of the whole earth. In fact, that in
one sense had already come true (Col. 1 : 6). Paul is
loved everywhere and his authority is acknowledged
everywhere. No church now resists his word or will.
He is now, in reaUty, the Apostle of the whole world.
He has no apology to make for his chains, but he is
humble and asks the prayers of all Christians that he
may be a better preacher of the mystery of the Gospel
(6 : 19 f.). He is anxious for other doors for the word
(Col. 4 : 3). "As Nero's prisoner at Rome and Christ's
bondsman for the Gentiles, St. Paul rose to the full
unassailable height of his doctrine and his vocation." 1
He speaks with the power of Isaiah and the sweetness
of David. Love for the whole world lights up his eyes.
His face shines Uke that of Moses coming down the
Mount. He has been often looking at the face of
Christ. 1 Findlay, Art. Paul in Hastings' "D. B."

CHAPTER XI
PAUL FREE AGAIN
" I exhort, therefore, first of all, that supplication, prayers,
intercessions, thanksgivings, be made for all men; for
kings and all that are in high place; that we may lead
a quiet and tranquil life in all godliness and gravity"
(1 Tim. 2 : 1 f).
1. The Outcome of the Trial. — One is at liberty to
suppose that Agrippa and Festus may have made on
the whole a favorable report to Rome concerning
Paul. Julius may have recommended consideration
also.1 But, while Paul waited the humor of the
fickle Nero, the years drew on. We miss the master
hand of Luke in the description of this trial before
Nero (or the Praetorian Prefect) as we have it in the
trials at Jerusalem and Caesarea. To me this very
absence argues for dating the conclusion of Acts before
the trial came off. The presumption in Acts points
to Paul's acquittal since neither FeUx nor Festus had
been able to find a charge against him that would stand
in Roman law. Besides, Paul himself confidently ex
pects to be set free (Phil. 1 : 25; Philem. 22). It is
more than doubtful if any capital charge was presented
1 Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," p. 157.
290

PAUL FREE AGAIN 291
against him. But we cannot assume that he was
simply set free without investigation or trial. As be
fore in Csesarea, Paul probably made his own plea.
Did his enemies repeat the same charges made to Felix
and Festus ? If so, they failed as before in spite of the
influence of Poppsea who would be open to the appeal
of the Jews against Paul. There were already be-
Uevers and friends of Paul both in the Prsetorian Guard
and in Caesar's household. Hence he was not without
some friends on the inside of court circles. Perhaps
Paul's enemies and their Roman lawyer bungled their
case or may have displeased Nero by some accident.
Seneca, indeed, may have taken a momentary interest
in the matter on the side of justice. Paul would have
Uttle difficulty in showing that he had kept within the
Roman law concerning Judaism as a religio licita. He
could cite the position of GalUo at Corinth. As the
brother of Seneca, that decision would be pertinent
and timely. His religion was the true Judaism. At
anv rate, he was set free.
There is a considerable amount of evidence among
early Christian writers indicating that Paul was set
free. We do not have space for that phase of the
discussion here. Scholars are not agreed upon it,
but the balance of probabiUty distinctly favors his
release.1 There is no evidence of real worth against
the positive witness for Paul's release. The Pastoral
•See Ellicott, "Pastoral Epistles"; Conybeare and Howson,
Scribner's ed., Vol. II, pp. 436 ff.; Spitta, "Urchristentum,"Bd. I.

292 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Epistles come into the scale. If they are genuine, as
I think, they settle what doubt may remain. They can
not be fitted into Paul's career up to the close of Acts.
We have no right to assume that his life and work closed
with the end of Acts. The very tone and temper of
these Epistles call for a somewhat later time. They
fit in exactly with a probable picture of Paul's closing
days. For the present, therefore, they may be used
as conclusive argument for Paul's release from the
first Roman imprisonment and as material for the
construction of the closing period of his ministry.
Sometime during A.D. 63, therefore, we may imagine
Paul as free from chain and soldier. Some five years it
had taken him to allay the storm raised that day in
the temple at Jerusalem.
2. The Visit to the East. — Before Paul went to Rome
he was eager to go on to Spain. But now, after five
years, new problems have arisen in the East. He is
anxious to visit Philippi and Colossae. It is all specu
lation, to be sure, and one must not be dogmatic, but
it is at least possible to think that Paul carried out this
last purpose. He was needed in the East, and it would
cheer him to revisit the scenes of his former labors.
Refreshment of heart would come to him after the
long years of suffering and separation. But we have
absolutely no details of this visit. How long he re
mained in the East we have no means of knowing.
3. The Visit to Spain. — Clement of Rome (cf.
Phil. 4:3), writing to Corinth from Rome (ch. 5),

PAUL FREE AGAIN 293
expressly says that Paul "had gone to the limit of the
West" before his martyrdom. That could only mean
Spain from the Roman point of view. In the Canon of
Muratori it is stated that Paul went to Spain. In the
spring or early summer of A.D. 64 we may imagine
Paul at last in Spain. He had reached the goal of his
ambition after much tribulation. He had some fruit
in the West also. One may pass by as without founda
tion the late tradition that Paul went on to Britain.
He was probably in Spain when the awful catastrophe
befell Rome, July 19, A.D. 64.
4. The Burning of Rome. — It is difficult to think
that Paul would have escaped if he had been in Rome
after this dreadful event. Indeed, some scholars
think that both Paul and Peter fell victims in A.D. 64
to the fury of Nero against the Christians. But I
am not able to see the facts in that Ught. The whole
world knows the story of this "mad freak of the
maUcious monster who then wore the imperial purple."1
He chose to lay the blame of his deed upon the Chris
tians, perhaps brought to his attention by the trial of
Paul, in order to shield himself from popular wrath.
The heart grows sick at the thought of the horrible
details of Nero's persecution of Christians in Rome.
Oil was poured over their clothing and they were tied
to posts or trees and lighted at night like street lamps,
while Nero rode furiously around in his chariot. But
the point about this charnel house of crime that bears
1 Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," p. 164.

294 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
directly on Paul is that henceforth he would be a
marked man, as indeed all prominent Christians were.
Paul's release had virtually given Christianity a legal
standing in Roman law as a form of Judaism. But
now Nero had made a sharp distinction between
Christians and Jews. Christianity was now religio
illicita. To be a Christian was crime enough to de
serve death (I Peter 4 : 16). The fashion of persecut
ing Christians had the sanction of the imperial example
and command. It was now no mere popular outburst
in a distant province against a man who interfered
with established custom or business interests. Sub
servient flatterers and hireUngs of Nero would seek
to curry his favor, while this spell was on him, by in
forming against important Christians or deUvering
them up to his wrath. Henceforth there was no safe
spot for Paul on earth nor for Peter either. John did,
for the present, seem to escape this storm of persecution.
But with Paul it is merely a question of time when his
Roman enemies will get hold of him. He had escaped
the vengeance of Greek and Jewish mobs, of Judaizers,
of the Sanhedrin. Where can he turn now to make
a stand against the rage of Nero, the madcap Emperor
of Rome?
5. The Return East for the Last Time. — One is
certain that Paul would not go by Rome when he left
Spain. He may, indeed, have remained in Spain till
66 when the first fury of the Roman wild beast had
subsided. He came by Crete with Titus and left

PAUL FREE AGAIN 295
him there (Tit. 1:5). He had probably had his inter
est in the island aroused at the time of the voyage to
Rome when he could not tarry. He came also to
Miletus and probably did not go to Ephesus if one may
judge by the directions given to Timothy (I Tim. 1 : 3).
Paul seems to have left Timothy at Miletus,1 where he
left Trophimus sick (II Tim. 4 : 20). Timothy, there
fore, is in charge at Ephesus, but Paul later sends
Tychicus there also who had returned to Rome (II
Tim. 4 : 12). Paul touched also at Troas on his way
(II Tim. 4 : 13). He had possibly expected to come
back here and so left his cloak and books with Carpus.
He was on his way to Macedonia (I Tim. 1:3). The
Jewish War had begun in A.D. 66. Paul would be
hated by the Romans not merely as a Christian, but
as a Jew.
6. Paul's Concern for Timothy and the Work in
Ephesus: I Timothy. — Paul is apparently in Mace
donia, and it is probably the late summer or early
autumn of A.D. 67. The three Pastoral Epistles seem
to come fairly close together. I shall not enter into
a formal defence of these letters as Pauline. They
do differ in style from the other groups of his Epistles.
Indeed, all four groups have differences of style.
Within bounds this is only natural. Style is not merely
the mark of the man, though that is true. It is equally
the function of the subject and ought to vary with the
theme. Moreover, each man's style changes with the
1 Cf. Findlay, in Sabatier's "The Apostle Paul," p. 366 f.

296 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
shifting periods of his life. Milton and Shakespeare,
not to say Tennyson, are good illustrations of this
variation in style. The severe critics of the Pastoral
Epistles admit Pauline elements in them. The Pauline
strain is manifest and strong. The real point to be
faced is whether the facts given in these letters can be
put into an intelligible scheme of Paul's life and whether
the style is appropriate to him at the close of his career
in the discussion of the themes embraced in the letters.
The use of the new facts here brought out is perfectly
admissible, as already shown. The style is, indeed,
more chastened, less vigorous, more discursive, even
less orderly than that of Paul in his earlier Epistles.
But if one thinks of an old soldier of the cross, whose
fire has somewhat died down, who is counselling young
ministers concerning the problems that confront him,
he will not be ready to say that the reflective, contempla
tive, personal character of these letters is not natural.
Paul tells why he wrote to Timothy. It is to im
press further the exhortation given concerning his
remaining awhile at Ephesus (I Tim. 1:3). Timothy
seemed to have been at this time a travelling evangelist
(II Tim. 4:5), but special reasons demanded his
staying a season at Ephesus. We can form some
adequate conception of Timothy's career so far. He
was with Paul most of the time during the second
and third missionary journeys, went with him to Jeru
salem with the great collection, and rejoined him in
Rome. He was one of the most faithful of all of

PAUL FREE AGAIN 297
Paul's helpers and gave him much satisfaction. He
seems not to have had robust health. The church at
Ephesus had a body of elders, as we know, but Timo
thy was sent here as Paul's special representative as
Tychicus was later (II Tim. 4 : 12). The conditions
which Paul foresaw when at Miletus years before
(Acts 20 : 29 ff.), and which he sought to rectify in the
Epistles to the Colossians and the Ephesians, still de
manded attention. " Certain men " at Ephesus (I Tim.
1 : 3) were preaching a "different doctrine," one devoted
to "fables and endless genealogies," the same mixture
of Jewish Gnosticism. The result was simply dispute,
empty talk, violent affirmation. Paul was anxious
that Timothy should seek to rescue the church from
the influence of this barren philosophizing. It was a
formidable task for a young preacher like Timothy
who had once been unsuccessful in the troubles at
Corinth. "Let no man despise thy youth" (I Tim.
4 : 12), Paul exhorts him. He will need wisdom and
firmness. Paul writes in a tone of sympathy with the young
preacher and his problems. He himself had little of
that in the beginning of his ministry save the fellowship
of Barnabas. Paul is reminded vividly of Christ's
goodness to him in putting him into that ministry
which Timothy now adorns. Paul now looks back over
a long and checkered life of service for Christ. He
has been at the chariot wheel of Christ in his triumphal
procession both as captive and as incense-bearer. He

298 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
has had prisons oft and once for five years, but he
simply and frankly thanks Christ Jesus his Lord for
calling him to this high and holy work, unworthy
though he was (I Tim. 1 : 12-17). That spirit in the
old preacher is one of the ways of securing more young
men for the ministry. One may thank God for the
old preacher, full of years and of wisdom, who is able
to enrich the lives of younger men. Paul is ripe with
experience and grace and mellow with tender love
as he warns and exhorts Timothy. He is, indeed, con
servative now, as old men normally are, but he is not
excessively so. His interest in the young preachers
about him is one of the ways of keeping young him
self. Paul shows a keen desire that Timothy shall fulfil
the promise of his youth (1 : 18), for others, alas, had
made shipwreck, as Hymeneus and Alexander. He
must be an example in upright living (4 : 12), a con
stant student (4 : 13), for here many fall short, diligent
in the use of his gift, consecrated so as not to fritter
away his energies, watchful about his health and his
piety, that his progress may be manifest to all (4 : 14 f.).
One can endure much in a young preacher if he is
steadily growing in knowledge and power. He will
have many temptations to follow after money and
pleasure (6 : 11). Paul concludes with a passionate
plea for Timothy to guard the deposit which he has
received, to be faithful to his trust (6 : 20).
But there is more than this intensely interesting

PAUL FREE AGAIN 299
personal strain in the Epistle. Though directed to
Timothy the letter was evidently intended for public
use also. It deals with church problems very largely,
such as the qualifications of the bishop and the deacon,
the treatment of a class of aged widows, the conduct of
the rich, of servants. Social problems are prominent
in the church life of the time. It is a rather more ad
vanced type of church life that confronts us here
than we meet in the Corinthian Epistles, but not
more developed than one need expect by A.D. 67 in
Ephesus. The Apostle is anxious about the future of Chris
tianity. He sees signs of heresy, of strife, of apostasy.
But prayer and faithful preaching will meet the situa
tion. It is interesting to note Paul's generous attitude
toward the state (2 : 1 ff.) as in Rom. 13 : 1-7. He
cherishes no harsh feelings. He sees the relation
between good government and the welfare of the King
dom of God. He asks prayers for kings. Not yet
has the state everywhere been willing to allow Chris
tians to "lead a tranquil and quiet life." Paul
had felt the heavy hand of an oppressive state upon
him. The shadows were gathering fast around him
now. 7. The Cause in Crete: The Epistle to Titus. —
Titus came into fellowship with Paul earlier than
Timothy. He appeared at Jerasalem with him at
the conference about A.D. 50 (Gal. 2: 1, 3). He was
Paul's mainstay in the Corinthian troubles (II Cor.

300 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
7 : 13 f.). He had been with Paul on his last visit to
Crete (Tit. 1:5). He will be with him again at Rome
before leaving for Dalmatia (II Tim. 4 : 10). Like
Timothy (I Tim. 1:2) he was Paul's own true child
in the faith (Tit. 1:4). Paul was clearly proud of
these two young ministers who had so well justified
his hopes about them.
Paul is apparently still in Macedonia and expects to
spend the winter in Nicopolis (Tit. 3 : 12). It is
probably near winter (A.D. 67). Zenas, the lawyer,
and Apollos are possibly the bearers of the letter
(3 : 13). Here is another glimp e of Apollos, whose
friendship with Paul is unshaken. The lawyer, like
Luke the physician, is a Gentile, it seems. Paul is
hoping to send either Artemas or Tychicus to Titus
later (3 : 12). Thus we see how Paul keeps in touch
with the work all over the world. He has friends in
Crete who love him (3 : 15). Not the least element of
power in Paul is his vital touch with men. He makes
friends and keeps them.
Paul shows real knowledge of the local conditions and
difficulties of the work in Crete. They seem to have
been specially susceptible to the "vain talkers and de
ceivers," especially to them of the circumcision (1: 10).
Here we seem to have an echo of the old Judaizing
controversy. The Pharisaic party died hard, evidently,
and finally drifted into a definite sect called Ebionites.
But Paul is positive that their "mouths must be stopped"
for they "overthrow whole houses," teaching "for

PAUL FREE AGAIN 301
filthy lucre's sake." Surely they were the lowest type
of religious demagogues. But they had success in
Crete. Paul is not surprised at this since one1 of their
own prophets (poets) had said:
"Cretans are always liars, evil beasts, idle glut
tons." It was severe, but Paul indorsed it. Prof. J.
Rendal Harris2 has shown that the reputation of the
Cretans as liars began with the fact that they claimed
that Zeus was dead and was buried on their island.
The recent discoveries of Evans3 at Knossos have shed
a flood of light on the ancient civilization that flourished
here far back in the Mycenaean age and even before
that time. The type of heresy here was Jewish (1 : 10,
14), but may have had Gnostic elements (1 : 16)
mingled with Pharisaism. Paul urges sharpness (1 : 13)
if need be.
There are fewer personal exhortations in the Epistle
and one wonders if Titus were not rather older than
Timothy as well as more vigorous. He is in particular
to avoid wrangling and disputes with factious men
who fight about the law (3 : 9 f.). The directions
about church officers and social problems do not differ
greatly from those given to Timothy. He has in mind
"rulers" (3 : 1) also, and is as anxious for uprightness
of life as for orthodoxy of belief (3 : 8). In general
1 Epimenides, sixth cent. B.C., an oracular (prophetic) poet.
2 Cf . Expositor for 1907.
3 Cf . excellent summary in Burrows, " The Discoveries in Crete"
(1907).

302 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
the position of Titus in Crete seems to be the same as
that of Timothy in Asia, a sort of general evangelist.
Neither of these Epistles discusses a great doctrine at
length, though Paul's favorite teachings recur.

CHAPTER XII
PAUL FACES DEATH
"For I am already being offered, and the time of my
departure is come. I have fought the good fight, I
have finished the course, I have kept the faith; hence
forth there is laid up for me the crown of righteousness
which the Lord, the righteous judge, shall give me at
that day" (2 Tim. 4:6 ff.).
1. The Arrest. — The winter came on, the winter of
67 and 68. Paul had left Erastus at Corinth on the
way to Nicopolis (II Tim. 4 : 20). We have not Luke's
graphic pen to describe the occasion and the circum
stances of this second arrest. Probably while at Ni
copolis during the winter or early spring, Paul suddenly
finds himself under arrest as the result of the work of
some informer anxious to ingratiate himself into the
good graces of Nero and his favorites whose pastime
was now the persecution of the Christians. They
had grown weary of mere gladiatorial shows. The
tortures of Christians, men and maidens, added novelty
to the blase life of Rome. His very nearness to Italy
invited the attack of professional informers. Nicopolis,
monument of the victory of Octavius at Actium, was
a good place for such men to gather.
303

304 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
2. The New Charges. — We are justified in saying
this much. The trouble in Jerusalem had arisen from
the Jews as a protest against Paul's work in its bear
ing on Judaism. His Jewish enemies had tried to give
an imperial turn to these charges, but had failed both
in Caesarea and Rome (before both provincial and im
perial courts). But Christians could not now find
shelter under the privileges granted to Judaism by
Roman law. The Christian leader was now assumed
to be, ipso facto, guilty of dark and dubious practices.
The Jews themselves were not in good standing at
Rome now that the war in Judea was raging. It
may be inferred logically, therefore, that the newly
invented charges against Paul had to do with the
Roman state and in particular with the burning of
Rome. That accusation was still doing duty whenever
it was needed against a Christian. It was a matter of
public knowledge that Paul had been in Rome not
long before the burning of Rome. It would be easy
to charge that his departure was only temporary,
that he had returned, that he was resentful because of
his long imprisonment, that he was in truth a ringleader
of the whole affair, that he had since been hiding in
distant parts of the empire. It would be easy also to
add to this accusation charges of disloyalty against
the Emperor because of his language about Jesus as
King as at Thessalonica (Acts 17 : 7). The pathos
of the situation lies partly in the fact that he was at
this very time urging prayer for kings and all in au-

PAUL FACES DEATH 305
thority (I Tim. 2:1), and urging obedience and orderly
behavior on the part of all Christians (Tit. 3:1).
It was just as it had been in his worship in the temple
at Jerusalem when arrested before. Paul must now
confront not a mob, either Greek or Jewish. He had
learned how to escape them by the help of God. He
was not to confront the Jewish Sanhedrin whose re
finements in theology he well knew. He was not to
appear before cowardly provincial governors who did
not dare do what they knew was right. He was not,
indeed, to face Roman law at all in its free exercise.
He would not probably appear before Nero in person,
but before the City Prefect, who would merely register
the known desire of Nero about Christians. Certain
forms of law would be observed, but the wheels of the
law would grind out condemnation.
3. The Close Confinement. — The freedom enjoyed
during the first imprisonment is all gone. He is
probably thrown into the Mamertine Prison or, at
any rate, is under close military custody (II Tim.
1 : 16). One is reminded of the condition of John the
Baptist in the prison at Machaerus and Paul's own fate
in the inner prison at Philippi (Acts 16 : 24). So he
is back in Rome again, the new Rome of Nero's mad
revels under the tutelage of Tigellinus. Seneca wrote
philosophy while Nero gave full rein to his passions.
There is no relief to the dark picture save what comes
from the inward light of the spirit. It was, indeed,
"the irony of human life," for Paul to be in the hands

306 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
of a man who was "nothing but a compound of mud
and blood."1
4. The Desertion of Paul's Friends. — Not many
Christians remained in Rome at a time like this.
Many had suffered the martyr's death for Jesus.
Others had left the city and probably did wisely in
doing so. Crescens had gone to Galatia, perhaps,
with a message from Paul, and likewise Titus to
Dalmatia (II Tim. 4 : 10), showing that his work in
Crete was of a temporary nature. So Paul had sent
Tychicus to Ephesus (II Tim. 4 : 12). Prisca and
Aquila are absent in the East with Timothy (II Tim.
4 : 19) as well as the house of Onesiphorus. Paul is
grateful to Onesiphorus, "for he oft refreshed me and
was not ashamed of my chain; but, when he was in
Rome, he sought me diligently and found me" (II Tim.
1 : 16 f.). These simple words tell volumes about the
difficulty of finding Paul now and the danger of being
known as his friend. In his former imprisonment
his visitors were many and they came and went "un
hindered." It was an honor among Christians to be
in the list of Paul's friends. But now one had to
consider whether he was willing to lose his life for the
sake of seeing the Apostle to the Gentiles. He could
not be rescued. He might be comforted, but at a very
high price. Onesiphorus did not count the cost. He
had his reward in comforting the lonely Apostle.
Most Christians who had to be in Rome made it con-
1 Stalker, "The Life of St. Paul," p. 166.

PAUL FACES DEATH 307
venient, so it seems, to be ignorant of Paul's where
abouts and to make no inquiries. Some remained
and were loyal to Paul (though not constantly with
him), like Eubulus, Pudens, Linus, Claudia and "all
the brethren" in Rome who were still spared by Nero
(II Tim. 4 :21). But Demas forsook Paul, "having
loved this present world, and went to Thessalonica"
(II Tim. 4 : 10). He suddenly found a pressing demand
for his services there and Paul felt the desertion keenly.
5. The First Stage of the Trial. — This has already
passed when he writes his last Epistle, our only source
of information for this closing period of Paul's life.
The less serious charge apparently came first. What
it was we do not know. It may have been that Chris
tianity was a religio nova et illicita. This matter was
involved in his former appearance at the bar of Nero.
It had fallen through then and may have failed now.
We know the name of one of the accusers at this first
stage of Paul's last trial. "Alexander the coppersmith
did me much evil" (4 : 14). He may have been the
same Alexander who at Ephesus (Acts 19 : 33) sought
to clear the Jews of any connection with Paul and his
denunciation of Diana and her temple. The name
is a common one. But if he is the same man, he was
doubtless glad of his chance to settle his account with
Paul since the multitude would not hear him that day.
His resentment was of long standing and his repre
sentations told heavily against Paul. Paul warns
Timothy to beware of him if he ever comes his way,

308 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
"for he greatly withstood our words" (II Tim. 4 : 15).
He seems to have been the chief spokesman among
the accusers.
It seems that a considerable audience was present
at this stage of the trial (4 : 17). Paul was the most
famous Christian in the world. Common as the con
demnation of Christians had come to be, fresh interest
would be aroused by this case. When Paul came to
Rome the first time, he was met by a delegation of
brethren whose coming gave him courage. Now he
looked around in vain for any one to take his part
(4 : 16). "All forsook me." Had Luke failed to be
present on that day? Paul cannot help thinking of
all the peril that he has risked for other Christians.
It does seem a little hard now to be left alone in the
mouth of the lion. "May it not be laid to their ac
count." But he had help. It was his last opportunity to
speak the message of eternal life to all the Gentiles
present. "The Lord stood by me and strengthened
me" (4 : 17). Was it a vision? Jesus had come to
his side at Jerusalem after his conversion, when the
Jews refused to hear him, at Corinth when they re
jected his message, at Jerusalem again when they
clamored for his blood. Paul had turned away from
all his former friends to follow Jesus. Now all his
Christian friends leave him. But Jesus does not leave
Paul. With Jesus at his side he cares not for Nero,
worse than a Numidian lion, whose hungry mouth

PAUL FACES DEATH 309
was ready for him (4 : 17). Paul may mean that as a
Roman citizen he could not be thrown to the wild
beasts. He was acquitted, therefore, on this first charge.
But it was only a matter of time till the end came.
6. The Loneliness of Paul. — It was in the spring
when Paul was writing, the spring of 68. He has
passed through part of the winter or early spring in
the dreary Roman prison. He has missed his warm
cloak which he left at Troas with Carpus (4 : 13) on
his way to Macedonia to winter at Nicopolis. He does
not know how long the trial will be drawn out. It
may last till the next winter, and so he urges Timothy
to be sure to come to Rome before winter (4 : 21). It
makes him shudder to think of another winter without
that cloak.
But that is not the worst of it. He is lonely. " Only
Luke is with me" (4 : 11). Thank God for the faithful
physician who will risk all for his patient and friend.
There is no complaint of Luke, but both of them
hunger for the fellowship of others. Paul makes a
direct appeal to Timothy to come to him. We do not
know where Timothy was when he received this Second
Epistle. The mention of Ephesus (1 : 18; 4 : 12) can
be argued either way. He may have left Ephesus by
now as Titus had left Crete. The presence of the
house of Onesiphorus and of Prisca and Aquila with
Timothy may argue still for Ephesus as his abode.
But, wherever he was, we may be sure that he made
all "diligence to come shortly" to Paul (4 : 9). There

310 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
was no doubt of the devotion of Timothy to the grand
old hero of the cross in the Roman prison. Timothy
would risk his life for Paul. It seems from Heb.
13 : 23 that Timothy did come and was put into prison.
When the Epistle to the Hebrews was written (probably
A.D. 69, just before the destruction of Jerusalem and
after Paul's death) Timothy has been set free. Whether
he came before Paul's death or not is very uncertain,
since the end came long before the oncoming winter.
It is a pleasant circumstance to note that Paul singles
out Mark (II Tim. 4 : 11) as a young minister who can
be counted on to be true in this time of trial. He has
already been useful to Paul for ministering and has
gotten bravely over the Perga experience. It is a
good thing to reflect that a young man who makes a
mistake may recover his ground. It is high tribute
to Mark that Paul now couples his name with that of
Timothy as one who will stick to the work, who will
even dare the wrath of Nero to do so. The aged
preacher appeals to two young preachers to come and
stand by his side. That was a call to stir their blood.
Another element entered into Paul's loneliness.
He had left most of his books and parchments at Troas.
He was busy travelling and so left them with Carpus.
He is in prison without friends (save Luke) and with
out books. That is a pathetic condition, indeed, and
throws a keen light into Paul's nature, his love of books.
He not merely exhorted Timothy to read. He had
been a student himself as well as the writer of what

PAUL FACES DEATH 311
have proved to be the greatest letters of history. Busy
as Paul's life had been, as missionary and leader, he
had not forgotten his books. Life is dreary without
his books. Pity the old man who does not love books.
Other friends may desert you. Good books stay with
you. These "parchments" were probably portions
of the Old Testament much used by Paul and precious
to him. He may have made notes upon them.
7. A Last Message to Timothy. — Paul has not lost
his hold upon the workers nor his interest in the work.
He has sent messengers to various parts of the world.
By one of these, probably, this message to Timothy
is conveyed. Greatly as Paul is concerned about his
own problems, he is alert and eager to help Timothy.
He hungers for sympathy, but he bravely puts heart
into Timothy's plans. He reminds his "beloved child"
of his pious ancestry and urges him to be worthy of
such a heritage of faith (1 : 5). From a babe he has
known the Holy Scriptures. The love of these devoted
teachers should inspire Timothy (3 : 14 f.) to loyalty
to the Word of God. Paul begs Timothy to kindle
into a blaze the gift of God which he has (1:6). God
gave a spirit of courage and power (1:7). It is a
noble appeal that Paul here makes for bravery on the
part of the young preacher. Hardship is the lot to
which Paul calls him in ch. 2. Remember Jesus,
remember Paul and forget hardship.
Paul is ambitious that Timothy may be an expert
teacher of the Word of God (2 : 15). That is the best

312 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
way to meet heresy. Give people the truth. Dislodge
error by the "expulsive power" of tmth. Timothy
will have trouble after Paul is gone, but let him be
true to Paul's teaching and example (3 : 10 f.). "Out
of them all the Lord delivered me." But how can
Paul talk so now? God has kept him to a good old
age and established the work of his hands. He must
go some time. Nothing that can now happen can
undo what God has done. Paul is not a pessimist
as he warns Timothy against heresy and heretics.
"The firm foundation of God standeth" (2:19).
Let Timothy preach the word and fulfil his ministry
(4 : 2, 5). That is his part. It is a bugle note from
the old warrior.
8. Paul's Estimate of His Own Career. — He is the
battle-scarred veteran of many conflicts and may be
allowed to say a word about himself. It is a brief
word and is sometimes called his Swan-song just be
fore his death. Paul's fight is over. That is plain
to him and he is not unwilling for Timothy to know
it. True, he may linger on some months or a year or
so. But he never expects to have his freedom again.
He remembers the five years of his former imprison
ment and knows the changed conditions of his present
state. He has run his course. He had longed to do
this though ready to die if need be years before (Acts
20 : 24). God has been good to him. His work is
done. He has no regrets. He made no mistake that
day when he turned to Jesus on the road to Damascus.

PAUL FACES DEATH 313
He stands by his guns as he falls at his post, and
urges those that remain to carry on the fight. Let
us to-day hear his call. There is no sign of surrender,
no note of defeat. He is calm as he beholds the end.
He indulges in no self-praise. He has simply carried
his load to the end of the journey. That is all. He
has been preacher, Apostle, teacher, and he is not
ashamed (1 : 11 £.). He does not boast. He is humble
at the feet of the Master. He exults in knowing that
he has kept the faith. Of this he is proud. He has
stood against Judaizer and Gnostic to preserve the
truth of the gospel. This fact is a solace to the old
preacher whose last sermon has been preached. He
has never been disloyal to Christ.
9. He Longs for Jesus. — Paul does not doubt Jesus,
for he has brought life and immortality to light through
the gospel (II Tim. 1 : 10). If there is one thing in the
world about which Paul can speak with authority it
is fellowship with Jesus. "I know him whom I have
believed" (1 : 12). In the last analysis this is the
fundamental apologetic, knowledge of Jesus. Nothing
can rob Paul of this. He knows Christ by a blessed
experience of thirty years or more. He has the full
persuasion that Jesus is able to guard that which he
has committed unto him against that day (1 : 12).
Paul's face is now turned toward "that day." In
deed, he is " already being offered " and the time of his
departure has come (4:6). He had long been ready
for that consummation (Phil. 1 :23). At last he is

314 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
released from the harness like the faithful horse at the
end of the day's journey. It will be sweet to rest from
the toil and strife, but he is glad that he has had his
share of the work.
It is futile for his enemies to attack him. "The
Lord will deliver me from every evil work" (4:18).
He does not mean that he will be set free from the
charges against him. Not that, but something better.
Jesus "will save me unto his heavenly Kingdom."
There his enemies will not come and cannot harm him.
Paul still has interest in earthly affairs, but his heart
is in the hills on high. He looks away to the mountains.
His feet are growing restless and the sun is setting in
the west. Jesus is beckoning to him and he will go.
He has a "crown of righteousness" laid up for him
which the Lord Jesus, "the righteous judge," will give
him at that day (4:8). It matters little to Paul what
the decision of Nero or his minions may be. He will
appeal this time to the Supreme Judge, to the Highest
Court, whose decision cannot be reversed. This
"righteous judge" will give him his crown. That will
be glory for Paul. He can pass by with indifference
the whim of Nero. Let him do his worst. Paul is
not now caring for Caesar's judgment-seat. Once
Paul had said that his aim had been to bring every
thought into subjection to Christ (II Cor. 10 : 5).
Christ is living in Paul (Gal. 2 : 20). With Christ he
is content. He is seeking the things above where Christ
is (Col. 3:1). He moves serenely in the high, clear

PAUL FACES DEATH 315
atmosphere like the triumphant eagle. He is going
soon to be at home with the Lord (II Cor. 5:8). He
will "depart and be with Christ; for it is very far
better." 10. The Condemnation. — The end came sooner
than Paul had expected. Nero's own star suddenly
set in gloom. It has never risen again. By the middle
of June A.D. 68 Nero was dead in disgrace. The
common tradition is that Paul was put to death be
fore Nero's departure. Hence in May or early June
we must suppose that Paul met the long-foreseen doom.
If Timothy came before that time he also was made a
prisoner though he escaped with his life (Heb. 13 : 23).
If so, Paul had the comfort of Timothy's fellowship
awhile at least. It is doubtful if Mark was able to come.
But Paul may have had another look at his books.
If Paul was accused of complicity in the burning
of Rome, summary judgment was rendered. As a
Roman citizen, he was spared a slow, torturing death.
He was not to be burned or to go to the lions. But
he was to be beheaded. At last one day he heard the
sentence of death pronounced upon himself. He had
faced that peril many times before (II Cor. 1 : 9). It
is now a reality. He is to follow in the footsteps of
his Master. He had once revolted against the notion
of a crucified Messiah. But the Cross had come to
be Paul's glory (Gal. 6 : 14). He will bear his own
cross. He already bears the brand-marks of Jesus
(Gal. 6 : 17).

316 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
11. Paul's Death. — The details are all wanting.
Tradition supplies only a few, which may be true or
not The story is that Paul was beheaded on the
Ostian Road. It was customary for criminals of
prominence to be executed several miles out of the city
so as to avoid the crowds.
We may picture the event in a possible manner.
One day in late spring or early June the executioners
came to Paul's dungeon and led him out of the city.
One is reminded of Jesus as he bore his cross along his
Via Dolorosa. Paul, as a condemned criminal, would
be the victim of the rabble's sport. He would have no
defender. We do not know if Luke was with Paul
to the very last. We may at least hope so. If he could,
he would surely walk along as near Paul as would be
allowed. But no band of Christians followed with him
now. He was going out of Rome on his way to the
true Eternal City. He knew Rome well, but his eyes
were fixed on other things. Outside the city the busy,
merry life of the time went on. The crowds flowed
into town. Some were going out. Paul was only a
criminal going to be beheaded. Few, if any, of the
crowds about would know or care anything about him.
At a good place on the road some miles out the exe
cutioners stopped. The block was laid down. Paul
laid his head upon it. The sword (or axe) was raised.
The head of the greatest preacher of the ages rolled
upon the ground. Tradition says that a Roman
"matron named Lucina buried the body of St. Paul

PAUL FACES DEATH 317
on her own land, beside the Ostian Road." * Be that
as it may, no Christian can come to Rome, especially
by the Ostian Road, without tender thoughts of Paul,
the matchless servant of Jesus.
It is hard to leave Paul without a thought of Peter,
whose martyrdom was probably at Rome and may have
been not far from the same time. Legend has been
busy with that event. The story goes that Peter was
running away from Rome to escape death and was
met on the Appian Way by Jesus. He fell at the feet
of Jesus and asked, "Domine, quo vadis?" The
Master answered, "Venio iterum crucifigi." Stricken
with shame, Peter went back to Rome and to death.
There is no proof for that story. It may be just an
echo of Peter's real denial of Jesus and of Paul's mar
tyrdom. But the time was full of change. Paul is
dead. Peter is dead. Soon Jerusalem will be in ruins.
The Temple of Jehovah will be no more. But the
Kingdom of Jesus has girt the Mediterranean Sea
and has taken root all over the Roman Empire. Paul
lived to see his dream of a world empire for Christ
largely realized. He, not Peter, is the spiritual leader
of apostolic Christianity. Peter fell into line with
Paul's masterful aggressiveness and rejoiced in the
hand of God that was laid upon the great interpreter
of Jesus.
12. A Backward Look.— One hesitates to add a
word more about Paul. He has gone to be with his
» Conybeare and Howson, Scribner's ed., Vol. II, p. 490.

318 EPOCHS IN THE LIFE OF PAUL
Lord. But nearly nineteen centuries have rolled by
since Paul planted the gospel in the Empire of Nero.
His name to-day is the great name in Christian history
after that of Jesus. It is not enough to say that he
stood at the source of Christianity and put his impress
upon it in the formative period. That is quite true,
but a great deal more is true. Real Christianity has
never gotten away from Paul. I do not believe that
it ever will. He was the great thinker in this important
era. He blazed the way in doctrine and in life. He
caught the spirit of Jesus and breathed that spirit
into Gentile Christianity. The uneasiness of Paul,
expressed in his Epistles to Timothy, about the future
of Christianity had ample justification. The time did
come when that very Romanism which he had so ad
mired in some of its phases seized upon Christianity,
mixed it with the Judaism which he fought and rad
ically perverted the gospel of Christ. The Gnostic
heresies which had arisen grew in power, and Mithra-
ism came to give battle to Christianity in the Roman
Empire. But however far men have at times wandered away
from Christ, the Epistles of Paul stand as beacon lights
to call them back to Christ. We can find Christ
more easily because Paul saw him so clearly. He
will help the modern world to find Jesus. He did not
wish men to think of him. His highest hope is realized
when men turn to Jesus with heart and hope because of
what Paul was and is.

PAUL FACES DEATH 319
The theme of Paul is not exhausted in this present
volume. Books about Paul will continue to come from
the press. His stature grows greater with the years. He
is foremost as theologian, as practical missionary, as
constructive statesman, as man of boundless resource
and energy. No one in Christian history approaches
him in these respects.1
No word about Paul is complete that does not lay
stress upon his mysticism. John gives us the supreme
picture of the mystical side of Jesus. Paul reveals
his own mystical relation to Christ. John writes in a
calmer tone, while Paul loses himself in the abandon
of passionate devotion to Christ and identification
with him. Masterful in intellect, mighty in endeavor,
high in spirit, rich in heart was Paul, whose winged
words to-day challenge the world's attention and call
men "to know the love of Christ that passeth knowl
edge" and to "be filled unto all the fulness of God."
1 Denney ("Jesus and the Gospel," 1908, p. 20) justly considers
Paul "the most important figure in Christian history." Cf . Deiss
mann, The Expositor, March, 1909, p. 215: "Jesus the One, Paul
the first after the One, the first in the One."

A BRIEF BIBLIOGRAPHY
Commentaries on Paul's Epistles are not here given. The
general works on the apostolic period are likewise omitted.
Articles in the cyclopEedias are passed by also. Only the most
important books and articles on Paul are mentioned. Various
aspects of the subject are kept in mind.
Addis, "Christianity and the Roman Empire" (1902).
Albrecht, "Paulus der Apostel Jesu Christi" (1903).
Alexander, "The Christianity of St. Paul."
Anonymous, " The Fifth Gospel. The Pauline Interpretation of
Christ" (1906).
Aquelhon, "L'homme psychique d'apres Saint Paul" (1898).
Arnold, "St. Paul and Protestantism" (1897).
Askwith, "Destination and Date of Galatians."
Bacon, "The Story of Paul" (1904).
Baethge, "Die paulinischen Reden."
Baldensperger, "Die messianisch-apokalyptischen Hoffnungen
des Judenthums" (1903).
Ball, "St. Paul and the Roman Law" (1901).
Baring-Gould, "A Study of St. Paul" (1897).
Baur, "The Apostle Paul" (1875).
Beyschlag, "Die paulinische Theodicee."
Bird, "Paul of Tarsus."
Blair, "The Apostolic Gospel" (1896).
Bousset, "Der Apostel Paulus."
Breitenstein, "Jesus et Paul " (1908).
Bruce, "St. Paul's Conception of Christianity" (1898).
Bruckner, "Die Entstehung der paulinischen Christologie "
(1903).
Bruckner, "Der Apostel als Zeuge wider das Christusbild der
Evangelien " (Prot. Monatsch., 1906, S. 352-364).
Bruckner, "Zum Thema Jesus und Paulus" (Neut. Wiss., 1906,
S. 112 ff.).
Burton, "Chronology of St. Paul's Epistles."
Burton, "Records and Letters of the Apostolic Age" (1900).
Buss "Roman Law and History in the New Testament " (1901).
321

322 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Campbell, "Paul the Mystic" (1907).
Chadwick, "The Social Teaching of St. Paul" (1906).
Chadwick, "The Pastoral Teaching of St. Paul" (1907).
Chase, "Credibility of Acts" (1902).
Chrysostom, " Homiliae in laudem S. Pauli," Opera, Vol. II, ed.
Montf.
Clarke, "The Ideas of the Apostle Paul" (1884).
Clemen, "Die Chronologie der paulinischen Briefe" (1893).
Clemen, " Einheitlichkeit der paulinischen Briefe" (1894).
Clemen, "Paulus" (1904).
Cone, "Paul the Man, the Missionary" (1898).
Conybeare and Howson, "Life and Epistles of Paul" (1894).
Scribner's edition.
Corbitt, "St. Paul" (1903).
Curtius, "Paulus in Athen."
Dahne, "Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs" (1851).
Dalmer, "Die Erwahlung Israels nach Paulus."
Davidson, "The Stoic Creed" (1907).
Deissmann, "Bible Studies" (1901).
Deissmann, "New Light on the New Testament" (1907).
Deissmann, "Licht vom Osten" (1908).
Deissmann, "Die neutestamentliche Formel in Christo" (1892).
Dess, " Ein Beitrag zur Frage nach dem Hellenismus bei Paulus
2 Cor. 5 :1-10" (1904).
Dickie, "The Culture of the Spiritual Life. Studies in the
Teaching of Paul" (1905).
Dick, "Der schriftstellerische Plural bei Paulus" (1900).
Dickson, "St. Paul's Use of the Terms Flesh and Spirit" (1883).
Dill, "Roman Society from Nero to M. Aurelius" (1904).
Dobschutz, "Probleme des apostolischen Zeitalters" (1904).
Doellinger, "The Gentile and the Jew in the Courts of the Tem
ple of Christ" (1862).
Drescher, "Das Leben Jesu bei Paulus" (1900).
Drummond, " Relation of the Apostolic Age to the Teaching of
Christ" (1900).
Du Bose, "The Gospel According to St. Paul" (1907).
Dykes, "The Gospel According to St. Paul."
Eadie, "Paul the Preacher."
Erbes, "Die Todestage der Apostel Paulus und Petrus" (1899).
Ernesti, "Ethik des Apostels Paulus."
Everett, "The Gospel of Paul" (1893).
Everling, " Die paulinsche Angelologie und Damonologie" (1888).
Fairbairn, "Philosophy of the Christian Religion" (1904).
Farrar, "Darkness and Dawn" (1893).
Farrar, "Early Days of Christianity" (1882).

BIBLIOGRAPHY 323
Farrar, "Life and Work of St. Paul" (1879).
Feine, "Das gesetzesfreie Evangelium des Paulus" (1899).
Feine, "Jesus Christus und Paulus" (1902).
Feine, "Paulus als Theologe" (1906). Tr. 1908.
Ferrero, "Greatness and Decline of Rome" (1908).
Findlay, "Epistles of the Apostle Paul."
Forbes, "Footsteps of St. Paul in Rome" (1899).
Fouard, "St. Paul and His Mission."
Fouard, "Last Years of St. Paul."
Fraedlaender, "Der Antichrist in den vorchristlichen jiidischen
Quellen" (1901).
Fraedlaender, "Synagoge und Kirche in ihren Anfangen" (1908).
Garvie, Articles in Expositor (March, 1908-) on Teaching of Paul.
Gibson, "Sources of St. Paul's Teaching" (Expositor, 1882, pp.
33-45).
Gilbert, "First Interpreters of Jesus" (1901).
Gilbert, "Student's Life of Paul" (1899).
Gloag, "Introduction to the Pauline Epistles."
Gloatz, "Zur Vergleichung der Lehre des Paul mit der Jesu"
(Theol. Stud, und Krit., 1895, S. 777-800).
Gloel, "Der heilige Geist in d. Heilsverk. des Paulus."
Godet, "Studies in the Epistles."
Goguel, "L'Apdtre Paul et Jesus Christ" (1904).
Goodwin, "A Harmony of the Life of the Apostle Paul" (1895).
Grafe, " Die paulinischen Lehre von Gesetz " (1893).
Greene, "The Manysided Paul."
Gunkel, "Zum religionsgeschichtlichen Verst. deaN. T." (1903).
Hanson, "St. Paul and the Primitive Church."
Harnack, "Luke the Physician" (1907).
Harnack, "Die Apostelgeschichte" (1908).
Hausrath, "Der Apostel Paulus."
Heim, "Paulus" (1905).
Heinrici, "Jesus und Paulus" (Neues sachsisches KircheriblaM,
1895, No. 47-51).
Heitmiiller, "Im Namen Jesu."
Heitmuller, "Taufe und Abendmahl bei Paulus" (1903).
Hicks, "St. Paul and Hellenism."
Hilgenfeld, "Jesus und Paulus" (Zeitschrift fur wiss. Theol., 1894,
S. 481-541).
Hollmann, "Urchristenthum in Korinth" (1903).
Holsten, "Zum Evangelium des Paulus und des Petrus" (1868).
Holsten, "Das Evangelium des Paulus" (1898).
H. Holtzmann, "Jesus und Paulus" (Protest. Monatsch., 1900, S.
463-468).
Honnicke, "Chronologie des Lebens Pauli" (1904).

324 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Hort, "Judaistic Christianity" (1892).
Howson, "Character of St, Paul."
Howson, "Companions of St. Paul."
Howson, "Metaphors of St. Paul."
Hurant, "Paul, a-t-il connu le Christ historique?"
Irons, "Christianity as Taught by St. Paul."
Iverach, "St. Paul; His Life and Times."
James, "Genuineness and Authorship of the Pastoral Epistles"'
(1906).
Jevons, "Hellenism and Christianity" (Harvard Theol. Review,
April, 1908).
Johnson, "Was Paul the Founder of Christianity?" (Princeton
Theol. Rev., 1907).
Jiilicher, "Paulus und Jesus" (1907).
Jiilicher, "Neue Linien in der Kritik der evangelischen Ueber-
lieferung" (1906).
Juncker, "Das Christusbild des Paulus" (1906).
Juncker, "Die Ethik des Apostels Paulus" (1904).
Kabisch, "Die Eschatologie des Paulus."
Kaftan, "Jesus und Paulus" (1906).
Kellermann, " Kritische Beitrage zur Entstehungsgeschichte des
Christentums" (1906).
Kennedy, "St. Paul's Conceptions of Last Things" (1904).
Knowling, "Witness of the Epistles" (1892).
Knowling, "Testimony of St. Paul to Christ" (1905).
Kohler, "Zum Verstandnis des Apostels Paulus" (1908).
Kolbing, "Die geistige Einwirkung der Person auf Paulus"
(1906).
Krenkel, "Beitrage zur Aufhellung der Geschichte und der Briefe
des Apostels Paulus."
Krenkel, "Paulus der Apostel der Heiden."
Kiihl, "Zur paulinischen Theodicee."
Lewin, "Life and Epistles of St. Paul" (1875).
Lichtenbahn, "Die Offenbarung in Gnosticismus " (1907).
Lightfoot, "Biblical Essays" (1893).
Lipsius, "Die paulinische Rechtfertigungslehre."
Lock, "St. Paul the Master Builder" (1905).
Liidemann, "Die Anthropologie des Apostels Paulus."
Luthardt, "Der Apostel Paulus, ein Lebensbild."
Lyttleton, "Observations on Saul's Conversion" (1774).
Maggs, "The Spiritual Experience of St. Paxil."
Mahaffy, "The Silver Age of the Greek World" (1906).
Mansel, "The Gnostic Heresies" (1875).
Marshall, "Did Paul Use a Semitic Gospel?" (Expositor, July,
1890).

BIBLIOGRAPHY 325
Matheson, " The Spiritual Development of Paul" (1891).
Matheson, "The Historical Christ of Paul" (Expositor, Series II,
Vols. I and II, 1881).
Means, "St. Paul and the Ante-Nicene Church" (1903).
Menegoz, "La pech6 et a redemption d'apres St. Paul" (1903).
Menken, "Blicke in das Leben des Apostels Paulus."
A. Meyer, "Wer hat das Christentum begriindet, Jesus oder
Paulus?" (1907).
Meyer, "Paul."
M. Meyer, "Der Apostel Paulus als armer Sunder" (1903).
Moffatt, "The Historical New Testament" (1901).
Moffatt, "Recent Literature on Jesus and Paul" (Review of
Theology and Philosophy, July, 1908).
Moffatt, "Jesus and Paul" (The Biblical World, Sept., 1908).
Monod, "Five Sermons on the Apostle Paul."
Monteil, "Essai sur la Christologie de Saint Paul" (1906).
Moske, "Die Bekehrung des heiligen Paulus" (1907).
Muller, "Das personliche Christenthum der paulinischen Ge-
meinden."
Nageli, "Der Wortschatz des Apostels Paulus" (1905).
Noesgen, "Die apostolische Verkundigung und die Geschichte
Jesu" (Neue Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol, 1895, S. 46-94).
Noesgen, "Paulus der Apostel der Heiden" (1908).
Nonnemann, "Jesus der Christus. Jesus und Paulus" (1907).
Oehler, "Paulus und Jesus, der Erloste und der Erlflser"
(1908).
Oertel, "Paulus in der Apostelgeschichte."
Opitz, "Das System des Paulus."
Paley, "Horae Paulinas" (1851).
Paret, "Paulus et Jesus" (Jahrb'ucher f. d. Theol., 1858).
Paret,"Das Zeugnis des Apostels Paulus iiber die ihm gewordene
Christuserscheinung" (Jahrb. f. Deutsche Theol., 1859, S.
239 ff.).
Paterson, "The Pauline Theology" (1903).
Pfleiderer, "Paulinismus" (1873).
Pfleiderer, " Influence of the Apostle Paul on the Development
of Christianity" (1885).
Pratt, "Life of Paul in Scripture Language."
Ramsay, "The Church in the Roman Empire" (1893).
Ramsay, "Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia" (1895).
Ramsay, "St. Paul the Traveller," (1896).
Ramsay, "Pauline and Other Studies" (1906).
Ramsay, "Cities of Paul" (1908).
Ramsay, "Luke the Physician and Other Studies" (1908).
Renan, "St. Paul" (1869).

326 BIBLIOGRAPHY
Resch, "Paulinismus und die Logia Jesu" (1904).
Resch, "Die Verwandtschaft zwischen den paulinischen Schriften
und den syn. Evangelien" (Zeitschr. f. k. Wiss., 1888, S.
279-295).
Resch, "Paulinische-lucanische Evangelienparallelen" (1893).
Resker, "St. Paul's Illustrations" (1908).
Ritschl, "Justification and Reconciliation."
Robertson, "Student's Chronological N. T." (1904).
Rohricht, "Das menschliche Personenleben und der christliche
Glaube nach Paulus" (1902).
Roos, "Die Briefe des Apostels Paulus und die Reden des Herm
Jesu" (1887).
Round, "Date of St. Paul's Epistle to the Galatians"
(1907).
Ruegg, "Der Apostel Paulus und sein Zeugnis von Jesus Christus
(1906).
Sabatier, "The Apostle Paul" (1891).
Schaeder, "Das Evangelium Jesu und das Evangelium von
Jesus" (1906).
Schenkel, "Christus-bild der Apostel."
Schettler, "Die paulinische Formel 'Durch Christus'" (1907).
H. Schmidt, "Der paulinische Christus" (1867).
Schmidt, "Die paulinische Christologie " (1870).
Schmoller, "Die geschichtliche Person Jesu nach den paul
inischen Schriften" (Theol. Stud. n. KrU., 1894, S. 656-705).
Schrader, "Der Apostel Paulus."
Scott, "The Gospel According to St. Paul" (Expositor, 1900, II,
pp. 202-210).
Seebock, "S. Paulus der Heidenmissionar."
Selden, "In the Time of Paul" (1900).
Selwyn, "St. Luke the Prophet" (1901).
Shakespeare, "St. Paul in Athens" (1878).
Shaw, "The Pauline Epistles" (1903).
Simon, "Die Psychologie des Apostels Paulus" (1897).
J. Smith, "Voyage and Shipwreck of St. Paul."
Sokolowski, "Geist und Leben bei Paulus" (1903).
Somerville, "St. Paul's Conception of Christ" (1897).
Speer, "The Man Paul" (1900).
Spitta, "Die zweimalige romische Gefangenschaft des Paulus"
(Urchristenthum, Bd. I.).
Stalker, "Life of St. Paul" (1889).
Steinmetz, "Die 2te romische Gefangenschaft des Apostels
Paulus" (1897).
Steubing, "Die paulinischen Begriff 'Christusleiden'" (1905).
Stevens, "The Pauline Theology" (1894).

BIBLIOGRAPHY 327
Straatmann, "Paulus de Ap. van Jezus Christus."
Sturm, " Der Apostel Paulus und die evangelische Ueberiief erung "
(Programme No. 117 in 1897 and Programme No. 118 in
1900).
Taylor, "Paul the Missionary" (1882).
Thackeray, "Relation of St. Paul to Contemporary Jewish
Thought" (1900).
Tholuck, "Life and Writings of St. Paul" (tr.).
Tigert, "Christianity of Christ and of the Apostles" (1905).
Titius, "Die Abhangigkeit des Paulus von der Verkiindigung
Jesu" (S. 8-18 in "Der Paulinismus unter dem Gesichts-
punkt der Seligkeit," 1900).
Uhlhorn, "Conflict of Christianity with Judaism."
Underhill, "Divine Legation of St. Paul" (1889).
Usteri, "Entwicklung des paulinischen Lehrbegriffs " (1851).
Van Manen, "Paulus."
Voelter, "Paulus und seine Briefe" (1905).
Volkmar, "Paulus von Damascus bis zum Galaterbr."
Vollmer, "Die alttestamentliche Citate bei Paulus."
Von Soden, "Das Interesse des apostolischen Zeitalters an der
evangelischen Geschichte" (Theol. Abhandl., 1892, S. Ill—
169).
Walker, "The Gift of Tongues" (1906).
Walther, "Pauli Evangelium Jesu Evangelium (1908).
Weinel, "Paulus" (1904, tr. 1906).
J. Weiss, "Beitrage zur paulinischen Rhetorik."
J. Weiss, "Die christliche Freiheit nach der Verkundigung des
Apostels Paulus" (1902).
Wendt, "Die Lehre des Paulus verglichen mit der Lehre Jesu"
(Zeitschr. f. Theol. und Kirche, 1894, S. 1-78).
Wernle, "Paulus als Heidenmissionar."
Wernle, "Der Christus und die Siinde bei Paulus" (1897).
Whateley, "Difficulties in the Epistles of Paul."
Whyte, "The Apostle Paul" (1903).
Wilkinson, "Epic of Saul" (1891).
Wilkinson, "Epic of Paul" (1897).
Wrede, "Paulus" (1905).
Wright, "Cities of Paul" (1907).
Wustmann, "Jesus und Paulus" (1907).
Wynne, "Fragmentary Records of Jesus of Nazareth" (1887).
Zahn, "Das Gesetz Gottes nach der Lehre des Apostels Paulus."

INDEX TO SUBJECTS

Acropolis  159
Adeney  196
Agahus  217
Agnostic  2
Agrippa (See Herod).
Alexander  307
Ananias  47, 52 ff.
Ananias, High Priest  241
Andronicus  207
Apocalypses  28
Apollos  5, 175, 180, 187, 300
Apphia  279
Aquelhon  75
Aquila  163, 175, 180, 207, 306
Archippus  279
Aristarchus . . 175, 185, 255, 274, 279
Arminius  3
Arnold, Matthew  70
Athenodorus  272
Augustine  3, 45
Bacon  46, 196
Baring-Gould  58, 90
Barnabas  95-140
Baur  44,91
Beyschlag  191
Bousset  87
Bruce  49
Bruckner  87
Bruders  60
Burrows  301
Calvin  3
Campbell  92
Canon of Muratori  293
Cerinthus  282
Cerinthian (Gnosticism)  283
Chadwick  168
Chloe  175
Claudia  307
Claudius  163
Claudius Lysias  228 ff., 239 f.
Clement  3
Clement (of Rome)  292
Colossian Heresy  281
Conybeare and Howson,
116, 146, 241, 256, 261, 291
Crescens  306
Crispus  165

Docetic (Gnosticism)  283
D'Ooge  159
Drescher  75
Ebionites  300
Ellicott  291
Elymas  107
EpEenetus  207
Epaphras  279
Epapnroditus  276
Epicurean  2
Epicurus  158 f.
Epimenides  301
Erastus  175, 198, 208, 303
Essenism  281
Eubulus  307
Evans  301
Feine  88
Felix  240 f.
Festus  10, 246 ff.
Findley. .49, 125, 153, 170, 176, 191,
192, 198, 211, 288, 289, 295
Fraedlaender  71, 73
Gaius  175,185,208
Galatia (South and North), 143 ff., 201 ff.
Gallio  165
Gamaliel  14 ff., 26, 27
Gardner   51
Gnostic  2
Gnosticism  281 ff., 297
Goguel  88
Harnack  72, 87
Harris, J. Rendel  301
Hastings  11, etc.
Hausrath  196
Hellenism  22, 32, 71 ff.
Hellenist  7
Herod Agrippa 1  10, 105
Herod Agrippa II  249 ff.
Hicks  72
Hilgenfeld  69, 71
Hillel  16
Holsten  65
Holtzmann  74
Hort  207, 209, 274, 281

Deissmann  92, 167, 319 James  81, 105, 128 ff., 135
Demas  279,307 Jerusalem Conference  141 ff.
Demetrius  184 Jesus  39ff.
Denney  319 John  128 ff., 179
329

330

INDEX

Judaizers  2 f ., 5, 121 ff ., 220 ff .
Judas  53 f., 132 f.
Julicher  76, 87
Junias  207
Kaftan  87
Kennedy, H. A  26, 67, 72
Kennedy, J. H  196
Klopper  196
Knowling  88
Kohler  67, 71, 73, 74
Kolbing  88
Konig  196
Lightfoot  272, 281
Linus  307
Lock  1
Loman  65
Lowell  50
Lucina  3l6
Luke  4, 10, 112, 145 ff., 198,
215 ff., 255, 264, 274, 279, 316
Lydia  148
Manzel  72
Marcion  285
Mark  109 ff., 140 f., 279, 310
Mary  207
Matheson  90
McGiffert  196
Means  69, 70, 75, 76
Meyer, A  -.  88
Milligan  167
Miracles  42 f.
Mnason  219
Moffatt  88
Mommsen  267
Monteil  88
Moulton  183, 236
Neander  60
Nero  6, 271 ff., 293 f., 315 ff.
Nymphas  279
Onesimus  279
Onesiphorus  306
Origen  3
Paul: Appreciation of, 1; An
cestry, 6; Family, 7; Date of
Birth, 9; Boyhood, 12; At
the Feet of Gamaliel, 15; Ele
ments in Education, 21; First
Taste of Blood, 25; Leader
ship in the Persecution, 29;
Connection with the Sanhe
drin, 33; Fight to a Finish, 35;
Challenge by Jesus, 39; Quan
dary of Saul, 45; Personal
Issue with Jesus, 46; Surren
der of Saul, 48; Temporary
Darkness, 51; Appeal to
Ananias, 62; Call to a
World Mission, 55; Immedi
ate Response, 60; Apologetic
Value of His Conversion, 62;
His Jewish Inheritance, 67;

His Greek Inheritance, 71;
Original Christian Inherit
ance, 74; Years in Arabia,
76; In Damascus Again, 78;
In Jerusalem with Cephas,
79; Back in Tarsus, 83; In
terpreter of Jesus, 85; Emer
gency at Antioch, 93; Gen
tile Church at Antioch, 95;
Insight of Bamabas, 97; The
Man and the Hour, 98; Year
at Antioch, 99; Mission to
Jerusalem, 100; Call to a
World Campaign, 103; Ac
quiescence of the Antioch
Church, 104; Leadership of
Bamabas, 105: Cyprus, Lead
ership of Paul, 106; Perga,
Mark's Desertion, 109; An
tioch in Pisidia, Specimen of
Paul'sPreaching, 110; Iconi
um, Division Among the Gen
tiles; Lystra, the Fickle Pop
ulace, 117; Derbe, End of
Tour, 119; Strengthening the
Churches, 119; Issue Raised
by Judaizers, 121; Appeal to
Jerusalem, 124; First Public
Meeting in Jerusalem, 127;
Paul's Stand for Gentile Lib
erty, 128; Victory over the
Judaizers, 130; Reception of
the Victory at Antioch, 134;
Peter's Temporary Defection
and Rebuke by Paul at An
tioch, 134; Controversy with
Judaizers Reopened, 137;
Break with Barnabas, 139;
New Campaign with Silas,
142; Lystra, Finding of Tim
othy; Lives up to Jerusalem
Agreement, 142; Hedged in
by the Spirit of Jesus, 143;
Macedonian Call and Luke,
145; Philippi, Lydia and the
Jailer, 148; Thessalonica, Ex
citable Populace, 153; Ath
ens, Idolatry and Philosophy,
157; Corinth, Sudden Wealth
and False Culture, 162; First
Epistles, I and II Thessaloni
ans, 166; Return to Antioch,
171; Statesmanship of Paul,
173; Leaves Antioch Last
Time, 177; Three Years in
Ephesus, 178; Trouble at
Corinth, I Corinthians, 186;
Suspense in Troas, 194; Re
bound in Macedonia, II Corin
thians, 194; Triumph in
Corinth, 200; Appeal to De
serting Galatians, 200; His
Gospel, Epistle to Romans,
205; Gathering Storm at Je
rusalem, 213; Charge of the
Judaizers, 220; Plan for
Answering the Charge, [223;

INDEX

331

Paul— Continued
Jews from Asia Upset the
Plan, 225; Defence to the
Mob, 228; Before the San
hedrin, 231; Rescue from
the Conspirators, 237; Be
fore Felix, 240; Before Fes
tus, 246; Before Agrippa,
249; Going to Rome at Last,
254; Reception at Rome,
266; Effort to Win the Jews.
268; Delay of Paul's Trial,
269; Love of the Philippians
for Paul, Epistle to the Phi
lippians, 272; Specimen of
Paul's Work in Rome. Epistle
to Philemon, 278; New Peril
of Gnosticism, Epistle to the
Colossians, 279; General Ap
peal to the Churches of Asia,
Epistle to Ephesians, 285;
Outcome of the Trial, 290;
Visit to the East, 292; Visit
to Spain, 292; Burning of
Rome, 293; Return East for
Last Time, 294; Concern for
Timothy, I Timothy, 295;
Cause in Crete, Epistle to
Titus, 299; Arrest, 303; New
Charges, 304; Close Confine
ment, 305; Desertion of
Friends, 306; First Stage of
the Trial, 307; Loneliness,
309; Last Message to Timo
thy, 311; Estimate of His
Own Career. 312; Longs for
Jesus, 313; Condemnation,
315; Death, 316; Backward
Look, 317.
Pelagius  3
Peter. 3, 81, 93, 94, 128 ff., 134. 187
Pfleiderer  66,68,71
Pharisaism  26, 32, 67 ff ., 121 ff .
Pharisee  1, 7, 17 ff.
Philemon  278 ff.
Philip  217
Philo  13
Phoebe  175
Plummer.  196
Poppsea  291
Priscilla  163, 175, 180, 207, 306
Pudens  307
Ramsay  1, 2, 5, 8, 10, 12,
72, 73, 74, 87, 111, 112, 116, 119,
141, 143, 145, 158, 159, 164, 165,
177, 189, 192, 193, 198, 202, 214,
216, 235, 246, 255, 256, 257, 258,
259, 260, 262, 263, 266, 267, 272
Renan  65

Resch  88
Robertson  170, 183
Robinson  286
Ruegg  88
Sabatier  70, 71, 76, 137, 170,
176, 177, 188, 190, 197, 206, 209
Sadducee  234
Sanday  66, 67, 75, 88, 89
Sanhedrin  33 ff., 231 ff.
Saul (See Paul).
Schader  88
Schmiedel  44, 196
Secundus  175
Seneca  73, 271 ff.
Sergius Paulus  108
Shakespeare, Charles  159
Shammai  13
Silas  132f., 141 ff.
Smith. . .256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 262
Sopater  175
Sosthenes  165, 175
Souter  193
Spitta  291
Stade  75
Stalker, 39, 62, 109, 162, 287, 290, 293, 306
Steck  65
Stephen  18, 23f ., 26, 27, 29, 30
Stoic  2
Stoicism  271, 272
Strauss  65
Sturm  76
Tacitus  241
Tertius  208
Tertullus  241
Thackeray  60
Timothy  9, 118, 141 f.,
* 175, 179, 183, 198, 295 ff., 309 ff.
Tit:us  75
Titus, 129, 175, 193 ff., 198, 299 ff., 306
Trophimus  75, 225, 295
Turner  10
Tychicus  175, 280, 306
Tyrannus  175
Van Manen  3
Walker, Dawson  196
Warfield  88
Weizsacker  65
Wellhausen  87
Westcott  286
Wisdom of Solomon  72
Wrede  87
Zenas  300
Zeno  158 f.

INDEX TO NEW TESTAMENT
PASSAGES

Matthew
3: 17  28
23  199.
28 : 19 f  122
28 : 20  40
Mark
6:3  11
Luke
1 : 1-4  112,255
3: If  10
24:34  41
John
1:46  12
4:6  149
10 : 16  122
11 : 16  219
14-17  216
18:8  29
18:31  34
Acts
1:1  236
2  91
2-5  75
4  100
4:36f  100
5  100
5:34  17
5 : 35-39  17
5:41  30
6  217
6 : 1-6  30
6:9  24
6: 11  17,221
6: 13  226
6:14  27
7:9  10
7:48  27
7:52  27
7:57  17
8  217,281
8:1  28
8:3  31
9  76

47474251

9: 1  32,35,36
9:4  39,42,45,46
9:4-6  42
9:5 
9:6 
9:7 
9:8 
9:12  54
9: 15 f  53,56
9:16  57
9: 17  54,55
9 : 20  61
9 : 21  60
9:22  61
9:23-25  78
9 : 26  80
9:27  81
9:31  62

10

28 

... 134

11

2 

.95, 122

11

2f 

... 94

11

3  121

134, 136

11

12 

... 94

11

18 

... 94

11

19 

... 94

11

20 

... 94

11

22 

... 96

11

24 

... 96

11

29 

... 101

11

30 

101, 214

VI

1 

... 101

12

17 

... 102

12

25 

... 102

13

... 91

1 Ft

1 

... 103

IS

2f 

. . . . 60

13

3 

...104

11

4 

... 105

11

5 

... 107

13

15 

... 112

IS

17-22...

... 113

13

23 

... 113

1.1

24 f 

.... 113

13

26 

... 113

13

27-29...

... 113

13

30 f 

.... 112

13

30-37. . .

... 113

13

32 

... 113

13

33 

... 112

13

34 

... 113

13

38 

... 114

13

39  333

114

13:44  153
13:45  115
13:46  115
13:48f  116
13:51  116
14: 1  117
14:2-4  117
14:6  117
14: 15-17.... 114, 118
14: 18  118
14:21  119
14: 22  119
14:26  119
14 : 27  120
15  78,199
15: 1  123
15 : 2  125
15:3  125,127
15:4  127
15:5  122,127
15:7  130
15:7-11  131
15: 10 f  137, 222
15: 12  131
15 : 14-21  131
15: 19  131
15:22  58,132
15:24  132
15: 25  132
15 : 28  132,133
15:30-35  134
15:38  109
15:39  140
15:40  141
16:2  142
16:4  142,224
16:5  143
16: 6.... 110, 111, 143
16:7  60
16:9  146
16 : 10  147
16 : 12  149
16: 17  149
16 : 18  150
16:24  305
16 : 37  152
17 : 1-10  156
17:2f  153
17: 7  154,304
17: 11  156
17 : 13  156
17: 14  156

334

INDEX

Acts — Coatinued
17: 16  157,158
17: 17  158
17:18f  2
17: 19 f  160
17:21  159
17:22-31  114,161
17 : 28  22
17:33  161
18 : 2  163
18: 3  163
18:5  157,164
18 : 6  164
18: 7  164
18:9f  165
18: 11  165
18: 18... 165, 171,224
18: 19 f  172
18: 21  172
18 : 22  172
18:23  110,177
18:27  180
18: 28  5,180
19: 1  178,201
19:5  181
19:8  178
19:9  225
19: 10... 178, 179,279
19 : 11-20  182
19:13-15  66
19: 14  107
19:21 f  178,
183, 184, 209, 213
19 * 22 173,184,193,208
19 : 26  178
19:27  185
19 : 33  225,307
20: 1  186
20:2  200,228
20:4f  214
20:5  147
20:6  205
20: 7  215
20:9-12  215
20 : 16  216
20: 17-35  179,216
20:19  19
20:22 f  216
20: 25  216
20: 29 f  279, 297
20:31  178
21: 1  256
21:2  217
21:4  217
21:8  217
21: 11  217
21: 12-14  217
21 : 17  220
21:20  222,223
21:20ff  135
21: 21  221
21 : 22  223
21 : 24  223,312
21 :25  224
21:26  171,224
21 : 27  225

21 : 28  226
21:29  214,225
21 : 32  227
21:36  227
21 : 37  228
21:39  12
21 : 40 f  228
22  77
22 : 2  21
22:3  7,16,17
22:3-5  63,229
22:3-21  115
22:5  18,229
22:6-16  229
22 : 7-10  42
22:8  47
22:9  42
22: 10  47,48
22:11  51
22 : 12  54
22:13  55
22 : 16  55
22: 17-21  229
22:21  59,83,230
22 : 24  231
22 : 27  231
22 : 28  8
23: 1  232
23:3  233
23:5  233
23: 6... 7, 68, 233, 234
23:9f  235
23: 11  237
23: 12  238
23: 15  238
23 : 16  9
23: 18  238
23: 29  239
23 : 30  240
24: 1  241
24:6  242
24:9  242
24 : 10  243
24: 10-21  115
24: 11  243
24 : 16  15
24 : 18  244
24 : 22  246
24:24  245
24 : 25  245
24: 26  245
24: 27  240
25  77
25:2  247
25:7  247
25:8  248
25l:9  248
25 : 10  249
25: 11  220
25 : 12  249
25 : 16  250
25: 18 f  248
25: 19  260
25 : 23  251
25:25  248
25:26  251
26:2f  251

26 : 2-23  115
26:4  15
26:4f  252
26:5  15
26: 6-11  252
26:9  25
26 : 10,
11,25,31,32,33,34
26:11  31
26 : 12  36
26: 12-18  252
26 : 13  42
26 : 14-18, 42,46,49,56
26 : 16  57
26:16-18  47
26 : 18  57
26:19  48
26: 19-23  252
26:20  60,63,83
26 : 28  253
26 : 32  253
27  264
27 : 1  245
27: 1-5  256
27 : 2  256
27:3  255
27 : 5  256
27: 6-8  256
27 : 9  257
27 : 10  259
27: 11  259
27 : 12  259
27 : 14  259
27 : 16  267
27: 18  261
27:21  261
27:24  261
27 : 27  261
27 : 30  263
27: 34  263
27:38  256
27 : 42  264
28 : 1 f  264
28: 11  265
28 : 14  266
28: 16  266
28 : 17  268
28: 17-28  115
28: 28  269
28:30  267
28: 30 f  269
Romans

1

1 

 210

1

10 

 205

11

12 f 
13 

206
 209

1

14 

 206

1

15 

 210

1

18 

 211

1

17 

 211

2

 211

2

16 

 210

2

21-31....

. ... 211

INDEX

335

Romans — Continued
3: 1-20  211
3 : 20  222
4  212
5  212
6  212
7  277
7 : 1-6  212
7:7  17
7:7-25  212
7:9  26
8  212
8 : 15  74
9-11  212,269,287
9: 1-5  228
9:2f  6,174
9:4f  7
9 : 31  68
11 : 24  14
12-15  212
13 : 1-7  299
14 and 15  133,209
14 : 17  124
14:48  223
15 and 16  211
15: 14 f  211
15: 15 f  206
15: 18  211
15 : 19  200
15: 20  200,206
15 : 22-25  205
15: 22-31  202
15: 23  209
15: 24-28  184
15:25  205
15 : 26  213
15:26-28  205
15:27  214
15 : 28  174
13:31  213
16  206
16: 1  206
16:4  207
16 : 5  207
16: 6  207
16: 14  208
16:21  208
16 : 22  208
16: 23  208
16 : 25  210
I Corinthians
1-4  199
1: 11  188
1: 12 ff  186
1 : 14  208
1 : 20  162
1 : 23 f  162
2:2  161
2:4  170
3:4f  186
3:11  89
3: 22  187,188
4:11  60
4: 17  183,191
4:18  183

4 : 18-21 

188
 188

5 : 1-10.

 194

4:21 

 277

5:4f 

 195

5:8 

 315

5:7 

184,224
 167

55

12. . .

 59

5:9 

13...

5: 11 

 188

5: 14...

 176

6:9 

 192

5: 16...

 3

7:1 

. ... 189

5: 17...

 56

7:8 

 33

5: 18...

 59

8-10 

.133,210

5:20...

 59

9:1 

...42,59

7:5 

 195

9:2 

 59

7:8....

 195

9:6 

 140

7: 11...

 196

9:7-18 

 275

7: 12...

 195

9: 16 

. . . . 59

7: 13...

 196,199

9 : 20-22 

 175

 198

9:24f 

. . . . 13

8: 16-24

 193, 198

10: 4 

. . . . 13

8: 18...

 193

10: 14-22.. .

. ... 133
 89

89

21...

 213

11 : 23-25...

2 

 173

12: 1 

 189

10-13. . .

196, 198, 199

13 : 33 

 22

10:5...

 314

15: 1 

. ... 189

10 : 10. .

 4,5

15:3-8 

 89

11:5...

 60

15:5-7 

 41

ll:7f...

 276

15 : 8 

...41,52

11 : 13 f..

 175

15:9 

 25

11 : 22. .

 6,197

15 : 32 

.175,184

11:23-33  57

16 : 1 

213
 173

1111

: 25..

 6

16: If 

:26. .

 174

16:3f 

.... 213

11 : 29. .

 173

16:5f 

.... 183

11 :32..

 36,79

16:8  178

183, 184

12:2...

 11,85

16 : 10 

.188,191

12 : 2-5.

 65

16 : 12 

, 187
 189

1212

: 4...

 4

16: 17 

:7...

 5

16 : 19 

 171

12:9...

 185

12 : 10. .
 176
II Corinthians
12: 11..
..2,187,197
12 : 12. .
 60,199
1-7 
. 198, 199
12: 13 f..
 276
1-9 
 196
12 : 14. .
 188
1:1 
.184,198
12: 17..
 213
1:3-2: 13..
.191,197
12 : 20. .
 200
1:9 
. 192, 315
12:21..
 189
1 : 15 
. ... 188
13: 1...
 188,200
1: 16 
 183
1: 17 ff 
 183
13: 10..
 199,200
1 :23 
 189
2:1 
. ... 189
Galatians
2: 1-4 
. 192, 195
2:5-11 
. 192, 196
1 and 2. .
..68, 66, 205
2:5-16 
 192
1
1 
 59
2:6 
 196
1
 110
2:7 
. ... 192
1
6 
 202
2:9 
.195,197
1
6-10.
 210
2: 12 
. ... 194
1
7....
 203
2: 13 
. ... 195
1
8 
 204
2: 14 
. ... 194
1
11...
 59
2 : 14-7 : 4 ...
. ... 195
1
12...
 60
2: 14-7: 16.
.... 197
1
13...
 29,35
3:1  137
180, 197
1
14...
 1, 19
3:6 
 17
1
15...
 15
 198
1
16...
59, 60, 76, 77
4:3f 
 4
1
17 f...
 77,80
4:6 
...48,50
1
18...
 11,81
4:7 
.... 4
1
19...
 101
336

INDEX

Galatians.— Continued
1 :21  78,141
1:21-24  84
1:23  78
2  78,199
2: 1  102,299
2: If  102
2:2  105,125,128
2:3  199
2:4  129
2:5  121
2:6f  55
2: 6-10  58,128
2: 9... 57, 91, 129,280
2 : 9-13  213
2 : 10  214
2:11  91
2: 11-21  58,134
2: 12  131
2: 14  136
2: 15-21  136
2:20  92,314
3 and 4  205
3:1  203
3:13  37
3:16  13
3:17  77
4:9  20,202,204
4: 10  223
4: 11  203
4: 13.... 145, 147,201
4: 14 f  145
4: 15  5,203
4: 19  204
4:20  5
4:21  20
4: 24  13,77
6 and 6  205
5:1  204
5:3f  203
5: 13  204
6: 11  204
6: 13  203
6: 14  315
6: 17  204,315
Ephesians
1-3  287
1:1  285
1 :3-14  287
1 : 15-23  287
1: 22 f  285
2  287
2 : 4-6  58
2 : 12  286
2: 15  286
2: 16  286.
2: 19  286
2:21  286
3:8  58,92,93
3: 14-21  287
4:21  91
5:22-33  288
6 : 10-20  288
6: 19 f  289
6:20  272
6:21  274

Philippians

4

13...

 279

4: 14...
.147,274,280
1
1 
 274,27?
4 : 15. . .
 167.279
1
5 
276
4: 16...
. 179, 280, 285
1
10 
19
4 : 18. . .
 274,281
1
12-14.
275
1
13 
267
I Thessalonians
1
15 
6
1
15 f...
....209
,275
l:7f...
 156
1
21....
 92,2V
2:3f...
 155
1
21-24.
277
2:5....
 155
1
23....
 277.313
2: 15 f..
 154
1
25....
 274
,290
3:1....
 157
•/
274
3:6....
 164
2
1-11..
277
3:8....
 164
2
19-21.
274
4: 11...
 155
2
24....
274
5:2....
 155
2
25....
276
2
30. . . .
276
II Thessalonians
1
274
3
1-16. .
277
2:2....
.155,167,170
3
4-9...
56
2 : 3-10.
 23
1
5 
6
2:8....
 170
3
8 
19
2:9...
 170
1
10....
67
2: 13...
 170
3
12....
51
2: 14...
 170
3
13....
277
2: 15...
 170
3
18....
275
3:4 
 170
4
2 
277
3:6 
 170
4
3 
....277
,292
3: 10...
 155,170
4
5 
277
3: 12...
 170
4
8f....
277
3: 14...
 170
4
11-13.
276
3: 17...
 167
4
15....
275
4
16 
....164
,276
I Timothy
4
17....
276
4
18....
276
1
2....
 142,200
4
19....
276
1
3....
. 179, 295, 296
4
22 
267, 272
,275
11
4 12-17
 6,297
 298
Colossians
1
13...
 25,29
1
16...
 26
1
6 
289
1
18...
 298
1
7 
279
2
1 
 305
1
9 
179
2
If...
 290,299
It
15-17.
283
2
7 
 60
1
18....
284
4
7f....
 14
1
19....
283
4
12...
. 14, 297, 298
1
20....
283
4
13...
 298
1
22 
283
4
14 f..
 298
2
2f....
284
6
11...
 298
2
6 
283
6
20...
 298
2
9 
283
2
13-16.
284
II Timothy
2
18....
284
2
19....
284
1
3....
 9
2
20-23.
284
1
5 
 9,311
3
1 
314
1
6....
 311
3
1-17. .
285
1
7 
 311
3
11....
288
1
10...
 313
4
3 
289
1
11...
 60,313
4
7-9...
274
1
12...
 61,313
4
8f....
280
1
16...
 305,306
4
10 
10-14.
141, 274
,280 274
2. 2
 311
4
15...
 311
4
10-17.
285
2
19...
 312
4
12....
279
3
10 f..
 312
INDEX

337

TI Timothy— Continued
3: 11  147
4:2  312
4: 5  296,312
4:6ff  303,313
4:8  314
4 : 9 309
4: 10.'"! 300,' 306, 307
4: 11.... 141, 309. 310
4: 12, 295, 297, 306, 309
4: 13  2,295,309
4: 14  307
4: 15  308
4 : 16  308
4: 17  308,309
4: 18  314
4:20  295,303
4:21  307,309
Titos
1:4  300
1:5  295,300
1 : 10  300,301
1:12  22

1 : 13  301
1: 14  301
1 : 16  301
3: 1  301,305
3:8  301
3:9f  301
3: 12  300
3: 13  300
3: 15  300
Philemon
1  274,279
2  279
9  278
10  274,279
11  279
12  278
16  278
17  279
18 f  278
21  279
22  274,290
23 f  279
24  141

Hebrews
13: 23  310,315
13:24  266
James
2:2  132
4: 16  294
5: 14 f  265
I Peter
1:1  286
1: If  175
2:4  286
5 : 13.  141, 280
II Peter
1:1  131
3:15  91
Revelation
1: 11  179

EPOCHS IN THE LIFE
OF JESUS By
A. T. ROBERTSON. D.D.
12mo, $1.00 net
" These lectures are refreshing in their
simplicity and freedom from technicalities
or cant expressions." — Congregationalist.
" The career of our Lord is sketched
with a bold, strong hand, and the crises in
his public ministry are brought before
the reader by masterly word-painting that
reminds one of the work of Michael
Angelo with chisel and brush."
— Review and Expositor.
"One of those rare books that treat a
most exalted subject simply, yet master
fully." — Westminster Teacher.
"A strong evangelical position is taken,
and the book is a worthy contribution to
its class of literature." — Religious Telescope.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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