DIVINrrY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY THE LIBRARY OF BIBLICAL AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. EDITED BY REV. GEORGE R. CROOKS, D.D., LL.D., AND BISHOP JOHN F. HURST, D.D., LL.D. VOL. I. INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES. By Rev. Henry M. Harman, D.D. $4 00 " II. BIBLICAL HERMENEUTICS. By Rev. Milton S. Terry, D.D., LL.D 3 00 " III. THEOLOGICAL ENCYCLOPAEDIA AND METH ODOLOGY. By Rev. George R. Crooks, D.D., LL.D., and Bishop John F. Hurst. D.D., LL.D., . 3 50 " IV. CHRISTIAN ARCHAEOLOGY. By Rev. Charles W. Bennett, D.D. With an Introductory Notice by Dr. Ferdinand Piper 3 50 " V. SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY. Vol. I. By Rev. John Miley, D.D., LL.D 3 00 " VI. SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY. Vol. II. By Rev. John Miley. D.D., LL.D., 3 00 LIBRARY OF BIBLICAL AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. EDITED BY GEORGE R. CROOKS, D.D., AND JOHN F. HURST, D.D. VOL. VII.-HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. VOL. I. NEW YORK: EA TON & MAINS CINCINNATI: CURTS & JENNINGS PUBLISHERS' ANNOUNCEMENT. The design of the Publishers and Editors of the Biblical and Theological Libkaby was declared, before either volume of the series had appeared, to be the furnishing of ministers and laymen with a series of works which should constitute a compen dious apparatus for advanced study on the great fundamental themes of Christian Theology. While the doctrinal spirit of the separate works was pledged to be in harmony with the accepted standards of the Methodist Episcopal Church, it was promised that the aim should be to make the entire Library acceptable to Chris tians of all evangelical Churches. The following works have already appeared : Harman — Intboduction to the Study of the Holy Sceip- tubes. Terry — Biblical Hebmeneutics. Bennett — Chbistian Abch^eology. Miley — Systematic Theology. 2 vols. Crooks and Hurst — Theological Encyclopedia and Meth odology. Hurst — Histoey of the Cheistian Chuech. Vol. I. The second volume of Bishop Hurst's Histoey of the Cheis tian Chuech is in advanced preparation, and is expected to be put to press in 1898. Dr. Rishell's work on the Evidences of Christianity is approaching completion. A few other works will follow these, in order to complete the circle of fundamental theo logical science as originally contemplated by the Publishers and Editors. The reception which has been accorded these works has been so prompt, cordial, and sympathetic that the Publishers are led to believe that the Christian public is satisfied that the pledges made at the outset have been faithfully kept. In every treatise in the future, as in those of the past, the latest literature will be recognized and its results incorporated. May we not hope that the same generous favor with which mem bers of all evangelical denominations have regarded the undertak ing from the beginning will be continued throughout the series ? HISTORY OF The Christian Church BY JOHN FLETCHER HURST VOLUME I NEW YORK: EATON & MAINS CINCINNATI : CURTS & JENNINGS 1897 Copyright by EATON & MAINS, 1897. Eaton & Mains Press, 150 Fifth Avenue, New York. PREFACE. The following History of the Christian Church had its origin in a series of lectures delivered to successive classes of theological students during a period of nearly ten years — 1871 to 1880. The material has constantly passed through various stages of revision, such as an instructor in ecclesiastical history naturally finds forced upon him by the new light steadily falling upon his path from the rich and growing literature of his beautiful science. When the question arose as to the publication of the matter in hand it soon became apparent that the work would need a new and more critical treatment, with a full recognition of the most recent priceless and stimulating accessions to former historical treasures. Many are the revisals of judgment, the illuminations of obscure fields, and the revelations of old but buried documents which a sin gle decade brings to pass. It was a surprise, if not an encourage ment, to be confronted by the dilemma either to abandon all thought of publication or to so change the material as to produce an entirely new treatment. The latter has been done. The basis of the origi nal work has been so nearly dropped in the present that there are few reminders of its original structure. The lectures, therefore, of nearly a decade — from 1871 to 1880 — have proved to be the mere suggestions, and sometimes faint at best, of the present work. My chief difficulty has been to do even tolerable justice to the law of proportion. Some themes, which twenty years ago could have been treated briefly, to-day well deserve a whole volume ; while others, which were prominent figures in the foreground, are now only dim figures in the distant horizon. With appreciation and gratitude I take pleasure in acknowledg ing the valuable services of the Rev. John Alfred Faulkner, B.D., in various portions of the work, and especially in the Mediaeval period. In the Bibliography I have had the assistance of the Rev. Charles R. Gillett, B.D. ; while the Rev. Albert Osborn, B.D., has given the benefit of his critical skill in aiding to carry the work through the press. The maps have been prepared by Mr. Alan C. Reiley, whose acquaintance was made some years ago in Athens, and x PREFACE. who of all American cartographers I believe carries into his science the finest historical sense. The History will be complete in two volumes. The present one covers the periods of the Early and Mediaeval Church, and concludes with the beginning of the Reformation. The second volume, which will treat the Reformation and bring the History down to the present time, is already in an advanced stage of preparation, and may be expected to appear in 1898. It will contain a minute index to the whole work. During the preparation of the History the needs and tastes of both the student and the general reader have been constantly in mind. Church history is always reaching farther, and now touches the boundaries of all sciences. No period of political history can be described properly without the recognition of the religious and ecclesiastical elements. During great stretches of what may seem to be only the play of passions on questions of dynasty or balance of power, when sifted thoroughly, it will be found, as in England from James II to William of Orange, that the one supreme and vitaliz ing question was the final supremacy of the Protestant or Roman Catholic principle. He is a wise reader who can discern the proper boundary of the domain over which he travels. Wiser still is he who has the vision and the skill to measure the rapid widening of the field of ecclesiastical history. But happiest of all is he who, young in years and passionate in his love of the light from the past, sees in all history the divine hand, which has been steadily leading the people of all lands and ages toward a happy destiny. Washington, D. C, March 1, 1897. TABLE OF CONTENTS. Literature of Church History Page 1 INTRODUCTION. THE SCIENCE AND LITERATURE OP CHURCH HISTORY. CHAPTER I. The Historical Church 15 Definition of the Church— The duty of the historian of the Christian Church— The original Church — What is Church history ?— Martensen's fine distinction — The darker periods of Church history— Disappointments of Church history— Schlegel's tribute to Christianity— The Church always productive of reformers— Law of devel opment in ecclesiastical history— Tholuck and Rothe— The mission of the Church —Goethe's failure to appreciate the history of the Church— Views of Arnold. Hegel. Rothe. CHAPTER II. Place of Church History in Theological Science 23 History of the Church the solution of all historical problems— Hume's uncon scious testimony to Christianity— Newman's tribute to Gibbon— Macaulay and Froude— Mommsen, Curtius. and Gladstone— All science collateral with ecclesias tical history— Historical theology in relation to systematic and practical theology- Recent development of biblical exegesis— Recent development of the science of Church history. CHAPTER III. Departments of Church History 27 CHAPTER IV. Value of Church History 28 Hase's estimate of the value of Church history— The necessity of close study of Church history— Church history resplendent with great characters— Tholuck on the benefit of Church history— Value of Church history to the clergyman. CHAPTER V. Sources of Church History 31 Writers on Christian archaeology— The secondary sources of Church history- Languages essential to a knowledge of Church history— The chief eras since the fourth century B. C— The use of the map in the study of ecclesiastical history— AU departments of history essential to the study of the history of the Church. CHAPTER VI. Literary Development of Church History 36 Oldest historical records of Christianity— Hegesippus and Eusebius— Epiphany and other writers— Successors of Eusebius— Ruflnus and Jerome— Latest histories of early Western Church— Historians of the Eastern Church— Byzantine historians —Historians of the Latin Church— Special medieval Church historians— First Prot estant Church historians— The Magdeburg Centuries— Baronius— Transformation of historiography by the Reformation— Confessional historians— Gottfried Arnold— Semler— Henke. Schmidt, Danz, and others— Hume and Gibbon— Mosheim and Schroeckh— Schleiermacher— Neander— Neander's school— Harnack and others— xii TABLE OP CONTENTS. Baur and the Tubingen school— Strauss and Zeller— Nippold— Tractarian school— Waddington, Milman, and Stanley— The Vaughans and Stoughton— French histo rians—Swiss historians— Renan— Dutch historians— Modern Roman Catholic histori ans—Historians of the eighteenth century— German Roman Catholic historians- English Roman Catholic historians— American ecclesiastical historiography— J. A. Alexander's lament over American historical barrenness— Awaking of popular his torical taste— Smith, Lamson. Shedd, Lea, and Fisher— Philip Schaff— Sheldon, Baird, and others— Denominational Church history. THE ANCIENT CHURCH. FIRST PERIOD. THE APOSTOLIC AGE. A. D. 1-101. CHAPTER I. The Historical Preparation for Christianity 61 l. The Greeks, their Faith and Philosophy.— The Greek race— Intellectual achievements of the Greeks— Religious belief of the Greeks— Systems of Greek philosophy— Ionic and Eleatic schools— The Pythagoreans— Atomists and Sophists — Socratic school— Platonism and Christianity— The Stoic system— The Skeptics- Protest against the current mythology— Failure of philosophy— Service of Greece to Christianity— The Greek language. 2. The Roman Empire.— The Romans as organizers— The Romans as road build ers—Safety of travel in the Roman empire— Union of the provinces. 8. The Moral Destitution op Paganism.— Roman depravity— Degradation of woman— Impurity of the domestic relation— Prostitution and other forms of immo rality—Low estimate of childhood— Low standard of education— Dissolution of the domestic bonds— The slave the teacher— Initiation of children into the mysteries- Indifference to childhood— Slavery— The universal demand for Christianity. CHAPTER II. Judaism and its Sects 78 1. Jews in Palestine.— The patriarchal period— Leadership of Moses— Summary of Jewish and Israelitish history— The attempt to hellenize the Jews— The Macea- baean domination— Palestine at the time of Christ 2. The Samaeitans.— Origin of the Samaritans— The present Samaritans. 3. The Pharisees.— Conditions of the Jews giving rise to the Pharisees— Doc trines of the Pharisees. 4. The Sadducees.— Doctrines of the Sadducees. 5. The Essenes.— Doctrines of the Essenes— Keim on the Essenes. 6. The Dispersed Jews.— Localities of the dispersed Jews— Individuality of the Jews— Alexandria the center of Jewish influence— The Jews in Rome— Usages of the Jews in Rome. CHAPTER III. The Fullness of the Time — Jesus the Christ 87 Universal moral darkness— Universal expectation of a Redeemer— Complete prep aration for Christianity— Christ the response to the world's aspiration— Christ's career unique in history— Christ and his kingdom. CHAPTER IV. Pentecost and its Results 90 Descent of the Spirit the culmination of Christ's ministry— Pentecost the occasion of universal meeting of the Jews— The scene at Pentecost— Best view of the gift of tongues— Universal ministry of the apostles— Endowment of spiritual power- Prophecy fulfilled— Promulgation of the Gospel— Revival— Christian life— The Church organized. TABLE OF CONTENTS. xiii CHAPTER V. The Apostolic Period — General Characteristics 95 Divisions of the apostolic period— Apostolic preaching— Incidental character of apostolic preaching— No plan of apostolic activity— Miraculous gifts— Decline of miraculous manifestations— The gift of tongues— Other supernatural gifts— Miracle no longer necessary— Vague evidence of postapostolic miracles— The apostolic preachers the best models for all times. CHAPTER VI. The Apostles and the Scenes of their Labors 101 1. Peter and Jewish Christianity.— Peter— The first persecution— Paul's conver sion and Peter's journey to Joppa— Enlarged field of apostolic labor— Antioch— A crisis in the apostolic Church— The general council in Jerusalem— Peter and Paul in contrast— Peter's later field uncertain— No certainty that Peter founded the Church in Rome. 2. Paul and Gentile Christianity.— Paul's training in Tarsus— Paul in Jerusalem —Paul's training fitted him for a cosmopolitan mission— Paul's first two missionary journeys— Third journey— Fourth journey— Paul's extraordinary gifts— Paul's apos tolic career. 3. John and the Reconciliation.— John the apostle of harmony— John's writings —John's care of Mary— John's birthplace— Sea of Galilee— John's youth— John's homes— Silence as to John's abode— John probably in Babylon— John a, fugitive— Ephesus John's last home— John in Patmos— Last journey of John. 4. The Remaining Apostles.— James the Elder— James, the brother of our Lord- Philip— Thomas— Grounds for belief that Thomas labored in India— Presumption in favor of Persia and India. CHAPTER VII. Constitution and Development of the Church 123 The Jew as a Christian— The Greek and Roman as Christians— Jewish and pagan tendencies— Constitution of the Church partially revealed— Officers defined by name. l. Temporajsy Officers.— The apostles— The prophets— Evangelists. 2. Permanent Officers.— Presbyter or bishop— Use of word bishop— Original office of the bishop— Relation of the bishop to the societies— One society— Duties of the bishop— Office of the deacon— Modern restoration of the apostolic deaconess —Invisible sources of evangelism— First successes of the Gospel— Hatch's important service. CHAPTER VIII. Doctrinal Basis and Literature 136 Necessity for the written truth— The Old Testament in the New— Necessity for the New Testament— No formulation of doctrine— One universal current of faith— Reuss on the faith of the general Christian body— Advantage with the force of systematic theology— The Apostles' Creed— Other formularies— Development of theology- First efforts to formulate theology— Popular thought on theological themes— Apolo getic character of John's gospel. CHAPTER IX. Worship and Life 142 Simplicity of early Christian worship— Form of worship— Psalms and hymns— The Lord's Supper— Baptism— Mode of baptism— The Sabbath and Sunday— Fraternity of Christians— Contrast with the inhumanity of paganism— Elevation of woman- Hostility of Christianity to slavery— Triumph of Christianity in the whole structure of social life— Alarm produced in the pagan government by revolutionary character of Christianity. xiv TABLE OF CONTENTS. SECOND PERIOD. THE PATRISTIC AGE. A. D. 101-313. Period of Persecution and Defense. CHAPTER I. General Survey 149 Persecution and defense— Universal increase of the Christians— Persecution a firm purpose— Conybeare's exaggeration— The apologists— Speculative tendency- Growth of the Church in spite of opposition. CHAPTER II. Organized Opposition — The Jewish Persecution 153 Persecution under Herod Agrippa I— Jews and Christians in Rome- Christians re garded by the Jews as disloyal— Capture of Jerusalem by Titus, A. D. 70— Bar Co- cheba's revolt against Roman supremacy— Suppression of the revolt by Julius Se- verus— Prostration of the Jews— The new Jewish impulse to study— Jewish schools- Great teachers in the schools— Literary products of the schools— Opposition of the Samaritans to Christianity— Simon Magus— Other false teachers. CHAPTER III. The Roman Persecution 161 Disloyalty the general charge against Christians— Theory of the expounders of the Roman law— Real antagonism of Christianity to paganism— Christianity in immoral Rome— Injury of certain pagan industries by Christianity— A large Roman popula tion dependent on the State religion— Other charges against the Christians— Number of the persecutions— Three stages of persecution— Nero's persecutions of the Chris tians—Nero's base conduct during the burning of Rome— The Domitian persecution —Trajan's persecution— Pliny's letter to Trajan— Limits of toleration under this re script—Christians under Hadrian— Hadrian's rescript— Marcus Aurelius — The churches in Lyons and Vienne— The Thundering Legion— Basis of historical fact— Caracalla and Elagabalus— Eclecticism of Alexander Severus— Decian persecution— Gallus and Valerian— Rescript of Publius Licinius— Diocletian persecution— Diocle tian's four edicts— Edict of toleration by Galerius— Toleration by Constantinus Chlorus— Constantino's edict of toleration— Failure of persecution. CHAPTER IV. The Literary Attack 180 Literature of the Christians— High quality of the sacred Scriptures— Decline of paganism— The question with paganism one of existence— The nature of the Jewish attack— Roman writers against Christianity— Lucian against both Jews and Chris tians— Celsus— Porphyry— The system in the pagan attack— Loyalty of the Christians to the State— Celsus on the patriotism of the Christians— Reason of the absence of Christians from political life— Allegation of philosophical absurdity— Charge of false theology— The charge that the Christian theology is no better than the pagan— The charge of immorality— The charge of immorality made because of the pagan readi ness to believe any assertion— The pagan attack without effect on the Christians. CHAPTER V. The Christian Apologists 191 Two classes of apologists— Greek apologists— The Latin apologists— Difference between the Greek and the Latin apologists— Essential unity of the Greek and the Latin apologists— Oblivion of the pagan attacks— Aristo and Quadratus— Apology of Aristides— Harris on the Apology of Aristides— Justin Martyr— Melito and Apolli- naris— Apollonius— Bardesanes, Athenagoras, and Theophilus— Tatian and Her- mias— Clement. Hippolytus, and Origen— Tertullian— Cyprian— Cyprian on the de crepitude of the world— Arnobius and Lactantius— Loyalty to the State proven— The Christians the only dissenters who are punished— Purity of Christian character and life— Excellence of Christian worship— Inspiration of the Scriptures and purity of TABLE OF CONTENTS. xv doctrine— Divine character of Jesus— Christianity and the pagan mythology in con trast—Depravity of the heathen gods— Impurity of the pagan philosophy— Perma nence of the first apologetic Christian literature— Infirmity of the method of the apologists. CHAPTER VI. Ebionism and Kindred Overtures for Compromise — The Clementines 207 The two sources of the overtures for compromise— Ebionites and Nazarseans— The rise of the Ebionite Christians— Doctrines of the Ebionites— Want of unity among the Ebionites— The Elkesaites— The Western Jews— The Clementines— Probability of one original of the three Clementines— Uncertain root of the romance— Strange mixture of theology in tho Clementines. CHAPTER VII. Gnosticism 215 Perpetual conflict of Asia and Europe— Historical place of Gnosticism— No unity in Gnosticism— Conflicting mythology in Western Asia— Alexander's purpose in building Alexandria— Purpose of Alexander's successors— Philo— Philo's view of the divine Logos— Philo's explanation of the Messianic hopes— Philo's emphasis on compromise— Caprices of Gnosticism, CHAPTER VIII. Gnosticism with Jewish Background 220 Cerinthus— Basilides— Valentine— Opinions of Valentine— The school of Valentine —The area of Valentine's school. CHAPTER IX. Gnosticism with Oriental and Pagan Background , 224 The Ophites— Two Ophite sects— Carpocrates— Mani— Religion of Zoroaster the basis of Mani's system— Eastern tradition of Mani's history— Western tradition of Mani— Mani's combination of dualism and fatalism— Followers of Mani. CHAPTER X. Independent Gnosticism 228 Saturninus— Tatian— Marcion— Marcion's opinions— Marcion's followers— Points in common with all Gnostics — The Gnostic reversing the Christian order — The Gnostic groups were not churches but philosophical schools— Gnosticism the most dangerous foe to Christianity. CHAPTER XI. The Montanistic Reform 233 Extreme views on Montanism— The Phrygian home of Montanus— The Phrygian cult— The old worship arrested by Christianity— Montanus a combination of the practical and the visionary— The Montanistic system— Montanism regarded a seri ous danger to the Church— Western support of Montanism— Both East and West united in condemnation— North Africa supporting Montanism— Tertullian an advo cate—The doom of Montanism— Hostility of the emperors— Wesley in advocacy of Montanism. CHAPTER XII. Ecclesiastical Schisms 241 Solidification of Christianity— Problem of the Church in dealing with friends— The manner of dealing with penitents— Five schisms arising from the treatment of peni tents— Felieissimus and Cyprian — Invasion of Cyprian's office— Increase of the lapsed— The libellus— Cyprian devoted to the preservation of the Church— Cyprian's commission— Novatus in Rome— Two difficulties as to baptism— Return of the Roman clergy to the Church— The Council of Nice and the Novatians— Dispute be tween Carthage and Rome on the primacy of Rome— Baptism by schismatics— Cyp rian and Stephen— The basis of peace— The Meletian schism— Treatment by the Nicene council— Absorption by the Arians— The Donatist schism— Lucilla. of Car- xvi TABLE OF CONTENTS. thage— First act of veneration of the saints— The warfare of passions— Lucilla's can didate, Majorinus, elected bishop— The schism complete— The appeal to Constan- tine— The Donatists condemned by the Council of Aries. 814— Fanaticism of the Donatists— Constantino ordering his subjects to cease persecuting the Donatists— Defeat of the Donatists by power of the State— Julian reviving the Donatist schism — Rogatus and Primian— Augustine, Bishop of Hippo -The emperor Honorius first endeavoring to suppress and then to revive the schismatics— Final decision against the Donatists— The service of the schismatic movements— The schismatic view of the Church— Donatist protest against State interference in ecclesiastical affairs- Scanty justice to the schismatics by the great body of believers. CHAPTER XIII. The Controversy on the Trinity — Monarchianism 259 The need to examine its doctrines— Truth proved by controversy— Monarchianism the question of the Trinity— The main point of the Monarchians— Subordination— The three Monarchian groups— The Alogi— The Theodotians— The Artemonites— Paul of Samosata— Paul befriended by Zenobia— Decline of the first class of Monar chians— Patripassians— Noetus and Patripassians— The Callistians— Uncertainty of the true view of the divinity of Christ by Callistus— The mediatory school— The Sabellians— Sabellius condemned in Alexandria in 261— Views of Sabellius— The best elements of Monarchianism in the views of Sabellius. CHAPTER XIV. The Scriptures and Tradition 269 Slow process in determining the scriptural canon— Skillful use of the Old Testa ment by the apologists— The Jews of Palestine— The Egyptian Jews— The Septua- gint— The books of the Alexandrian Jews— Melito's journey to Palestine to aid in determining the Old Testament canon— Steady advance toward conclusion on Old Testament— Origen's service— The greater difficulty of determining the New Testa ment canon— First division of the New Testament— The Muratori Fragment— Action of the synod of Hippo, A D. 898— Origin of the distinction of terms for the Old and New Testaments— Chain of early tradition— Exaggeration of tradition— Real value of tradition— No evidence of extreme value placed on tradition by the patristic Church— Relation of Scripture and tradition— Perversion of tradition by the Western Church. CHAPTER XV. Survey of Theology before the Council of Nicj:a 279 Theology between the apostolic and Nicene period— Purpose to reach general understanding of fundamental truths— Conflict of leading Christian teachers— Unity beyond the apparent diversity— The Scriptures accepted as the basis of all correct theology— Harmony to be found in balancing Eastern and Western tendencies- Cyprian and Irenseus— Doctrine of the divine nature— Trinity and unity of the divine nature— Christology— The Logos of the Alexandrian teachers— Eternal sonship of Christ— Perfect divinity of Christ claimed by all the recognized teachers of the Church— Subordination of Christ to the Father— General agreement on the Logos after the middle of the second century— Consensus on the Christology of this period —Doctrine of the Holy Spirit— Silence on a great doctrine no proof of its minor im portance—General teaching on the Holy Spirit— Creation— Anthropology— Three views of the soul's preexistence— Physical mortality and the soul's Immortality- Doctrine of the Church— Two stages in the development of the doctrine of the Church— The two sacraments recognized by the patristic Church : baptism and the Lord's Supper— Views of the fathers on baptism— No one fixed form of baptism— The Lord's Supper— No transformation of elements was taught— Eschatology— Alexandrian theologians opposed chiliastic expectations— The soul after death- First trace of purgatorial Are in the Alexandrian teachings— Augustine's teaching crystallized in the purgatory of the Latin Church— Broad scope of the first inde pendent theology of the Church— The advanced knowledge of the patristic Church- Calm faith of the great body of believers— Brief compass of the fundamental truths of the average Christian— Nicene creed expressed the general faith of Christians. TABLE OF CONTENTS. xrii CHAPTER XVI. The Schools and Theological Literature 299 The Church always a patron of the school— Three schools by the middle of the second century. 1. The School of Alexandria.— School of Alexandria— Two views concerning the first Christian school of Alexandria— Balancing of tendencies in the first Chris tian schools— Faith and knowledge the center of the teaching of the Alexandrian school— Active period of the Alexandrian school— Pantaenus— Clement of Alexandria and his works— Origen the greatest teacher of the Alexandrian school— Origen's development and growing fame— Opposition to Origen— Origen in Caesarea— Origen's great popularity in Syria— Origen's death— Five departments of Origen's writings— Origen's variety as a teacher— Origen's wide and permanent influence— Westcott's tribute to Origen— Decline of the school of Alexandria— Gregory Thaumaturgus and Pamphilus. 2. The School of Asia Minor.— School of Asia Minor— Irenseus— Hippolytus— Personal life of Hippolytus little known— Julius Africanus. 3. The School of Antioch.— School of Antioch. 4. The School of North Africa.— Tertullian the head of the school of North Africa— Characteristics of the school of North Africa— Tertullian— Tertullian's use of both Greek and Latin— Tertullian's qualities of mind and style— Writings of Ter tullian— Minucius Felix— Cyprian's personal history— Cyprian's writings— Commo- dianus and Arnobius— Service of the three great schools— The Church rearing per manent structures of thought, CHAPTER XVII. Apocryphal Literature 319 Increase of spurious writings— Misconception of the importance of the apocryphal writings— The enemies of the Church responsible for the apocryphal writings— Ex treme measures of the authors of the apocryphal writings— The Book of Enoch and the apocryphal books of the time— The Sibylline Oracles— Apocryphal accounts of our Lord— Disposition to use borrowed names— The Apostolic Constitutions. CHAPTER XVIII. Government and the Primacy of Rome 325 Influence of the Roman civil system— The minor orders— Deacons as readers in the fifth century— Subdeacons— Catechists and interpreters and other orders- Other orders after the third century— Election of bishops— Consecration and powers of the bishops— Cyprian's principle— Autonomy of the individual society— Strong societies built up in the cities— Prominence of the suburban society— The rural episcopacy— Limitation of power of the rural episcopacy— Metropolitan authority and the diocese— Centers of metropolitan authority— The patriarchate— Growth of episcopal authority— The synod a Greek imitation— The synod generally adopted— The synodical epistles— The council— Growing power of the Roman bishop— Practical Christianity in Rome— Supposed relation of Peter and Paul to Rome— Growth of the Roman primacy after middle of second century— Cyprian against Roman primacy— In spite of opposition Rome's primacy steadily grew— The Eastern Church always a resisting force— The Eastern Church unable to stem the tide— Immorality of Con stantinople damaging to spiritual development of Eastern Church— Steady life of the Roman Church. CHAPTER XIX. Ecclesiastical Discipline 341 Quick process of introduction into the Church in first period— The later delibera tion—Care of the catechumen— Three classes of catechumens— The public baptism —Treatment of penitent apostates— Severe views of proper treatment of apostates— Venia and mortal sins— Classification of penitents— Proof of sincerity must be given during period of penitence— Presbyter appointed for special care of penitents. CHAPTER XX. Sacred Seasons and Public Worship 348 Jewish Christians' tenacity for the old festivals— Weekly and yearly saored and festal days— Two other days more than secular— The yearly festivals— Pentecost, xviii TABLE OF CONTENTS. Epiphany, and Christmas— Reverence for martyrs— The Lord's Supper on memorial days— In memory of Polycarp— Memorial services a natural result of the heroic life and death of martyrs— Christians had at first no regular place of worship— Sim plicity of the place of worship— Hesitation to use pagan terms— The sensitiveness soon disappeared— No images used in early Church— Simplicity of Christian worship contrasted with the pagan— No artificial lights in daytime in early period— Justin on the order of service— Sacred music— Revolution in the simplicity of the early wor ship. CHAPTER XXI. Christian Life and Usages 358 The approach of the people to the Church -The great causes of the popular love of the Church— The public triumph of Christianity— Universal sympathy with the weak and persecuted— Special measures to collect money for the poor— The regular collec tion for the poor— Pains taken to find out the worthy poor— Sympathy with the slave —Education of the young— Early Christians intelligent, and the theologians learned —Prevalence of copies of the Scriptures— Minute attention paid in the home to the knowledge of the Scriptures— Simplicity of domestic life— Pagan images in private Roman homes— The Roman Christian's first impulse to abandon the household gods —The growth of Christian symbols instead— The use of the cross— The early Church a compact organism— Universal relationship of the Christian— Correspondence of the patristic period— Universal movement of Christians— Christians constantly bear ing letters to far-off fellow-believers— Travels of the fathers and teachers— The great object of the journeys of visitation— Power over the Church of the Greek and Roman examples of journeying scholars— The pagan scholar often found Christ while on a tour of learning— Journeys of Christian scholars productive of literature — Polycarp's celebrated journey— Justin a great traveler— Irenseus in Gaul— Hege- sippus and Julius Africanus as travelers— Clement a traveler in three continents— For purposes of scholarship the traveling was extensive and into far regions- Jerome the ideal traveler of the early Church— Jerome's justification of his long journeys— Decline in the disposition to travel. CHAPTER XXII. The Church in the Catacombs 377 Catacombs the conservators of the earliest Christian arts— Reason for the cata comb as a place of Christian burial— Burial of the dead preferred to burning by the Romans— Jewish use of the catacomb in Rome— Difference between the pagan and the Christian catacomb— Cheerful character of Christian catacombs— The burial place always sacred in Rome and throughout pagan lands— Modern discovery of Roman catacombs— Jerome's experience in the catacombs while yet a boy— Discov ery of the catacombs by some workmen— Antonio Besio— John Evelyn and Bishop Burnet— Burnet's estimate of the small value of the catacombs— The catacomb now fully understood— Early Christian estimate of great sanctity of martyrdom- Churches built on places of martyrdom— Visit to the catacombs— Extent of the catacombs not yet fully known— Wealth of the Lateran Museum— The catacombs closed for eleven centuries— Light from the catacombs on the scriptural canon- New Testament themes in the catacombs— The Christian catacomb a Bible society in itself— Proof in the catacombs of the familiarity of early Christians with the Scriptures— Symbolism of the catacombs teaching Christian defense and orthodoxy —Christ the center of all teaching— Christ taught as the universal sovereign- Symbolisms of Christ were of cheerful type— Peace and harmony everywhere taught — Maitland's translation of an inscription— Images of peace and plenty— The epi taphs revealing early Christian history— Mariolatry not sustained by the catacombs —Beauty and force of the inscriptions— No support for prayer for the dead or cler ical celibacy— The catacomb teaching the simple faith and life of the Church— Dean Stanley— Touches of sympathy in the catacomb— Firm faith recorded in the later names of the catacomb. CHAPTER XXIII. Extension of Christianity 397 The two fields of extension— Antioch the center of propagation— Armenia first country evangelized— Persia— Persecutions in Persia— Christianity in OsrhOene— Activity of the African Church— The Abyssinian Church— Present Abyssinian TABLE OF CONTENTS. xix Church old Egyptian, or Coptic— Europe the central field of interest— The Goths on the lower Danube— Ulfllas the Gothic apostle— Important general labors of Ulfllas— Corinth the center in Greece— Rome the great western center of aggressive Chris tianity—Spain and Gaul— Progress of Christianity in Spain— Strong Church in Treves, the predecessor of Paris— Christianity in Germany— The Gospel in Britain and Ireland— Christianity a leavening process in the new fields— Many of the first preachers unknown— Spontaneous propagation of the Gospel. THIRD PERIOD. THE CONTROVERSIAL AGE. A. D. 313-680. The Church in Union with the Roman Empire. CHAPTER I. Relations of Christianity to the State — Significance of the New Period. . . 410 Christianity in friendship with the empire— Imperial protection a danger to the Church— The empire conquered the Church. CHAPTER II. Toleration under Constantine and his Sons 413 Six claimants to the Roman throne— Constantino's vision of the cross— Neander's explanation of the vision— First edict in favor of Christianity— Council of Nicaea— Character of Constantine— Constantinople the capital of the empire— Sons of Con stantine. CHAPTER III. Final Effort of Paganism for Existence — Julian 419 Gallus and Julian— Julian declared emperor— Causes of Julian's prejudice against Christianity— Julian's methods of opposition to Christianity— Character of Julian- Julian's proposed substitute for Christianity. CHAPTER IV. Final Triumph of Christianity in the East and the West 423 Jovian favorable to Christianity— Theodosius the Great— The destruction of the Serapeum— Various opinions on Kingsley's Hypatia— Cessation of pagan rites in sixth century. CHAPTER V. The Theological Controversies — Characteristics of the Period 427 Triumph of Christian thought— Universality of theological controversy— Compli cations of ecclesiastical and political life. CHAPTER VI. Controversy on the Divinity of Christ — Arianism 431 Person of Christ the center of Christian theology— The two periods of the Arian controversy— Issue between Arius and Alexander— Purity of the life of Arius— Con stantine summoning the council of Nicaea— Triumph of Athanasius— Mutual rela tions of the persons in the Trinity not in question— Banishment of Athanasius— Varying fortunes of the Arians— Lapse of Liberius— The Arians favored by Julian- No unity in Arianism— The three Arian parties— Ulfllas, bishop of the Visigoths— Burgundians and other barbarian peoples adopt Arianism. * CHAPTER VII. The Person of Christ — Apollinarist, Nestorian, and Kindred Controversies. 439 Rise of Ohristological controversies— Apollinaris— Opinions of Apollinaris— Con demnation of Apollinarism— Nestorius— Opinions of Nestorius— Cyril opposing the Nestorians— Final defeat of Nestorianism in the Roman empire— Nestorlans strong xx TABLE OF CONTENTS. in Armenia and farther East— Humboldt's tribute to service of the Nestorians to science— Wide territory of modern Nestorianism— Eutyches inaugurating the Mo- nophysite controversy— Council of Chalcedon against the doctrines of Eutyches— Di visions after the council of Chalcedon— Justinian laboring for harmony in the Church— Failure of efforts for harmony— Feeble existence of the later Monophysites —Rise of the Monothelite controversy— Sergius— The hopeless dilemma on papal in fallibility—Only resort of Rome is to attack the acts of the council— Public disputa tion on the one will— The Roman bishop in Constantinople— Suppression of the Monothelites— Final effort to save the Monothelites— Fragments of the Monothelites. CHAPTER VIII. Spiritualism and Realism — Origenistic Controversies 451 Origenistic controversies— Friends and foes of Origen— Bitter controversy in Alex andria and Constantinople— Cause of the disputes on Origen. CHAPTER IX. Sin and Grace — The Pelagian, Donatist, and other Controversies 455 Controversy concerning sin and grace— Different teaching in the schools— Augus tine and Pelagius— Early life of Augustine— Place of the human will in Augustine's teaching— Expansion from Augustine's theology— Pelagius advocating the freedom of the will— Pelagius favored in the Greek Church— General tendency unfavorable to Pelagius— Milder type of Augustinianism— Desire for modification of Augustine's views— The Donatist schism— Constantine opposing and Julian befriending the Donatists— Augustine against the Donatists. CHUECH HISTOEY OF THE MIDDLE AGES. FROM CHARLES THE GREAT TO THE REFORMATION. A. D. 768-1517. CHAPTER I. General View of the Church in the Middle Ages 465 The Middle Ages in reality a period of progress— The Middle Ages a period of transition— Advancement of history in the Middle Ages— Scientific inquiries in the eleventh century— Preparation for the Reformation. CHAPTER II. Periods of Mediaeval Church History 4^0 Boundary line of the ancient and mediaeval periods not definite— The three peri ods of the Middle Ages. CHAPTER III. Charles the Great — His Relation to the Church 4*73 Charles and Leo III— Charles and the papacy— Pepin's gift of the exarchate— First temporal power of the papacy— Charles's alliance with the Lombards— Charles's war with the Lombards-Pepin's gift confirmed by Charles— Lombards conquered— Charles's fourth visit to Rome-Charles received by Leo Ill-Coronation of Charles. CHAPTER IV. General Relation of the Civil to the Ecclesiastical Authority during the Carolingian Period . o . Charles the Great in the footsteps of Constantine-The Church completely gov erned by civil rulers-Imperial legislation supreme over the Church-Appellate power of Rome— Charles the Great made no real concession to the papacy— Further evidences of ecclesiastical subjection to the empire— Bishops appointed by the em peror-Purchase of the episcopal office— The episcopacy regarded by the rulers as a political affair— Charles the Great's restoration of the old way of electing bishops TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxi a mere make-believe— Natural result of imperial appointment of bishops— Imperial authority controlled legislation on Church affairs— The clergy represented in the general assemblies— Clerical exemption from State burdens— Great end gained by close relations of the slaves and the clergy— Decline of predominance of civil over ecclesiastical authority. CHAPTER V. The Forged Isidorian Decretals 495 Attempt to fortify the papacy by appeal to the past— The forgery of the Isidorian Decretals— Decretals already in use— Contents of the work— Object of the Decretals to make the Church independent of the State— Papal supremacy the real climax- Uncertainties concerning the Decretals— Most probable authorship— Weaknesses in the Decretals overlooked at the time— Genuineness not questioned until twelfth century— A cardinal service of the Decretals to the authority of the Church. CHAPTER VI. State of Learning 502 Charles the Great promotes learning— Clerical ignorance— The change in educa tion and general culture by Charles the Great— Brilliant court of Charles the Great —The Schola Palatina— Grammar and public schools— Many schools under the Caro- lingians— Charles promoting the popular tongues— Charles endowed the popular schools— After Charles the schools degenerated. CHAPTER VII. The Growth of Image Worship 507 Laetantius and Clement against images— Gregory the Great's moderate advocacy of images. CHAPTER VIII. ICONOCLASM 510 Monophysites and other sects against images— The causes of ioonoclasm— Leon- tius of Cyprus— The letter of Omar II— Leo the Isaurian and his first edict— De fenders of image worship : Germanus and John of Damascus— Pope Gregory II— Rupture between Rome and Constantinople. CHAPTER IX. Later Fortunes of the Iconoclastic Movement 517 Constantine Copronymus— Persecution of monks— The Council of Nicsea, 787— Failure of the iconoclastic reform— Results of the movement— The image question in the Western Church. CHAPTER X. The Rise of Islam 525 Mohammed's early life— The Hegira— Success of Mohammed— Mohammed's char acter. CHAPTER XI. Principles and Results of Mohammedanism 529 The principles of Islam— The evils of Mohammedanism— Slavery— Islam's tenets of war— The Koran. CHAPTER XII. The Spread of Mohammedanism 533 Islam's career of conquest. CHAPTER XIII. Relation of Islam to the Church 535 Effects of Islam on the Church— Sources of doctrines of Islam— Mohammedanism an incubus on civilization. xxii TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER XIV. The Division between the Eastern and Western Churches— The Attempt at Reunion 538 Doctrinal divergence— Differences of discipline— The claim of Roman supremacy —The letter of Nicholas I widens the breach— The Photian dispute— The final rup ture—Attempts for reunion— Concessions for reunion prove futile— The separation not without gain. CHAPTER XV. Theology, Worship, and Life in the Eastern Church 546 The " Type " edict of Constans— Martyrdom of Pope Martin I— Doctrines of Maxi- mus— The pseudo-Dlonysius the Areopagite— Theology of the Areopagite— The Hesychasts— The Paulicians— The Thondracians and Euchites— The Bogomiles— The stagnation of the Greek Church— Worship and sacraments in the Eastern Church— Austerity of the Eastern Church. CHAPTER XVI. The Conversion of Germany 556 Uncertainty as to founders of German Christianity— Severinus— Amandus— Eligi- us— Irish missionaries to Germany— Columban— Severity of Columban— Columban's success— Columban and Gallus— Columban's letter to the pope— Columban's rela tions to the papacy— Gallus— Willibrord— Other English missionaries— Wulfram. CHAPTER XVII. The Labors of Boniface 566 Winfrid, or Boniface— Success in Hesse— Reforms of Boniface— Last mission and death of Boniface— Character of Boniface. CHAPTER XVIII. The Conversion of Scandinavia 570 Aggressions of the Northmen— Anskar, the Apostle of the North— First mission to Sweden— Character of Anskar— Conversion of Norway— Iceland— Greenland. CHAPTER XIX. The Conversion of England 575 Uncertain beginnings— Legend of Joseph of Arimathea— Christianity in Britain in the second century— Pelagius— Few Christian remains of the Roman period- Marks of the old British Church— Monasticism in the Celtic Church— Liturgy of the British Church— The Easter question— Tonsure— Marriage of the clergy— The Teu tonic conquest of Britain— Venerable Bede's story of the conversion of England- Gregory sends Augustine— Race antipathies an obstacle to the union of the British and Roman Churches— Northumbria converted— Wessex and Essex brought over- Synod of Whitby. CHAPTER XX. The Church of England in the Early Middle Ages 593 Union of Church and State— Relation of Anglo-Saxon and Roman Churches— Alfred the Great— Alfred's interest in learning— St. Dunstan— The Norman conquest— Wil liam and Lanfranc— William and Hildebrand. CHAPTER XXI. St. Anselm 599 Lanfranc and Anselm— Anselm's bold philosophy— Anselm's works— Anselm as a teacher— Anselm's treatment of youth— William Rufus, the Red— Anselm's reluctant acceptance of the see of Canterbury— Conflict of Anselm with William Rufus— An selm and Henry I— Anselm's appeal to Rome. TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxiii CHAPTER XXII. Thomas Becket 607 Despotic kings and secular bishops— Henry II and his ohanoellor, Thomas Becket —Henry IPs scheme to reform Church— Thomas Becket as archbishop— First conflict won by Thomas— The Clarendon Constitutions— Thomas appeals to the pope- Thomas's flight to France— Return of Thomas— Thomas's martyrdom— Views of Froude, Gardiner, and Freeman. CHAPTER XXIII. Planting of Christianity in Scotland 619 St. Ninian— Early records destroyed— Work of Irish monks— Brendan— Work of Columba— lona Island— Character of Columba— Death of Columba— Estimates of Columba. CHAPTER XXIV. The First Church System of Scotland 628 Monastic character of Church government— Scottish bishops— The liturgy— Doc trinal teaching— Classes in community of lona. CHAPTER XXV. The Scotch Period before the Reformation 632 Aidan the missionary— Aidan's work— St. Cuthbert— The ashes of St Cuthbert— Causes of decay of Celtic Church— Influence of hermit life— St. Margaret and her re forms—The Sunday question— Abuses firmly intrenched— King David— Disappear ance of the Culdees— Vigorous reign of David. CHAPTER XXVI. The Learning and Literature of the Old Scotch Church 643 Columba's literary work— The Book of Armagh— The Book of Deer— Advantages under the papal system— Abuses under the papal system— Rapacious priests— Cler ical cursing— Decay of preaching. CHAPTER XXVII. St. Patrick 651 Coelestius— Palladius— Records of St. Patrick— Confession of St. Patrick— Patrick's early life— Patrick's discipline through hardship— Patrick's mission to Ireland— Pat rick's success— Patrick's travels and work in Ireland— Legends connected with St. Patrick— Patrick's theology— Patrick's relation to Rome. CHAPTER XXVIII. Mediaeval Ireland 662 Government of the early Irish Church— Irish clerical orders— Monasticism in Ire land—The round towers— Connection of the round towers with general ecclesiastical architecture— Ireland's relation to Europe— Mixture of barbarism and culture— Law and anarchy— Froude's erroneous judgment, CHAPTER XXIX. Learning and Art in Medleval Ireland — External History of the Irish Church 672 Ireland a refuge for scholars— Dicuil and Erigena— Sedulius— The Book of Kells and other literary treasures— Art in pen work— Metal work— Sculpture— The Danes in Ireland— Norman influence— The bull of Pope Adrian IV— Reorganization under Henry II. CHAPTER XXX. The Monks of the East 681 Monasticism in general— Gnosticism a source of monasticism in the Church- Reasons for the monastic life given by famous monks— Jerome's description of the xxiv TABLE OF CONTENTS. life of the monks— Paul and Anthony-Pachomius— Voices against the cloister-Pro test of Vigilantius— The evils of the monastic life-Fanatical results of monasti cism— The pillar-saints— Littledale's indictment of monasticism in the East. CHAPTER XXXI. The Monastic Orders 693 Martin of Tours— Paulinus of Nola— John Cassian— Benedict of Nursia— Rule of Benedict— Labor among the Benedictines— Benedict's devotion to learning— Growth of the Benedictines— The legal position of monasticism. CHAPTER XXXII. Rise and Decline of the Later Orders 701 Benedict of Aniane— Cardinal Newman on Benedict of Nursia— Benedict of Aniane compared with Wesley— Duke William the Pious of Aquitaine— The later period at Clugny— The Cistercians— Growth and work of the Cistercians— Decay of the order. CHAPTER XXXIII. The Lesser Orders 707 The Camaldolites— Order of Vallombrosa— The Hirschau monks— The order of Grammont— The order of Fontevraud— The Carthusians— The later Carthusians— The Carmelites— Growth and decay of the Carmelites— The Augustinians. CHAPTER XXXIV. The Development of the Papal Autocracy 715 Littledale's analysis of Peter in Rome— Rome the universal center— Chalcedon and Antioch against Roman primacy— Letter of Clement of Rome— Intolerance of Victor of Rome— Extreme claim of Pope Stephen— Council of Nicaea not organized by Rome —Pope Julius -Primacy of Rome not held before middle of fourth century— Synod of Constantinople— Apiarius . CHAPTER XXXV. The Roman Autocracy Complete under Innocent and Leo 726 Innocent I and Rome's universal primacy— Falsity and audacity of Innocent's claim— Leo the Great— Fourth general council— Littledale on Leo the Great. CHAPTER XXXVI. Gregory the Great 733 The papal power a necessity— Gregory's training for the papacy— Censure of uni versal episcopacy— Gregory's person tending toward autocracy— Gregory's respect for civil authority— Gregory's varied writings. CHAPTER XXXVII. Five Hundred Years of the Papacy and the Night of the Roman Church. . . . 739 Gregorovius on Rome— Freeman on Rome— Boniface III— Honorius— The Trullan council— Quinisextan synod— New era under Gregory II— Freeman on the Roman empire— Nicholas I— Adrian II— The pope Joanna— Corruption of the Church- Crimes of the popes— Arnulf on the guilt of the Church. CHAPTER XXXVIII. Hildebrand 75S Leo IX as reformer— The powerful Hildebrand— Gregory enforcing celibacy— Si mony punished— Investiture— Contest between Gregory and Henry IV— Henry a penitent at Canossa— The pope's declaration on Henry's humiliation— Stephen's pic ture of Gregory. CHAPTER XXXIX. Frederick Barbarossa — Frederick II— Innocent in — Later Conflicts between Church and State 763 The stirrup in history— The pope yielding for the moment— Culmination of Hilde- brand's policy— King John of England at the pope's feet— The versatile Frederick II. TABLE OF CONTENTS. xxv CHAPTER XL. Boniface VIII — The Last Great Pope of the Middle Ages and the Collapse of his Colossal Scheme 769 Wane of religious idea of the papacy— Boniface defying England and France— Boni face's ignorance of his age— King Edward and Scotland— The bull AuseullafiK— The bull Unam Sanctum— Boniface in danger— Jubilee of Boniface— Divided opinions on Boniface. CHAPTER XLI. The Babylonian Captivity of the Papacy 778 Clement V— Infamous papal court at Avignon— Breaking of the papal spell. CHAPTER XLII. The Papal Disruption and the Healing Councils 781 Nicholas on the moral depth— The council at Pisa— Council of Constance— Small moral result of the council. CHAPTER XLni. The Crusades 791 Origin of the idea of the crusades— Peter of Amiens— Exemptions of the crusaders —First crusade— Results of the crusades. CHAPTER XLIV. The Military Orders 799 Philip the Fair and Clement V— Suppression of the order— Conclusion on the mor als of the orders— Teutonic Knights— Hospitalers. CHAPTER XLV. Francis and his Order 807 Revolution in Francis— Founding his order— The failure of Francis's ideal— Will of Francis— The Stigmata— The order— Rivalry of the two orders, CHAPTER XLVI. Dominic and his Order 815 Youth of Dominie— Labors in Languedoc— Papal sanction for the Dominican order —Dominican learning. CHAPTER XLVII. The Waldenses and the Medieval Dissenters 823 Oriental dualism— Albanenses— Conflicting estimate of the Cathari— Destruction of dualism— Long life of the Patarini— The Holy Crusade— Evangelical and Catholic group— Peter of Bruys— Henry of Lausanne— Arnold of Brescia— Peter Waldo— The Waldenses— Klimeseh's discovery— Waldenses stimulate other movements— Final separation from the Roman Church. CHAPTER XLVIII. The Use of Persecution 839 Tertullian on liberty— Lecky's partial view— Plato's opinion— Creighton's con clusions — Augustine— Prevalence of intolerance— Intolerance in Germany— Perse cution a popular wish— The Church teaching persecution— Inquisition a growth- Methods of procedure— Feeble protest against persecution. CHAPTER XLIX. The Mystics and other Prophets of the Better Day 851 Mysticism deflned-Erigena— Bernard— Hugo— Brethren of the Free Spirit— Wo men as mystics— Eekharfr-John Tauler— Suso— John of Ruysbroek— Friends of God —Brethren of the Common Life— Thomas a Kempis— A German theology— Seth on Mysticism. xxvi TABLE OF CONTENTS. CHAPTER L. Medieval Theology ° Augustine and Calvin-Divinity of Christ— The atonement-Anselm— Predestina- tion-The Church— Baptism— Lord's Supper— Mariolatry— Hell and purgatory. CHAPTER LI. Thomas Aquinas °° Abelard's system— Abelard's place of reason— Thomas Aquinas— Leo XIII on St. Thomas— Opinions of Aquinas— Duns Seotus. CHAPTER LII. Dante 891 Dante's wide learning-Beatrice-The De Monarchia— The Divine Comedy— Dante's theology. CHAPTER LIII. The Jews 903 Popes favoring persecution— Persecution by rulers— DOllinger's testimony— Perse cution in fourteenth century. CHAPTER LIV. Hymnology 911 CHAPTER LV. The Sacred Drama 921 Early protests— Mystery play of Dieppe. CHAPTER LVI. Christian Art 929 Venables on art in Rome— The vine and other emblems— Tyrwhitt on representa tions of Christ CHAPTER LVII. Religious Education and the Rise of Universities 937 Scope of early education— Christians using pagan schools— Gregory on the pagan schools— Newman's testimony— Monasteries and the classic studies— Celtic and Irish monasteries— University terminology— University— Rashdall on idea of uni versity—Number of students— Scanty religious education in Middle Ages— The uni versity in history. CHAPTER LVIII. Gain and Loss of the Middle Ages 947 LIST OF MAPS. Development of Christianity 14-15 The Roman Empire at the Beginning of the Christian Era 160-161 Europe : The Western Empire under Charlemagne, 800 A. D 464-465 The British Isles. Two Maps: 400-700 A, D. Seventh Century 574-575 Europe at the Commencement of the Crusades, 1095 A. D 732-733 Europe at the Close of the Fourteenth Century 768-769 LITEEATUEE OF CHUECH HISTOEY. BOOKS ON THE LITERATURE OF CHURCH HISTORY. 1. Dowling, J. G. An Introduction to the Critical Study of Ecclesias tical History. Lond., 1838. A thorough presentation of the sources of Church History and of its literature down to the time of publi cation. 8. Fisher, J. A. Bibliography of Ecclesiastical History. Bost., 1885. Brief and good. 3. Adams, C. K. Manual of Historical Literature. 3d ed., revised and en larged. N. Y., 1889. Invaluable. 4. Tibbals, C. F. Thesaurus of the best Theological, Historical, and Bio graphical Literature. N. Y., 1891. 5. Sonnenschein, W. S. The Best Books, imp. 8vo, pp. cix, 1009, 2d ed. Lond. and N. Y., 1891. A miracle of accuracy and industry. Supple mentary volume, 1895. 6. Hurst, J. F. Literature of Theology, ST. Y., 1895. Designed to be a system atic and exhaustive bibliography of the best and most desirable books in Theology and General Religious Literature published in Great Britain, the United States, and the Dominion of Canada. The general Church Histories give extensive sections to bibliography. Schaff is very full and free in his comments in his History of the Apostolic Church (N. Y., 1853, pp. 51-134), and more condensed in his History of the Church (3d revised ed., N. Y., 1890, pp. 27-53). Kurtz, Moeller, Hase, G. P Fisher (pp. 671-697), and Gieseler are full in this department. Lists will also be f aund in works on Theological Encyclopaedia and Methodology, in Dictionaries and Encyclopaedias, in the German Yearbooks of Theology, and in the Christian Literature Magazine. II. the study op history. Fronde, J. A. The Science of History. In Short Studies on Great Sub jects, Series I. Lond. and N. Y., 1867. Fronde, J. A. The Scientific Method Applied to History. In Short Studies, Series II. Lond. and N. Y., 1871. Freeman, E. A. The Study of History. Fortnightly Review, May, 1881. 1 2 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 4. Hall, G. S., Editor. Methods of Teaching and Studying History. 2d ed. Bost., 1885. A valuable series of essays. 5. Scudder, H. E. Methods of Historical Work. In Men and Letters. Bost., 1887. 6. Stubbs, W. Lectures on the Methods of Historical Study, and other aspects of the same subject. In Lectures on Mediaeval and Modern History. Oxf., 1887. 7. Freeman, E. A. Methods of Historical Study. Lond. and N. Y., 1886. 8. Foster, F. H. The Seminary Method of Original Study in the Historical Sciences. N.Y., 1888. 9. Adams, C. K. On the Study of History. In Manual of Historical Litera ture. N. Y., 1889, 3d ed., pp. 1-30. Compare : Adams, H. B. Methods of Historical Study. In Johns Hopkins University Studies, Baltimore, 1884. in. THE STUDY OP CHURCH HISTORY. 1. Smyth, E. C. Value of the Study of Church History in Ministerial Educa tion. Andover, Mass., 1874. 2. Smith, H. B. Nature and Worth of the Science of Church History. In Faith and Philosophy. N. Y. and Edinb., 1877, pp. 49-86. 3. DeWitt, J. Church History as a Science, as a Theological Discipline, and as a Mode of the Gospel. Cine, 1883. 4. Rabiger, J. F. Theological Encyclopaedia. Edinb., 1885, vol. ii, pp. 117- 296. 5. Stanley, A. P. Leotures on the Study of Ecclesiastical History. In His tory of the Eastern Church, new ed. Lond. and N. Y., 1884, pp. 17-76. 6. Cave, A. Introduction to the Study of Theology. Edinb., 1885, pp. 421- 476. 7. Schaff, P. Church History. Latest revised ed., 1890, vol. i, pp. 1-53 ; and in History of Apostolic Church, General Introduction, pp. 1-153. 8. Hagenbach, Dr. K. R. Theological Encyclopaedia and Methodology. Trans lated and edited with additions by G. R. Crooks and J. F. Hurst. New and enlarged ed. N. Y., 1894, pp. 274-415. 9. Bright, W. The Study of Church History. In Waymarks of Church His tory. Lond. and N. Y., 1894, pp. 1-19. 10. McGiffert, A. C. The Historical Study of Christianity. In Bibliotheoa Sacra, Jan., 1893, pp. 150-171. See also the Introductions in the Church Histories of Schroeckh, Gieseler, Hase, Niedner and Kurtz, and Alzog, Dollinger, and Hergenrother. IV. SECULAR HISTORIES. In the study of Church History the secular histories are as important in their way as the ecclesiastical histories. Gibbon is invaluable ; for the investigation of Eastern Christianity Finlay is indispensable ; and no better guide in the Church affairs of Scotland can be had than Burton's great work. The king dom of God mingles itself with the currents of this world, and the world has LITERATURE OF CHURCH HISTORY. 3 mightily influenced the Church. From the standpoint of the Christian all secular history is sacred. A few of these histories are mentioned. 1. Gibbon, E. History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, with notes by Milman, Guizot, and Smith. N. Y., 6 vols., 1880. Although first published in 1776-88, it has lost but little of its original value. It was founded on a critical study of all the sources available, and its judgments need but occasional corrections from more recent authorities. 2. Macaulay, T. B. History of England from the Accession of James II to the Death of William m. Revised ed., 1857, and after. A brilliant history composed with an intense love for liberty and constitutional progress ; in the main accurate and reliable. The treatment of W. Penn must be cor rected by Forster's W. Penn and T. B. Macaulay. Lond., 1849 ; Paget's In quiry into the Evidence of the Charges Brought by Lord Macaulay against W. Penn. Edinb., 1858 ; Paget's New Examen into Passages of Lord Maeaulay's History. Lond., 1861; W. H. Dixon's W. Penn, 2d ed. Lond., 1853 ; and Stoughton's W. Penn. Lond., 1882. 3. Merivale, C. History of the Romans under the Empire. Lond., 1850-62 ; new ed., 1890, 8 vols. A work of great merit. 4. Lingard, J. History of England from the Earliest Times to 1688. Lond., 1819-30, 6th ed., revised and enlarged, 1855, 10 vols. A work of solid qualities, written by the use of original documents. Lingard was a liberal-minded Roman Catholic, and his work is written with rare im partiality. 5. Tytler, P. F. A History of Scotland from 1149 to 1603. 9 vols. Lond., 1840-43. 6. Burton, J. H. A History of Scotland from 80 to 1748. 8 vols. 2d ed. Edinb., 1873. 7. Froude, J. A. A History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Elizabeth. Lond. and N. Y., 1859-69 : new ed., 1881-82, 12 vols. Written with picturesqueness and marvelous literary power. Froude en deavors to rehabilitate Henry VTH, and does reveal Elizabeth's true character, assigning her just place in history. But his work is too parti san, and has been corrected by various scholars. 8. Finlay, G. History of Greece from the Conquest by the Romans to the Pres ent Time. Revised ed., 7 vols. Oxf., 1877. This work is worthy to stand by the side of Gibbon. Finlay spent his life in his library, beneath the Acropolis, and was saturated with the Greek spirit. 9. Becker, K. F. Weltgeschichte. Herausgegeben von Adolph Schmidt, mit der Fortsetz. von E. Arnd. 26 vols. Leipz. , 1860-75 ; with supplementary vol., 1878. 10. Weber, G. Weltgeschichte. 15 vols. Leipz., 1859-81. This great work presents the religious, intellectual, industrial, and political development of nations. 11. Knight, C. Popular History of England from the Earliest Times to 1849. Lond., 8 vols., 1876. Much information on the religious and social life. Should use only the English edition with its valuable illustrations. 12. Gardiner, S. R. History of England from the Accession of James I to the Restoration. 15 vols. Lond., 1863-95. A model history, written after the German method, with indefatigable studies in the original sources, let ting the times tell their own story, and with entire impartiality. 4 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 13. Oncken, W. Allgemeine Geschichte in Einzeldarstellungen. Berl., 1877- 87, 27 vols, and several parts, 1888. A magnificent collection, written by eminent specialists. 14. Green, J. R. Short History of the English People. Lond. and N. Y., 1875, revised ed., 1889 ; special illustrated ed., 4 vols., 1894-95. [Larger] History of the English People, 4 vols., 1877-80. A fresh and vivid por trayal by a pupil of Freeman and Stubbs. 15. Schlosser, F. C. Weltgeschichte. 18 vols. Berl., 1884-87. Admirable in every way. 16. Ranke, L. Weltgeschichte. 9 vols. Leipz., 1883-88. The death of the author in 1886 interrupted this profound and important work after he had brought it down to the Crusades. It contains his latest views. 17. Mommsen, T. The Provinces and People of Rome, from Caesar to Diocle tian. 2 vols. Lond. and N. Y., 1887. 18. Bryce, J. The Holy Roman Empire. Lond. and N. Y., 1864 ; revised ed., 1889. A clear statement of the relations of Rome and Germany in the Middle Ages. Of this so-called Empire, Voltaire said that it was neither Holy, nor Roman, nor Empire. 19. Ridpath, J. C. History of the World. 4 vols. Cine, and N. Y., 1885-90. The works of Hallam and the general histories of Fisher, Myers, and Andrews may also be consulted. Friedlander, Sittengeschichte Roms, 5th ed. , 1881, may be mentioned as a work of immense interest and importance. V. COLLECTIONS OP HISTORICAL SOURCES. I. Inscriptions. 1. Gruter. Corpus Inscriptionum. Heidelberg, 1602-03. 2. Boeckh, P. A. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. Berl., 1824. Continued by Franz, Kirchhoff, vol. iv., 1853, which includes Christian Inscriptions, Curtius and Rohl. 3. Franz, J. Elementa Epigraphices Graecae. Berl., 1840. 4. Le Blant, E. Inscriptions chret. de la Gaule. 2 vols. Paris, 1856-65. 5. Hiibner, E. Inscriptiones Hispan. Christ. Berl., 1871 ; Inscrip. Brit. Christ. Berl., 1876; Handbuch der romischen Epigraphik. Berl., 1877. 6. De Rossi, J. B. Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae Septimo Saeculo Antiquiores. Romae, 1861. There are many inscriptions also in his great work on the Catacombs. Romae, 5 vols. , 1864-77. The author spent a life time in these researches, and his results are invaluable. 7. Fabretti, A. Corpus Inscriptionum Italicarum. 2 vols. Turin, 1867-77 ; with 3 supplements, Flor., 1880. 8. Northcote, J. S. Epitaphs of the Catacombs, or Christian Inscriptions in Rome during the First Four Centuries. Lond., 1878. II. Christian Archaeology. 1. Bingham, J. Origines Ecolesiasticae, or Antiquities of the Christian Church. Lond., 1708-22, 10 vols., best ed. in Works. Lond., 1840, 9 vols., or LITERATURE OF CHURCH HISTORY. g Oxf., 1855, 10 vols. This is a work of herculean industry, is full of all curious and interesting learning, and founded on a first-hand study of all the sources then available ; is as valuable to-day as when it was first pub lished. 2. Augusti, J. W. Denkwiirdigkeiten aus der christ. Archaologie. 12 vols. Leipz., 1816-32. 3. Rheinwald, G. F. H. Die kirchl. Archaologie. Berl., 1830, and later. 4. Binterim, A. J. Denkwiirdigkeiten d. christ. kathol. Kirehe. 17 vols. Mayence, 1825, and later. 5. Guericke, H. E. F. Manual of the Antiquities of the Church. Lond., 1851. 6. Martigny, J. A. Dictionnaire des Antiquites Chretiennes. Paris, 1865 ; 2d ed. , 1877. Many valuable illustrations. 7. Smith, W. and Cheetham, S. Dictionary of Christian Antiquities. Lond. 2 vols., 1875-80. Scholarly and exhaustive. 8. Kraus, F. X. Realencyklop. d. christl. Alterthiimer. Freib., 2 vols., 1880, 1886. Binterim, Martigny, and Kraus are Roman Catholics. 9. Bennett, C. W. Christian Archaeology. N. Y., 1888. This is the first attempt by an English-speaking scholar to present the whole subject in a compact and scientific form, according to the best recent light. Bennett was a pupil of Piper, the founder and director of the Christian Archaeo logical Museum in Berlin, and the author of Einleitung in die monumentale Theologie. Gotha, 1867. Bennett's death in 1891 was a serious loss to American scholarship. III. Councils. 1. Binius, S. Concilia Generalia et Provincialia Grasca et Latina. Bested., Cologne, 1606, and later, 4 vols. 2. Labbe, P. Concilia. Paris, 1671, 17 vols., completed by Gabriel Cossart. Best ed., with additions, edited by Coleti, Venice, 1728, 23 vols., with supplement by Mansi, 6 vols. Lucae, 1748-52. Coleti brought the work down to 1727, making the most complete collection of the Councils extant. 3. Hardouin, J. Conciliorum Collectio. Paris, 1715, and later, 12 vols. 4. Mansi, G. D. Sacrorum Conciliorum nova et amplissima Collectio. Flor. , 1759-98,, 31 vols. This celebrated collection brings the history down to 1509, and is now reprinting in Berlin. It is as founded on the work of Labbe, Cossart, and Coleti. The History of the Councils has been the subject of extensive research into the original documents by C. J. Hefele, Conciliengeschichte. Freib., 1855-74, 7 vols. ; 2d revised ed. by Hefele, Knopfler, and Hergenrother, 1877, who him self wrote the 8th and 9th vols., 1887, 1890 (see H. M. Scott in Presb. and Ref. Rev., 1892, pp. 564-66), bringing the work down to 1520. The English transla tion, Edinb., vol. i, 1871 ; ii, 1876 ; iii, 1882 ; iv, 1895 ; v, 1896, to A. D. 787. IV. Liturgies. "i. Durandus, W. (d. 1296). Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, circ. 1290. The first printed work from the pen of an uninspired writer. This editio princeps appeared from the press of Faust in 1459, being preceded by the Psalters of 1457 and 1459. The beauty of the typography has seldom been excelled. Other editions are : Rome, 1473 ; Lyons, 1503, 1512, 1534, 1584 ; Antwerp, 1570 ; Venice, 1599, 1609. New ed., Naples, 1866. The 6 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. first book was translated by J. M. Neale and B. Webb, under the title of The Symbolism of Churches and Church Ornaments. Lond. , 1842 ; new ed., Lond. and N. Y., 1893. 2. Renaudot, E. Liturgiarum Orientalium Collectio. Paris, 1715 ; new ed., 1847, 2 vols. 3. Muratori, L. A. Liturgia Romana Vetus. Venice, 1748. 4. Assemani, J. A. Codex Liturgicus Ecclesiae Universae. 13 vols. Rome, 1749-66. This magnificent collection of the rituals, services, and all other liturgical apparatus of the whole Eastern and Western Church was pub lished under the auspices of Pope Boniface XTV. 5. Daniel, H. Codex Liturgicus Eccle. Univ. in Epitomem Redactus. Leipz., 1847, 4 vols. 6. Brett, T. Collection of the Principal Liturgies, with an Introduction. Lond., 1838. The Liturgies are translated. 7. Palmer, W. Origines Liturgicae. Lond., 1832; 4th ed., 2 vols., 1845. Learned investigations by an ardent liturgiologist. 8. Neale, J. M. The Liturgies of St. Mark, St. James, St. Clement, St. Chrysostom, St. Basil. Lond., 1859, 2 vols. ; one the Greek originals ; the other, the English translations. Neale was an enthusiast in all matters of the Greek Church, and the study of the liturgies was one of the passions of his life. See his learned work, Essays in Liturgiology and Church History. Lond., 1863. A thesaurus of information on many of the old liturgies and on liturgical questions. 9. Hammond, C. E. Liturgies, Eastern and Western ; edited with Introduc tion, Notes, and Glossary. Lond., 1878. A useful handbook. 10. Swainson, C. A. The Greek Liturgies. With the Coptic Order of the Mass edited and translated by Bezold. Lond. and N. Y., 1884. 11. Weale, W. J. H. Bibliotheoa Liturgica. Catalogus Missalium Ritus Latini ab anno MCCCCLXXV impressorum. Lond., 1886. 12. Delisle, L. Memoire sur d'anciens Sacramentaires. Paris, 1886. See Church Quarterly Review (Lond.), April, 1889, pp. 182-205. V. Laws and Canons. 1. Richter, L. A. Corpus Juris Canonici. Leipz., 1833, 2 vols. 2. Friedberg, E. Corpus Juris Canonici. Leipz., 1876-82. 3. Fulton, J. Index Canonum. The Greek Text, an English Translation and a complete Digest of the Canon Law of the Undivided Primitive Church. N. Y., 1872 ; 3d revised and enlarged ed., 1892. Many of the ancient laws and canons are given by Migne, Patrologia Latina. Of the Civil Laws : the best edition of the Theodosian Code is by HaeneL Bonn, 1842, 6 vols., with commentaries; and of the Justinian Code the best edition is by Krueger. Berl., 1877. Of the early Protestant Church regula tions see the collections by L. A. Richter. Weimar, 1846 ; and J. J. Moser Corpus Juris Evang. Ecclesiae. Zurich, 1737, 2 vols. VI. Creeds. 1. Walch, C. W. F. Bibliotheoa Symbolum Vetus. Lemgo, 1770. 2. Niemeyer, H. A. Collectio Confessionum in Ecelesiis Reformatis publica- tarum. Leipz., 1840. LITERATURE OF CHURCH HISTORY. 7 3. Kimmel, E. J. Monumenta Fidei Ecclesias Orientalis. Jen., 1843-50, 2 vols. 4. Heurtley, C. A. Harmonia Symbolica. Oxf., 1858. 5. Denzinger, H. J. D. Enchiridion Symbolorum et Definitionum. 6th ed. by J. Stahl, Wurzb., 1888. 6. Winer, G. B. Comparative View of the Doctrines and Confessions of Christendom, trans, with Introd. by W. B. Pope. Edinb., 1873 ; new ed., 1887. 7. Caspari, C. P. Quellen zur Geschichte des Tauf symbols u. d. Glaubensregel. 3 vols. Christiania, 1866-75. Alte und neue Quellen zur Geschichte des Taufsymbols und der Glaubensregel, 1879. These are epoch-making works. The author pursued his investigations with great ardor, and com pletely revolutionized this study. It is one of the greatest historical works of this century. He died in 1892. 8. Hahn, A. Bibliothek der Symbole und Glaubensregeln. Breslau, 1842 ; 2d ed., 1877. A critical edition of the creeds of the first five cen turies. 9. Schaff, P. Bibliotheoa Symbolica Ecclesiae Universalis. The Creeds of Christendom, with a History and Critical Notes. N. Y., 1877; 4th ed., 1884. This monumental work is indispensable to the student. The creeds are given in the original and in translation. VII. Papal Bulls, Acts, Rescripts, Briefs, and Begests. 1. The oldest collection of Papal Bulls is the Bullae diversorum Pontificum a Joane XXII and Julium m ex Bibliotheoa Ludovici Gomes. Rome, 1550. The first comprehensive collection was that made by Cherubini, and contains all the bulls and briefs from Leo I to 1585. The Bullarium Magnum of Maynardus, Luxemb., 1739-68, 19 vols, fol., contains the bulls from Leo the Great to Benedict XIV. The similar collection of Coquelines appeared at the same time,.Rome, 1733-48, 14 vols, fol., continued by Bar- barini, Rome, 1835, 20 vols. fol. The latest issue of the papal bulls from Leo the Great to recent times is that of Tomassetti, Turin, 1857-72, 24 vols. 2. The older papal brief s : Constant, Epp. Rom. Pontif., Paris, 1721 ; Schoene- mann, Gotting., 1796 ; Thiel, Braunsberg, 1867-68 (down to 523). 3. Jaffe, P. Regesta Pontif. Rom. (to 1198), 2d ed. Berl., 1881-88, 2 vols. 4. Potthast, A. Regesta Pont. (1198-1304), 2 vols. Berl., 1873. The liber Pontificalia gives the history of the popes down to the second half of the ninth century. It long went under the name of the Library of Anastasius, under the mistaken notion of its authorship by Anastasius, librarian to the Church of Rome during the pontificate of Nicholas I, 858-67. There are editions of this by Bianchini, Rome, 1718, fol., which served as a basis for Muratori's edition, contained in the 3d volume of his Scriptores rerum Itali- carum, 1723 ; by Rostell and Giesebrecht in Pertz, Monumenta Germanica ; by Duchesne, Paris, 1886-90, who wrote a study of the Liber Pontifi oalis, Paris, 1877, and by Watterich, Romanorum Pontificum Vitas, 2 vols., Leipz., 1862, reaching to 1198. There are various continuations, though not as a part of the Liber Pontificalis. A compendium of the whole is Amalricus Angerii, Actus Pontificum Romanorum, 1365, extending from St. Peter to John XII (1321), printed in Eccard, Corpus Hist. Medii Aevi, n, 1641, and in Muratori, vol. iii, part ii. 8 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Of the modern histories of the popes we mention the following : 1. Bower, A. Impartial History of the Popes of Rome. 7 vols. Lond., 1750-66. This was translated into German by Rambach, 10 vols. Leipz., 1751-67. 2. Rambach, J. J. Geschichte der rom. Papste seit der Reformation. 2 vols. 1779. 3. Ranke, L. von. Geschichte der rom Papste. 7th ed., 3 vols., 1878 ; 1st ed., 1837 ; Eng. trans., 1840, 3 vols. This chiefly pertains to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The documents, to many of which in manuscript and otherwise the author had access in Rome, are given in the third vol ume. A thoroughly scientific performance ; a specimen of the best German historical achievements. 4. Wattenbach, W. Geschichte der r6m. Papste. Berl. , 1870. 5. Pastor, L. Geschichte der Papste seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters. Freib., 1886-89. Trans, into English, ed. by F. A. Antrobus, Lond., 1891, 2 vols. On this see Druffel, in Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1887, No. 12 ; C. Anderson Scott in The Critical Review, 1892, pp. 284-89, and H. M. Scott in the Presb. and Ref. Rev., iii, pp. 561-64. Vols, iii and iv appeared in 1895. VIII. Lives and Acts of Saints and Martyrs (General). 1. Surius. Vitae Sanctorum ab Aloysio Lipomanno olim conscriptae. Cologne, 1570-75, 6 vols, fol.; latest ed., Turin, 1875, and later, 12 vols. 2. Bollandists, The. Acta Sanctorum, 61 vols, fol., Antwerp, 1643, and later ; Paris, 63 vols., 1863-83. This gigantic enterprise was conducted with great perseverance by the Jesuit Fathers at Antwerp, beginning with Heribert Rosweyd, who published the first volume in 1615, continued by Johann Bolland (died 1665), and so on until the 53d folio volume appeared in 1794, containing Oct. 12-15 inclusive. In 1837, by the munificence of the Belgian government, the undertaking was renewed by Jesuit scholars at Brussels, and now comprises 63 folio volumes. It is furnished with learned Introductions and Commentaries, and is characterized by a good degree of historic faithfulness. 3. Mabillon, J. Acta Sanctorum Ord. S. Benedicti. 9 vols., fol. Paris, 1668-70. A work written with searching criticism, which brought the author much trouble. 4. Ruinart, T. Acta Primorum Martyrum. Paris, 1689; 3d ed., with Life, Verona, 1731. This author also assisted Mabillon in the 8th and 9th vols. of his great work. 5. Assemani, S. E. Acta SS. Martyrum Orientalium. 2 vols. Rome, 1748. 6. Butler, A. Lives of the Fathers, Martyrs, and Saints. 4 vols., fol., 1756-59. Best ed., Dublin, 1866, 12 vols. A result of thirty years' labor, based on the Acta Sanctorum. 7. Baring-Gould, S. Lives of the Saints. 15 vols. Lond. , 1873-77 ; with sup plementary vol. on Emblems of the Saints in Art, by F. C. Husenbeth, ed. by Dr. A. Jessopp. IX. Chronology. 1. Haydn, J. Dictionary of Dates and Universal Information. Lond., 1841 ; 20th revised ed., N. Y., 1893. The work is arranged by subjects. 2. Smith, H. B. History of the Church in Chron. Tables. N. Y., 1859 ; revised ed., 1875. LITERATURE OF CHURCH HISTORY. 9 3. Weidenbach. Calendarium Hist. Chr. Medii et Novi JEvi. Regensb 1855. 4. Grotefend, G. A. Handbuch des hist. chr. des Mittel-alters. Han 1872. 5. Woodward, B. B., and Gates, W. L. R. Encyclopaedia of Chronology, his torical and biographical. Lond., 1872. 6. Brinckmeier. Prakt. Handbuch d. hist. Chronologie. Berl., 2d ed., 1882. 7. Heilprin, L. The Historical Reference Book. N. Y., 1884. 4th ed., revised to 1893. N. Y., 1893. Very accurate but not sufficiently full. The Chronological Table should be at least doubled in size, and the Biographical Dictionary, too meager to be of value, should be omitted altogether. 8. Harper's Book of Facts. A Classified History of the World. Edited by C. T. Lewis. N. Y., 1895. VI. GEOGRAPHY. 1. Spruner, K. Historical Hand Atlas. Gotha, 1838-46 ; 3d ed. by Menke, 1871-80. 2. Wiltsch, J. E. T. Atlas Saeer s. Ecelesiasticus. Gbttingen, 1843. Trans. into English by John Leitch. Lond., 1859, 2 vols. Kirchliche Geographic und Statistik, 2 vols., 1846. S. Hughes, W. Historical Atlas. Lond., 1876. 4. Johnston, W. and A. K. Historical Atlas. 2 vols. Edinb., 1880. 5. Freeman, E. A. Historical Geography of Europe, 2 vols., text and atlas. Lond. and N. Y., 1881. 6. Droysen, G. Allgemeine historische Hand Atlas (96 maps with explanatory text). Bielef. and Leipz., 1886. 7. Labberton, R. H. New Historical Atlas and General History. New and en larged ed. N. Y., 1890. vn. ENCYCLOPEDIAS. The encyclopaedias are important as giving summaries of results by the best scholars. In some of these works the subjects are treated at great length. 1. Aschbaeh, J. Allgemeines Kirchen-Lexicon. Frankfort a-M., 1846-50, 4 vols. Roman Catholic. 2. Blunt, J. H. Dictionary of Doctrinal and Historical Theology. Lond. and Phila., 1870 ; 2d ed., 1872. Dictionary of Sects, Heresies, and Schools of Thought. Lond. and Phila., 1874; new ed., 1891. Written by High Church scholars. An immense amount of information from the best sources, but presented with a strong hierarchical bias. 3. Herzog, J. J., Plitt, G. L., and Hauck, A. Real-Encyklopadie fur protest- antische Theologie und Kirche. Leipz., 1877-88, 18 vols. The first edition was published 1854-66, 22 vols. Based on this great work is the Schaff - Herzog Encyclopaedia. N. Y., 1882, 3 vols. ; revised ed., 1887, 3 vols. ; with supplementary vol. on Living Divines; newed., 1893, 4 vols. Ex haustive treatment of historical subjects. 10 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 4. McClintock, J. and Strong, J. Cyclopaedia of Biblical, Theological, and Ecclesiastical Literature. N. Y., 1887-81, 10 vols., with two supple mentary vols. , 1884-86. The most extensive work of the kind in English ; a vast treasure house of learning. The work now needs a thorough revi sion and rewriting. 5. Encyclopaedia Britannica. Edited by T. S. Baynes and W. R. Smith, 9th ed. Edinb., Lond., Bost., and N. Y., 1875-89, 25 vols., including an index vol. The Church History articles by specialists like Harnack, Cazenove, and others. Issues of A. and C. Black (Little, Brown & Co.), Scribner's, and Stoddart are the best. 6. Lichtenberger, F. Encyclopedic des sciences religieuses. Paris, 1877-82, 13 vols. The French Herzog, though more concise. 7. Wetzer und Welte. Kirehen Lexikon, revised and rewritten under the editorial care of Cardinal Hergenrother and Franz Kaulen. Freib., 1880-95, 10 vols. The first edition appeared 1847-56, 12 vols. The re vision departs seriously from the free spirit of the original, and is in the ultramontane interest, though written by the best scholars of Catholic Germany. 8. Smith, W. and Wace, H. Dictionary of Christian Biography, Literature, Sects, and Doctrines. Lond., 1877-86, 4 vols. Includes the first eight centuries, and is a marvel of comprehensiveness and scholarship. Many of its articles are exhaustive monographs. German scholars acknowl edge that it surpasses anything in their language. It is to be hoped that this work will be followed by others, bringing the history down to the present. 9. Chambers's Encyclopaedia, new ed. , recast and rewritten, edited by David Patrick. Edinb. and Phila., 1888-93, 10 vols, (the earlier volumes again revised to 1892). Every article has been revised or written at first hand by eminent scholars. The historical articles are full and fair, and reflect the latest research. 10. Johnson's Encyclopaedia, edited by C. K. Adams. N. Y., 1893-95, 8 vols. The department of general Church History is in most competent hands, being edited by Samuel Macauley Jackson, Secretary of the American Society of Church History (8 vols.). This is the best encyclopaedia published in the United States. An English Herzog is much needed, a work giving exhaustive treatment of all subjects in theology, written in view of the recent remarkable progress in theological science. The reviews and magazines, especially the theological reviews, often give masterly discussions of questions in Church History. The student ought to avail himself of the Indexes of Poole and Fletcher. vm. COLLECTIONS OF HISTORICAL AND OTHER WRITERS. 1. Canisius, H. Antiquae Lectiones, 1601-03, 6 vols. ; repub. by Basnage, 1725, 7 vols., with notes and the Greek text added. 2. Combefis, F. GraBco-Lat. Patrum BibliothecaB Auetarium novum. Paris 1648, 2 vols. Besides a collection of the writings of several Fathers, this LITERATURE OF CHURCH HISTORY. ' 11 notable work contains a history of the Monothelites, which treats the subject so freely that Rome was much displeased. Bibliotheoa Patrum Concionatoria, 8 vols. Paris, 1662, reissued 1859. Bibliothecee GraBcorum Patrum Auctarium novissimuin. Paris, 1672, 2 vols. Combefis pub lished editions of other Fathers. 3. Achery, J. L. d\ Veterum aliquot Scriptorum qui in GalliaB Bibliothecis delituerant, maxime Benedictinorum, Spicilegium. Paris, 1655-77, 13 vols., 4to. New and improved ed. by de la Barre, Baluze, and Martfene. Paris, 1723, 3 vols., fol. A vast collection of works then for the first time published. 4. DuPin, L. E. Bibliothequeuniverselledes AuteursEcclesiastiques. Paris, 1686-1704, 47 vols. Later editions with continuations of Goujet, Petit- Didier, and critique of R. Simon, 61 vols. Written in a free spirit. 5. Martene, E. Veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum Collectio Nova. Rouen, 1700. A continuation of D' Achery, Veterum Scriptorum et Monumentorum Amplissima Collectio. Paris, 1724-33, 9 vols. , fol. 6. Montfaucon, B. de. Collectio Nova Patrum et Scriptorum Graecorum. Paris, 1706, 2 vols., fol. He also published magnificent editions of Athanasius, Paris, 1698, fol.; the Hexapla of Origen, 1713, fol.; and Chrysostom, Paris, 1718-38, 13 vols., fol.; Venice, 1780, 14 vols., 4to. This marvelous monument of erudition and patience still remains one of the best editions of any Church Father. 7. Assemani, J. S. Bibliotheoa Orientalis. 3 vols., fol. Romae, 1719-28. For some of the Syriac writers. 8. Muratori, L. A. Rerum Italicarum Scriptores. Milan, 1723-51, 25 vols., fol. An invaluable collection of the sources of mediaeval history of Italy, A. D. 500-1500. Thesaurus Veterum Inscriptionum. Milan, 1739- 42, 4 vols., fol. 9. CeiUier, R. Histoire generate des Auteurs Sacres et Ecclesiastiques. Paris, 1729-63, 23 vols.; new ed., 1858-69, 16 vols. 10. Bouquet, M. Scriptores Rerum GaUicarum et Franoilarum, 1738-76. One of the numerous works of the industrious Benedictines of St. Maur. The first eight vols, by Bouquet ; vols, ix-xi by Handigier ; xii and xiii by Clement ; xiv and xv by Brial ; afterward continued by the Academy of Inscriptions ; new ed. by Delisle. Paris, 1869-77. 11. Gallandi, A. Bibliotheoa Veterum Patrum Antiquorumque Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum. Venice, 1765-81, 14 vols., fol. Contains the work of 380 authors. 12. Langebeck, J. Scriptores Rerum Daniearum Medii Aevi. Hafn, 1772-1878. 13. Lumper, G. Historia theologico-critica de vita, scriptis, atque doetrina ss. Patrum, aliorumque Scriptorum ecclesiasticorum trium primorum Sse- culorum. Augsb., 1783-99, 13 vols. 14. Routh, M. T. Reliquiae Sacrae. Oxf., 1814-18, 4 vols.; 2d ed., 1846 ; sup. vol., 1848. " Fragments of the lost Christian authors of the second and third centuries, one of the most important and useful works upon patris tic literature, revealing the finest English scholarship." Scriptorum Eccl. Opuseula, 1832, 2 vols.; 3d ed., 1858. 15. Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Berl., 1819 to the present, 50 vols., 30 in fol., the rest in quarto. This vast collection of sources for the history of Germany is divided into five main parts: 1. Scriptores; 2. Leges; 3. Diplomata ; 4. Epistolae ; 5. Antiquitates. It was begun 12 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. by Pertz, with whom Jaffe was associated from 1854 to 1863, con tinued by Waitz from 1875 to 1886, and is now under the direction of Dummler. 16. Mai, A. Scriptorum Veterum Nova Collectio. Rome, 1825-38, 10 vols. ; Spicilegium Romanum, 1839-44, 8 vols.; Nova Patrum Bibliotheoa, Rome, 1844-71, 8 vols.; with an Appendix, Rome, 1879. 17. Niebuhr, B. G. (with Bekker and others). Scriptores Histories Byzantinae. Bonn, 1828-55, 48 vols. 18. Library of the Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church, translated by Mem bers of the English Church. Oxf., 1838-80, 47 vols. This collection was edited by Pusey, Keble, and Newman. It contains translations of the works, in whole or in part, of Athanasius, Augustine, Chrysostom, Cyril (1880), Cyprian, Gregory the Great, and Tertullian. It is furnished with valuable notes. 19. Migne, J. P. Patrologiee Cursus Completus. Paris, 1844-66. This im mense collection includes all the Latin Fathers to the thirteenth century, 222 vols., and all the Greek Fathers to the fifteenth century, 166 vols. From this indomitable abbe's organ, cross, and book factory there issued also a theological encyclopaedia in 171 vols., and a collection of sacred orators in 100 vols. 20. Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland from the Roman Invasion to Henry VHI. Lond., 1858-90, 210 vols. This series, com monly called the Rolls Series, is edited by specialists, and each vol. is en riched with introductions and notes of inestimable value. See C. K. Adams, Manual of Historical Literature, 3d ed., p. 530 ; Walter Rye, arti cle Records in the new (1891) ed. of Chambers's Encyclopaedia. Several of the old historians have also been published by the English Historical Society, 1838-56, and many of them have been translated in Bohn's Antiquarian Library. The Camden Society has issued several old works. The Historical Manuscript Commission has published transcripts of important manuscripts, 1870-71, and abstracts of many others. Full descriptions of the English historical material will be found in Hardy's Descriptive Catalogue of Materials relating to the History of Great Britain and Ireland. Lond., 1862-71, 3 vols.; Wright, Biographia Bri- tannica Literaria. Lond., 1842, 1846, 2 vols.; and Gardiner and Mul- linger, Introduction to the Study of English History. Lond., 1881, part ii. (pp. 200-424). 21. Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiae Latinae. Vienna, 1867-95, 17 vols. Issued by the Academy of Vienna. Excellent editions by the best scholars. 22. Jaffe, P. Bibliotheoa Rerum Germanorum, 1864-69. Regesta Pont. Rom., 1851 ; 2d ed., 1881-82. 23. The Ante-Nicene Library, edited by A. Roberts and J. Donaldson, and translated with notes and introductions by various hands. Edinb., 1867- 72, 24 vols. Reprinted with additional notes and introductions by the Christian Literature Co., edited by A. C. Coxe. N. Y., 1885-86, 8 vols., with Bibliography (by E. C. Richardson) and Index (by B. Pick) vol. N. Y., 1887. 24. Horoy. Medii Aevi Bibliotheoa Patrist. s. Patrologia. Paris, 1879. A continuation of Migne for the later Middle Ages, 1216-1564. Sathas pub lished at Paris, 1872-95, a collection of the Greek writers of the Middle Ages. LITERATURE OF CHURCH HISTORY. 13 25. Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte d. altchristlichen Literatur. Leipz., 1882 to the present. Edited by O. L. Gebhardt and A. Harnack. Handy critical editions of various writings. 26. Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. Series I, edited by Philip Schaff, and translated by various scholars, with introductions and notes. N. Y., 1886-90, 14 vols. Includes many of the works of Augus tine and Chrysostom. 27. Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. Edited by Schaff and Wace, and translated, with prolegomena and notes, by various scholars. N. Y., 1890-96 (not yet finished). Includes : 1. Eusebius, Church History, McGiff ert (the best edition of a Church Father ever published) ; Eusebius, Constantine, by Richardson ; 2. Socrates, by Zenos ; Sozomen, by Hartranf t ; 3. Theodoret, by Jackson ; Jerome and Gennadius, by Richardson ; Rufinus and Jerome, by Fremantle ; 4. Athanasius, by Robertson ; 5. Gregory of Nyssa, by Moore and Wilson ; 6. Jerome, by Fremantle (Lewis and Mart- ley) ; 7. Cyril of Jerusalem, by Gifford ; Gregory Nazianzen, by Browne ; 8. Basil, by Jackson ; 11. Sulpitius Severus, by Roberts ; Vincent of Lerins, by Heurtley ; John Cassian, by Gibson ; Leo, by Feltoe ; Gregory the Great, by Barmby ; Ambrose, by De Romestin. 28. Patrologia Syriaca. Edited by P. Graffin, assisted by eminent specialists, vols. 1 and 2. Paris, 1895. This is to consist of an issue in critically prepared editions of the entire literature of the ancient Syrian Church. The Syriac text is to be accompanied with Latin translations, intro ductions, notes of various readings, and is to be done by Roman Catholic scholars. This notable undertaking is to complete the work of Migne, though it is to be executed with the critical care which was absent from his series. See the Independent, N. Y., June 20, 1895, p. 16 ; Sunday School Times, July 27, 1895, p. 476. IX. HISTORIES OP DOCTRINES. 1. Hagenbach, K. R. 1840, 6th ed., by Karl Benrath, 1888; English trans. from 5th ed., Edinb., 1880, 3 vols. 2. Schmid, H. 1859, 4th ed., much enlarged, by Hauck. Nordl., 1887. 3. Baur, F. C. Leipz., 1865-67, 3 vols. His Handbook on the same subject was published in 1847 ; 2d ed., 1858. 4. Neander, A. 2 vols. Lond., 1858. 5. Frank, G. F. Geschichte der prot. Theologie. 3 vols. 1865. 6. Werner. Geschichte der Theologie in Deutschland. Munich, 1866. 7. Shedd, W. G. T. N. Y. and Edinb., 1865, 2 vols. ; 4th ed., 1884. 8. Crippen, T. G. Edinb., 1883. Excellent for a brief survey. 9. Dorner, I. A. Hist, of Protestant Theology, particularly in Germany. 2 vols. Edinb., 1871. 10. Sheldon, H. C. 2 vols. N. Y., 1886 ; new ed., enlarged, 1895. 11. Harnack, A. Freib., 1886-90, 3 vols., transl. by Neil Buchanan, vol. i, Lond. and Bost. , 1895. Harnack struck out a new path in the treatment of the History of Doctrine, but his conception is yet on trial. For dis cussions, see F. H. Foster, Bibliotheoa Sacra, Jan., 1888, pp. 163-85; H. M. Scott, in Current Discussions in Theology, vol. iv(1887), pp. 129-34 ; v, 153-55 ; vi, 73-183 ; Paul, in Jahrb. fur protestant. Theologie, April, 14 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 1889; H. M. Scott, in Presb. and Ref. Rev., 1891, pp. 513-17; J. S. Candlish, in Critical Review, i (1891), pp. 273-18. Hamack's smaller book on the same subject, Grundriss der Dogmengeschichte, Freib., 1889, not an abridgment but a freshly written work, has been translated by E. K. Mitchell, Lond. and N. Y., 1894. Two other excellent works in German : Thomasius,2 vols., Erlang., 1874, and Nitzsch, vol. i, Berl., 1870. The work of Thomasius was revised in a second ed. by H. Bonwetsch, Erlang. , 1886, and is a work of great merit. On Harnack, see also R. Rainy, Crit. Rev., April, 1895. MADE EXPRESSLY FOB HURSTS DEVELOPMENT MAP C HRI S TIAN ITY EXTENT OF CHRISTIANITY AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE r~ " ' = SEVENTH CENTURY TERfiiTOHY CHRISTIANIZED IN THE SEVENTH AND rr — " , . '¦- ¦ EIGHTH CENTURIES . _.____.. I — TERRITORY CHRISTIANIZED IN THE n:ntH TENTH AND | ELEVENTH CENTURIES I TERRITORY CHRISTIANIZED !N THE TWELFT H AND I- ^"— -.~-r-] THIRTEENTH CENTURIES l--,:r" ._[ CHURCHES OF THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD (33-IOOlABC INDICATED THUS An finch THE JOURNEYS OF ThFaPOSTLE PAUL ARE INDICATED THUS THE DATES ON THE MAP INDICATE THE APPROXIMATE PERIODS OF CONVERSION V^ IY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. INTEODTJCTION. THE SCIENCE AND LITERATURE OF CHURCH HISTORY, CHAPTER I. THE HISTORICAL CHURCH. -£aTHE Christian Church is that association and organization of persons who have been baptized in the name of Christ, who are united by the visible acceptance of his doctrines and by declaration of faith in him, and who strive by their individual and related life to obey his teachings and follow his example. The actual Church, in distinction from the Christian, includes all believers in whom the divine Spirit dwells, apart from any relationship with ecclesiastical confessions. Hodge thus defines the Church in this larger sense : "All true believers in whom the Spirit of God dwells are members of that Church which is the body of Christ, no matter with what ecclesiastical organization they may be connected, and even although they have no such connection. The thief on the cross was saved, though he was not a member of any external Church."1 The general Church is of still broader scope, definition of It consists of an~worshipers of Jehovah in the pre- the church. Christian ages, of the persons of pure purpose in all lands who have lived according to such light as the Spirit gave them, of all followers of Christ, and of all who have died in such faith as their opportunities gave them and have ascended to citizenship in the triumphant company of believers. It is the entire body of the 1 Systematic Theology, i, p. 134. 16 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. human servants of God — those who are still in the battle of faith and those who rest from their labors.1 Neither the actual nor the general Church is a proper, or even possible, subject of historical investigation, because of the large measure of subtle and intangible material in which both are en veloped. However easily they might be treated by the doctrinal theologian, the historian can deal only with organized ecclesiastical life, its relations to the great world about it, and the adverse and favorable influences which have operated upon it during its progress through the centuries. The historian of the Christian the historian Church, therefore, comes to his task with a well-defined of the chris- field 0f vision — the Church of Christ, from its organi- " '' " "' zation shortly after the ascension of our Lord down to the present time. He will need to inquire, however, as a prelim inary study, into the conditions of thought and faith, in their centers, at the time of the introduction of Christianity. He must examine the soil into which the great Sower cast that seed which has produced, and will more largely produce, the abundant harvest of thirty, sixty, and a hundred fold. The process in imparting truth to the patriarchal mind, and thus providing the real beginnings of the Church of the future, is a suggestive and beautiful evidence of divine favor toward man kind. Immediately after the apostasy remedial measures were adopted for final restoration. The method was slow, and required ages for its development. The restoration began with the call of one man, Abraham, in the desert of Haran, and was fulfilled two thousand years afterward in Bethlehem by the incarnation of Christ. A people was chosen to be the depository * of divine truth ; to pre serve, amid the surrounding waste of pantheism and polytheism, a pure theistic faith and the practice of a holy and worthy service ; and, by the anticipations awakened through type and prophecy, to look for final completion and the beginning of a universal spiritual empire, when the Messiah should come and establish his throne on the original earth. This people constituted the original Church, church. an,^ notwithstanding its many wanderings in faith and life, it was never without a remnant of devoted servants of the true 1 On the distinction between the visible and invisible Church in the first age of Christianity, see Pressense, Heresy and Christian Doctrine, book ii, eh. iv, § 5. The Roman Catholics falsely charged the Protestants with inventing this distinction. See Bossuet, Variations of the Protestant Churches, Dublin 1836, vol. ii, pp. 281, 290. Bellarmine excludes it and argues against it (Opera, torn, ii, lib. iii, chs. ii, xi, xii). Compare Moehler, Symbolism, ch. v. For an excellent discussion of this distinction, see Bannerman, The Church of Christ vol. ii, pp. 29-40. s R0m. xi, 4. THE HISTORICAL CHURCH. 17 God. At the darkest crisis in its history there were seven thou sand who had not bowed the knee to Baal. But it was after Christ had come and preached his word and appointed men to organize his work that the Church first assumed universal prerogatives. Its provincial character was lost in its cos mopolitan quality. Not until the ends of the earth should be reached was the evangelistic commission to be fulfilled. Never before the incarnation had holy men been commanded to go into all the world and preach to every creature. The burden of empire was upon these first preachers. The whole Roman world was too small for their parish. It is this Church, as distinguished from the actual and the general, that has its firm place in his- THE univer- tory, and its record can be examined with as much pre- SAL church. cision and justice as that of Britain since the Norman conquest in 1066, or the kingdom of Prussia since the death of the Great Elector, Frederick William, in 1688. Church history is a representation of the external progressive career of the Christian Church, of its multiform influences on all surrounding relations, of the disturbing effects of the WHAT IS outward world upon it, of its own consequent aberra- church his- tions in doctrine and practice, and yet of its inward T0KT? spiritual life and development, though often intermitted, through all the centuries of its life. In this history we observe the constant presence of the divine and human factors. At no time has the Church been deprived of God's superintending care and instruction. In seasons of spiritual darkness and increasing impiety he has pro vided instruments for revival and progress ; and while • the periods of stagnation have extended over entire centuries and darkened the very centers of religious zeal and power, the career of the Church has been one of general growth and development. Mar- tensen ' finely states the difference between the fault- MARTENSEN'a (less and the fallible in the Church : "The Church is finedistinc- absolutely faultless as regards her principle and her noh' [beginning ; absolutely faultless also as to her final aim ; but in ithe interval between these extremes, in her historical and free de velopment, her relative fallibility lies. The historical develop ment of the Church is not, as Catholicism asserts, normal ; it is subject, like a ship on the billows, to the undulations of the times." ' Even during the Middle Ages, which we are accustomed to re gard as a season of unrelieved decline, agencies were prepared 1 Christian Dogmatics, p. 350. 'The Westminster Confession says : " The purest Churches under heaven are subject both to mixture and error." Chap, xxiii, 5. 2 18 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. for the more rapid diffusion of the Gospel and its firmer hold upon humanity. It was no fancy, but prophecy : " The Avon to the Severn runs, And Severn to the sea ; And Wyclif 's dust shall spread abroad Wide as the waters be." But notwithstanding the general divine superintendence of the Church, no obstruction has been placed on human freedom. To deal with the question of the Church as a moral offender, when it ought to be a teacher and an exemplar for all sound doctrine, is one of the most unwelcome tasks of the historian. He is frequently called to investigate periods of great spiritual decline, as on the Continent in the fifteenth century and in England in the eight eenth ; and to grope through regions stricken with the blight of fruitless controversy, as in Asia Minor^Svria. and North Africa in the darker the sixth century. He is compelled to admit that the church ml Pure fountain °* faitn has repeatedly been corrupted tort. by grave doctrinal errors, that schism has come at times when unity of sentiment and action was a supreme necessity, that the vanity of the controversialist has too often superseded the simplicity of the willing disciple, that the u^JjoiyjMmrmon life of those who bore the Christian name has too frequently been substi tuted for that swjet sympathy and accord which characterized the Church in its earliest period, and that such crimes as would have darkened the escutcheon of even a barbarous nation, such as the Spanish autos de fe and the French massacre on St. Bartholomew's Eve, have been committed in the name of Christianity. Bttfikje says that persecution is the crjimgof jjriiaeB, that the num ber of the Church's known victims has been " enormous and almost incredible," and that the number of the unknown victims must be far more numerous.1 But it must be remembered that the Church, when its con science has been free to speak and work, has not only stood far aloof^frpin.,. persecution, but has been liberal and pure, and, in stead of making apologies for its vagaries in darker days, it has been prompt to confess them." disappoint- This sadly disappointing character of ecclesiastical church his- nistory nas not failed to attract the attention of some of tort. the most acute observers. Professor Bright describes it very forcibly, s while the saintly Charles Marriott, of Oxford Tractarian 1 History of Civilization in England, vol. i, p. 189. 8 Dorner, System of Christian Doctrine, vol. iv, p. 367. 3 Waymarks in Church History. Lond. and N. Y., 1894, pp. 8-19. THE HISTORICAL CHURCH. 19 fame, says : " Whoever enters upon the study of Church history must be prepared for many surprises." ' The late Dean Church, whose vision was keen, makes a similar remark : " The history of the Christian Church has hardly fulfilled the promise, has not realized on a large scale the ideal, of the New Testament. It has been a very mixed history ; on the one hand, great efforts, definite im provement, and progress; on the other, perplexing disappointment, inconsistency, degeneracy."2 It is, as Faber says : " In His own world He is content To play a losing game." But these are only parts of God's ways. We need to distinguish between the human fulfillment and the divine ideal. The plan of God is perfect, but the fulfillment is left with the often erring creature. The Church, with all its human quality, has been guided by the divine hand. There has been final progress, however unfa vorable may be our judgment of the Church at certain points in its history. "We will discover," says Schlegel, "in the Christian religion the sole principle of the subsequent tribute to progress of mankind ; and the distinctive character and 0HKISTIAN1TT- intellectual importance of the third and last epoch of the world we will find only in that light which, emerging from the primitive revelation and the religion of love established by the Redeemer, has shone ever clearer and brighter with the progress of ages, and has changed and regenerated not only government and science, but the whole system of human life. "^ But while the Church has seriously wandered at many stages in its journey, it has nevertheless uttered a prophetic denunciation of the wrong. No period has been so corrupt as to be without its Protestant heroes. Rome might be ruled by its shameless Borgian pope, Alexander VI, but independent Florence was dignified at the same time by his counterpart in the pure Savonarola. When ever the Church has produced improper and unsafe the church forces, it has never failed to provide the corrective from ^m! T™? its own fold. In its seasons of moral perversion and reformers. decay it might be destructive of the very good which its own hand had planted. The view of Buckle, imitated by Lecky and Draper, that the Church is responsible for persecution, witchcraft, and the ignorance that would prosecute all science in the person of a Galileo, needs only to be met by the declaration that the Church has cured 1 Masters of English Theology, p. 109. 2 Discipline of the Christian Character, p. 119. 3 Philosophy of History, 6th ed., revised, p. 276. LAW OF DE VELOPMENT 20 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. its own evils, and that the Church of Leo X was also that of the valiant Luther and the calm and scholarly Erasmus. The Church has gained its permanent triumphs by the ordeal of labor and trial and blood. Its acquisitions have not fallen, like ripe fruit, on its open hands. Its history gives constant evidence of the operation of the law of development. The Church is a kingdom which had its origin in the mind and plan of a King without territory, scepter, palace, or pillow, but in due time, without tak ing its sword from it sheath and by the force of its in moral ideas and examples alone, saw the downfall of ecclesias- t]ie Roman empire and on its ruins the Christendom TICAL HISTORY r , , — tholuck of the later ages. Tholuck says: "The idea of the and rothe. kingdom of God ia the leading thought in the history of the Church." ' The view of Rothe, that before A. D. 70 there was no real Christian Church, but only disconnected societies, may have its measure of correctness.' But it may be replied, that as the unlaunched ship proves at a glance the element for which its keel was laid and every bolt driven, so those small Christian societies were shaped for union, consolida tion, and a firm place in history. Children are not ready for social unity, but every member of the State was once a child. The Church is the spiritual force in the midst of a world of secular forces. Whenever, in its moral aberration, it assumes the part of a secular ruler, as in the thousand years of the papacy as a temporal power and in the Jesuit interference with the Portuguese succes- the mission or sion, it has lost its spirituality. Its mission is in the the church, domain of the moral life alone, to pervade all civil gov ernment with its pure life by cleansing the popular sources of government and to render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's. The Church has been precisely this spiritual force in the midst of the secular ; or, as Hegel states it : " The Christian community is the kingdom of Christ, its influencing present spirit being Christ. For this kingdom has an actual existence, not a merely future one. This spiritual actuality has, therefore, also a phenomenal existence ; and that, not only as contrasted with heathenism, but with secular existence generally. For the Church, as presenting this outward existence, is not merely a religion as opposed to another re ligion, but is at the same time a particular form of secular ex istence occupying a place side by side with other secular existence. The religious existence of the Church is governed by Christ." ' i Theolog. Encyclop. and Methodology. In Bib. Sac, vol. i, p. 567. 2 Anfange d. christl. Kirche, p. 310. J Philosophy of History, p. 344. THE HISTORICAL CHURCH. 21 The forgetfulness of this divine Presence in the history of the Church is the cause of the frequent misconception in literature of those sublime virtues which have shone forth in periods of perse cution, and of that calm trust in pain and sorrow which has dis tinguished those upon whom its heavier burdens have fallen. Even Goethe, who paid such a glowing tribute to the sub- G0ETHE.SFAIL_ limity of the service in a little church on the Rhine, ™e to appre- and who with his many-sided genius could discover TOR?™8™ truth in much error and was not slow to declare it, church. could see in the history of the Church only a wretched mixture of falsehood and brute force : " Grlaubt nicht, dass ich fasele, dass ich dichte, Sehet hin und findet nur andre Gestalt ! Es ist die ganze Kirchengeschichte— Mischmasch von Irrthum und von Gewalt." ' But the spirit of Goethe was essentially pagan. It was impos sible for him to discern the divine and heroic in the onward course of Christianity. Chiapelli, the Neapolitan philosopher, sees more deeply when he says : " The great epochs in the history of the world are marked not by the overturning of empires or the migra tion of nations. Such things belong to the external history ; but the real history, the inner history of man, is the history of religion." ' The Church as a divine society growing out of the incarnation. must be distinguished from the State as a voluntary association for secular ends. Arnold of Rugby believed that Christianity might so penetrate the State that the State itself would become the Church. The external organization of the Church dies away as its spirit is transfused into the larger organization which becomes the kingdom of God." Hegel had a similar idea : " The State itself is a divine idea, a religious institution. The State is the divine will, as a present spirit, unfolding itself in the actual form VIEW3 0F AH. and organization of a world." There is only a differ- hold, hegel, ence in form between the Church and the State, both having to do with truth and reality.4 Rothe carried this view out 1 Think not that I rave, that mad verses I weave, But examine and find, in a different light, Church history aU — no exception I leave — Is a jumble complete of error and might. ' Le Idee MUlenarie dei Christiani, Naples, 1888. 3 Fragment on the Church, pp. 177, 221-8. Postscript to Principles of Church Reform, pp. 18-28. Stanley, Life of Thomas Arnold, chap. iv. See Index. ' Werke, Berlin, 1883, Rechtsphilosophie, vol. i, § 257-270. 22 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. with great consistency.1 But this confuses organizations which God has ordained for separate ends, the State for government, and the Church for spiritual culture and worship. The preservation of this distinction is as essential to the rights of the State of freedom from dictation by a domineering theocracy as it is to the rights of the Church of freedom from secularization and the loss of power as the body of Christ. The Lord recognizes that both Church and State have their separate claims.3 1 Anfange der christl. Kirche, § 5, 6, ff. Theologische Ethik, i, 418, ff. ; ii, 145, ff. ; iii, 1009-1125. Nitzsch, in his System of Theology, criticises Rothe, § 198. 'Matt, xxii, 21. PLACE OF CHURCH HISTORY IN THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 23 CHAPTER II. PLACE OF CHURCH HISTORY IN THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. The history of the Church is a portion of the general history of the world and, within narrow limits, of the general .history of re ligion. It ,is the very center of all history. As Christ is the only universal character and exemplar of the human race, and Chris tianity is the fundamental remedial system for its restoration, so the history of the Church which he established is the only satisfactory solution of the historical problems of the ages. Without HigT0RT 0 F the light from its pages all the records of national and the church individual deeds are obscure and unmeaning, but with ™s ^j^is- it every event is significant. The history of the torical prob- Church, written with due investigation and in a judicial LEM8, state of mind, derives its value from the very religious elements which unconsciously underlie it, and frequently, though without any design on the part of the author, performs the service of hand maid to sacred and ecclesiastical history. The great labors of George RawHnson in oriental history, as ex hibited in his Seven Monarchies and in his annotations to his edition of Herodotus, furnish ample proof of the corroborative service of secular to sacred history. But this author is always ready to trace the hand" of God in all history and to point out the confirmation of Scripture testimony by profane records. HUME,S UM_ On the other hand, Hume, the last of English deists conscious deserving our respect, has unintentionally shown that ™™™NnY? until Christianity came to Britain in the second and third centuries there was no unity among the tribes located there; but that after it arrived, and finally gained the mastery oyer Druidism and other forms of heathen worship, the population began to grow homogeneous and progressive; and that be cause of the very presence and power of this element England developed in constitutional, liberty, in literature and the arts, and in all those conditions of "prosperity which from Runnymede to Waterloo placed her in the front rank of powerful and respected nations. ... . The same unconscious testimony to Christianity, though in another field, has been borne by Hume's contemporary, Gibbon. So 24 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. decided is the latter's service to ecclesiastical history that Cardinal Newman declares that up to the publication of the N E 'W MANS tribute to Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, which, indeed, gibbon. wag m part wrjtten to show that all the marvelous progress of Christianity was due to purely natural causes, England had produced no ecclesiastical history worthy of the name.' Dean Stanley says of that work that it is "in great part, however reluctantly or unconsciously, the history of the rise and progress of the Christian Church."3 Every valuable history of Christian lands that has appeared dur ing the last few decades comprises a history o£ the Church in the same territory, for the very reason that the history itself has been determined in large measure by the ecclesiastical and religious life macaulay of the people. The most attractive 'parts of Macaulay's and froude. brilliant fragment of English history are those which bear on the ecclesiastical and religious life of the kingdom. The same applies to the colder work of Froude, whose History of Eng land derives its chief value from his researches into the fortunes and relations of Romanism and Protestantism from the fall of Wol- sey to the death of Elizabeth. It is, indeed, true that even the historians of the pagan coun tries have been led to give no small space to the popular cuTls, and, without motive, to show how the history is the ou^growth'of the faith. Full recognition of the religious factor is . found in Mommsen's History of Rome and Qurtius's History of Greece, while ,.„„..„„„ ^ ig the predominant element in Gladstone's Homeric HO MM SEN, , A . ..„-: .-'-<-" -• '*~ curtius,and Studies. There is ample reason for this one absorbing Gladstone. theme in national life. The most serious thought of a people is its religion. The historic page must inevitably reveal the national conscience, which has been the ruling motive in war and peace. Hence, it is not surprising that when the historian begins his investigations the conscientious purpose of great peoples should fill a large part of his horizon. Church history, as a science, is connected by intimate relations with the specific departments of general secular and religious his tory, being coordinate with political history as such and with the history of philosophy, and the history of literature. To under stand the development of the Church properly these need to be studied with the greatest care. The last few decades abound in rich material in all these groups. Moreover, the history of the ¦Historical and Critical Essays, 8th ed., vol. ii, p. 186. 5 Introduction to the Study of Ecclesiastical History. Lecture i. WITH ECCLESI ASTICAL HIS- PLACE OF CHURCH HISTORY IN THEOLOGICAL SCIENCE. 25 Church is dependent for correct and liberal representation upon such studies as historical geography, chronology, na- ALL SCIENCE tional archives, philology, diplomatics, numismatics, collateral and heraldry.1 In a word, there is no branch of science ".' which is not collateral with ecclesiastical history. For- T0RY' merly the latter was viewed in isolation ; but in this age, when every subject of investigation is studied in its relations, the history of the Church has come in for its share of broad and fundamental inquiry. The light, therefore, reflected upon the history of the Church by the auxiliaries to, and sources of, secular history is absolutely indis pensable. Historical theology may be classified as follows : 1. Old and New Testament History. 2. History of Nations related to Palestine. 3. History of Christian Doctrines. 4. History of the Church. a. Confessions, b. Countries, c. Antiquities, d. Sta tistics, e. Journalism. 5. Comparative Theology. 6. Missions. 7. Biography and the History of Christian Life. Historical theology deals with the scientific treatment, in the order of time and development, of ,the institutions and life ema nating from the truth recorded in the Scriptures. Sys tematic theology looks at the present acknowledged theolo&t in doctrinal tenets as presented by history and claiming a SELATI0N T0 , , , . SYSTEMATIC biblical support, and has for its object the scientific and practi- statement and defense of all the fundamental doctrines CALTHE0L0GT- of the Christian faith. It takes no cognizance of the processes, but only of the historical results. Practical theology lays down the canons for the proper application of Christian doctrine to human life, and provides measures for the continuation and extension of the kingdom of Christ on earth until the consummation of the remedial work inaugurated by him. Theology, which is the human structure on the basis of a divine revelation, is a variable science, and subject to such conditions as arise from thought. The Bible, and that only, is the final umpire. To arrive at the exact Bible, the pure word of God, has recent devel- been the labor of the sacred philologian in all ages, and j^*™™^^ no branch of theology in recent times has shared more sis. largely in the general intellectual progress of the times than the 1 Gieseler, Church History, vol. i, pp. 19, 20. 26 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. criticism of the sacred text. The new light that has come from the Sinaitic codex is only one stage in the steady progress from Erasmus in the fifteenth century to Tischendorf in the nineteenth. Every department of theology is susceptible of this wider devel opment, and no seer can foretell the coming growth, which will not be less than in the domain of natural phenomena. But in no branch of theology is this advance more perceptible than in his- recentdevel- torical theology and in the specific form of Church opmentofthe history. The discovery of new lands, the new paths 8 CIENOE OF church his- through the old nations, is throwing additional light tory. upon them, so that the researches of the ecclesiastical historian are constantly widening. Since the opening of Japan to missionary labor we are able to read for the first time the true story of the misdirected labors of Francis Xavier and his coadjutors in the Jesuit propagandism in that empire. Until Gobat began his mission in Abyssinia that country had been almost a sealed book to the Western mind from the Mohammedan invasion down to the present century. DEPARTMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. 27 CHAPTER III. DEPARTMENTS OF CHURCH HISTORY. The history of the Church has its important branches, which are determined by the outward and inward experiences of the members composing it. These can be grouped under three heads : 1. The territorial expansion and limitation. 2. The doctrinal development. 3. The internal constitution and religious life. Thus : It will be necessary, First, to trace the steady growth of the Christian Church, though often persecuted, from its establish ment at the beginning of the apostolic period, its gradual enlarge ment into northern and western Europe, its compression by the Roman empire and its eastern limitation by Mohammedanism, the attempted restrictions of Protestantism by Roman Catholicism through the Thirty Years' War, and the recent marvelous occupa tion of great missionary fields. Second, it will be necessary to trace the theological development of the Church, to present the formula tion of Christian doctrines, and to show the progress of theological literature and culture in general. Third, in the history of the internal constitution and religious life of the Church it will be requisite to describe the legislation, discipline, liturgical usages, art, moral and religious condition, and whatever else is embraced in the archaeological and ethical relations of the Christian Church in all periods. 28 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER IV. VALUE OF CHURCH HISTORY. The great value of Church history is due to that general twofold necessity of our being, a knowledge of our experience and a calm and honest introspection. The Church, in the proper reading of its historical record, holds an impartial mirror before its face. It does more ; it looks into its own heart and examines with candor its innermost emotions. "The unqualified value of Church his- hase's esti- tory/' Bays Hase, "consists in its being the expression mate of the 0f the self-consciousness of the Church with reference church his- to its complete development. From this is derived its tory. practical necessity. And whoever has any active part to take in any branch of the Church must be a participant in this self-consciousness, without which its present state cannot be com prehended nor its future foreseen or properly provided for."1 There is no admirer of human progress and no Christian believer to whom the history of the Church is not of inestimable worth. It is the record of God's hand in the guidance of humanity to its best endeavors and holiest aspirations. What experience is to human life the history of the Church is to the believer. He is a member of a great community which has a varied past, a vigorous present, and a hopeful future. What has been the past ? Wherein lie the cause of its errors and the secret of its successes ? It is only by a the necessity Jue* examination of these that we can expect to acquire of close -wisdom to meet the demands upon the Church of the church his- future. God is not prodigal of the gifts which can tory. supply the absence of the lessons of experience. It is only the human necessity that marks the beginning of the divine opportunity. Hence, if the teachings of history be disregarded, there can be no expectation that these will be compensated from any source whatever. The Christian, as he looks back upon the early periods of nations and the old pagan cults, meets with a chaos of uncertainties and myths. But as he reviews the beginnings of 1 Kirchengeschichte, 9th ed., p. 3. In the American translation of this work (from the 7th German ed.) the translators err in making the author say that Church history is an, instead of the, expression of the Church's self -conscious ness. VALUE OF CHURCH HISTORY. 29 the Church, he finds truth, positive faith, and a sinless Founder at the very threshold. The pages of ecclesiastical history are adorned with persons who derived all their inspiration from Christ himself, and, like the three disciples on the mount of transfiguration, shone with the bright ness from the Master. Their names are of as much church his- value to the succeeding generations as their persons toryresplen-DENT W I T H were to the times in which they lived. Their dying great char- was the condition of their consecration to the perma- ACTERS- nent service of the Church. The martyrs and confessors of the ten persecutions teach a heroism which has no superior in secular history. The firm and careful teachers in the periods of great doc trinal errors speak eloquently to the doubting and the unwary of to-day. The Christian minstrels of earlier periods so struck their harps that the clear notes will reverberate through the long aisles of all later ages. The preachers, whom neither threat nor bribe could silence or intimidate, are fit exemplars of supreme fidelity to their calling and of confidence in the Gospel for every generation of the Christian ministry. Even the skeptic, the hypocrite, and the apostate " cannot es cape history," but are summoned from their unenviable graves to teach posterity its best and saddest lessons of warning. Tholuck, in enforcing the value of Church history to the minister of the Gospel, shows that the benefit is of this twofold character. " The practical benefit which a clergyman may derive from the study of Church history is," he says, " on the one hand, that of encourage ment ; on the other, that of warning. His mind is ele- tholuck o n vated to the consideration of Christ's victorious agency, ™0 * * *B™ examples of which have been given in all periods of the history. Church. . . . The preacher is also led to meditate on the con tinued warning which comes from the history of the Church, for errors in doctrine and wickedness in practice have been nearly the same throughout the whole Christian dispensation. In his pulpit discourses also the preacher may make very frequent use of the admonitions conveyed by narrative of ecclesiastical events."1 No branch of a minister's equipment for his important vocation is more needful than a thorough knowledge of the whole field of Church history. To understand and present the ad- value of »., ... ,.« -,1 • 1 CHURCH his- vantages of the religious life and to conceive properly T0BT T0 THE the bearing of doctrine on character, are only a portion clergyman. of the help that comes from the study of the history of the Church ' Lectures on Theological Encyclopaedia and Methodology, in Bib. Sac., vol. i, p. 569. 30 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of Christ.1 The value of history for present conduct in national and social life is constantly receiving greater recognition, and that the Church is appreciating its own dependence for instruction in all emergencies is abundantly proved by the greater activity in secular and ecclesiastical historiography during the last half century, and by the increasing reference to the precedents in history by the practi cal writers and preachers of our own times.2 1 Compare the excellent brochure of Smyth, Value of the Study of Church History in Ministerial Education, pp. 17, 23, 24. See also Cave, Introduction to Theology, Edinb., 1885, pp. 426-436, for a good discussion of the value of Church history ; also the Introduction to Stanley, History of the Eastern Church, pp. 17-79 ; the able address of De Witt, Church History as a Science, as a Theo logical Discipline, and as a Mode of the Gospel, Cincinnati, 1883, p. 52. 1 The first supplement to Winer's Handbuch der theol. Literatur, published in 1842 (Leipzig), covers only the two years 1840-41, and yet records the issue of over five hundred works on ecclesiastical history. For a summary of labors in ecclesiastical history and biography see Schaff, What is Church History ? pp. 15- 24. In the Theol. Jahresbericht for 1881, 134 of the 344 pages are occupied with the literature of Church history. The list compiled by Samuel Macauley Jackson, LL.D., in the Papers of the American Society of Church History, vol. v, 1893, comprises over seven hundred titles. SOURCES OF CHURCH HISTORY. 31 CHAPTER V. SOURCES OF CHURCH HISTORY. The direct sources of Church history fall into two groups, ^orig inal and secondary. To the original belong all offk^ialrecoids, such as the confessions of the Church in all periods ; the transactions and posftive_decreej of the ecumenj^jgguncils and other ecclesi astical bodies ; the official documents, of the .popes, bishops, and other ecclesiastical officers ; rujgs of monastic and other orders ; liturgical forms ; living communities ; 13 vii regulations bearing on the Church ; and the writings, in whatever department of theology, of theologians who took nart in the events to which their works relate. To the original sources belong also all material monuments, such as commemorative pillars ; ecclesiastical edifices, whether for worship or residence ; sepulchral memorials ; and ecclesiastical scujjjjtures, castings, and paintings, and such inscriptions as may be on any of these monuments. De Rossi, of Rome, has been the first to make the catacombs tell their full story of the sufferings and faith of the early Christians.' Hemans, 6on of the poetess and long a resident in Rome, has re vealed the creation and progress of Christian art through- t R 0N out Italy.' The labors of Piper, of. the Berlin Uni- christian versity;3 of Lord Lindsay, of England;* of Kraus, of -"oology. the Freiburg University ; 6 of that excellent gleaner, Augustus J. C. Hare ; * and of many other writers of important monographs, have been of invaluable utility in throwing light on the faith, gen eral condition, and religious and social customs of the Church in its early periods. Monumental remains are of great importance in 1 Roma Sotterranea, Rome, 1864-77 ; Inscriptiones Christianas UrbiB Eomoe, 1857-61. s Story of Monuments in Rome ; History of Christianity and Sacred Art in Italy, 3 vols., Florence and Lond., 1866-72. 8 Monumentale Theologie, Gotha, 1867 ; Mythologie der christlichen Kunst, 2 vols., Weimar, 1847-51. The late C. W. Bennett, » pupil of Piper, in his Christian Archaeology, has produced one of the best books in this depart ment, N. Y., 1888. 1 Sketches of the History of Christian Art, 3 vols., Lond., 1847; new ed., 2 vols., 1885. 6 Roma Sotterranea : Die romischen Katakomben, Freiburg, 2d ed., 1879. ' Walks in Rome, Lond. and N. Y., 1871. 32 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. revealing clearly the times in which they were constructed, as for example, the mosaics in the ancient churches of Ravenna on early doctrine and usage,1 the Church of St. Sophia on the Byzantine period of ecclesiastical art/ and the Irish and English abbeys on monastic life in the mediaeval period. To the secondary sources of Church history belong the reports of those who have seen, heard, or taken part in the events concerning the second- which they have written ; the narratives of historians ofY church wno haTe derived their materials fronT original sources ; history. popular and ecclesiastical traditions and legends; the accounts given by secular historians, sometimes disinterested and sometimes hostile, Pliny's3 remarkable description of the con dition of the early Christians, in his letter to the Emperor Trajan, may be regarded as an example of this latter kind of testimony. The secondary sources, together with the monumental remains in cluded in the original, are of special value in their reflection of light on the common life of the Church. The striking movements of the historic page must not be allowed to obscure the more modest currents, which have been equally influential in the general result. It is easy to watch the ostentatious and the glaring in narrative, but difficult to observe and appreciate the modest and retiring. The pil grim along the paths of history sees more readily the sunflower than the violet. The few exalted characters come in for general treatment, while the vast multitude are not regarded, or, if so, with but a pass ing glance. Herder, whose Spirit of Hebrew Poesy is a proof of the warmth with which he could clothe the most remote past, and see moral beauty under the most deceptive disguises, says : " As the most beautiful acts of the individual Christian will be those of which the world has no knowledge, so the most interesting oper ations of Christianity will be those which are unnoticed in general history, those which are performed in the quiet circle of family friends." The collateral sources of Church history are already numerous and constantly increasing. They may be classified as follows : 1. Ecclesiastical Philology. The languages in which the sources of the early history of the Church are found are the Greek and 1 For exhaustive articles on the importance of the monumental remains of Eavenna to Church history, see Brit. Quar. Rev., Oct., 1872, and Presb Rev Jan., 1880. " "' 2 For the contribution of the Church of St. Sophia to Church history, see Lethaby and Swainson, The Church of Sancta Sophia, Constantinople Lond 1895. r ' ' ' Plinii, lib. x, epist. 96 (some eds., 97) : 0. Plinius Trajano. SOURCES OF CHURCH HISTORY. 33 Latin. No one can properly examine and fully comprehend the primitive and mediaeval periods without a knowledge, jQJLihese tongues, with the changes which they have undergone by the deca dence of classical taste and by the application of those languages to Christian theology and life. The more thorough 1ANGtJAGES and broad the knowledge of the modern languages is, essential to a the more accurate will be the information concerning 0F church the Church history of the individual nations. No one history. can comprehend the English Reformation without a knowledge of the English language and even the Anglo-Saxon. Neither can the German, French, Italian, or Spanish Church be fully understood without acquaintance with the respective languages. The Roman Catholic Church still finds it convenient to employ the Latin to a great extent. The Russo-Greek Church pursues the same course with regard to the Greek of the mediaeval period. 2. Ecclesiastical Chronology. This is the science by which the various eras in the history of the Church are determined. It varies materially from the chronology of general history, but in some cases harmonizes with it. The era of the Seleucidae begins with October 1 of the year 4402 of the Julian period, or B. C. 311,1 the date of the occupation of Babylon by Seleucus Nicator and twelve the chief years after the death of Alexander the Great. It is th^3 fourth still in force among the Nestorian and other Syrian century b. c Christians. The SpanishCTa, beginning B. C. 38, the year of the conquest of Spain 1^ Augustus Cassar, continued in force in Spain until the fourteenth century and in Portugal until the fifteenth. The Diocletian era, sometimes called the era of the martyrs, began with August "SSf A. D. 284, the first year of Diocletian's reign. It was used in the Roman empire under the Christian emperors, and is still in use by the Copts in Egypt. The Constantinojjoli^tan era dates from the creation. According to it the incarnation took place in 5509. The civil year commences with September 1, and the ecclesiastical with March 21. The Russians used this chro nology until Peter the Great, and ever since then, as before, it has been employed by the Greek Church. The Roman or pontifical indiction begins on December 25 or January 1, according as the Christian year was believed to begin with one or the other of these days. After Gregory VII it was frequently employed in papal bulls. 2 The calendar of the French Republic, an attempt to abrogate the Christian reckoning of time, begins with September 22, 1792, 1 Brehm, Lehrbuch der histor. Propadeutik, p. 20. 5 Encyelopasdia Britannica, art. " Chronology." At the end of this article is a copious bibliography of the subject. 3 34 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and was introduced October 6, 1793. It was abandoned as a hope less theory on September 9, 1805.1 3. Ecclesiastical Geography and Statistics. The history of the Church should be studied in connection with the territory occupied by Christian peoples. The progress of Christianity during the early period needs to be traced upon the map, and each new stage of propagation carefully observed. The Reformation cannot be prop erly understood without constant reference' to its geographical landmarks. Its currents are as clearly defined as its doctrinal char acteristics. Switzerland was influenced by the ZwrngUan type of Protestantism'in "Sie east, which was met at Basle and Berne by the theuseofthe Calvinistic type coming from Geneva in the west ; map in the and while the latter gave tone to French Protestant- clesiastical ism, and extended down the Rhine to Holland, and history. ^hen crossed the English Channel, and finally reached a culmination in the Scotch Reformation under the leadership of Knpx, the Lutheran type became predominant throughout Ger many north of Heidelberg and the Main, extended up the Baltic provinces to the Gulf of Finland, and was the only form of Prot estantism through the whole Scandinavian peninsula, and even in Iceland. The development of missions in heathen countries is an important branch of Church history. The science of the statistics of the Church is likewise becoming of great value, and requires con stant attention on the part of the student of ecclesiastical history.* 4. Ecclesiastical Diplomatics. This science, founded by a Bel gian Jesuit, Daniel Papebroch, deals with documents issued in the name of the Church and its chief officers. " Under fhis'Tiead are comprised all declarations and qffigjaj. „daRum_ents 0f the various confessions, and all papal bulls, imperial edicts, briefs, statutes, and patents. These last form an important factor in the early 1 Brehm, Lehrbuch der histor. Propadeutik, pp. 32, 33. s The best work on this subject is Wiltsch, Geography and Statistics of the Church, translated from the German by John Leitch, 2 vols., Lond., 1859-69. The Atlas Sacer sive Ecclesiasticus, with explanatory excursus (Gotha, 1843), by the same author, is the best ecclesiastical atlas extant. Wigger, Kirchliche Statistik (Hamburg, 1842-43), is still valuable. Schem's Ecclesiastical Year Book (N. Y., 1860) is the most important work of its character thus far pub lished in the United States. A very valuable table of comparative statistics is given in the SchafE-Herzog Encyc, art. Religious Statistics, taken from Holtz- mann u. ZopffeU's Lexikon ffir Theologie, Leipz., 1882. For Christianity in the United States, the reports of the eleventh census (1890), published by the government and edited by H. K. Carroll, are singularly complete and instruc tive. An invaluable summary, embodying both history and statistics, is given by the same scholar in his Religious Forces of the United States. N. Y 1893 ; rev. and enl. ed., 1896. SOURCES OF CHURCH HISTORY. 35 colonial history of the United States. Schaff includes in diplo matics the special sciences of palaeograjjhy, the science of ancient writings and manuscripts of "*tIie°"Bible, and Church fathers ; sphragistics, the science of seals ; numismatics, of coins ; and her- aIdries","of weapons.1 5. General and Special History. No adequate knowledge of the history of the Church can be obtained without the careful study of the various branches of general historical science. The philosophy, literature, politics, and art of a nation impinge upon the religious' life at every stage ; they are, indeed, interwoven with it. The later writers of general history have seen this so clearly that they have given great prominence to that of the Church. Macaulay, Pres- cott, Motley, and Froude have given us records as invaluable for a proper understanding of the Church as of the political, literary, and social relations of the countries which they have all depart- treated. To attempt to comprehend the Reformation "o^3 °lsf^". without a careful inquiry into the humanistic, social, TIAL T0 THE and political condition of the fourteenth and fifteenth history of centuries would be a hopeless undertaking. The same THE CHURCH- holds true not less of the regular course of ecclesiastical history than of all its important crises. As the history of the Church fur nishes the key to all history, so all departments of history are need ful for a skillful use of the key. 1 Church History, vol. i, pp. 31, 32. 36 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER VI. LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. The historiography of the Church has developed from such hum ble beginnings as the disjointed and questionable accounts of the earliest Greek collectors, into an elaborate and well-organized depart ment of scientific research. Its progress from Hegesippus, in the second century, to Neander, in the nineteenth, is as great as the fabled growth of the world, as described by Ovid, from the golden to the iron age. The oldest historical records of Christianity are contained in the gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, and such parts oldest his- of the pastoral and general epistles as throw incidental torical rec- liht on the condj,tion and growth of the Church in that 0RDS0F*3, t & Christianity, genetic period. The second and third centuries wit nessed the struggle of Christianity for existence and expansion. There was neither the motive nor the adaptation to record the story of its brief life. Its literary energies were required for combating error, formulating faith, and making sure a life whose history might well be committed to a more judicial future. The writers of ecclesiastical history may be grouped into five gen eral classes : 1. The early Greek historians. Hegesippus, a Christian convert from Judaism, living in Asia Minor, wrote his Memoirs of Ecclesi astical Affairs in the middle of the second century.1 He was simply a collector of such historical traditions as he could glean from aged people and others most likely to give him information concerning hegesippus the events of the former half of the second century. and eusebius. Eusebius, Bishop of Csesarea, in Palestine, was the first writer who can be called in any sense a reliable historian of the Church. He bears the same relation to ecclesiastical historiography that Herodotus does to secular, and has been fitly called the " father of Church history." His History of the Church, in ten books, ex tends from the birth of Christ to the year 324. The Emperor Con stantine, who was his personal friend, placed at his disposal all the 1 'VnofLvTifiaTa rav mKlrimaaTiicav irpa^eav, 5 vols. The fragments of his work- all that is preserved— have been gathered by Routh, i., 189, fE., and Gallandi, ii, 59. For a translation of these fragments, see Ante-Nicene Fathers, Chr. Lit. ed., vol. viii, pp. 762-65. LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 37 political and ecclesiastical archives of the empire. In addition, Eusebius, besides making copious use of the gospels, did not hesitate to introduce material from the apocryphal writings, tra ditions, and all other available sources.1 He even incorporated without change much of the legendary matter of Hegesippus. He also wrote a Life of Constantine, which has a measure of historical value, but is too laudatory to be accepted without qualifi cation. Epiphanius, Bishop of Salamis, island of Cyprus, wrote a work against the prevailing heresies, which possesses value as a record of the contemporary opposition to Christianity. Philip Sidetes, in Pamphylia, wrote a superficial and ill-arranged history at the close of the fourth century. Then came Philostorgius, the epiphany Eunomian, who wrote a history of the period A. D. 300- and other 423, with the purpose of proving that Arianism was WRITEBS- none other than original Christianity. The works of both these authors have been lost, and without any appreciable detriment to historical literature.' In the fifth century we meet with the first real successors of Eusebius — Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, and Evagrius. Socrates wrote a continuation of the history of Eusebius, extending it to the year 439; Sozomen gave a narrative of the same successors period, but with the introduction of much irrelevant o^ eusebius. matter ; Theodoret, of Mesopotamia, continued the history of Eusebius to the year 518; and Evagrius, of Antioch, continued the works of his immediate predecessors down to 594. The work of the Greek historians, as a body, was conducted amid great difficul ties. As soon as Christianity became tolerated and was made the religion of the State, in the fourth century, the facilities for inde pendent inquiry were multiplied. But there was a constant danger of exaggerating the traditional and marvelous elements. On the other hand, the histories of these writers were written near the scene of the events and in the atmosphere of the first cen ters of Christian thought, and hence there is a strong general pre sumption in favor of the main body of their narratives. After making all just allowance for the apocryphal material which they 1 Flfigge, Versuch einer Geschichte d. theolog. Wissenschaften, part ii, pp. 321, ff. The best work on Eusebius is the translation by Prof. McGiffert, with copious notes (N. Y., 1890), a magnificent monument to American learning. It is rich in materials for Church history. The most convenient edition of the text for the student is that by Bright (text by Burton), Lond., 2d ed., 1882. 5 Photius has preserved a part of Philostorgius, and these extracts have been translated in Bonn's Sozomen. 38 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. may have subsidized, there must still remain a large measure of positive history. 2. The early Latin historians. These men, far removed from the Eastern theater of religious activity, rendered but little service to the early historiography of the Church. The Roman was always a borrower from the Greek. His best philosophy was only an Italian reproduction of that of the Stoa. His drama was merely the thin disguise of the masterpieces of iEschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. In the first Roman historians of the Church there was the same dependence upon the first group of Greek historians. There was no claim to original investigation. Rufinus, of Aquileia, rufinusand writing about the year 400, translated and modified jerome. the history of Eusebius, bringing it down to A. D. 395. Had he confined his labors to a translation, he would have ren dered valuable service to the Christians of the West who spoke the Latin tongue, but he made so many alterations and additions, and yet without sufficient ground, that his work possesses but little value. Jerome prepared a Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers, which possesses value because of its preserving from oblivion the names and writings of many writers of the earliest period.1 Sulpicius Severus, of Gaul, wrote in 403 his Sacred History, ex tending from the creation to A. D. 400. ! It is only a summary of the better parts of the works of the Greek writers. The style is, however, close and attractive, and has gained for him the name of the Christian Sallust. Of more importance is the De Viris Illus- tribus by Gennadius, of Marseilles (d. circ. 518), a continuation of the catalogue of Jerome. It is impartial, and based on extensive research.3 Paul Orosius wrote his Seven Books of History against latest his- the Heathen in 417, a work of too much apologetical ™rl? west- character to be of value as a reliable history." Cassio- ern church, dorus, once a Roman statesman in Ostrogothic service, wrote a Tripartite History,5 which was a condensation of the con tinuations of Eusebius. It was the best work on Church history produced by the early Western Church, and served as its text-book during the whole mediasval period. 1 Catalogus virorum illustrium sive scriptorum ecclesiasticorum ; best ed. , Villarsi, Verona, 1734-42 ; trans, by E. C. Richardson, N. Y., 1892. 2 Chronica ; best ed. , Halm. , Vienna, 1866. 3 In Migne, Pat. Lat. lviii ; trans, by Richardson, N Y., 1892. 4 Best ed., Zangemeister in Corp. Scrip. Eccl. Lat., Vienna, 1882. For King Alfred's Anglo-Saxon translation with English version, see Pauli, Life of King Alfred, Lond., 1853. Orosius was much used in the Middle Ages. 5 Historia Tripartita. In Migne, vols, lxix, lxx. His most important book is his Letters, rich in historical material (trans, by Hodgkin, Oxford, 1886). LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 39 3. Historians of the Mediaeval period. During the Middle Ages there was a general stagnation in historical studies. The Greek Church had been largely consumed by internal controversy, and its territory was reduced by the conquests of Mohammedanism. The best historical works of the Latin Church were chiefly monographs on the missionary fields. Nicephorus Callistus, a _ * /--j i . ¦ -i • ., HISTORIANS OF preacher of Constantinople, wrote, in the early part the eastern of the fourteenth century, a History of the Church CHUECH- from the Time of Christ to the year 610. A portion of his work, five out of twenty- three books of which it consisted, has been lost.' He made full use of his predecessors, and, being probably a monk connected with St. Sophia, enjoyed the full privilege of the great library of the church. The historical work of Eutychius, of Alexan dria, written in Arabic about the year 950, and describing the time from the creation to the year 940, possesses value only because of some confused memoranda descriptive of the rise of Mohammedanism. The Byzantine historians * wrote at intervals during a period of one thousand years, from 500 to 1500. Their works are of chief value in civil history, but, incidentally, they throw im- byzantine portant light on the relations of the Eastern Church to historians. the government. The best of their productions is the Paschal Chronicle.3 It covers the period from the creation to the twentieth year of the reign of the Emperor Heraclius, or A. D. 630. It seems to be the work of two authors (some say of three), neither of whom is now known, one writing of the period to the year 354, and the other completing the history. The Latin Church, although much farther developed, and with less opposition than the Greek, was nearly as unproductive of ecclesiastical history as the Greek. Society was unsettled. There were constant migrations and consuming wars, while within the pale of the Church there was a great decline of spiritual life and theological development. There were annalists of secular affairs, but they usually wrote in the interest of the ruler or conqueror, and their chronicles are of little value toward understanding the actual history of the mediaeval Church. The Pontifical Book 4 con tains an account of the popes down to the death of Stephen VI, 1 The only copy of the remaining eighteen books was found in a single manu script in the Vienna Library. It was published in a Latin translation in Ant werp, 1560 ; Paris, 1562 and 1573 ; in Frankfort, 1588 and 1618. The Greek text, edited by Fronto Ducseus, first appeared in Paris in 1630. 2 Scriptores Historic Byzantinse. Best ed. Berlin, 1828-55, 48 vols. See Encyc. Brit., 9th ed., art. "Byzantine Historians." 3 Chronicon Paschale. 4 Liber Pontificalis, ed. Busaeus. Mayence, 1602. 40 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. A. D. 891. The librarian Anastasius was for a long time supposed to be the author, but it has been recently proved that HISTORIANS OF ~*-»w *~ ? v j. the latin the biographies of the last popes are the only product church. 0j jjjg peni rp^ wor]j. p0gsesses value both as a papal and general Church history of the period treated by it. The best general Church history produced during the Middle Ages was the Historical Summary,5 by the Archbishop Antonine, of Florence, which extends from the creation to the year 1459. Of other works in Church history the following may be mentioned : The Ecclesi astical History of Bishop Haymo,5 of Halberstadt, about 853 ; the Ecclesiastical History of the abbot Odericus Vitalis,4 of Normandy, about 1150 ; and the Ecclesiastical History of Bartholomew,6 a Dominican monk of Lucca, about 1300. The special or national ecclesiastical historians are of chief value during the mediaeval period. The best of these were the Church History of the Franks, by Gregory of Tours, who died in 594," and the Church History of the Anglo-Saxon People, by the Venerable Bede,' who died in 735. The History of the Lombards, by Paul Diaconus,8 was only a civil history, but it possesses value because it stands nearly alone as an authority on the ecclesiastical condition special medi- °^ *na* Pe°ple- The author wrote his history to the year ^val church 773, but it was continued by Erchempertus to 889. historians. Adam of Bremen,8 who lived in the eleventh century, wrote a Church history of the bishoprics of Bremen and Hamburg, which, incidentally, embraced a description of ecclesiastical progress in all the Scandinavian countries. Its chief value lies in its preser vation of original documents bearing on the evangelization of Northern Europe. Albert Krantz, who died in 1517, wrote a Church history of Northern Germany. It related chiefly to Ham- 1 Hefele, Tiibinger theolog. Quartalsschrift, 1845, pp. 130 fE. 2Summa Historialis. Latest ed. in Opera. Florence, 1741, 8 vols. 8 In Migne. Pat. Lat. cxvi-cxviii. Haymo denied that Peter founded the Roman Church, and in other respects anticipated a freer age. 4 Best ed., by A. le Prevost. Paris, 1838-55, 5 vols. Eng. trans, by Forester, in Bohn's Library. Lond. , 1853-56, 4 vols. This is one of the finest products of the Middle Ages. 6 In Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, XI, 741-750. The first attempt made in the West to write a distinctively Church history. 6 Best ed. in Opera, by Arndt and Krusch. Hanover, 1883. 1 Best ed., by Mayor and Lumby, Camb. Univ. Press, 1892. Best trans, by Giles, with Anglo-Saxon Chron. Lond. and N. Y., 1847; and by Gidley. Lond 1870. 8 In Migne. Pat. Lat. xcv, cols. 413-1710. Ger. trans, by von Spruner. Hamb., 1838. 9 Best ed. in Pertz. Monumenta Ger. (ed. by Lappenberg). LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 41 burg, Bremen, Westphalia, and Lower Saxony.1 Among the secu lar annalists whose labors have aided toward an understanding of the Church of the Middle Ages, the following may be mentioned : Regius, of the ninth century ; Hermann and Lambert, of the eleventh ; Otto and Siegbert, of the twelfth ; and Matthew, of Paris, of the thirteenth.2 4. Historians of the period of the Reformation. Until the Ger man reformers appeared Church history had been entirely in the hands of the Roman Catholic Church. It was a strange combina- tion of legend and fact, and no one had possessed independence enough to question the accuracy of the received histories and to begin the process of sifting. But when the Reformation became established the attention of German Protestant thinkers was di rected toward the regeneration of this department of „reDiii m „,M FIRST PROTES- theology. In the revival of classic learning in Italy, tant church which had extended to France and Germany, historical HIST0RIiNS- studies had shared largely. But the history of the Church was too distinctively theological to receive a decided impulse from human ism. In fact, humanism was skeptical and out of sympathy with ecclesiastical thought and life. It was a purely literary movement, but, undesignedly, it had a direct bearing on sacred subjects. It was seen by the reformers, and particularly by Melanchthon, that the history of the Church would need to be entirely rewritten ; and that unless the existing theology were made to give up a large measure of its fanciful annals, the theological reform would be but half achieved. The result was the adoption of a scheme (in large measure fulfilled) for a complete history of the Church. It bore the title of the Magdeburg Centuries. Matthias Flacius, a pastor of Magdeburg, organized the work. He gathered able colaborers about him, the chief of whom were Wigand, Judex, THE MAGI)E. Faber, Corvinus, and Holzhuter. The work was in burgcintu- thirteen folio volumes, each volume being devoted to a century, and each century divided into sixteen subdivisions. The Magdeburg Centuries, although based on the unphilosophical and 1 Krantz's Histories have not as yet been reprinted. They are written in a free spirit, and were put on the Index by Clement vni. 2 Most of the chronicles and biographies of this period are to be found in the collected works. A survey of them is contained in Freher, Directorium his- toricorum medii potissimum svi, post Freherum, et iteratas Koeleri curas rec. et emend, et auxit Hambergerus. Gottingen, 1772. Compare also Rossler, De annalium medii aevi varia conditione. Tubingen, 1788 ; von Raumer, Handbuch merkwiird. Stellen aus den lateinisehen Geschichtschreibern des Mittelalters. Breslau, 1813 ; and Lochner, Das deutsche Mittelalter in den wesent. Zeugnissen seiner geschichtl. Urkunden. Nuremb., 1848. 42 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. unnatural principle of the centurial division of periods, produced a literary revolution in the Church second only to the one wrought by Luther and Melanchthon in the field of doctrinal theology. It proved a powerful agent in exposing the errors into which Roman Catholic historians had fallen, and gained a literary recognition for the new Protestantism in circles hitherto untouched.1 The Roman Catholic Church was suddenly thrown on the defen sive, and in a direction entirely unanticipated by it. The work produced consternation in every European country that had not be come Protestant, and even in Rome itself. The effect was an up heaval of all the historical records of Romanism. It was the suc cessful appeal of Protestantism to history as a justification of its right to existence. As an antidote to the Magdeburg Centuries, Caesar Baronius, of Rome, published his Ecclesiastical BARONIUS. ' ' r r* i Annals. All the literary treasures of the Roman Cath olic Church were placed at his disposition. His work occupied thirty years in composition, consisted of twelve volumes, and was nineteen years in process of publication in Rome (1588-1607). 2 The time treated by Baronius was twelve centuries, or down to 1198. His work is a great achievement. But, while reproducing many of the traditions of the early histories, it passed over some of the more ridiculous in silence, and thus surrendered them. As a literary work, in all the essentials of historical accuracy, research, vigor, and symmetry of construction, it fell far below the Magdeburg Cen turies. The work of Baronius was continued, at different times, by Raynaldi, Laderchi, and Theiner. Less important are the con tinuations of Bzovius, Spondanus, and Rinal. So far as a Protes tant reply was needed, the task was performed by Casaubon, in 1614, and by Spanheim, in 1687. 5. Protestant Church historians. The example of the Magde burg Centuries proved the ability of Protestantism for thorough 1 The whole title of the Magdeburg Centuries was : Ecclesiastica historia, integram ecclesiae cath. ideam complectens, etc., congesta per aliquot studiosos et pios viros in urbe Magdeburgica. Basil., 1560-74. Wigand wrote a continu ation — the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries — which was never printed. Lucius, in 1624, and Semler, in 1757 and following years, also pub lished contributions, each in six volumes. Luc. Osiander published an ex tract of the Magdeburg Centuries in eight volumes, Tubingen, 1592, and later. Cf. Kurtz, Handb. d. allgem. Kirohengeschichte, pp. 15, 16. 2 Best ed. by A. Theiner, Bar-le-duc and Paris, 1864-83, 37 vols. This con tains the continuations of Raynaldi, Laderchi, and Theiner. The corrections of Pagi (Critica hist. -chron. in Annales Baronii, Paris, 1689-1705, 4 vols, fol.) are appended as footnotes in the splendid edition of Baronius by Mansi. Lucca, 1738-59, 38 vols. LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 43 historical research. The historical spirit has from that beginning distinguished every Protestant period and all Protestant countries. " Before the Reformation," says Schaff, " the historian TKANSF0EMA. was, so to speak, of one growth with his subject. Now TI0N 0F His- lie rose by reflection above it, and instead of at once bythe refor- receiving on authority everything Catholic as true, and MATI0N- condemning everything not Catholic as false, he began to subject the whole development of the Church itself to critical examination, judging it without regard to papal decrees according to the word of God and common reason." ¦ In Protestant ecclesiastical historiography we observe the follow ing departments : (1.) The Confessional and Orthodox. Here, as in the three suc ceeding departments, Germany has made the most important con tributions. First in order after Flaccius, and first in the line of Church historians of the Reformed Church, stands Hottinger, the author of the Ecclesiastical History of the New Testa- confessional ment. It was completed in 1667, and treats the history historians. of the Church down to the sixteenth century. Spanheim, of Hol land, wrote a Summary of Ecclesiastical History which extends over about the same period, and was published in 1689. The most of the historiography of this period had a strongly confessional tendency, for it was the time of sharp antagonism between the Lutherans and the Reformed. The works of Chemnitz, Gerhard, and Quenstedt are fair illustrations of a large class of doctrinal theologians who made ample but not always legitimate use of his tory in defense of their confessional position. (2.) The Pietistic historians. Pietism marks the German theo logical boundary between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and was one of the most important movements in the modern Church. Spener, its founder, protested against the exhausting controversies, and contended for a return to the letter and spirit of the Scriptures. With his death pietism passed out of its calmest and purest period. The first and only great pietistic historian was Gottfried Arnold, the author of the Impartial History gottfried of the Church and Heretics (1699). It treated the AEN°LD- period from the beginning of the New Testament to the year 1688. His purpose was altogether new in ecclesiastical historiography. He aimed to show that not only was Roman Catholicism corrupt, but that rigid sectarians in all periods had violated the essential spirit of Christianity, and that pure piety, in whatever form, was the necessary savor which had preserved the Church from utter 1 History of the Apostolic Church, p. 63. 44 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ruin. He gave all possible credit to schismatics in all periods, and commended them for having saved the Church from destruc tion. Not doctrinal correctness, but moral purpose and spiritual enthusiasm, was with him the great criterion of excellence and service. Spener heartily disapproved of it, though the Pietists, as a class, indorsed it. Its thorough independence of confessional restraints, its recognition of the overlooked and despised characters in history, and its charity toward those who had been branded as heretics and died by violence or in exile, constituted it a transi tional work from the old and narrow and rigid modes of historical interpretation to the new and more liberal judgment which has ever since prevailed in Germany. "No historical work," says Baur, " has ever borne more decidedly than Arnold's the subjective impress of the author's spirit."1 (3.) The Rationalistic historians. Ecclesiastical history follows in the order of theological changes. Pietism was succeeded in Germany by rationalism. The rationalistic mode of treating the history of the Church was a part of the general reaction which began in the middle of the eighteenth century. Semler was the first historian who represented the tendency. He was, indeed, the first to bring rationalism out of the narrow limits of the Wolfian philosophy, and to apply it to the entire domain of theology. His principal historical works were his Select Chapters of Church History, 1767, and his Historical Commentary on the Ancient State of Christianity, 1771. Semler had no ade quate conception of the Church as an organic unity, but regarded it as the theater for the play of individual affinities. Christ gave to his disciples the right of private judgment, and the history of the Church shows how this has been freely and properly exercised, and that the true and the good can be perceived here in better form than in public religion. There is nothing permanent and steady in the life of the Church. The Church in its organic form has been of less service than in its disjointed and individual relations. The ocean is good, but its drops are better. The Church is an agglom eration of individuals, each having his complete vitality and inde pendence. We here see the fundamental thought of Sender's entire theology — the right of the individual. Henke, in his General History of the Christian Church,3 may be regarded as the leading historian of the rationalistic school. He wrote in a sarcastic spirit, and charged a large measure of the errors 1 Die Epochen der kirchl. Geschichtschreibung, p. 106. Leipz., 1852. Baur gives a very accurate analysis of this remarkable work on pp. 85-107. Best ed Schaffhausen, fol., 1740-42, 3 vols. 2 6 vols., 1788-1808. LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 45 of the Church to the despotism of doctrinal and ecclesiastical restraints. His work was edited and continued by Vater. In the works of Schmidt l and Danz '' we observe rather schmidt, an indifference to the spiritual element in history than others^™ a positive rationalism. Crossing the channel we find the last of the race of English deists busily engaged in writing history, and, whenever they could, elimi nating from general history the positive Christian element. Hume's History of England (1754-62) is tinged with a bitter Toryism throughout, a one-sided record of the rise and growth HUME AND of the English people and their government. Gibbon's gibbon. History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (1776-88), perhaps the greatest historical work ever written, though somewhat hostile in spirit to the Church, is invaluable for its marshaling of facts, and for its free, broad, masterly treatment of the whole his torical movement from the third century to the middle of the fif teenth. Later researches have corrected Gibbon in but few par ticulars, and this wonderful monument of patient industry remains to this day as much an authority as ever.' Priestley wrote, in the full rationalistic spirit, a History of the Corruptions of Christianity (1782),4 in which he endeavored to show that the history of the Church was fundamentally a departure from the spirit, practice, and commands of Christ and his apostles. Priestley, however, will be less known to posterity as an historian than as the discoverer of oxygen. (4.) The Liberal Orthodox. Mosheim was the founder of the modern scientific method of ecclesiastical historiography. He still adhered to the fanciful centurial division of Flaccius, but was pains taking and accurate, and dealt justly with all characters and periods. He was a distinguished preacher, and while he wrote in faultless Latin he was not less thorough in his researches or less judicious in his management of materials. His Dissertation on the History of the Church was issued in 1743, and his Commentary on mosheim and Christian Affairs anterior to Constantine in 1753. His schroeckh. masterpiece was his Institutes of Ancient and Modern Church His tory, published in 1755. It was translated from the Latin into German with additions and continuation by Von Einem, and issued in 1769. This work has passed through many editions and into the leading modern languages, and in a more or less disguised form 'Handbuch der christl. Kirchengeschichte. Giessen, 1801, and later; con tinued by Rottberg. Schmidt anticipated Gieseler in quotations from the sources, etc. 2 Lehrbuch der christl. Kirchengeschichte. Jena, 1817-26. 3 Best ed. by Smith, with notes by Guizot, Wenek, and Milman, N. Y., 1880, 6vols. Latest ed. by Bury, vol. i, Lond. andN.Y, 1896. 'Bested., Lond., 1871. 46 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. has long been the basis for text-books in Church history in most Protestant countries. It has been completely superseded in Ger many by works of more modern character, but still holds a place in Great Britain.1 Schroeckh's Christian Church History is the largest work in its department in the whole field of German theol ogy. It appeared in forty-five volumes, beginning in 1768 and con cluding in 1810. The last ten volumes are by the masterly hand of Tzschirner. We find in it a vast mass of important matter, with but little attempt at scientific classification. Schroeckh was the disciple of Mosheim, and his work is fair, sound in the main, and still indispensable. Planck was a rigid defender of orthodoxy. His History of the Rise, Changes, and Development of Protestant Doctrine appeared in 1791, and was the most important contribu tion to doctrinal history during the eighteenth century. Staudlin wrote several important monographs, his Universal History of the Christian Church being especially valuable as a compendium of facts. The Text-book of Church History by Gieseler, one of the best fruits of this school, is a dry recital of facts in a thoroughly critical and impartial spirit. It is invaluable for its study of the sources, many of which are largely quoted, or transferred bodily at the foot of the text. This makes Gieseler's work unique.2 Hase has written a History of the Christian Church in a moderately rationalistic spirit. It is an artistic presentation, bright, with many original and pregnant characterizations.3 1 I remember that once when listening to a lecture by Tholuck, in Halle that veteran teacher smiled with evident composure as he mentioned the fact that Mosheim's History was still used as a text-book at Oxford. John Wesley published an abridgment of Mosheim, and an Anglican clergyman performed the same service. This latter work was made the basis of a Church history by Ruter, published in New York, which first appeared as the work of a firm bear ing the name of Ruter'a Gregory's Mosheim's Church History. That work in time lost its partnership and finally appeared as Ruter's Church History. But Mosheim can be seen on every page of the poor plagiarism. There have been many editions in English of Mosheim's Institutes. The best is by Stubbs Lond., 1862. That by Murdock, new ed., N. Y, 1874, 3 vols., is enriched by the copious notes of that industrious Andover scholar, one of the founders of the science of Church History in America. The other editions are of little value. The Commentary on pre-Constantine Affairs, also by Murdock, N. Y. 1853, 2 vols., is full of learning and acute disquisitions. 2 The American edition of Gieseler, by the late Prof. H. B. Smith, D.D. (N. Y, 1855-80, 5 vols.), is very superior to either the original German or Scotch edition, because of the copious Anglo-Saxon literature. It is a model of judicious editing. 3^ The 7th ed. was translated by Blumenthal and Wing, N. Y. , 1855. A trans lation of the last edition is a desideratum. LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 47 (5.) The German Mediatory School. Out of the conflicts of German theology on the respective claims of faith and science there arose the Mediatory School, which sought to rec- SChleier- oncile the two. Schleiermacher, in his own remark- macher. able personality and labors, constitutes the transition from the cold rationalism of the eighteenth century to the scientific evangelical theology of the nineteenth. Neander was the first German theologian who stood fairly on the positive side. He spent his best efforts in historical studies. He was fascinated by the Church in its genetic stage, and no man of any age has equaled him in ability to penetrate its mys teries, separate the true from the false, discover the pure and worthy in our common Christianity, and clothe the life of the Church in vigorous and sympathetic language. His purpose was : " To exhibit the history of the Church of Christ as a living witness of the divine power of Christianity ; as a school of Chris tian experience ; a voice, sounding through the ages, of instruction, of doctrine, and of reproof for all who are disposed to listen." He believed that the force and significance of the Church lay in its individual life rather than in its universal character. His monographs on Julian, the Gnostics, Tertullian, Chrysostom, and Bernard indicated his emphasis on the value of the spir itually illuminated individual as a factor in the development of the Church. His great work, for which all his previous works were only a preparation, bears the title of History of the Christian Religion and Church.2 It was well said at his grave, "The last of the Church fathers has gone." His thirty- seven years as professor in Berlin, his gentle and loving spirit and childlike faith, the enthusiasm with which he lectured and wrote on the history of the Church, and his profound learning had the effect of imparting and enkindling an unparalleled interest in his torical studies. The best writers in historical theology who have appeared in Germany during the last three decades belong to the meander's school of Neander. Hagenbach delivered his History SCB00L- of the Church in the form of lectures to his students in 1 Preface to first edition of General History of Christian Religion and Church, vol. i, p. 6. 2 Trans, by Torrey, Bost., 12th ed., 1881, 5 vols, and Index vol. The history extends to 1430. Neander's Hist, of Dogmas, ed. by Jacobi, and his Hist. of the Planting and Training of the Church— both invaluable works— are pub lished in Bohn's Standard Library. See Schaff, Augustine, Melanchthon, and Neander, N. Y, 1886. 48 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Basle, and excels in freedom, clearness, and beauty of diction.' Kurtz has written an excellent History of the Church, but it is too encyclopedic to be attractive and inspiring.2 The Manual of Church History by Guericke is an attempt to combine the history of the Church with a history of doctrine.3 Niedner, the successor of Neander at Berlin, and Semiseh, the successor of Niedner, have each written in the spirit of their master, Neander.* The whole field of historical theology has been worked over in recent years in Germany with the utmost enthusiasm. A new harnack and spirit came in with Harnack, the disciple of Ritschl, others. a successor of Neander in Berlin University. With a clear view of Christianity as a supernatural force, and yet with a minimizing of miraculous details, Harnack has subjected the early literature to a penetrating criticism, and has given a fresh view of the growth of doctrine in his Dogma-History.6 There has been a remarkable advance in the ecclesiastical his toriography of the German theologians in the most recent years. It is impossible, in brief space, to individualize them. Zahn has made some fresh studies of great importance. The Zeitschrift fur His torische Theologie, the Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, Sybel's Historische Zeitschrift, and the numerous other scientific journals of theology and history have done much for the advancement of this study in Germany. The historical articles in the new edition of Herzog's Encyclopaedia, edited by Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck, are exhaustive discussions giving the recent views. (6.) The Tubingen historians. This group of historians of the Church is of combined rationalistic and pantheistic spirit. Ferdi nand Christian Baur, Professor in the University of Tubingen, was its chief representative. He carried into the domain of ecclesias tical history one of the fundamental principles of the Hegelian 1 Best ed., by Nippold, Leipz., 1885-87. Trans, in part in Hist, of the Refor mation, Edinb., 1878, 2 vols.; and Hist, of the Church in Eighteenth and Nine teenth Centuries, trans, by Hurst, N. Y, 1869, 2 vols. Best ed. of Hagenbach, Hist, of Doctrine, by Benrath, 1888, trans., Edinb., 1880, 3 vols. 1 All previous translations are superseded by Macpherson's from the 9th and 10th ed., Lond. and N. Y., 1890, 3 vols. See Ch. Q. R. (Lond.), xxix, 233; xxx, 499. 3 The American edition, by W. G. T. Shedd, 2 vols., Andover, 1857-70, comes only to A. D. 1073. 4 Lehrbuch der christl. Kirchengeschichte, last ed., Berl., 1866. Niedner wrote a number of works for the exclusive use of his students. Semiseh has written only monographs. s 1886-88, 2 vols. A translation of Hamack's smaller work on the same subject has been made by Prof. Mitchell, of Hartford Theological Seminary (N. Y. and Lond., 1894), and the first volume of a translation of the large his tory has been published, 1896. LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 49 philosophy : the subordination of the individual to the general ; the control of all minds and the ordering of all events by what he calls a rational world-spirit, whose laws are neces sary and infallible. Christianity is considered rather a fruit of this spirit than itself creative ; the servant rather than the master. Baur, in his Paul the Apostle of „._ .„ „ ' r BAUR AND THE Jesus Christ,1 makes the apostolic period his chief tdbingen field of attack upon the evangelical school. The SCH00L- contention of Baur is that early Christianity was composed of two elements, Paulinism and Petrinism, and that the Catholic Church of the second and third centuries was the result of the conciliation of this primitive Judaism and Universalism. Later studies have shown that Baur greatly exaggerated the antagonism between the Jewish and Christian elements, and his various conclusions con cerning the New Testament writings have been revised. The spiritual sense in him was overshadowed by an intense intellectual- ism, and this unfitted him for weighing spiritual phenomena. But his influence on historical research has been most profound, and he first marked the way along which much fruitful work has been done. He was the founder of the Tubingen school, which has long since had its day. Strauss, whose Life of Jesus appeared in 1825, applied destruc tive criticism to the Gospel history. It was the natural culmina tion of the pantheistic theology taught in Tubingen, strauss and Zeller has written in the spirit of Baur. Much of the ZELLER- Tubingen virus has passed into the present German Protestant As sociation, whose center is the Heidelberg University. This organ ization proposes to do away with all confessional restraints, and to introduce the so-called liberalism into every theological department. Schenkel, in his Character of Jesus Portrayed,2 was the first to de fine a doctrinal policy for the new movement. Nippold, of Heidelberg, later of Bern, now of Jena, has written a History of the Church in the Nineteenth Century, from the point of view of the German Protestant Association. All the his tory produced by this school betrays a total absence of appreciation of the deep religious life of the Church, and of the NIPP0LI) supernatural force whence it derives its origin and spirit. Rothe, when he wrote his Beginnings of the Christian Church and Constitution (1837), had not exhibited any sympathy with this free-thinking group. In his last years, however, with the 1 Second ed., Leipz., 1866. Eng. trans., Lond., 1873-75, 2 vols. See also his Church History of the First Three Centuries, 3d ed., 1863. Eng. trans., Lond., 1878-79, 3 vols. 2 American ed. , by Furness, 2 vols. Bost., 1866. 4 50 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. skeptical tendency in the other lecture rooms of Heidelberg, and depressed by serious domestic affliction, he used language at vari ance with his earnest and evangelical sermons delivered at Rome when chaplain in the Prussian Embassy, and with his masterly Ethics and Beginnings. But the evidence is too strong against his hav ing given any hearty support to men of the Schenkel school, although they used all possible effort to get the support of his strong name. (7.) The Evangelical historians of other European countries. In England very decided interest in historical theology has beenawak- tractarian ened during the last few decades. One of the first school. effects of the Tractarian movement at Oxford in 1833, under the leadership of Pusey, Keble, and John Henry Newman, was a new interest in the purer and better days of the Roman Catholic Church. One of the most original of these historical studies was Newman's Essay on the Development of Christian Doc trine, which appeared in 1845, shortly before his formal entrance into the Roman Catholic Church. The historical writings of the English theologians were, however, not at all confined to the Tractarian leaders. Waddington, Dean of Durham, wrote a clear and concise History of the Church (1833), ddington covering the ancient and mediaeval periods, and, later, milman, and' a History of the Reformation on the Continent (1841). Stanley. Milman has written a History of Christianity, a His tory of Latin Christianity, and a History of the Jews.1 His style is attractive, and his Latin Christianity especially is a noble monu ment to his great scholarship, liberal views, and fine historical sense. Dean Stanley has excelled all the Church historians of England in the glow and purity of his style and in the arrangement of his material. His chief historical works are : History of the Eastern Church, and History of the Jewish Church. His History of the Church of Scotland is of less value.8 James Craigie Robert son, Professor of Church History in King's College, London (d. 1882), wrote a History of the Christian Church to the Refor mation.3 It is a dry piece of historical patchwork, but it is fair, written from the sources, and is a convenient chronological work. Robert Vaughan (d. 1868) was one of the most thorough students and discriminating writers on the origins of the Nonconforming Churches. His Memorials of the Stuart Dynasty, Religious Parties in England, and English Nonconformity are excellent monographs. 1 New and revised ed. of his historical works was published in 15 vols., 1866- 67. Beware of earlier editions. 2 New ed. of his works. Lond. and N. Y., 1892. 3 New ed. Lond. and N. Y., 1873-75, 8 vols. LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 51 His son, the saintly Robert Alfred Vaughan, lived only long enough to produce, in his Hours with the Mystics,1 the best work .„„„„„ „ . . . . . thevaughans on the history and opinions of the Mystics in any Ian- and stough- guage. Stoughton has written a History of Religion in T0N- England, extending from the opening of the Long Parliament to the end of the eighteenth century (new and rev. ed., 1881, 6 vols.). Perry, in his History of the Church of England, has described the Established Church from the death of Elizabeth to the present time. Much valuable information on the ecclesiastical development of England is to be found in the works of Hunt and Tulloch, who treat theology rather than history, and of Green, who shows how far the progress of England is owing to the presence of the religious element in all stages of her growth.2 In France, Matter, a professor in Strasburg when Alsace belonged to France, wrote a General History of the Christian Church ;'" while his History of Moral and Political Doctrines of the frenchhis- First Three Centuries,4 and his Critical History of torians. Gnosticism,6 throw special light on these departments of ecclesias tical history. The historical labors of Pressense, with the exception of his Religion and the Reign of Terror, have been confined to the early period. He has written largely with an apologetic purpose in view, and with glowing style and profound sympathy with his themes. 6 In Switzerland, Merle d' Aubigne held a high place as an ecclesi astical historian. While yet a young man he chose the SWISS histori- Reformation as his field, and adhered to his purpose, ANS- with the exception of some minor monographs, throughout his life. His History of the Reformation 7 has been translated into all the principal languages, and, while it has been superseded by later works and is no longer an authority, it is a brilliant and, in the main, correct account by an enthusiast. Professor Chastel, of Geneva, in his History of Christianity," produced a work of great 1 1856 ; 6th ed., 1893. 2 Hunt, Religious Thought in England from the Reformation to the End of the Last Century, 3 vols., Lond., 1870-73. Tulloch, Rational Theology and Christian Philosophy in England in the Seventeenth Century, 2 vols., Edinb., 1872. Green, History of the English People, 4 vols. Best ed., N. Y., 1895. 3 2d ed., 4 vols., Paris, 1838. 4 Prize essay of the French Academy. Paris, 1836-37. 5 2d ed., 2 vols., Strasburg, 1843. 6 Hist, of the First Three Centuries of the Chr. Church, Eng. trans., Lond. and N. Y., 1869-78. ' Best ed. Hist, of Reformation, N. Y., 1863-79, 5 vols, for Lutheran Refor mation, and 8 vols, for Reformation in Time of Calvin. 8 Histoire du Christianisme, Paris (new ed., 8 vols.), 1881-84. 52 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. learning and ability, abounding in valuable historical monographs. The late Ernest Renan followed his Life of Christ with a History of the Origins of Christianity, written in fascinating style, and, especially on Marcus Aurelius and the second century, he has presented much new and striking matter.1 Paul Sabatier has published a Life of St. Francis of Assisi (1894) which has attracted considerable attention for its human interest and im partial method. It is one of the best studies of the Middle Ages. Its author, a Protestant, received the pope's blessing for his work, but the book, nevertheless, received the honor of being placed in the Index. In Holland we meet with the names of Hofstede de Groot, Span- heim, and Venema, whose Church histories reach to the sixteenth dutch his- century and are written with abundant learning. The torians. works of Basnages, father and son, are also of great service, and in Jean le Clerc's Study of the First Two Centuries we come upon good specimens of historical criticism (1716). Van Oosterzee has treated ecclesiastical history only incidentally, his labors being largely occupied with doctrinal theology, particularly on its apologetic side. His Life of Christ is a masterpiece of com bined historical and apologetic treatment. Chautepie de la Saus- saye has written a work on the Religious Crisis in Holland,2 a choice monograph on the later attempts to infuse rationalism into the fiber of the Dutch Church. 6. Modern Roman Catholic historians. After the Reformation had become an accomplished fact, the historical labors of the Roman Catholic Church were largely confined to a defense of the earlier history. Even Baronius had nothing new to present. As modern ro- to the French writers, they were more independent ™3,T=LIC than either the Carman or Italian. Here and there an lllbl t' hi A.VS. _ - , 111 Italian broke loose from the prevailing submissive- ness, as with the monk Sarpi. His History of the Council of Trent ' was in a measure an attack on the historical delinquen cies of Romanism. Among French historians were the following : Godeau, the author of a History of the Church of Christ to the Ninth Century ; 4 Natalis Alexander (Noel), who wrote an Ecclesi astical History to the Council of Trent ; 5 Bossuet, a Universal His- 1 Lond. trans., 7 vols., 1890. His picture of Jesus is a romance. 2 La Crise Beligieuse en Hollande. Leyde, 1860. 3 Best ed., Naples, 1790. Eng. trans., 1676. 4 3 vols. Paris, 1663. 5 30 vols. Paris, 1676, and later. Best ed., Bingii ad Bhen., 1785-90. His treatment of the mediaeval Church created scandal in Rome, and the great work of Alexander was allowed to go uncondemned only after Eoncagli had pre pared an edition giving extensive corrections. Lucca, 1734. the eight eenth CEN- LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 53 tory from the Beginning of the World to the Empire of Charle magne ; ' Fleury, an Ecclesiastical History,2 extending down to 1414 ; and the Jansenist Tillemont, who wrote an Ecclesiastical History of the First Six Centuries.3 Both Fleury and Tillemont were distinguished for elegance of style and a critical spirit. Du Pin (d. 1719) published a Biographical and Literary History of the Church down to the Seventeenth Century,4 which was followed by a similar work by Ceillier 6 — both works of immense learning and research and written in an independent spirit. The French Benedictines of St. Maur did great service by critical editions of the fathers and by their works in Christian antiquities. Mabillon, Montfaucon, Ruinart, Martene, Durand, are a few of these eminent names. The more important historians of the eighteenth century were Choisy, Ducreux, and Berault-Bercastel. To the present cen tury belong Lacroix, Robiano, Henrion, and, most important of any French ecclesiastical historian of the nineteenth century, Rohrbacher, who wrote a Universal History of the Church.0 Among the German Catholic historians are the romanticist and poet, Stolberg, who wrote a History of the Religion of historians of Jesus Christ, extending to A. D. 430 ; 7 Katerkamp, a History of Religion to the Founding of the General TUKY- Church,8 and a Church History to A. D. 1153 ; " Dollinger, a Text-book of Church History; 10 and the Church Histories of Alzog," Kraus, and Hergenrother — all scholarly works, written by original investigators, though in the Roman interest. The Wetzer and Welte Church Lexicon is rich in historical matter, but in the second edition by Kaulen the revisions are reacationary, and GERMAN E0_ prompted by the Vatican spirit.12 Hefele's History man catholic of the Councils is our best authority for the gen- HIST0RIANS- eral councils of the Church. 1S It was continued by Knopfler and 'Paris, 1681. Complete works, new ed., 59 vols., Paris, 1825. 2 20 vols. Paris, 1691 , and later. Best ed. , with continuation to 1584 by Claude Fabre, with 4 vols, of Indexes, 40 vols. Paris, 1722-36. An Eng. trans, to 870. Lond., 1727-32. Cardinal Newman trans, with notes, 381-456. Oxf., 1842-44, 3 vols. Fleury is frank and fair, and though dry and wearisome still remains one of the best historians. s 16 vols. Paris, 1693-98. 4 19 vols. Paris and Amst., 1688-1715, fol. New ed., with continuations by Goujet and Petit-Didier to the 18th cent. Paris, 1698, and later, 61 vols., including the critique of R. Simon. 5 23 vols., 4to. Paris, 1729-63 ; new ed., 1858-64 ; 17 vols. 6 29 vols. Paris, 1842-48 ; 4th ed. by Chantral, 1864, and later. 1 15 vols. Hamb., 1806-18. 8 Minister, 1819. 9 5 vols. MOnster, 1823-24. 10 Eng. ed. , 4 vols. Lond., 1840-42. "Amer. ed., 3 vols. Cine, 1874-78. " Freib., 1880, and later. 13 Trans, of first portion down to 787, 5 vols. Edinb., 1871-96. 54 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Hergenrother ' down to, and including, the Council of Trent. Locherer and Jungmann have written solid histories. Johannes Janssen attempted the reconstruction of German Church History in his History of the German People,2 which created a sensation in Ger many and elicited numerous Protestant replies. The Belgian Bene dictine, Bellesheim, has written a History of the Catholic Church in Scotland, which, for the most part, may be highly commended.3 In England the Roman Catholic historians have done but little as yet. The best is Lingard, whose Antiquities of the Anglo- Saxon Church is now somewhat antiquated, but whose ENG-LISH RO- man catholic History of England to 1688 is of great permanent value.4 historians. Lingard was a scholar of judicial spirit, and though he needs correction in the light of later writers, he is indispensable as giving the conclusions of an independent Catholic investigator. Cardinal Newman wrote while still a churchman a History of the Arians in the Fourth Century,5 to which he added various in teresting essays. Allies carried forward an ambitious work on the Formation of Christendom which is still incomplete. Gasquet and Bridgett have written on various aspects of the Reformation and post-Reformation period in English history, and their researches are indispensable to the student of English Church history. Mor ris, Drane, Gillow, Pollen, H. T. Coleridge, and Formby, in col lections of original documents and in other works have rendered great service to historical literature. Two English churchmen should not be forgotten — Frederic G. Lee, because of his Studies of the English Reformation ; and Samuel R. Maitland, because of his Dark Ages." The latter brings much new light, and in a fresh and charming manner dissipates many venerable prejudices. 7. American Ecclesiastical historians. It has been a just ground of lament that until recently but little taste has been manifested in the United States for Church history. The late Henry B. Smith thus accounted for our dearth of the historical spirit : "As a people we are more deficient in historical training than in almost any other wants of scientific research. We live in an earnest and tumultuous present, looking to a vague future, and comparatively American ec- cut off f rom the prolific past which is still the mother msTot!ou-AL of us alL ~We f orget that the youngest people are also the raphy. oldest, and should therefore be most habituated to those ' fearless and reverent questionings of the sages of other times which,' as Jeffrey well says, ' are the permitted necromancy of the wise.' 1 1873-91. 2 12th ed. , 6 vols. , 1888. 3 Eng. trans. , Edinb. , 1887-90, 4 vols. 4 6th ed., Load., revised and enlarged, 1854, 13 vols. K Lond., 1833 ; new ed., 1888. « Lond., 1845 ; new ed., 1893. LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 55 "Americans love the abstractions of political theories and of theology better than we do the concrete realities of history. Church history has been studied from a sort of general notion that it ought to be very useful, rather than from a lively conviction of its inherent worth. History is to us the driest of studies, and the history of the Church is the driest of the dry — a collection of bare names and facts and lifeless dates. It is learned by rote, and kept up by mnemonic helps."1 This is confirmed by a statement of J. A. Alexander, who says : " Our national tendency, so far as we have any, is to slight the past and overrate the present. This unhistorical peculiarity is constantly betraying itself in various forms, but it is nowhere more conspicuous and more injurious than in our theology. Hence the perpetual resuscitation of absurdities a thousand times exploded, the perpetual renewal of attempts which have a thousand times been proved d'er's lament abortive. Hence the false position which rehgion has 0TER AMEEI- r ... CAN HISTOR- been forced to assume in reference to various inferior yet ical barren- important interests, to science, literature, art, and civil NESS' government. Hence, too, the barrenness and hardness by which much of our religious history is distinguished, because cut off from the inexhaustible sources which can only be supplied by history." " But it is now forty-five years since these regrets at the neglect of historical studies in -American theology were expressed, and during this interval great progress has been made. Church history was, earlier, a neglected department in our theological schools, but no theological seminary of fair character in the United awaking of States is now without its professorship of historical tohicalRHIS" theology; The labors of Prescott, Bancroft, Motley, taste. Kirk, and Parkman, and the genial works of Irving, have had an important effect in awakening a popular historical taste, while the contributions in the theological department are fully equal in ability and interest. Our chief support has come from abroad. The best historical works of Great Britain and Germany have been promptly intro duced among us. Professor Henry B. Smith published smith, lam- an excellent original Tabular History of the Church ; ^ea, an™0' Lamson, a History of the Early Church; Shedd, a fisher. treatise on the Philosophy of History, and a History of Christian Doctrine ; Henry Charles Lea, a layman, important monographs on the Church in special relation to Roman Catholicism, showing im mense research and opening up new fields, and a monumental His- 1 Bib. Sacra, 1851, pp. 414, 415. 2 Bib. Repertory and Princeton Review, 1847. 56 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. tory of the Inquisition ; Fisher, a History of the Reformation, Beginnings of Christianity, an admirable History of the Church in one volume, and some masterly historical essays. The labors of Philip Schaff belong rather to the United States than to Germany. Although a native of Switzerland and a student in the German universities, his remarkable literary productiveness is a part of the theological wealth of this country. No ecclesias tical historian has equaled him in the general arrangement, group ing, and proportionate use of historical material, nor in the literary and religious genius which pervades the whole. His History of the Christian Church bears all the traces of his German ' " '" " ¦"" culture and profound sympathy with the spirit and instructions of Neander. At the same time all his theological labors reveal his thorough identification with American institu tions, and a clear conception of the needs and opportunities of the ecclesiastical life of the Church in the United States. What Car- lyle did for the introduction of German literature into England, Schaff did for the introduction and safe utilization of the evangel ical theology of Germany into the United States, the third and largest home of the Teutonic race. Schaff went over more ground than any other historian, treating the whole history of the Church to the Reformation in an elaborate manner, including two volumes on the German and Swiss Reforma tion. The second part of the Mediaeval Period was left incomplete at his death, but it will appear. Of equal importance is his Creeds of Christendom, the most extensive work of the kind in any lan guage. Schaff founded the American Society of Church History in 1888, which has been the means of eliciting invaluable monographs from him and other American scholars, and has published annually a full report of its proceedings, etc., 1889-96, 8 vols., N. Y. Henry C. Sheldon has written an excellent History of Doctrine, and a History of the Church. Henry M. Baird has made extensive studies in French Huguenot history, and R. W. Thompson has in- sheldon, vestigated the Relation of the Papacy to Civil Affairs. baird, and Mombert has given the best History of Charles the Great in any language, and in briefer form has done work equally well on the History of the Crusades, and the History of the English Bible. Gillett traced the Course of English Reli gious Thought in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries, and wrote a History of John Huss in two large volumes, both works monuments of American scholarship. The following special works. are conscientious studies by careful writers : Bernard of Clairvaux, by Storrs ; Knox, by Taylor ; Savonarola, by Professor Clark, of LITERARY DEVELOPMENT OF CHURCH HISTORY. 57 Toronto ; Mediaeval History, by Professors McLaughlin and Emer- ton ; Molinos, by Bigelow ; Alcuin, by West ; The Early Religious History of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by Cathcart, Moffat, and DeVinne respectively ; the Reformation in Sweden, by Butler ; the Canons of the First Councils, by Fulton ; contributions to Dante literature, by Davidson, Longfellow, Norton ; History of Humane Progress, by Brace ; Mediaeval Civilization, by Adams ; the Luther ans and the English Reformation, by Jacobs ; Baptism in History, by Burrage ; a History of the Anabaptists in Switzerland, by the same author ; and various works by that enthusiastic investigator, Henry M. Dexter. The American Church has produced more denominational his tories than works of a general historical character. This is largely due to our active confessional life and the absence of the State Church system. Bacon, Dexter, Punchard, and Wil- denomina- liston Walker have written on the Congregational ™^" „TO 0 ° CHURCH HI9" Church ; White, Burgess, Perry, McConnell, and Tif- tory. fany, on the Protestant Episcopal Church ; Hodge, Gillett, Web ster, Briggs, and R. E. Thompson, on the Presbyterian Church ; Bangs, Stevens, and Atkinson, on the Methodist Episcopal Church ; McTyeire, on the Methodist Episcopal Church, South ; Mayer, Harbaugh, and Dubbs, on the German Reformed Church ; Dema- rest and Corwin, on the Reformed Dutch Church ; Wolf, Jacobs, Grabner, Schaeffer, and Schmucker, on the Lutheran Church ; Ellis, Ware, and Allen, on the Unitarian Church ; and Noethen, Shea, and Clarke, on the Roman Catholic Church. The American Society of Church History has inaugurated a series of denomina tional histories written with reference to the best authorities and in a liberal and catholic spirit. The books in this series already pub lished are the earnest of a grand future for American historiog raphy. There need be no ground for alarm as to the future progress and independence of historical theology in the United States. The conditions which have limited our development in this respect in the past are rapidly disappearing. The American Church has been compelled to address itself to grave social and evangelistic ques tions, and has confronted them with courage and vigor. At its distance from the great fields of persecution and protracted con troversy it will in time acquire that needful equipoise of mind for inquiring carefully and pronouncing judiciously concerning the great matters of the general life of the Church. Concerning that past we can well expect that the American Church will be a wise inquirer and an apt disciple at its feet. 58 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE OF THE EARLY CHURCH. I. GENERAL. For the recent literature of the general history of the ancient Church we refer to the following : 1. Stanley, A. P. Sermons and Essays on the Apostolic Age. Lond., 1847 ; new ed., 1891. Christian Institutions. Lond. and N. Y., 1881 ; new ed., 1884. Scholarly and original. 2. Neander, A. Planting and Training of the Christian Church. Translated by J. E. Eyland, with the Antignostikus, or Spirit of Tertullian. Lond., 1850. 2 vols. Trans, rev. according to the 4th German ed., by E. G. Bobinson, N. Y., 1864. A sympathetic, profound, and clear view of the Apostolic Church. 3. Burton, E. Lectures on the Ecclesiastical History of the First Three Centuries. Oxf., 1831 ; new ed., 1855. 4. Maurice, F. D. Lecture on the Ecclesiastical History of the First and Second Centuries. Camb., 1854. 5. Broglie, J. V. A. Due de. L'feglise et l'Empire Bomain au IV. Siecle. 2d ed., Paris, 1857-69, 6 vols. A thorough study. 6. De Pressense, E. Histoire des trois premiers Siecles de l'Eglise Chre- tienne. Paris, 1858-77, 4 vols. ; new ed., 1887-89 ; Eng. trans., Lond. and N. Y., 1869-78, 4 vols.; new ed., Lond., 1889. 7. Killen, "W. D. The Ancient Church : Its History, Doctrine, Worship, and Constitution. Lond., 1859 ; new ed., 1889. N. Y., 1883, 3d ed., revised and enlarged. Excellent. 8. Bright, W. History of the Church from 313 to 451. Lond., 1860; 5th ed., 1888. 9. Dollinger, J. J. I. von. Gentile and Jew in the Courts of the Temple of Christ. Lond., 1862, 2 vols. First Age of Christianity and the Church. Lond., 1866, 2 vols.; new ed., 1877. Best of all works on the borderland between paganism and Christianity. 10. Hausrath, A. History of New Testament Times. Lond., 1878-80, 2 vols. 11. Schiirer, E. History of Jewish People in the Time of Christ. Edinb., 1885-91, 5 vols. 12. Baur, F. C. Church History of the First Three Centuries. Lond., 1878- 79, 2 vols. The works of Dollinger, Hausrath, Schiirer, and Baur, all translated from the German, exhibit true German thoroughness, and sometimes the German love of speculation. Dollinger wrote chiefly while a Roman Catholic ; but he was always of a liberal and historic temper. Hausrath has somewhat of a rationalistic bent, and Baur spins out his peculiar views in his profound and penetrating way. 13. Smith, P. History of the Church during the First Ten Centuries. Lond. andN. Y, 1878. LITERATURE OF THE EARLY CHURCH. 59 14. Keim, C. T. Rom und das Christenthum. Berl., 1881. This posthumous volume is a masterly survey of the early struggles of Christianity. Im portant also is his Aus dem Urchristenthum. Zurich, 1878. 15. Wordsworth, Chr. Church History to the Council of Nicsea. Lond. and N. Y., 1881. Written from the High Church point of view. 16. Farrar, F. W. Early Days of Christianity. Lond. and N. Y., 1882. 17. Ewald, H. History of Israel, vol. vii, Apostolic Age ; vol. viii, Postapos tolic Age. Lond., 1883. 18. Fitzgerald, W. Lectures on Ecclesiastical History. Lond., 1885, 2 vols. Able discussions by the Episcopal Bishop of Cork. 19. Armitage, W. Sketch of Church and State during the First Eight Cen turies. Lond., 1887. 20. Carr, A. The Church and the Eoman Empire. Lond. and N. Y., 1887. Plummer, A. The Church of the Early Fathers. Lond. and N. Y. , 1887. These belong to the excellent series, Epochs of Church History, edited by Creighton. 21. Duff, D. The Early Church : A History of Christianity in the First Six Centuries. Edinb., 1891. Posthumous lectures by the able professor of Church History in the United Presbyterian College, Edinburgh. 22. Idghtfoot, J. B. Dissertations on the Apostolic Age. Lond. and N. Y., 1892. Reprinted from his Commentaries. Model discussions in research and candor. 23. Moeller, W. Church History, A. D. 1-600. Translated by A. Eutherford. Lond., 1892. Scholarly and scientific. 24. Slater, W. F. Faith and Life of the Early Church. Lond., 1892. One of the most valuable of the recent books. 25. Cheetham, S. History of the Church in the First Six Centuries. Lond. and N. Y., 1894. 26. Weizsaeker, C. von. The Apostolic Age of the Christian Church. Lond. and N. Y., 1894. Written with rationalistic presuppositions. Treatmeni of resurrection of Christ weak and halting. As » whole, however, a work of great ability. We might add here the brilliant essays of Benan in his remarkable series on the Origins of Christianity, beginning with the Apostles, Paris, 1866, and continuing to St. Paul, 1869 ; the Anti- Christ, 1872 ; the Gospels and the Second Christian Generation, 1877 ; the Christian Church, comprising the reigns of Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, 1879, and concluding with the masterly and eloquent volume on Marcus Aurelius, 1881. These works have all been translated into Eng. lish, Lond., n. d. In them Benan appears at his best, in his free treat. ment and characterizations, and fine historical knowledge, but with no sympathy with the supernatural element in history, or with the piety, reverence, and heroism which made the Church conquer the world. On the early Church, see also the appropriate departments in the General Church Histories, and the special works mentioned in the course of this History. LT. CHRISTIANITY AND THE ROMAN EMPrRE. 1. Schiller, H. Geschichte d. rom. Kaiserzeit unter d. Eegierung d. Nero. Berl., 1872. 2. Friedlander, L. Sittengeschichte Roms, 4th ed., 1874. 60 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 3. Mommsen, T. Romisches Staatsrecht. Berl., 1875. The Roman Prov inces. Lond. and N. Y., 1888. 4. Harnack, A. Christianity and Christians at the Court of the Roman Em perors before the Time of Constantine. In Princeton Review, July, 1878 ; pp. 239-80. 5. Renan, E. The Influence of Rome on Christianity. Lond., 1880. 6. Fisher, G. P. The Influence of the Old Roman Spirit and Religion on Latin Christianity. In Discussions in History and Theology. N. Y., 1880 ; pp. 34-67. 7. Arnold, W. T. The Roman System of Provincial Administration. Lond., 1879. An able essay. 8. Volz. Die Anfange des Christenthums. Leipz., 1888. 9. Bury, J. B. History of the Later Roman Empire. Lond. and N. Y., 1889, 2 vols. A notable work. 10. Kingsley, C. The Roman and the Teuton ; new ed., with preface by Max Mailer. Lond. and N. Y., 1889. 11. Addis. W. E. Christianity and the Roman Empire. Lond., 1893. THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 61 THE ANCIENT CHURCH. FIRST PERIOD. THE APOSTOLIC AGE. A. D. 1-101. CHAPTER I. THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. I. THE GREEKS, THEIR FAITH AND PHILOSOPHY. The intellectual preparation of the world for Christianity was wrought out by the Greek culture and Roman organization. With a land singularly beautiful, and so situated as to appropriate and crystallize the best thought from Assyria, Persia, and Egypt, and to reproduce and distribute it to the Roman power in the West, the Greeks performed a work not less important in its relations to Christianity than to the best period of the classic age. They were of various origin. In the diversity of their ancestry, the versatility of their genius, their steady mastery of difficulty, their power to absorb the strong and the good from every quarter, and their sin gular capacity to originate- and propagate new ideas,, the Greeks were the Anglo-Saxons of the ancient world. As the THe greek present English race is the offspring of Briton, Saxon, KA0E- Angle, Dane, Gael, and Norman, so in the veins of the Greek there flowed the blood of many tribes, from the north, the east, and the south. The Hellene combined in his person the strong elements of all great national and tribal forces of the world, except ing only the Hebrew. He was born of the throes of the ancient Pe- lasgi, themselves composite, like the Frank and the Saxon ; the Minyae ; the Pierian and Boeotian Thracians, whose bards had been long dead before Homer was born ; the Leleges and Carians ; the Dardanians and Teucrians ; the Tyrrhenian Pelasgi, from the northern Mgean Islands, and Attica and Argos ; the Phoenician Cad- means, the Boeotian Arneans, and the Acheeans, the Ionians, and 62 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the Dorians.1 Coming of such intense blood, he was ready to make his broad place in history. While the faith of the Greeks reveals traces of Eastern origin, it underwent such transformation that it became a complete organ ism, and, in the splendor of its strength and the luxuriance of its fancy, passed over, as a vast and far-reaching mythology, to the Romans. This latter people, the perpetual borrowers from the East, went through all the stages of their history with a utilita- intellectual rian faith overlaid by that of the Greeks. For purely in- ofHthIEMENTS tellectual achievements the Greeks were potent in every greeks. field. In the higher walks of literature they pursued such a course, and attained such excellence, that their productions in dramatic and lyric poetry, in wise legislation, forensic eloquence, and speculative philosophy, and the arts of painting and sculpture, have been regarded as masterpieces, and, at this distance, still serve as models. iEschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides ; Solon and Lycur- gus ; Demosthenes, iEschines, and Isocrates ; Aristotle, Socrates, and Plato ; Herodotus, Xenophon, and Thucydides ; and Apelles and Phidias, are teachers for the race. Their mission has not been superseded by the later introduction and propagation of Christianity. The extent to which the religion of Christ has subsidized for its own vast purposes the language and thought of the Greeks cannot be measured. The intellect of Greece, therefore, besides having all the fervor of youth and the vigor of maturity, was endowed with the rare and subtle power of working for every later historic period, and of becoming an un conscious agent for the advancement of Christianity in all its fields. The religious belief of the Greek was a reflection of his quick and serious intellect and rich sssthetic nature. Like his varied origin in race, his religion was the product of multiform forces. He derived his faith from the floating traditions of his forefathers, religious be- which so crystallized in the poems of Homer and Hesiod lief of the that these two poets were the theological teachers of the Greeks down to the rise of their philosophy. The Greek mythology, as with all forms of polytheism, was primarily a deification of natural forces, of the elements patent to the senses. To the Hellene, Nature was nowhere deaf, or dumb, or blind, and, in the popular mind, became the protectress of man. From this 1 Dollinger, Jew and Gentile, i, 75. Duncker, Hist, of Greece, i, 9, sqq., does not accept the composite origin of the Greek race. He takes no stock in Herodotus's distinction between the Pelasgic and Hellenic nations, v. Herod. , i, 56. Herodotus says also that " many barbarian races have allied themselves" with the Hellenic nation. THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 63 general foundation it is easy to see that the pagan pantheon could enlarge illimitably. The mythology had an undisputed reign of about five centuries, until Thales, about B. C. 600, arose and spoke the first word in protest against its worth and place in the thought and worship of man. A survey of these systems is necessary for a candid view of the historical soil which received the new Christianity. The history of Greek philosophy is divided by a political event, the downfall of Alexander's empire, into two parts : First, from B. C. 600 to B. C. 324. Here belong the better schools — the Ionic, ° ' SYSTEMS OF the early Pythagorean, the Eleatic, the Atomistic, and greek phi- the Sophist schools, and the three systems of Socrates, l0S0PHY- Plato, and Aristotle. The second period extends from B. C. 324 down to A. D. 530. Here arose the schools of the decadence — the Stoics, the Epicureans, and the Skeptics. To them succeeded, after a long interval, Neoplatonism, introduced by Plotinus, A. D. 204-269. This system exhausted itself in the labors of the Athenian commentators, about A. D. 530. J As the Neoplato- nists originated nothing, and their system was only the last effort of pagan philosophy to rehabilitate itself by borrowing some Christian drapery, a discussion of it will be reserved for treatment in con nection with the contemporaneous history of the Church. The Ionic and Eleatic schools founded by Thales, of Miletus, and Xenophanes, an exile in Elea, confined their attention to deal ing with physical facts, and accounting for the original I0NI0 AKD ELE. essence from which all matter has been evolved. Their ATI° schools. opinions were divided between air and water as the original essence. The Eleatics were thoroughly pantheistic. At no period of Greek philosophy were the protests stronger against the prevailing my thology. Heraclitus, a leader of the school, said of his own people : " They address prayers to images ; they might as well enter into conversation with their houses." At another time he said : "We ought to expel Homer — the minstrel who sang the Iliad at the games — by the public constable from the festal solemnities, because his works stuff the people with unseemly notions." The Pythagorean school, founded by Pythagoras, B. C. 586, was employed in the investigation of moral and religious themes. Pythagoras said : " I have no art ; I am a philosopher ; " and to speculative philosophy in its higher forms he remained THE PTTHag- true. With him and his followers number is the eter- oreans. nal, self-originated bond of the eternal continuance of the uni verse. Harmony underlies all the relations of the world. Virtue 1 Ueberweg, History of Philosophy, i, 255. 64 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. itself is only another name for cosmos, or harmony. Creation was a progress from the crude to the perfect. There is a universal soul embracing all things. The soul is immortal, but migrates through all ages. Reflection is one of man's chief necessities. His whole life must be symmetrical. He said : " We must wait for the last day of a man." Because of the large place which Pythag- atomists and oras gaTe to numbers Aristotle said keenly of him : sophists. 1 1 Mathematics is his philosophy." The distinguishing doctrine of the Atomists, at whose head stood Democritus (B. C. 460), was the eternity of matter. The soul is only a finer form of body, and both it and the grosser material organism are made up of atoms. These atoms have combined and assumed form because of an internal necessity. The Sophists never attained the dignity of a school. They consisted of such men as Gorgias, Protagoras, and Prodicus, who derided all that was lofty and serious in the existing systems. They were the skeptics of their age, restless inquirers, and occupied a position somewhat analogous to that of the French encyclopedists of the eighteenth century. The Socratic school was founded by Socrates, B. C. 469-399. It was an honest attempt to restore philosophy to its proper domain, socratic to heal it of the infirmities that had gathered about it, school. an(j to make it the instrument for the solution of the great problems of being. The leader attached absolute value to ethics, and only relative importance to physics. The human mind has the power of deciding truth, when once it knows how to use its endowments. The soul is allied, by similarity of nature, to deity. Deity is one, however varied his manifestations, and matter is his work, and proves a designing mind. Man has a future life, and the worship of God is the highest duty and the best preparation for the future. He at length aroused the Athenian democracy, and, on a series of trumped-up charges which really veiled political animosity, he was convicted and put to death. Plato (B. C. 430-350) was the philosopher of the spirit. A dis ciple of Socrates, and present when his teacher drank the hemlock, platonism Plato followed only partially in his footsteps. He pro- and chris- ceeded far beyond the Socratic world of outward and TIAN1TY * *i v i visible phenomena, and recognized the spirituality of man's nature. The subjective spiritual nature is akin to the divine, not in any sense identical with it, but always dependent upon it. The spirit has certain needs which can only be satisfied in the Supreme Being. Here lies the intimate connection of the Platonic philosophy and Christianity, and it is not surprising that great teachers in the early Church should not only have regarded it as THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 65 prophetic of Christianity, but that it should have been to them the medium of transition to Christianity.1 Eusebius expressed the true relation of Plato when he said : " He alone of all the Greeks reached the vestibule of truth and stood upon its threshold." Jus tin Martyr, Clemens of Alexandria, Origen and his school, Augus tine, Schleiermacher, and Neander are only a few to whom Plato has proved a schoolmaster, leading them to Christ. Aristotle (B. C. 384—322) likewise attached great importance to the human spirit, but his mind was critical, while Plato was more poetic, spiritual, and ideal. The former asserted an eternal, immovable substance, the source of all movement. The primary notion of this substance is that it is energy. Matter is not self-caused, nor does it cause anything else. There is a first cause beyond and above it. It is immaterial, the Supreme Reason, God.' With the Aristotelian system the best philosophical thought of the Greek mind was exhausted. The decline in speculative science was simultaneous with that of the Greek nationality itself, as a result of the disruption of Alexander's empire. Philosophy became less serious, reverent, and spiritual. Zeno (B. C. 340-260), the founder of the Stoic system, ignored the spiritual ele- THE 8TOI0 ment and advocated unmixed materialism. There are system. only two principles — matter, and an innate and eternal force dwell ing in matter. There is nothing real but the material ; even space and time are only chimeras of the mind. Everything that has a real existence can be recognized only through the senses. Zeno, therefore, repudiated both the ideas of Plato and the incorporeal and immaterial substance of Aristotle, and regarded both as mere abstractions of human thought.3 The Stoic school passed through many changes, and was finally represented at Rome by L. A. Seneca.4 A pantheistic element pervaded its whole history. The 1 F. C. Baur, in his Das Christliche des Platonismus (Tubingen, 1837), treats the Christian element in Plato in full ; and Ackermann, in his Das Christliche im Plato und in der plat. Philosophie (Hamb., 1835), gives parallel passages between this philosopher and the New Testament writers. This work has been translated, The Christian Element in Plato (Edinb., 1861). On the whole subject of the Greek influence on Christianity see Hatch, Hibbert Lec tures for 1888. ' The best treatment of Greek thought in its unconscious prophecies of Christ in both the richness and poverty of its best literature is given by Bishop Westcott, Eeligious Thought in the West. Lond. and N. Y., 1891, especially pp. 1-252. 3 Dollinger, Heidenthum und Judenthum, pp. 319, 320. 4 For the best that can be said of Seneca and the best Stoics as anticipating Christianity, see Addis, Christianity and the Roman Empire. Lond., 1893, pp. 22-25 ; Farrar, Seekers After God. Lond., new ed., 1892. 5 the skeptics. 66 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Epicurean system established by Epicurus (B. C. 342-270) was strongly antagonistic to the Stoic. It regarded the world as the product of chance, and essentially denied the existence of the gods, but advised Borne care in expressing the denial. The Skeptics — the New Academy — with Acesilaus (B. C. 318- 244) and Carneades (B. C. 213-130) as leaders, assumed a hostile attitude toward the previous systems because of their alleged incongruities, and sank into gross skepticism and indifference. The latest philosophical tendency of the Greeks was the least satisfactory. The general attitude of philosophy toward the popular religious faith was that of hostility and contempt. Here lies one of the causes why the morals of the Greeks never became as corrupt as those of the Romans. With the latter there were so few independ ent writers on great moral and philosophical themes that the popular mythology was permitted to exert its natural influence. Only in the later period, as in the first century of the Christian protest era, could there be found men who were willing and currenVmy- hrave to enter a protest against the gross mythology. thology. Even the men whose voices were loudest against the polytheism of their times never wholly escaped from it. In their last moments they paid tribute to the error against which their whole lives were an eloquent protest. The last words of Socrates were, when his extremities were already cold in death : " Crito, we owe a cock to iEsculapius. Pay the debt, and do not neglect it. " Seneca, the most notable representative of the divine unity among the Romans, in the hour of his suicide poured out a libation to "Jove the Liberator." | With the decline of the Greek nationality the power of Greece as a vital and productive force, whether in philpjophy, literature, or politics, passed away. Long before the dissolution of the Achaean failure of League in B. C. JJkk the splendid promise of paganism philosophy. jn this its fairest field had met with a complete col lapse. Its mission now lay in the future through the life-giving touch of Christ. Hegel touches the keynote of its significance when he calls her history the "play of youth." Her philosophers had failed either to bring the people to unity of belief or morality in life. Cicero spoke of this failure when he said : ' ' In such difference of opinion amongst the wise we are in no position to know our lords and masters, aB in fact we are uncertain whether we are the subjects of the sun or ether." ' But the feilure^of^Grjece was the levgr^of Christianity. Her 1 Acad em., ii, p. 41. THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. C7 philosophy which had failed as a guide was to become a servant. Greece had given the world a training in the contemplation of seri ous subjects, and had directed thought toward the problems of the soul_and [of destiny. The early Christian writers recognized this service. Clement of Alexandria said nobly that jjhi- _„.___«¦-— ¦«?»„.,™r»»» J •>*• SERVICE OF losophy was a gift which divine Providence had itself greece to intrusted to the best of the Greeks as an educator for CHRISTIANITY- Christianity.1 Tertullian said of the Greek philosophers that they had knocked at the doors of the truth,3 a beautiful figure which Bossuet borrows and thus enlarges upon : " Though the philoso phers be the protectors of error, they have nevertheless often knocked at the door of truth ; if they have not entered its sanc tuary, if they have not had the joy of seeing it and worshiping it in its temple, they have often presented themselves at its portico, and rendered it worship from afar." s The early Christian writers, too, were not slow in turning upon their opponents the denunci ations of the popular mythology by their own philosophers and poets. But the great service which Greece rendered to Christianity was in furnishing it a world-wide Janguage, the most beautiful, the most flexible, the most expressive the world has ever the greek known.* The Greeks built more wisely than they knew. language. They contributed less to the glory of Greece than to the diffusion of Christianity, the development of its doctrine, and the beauty of its culture in every age.4 II. THE ROMAN EMPIRE. The Romans were not less potent, but in a different field, than the Greeks in preparing the way for the diffusion of Christianity. While their literature and religion were shaped after Greek models, their national character was of a different type. While the Greeks were imaginative and passionately fond of the beautiful in both form and thought, the Romans were practical, fond of law, and the romans as capable of rule. As qrgar4^ers and lawjnakjsjs they have organizers, never been surjjajggjt. No sooner was a province conquered than, by wise administration, they knew how to assimilate 1 Strom., vi, 693, 694. 2 Veritatis fores pulsant. 3 Panegyrique de Sainte Catherine. 4 Frederick W. Robertson has treated the Greek preparation for Christianity with characteristic discrimination and lucidity. He does equal justice to both the negative and positive aspects of the subject. Sermons, 1st series, ser mon xi. 68 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. its people to their own body politic, and where they were unable to overcome by arms, as in the case of the Batavi, they had the adroit ness to annex in such a way as to satisfy barbarian pride and yet utilize their new citizens for the hazards of war and the enrichment of the national treasury. When Christ appeared the political power of the world was in Roman hands. Palestine was under the administration of Roman deputies, and the countries first visited by the apostles were a part of the marvelous network of Roman territory. Paul, the Greek preacher, enjoyed and asserted the rights of Roman citizenship. The the romans as Roman armies passed freely along both shores of the road builders. Mediterranean, and followed their eagles from the Pil lars of Hercules to the banks of the Euphrates. The great high ways over which they passed were constructed so strongly that many of them are still in existence, and the ruins of their stone viaducts vie with those of their temples as among their best remains, in the Campagna, of ancient Roman masonry. As builders of roads and aqueducts the Romans wrought for the great future. Their Appian Way is still a complete highroad toward Naples and over the Pontine Marshes, while their Cloaca Maxima drains the Rome of new Italy, and is in far better preservation than the Coliseum, whose walls are covered with not less than two hundred and fifty varieties of weeds and wild flowers — the parasites of ruins. The Romans always looked far out into the future. They made their laws and reared their edifices for all time. The idea of per petuity was native to them. They called their capital urbs ceterna — the eternal city. The facilities for the passage of the Roman armies and material of war from Parthia in the east to Britain in the west, were a pow erful unifying agency. The interchange of thought and the ease of commercial transactions were the rule, and not the exception. When the first preachers of the Gospel would evangelize Asia Minor and the Greek States and go even to Rome, they passed, on land, over uninterrupted highways, and, on sea, made use of the vessels engaged in regular carrying trade.1 The majesty of Rome made travel safer then than it is now. " Cassar has procured us a profound peace," says Epictetus ; " there 1 On the water communications of the Roman empire, see Lewin, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, 2 vols. Lond., 1878. On the roads, compare Bergier, Histoire des grands Chemins de rEmpire Eomain, 2d ed. Brussels, 1728. For this whole section the best book is Friedlander, Sittengeschichte Roms, 3 vols., 5th ed. Leipz., 1881. Compare the excellent chapter in Fisher, Beginnings of Christianity, pp. 40-73. THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 69 are neither wars, nor battles, nor great robberies, nor piracies ; but we may travel at all hours and sail from east to west."1 •> SAFETY OF And it was an age of travel. Intercommunication travel in the became so safe and easy that even somewhat remote R0MAN EMPIRE- colonies presented a cosmopolitan aspect. " Greek scholars," says Friedlander, "kept school in Spain ; the women of a Roman colony in Switzerland employed a goldsmith from Asia Minor ; in the cities of Gaul were Greek painters and sculptors ; GaulB and Ger mans served as bodyguards of a Jewish king at Jerusalem ; Jews were settled in all the provinces." Five main roads went out from Rome to all parts of the empire, built with great solidity, and going as a rule in a straight line over mountains and rivers. It was the great "Via Egngtia by which Paul penetrated Macedonia, a corn ship in which as prisoner he took passage for Rome, and the Appian W^J DY which he ascended from Puteoli to the gates of Rome7*while the messengers by whom he sent his immortal letters, the individuals who formed the beginnings of his societies, and the persons with whom he formed his lasting friendships were those who were intimately or remotely engaged in the commerce around the shores of the Mediterranean, with Rome as the great center. The most distant provinces were united with the central govern ment by the wise administration of unifying laws. All UNIOn 0f the extremes were made to meet and harmonize in letters, provinces. law, arms, and commerce. Though the Roman people had lost their early simplicity and purity before the coming of Christ, their country and its provinces had never been so thoroughly ujy^fcgd and so accessible as at the beginning of the apostolic period. The ma terial condition of the Romans, therefore, like the cosmopolitan literature of the Greeks, was eminently favorable for the dissemi nation of the Christian faith.3 III. THE MORAL DESTITUTION OE PAGANISM. The most deplorable picture of depraved morals in the entire range of history is presented by the pagan world at the time of the intro duction of Christianity. The description of it by Paul is singularly confirmed by the classic writers, and by later archaeological revela tions.3 The austere periods of the Greek independence and the 1 Epic, Dis. m, xiii. 8 The best summary of the Roman preparation for Christianity is Addis, Christianity and the Roman Empire. Lond., 1893, chap. i. Indispensable also is Uhlhorn, Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. N. Y., 1880, chap, i and ii. 3 Rom. i, 18-32. 70 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Roman republic had passed away, and immorality was practiced to such a degree and with such publicity that even the immoral satirists themselves made the popular vices the object of their in vective. At no time did the Greeks descend to such depravity as their closest imitators, the Romans. As the republic of the latter passed into the empire the territory widened, the communication with other nations became easier, wealth poured into the capital roman de- through every commercial and military vein, and the pkatity. proverbial simplicity and purity of the people dis appeared. The old faith gradually became admixed with Asi atic elements. The walls of Pompeii reveal the fact that in the first century of the Christian era there was such dissatisfaction of the Romans with their religion that they had imported from i the East and South the worship of the beasts of the field, the fishes .' of the Nile, and the productions of the soil. Cicero testifies to? the hollowness and duplicity of the native worship by saying that one haruspex could not look another in the face without laughing. The degradation of woman was hopeless and complete. In Athens the wife was ney^r regarded as possessed of legal privileges, and her son became her protector after reaching his majority. A measure ofjjarley was the limit of property which she could leave by will to her own offspring. She was in all essentials a slave. degradation Her present subjectionJn_orientjiJiands, and the esti- of woman. mate placed upon her by Turkey, the typical polyga- mist of the ages, is only the modern propagation of the elder Greek and Roman view of her real relation to man.. She was regarded as his inferior, the minister to his lust, and his slave for menial service. She was never_trusted, and her place in the residence — for paganism had no homes — was an upper room in the rear of the house, and often guarded by lock and key.1 Her mental endow ments were estimated as of a lower j£rade than those of men. She was supposed to exceljn.dBplicity, artifice, and treachery. Mar riage was only a political institution. There was no sacred bond. Early Rome had been distinguished for its household purity, and Valerius Maximus gives a list of noble illustrations of it. Centuries passed by without a single divorce for adultery — according to Plu tarch, two hundred and thirty years ; according to Valerius Maxi mus, five hundred and twenty years ; and according to Aulus Gel- lius, five hundred and twenty-one years. It was only old Ennius who could sing : " Flagitiis principium est, nudare inter cives corpora." 1 Tholuck, Der sittliche Character des Heidenthums, pp. 75, 73. THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 71 But in the later days of the republic, and all through the em pire, divorce was common, and could be purchased by ajDJttance. Seneca, who was singularly favored, as Nero's tutor and a member of his court, with facilities for observation, thus testifies : " Crimes and iniquity abound in all things. More wickedness is „,„ T- J ° t impurity op committed than law can reach. . . . The passion for the domestic sin increases daily ; daily there is more shamelessness. EELATI0N- Respect for the pure_and holy diminishes constantly. Sin stalks openly. It stares into all eyes! Innocence is not merely infre quent — it is no more."1 Tacitus deplores the corruption of the people whose life he traced in his Annals, and the satires of Juvenal and Persius reveal the grossest moral depravity in every stratum of society. Plato, in his Ideal Republic, proposed the communism of women — a proposition whose absurdity, it must be confessed, was exposed by Aristotle.3 In Sparta, where we would expect a more rigid view of conjugal fidelity, the wife was not considered even the soleproger^of_one„jnan. Plutarch gave the advice that a citizen~inould share his wife with a friend, and Polybius states it as a current view of propriety that a husband might lend his wife out to his friends.3 In Athens the husband was not regarded the natural protector of the wife, but the son, after reaching his majority. Prostitution was universal. Not content to practice in the homes an 3. housesfor the special purpose, it was introduced even into the temples. It was a fearful charge which Tertullian laid prostitution at the door of paganism when he said : " It is a matter F0EMS 0f im- of general notoriety that the temples are the very places morality. where adulteries are arranged, and procuresses pursue their victims between the altars."4 One of the grossest forms of immorality was the abuse of boys and youth, or paiderastia. This was in com mon use by even the most learned and cultivated among both the Greeksjmd Romans. Plutarch hesitates tcTpronounce on its pro priety, but when he speaks of Socrates, Plato, Xenophon, iEschines, and Cebes as having practiced it, he agrees with Plato " that men of great eminence must be allowed to show affection to what beau tiful objects they please, and concludes that the wild amours of Thebes and Elis are not to be countenanced, but the paiderastia of Athens and Sparta is to be imitated.6 At no time was Greece free from this crime. Beautiful boys were converted into eunuchs, 1 De Ira.,i, ii, c 8. 2 Politica, i, ii, c 2-18, edition Schneider. Compare Tholuck, Sittl. Character des Heidenthums, pp. 82-84. 3 Hist., xii, 6. 4 Apol., c. 15. -5 Eepub., v, p. 468 c. 6 Morals, i, pp. 26, 27. 72 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and their youth preserved as long as possible to make them serve the bestial lust of men. There were, among the Romans, harems of youngjnen as well as of women, which were called paidagogia. Trajan practiced this crime, while Tiberius, in his palace on Capraea, the Capri of our day, carried it to such an extent as to shock even his own subjects. The abhorrence of issue was uni versal in both Greek and Roman society. Embryonic murder was the rule rather than the exception.1 A large family was regarded as a social disgrace. The six children of Germanicus were the most notable exception in the highest order of society. Not one Roman emperor left a large family, while many died without legitimate issue. The authors show a singular dread of offspring, and Ovid, Lucan, Statius, Silius Italicus, Seneca, the two Plinys, Suetonius, and Tacitus died childless.2 This repulsive picture is sufficient to reveal the low estimate placed on childhood by paganism. Not one great classic writer in low estimate even the age of Pericles in Greece, or of the Roman of childhood. repUDiiC) understood the moral value ofchMhood or its real bearing on the world's future. It was only of man after he became mature, had fought the battles of childhood and youth, and stood forth before the world as a victor on many a field, that the pagan mind formed a high opinion and regarded him as worthy a place of honor in citizenship and in the pantheon of literature. The subject and passive man received little notice from the most charitable philosopher ; the child was never once thought of as worthy of an equaljalace with the adult in the sympathy and re spect of the world. The highest value attached to children was their possible service to the State. The Spartan regarded boys only of value ; and this he did for the reason that they might be of strong^body, and therefore able to perform military duty. Maimedjmd invalid bpys, and the most of the girls, were not sup posed to be of any special worth, and better in hades, in charge of grim and relentless Pluto, than on earth. s Plato, in his Laws and Republic, takes special pains to lay down a theory of education, but he always reaches the same result : chil dren must be taught to respect the laws, and their training must be according to them. "For the third and fourth time," he 1 Hippolytus and Callistus, pp. 148, 172, 73 ; Hip., Ref. Haer., ix, 7 ; Juv., vi, 597 ; PLm., H. N., xx, 21 ; xxvii, 5, 9. 3 Compare Dollinger, Jew and Gentile, ii, pp. 233-247. 3 See Prof. R. J. Cooke, Christianity and Childhood, N. Y., 1891 ; Scudder, Childhood in Literature and Art, Bost., 1894. In fact, it was left to nine teenth century Christianity to discover childhood. THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 73 says, "our reflections have come to the result that education should be the allurement and guidance of youths to that which „ „ , & J t LOW STAND- the laws approve, and which the mosts judicious and ardofeduca- aged have 'found by experience to be the best." TI0N' Aristotle, not less than Plato, stops far short of the scriptural ideal, for religion forms no part of his educational theory. He says : " No one can doubt that the legislator must bestow very peculiar attention on the education of youth. , If this is not done in a State its constitution is destroyed." Socrates was an advance on both these great teachers in that he urged the young men who gathered about him for counsel to improve their hearts and deny themselves in their daily life. But so foreign to the Athenian mind was this emphasis on the value of the inner life that the townsmen of Socrates held him up to contempt for this very instruction. One of the peculiarities of the pagan conception of education was its admiration of successfjjl^juyenile crime. The Spartan boy was admired if he could steal without being caught, and his skill in thieving was regarded as a hopeful sign of later victorious soldier ing. Besides, these same Spartans had an annual custom of scourging their children at the altars of Diana Orthia so cruelly tEaTmany died from the blows, and this without any cause by dis obedience on the part of the children. One of the fundamental elements of the whole pagan mythology was cruelty to aged and decrepit . parents. The Greeks taught that Jupiter hurled his own father, Saturn, from the throne, and shut him up in Tartarus, and then parceled out the universe with his brothers Neptune and Pluto. Saturn, however, deserved his punishment, for he was accustomed to devour his own children, and Jupiter „,„..„„.„ and two of his brothers only escaped by an unex- ofthedomes- Ipectedly rapid development. All the domestic bonds TI° are dissolved in the Greek and Roman faith. There is no such thing as a strong and pure love of children. From beginning to end parents are murdering them, and the latter are plotting against the former. It is a pandemonium of unmitigated inhumanity. Vulcan chained his own mother Juno — a type of what children thought of their mothers through all that long period of revolting crime. It must, however, be remembered that there were many noble exceptions. The Greeks taught reverence to parents, as did the Romans, and there are several instances on record of beau tiful and faithful devotion in the family circle. While there was such a thing now and then as parental tender ness, it was only a moderate and cautious approach to that intense 74 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ' Christian love which makes sacrifices for childhood. It was a love which was limited merely to admiration for some heroic deed. For example, when Xenophon was informed that his son had perished in battle after making great slaughter of his enemies, he replied : " I did not make it my request to the gods that my son might be immortal or long-lived, for it is not manifest whether this was convenient for him or not, but that he might have integrity in his principles and be a lover of his country, and now I have my desire."1 We see this calculating love exemplified in the kind of teachers employed. That old telltale word "pedagogue" simply means the attending slave who took the children to school, and then taught them when they reached there. His function was little the slave the higher than the shepherd who led out the flock to teacher. browse on the mountain side. The difference between pedagogue and teacher is the measure of the wide gulf between paganism and Christianity in their relative grasp of the majesty and worth of childhood. Only the parents of purer and higher quality thought it worth while to attend in the least to the educa tion of their children in person, until the time should come when the latter should leave home for the university. The rule was that a slave should teach and train. When a family had the rare fortune to be blessed with such a wise slave as the lame Epictetus the chil dren fared well enough. But the rule was to put them under the eyeservant's care. Plutarch, in his Life of Cato, commends Soc rates as exceptionally farsighted "in teaching his children the rudiments of a school education, although he had a slave who well understood the business, and taught many other children." This same writer, to whom we owe by far our best glimpses into the moral life of both the Greeks and the Romans, bestows on Cato very much the same praise, as being far in advance of his times : " Cato was accustomed to say he was not willing that his son should be rebuked or beaten by a slave, nor that he should have to thank a slave for this kind of knowledge." There is one department of the pagan obliviousness to the moral value of childhood which I dare not enter, namely, the early in- initiation of traduction of children into the corrupt mysteries of children into various heathencults. These were licentious orgies of e mysteries. nameiegS"~g|pnj and children were early made ac quainted with them. There are instances where parents preferred their children should die than pass into such shadows, but they are 1 See Plutarch, Morals (Goodwin's ed.), iii, p. 333. See Quintilian's passion ate love for his son whom he had lost too soon. De Inst. Orat., lib. vi, Introd, THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 75 very rare. For the most part the parents were not disinclined that their children should early enter upon the life of which the mys teries were the miserable beginning. Children were not regarded as jewels, to be treasured and culti vated for a pure life, but machines for fighting future battles. t Christ, of all the revolutions which he brought to pass, achieved none greater than this — the elevation of childhood into L0W ESTIMATE equality with manhood. When he said, "For of such of childhood. is the kingdom of heaven," he struck a fatal blow at the long blind ness of the world to the great possibilities of the young. The fact is, there was no place for children in either the social or the polit ical framework of any pagan nation, while Christianity took note of them at the beginning and never once forsook them. That Jesus was once a child has sanctified childhood forever. Corio- lanus might pray for his son : " The god of soldiers, With the consent of supreme Jove, inform Thy thoughts with nobleness ; that thou mayst prove To shame invulnerable, and stick i' the wars. Like a great seamark, standing every flaw, And saving those that eye thee ! " ' But of far greater value, and in a new sphere, was Paul's advice to the Ephesians to bring up their children in the nurture and admo nition of the Lord. Slavery was another great pagan vice. It underlay the entire political and social structure. In the chief Greek States the num- ber~oTHaves was much greater than that of citizens. In Attica, according to the census of Demetrius Phalereus (B. C. 309), there were four himdrei*ihoiisand slaves and but twenty thousand citizens. In Corinth there were four hundred and , sixty thousand slaves ; in iEgina, four hundred and seventy thousand, and in Sparta, from six hundred thousand to eight hun dred thousand.3 Among the Romans the slaves were regarded, not as persons (persona), but as things (res). This was the universal view of proper ty_in man.3 At the doors of the wealthy there were ostiarii, men who lay, like dogs, in^chains. Even during the re public it was a law that when a gentleman was murdered, if the perpetrator could not be discovered, all his slaves, with their wives and children, were put to death. Tacitus relates that when 1 Shakespeare, Coriolanus, Act v, Sc. iii. 2 Reitmeier, Der Zustand der Sklaverei in Griechenland, p. 116. 3 Aristotle, Eth. Nicomach., lib. ix, c. 13. o Sovloq infv%ov bpyavuv, to 6* bpyavov ailn>x°C tJotiAof. 76 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Pedanius Secundus was murdered as many as four hundred inno cent slaves were put to death.1 During the empire this state of slavery continued, and its evils became more numerous and extreme. There were public marts for slaves, which were filled by captives brought from the wars, or procured from Mediterranean pirates, each slave being labeled with a description of age and qualities. Even the strong protest of Seneca against slavery as one of the many evils which he witnessed during Nero's reign had rather the tone of a hopeless lament than of any hope of improvement.3 There was no department of the social life that was not thor oughly corrupt. The mythology was a mere conglomeration of the licentious life of the people. The gods and minor divinities, them selves the offspring of illicit amours, were regarded by the people as proper examples for popular imitation. The mysteries practiced at Eleusis in their later degenerate days, and in other places, were only wild revels in which passion expressed itself. While the re ligion fostered this immorality there was no relief found in the laws. The example of gods and men fostered the carnival of lust. The depth of this moral abyss proclaimed the necessity for a new faith. When Christianity came, therefore, it was found to be not only the revelation of new doctrines, but the regeneration of the moral life of man. Greek culture and Roman organization had the univer- failed at every point in the catalogue of human virtues. for chrisN-D ** was the mission of the religion of Christ at once to tianity. teach the mind a pure faith and transform the heart into a fountain of virtuous living. Kurtz thus traces the proof which paganism gives of its own incompetency to meet the de mands of humanity : " The principle of paganism is, on the one hand, the denial of the living, personal God, and the contempt of the salvation provided by him. On the other hand, it is the de lusion that man can help himself by his own power and wisdom and provide a salvation by his own means. Such an effort, made in sinfulness and weakness, could only end in bankruptcy. Pagan ism ever sank deeper, notwithstanding the increase of worldly culture and political power, from its height of moral and religious power and dignity into religious emptiness and moral sleep and weakness. The experience always became more decided and posi tive that neither nature nor art, neither human culture nor wis dom, neither oracles nor mysteries, neither philosophy nor theos- ophy, neither politics nor industry, and neither the enjoyment of 1 Ann., xiv, 42, 43 ; Tholuck, Der sittliche Character des Heidenthums, pp. 80, fE. 3 See Dollinger, Hippolytus and Callistus, 163, seq. THE HISTORICAL PREPARATION FOR CHRISTIANITY. 77 the senses and great luxury could satiate the hunger and thirst of the human spirit for God or calm and restore the lost peace of the soul. This experience was well calculated to break the pride of paganism, and in all better spirits to awaken the necessity, the longing, and the receptivity of the soul for divine salvation in Christ. Thus it was the mission of Judaism to prepare salvation for man ; it was the mission of paganism to prepare man for sal vation."1 Christ is the only solution of the dark enigmas fur nished by the Greeks and Romans. Or, as Johann von Muller says : " He is the key of universal history, for he locks the old and throws open the new." 1 Handbuch der allgem. Kirchengeschichte, p. 49. 78 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER II. JUDAISM AND ITS SECTS. I. JEWS IN PALESTINE. The history and religious belief of the Jewish people present a marked contrast to the faiths and philosophical systems of all pagan nations. With the divine call of Abraham to leave his ancestral home in Mesopotamia there began an historical current which was destined to affect the highest religious interests of humanity. It was his mission to found and locate in Palestine a nation which should become the depository of the divine oracles, the only representative of monotheism, and, finally, the instrument of bringing salvation to the world in the person of the Messiah. thepatriar- The patriarchal period was uncertain and temporary. chal period. yet it -was in a high degree preparatory, and termi nated in the descent of the family of Jacob into Egypt. Here, from seventy souls, it assumed the dimensions of a great nation, and, though a subject race, so rapid was its development that it aroused the jealousy of the reigning dynasty. Persecution, always the final resort of weak and narrow minds, was resorted to by the Egyptians. But to the Israelites it was the occasion of the revealing to them the divine favor and their own strength. Under the leadership of Moses, one of their own race who had been singularly prepared for his mission by his knowledge leadership °f the wisdom of his age, his absence of forty years in of moses. t^g -wilderness through which it was to be his mission to lead the people, and that general discipline of character which should fit him for leadership and legislation, the Jews left Egypt, and after a pilgrimage of forty years reached the land of Palestine. But their stay in Egypt had not been without its beneficent effect upon them. They had come in contact with the most cultivated nation of the age, had seen the practical effects of r^lvtheisnT'on a whole people, and had learned the lesson of the weakness of human wisdom in comparison with those divine revelations and miraculous deliverances which underlay their history. Under Joshua and his successors the tribes became homogeneous, and entered into possession of the whole country promised to Abra ham and his posterity. To this succeeded the kingdom, with Saul JUDAISM AND ITS SECTS. 79 as the first king. He was succeeded by David, and he in turn by his son Solomon. Under these rulers the kingdom summary of enjoyed a great degree of prosperity and prestige. After J^rl^DIS" Solomon the kingdom was divided into the Jewish and tory. Israelitish kingdoms. Rivalry, violence, frequent defections toward idolatry, and growing moral and material decline, made both king doms an easy prey to surrounding nations. Israel was first con quered by the Assyrians, and subsequently Judah was overcome by the Babylonian rulers, and both nations were led off as exiles into the valley of the Tigris, and Euphrates, with the hope that they might be absorbed by the dominant people, or at least be held in easy subjection. Many of the Jews who anticipated exile went to Egypt and settled there, and in Alexandria became the nucleus of the Hellenistic element which hacf subsequently a very great bearing on the literature and evangelistic movements of the early Christian Church. Only a small portion of Israel, or the ten tribes, returned from exile and settled in Samaria, the most of them being amalgamated with the polytheistic people who had conquered them. But the captives of conquered Judah preserved their identity, and could not even " sing the Lord's song in a strange land." When the Chaldean rulers of Babylonia were conquered by the Medo- Persians under Cyrus the Jews became a part of the subject popu lation. He was lenient to them, and under him and his successors many returned to Palestine and rebuilt their temple at Jerusajern, But there was no political independence granted them, and the Jews remained Persian subjects until the downfall of the Persian empirev After the dissolution of the empire of Alexander the Great, who had conquered Palestine B. C. 323, the Seleucidae ruled in Syria and the Ptolemies in Egypt! and between these two the Jews led a timid and subject life, but were finally compelled to submit to the Seleucidse. The king, Antiochus Epiphanes. tried to Hellen- ize the Jews by taking possession of Jerusalem, order- the attempt ing their sacred books to be burned, profaning their tohellenize sanctuary, and prohibiting the Jewish worship. He THEJEW' foisted the Greek mythology on the Jews, and hoped to destroy the last traces of the worship of Jehovah, This effort to obliterate the ancient faith awoke the long dormant patriotic and religious spirit of the people, and once more they strove to regain the old Davidic splendor. Mattathiafiy a Jewish priest, with his three sons, Judas Maccabaeus, Jonathan, and Simon, led a popular revolt and succeeded in throwing off the yoke of the Seleucidae. The first stage in the Maccabaean rule was patriotic, 80 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. unselfish, and wise ; but family divisions arose, and the Seleucidss cultivated them by careful management. At this time THE MACCA- , . ._ bjsandomina- Pompev was at the head of the victorious Koman army TI0N' in Asia, and he was invited to settle the dispute. He hastened to the office of umpire, stormed and captured Jerusalem, B. C. 63. and, as usual with the Romans, took possession of Pales tine and added it to the empire. The Jews now lost the last vestige of their independence, and their country was ruled by Roman proconsuls and procurators, After the battle of Philippi, B. C. 42, when the whole East sur rendered to Roman arms, Antipater, a powerful Idumean at Jeru salem, hostile alike to the faith, the morals, and the institutions of the Jews, obtained the right of administering the affairs of Pales tine. His son, Herod Agrippa, by shrewd manipulation and by personal friendship with the Roman emperors Caligula and Clau dius, gradually became ruler over the whole of Palestine. After his death, A. D. 3 or 4, or in the year of Rome 750 or PALESTINE AT ' . ' . J the time or 751, his kingdom was divided between his three sons, 1"'""'1' Archelaus, Philip, and Herod Antipas. The Jews were restive under this uncertain and oppressive rule over their divided and lacerated country, and, taking advantage of the dissatisfaction in the Roman empire after Nero's death, rose in rebellion under Gessius Florius, A. D. 65, against the Roman authority. They were conquered by Vespasian, who, after he went to Rome to assume imperial command, left his son Titus to complete the destruction of Jerusalem, A. D.J£0, and the conquest of the country. The last attempt made by the Jews to resist Roman supremacy was A. D. 132-135, when Bar Cochba, claiming to be the true Messiah, led a revolt. It was finally suppressed. Jerusalem was razed to the ground ; the Jews were slaughtered or led off into captivity, and a Roman colony, the iElia CajDitolina, was established on the site of Jerusalem. One of the chief elements in this last revolt was the bitter persecution of the Christians by the Jews, who, because the Christians would not join in the revolt, regarded them as traitors to the national cause. II. THE SAMARITANS. The Samaritans were not a Jejwjsh sect, but a mongrel religious body, in part Jewish and in part Assyrian. When the kingdom of Israel was overthrown and the best people were led off by their origin of the Assyrian conquerors into captivity an Assyrian colony Samaritans. was established in Samaria, in order to take the place of the Israelitish population and secure the full later subjection JUDAISM AND ITS SECTS. 81 of the land to its new rulers. This oriental and polytheistic ele ment became in time discouraged in its work. Because of the prevalence of wild beasts and other unexpected obstacles they inferred that the god of the country was angry with them, and implored their distant rulers to send them some Israelitish priests to instruct them in the faith of the country. This proposition was accepted, but from the Israelitish and Assyrian elements there sprang a mixed population, the prevailing type being Jewish, though with a strong oriental admixture.' Later, when the Jews returned to the south country and proposed to rebuild their temple at Jerusalem, the Samaritans, regarding the cause common, proposed to assist them. The proposition was rejected, because the Jews re garded the Samaritans no longer of their own faith, but as participants in the polytheism of the East. The insult was indignantly repelled. The Samaritans then built a temple of their own on Mount Gerizim, and established a regular service. Henceforth there were ileges granted them, they developed to a degree equaled ence. nowhere else in their history as a dispersed people. Here they cul tivated letters, and produced, under Philo and his successors, that strange phenomenon — an attempt to harmonize Greek philosophy with Jewish theology, and out of the combination to produce a justification of the Christian system. The Neoplatonic philosophy, with all its inconsistencies, proves, at least, the remarkable recu perative power of the Jewish mind. The first Jewish colony in Rome consisted of captives brought thither by Pompey from Palestine (B. C. 61), though the city had probably already wealthy Jewish residents. For ages they have occupied a particular part of the city, the Ghetto, a portion of 1 Jost, Geschichte der Israeliten, Theil ii, pp. 255, ff. On the Chinese Jews, see Milman, Hist, of the Jews, book xiv, vol. ii, pp. 493-497. They occupied a prominent and honored place in the empire. 4 Wiltsch, Ibid., pp. 12, ff. 86 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. which was removed in 1885 and following years to make room for the new Tiber embankment.1 Under Julius Caesar they received the jews in special privileges. They were declared f reedmen (liber- rome. Uni), their synagogues were dignified with the name of allowed conventicles (collegia licita), and they regarded Jerusalem as their religious capital, whither they sent their contributions of money, their offerings to the temple service,5 and to which they repaired in large numbers annually to the great festivals. The Jews in Rome constantly increased, many proselytes from paganism being added to them. They had their own synagogue, usages op the and conducted their service. They observed the Sab- jews in rome. bath, abstained from certain meats, and regarded re ligiously all the festivals of their fathers. Their presence in Rome was especially obnoxious to the cultivated classes. The Roman satir ists frequently made them the object of their invective. Juvenal said that they prayed to nothing but the clouds and the empty heav ens.3 Celsus also declared that they prayed to the heavens.4 Even Seneca, tolerant as he generally was of new forms of faith, complained that they were overspreading all lands ; that, though everywhere con quered, they gave laws to their conquerors, and that their resting on the Sabbath was an absolute loss of one seventh of the time.5 Other Italian cities became homes for the Jews." In A. D. 19 Tiberius settled four thousand emancipated Jews in Sardinia. Professor Bil- mark has endeavored to prove that the Finlanders are of Jewish ori gin, and that the Jews reached Scandinavia at the same time with the Scythians. Olaus Rudbeck has set up a plausible theory that they penetrated as far as the snows of Lapland, and that the Lap lander is only a modern Jew ; while Asahel Grant with still greater force has undertaken to show by analogy of language, religion, and social customs that the Nestorians are of the same origin.7 1 On Jews in the Ghetto, see Story, Roba di Soma. Lond. , 1862 ; new ed. , 1875. i ; a Cicero in his Oration for Flaccus deprecates the draining of the provinces ! of money to satisfy these Jewish tributes to Jerusalem. 3 Sat. xiv, 96, ff. 4 Origen contr. Celsum, i, p. 18 ; v, p. 234. 5 Ap. Aug. C. D., vi, 11. Compare Dollinger, Jew and Gentile, ii, pp. 181, 182. 6 Cicero pro Flacco, cap. xxviii. 7 Biisching, Erdbeschreibung, Th. i, s. 630; Fabricius, Salutaris lux evang., p. 761 ; Grant, History of the Nestorians, or the Lost Tribes, N. Y., 1841. Badger has controverted Grant in his learned work, The Nestorians and their Rituals, Lond., 1852. So also has Dr. Thomas Laurie, of Providence, R. I. in his valuable history of the Mission, Dr. Grant and the Mountain Nestorians Bost., 1853. Graetz, Gesch. d. Juden, Berl., 12 vols., 1854-75, the great Jewish authority, is now accessible in abridged form in a translation by the Jewish Publication Society, Phila., 1893-96, 6 vols. THE FULLNESS OF THE TIME— JESUS THE CHRIST. ¦ 87 CHAPTER III. THE FULLNESS OF THE TIME-JESUS THE CHRIST. Before the incarnation of Christ there was no part of the earth which presented any relief to the darkness of the prevailing moral and intellectual condition of humanity. In Greece, ,„„„„ , J ' UNIVERSAL where there was most ground for hope, the great sys- moral dark- tems of philosophy had fulfilled their mission and had NE83- degenerated into a cold and negative skepticism. "All the schools," says Dollinger, "died a natural death while paganism was still in full swing, and, to all appearance, in unbounded repu tation."1 In Rome the simple and pure morals of the republican period had declined and, with the increasing luxury in life and disrespect toward the national divinities, a popular dissatisfaction with all the traditional beliefs increased. The Asiatic and Egyptian faiths, which had been brought to a knowledge of the West by the Mace donian and Roman conquerors, promised no support, for they had in them no element worthy to take the place of the now half -effete mythology. Judaism was not respected by either the Greek or Roman mind, and its adaptation to the universal wants of man was not thought of for a moment. But in the midst of this con dition of despondency and failure there was an antici- „, „ r •> universal ex- pation of relief. The hope of a Redeemer lay in the pectation op very atmosphere of the age. Jewish prophecy, now AREDEEMHR- silent for four centuries, had awakened in the Jew an expectation of a Messiah whose coming was expected at any time. Even the pagan mind, as we learn from Tacitus and Suetonius, was yearning for a deliverer who should remove the great burden in faith and life.2 The wise men from the East, who followed the star to Beth lehem, represented the universal Eastern expectation of a Redeemer. The Persians were at this time looking for the appearance of their Sosiosh, who should conquer Ahriman and his kingdom of dark- 1 Jew and Gentile, ii, p. 159. 2 Suetonius says: " Percrebuerat Oriente toto vetus et constans opinio, esse in fatis, ut eo tempore Judsea profecti rerum potirentur." Vesp., u. 4. Tacitus says: "Pluribus persuasio inerat, antiquis sacerdotum literis contineri, eo ipso tempore fore, ut valesceret Oriens, profectique Judeea rerum potirentur." Annales, v, 13. 88 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ness, while Confucius, in China, had led his followers to expect a Holy One who should appear in the West.1 The preparation for Christianity was now complete. For cen turies no notable event took place which does not seem to have removed the barriers for the new coming faith. War and peace, skepticism and superstition, learning and ignorance, united toward complete a common end to prepare the world for a new faith and roTcHMs-0* to provide facilities for its rapid and permanent dif- tianity. fusion. Even the polytheism of the heathen combined with the rigid monotheism of the Jews for the same great purpose, while each people concerned in or affected by the culture of Greece and Rome indulged a calm expectation that relief from the ebb and flow of universal misery was at hand. When Jesus, the Christ, was born at Bethlehem in Judea, he was the response to the universal aspiration of man. He was, as christ the Haggai had declared, "The Desire of all nations." the?woSrFld°s Having passed his youth chiefly at Nazareth and arriv- aspiration. ing at the age of thirty, he entered upon his public ministry. His first act was to apply publicly the Messianic ex pectations and prophecies to himself, when he read in the syna gogue at Nazareth these words from Isaiah : " The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he hath anointed me to preach the Gospel to the poor ; he hath sent me to heal the broken-hearted, to preach deliverance to the captives, and recovering of sight to the blind, to set at liberty them that are bruised, to preach the acceptable year of the Lord."2 Between this formal entering on his career and the ascension lay Christ's ministry of over three years. In moral significance no such life had ever been lived by any man. His brief career is still the supreme miracle of history. While new lives of him are still appearing in all the leading languages of Christendom, we are as ^ar as eYer from finding a human solution of his ex- CHRIST S CA— *-* reer unique ample, doctrine, and mediatorial work. As a teacher, in history. j^g wor(js were gjmpiej direct, and saving. He spoke no word which his most ardent follower at this late century would wish unsaid. As a worker of miracles, he was not prodigal of his omnipotence, but wrought only works of healing and love. As a sufferer, his patience and silence were sublime and unfailing. As a friend, he had his intense attachments, and wept with those who 1 Compare Schaff, History of the Apostolic Church, p. 183. Also, Trench Christ the Desire of all Nations, or the Unconscious Prophecies of Heathenism. Lond., 5th ed., 1880. 8 Luke iv, 18, 19. THE FULLNESS OF THE TIME— JESUS THE CHRIST. 89 loved him. He forbade the sword in his defense when the shadow of his passion fell across his path. In death he had only words of love and prayer for his murderers, and when he arose, the first fruits of them that slept, he solved the long mystery of every thinking age, the resurrection of the human body. Lingering a short time in the society of his friends and followers, he ascended from Olivet, leaving behind the legacy of a spotless character and a triumphant doctrine. Himself the object of prophecy as old as sin itself, he passed to his throne with the twofold promise for his stricken followers — the descending Spirit of power and his own perpetual presence. A tone of sadness had pervaded Christ's life, and yet of unparal leled hopefulness. He spoke frequently of his kingdom, and rep resented it as the grain of mustard seed, small at first, but producing a tree under whose branches the fowls of the air should take refuge. His sorrows, not the result of personal suffering, but of ohrist and the misery of others, were relieved by the dwelling of HIS kingdom. his mind on the future and the leading of his followers to a new life of meekness, poorness of spirit, peacemaking, tribulation, and of rejoicing in hope of the heavenly reward. He found the world in bondage, but left it with its chains broken. He found diverse elements of faith and tradition, but he had set in motion the great unifying agency ; or, as Baur exquisitely says, his religion was " the natural unity of all these elements."1 He rebuked sin, but always had compassion on the sinner. To the despondent he gave hope, and to the aged and dying world, in the language of Augus tine, "a new and youthful life." 1 Kirchengeschichte d. drei ersten Jahrhunderten, p. 21. SO HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER IV. PENTECOST AND ITS RESULTS. The descent of the Holy Spirit at the first Jewish Pentecost suc ceeding the death of our Lord had a great twofold significance : It was the fulfillment of Christ's promise to his followers of the endowment of power from on high, and the divine removal of all former limitations to the declaration of the truth and its super natural effect on human character and destiny. The Spirit had, indeed, been always present and operative with true believers, but the descent at Pentecost was the pledge that our entire humanity should participate in the benefits of salvation recently wrought by descent or Christ. It removed the work of Christ from the nar- the spirit the row limits of an episode in Jewish history into the op Christ's sphere of application to the entire need and duration ministry. 0f humanity. Hence the descent of the Spirit was at once the only proper culmination of our Lord's ministry, the only finally needful miraculous proof of its divine authority and char acter, and the introduction of the agency which should give it per petual efficacy to the world. Jesus had prepared the soil and sown the precious seed ; the Spirit which he had promised, and which was to be the divine substitute for his visible presence and audible word, was to be the gentle rain and genial sunlight to cause its germination for a rich growth and the final harvest. The day on which the Spirit descended, the fiftieth after our Lord's resurrection and the tenth after his ascension, was calcu lated to awaken unusual emotions in the mind of the devout Jew. It was the most sacred day in his calendar. Pentecost, " the feast of weeks," or "the feast of harvest," was the great national festival of thanksgiving for the annual harvest, and, according to an old pentecost tradition, also of the gift of the law on Mount Sinai, the occasion wnen the theocracy of the nation was founded. Jews unity op the from remote regions were accustomed to meet in their jews. sacred city, endeared alike by its glory and its desola tion, and revive their religious and national memorials by the joy ous celebration of Pentecost. No occasion, therefore, of the whole year was so well adapted for impressing powerfully the Jewish mind by the proclamation of any new truth, and it was chosen by PENTECOST AND ITS RESULTS. 91 God as the fit time for the outpouring of the Spirit of comfort and power. As with other great divine manifestations, such as the gift of the law and the dedication of Solomon's temple, so here, there were remarkable physical manifestations of the divine pres ence and power. The unity and calmness of the meeting were broken by a sudden sound from heaven, as of a mighty wind, which filled the place with its power. On the heads of the worshipers there flamed cloven tongues, as of fire, and the gift of miraculous utterance was imparted to them. The multitude was attracted to the THB scene at place, the worshipers spoke in new tongues to the as- pentkcost. founded auditors, and, for the time, the curse of many languages at Babel was removed by the gift of one at Pentecost.1 The best view of the glossolalia, as the gift of tongues is called, is that which makes it an act of worship or devotion, a purely religious phenomenon, the result of an unusual spiritual quickening, interpreted by the Spirit in the vernacular of each r J £L-__ „_„ BE3T view OF listening believer. The unbelievers attributed the the gist op whole scene to a drunken frenzy. It was not a per- T0NG0ES- manent or even temporary endowment of the miraculous knowl edge of foreign tongues. Greek and Hebrew, which the apostles already knew, were all-sufficient for their purposes. Something similar has appeared in communities under powerful religious stimulus, as among the Camisards, early Quakers, Lasare in Sweden in 1841-43, in the Irish Revival of 1859, and in the Catholic Apostolic (Irvingite) Church.2 The people were divided in opinion, some asking in uncertainty, " What meaneth this ? " and others attributing the phenomenon to intoxication from new wine. Then Peter arose and addressed the people, first declaring the scene a fulfillment of prophecy ; then describing the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus, and applying the work of Christ to the salvation of men. The effect was in stantaneous and overwhelming. Three thousand were converted, and the whole body of believers were molded into such unity and love that from that day to this the spiritual power and holy zeal of the believers at Pentecost have been regarded as the best image in all history of a complete and progressive Church. The results of the gift of the Spirit at Pentecost were : 1. The formal entrance of the apostles upon a universal ministry 1 Grotius : " Poena linguarum dispersit homines, donum linguarum dispersos in unum populum redigit." Annotat. ad Acta Apostolorum, ii, 8. a The best discussion is in Schaff, Church Hist., rev. ed., i, 224, 234-242. Compare Thatcher, Hist, of the Apostolic Church, Bost., 1893, pp. 73-76. 92 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of the Gospel. They had been called during the life of Jesus, and by him, but their future had been only dimly indicated. He had told them, at his ascension, to preach the Gospel to every creature, but to pause until they should be endowed with power from on high. They now received practical proof of the divine presence in the discharge of this broad commission. Every region of the known earth was represented in their first audience — ministry or Parthians, Medes, Elamites, Mesopotamians, Palestinian the apostles. jewgj Cappadocians, dwellers in Pontus and through out Asia Minor, Phrygians, Pamphylians, Egyptians, Libyans, Jews and proselytes in Rome, Cretes, and Arabians. The djm star of the old Jewish particularism was about to disappear, and the sun of ,CJiristian,universality to rise for the illumination of the whole world and all coming ages. 2. The endowment of spiritual power. Hitherto the disciples had been tirnidTnesitating, often the proper subjects of reproof by Christ for want of faith. They had accepted the true doctrine from Christ, but it had not been vital in them. Now, however, there was an unwonted heroism. Their hearts were filled with a force which lifted up all their contact with Jesus into a lifelong transfiguration which interpreted to them in a new light his darker sayings, which consumed all the remaining doubts as to his per- endowment petual presence and the certain^triumph of his truth, op spiritual and which would make them fearless before any audi ence and amid any persecution. To them it was only a question of time as to which should conquer in Palestine, Chris tianity or Judaism, and which in the Roman world, Christianlty"or the ethnic faiths which despised it. 3. The fulfillment of, prophecy. Peter touched a sympathetic key when he applied the event to the prophecy of Joel : ] " And it shall come to pass in the last days, saith God, I will pour out of my Spirit upon all flesh : and your sons and your daughters shall prophesy, and your young men shall see visions, and your old men prophecy shall dream dreams : and on my servants and on my fulfilled. handmaidens I will pour out in those days of my Spirit ; and they shall prophesy. . . . And it shall come to pass, that whosoever shall call on the name of the Lord shall be saved." The aspiration of the Jewish Church in all its better periods was for the endowment of spirituality. The mind was always burdened with a sense of its'pwFemloTOieiits. The sad feeling that heaven had new treasures in reserve, not yet given, pervades the whole history of Judaism. In the patriarchal times it was the inspira- 1 Acts ii, 17-21. PENTECOST AND ITS RESULTS. 93 tion which made the future bright and worthy of hope. In the divided monarchy, and amid the sorrows of many an exile, and all through the Maccabsean rule, it was the sure word of prophecy that reared a new temple, restored their sacred city, and made them once more a mighty people, with a scion of David's line as ruler. It was the fulfillment of prophecy, by the gift of the Spirit at Pentecost, which first gave clearnem_an,d„ JffiES&to th§. minds 0f the disciples of the whole system of Meisjiamc prophecy in the Old Testament. 4. The immediate declaration.. of. the_.trj3.th. The old barriers of varied speech were removed. We hear nothing of an interpreter. The gift was less upon the auditor than the speaker, promulgation who was so filled with the consuming spirit that his op the gospel. natural linguistic limitations were removed, and each stranger heard in his own tongue. This universality of speech was a type of the new universal love. Or, as Augustine says : " One man spake with every tongue, because the unity of the Church was about to speak in all tongues." ' 5. The law of revival was„ ordained ..and inaugurated. The slow/j processes by which the believer should arrive at a knowledge of the truth were done away. The change of heart could - REVIVAL henceforth be a thing of a day, or a moment. This is the present law for the conversion of the world, and he who would doubt the power of God to convert souls instantly and in great numbers, whether in Christian or heathen lands, practically ignores the lesson of Pentecost, when three thousand were con verted, and "daily" thereafter there were added others to the original number. 6. The mode of Christian life and faith was proclaimed for all ages. This was unity of heart, the sharing of temporal christian possessions with the needy, purity of doctrine, frequent LIFE- and stated worship in public and private, and gladness and single ness of soul. 7. The organization jmd establishment of Jthe Qhrijtija :.C.h,ur,,fih. The Church^"afTerPeter's sermon and the miraculous effects pro duced by it, took immediate steps toward organization. There was no longer an uncertain mind as to the future, but a sense of ujiiiv and incipient organization which required only time and the adjustment of details to take visible form. Had not a large 1 " Venit spiritus sanctus, implevit discipulos, coeperunt loqui Unguis omnium gentium ; signum in illis procedebat unitatis. Loquebatur enim tunc unus homo, omnibus linguis, quia locutura erat unitas ecclesise in omnibus Unguis. " Sermones, 175. 94 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. number of Christ's immediate followers, amounting to one hundred and twenty, including the women, and Mary the mother of Jesus and his brethren, met in a fixed place, the upper room, and con tinued in prayer and supplication ? Did not this company take deliberate measures to supply the place made vacant by the defec tion of Judas, and complete again the apostolic circle by the choice of Matthias ? The sole need now was the communication the church 0I that all-consuming spiritual power which should pro- organized. duce the profound inner life, the unity of heart, and the heroism of will necessary alike for the Church in its genetic period and in all its subsequent development. After the endowment of power the three thousand newly converted souls were baptized and added to the original company of believers. This body, " all that believed," now continued steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine and fellowship, in breaking of bread and prayers ; they sold their posses sions and goods, and had all things in common ; they continued daily with one accord in the temple, broke bread from house to house, and praised God ; and the Lord added to the " Church " daily those who were being saved. ' The divine force was given. It now remained to be seen what disposition the body of believers would make of the new endowment, and with what spirit they would go forth for the spiritual conquest of the world.5 1 Acts ii, 39-47. 8 See elaborate discussion by Baumgarten, Apostolic Hist. , i, 40-63. THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD— GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 95 CHAPTER V. THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD-GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. The apostolic period extends from the founding of the Church at Pentecost to the death of the apostle John. Its divisions are : 1. The establishment of the Christian Church among the Jews to the Apostolic Council at Jerusalem, A. D. 30-50 ; „ m„ „ * 3 ? DIVISIONS OP 2. The establishment of the Church among the nations the apostolic to the death of Paul, A. D. 50-66 ; and 3. The blend- PEW0D- ing of the Jewish and national elements under the ministry and example of John, A. D. 66-101. In general terms these may be called the Jewish Period, the National Period, and the Period of Reconciliation. The life of the Christians and the preaching and epistles of the apostles were the most powerful human factors in the internal development of the Church and its territorial ex pansion. The pagan judgment of Christians assumed an increas ingly favorable character because of their irreproachable life as the first century came to a close. So much was this the fact that the leading representatives of the pagan philosophy thought they could see in the Gospel certain parallelisms with the better doctrines of their own system, and some did not hesitate to attempt a systematic harmonization of the two. That they failed might have been ex pected, for the contrast between paganism and Christianity is so positive, and their effects on life so antagonistic, that no thinker, either in that early period or in any later century, has been able to construct any approach to a harmonious system. The preaching of the apostles combined all the essential elements of a perfect mode of presenting truth to the hearer. It has never been improved. So certain is this that during all the apostolic later periods of ecclesiastical history the preaching that preaching. has been most successful has most nearly approached the apostolic type, while that of least efficacy has been the farthest removed from it. The quality of the preaching of the apostles cannot be entirely explained on the ground of special endowments. The native gifts were not greater, excepting in Paul and some other apostles, than are to be found in the average ministry of our own times. But the apostles were so singularly conscious of the truth of the word, so possessed that heroic readiness to declare it in any 96 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. presence, and, above all, so grouped all their declarations around the personality of Christ that their appeal was irresistible, apart from all miraculous phenomena. Their experiences were calcu lated to make their preaching intensely realistic. The most of them had been associated with Christ during his ministry, and had been witnesses of their risen and ascended Lord. They uttered what they had seen, and their declarations had all the power of vivid pictures. Had they possessed no further supernatural endow ment than is the perpetual privilege of the minister of the Gospel, their preaching would still stand the matchless thing it is — a model for the triumphant declaration of the truth.1 One of the peculiar features of the apostolic preaching was its incidental character. There was no waiting of an apostle for a great opportunity. His only state occasion was when, like Paul before Felix, he was led as a prisoner before a ruler in purple to incidental give an account of himself and answer the charge of apostolicR °F infraction of the laws. He was not without his oppor- preaching. tunities, but they were furnished him in the prison, by the wayside, and in the humble home where he might be sheltered for the night. He did not live to see the day when ministers of the Gospel overlooked the individual in the great organized eccle siastical life. He felt that his message was largely to human units, though equally ready to present it to the multitude. He was equally at home with any audience. He had not forgotten the example of Christ, who, in reply to questions from bystanders, or from the natural scenes of the hour had preached his Gospel largely by inci dental suggestion. Christ thus differed from all the teachers in the great schools of Egypt and Greece, who had their groves and porticoes where they might dispense their doctrines to sympathetic and confiding younger minds. His stoa was the dusty highway, or the crowded street, or the pebbly shore of Jewish Galilee, and his audiences were often more hostile than friendly, and sought him less for what he might say than to receive the touch of his healing hand. This memory of the great Example was fresh in the minds of the apostles, and, besides, they had not forgotten that he had given them early in their companionship with him special instruc tions as to the best methods of preaching his doctrines, had rein forced these first lessons by others, and, just before his ascension, pointed them to the world as their field and every creature as their auditor. 1 See Hoppin, Homiletics, rev. ed., pp. 35^40. On the necessity of being thoroughly imbued with the spirit of scriptural preaching, see Shedd, Hom iletics and Pastoral Theol., pp. 16-37. THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD— GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 97 So far did this incidental method of preaching extend that there was not even an organized plan as to the scene of apostolic activity. That Paul and Barnabas should go to the nations, and „ „„„ ° ' , NO PLAN OP Peter and John to the Jews, was the only approxima- apostolic Ac tion to a system for the evangelization of the world. TITITT- The details were left to the revealing and guiding Spirit, and to the exigency of the hour. Who cannot see that Paul's journeys were largely without plan, except in the mere outline ? His visit to Macedonia and traversing the entire Greek peninsula were due to his disappointment in being divinely prohibited from preaching in Bithynia and the province of Asia. But the apostles possessed, in addition, miraculous gifts. As Christ performed miracles to attest the divinity of his nature and his doctrine, and as a necessary initial method for the introduction of his reign on earth, so he granted to his apostles a similar proof of divine authority. Immediately after the descent of miraculous the Spirit miracles were performed in great number, GIFTS- and in the presence of many witnesses. The author of the Acts of the Apostles says : "And by the hands of the apostles were many signs and wonders wrought among the people. . . . They (the peo ple) brought forth the sick into the streets, and laid them on beds and couches, that at the least the shadow of Peter passing by might overshadow some of them. There came also a multitude out of the cities round about unto Jerusalem, bringing sick folks, and them which were vexed with unclean spirits : and they were healed, every one." ' The brief period between Pentecost and Paul's conversion seems to have been a time when there was a special need of this divine attestation of the truth of Christianity and the apostolic authority. The Jewish mind was peculiarly hostile, while there is every reason to suppose that the representatives of Roman authority were equally alarmed at the sudden development of the new faith. The apostles were specially endowed for the great emergency, and their miracles, like those of the Master, were all of humane and restorative char acter, and were never employed to contribute to their personal convenience or relief from danger of death, but for the help of the vast number of sufferers for whom neither the science decline op nor the religion of Jew or Roman had furnished hope or mantpesta-8 deliverance. There was a decline in the number of tions. miraculous phenomena at the time of Paul's conversion. He, how ever, possessed and exercised the same supernatural endowment. He raised Eutychus from the dead, struck Elymas with blindness, 1 Acts v, 12-16. 98 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. healed the cripple at Lystra, restored the sick at Ephesus, and cured the father of Publius at Melita. These are only occasional outgivings of a power which he exercised whenever there was need of it, rather to meet an emergency than to be used in the everyday discharge of his apostolic functions. The gift of tongues was a peculiar miraculous endowment de signed to overcome the linguistic barriers of the hearer. It was not a sudden communication of the knowledge of a strange lan- the gift op gnage or dialect, designed for the more direct commu- tongues. nication of the Gospel either to individuals or nations, but a powerful and instantaneous enlargement of inspiration, when the speaker declared truths in a language whose laws he did not understand. He was, for the time, under the power of a divine afflatus which made him the instrument for a broader communica tion of the truth than his education had taught him, and which he did not need, and did not possess, in the ordinary exercise of his duties. There is no ground for supposing that the apostles understood the dialects of the country through which they passed. We do know that at Lystra Paul did not understand the barbarous Lycaonian tongue, or he would not have addressed the people in Greek. The miraculous gift of tongues was always designed as a spiritual aid for the convincing of the hearer. " Wherefore tongues are for a sign," says Paul, " not to them that believe, but to them that believe not."1 While miraculous intervention in the usual course of nature and the gift of tongues must be regarded as the preponderating apos tolic endowments, there were other supernatural gifts. Paul's catalogue of the offices in the apostolic Church carries with it an enumeration of all the divine endowments : " God hath set some in the Church, first apostles, secondarily prophets, thirdly teachers ; other super- after tnat miracles, then gifts of healing, helps, govern- natural ments, diversities of tongues."2 The gift of prophecy, in the original sense, did not exist in the apostolic Church for the reason that the great burden of Old Testament prophecy had been fulfilled in Christ, The New Testament prophecy was, in the main, the power to teach the mind and touch the heart. But it also implied the knowledge of the future. Agabus declared in Antioch the universal dearth which came to 1 1 Cor. xiv, 22. Compare Neander, Planting and Training, ed. Robinson pp. 11-18, 257. 2 1 Cor. xii, 28 : " Kal ovc fiev cBero i 0edf iv ry imikrima npurov airoardfaivc, C~eh- rcpov irpocjtriTac, rpkov diSaanakovs, incvra Cwa/ieif, h-Ktvra. xapiofiara ia/id-ov, avTikrjfu i/jcif, KvfltpvijGEis, yevij yfajGG&v." THE APOSTOLIC PERIOD- GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 99 pass in the reign of Claudius Caesar.1 The four daughters of Philip the evangelist possessed the same prophetic power.2 But prophecy as exercised in the apostolic period meant chiefly a powerful and inspired revelation of the truth in all its breadth. It carried with it a force of utterance, a knowledge of the whole truth declared, and a power^of~conviction which did not exist under the condi tions of ordinary inspiration, It was a form of declaration so powerful that the hearer, however hostile, was overcome by the appeal. In such cases prophecy was employed. It convinced the heart, both by what it communicated and by the knowledge that it exhibited of the very mysteries of the heart to which the appeal was made. This is expressly declared by Paul : " But if all proph esy, and there come in one that believeth not, or one unlearned, he is convinced of all, he is judged of all : and thus are the secrets of his heart made manifest ; and so falling down on his face he will worship God, and report that God is in you of a truth."3 There was, besides, a supernatural element in the teaching, min istration, and government of the preachers of the Gospel who im mediately succeeded our Lord in the declaration of his truth. Their task was peculiar, and stands alone among the problems which God's servants have had to solve. It was not God's choice that they should be elevated above danger, or the trials and suffer ings on land or sea, or breathe their life out upon peaceful death beds. But it was his choice that, when their natural 3 MIRACLE NO powers reached their farthest limits, their faith should longer neces- be enriched with such supernatural responses that their SAET* ministry would be convincing and successful. They received these subtle reinforcements to their native and acquired powers in such measure that "they turned the world upside down." When their work of " planting and training," as Neander beautifully terms it, was done, there was no further need of miracle or supernatural gift. Miraculous powers did not at once cease after the close of the apostolic age. But the evidence of postapostolic vague evi- miracles is vague and obscure. The alleged miracles "p™™™*! themselves were trifling and almost ridiculous in com- acles. parison with the New Testament works. Newman himself allows this.* Though the fathers did not deny that wonders were enacted 1 Acts xi, 28. 2 Acts xxi, 9. 3 1 Cor. xiv, 24, 25. On the New Testament prophets, see Meyer on Acts xi, 27, and 1 Cor. xii, 10 ; Harnack, in Encyc. Brit., 9th ed., art. " New Testament Prophets;" Meyrick, in Smith, Bible Diet., iii, 2602, Am. ed.; and Mosheim, Hist. Commentaries on the First Three Centuries of the Christian Church, i, 165, 166. 1 Essays on Miracles, 5th ed., pp. 116, 117. 100 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. in their own times, they uniformly represent the great works of the Lord and the apostles as having ceased. " Why," say they, " do not these miracles take place now, which, as you preach to us, took place once ? I might answer that they were necessary before the world believed, that it might believe."1 "Argue not," says St. Chrysostom, " because miracles do not happen now that they did not happen then. ... In those times they were profitable, and now they are not. . . . The more evident and constraining are the things which happen the less room there is for faith."2 Au gustine, however, argues for the continuousness of miraculous man ifestations, and gives a list ; but he says significantly that these do not authenticate the Church as divine, but the Church authen ticates the miracles. The Donatists and the heretics had their miracles. " The Church does spiritually every day," says Gregory the Great, " what she did corporally through the apostles. And these spiritual miracles are the greater."3 Singularly endowed as the first Christian preachers were, they have ever been regarded as the best human models in administra- the apostolic tion, charity, heroism, and wisdom in appeal to the preachers heart and understanding. All later departures have els for all been deflections from the example of apostolic times* times. while all true reformers have aimed to bring the Church back to sympathy with, and resemblance to, what Johann von Mliller well calls, "the Church of the century of wonders." 1 Aug. De Civ. Dei, xxii, 8, § 1. 5 Horn, in 1 Cor. vi, 2, 3. Compare Ambrose, Ep. i, 22 ; Isidore of Pelusium, Ep. iv, 80; Pope Gregory, in Evang., ii, 29. 3 Newman, in his Essays on Ecclesiastical Miracles, gives an acute discussion of the whole subject from the point of view of a believer. The best skeptical treatment is still Conyers Middleton's Introductory Discourse and Free Inquiry (1748). Middleton, who is called the English Lessing, had a cold and critical intellect of great learning and penetration. Macaulay calls him "the great iconoclast — " " So wary held and wise That, as 'twas said, he scarce received t For Gospel what the Church believed." An abundant literature grew up around his epoch-making treatise. THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. 101 CHAPTER VI. THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. The apostolic group at the time of Pentecost consisted of the following : Simon Peter, Andrew, James the elder (son of Zebedee), John, Philip, Thomas, called Didymus, Bartholomew (Nathanael), Matthew, James the younger (son of Alphseus), Thaddaeus, or Lebbaeus, Simon, the zealot or Canaanite, and Matthias, chosen by lot to take the place of Judas Iscariot. I. PETEE AND JEWISH CHEISTIANITY. The apostle Peter represented the strongly aggressive Jewish element in the first stage of the Church. His restoration to divine favor after his denial of our Lord was complete, and he was the representative of the whole Church on the day of Pentecost. His ardent temperament and lingering attachment to the faith of his lathers adapted him especially to the evangelization of the country occupied by the Jews. The death of Stephen, the young deacon, at Jerusalem, about the year 33 or 34, was the beginning of the first persecution THE first which caused the apostles to leave that city. Philip persecution. went northward into Samaria on a tour of evangelization, and was soon followed by Peter, accompanied by John. Their success was great, large numbers being added to the Church. The persecution came to an end throughout the three provinces, and the number of believers multiplied.1 The period of rest, however, was due to no friendly feeling toward the Christians, but through a diversion of the Jewish mind. Caligula, the Roman emperor, in his eager desire to receive universal adoration went so far as to attempt the destruction of the Jewish faith, and caused his statue to be set up for worship in the Jewish temple. This extreme measure drove the Jews to the point of rebellion, which ceased only through the sudden death of Caligula. During this pause in the persecution two notable events occurred : first, Paul's conversion, and, after a lapse of three paul^scon- years, his presentation by Barnabas to the apostles in Jeter^jour Jerusalem ; and, second, the memorable journey of ney to joppa. Peter to the coast, where, at Joppa, he was taught by a vision 'Acts ix, 31. 102 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the universality of the Gospel. He gave a twofold proof of his ac ceptance of the great truth by eating in the house of Simon the tanner, and by receiving into the Church without the preliminary circumcision, but by baptism alone, the Roman officer Cornelius, connected with the noble families of the Scipios, Sulla, and the Gracchi. The persecution beginning with the death of Stephen had strangely enlarged the field of apostolic labor. Among the Chris tians driven from Jerusalem were some Hellenists from ENLARGEDfield of apos- the island of Cyprus, and from Cyrene, in Egypt, and tolic labor, ^ey went along the maritime Phoenician plain as far northward as Antioch, and included Cyprus also in their field of labor. At Antioch the Christians met with signal success, and it was here, and now, that the disciples of Jesus were first called Chris tians. This city was a great center of commercial, political, and intellectual importance. It was founded B. C. 300 by Seleucus Nicator, and named after his father Antiochus, and at this time was the third city in the Roman empire, Rome and Alexandria alone surpassing it. Its walls were fifteen feet thick and fifty feet high. Its buildings were surpassed in splendor by only a few in Rome. It was a meeting place of the populations of ANTIOCH. both Europe and Asia, and Syriac, Hebrew, Greek, and Latin were only a few of the languages spoken by its citizens. The apostles early saw its value as a key for the distribution of the Gospel westward. With them that Syrian city was to the Church of Asia Minor and even Greece what Rome later became to Italy and the North. The news of the success of the Gospel in Antioch being received at Jerusalem, Barnabas was sent as a special mes senger to aid in the work of evangelization and consolidation. He "was glad, and exhorted them all, that with purpose of heart they would cleave unto the Lord."1 Evidently feeling the need of cooperation he went to Tarsus for Paul, and the two returned to Antioch, and remained a year there in charge of the rapidly advancing Church. Subsequently Paul and Barna bas returned to Jerusalem with contributions for the needy Chris tians there. They again set out for Antioch, which was now the real center of the Church, taking with them John Mark, a man of Jewish parentage and cousin of Barnabas. Paul and Barnabas were now chosen by the Church at Antioch for special apostolic work, and they proceeded on a tour to Seleucia, Cyprus, Perga in Pamphylia, the Pisidian Antioch, Iconium, and Lystra, 1 Acts xi, 23. THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. 103 and returned to the Syrian Antioch, and made report of their success. The greatest crisis in the history of the apostolic Church was now at hand. It sorely tested both the faith and charity of the entire body of believers. The question at issue was, whether all persons entering the Church must first pass through the Jewish ceremonial of circumcision, or whether prpfesjion_j3f_Jiaith and baptism were ample conditions of membership. When Paul and Barnabas reached Antioch they found the brethren who , „„,„„,„.„, • *" A CRIblS IN THE had come from Jerusalem, and were advocating the apostolic ceremonial of the Mosaic law as a condition of Church CHUKCH- fellowship. Peter seems for a time to have been in favor of the Jewish exclusiyism, ceased, to eat with Gentile Christians, and was the means of leading others, Barnabas among them, into a similar error. Paul publicly rebuked them, and made Peter the object of his special censure : "I withstood him to the face, be cause he was to be blamed."1 The author of the Acts does not mention his or any other name as advocating the measure, but only calls them "certain men which came down from Judea."2 But Paul, in an epistle, throws very clear light on the whole contro versy. His account is his most important historical supplement to the Acts of the Apostles.8 The result of the controversy was an appeal to a general council of the Church in Jerusalem, A. D. 50-52. Peter and Paul and jgarnjhas went thither in person. Peter, who will ever THE GBNBBA1 stand at the threshold of ecclesiastical history as the council inje- type of a Church, leader ready to be convinced, and as KtJSALEM- ready to return again to his first principles, now appears as a cham pion for the liberal position of Paul. He even claimed the honor of being the chosen one of God to declare the Gospel to the Gen tiles, and now insists that God should not be tempted to put a yoke on the neck of the disciples of Christ,4 Paul, Barnabas, James, and Simeon addressed the council, and the result was that the lib eral view prevailed — that no part of the Jewish ceremonial should ever be prescribed as a condition of Gentile membership.. Never, in the entire history of the Church, did a general council reach so important and wise a conclusion or one couched in such brief terms. The whole decision is thus tersely stated : "It seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to us, to lay upon you no greater burden than these necessary things ; that ye abstain from meats offered to idols, and from blood, and from things strangled, and 1 Gal. ii, 11. 3 Gal. ii, whole chapter. 2 Acts xv, 1. 4 Acts xv, 7-10. 104 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. from fornication : from which if ye keep yourselves, ye shall do well. Fare ye well." l The relation of the Jewish ceremonial to the Christian system was now settled forever. It could come to the surface no more, except as an occasional ground of local controversy in some obscure society. With the settlement of this question Peter became less prominent. We have no detailed account of his later labors. While he retires more and more into the background Paul ad vances steadily to the front. Peter's name is not even mentioned after the fifteenth chapter of the Acts, while the latter half of the book is almost entirely occupied with a narrative of the experiences of Paul. With all the difference of opinion between paul in con- Peter and Paul, and notwithstanding the strong rebuke trast. 0j y^ former Dy tne latter, there was no want of real charity. Peter, in so many respects a representative character in the Church, is in no respect more so than in combining the charity of the Christian with the warmth of the partisan. He does not seem to be jealous of Paul, who now occupies by far the leading place in apostolic labor, but cherishes for him a warm regard. It would seem that he meant to correct a popular impression that there was a difference between them, and hence, at the close of his epistles, he speakB of "our beloved brother Paul."2 He admits that Paul wrote " some things hard to be understood," but puts the burden chiefly on the ignorance of his readers and their will fulness in twisting them from their true meaning.3 We have no account of Peter's later field of labor. The super- 1 Acts xv, 28, 29. The Didache (chap, vi) repeats the decree concerning idol offerings, and John evidently considered the finding of the council binding (Rev. ii, 14, 20). Paul takes a view characteristically liberal, placing the whole matter on the basis of expediency (1 Cor. viii, 4-13 ; x, 18, 19, 28, 29. Compare Rom. xiv, 20, seq.) Justin Martyr, c. Tryph., xxxiv, xxxv, Council of Gangra, can. ii, and Ap. Canons, lxiii, understand the Apostolic Council as still bind ing the Church. This is the view of the Greek Church, but the Roman Church, in this respect following Paul more than Peter, takes the liberal construc tion. It is evident that the parts of the decree referring to matters of cer emonial or ritualistic importance became of none effect when the circum stances which called for them no longer existed. Whether the same principle applies to Paul's prohibition of woman's activities in the Church it is not the place here to discuss. See Schaff, ed. of Didache, p. 183. The best treat ment of these Judaistic conflicts in the early Church is found in Slater, Faith and Life of the Early Church, Lond., 1892; a careful and scholarly work. Farrar gives an illuminating discussion of the Apostolic Council, Life and Epistles of St. Paul, chap, xxii, and Early Days of Christianity, pp. 294-297. s 2 Peter iii, 15. 3 2 Peter iii, 16. THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. 105 scription to his first epistle would lead fairly to the inference that he had labored and founded societies in Pontus, Galatia, Cappa- docia, Asia, and Bithynia. The conclusion of the same epistle contains the information that, at the time of writing, he was in Babylon. There was a strong Jewish element in the population there, and up and down the Euphrates, and he was no ETE , doubt attracted thither as a promising and needy field uncer- field of apostolic labor. During the latter part of TAIN" his life it seems to have been an understood relation between him and Paul that the latter should labor in the West and he in the East. The Roman Catholic Church holds the view that Peter.kwas the founder of the Church in Rome, that he established the episcopacy there, that hTlrasHSisnop* in that capital twenty-five years, and that he terminated his primacy by a martyr,s^lliffi7"iThis is too large a tax on our credulity. The task of weighing no certainty probabilities is never easy, and in this case especially THAT PETER difficult. Even the oldest traditions of the Church do 0X0™!™ not include Peter among the first bishops of Rome, for Rome. the earliest list mentions only Linus, Anacletus, and Clement. Jerome is the first to speak of a twenty-five years' episcopate, and from him all the rest have borrowed the myth. Prom Dionysius of Corinth, writing about A. D. 170, we have the first mention of his death at Rome. While we are thus left without exact information on the final field of labor by Peter, it is not impossible that he did spend a brief period in Rome, and that he finally suffered martyrdom there *n Nero's reign^A. D-Jft1.1 We reject totally all legends that raise 1 Guericke holds, in common with most recent scholars, that Peter died in Rome. But he neither admits any plausibility to a Roman episcopate nor a long residence. Church Hist., vol. i, p. 53. Niedner has a similar view : Lehrbuch d. Kirchengesch., pp. 116, 117. Kurtz (10th ed., 1890) admits the Roman mar tyrdom as very probable, though not certain. Neander, Hilgenfeld, Rothe, Thiersch, Plumptre, Schaff, and most Protestant scholars hold the affirmative of this question, to which they are bound by the uncontradicted testimony of the primitive Church. Renan in his Appendix to The Antichrist has a valuable note affirming the same view. • Volkmar, Zeller, Baur, and some others deny the correctness of the tradition. Gallagher has revived the controversy in his book, "Was Peter Ever at Rome ? (N. Y., 1894) answering the question in the negative, but he adds nothing new to the argument. The Abbe Fouard in his great work on Peter adheres to his Roman episcopate, though with several liberal admissions (Lond. and N. Y., 1893). Ernest de Bunsen contends for Peter's residence in Rome, A. D. 41-44, and he makes out a fairly good case. See his article in the Unitarian Review, Jan., 1891, pp. 12-17. It was during the time of Herod Agrippa's reign of terror and of Paul's retirement to Arabia. 106 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. him to ecclesiastical primacy in Rome, either for one day or twenty- five years, and the total silence of the Acts of the Apostles, of Paul's epistles, and of his own, is ample proof that he could not have been there long enough to constitute an influential factor in the development of the Roman society. , 0 II. PAUL AND GENTILE CHRISTIANITY. Paul, in the belief and veneration of the Church, occupies the first rank among apostles in talents, varied and broad culture, and sublime consecration. His first home_and associations fitted him specially for his later universal character as an apostle to the nations. Tarsus was an important city, the scene of more than one turning point in Eastern and Western history, and the seat of a celebrated university. This school, according to Strabo,1 was the most advanced in the Roman empire, even excelling those of paul's train- Alexandria and Athens. Learned men from Tarsus ing in tarsus. -were chosen tutors for the imperial family, and the literary productions of that city were read with avidity in Rome. Paul's first training was in that romantic and historical place, and there his genius first began to develop. His skillful use of the Greek language, with all its charm of imagery and subtle force as the vehicle for his thoughts, and his familiarity with the Greek poets, as exhibited in his address on the Areopagus at Athens, are proofs of the classic atmosphere which he breathed in Tarsus in his youth. The poet, therefore, is not without justification in attributing to the classic associations of Tarsus a strong and per manent influence on the mind of Paul : "In Cydnus' clear but chilly wave His weary limbs was wont to lave Great Philip's greater son — By Egypt's queen on Cydnus' tide, The Roman, proof 'gainst all beside, By beauty's smile was won. But now, I ween, in Christian lays Hath Cydnus earned a holier praise. "Where Tarsus, girt with greenest trees, Her image fair reflected sees In that fast-flowing stream — In childhood's hour was wont to stray, Poring upon the classic lay, Or lost in heavenly dream — 1 xiv, 673. THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. 107 He who should carry far and wide The banner of the Crucified." But Paul was a Jew, a Pharisee of the Pharisees, and when a youth his culture was not regarded as complete, or even safe, without a period of study at the fountain head of his faith, Jeru salem.1 Having a sister there who had married and established her home there, Paul went thither and became a student PA0L IN JEKTJ. at the feet of Gamaliel, the most celebrated preceptor of salem. Jewish theology. His residence in Jerusalem could not have been less than twenty-five years. Paul thus combined in his person many remarkable character istics of the oriental and occidental, while his attainments fitted him equally well for public labors in either the Jewish or the Grasco-Latin world. His conversion near Damascus was the begin- PAUl's train- ning of his Christian life. He had been present at the ing fitted him death of Stephen, and held the loose clothing of the politan°mis- protomartyr's murderers while they performed their SI0N- cruel deed. The opinion prevailed in the early Church, and was clothed in terse language by Augustine, that there, by the prayer of Stephen, the first impulse toward his conversion was given : ' ' If Stephen had not prayed, the Church would never have had its Paul." 2 After an interval of three years he returned to Jerusalem, where Barnabas introduced him to the apostles. He recognized clearly that his mission was to the nations lying west of Palestine, and he entered zealously upon his work of Western evangelization. Paul made four missionary journeys. His first tour was begun A. D. 49 or 50. a Accompanied by Barnabas and John Mark he sailed from Seleucia to Cyprus. He traveled through the island and then proceeded to the mainland of Asia Minor. He visited Perga in Pamphylia, Antioch in Pisidia, Iconium, ° . PAUL S FIRST Lystra, and Derbe, and afterward retraced his path- twomission- way, arriving at Antioch in Syria. His second tour AKTJOnKNEYS- began A. D. 51. He went through Syria, then northwestward to Cilicia, and afterward to Phrygia and Galatia. Following the 1 The best treatment of the relative influence exercised upon Paul by his pagan and Jewish training is found in Farrar, Life and Work of St. Paul, chap. i-iii. Farrar is correct in his conclusion that the Tarsian influence was slight. It was real, but was overborne by his later education. ' Si Stephanus non orasset, ecclesia Paulum non haberet. Serm. i and iv in fest. S. Steph. 3 The dates are uncertain. Lewin gives A. D. 45-46 for the first missionary journey, 49 for the second, 54-58 for the third, and 60 for the voyage to Rome. Conybeare and Howson give 48-49, 51, 54-58, and 60 respectively. 108 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. direction that came to him in a vision he sailed for Macedonia, and began his ministry in Philippi. He journeyed through Am- phipolis, Apollonia, Thessalonica, Berea, Athens, and Corinth. From Corinth, where he remained fifteen months, he proceeded by way of Cenchraea to Ephesus. He then proceeded to Jerusalem, whence he returned to Antioch. Paul's third journey began A. D. 54. He visited the churches in Galatia and Phrygia ; thence proceeded to Eghesus ; then labored in Macedonia and Illyricum, and, departing from Philippi, joined his companions at Troas. He then went by way of Assos, Mity- THIHD lene, Cmos, Samos, and Trogyllium to Miletus, and journey. proceeded by way of Coos, Rhodes, Patara, Cyprus, Tyre, Ptolemais, and Caesarea to Jerusalem. He was arrested in Jerusalem and sent to Cassarea, where he defended himself before Felix. He was two years a prisoner in Caesarea. Felix being su perseded by Festus as procurator and representative of Roman authority, Paul appealed to Caesar. He started for Rome as a prisoner, in charge of the centurion Julius. At Myra he was trans ferred to a ship from Alexandria, and was wrecked at the island of Malta. After remaining there three months he again set sail for Rome, landing at Puteoli, and, proceeding over the Pontine Marshes, passing Appii Forum and the Three Taverns, he reached Rome. He remained there two years, A. D. 61-63, and was then set at liberty. Paul's fourth tour occurred after his release from prison, and, according to the most reasonable supposition, embraced a visit to Crete, Macedonia, Corinth, and a winter at Nicopolis. It was fourth during this time that he went through Dalmatia, and journey. afterward reached Asia Minor.1 He was again arrested and brought to Rome as a prisoner. He suffered martyrdom there during Nero's reign, about A. D. 66 or 67. Paul always appealed to the Jews first, but on being rejected by them he immediately turned to the non-Jewish people in the path 1 For an interesting discussion as to whether Paul visited Spain after his first captivity in Rome, and as to a second captivity, see Kurtz, Handb. d. allg. Kirchengeschichte, vol. i, pp. 71-73, note, Eng. Tr., i, 43, 44. Eusebius (H. E. , ii, 22) is the only early writer who mentions Paul's release from imprison ment, but he is apparently unconscious of any other tradition. Jerome (De Vir. 111. v) follows Eusebius. Modern scholars are divided. The most of those who hold to the genuineness of the Epistles to Timothy hold also the second imprisonment. There seems in fact no sufficient reason whatever to call in question the testimony of Eusebius. See McGiffert, Eusebius, p. 124, note 6; Schaff, Ch. Hist., i, 331-333 ; Farrar, St. Paul, Excurs. xxvi and xxvii. THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. 109 of his labors. His career stands alone in the annals of mankind. His disregard of difficulties; his perfect indifference to personal danger ; his peculiar combination of the best culture of the pagan mind and of Jewish theology ; his strange traordinary insight into the heart ; his preaching, pointed, terse, GIFTS' and of great scope, and his wonderful epistles, which have fur nished a theology for all Christian ages, give him a supreme place among men. His great peculiarity as a teacher was the directness with which he received and imparted the truth revealed *fo him from God. Hagenbach thus defines it : "It was not the fruit of laborious combinations, and still less of the mere impression made by others, but an immediate perception and grasping of the truth revealed to him by our Lord and his Spirit." a With Paul's career as an apostle, both as a preacher and writer, Christianity first assumed a universal character. When his labors were over, the religion which he preached was no longer a limited system confined by Jewish conditions, but had acquired PADL'S AP0S. such a relation toward the world that its final tri- ™lic career. umph over the opposing faiths was only a question of years. He never doubted the issue. At no time, even amid great personal danger, had he any misgivings as to the success of the Gospel. He was often disappointed in his plans, and it would seem that much of his time was lost through imprisonment, the tedi- ousness of his journeys, and his need to earn the means for his support by manual labor. Yet he never murmured at his lot, but was content with his environment. Fully conscious of the lofty place which had been assigned him in the ministry his hu mility was equal to his spiritual rank. All his genius and learn ing he counted as nothing compared with the excellency of the knowledge of Christ.'' III. JOHN AND THE EECONCILIATION. Peter, by his strong Hebrew attachments representing that ele ment in the apostolic Church, and Paul the spirit of aggressive and universal Christianity, it was John's mission to har- J0HNTHK monize the divergent elements. For this purpose he apostle op was preeminently fitted by his equable and tolerant na- harmony. ture, by his near relations to our Lord, and by his long life, which closed A. D^Jjy,. According to the general belief of the early Church 1 Kirchengesch. der erst, sechs Jahrhunderte, p. 83. 4 There is an immense literature on the Life and Epistles of St. Paul. The three great English lives are by Lewin, 1851, new ed., 1874; Conybeare and Howson, 1852, often reprinted (buy only the unabridged author's edition) ; and 110 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. his death, like his own nature, was peaceful ; of all the apostles he was the only one who was believed not to have suffered martyrdom. In some respects John's life presents more attractive features than that of any of his associates. It was a romance of love, spjrituaJ^Jieauty, and hpljjjato. As he was the most intimate friend" of our Lord during his public ministry, so his writings touch the divine character and relations more intimately than those of any other inspired writer. Of all the evangelists he was john's tlie only one wno wrote a gospel in an apologetic sense, writings. recognizing and expounding the divine Logos in answer to the objections current during the last quarter of the first cen tury. His epistles, not like those of Paul, which aimed at instruc tion, breathed only love and unified the still incongruous societies by their sublime tenderness and the remarkable example of their aged author. His Apocalypse accomplished the hitherto untouched purpose in the Bible, namely, in an age of violent persecution it directed the thought and faith of the Church to the rest and the home of all who " endured as seeing him who is invisible." It was, therefore, not without propriety that the early Christian writers represented John, the sole survivor of the apostolic group, as sup plying in his writings what the rest had omitted, and, under the symbol of an eagle soaring above the ordinary level of human life and aspiration. Adam of St. Victor, who died in the twelfth century, thus pictured him : " Bird of God I with boundless flight, Soaring far above the height Of the bard or prophet old ; Truth fulfilled or truth to be, Never purer mystery Did a purer tongue unfold." ' Farrar, 1879. These are all monumental works. Farrar's, fully equal to the others in scholarship, is superior to them for its eloquence, insight, fresh and penetrating views, and its fuller discussion of matters of more important and enduring interest. Buy only the two vol. edition. There are excellent short lives by Stalker, 1884, and Iverach, 1891. Schrader, Neander (in Planting and Training), Baur, Hausrath, Trip, Bungener, Renan, and Krenkel have treated the apostle from their various standpoints. Compare the article by Hatch in the Encyclopaedia Brit., that by Schmidt in Herzog and Plitt, that by Bey- 6chlag in Riehm, Handworterbuch, and that by Farrar in the new ed. of Chambers' Encyclopaedia (1892). 1 " Volat avis sine meta Quo nee vates nee propheta Evolavit altius : Tarn implenda, quam impleta, Nunquam vidit tot secreta Purus homo purius." THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. Ill When Leonardo da Vinci, in his immortal fresco of the Last Supper, portrayed on the convent wall in Milan the beloved dis ciple as leaning over nearest the Master, he embodied the sentiment of the Church in all ages concerning both the life which John led and the confidential office which it was his destiny to fulfill. So, when amid the great tragedy of the Passion, Christ committed his mother to the keeping of the disciple whom he most deeply loved, he merely expressed his trustfulness in the only one who had never, by any shade of conduct, betrayed him. To others he might in trust the gravest evangelistic duties, but it was only to John that he was willing to commit the delicate charge of caring for his mother. We may well suppose that John never forgot this final command. It was believed in the early Church that Mary reached an advanced age, and accompanied John to Ephesus, JOhn's care where she died. But, apart from the legend, we can opmary. well believe that John's care of Mary was the most precious charge of his life. May it not have been the case that, when he wrote his gospel, he was aided not only by his own personal recollection, but by the memories of Mary herself ? Many portions of his gos pel exhibit very decided traces of conversations with the mother of Jesus. There is a little nook in the northwest corner of the Sea of Gali lee which is called by the present Arab population Tabighah. The rank vegetation indicates great fertility of soil. There is a pro fusion of fountains, pools, and remains of old aqueducts. Accord ing to Robinson, Macdonald, and Porter this is the site of the Bethsaida which, more likely than Capernaum, was the JOhn's first home of John. It means " The House of Fish," birthplace. and was one of the chief fishing towns of the shore of the Sea of Galilee. It is reached by a ride of forty minutes from Tell Hum, the ancient Capernaum, and that again is but a short distance from the Chorazin of the New Testament. John's father, Zebedee, and his mother, Salome, belonged to the well-to-do class ; for, while Zebedee had a trade, as was the case with all Jews, he had hired servants,1 and a business partner.2 His wife Salome supported our Lord from her means,3 and embalmed his body, while her son John, as we learn from his gospel,4 owned a property. 6 1 Mark i, 20. " Luke v, 20. 3 Luke viii, 3. • John xix, 27. 5 See Schaff's ed. of Lange's John, p. 4. 112 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. One, in reading of this marvelous Sea of Galilee and the associa tions connected with it, naturally magnifies the distances. The fact is that the traveler can easily go, in a morning ride, from one end of the lake to the other. It is only fourteen miles_ long and sea or gali- about one half _as.jcide. One skirts the western shore lee. 0f the lake, through a thick growth of reeds and olean ders, and in a few hours passes the squalid villages that mark the sites of all those towns along the shore which are forever asso ciated with the labors of our Lord and his disciples. But there was a busy population about this historical little lake. On one of the hills overlooking it the Master fed the multitude more than once. From the little territory of Galilee, Josephus raised, in a few days, an army of one hundred thousand soldiers to re sist the Romans. The throngs were about Jesus constantly, bring' ing their sick to be healed and listening to his words of life. But still this Galilean population was an inland and provincial mass, and took no active part in the world's great movement and thought. Amid rare natural beauty John grew from infancy to maturity. His life here was, perhaps, only broken by the annual visit to Jerusalem. All the male Jews, after reaching the age of twelve, visited Jerusalem once a year. They descended the valley of the Jordan to escape crossing the odious Samaritan soil, and took the road from Jericho to Jerusalem. These visits produced upon John's mind a profound impression. At the very time when he made his first visit there was studying in Jeru salem the youth Saul, from Asia Minor, who was destined to exert upon the Church a more profound impression than any other man in history. It is not likely that the two met among the throngs of the city, but they were both led by a hand they knew not to be participants, in mature life, in the sublime work of apostleship for Christ. After John's call to be a disciple of our Lord he was his constant attendant along the shore of the Sea of Galilee and over these over hanging mountains. No doubt his mind went back with interest to these first experiences. He knew all the paths of the surround ing country and the habits of the people. In his latest life, when leaning upon his staff in far-off Ephesus, he never for got his home in Bethsaida. The words which he speaks in his gospel concerning Christ's ministrations in that region show how exact was his recollection of his own first home. After the ascension of Jesus, and the subsequent descent of the Spirit at Pentecost, John lived in Jerusalem for many years. He was im- john's homes. THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. 113 prisoned several times in Jerusalem, but always came out of his dun geon with increased power and patience as an apostle. He was regarded as the chief representative of the now risen Lord. He had never, like Peter, denied his Master, nor, like Thomas, doubted his resurrection. As occasion demanded he left the city for spe cial evangelistic services. For example, when Philip preached in Samaria, and the whole population were ready to accept his mes sage, he needed help to complete his work. So John and Peter went at once to reinforce him. Indeed, John seems to have now leaned on Peter as his companion and trusted friend. They preached together, traveled together, and communed in sweet fel lowship. The impulsive and heroic Peter was a fit companion for the patient and deep-seeing John. The meeting of the apostolic council occurred A. D. 50, or about twenty years after our Lord's ascension. We now lose trace of John for a period of nearly twenty more years. He disappears so entirely from sight that we are left to depend altogether on a comparison of historical events in order to locate the probable scene of his labors and his reappearance in the history of the Church. When Paul's last visit to Jerusalem occurred, A. D. 59 or 60, John was not present. Where was he ? Some conjecture that he was in Peraea, making arrangements for the settlement there of the Christians from Jerusalem when driven silence as to out by the persecution, which his prophetic sight John's abode. anticipated. This is the view of Schaff, who says : " Pella (in Peraea), therefore, formed the natural bridge for the apostle from Jerusalem to Ephesus, and probably he did not leave the con gregation at Pella to pass to Asia Minor until it was firmly estab lished."1 We know that the remaining portion of his life was divided between exile on Patmos and quiet residence in Ephesus. But where did he spend the unknown interval between A. D. 50 and about A. D. 68 or 70 ? The most probable scene of his la bors was in Parthia and the northern valley of the Tigris and Eu phrates. One ground for this supposition is that this is known tol>e the scene of Peter's labors, and, as we find Peter and John to be associated in Jerusalem and Samaria, and in the general direction of the Palestinian Church, we have reason to suppose that they extended their joint field to Parthia and the great valley of which Babylon formed the commercial and literary center. Josephus informs us that the Jewish element was very large in the population of Babylon. This would be the first class to which 1 In Lange, on John's Gospel, p. 10. 114 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the two apostles would make their appeal. But a still stronger ground was the impression in the early Church that John had labored in this region. Augustine (A. D. 398) quotes from the First Epistle of John, which he introduces by this expression : " Which is said by John in the Epistle to the Parthians."1 An argu ment in favor of this Eastern home of John has been bly in baby- found in the resemblance between the visions in the 10N- Apocalypse and the visions of Ezekiel's prophecies. John's residence here would lead to a reperusal, not only of Ezekiel's visions, but of all the visions of the illustrious line of Israel's cap tive prophets. This examination would naturally affect his author ship and prophetic states. The Jewish people were restless under the Roman yoke, and the Christians received no support from either the Jews or the Romans. In fact, they were the common object of hostility from both quar ters. The Jews attributed to them all the calamities that had befallen their country and their beloved Jerusalem. So they per secuted them with all the bitterness of pagans. The Herodian family was dying out through sheer moral exhaustion, and the Roman governors were rapacious and cruel. The people rose in one great body against the Roman rule, and, in order to suppress the revolt, Nero sent Vespasian, A. D. 67, with an army of sixty thousand. Shortly afterward Nero died, and Vespasian was pro claimed emperor. His son, Titus, took charge of the army, con- john a pugi- quered the Jews, put them to death without mercy, tive. and entirely destroyed the city of Jerusalem A. D. 70. The Christians shared in the universal massacre. Many of them fled to Pella, in Peraea, east of the Jordan, but many escaped to Asia Minor and other western regions. John, having finished his labors in the East, was one of the fugitives to the West. We find him next in Ephesus. Ephesus became his last permanent home. * For about thirty years, or until John's supposed death — which, according to Iren33us, was after the year A. D. 98 ; according to Jerome, when he was one 1 Quo dictum est ab Joanne in Epistola ad Parthos. Qua?st. Evang. , c. xix. 5 Some, in the interest of a denial of the authenticity of the fourth gospel, have tried to keep John out of Asia entirely. See Keim, Jesu v. Nazara i 161, ff., Holtzmann, Bibel-Lex., s. v., Scholten, and the author of Supernatural Religion, ii, 410. But here the tradition is absolutely unbroken, and there is no reason whatever to doubt it. All that we can say is that John did not arrive in Asia until after Paul had left it, and, as Professor McGiffert says, this is what we would naturally expect (ed. Eusebius, p. 132, note 6). See Irenjeus Adv. Haer, iii, 1 ; Clem. Alex. , Quis dives Salvetur ; c. 42 ; Polycrates in Euse bius, H. E., iii, 31, and v, 24. THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. 115 hundred years old ; and, according to Suidas, when he was one hundred and twenty years old— Erfljfisus was his princi- EPHesus pal home. He here had a sort of superintendence over all john's last the churches of Asia Minor, if not of Corinth and other H0ME' places in Greece. During his stay in Ephesus the persecution under Nero 1 broke out. John suffered with the rest and was ban ished to the island of Patmos. According to the Chronicon Paschale, John spent fifteen years on this rocky and barren island, and accord ing to another authority he was allowed to return the year after his banishment. It is about fifteen miles in circumference, and lonely and desolate in the extreme. Here, according to Irenaeus, he had the visions recorded in the Book of Revelation. Indeed, John says the same substantially himself. " I John, who also am your brother, and companion in tribulation, and in the J0Hn in pat- kingdom and patience of Jesus Christ, was in the isle M0S- that is called Patmos, for the word of God, and for the testimony of Jesus Christ." * No exile ever had a more lonely home than John had here. Years passed by, and only after the death of the emperor, according to a statement of Clement of Alexandria, was he permitted to return to Ephesus. He probably had little or no communication with the Christians in the great world, both east and west. He was alone with God and his own thoughts. That he had spent a number of years in Ephesus, and at least time enough to travel through parts of Asia Minor, and inspect the seven churches, is clear enough from the epistles to them in Revelation. The Chronicon Paschale says he had been nine years in Ephesus before banishment. When John returned to Ephesus he had much to do to encourage the persecuted Christians. They had been scattered and despond- ¦It was the general opinion, following ancient tradition (Eusebius, H. E., iii, 17, 18; Irenseus, Adv. Haer., v, 30, 3; Jerome, De Vir. Dlustr., 9), that the banishment of John took place under Domitian. But more thorough study of the Apocalypse has convinced most recent scholars that that book must have been written before the destruction of Jerusalem. This opinion we have followed above. There is, too, some external evidence for this. The title of the Syriac Version of the Apocalypse affirms it. Clement of Alexandria and Origen do not mention the name of the emperor. Epiphanius (Haer., Ii, 33) makes the banishment as early a3 Claudius, A. D. 41-53, which, of course, is impossible. The Irenseus tradition is too late to be authoritative, if otherwise discredited. Schaff (in his last edition ), Lightf oot, Westcott, Renan, Weiss, Liicke, De Wette, Baur, Neander, and many other scholars hold to the early date. The celebrated pam phlet of Vischer, Die Offenbarung des Johannes, eine jiidische Apocalypse in christlicher Bearbeitung (1886), makes for the same opinion. Vischer's theory of the Apocalypse cannot be accepted, but he strongly reinforces our judgment as to the early date of that writing. 2 Rev. i, 9. 116 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ing. The faith of many had grown cold. His first work was jg- organization. We can, in imagination, see this aged apostle moving "slowlyalong the streets, dwelling in thought upon the days when he was walking close beside his Master, but still intent on the service of the same Master. He gathered the Christians together, talked with them of their sorrows, and pointed them to their future last journey liberties. Idolatry was all about him. It was before op john. aii eyes and in all homes. The worship of Diana had derived a new impulse from the persecution of the Christians, so that the city was given up to a more gross idolatry than ever before. Pagan learning was cultivated to a high degree. But John was patient, loving, and trustful. He had foreseen the downfall of pagan ism and of all its splendid worship and temples. He could afford to wait. He made such tours of inspection among the suburban and more remote societies as his many years permitted, preaching love and faith by his own sublime example. He was himself a living proof of how beautiful a thing old age is to the Christian. Tradi tion says that when he could no longer move about with his own strength he was borne into the sanctuary, where he could only say, "Little children, love one another."1 What is more likely than that the evangel of love, which he had written and lived in his long life, should also be the evangel of his last years and his death ? The eagle was weary with many a flight. The final flight was to the city of the great King — the New Jerusalem of his own beatific vision.' IT. THE REMAINING APOSTLES. Of the remaining apostles there are reliable traditions of the scenes of labor and places of death of only a few. For nearly all we know of their apostolic career, apart from the mere indications in the Acts of the Apostles and Paul's epistles, we are dependent on the records preserved by Hegesippus, Eusebius, and Nicephorus, who were careful in sifting the traditions, and reported only the james the most probable. James, the brother of John, commonly elder. called the Elder, early suffered martyrdom at Jerusalem — about A. D. 44 — by the command of Herod.3 James, the brother 1 Jerome, in Gal. vi. ' On the apostle John, besides the Dictionaries and Introductions to the Com mentaries, see Trench, Life and Character of St. John, Lond., 1850 ; Stanley, Sermons and Essays on the Apostolic Age, pp. 234-281 ; Krenkel, D. Apostel Johannes, Leipz., 1871; Macdonald, Life and Writings of St. John, N. Y., 1877 ; new ed., 1880 ; Niese, Das Leben d. heil. Johannes, Leipz., 1878. 3 Acts xii, 1, 2, THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. 117 of our Lord,1 wrought a long time in Jerusalem. His labors seem to have been confined entirely to that city and its vicinity. Notwithstanding his relationship to Jesus he was held in high. esteem by the Jews on account of his strict adherence to the law, and was called by them the Just. After the departure of Peter and John he was the leader of the Jerusalem Church. Immediately before the outbreak of the Jewish war, however, he, in common with all the Christians in the city, incurred their hos- JAME8 THE tility. It is alleged, and was believed by the early brother op Church, that he was commanded to ascend one of the onR L0Ka' battlements and publicly renounce his faith in Christ ; that he as cended the place, and publicly declared his faith in Christ ; that the multitude cast him down headlong, and that he was killed by a blow from a club in the hand of one of the infuriated mob.3 Philip, according to Polycrates of Ephesus, who wrote about A. D. 190, chose Phrygia as his field of labor, and spent the latter portion of his life at Hierapolis.3 The early historians among the Fathers say that Simon Zelotes chose Egypt, the Cyrenaica, Mauritania, and Libya as his field of labor ; that Matthew labored in Persia ; that Andrew chose Scythia, Asia Minor, Thrace, and Greece ; that Matthias labored and suffered martyrdom in Ethiopia ; that Judas, called Lebbaeus andThaddaeus, made Persia his field of work, and that Bartholomew preached in Lycaonia, Armenia, and India. Concerning the later life and labors of Thomas there is a variety of opinions. There is general unanimity as to his having labored for a time in Persia, then compriseam the vast Parthian empire, which extended from the western bounds of Armenia to the mountain sources of the Oxus and Indus, in the heart of India.4 There is strong ground for believing that, after laboring for a while in Persia, he went to India, and spent the remainder of his life there. There were manyPersian colonists in India. According to Cosmas Indicopleustes, who wrote in the sixth century concerning the old Syrian Church in Malabar, the colonists in Ceylon were Persian Christians. There is a large body 1 GaL i, 19. s Eusebius, H. E., ii, 23. Josephus (Ant., xx, 9, 1) says that he was stoned to death under the high priest Ananus, A. D. 62. 3 Eusebius, H. E., iii, 31 ; v, 24. It is likely that Polycrates confounded the apostle Philip with the evangelist Philip (Acts xxi, 8, 9). His mention of the virgin daughters makes this quite certain. See McGiffert, Eusebius, p. 162, notes 6, 8. 4 Compare Rawlinson, Sixth Great Oriental Monarchy. Map, pp. 78, 79. 118 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of Christians, whom the missionaries of this century find in India, and who bear the name of TEomas Christians, and claim the apostle as the evangelist of the country. Cranganore is claimed as the place where Thomas landed from Aden, in Arabia. In the early part of this century it was the seat of an archbishopric, including forty-five churches. Near by is Parvor, where a very ancient Syrian church, supposed to be the oldest in Malabar, bears the name of Thomas.1 There are grounds for supposing that the Thomas Christians derived their name from others than the apostle. One is, that a Persian disciple of Manes, named Thomas, went to India, and became the founder of the Church there.2 Another is, that an Armenian merchant, named Thomas Kana, went to India about A. D. 800, and that his de scendants became the Thomas Christians.3 There are strong reasons grounds for both for and against Thomas having labored in India. belief that yon Bohlen disputes it,4 and Hoffmann draws a cautious bored in in- distinction between the early planting of the Gospel in DIA- India and Thomas having been the agent of it.5 The Persian Christians claim their country as his sole field of labor, and profess to show his relics in Edessa, the alleged place of his burial ; while the Thomas Christians of India show his grave at Meliapoor. presumption The weight of evidence is in favor of his having first ™^°f™ labored in Persia and then proceeded to India, and PERSIA AND r 3 india. spent the remainder of his life there. For the apostolic origin of Indian Christianity we have the testimony of Pantaenus (A. D. 190), 6 and for the tradition which assigns Thomas the honor we have the testimony of the A^ts^ALTJ^pmas (about A. D. 195), Bishop Dorotheus(bornA. D. 254), 7 Gregory Nazianzen,8 St. Jerome," Theodoret,10 Gregory of Tours,11 and Cosmas Indicopleustes. It is the universal belief of the Syxj&ns, Ajabs, and Armenians, and is combined even with the geography of the country/- Professor H. H. Wilson indorsed the tradition,13 while Dr. Buch- 1 Buchanan, Researches in Asia, pp. 74, 75. Phil. , ed. 1813. s Theodoret, Herat. Fab., i, 26.' 3Anquetil, Zend-Avesta, i, 178. 4Indien, vol. i, p. 375, ff. 6 Die Epochen der Kirchengeschichte, p. 7. 6 Eusebius, H. E., v, 10. 1 1n Paschal Chronicle. 8 Orat. 25, c. Arian. 9 Cat. Ser. Eccl., i, 120, Ep. lix, ad Marcellam. 10Serm. ix. 11 See Yule, Marco Polo, ii, 293. 12 Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, i, 161. THE APOSTLES AND THE SCENES OF THEIR LABORS. 119 anan went so far as to say, " We have as good an authority for believing that the apostle Thomas died in India as that the apostle Peter died at Rome." ' 1 Christian Researches in India, 5th ed., p. 134. The Rev. Charles Egbert Kennet, of Bishop's College, Calcutta, investigated the matter thoroughly. See his St. Thomas, The Apostle of India, Madras, 1882; 2d ed., 1892. The Mozaritic Breviary declares the same belief. Scholars generally, however, have rejected the tradition. Among these the latest is George Milne Rae, who devotes several chapters of his admirable work, The Syrian Church in India (Edinb., 1892), to a consideration of the early religious history of India. Compare my Indika, N. Y. , 1891, pp. 309-312. The early traditions are so variant that little value can be attached to them. See Lipsius, in Diet, of Chr. Biog., i, 83. 120 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : THE CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY CHURCH. We give here a list of some of the recent discussions. See above, p. 58-60. 1. Lightfoot, J. B. The Christian Ministry, in Comm. on Philippians, Lond., 1868, 7th ed., 1883. Reprinted in Dissertations on the Apostolic Age, Lond. and N. Y., 1892, pp. 135-246. Sober, objective, a model exposition. The best single discussion. 2. Haddon, A. W. Apostolical Succession, Lond., 1869. This is the most brilliant and scholarly defense ever made by the High Church party. 3. Jacob, G. A. Ecclesiastical Polity of the New Testament, N.T., 1872, ably sets forth the scriptural and other aspects in the interests of the Low Church view. 4. Hatch, E. Organization of the Early Christian Churches. Bampton Lectures for 1880. Lond., 1880, 3d ed., revised, 1888. Growth of Church Institutions, Lond. and N. Y., 1887. Hatch reopens all questions of Church polity. He shows the influence of secular organizations in the early Church, and how the Church officers were anticipated in the vol untary societies and guilds of the Hellenic world. He shows, also, how great a part the distribution of charitable funds had in the growth of the episcopate and diaconate. His work created a storm in the High Church camp, and has often been replied to ; but its facts, and many of its inductions, stand. 5. Rothe, R. Die Anfange der christl. Kirche u. ihrer Ver fassung, Wittenb., 1837. An epoch-making work. 6. Ritschl, A. Die Entstehung der altkatholischen Kirche, 2d ed., revised, Bonn, 1857. Of great importance. 7. Stanley, A. P. The Clergy: in Christian Institutions, Lond. and N. Y., 1881, chap. x. 8. Harnack, A. In his translation, with notes and discussion, of Hatch, Leipz. , 1883, in his ed. of the Didache, and in his Dogmengeschichte, Harnack has entered largely into these matters. He holds that the prophets and teachers, called of God, were the primitive clergy, and that the bishops and presbyters were the executive officers of the local church. 9. Kiihl, E. Die Gemeindeordnung in den Pastoralbriefen, Berl., 1885. An able work. Agrees with Hatch and Harnack in some respects. He claims, with them, that Church polity was a growth to meet a felt need, but re jects their theory of the development of the episcopate out of preexisting conditions. 10. Miiller, J. Die Verfassung der christlichen Kirche in den ersten beiden Jahrhunderten, Leipz., 1885. 11. Winterstein. Der Episkopat in den ersten christlichen Jahrhunderten, Vienna, 1886. 12. Cunningham, J. Growth of the Church in its Organization and Institu tions, Lond. and N.Y., 1886. (The Croall Lectures.) One of the best books on the subject. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE EARLY CHURCH. 121 13, Seufert. Der Ursprtingu. d. Bedentung des Apostolats in der christlichen Kirche der ersten zwei Jahrhunderten, Leipz., 1887. He holds that the apostolate was founded in the apostolic age, as an endeavor to get rid of Paul and his free Gospel. A far-fetched idea. 14. Seyerlen, K. R. Die Entstehung des Episkopats in der christlichen Kirche, in Zeitschrift f. prak. Theologie, Frankf., 1887. A reasonable and well- ordered view, illuminating, and somewhat after Lightfoot's thought. 15. Scott, H. M. Recent Investigation into the Organization of the Apos tolic and post-Apostolic Churches, in Bibliotheca Sacra, April and July, 1887. 16. The Expositor, London, 3d series, vols, v and vi, 1887, with supplementary article (by Sanday) on A Step in Advance in Early Church Organization, in 1888, pp. 325, ff. A series of articles by some of the best English and German scholars. 17. Weingarten, H. Zeittafeln und Ueberliche zur Kirchengeschichte, 4th ed., greatly improved, Leipz., 1891. Acute and just observations. He shows that imperial development went hand in hand with hierarchical de velopment, and that both had many points in common. His work is of great importance. 18. Loening. Die Gemeindeverf assung des Urchistenthums, Halle, 1888. Yields large influence to Jewish forms, and is not inclined to attach much in fluence to heathen societies. 19. Heron, J. The Church of the sub-Apostolic Age, Lond., 1888. Argues vigorously against both Hatch and the High Church theory. Founded on the Didache. 20. Fisher, G. P. The Validity of non-Episcopal Ordination, N. Y. , 1888. (The Dudleian Lecture.) 21. Gore, C. The Ministry of the Christian Church, 2d ed., Lond. and N. Y., 1889. One of the best briefs for the High Church claims. In trying to adapt itself to recent scholarship it moves uneasily, making some dam aging concessions as well as many unproved assertions. 22. Van Dyke, H. J. The Church: Her Ministry and Sacraments, N. Y., 1890. An able book. Should be read in connection with Haddon and Gore. 23. Lefroy, W. The Christian Ministry, Lond., 1890, and N. Y., 1891. A strong defense of the old Low Church theory as against sacerdotalism on the one hand, and Hatch on the other. An elaborate and finely argued work, with good indexes. 24. Weizsaeker, C. von. The Apostolic Age, trans., Lond. and N. Y., 1894. Writes this part of the history from the point of view, largely, of Hatch and Harnack. 25. Fraser, J. Episcopacy : Historically, Doctrinally, and Legally Considered. Lond., 1893. 26. Griffis, W. E. Validity of Congregational Ordination (Dudleian Lecture), in Bibliotheca Sacra, Oct., 1893. Although there is now no scholar in the world outside of the Roman Church and the hierarchical party in the Episcopal Church who now holds to the divine right theory of the origin of the episcopate, that theory is still main tained in all its practical force by the Anglican Church, and it is still the great barrier to Christian union. In this connection see the following ad mirable discussions : 122 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 27. Forrester, H. Christian Unity and the Historic Episcopate, N. Y. , 1889. An able historical study to show that the Church Catholic has at various times received men into her ministry without episcopal ordination, such re ception giving them " all that would have been given had the usual form been followed." 28. McConnell, S. D. American Episcopacy, N.Y., 1889. Handles the matter in a free and excellent spirit. 29. Harwood, E. The Historic Episcopate, N. Y., 1889. Has a valuable appen dix, tracing the views held in the English Church. These three (above) are pamphlets by ministers of the Protestant Episcopal Church. 30. Gallagher, Mason. The True Historic Episcopate, new ed., N. Y., 1893. Specially emphasizes the constitution of the church in Alexandria, and gives catena of English testimonials. 81. Long, J. C. The Historic Episcopate, in Bibliotheca Sacra, July, 1894. A fine article by the late lamented professor of Church History in Crozer Theological Seminary. 32. Bartlett, J. V. The Historic Episcopate, in Contemporary Review, June, 1894. 33. Shields, C. W. The Historic Episcopate, N. Y., 1894. A Presbyterian plea for acceptance of the Episcopal proposals for Church union. 34. Cooke, R. J. The Historic Episcopate, N. Y., 1896. CONSTITUTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. 123 *-— - U *- ..... ?v. "¦ CHAPTER VII. CONSTITUTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. When the converts entered the Christian communion during the apostolic period, they could not be expected to forget their former environment. All the experiences and knowledge which they de rived from either the Judaism or the paganism that had produced and reared them were not obliterated during their transition from darkness to noonday. This change was voluntary, conscientious, and fundamental, and the repugnance to the faiths of their former love was intense and final ; but the view which they took of the new faith received something of the color of their former THE JEW AS A associations. Hence the Jew carried unconsciously christian. with him into Christianity a certain subtle attachment to the faith of his fathers, by which he could not forget immediately his love for the holy days and sacred festivities, and distinctions in meats, of which he had read and heard as observed by his im mortal fathers in the golden age of the kingdom. Every Jew that sat at the feet of James at Jerusalem or Peter at Antioch reflected the whole national life and faith of his ancestors as far back as the deliverance from Egypt and the Abrahamic call. The attachment to the temple continued after the ascension. Whither should the one hundred and twenty disciples retire, after the ascension from Olivet, but to the upper room of the temple ? Even Jesus had given the example of his own respect for the sanctity of the temple, and the Jews did not regard the Christians as an independent body, but only a sect, a alpeaig, within the large body, just as the Graeco- Russian Church regards the Molakans and similar dissidents from the general faith as sects within the large fold. With the Greek and the Roman the case was different. He saw in his paganism not that clear preparation for Christianity the greek which he could not fail to observe in the Jewish system. As chris-N He was even more intolerant of his old faith than was tians. the Jewish Christian of his former Judaism. He saw nothing in the worship of Venus on Cyprus, or of Diana at Ephesus, or of Mi nerva on the Acropolis at Athens, or of Jupiter Capitolinus at Rome, or in the Sibylline utterances, or the mummeries of the haruspices, which he was willing to see introduced into the Christian 124 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ritual. Unlike the new Christian at Jerusalem, the pagan Chris tian had no lingering love for his own temple. To him it was a crystallization of the blasphemies and nameless vices of all the past ages of polytheism. Yet, even with him, the only good forces that paganism had imparted to him went with him into the new Christian life. He was the universal man. He needed no exhortation, as did his Jewish brother Christian, to be cured of his particularism. He was not under the necessity of being taught that God could be worshiped in every place, and that all lands were hallowed ground. The migrations of nations, the fusing of provincial and metropolitan life in the capitals, the ceaseless wandering of the scholars over all paths, and that great republic of letters whose leaders had been born on the Greek islands and the far-off provinces, had given him a breadth of view which he carried with him into Christianity, and by which he was led to believe that, as Alexander and the Cassars had conquered, so Jesus would conquer, until the world should become his footstool. Then, too, we find that the echoes of the philosophy of his great fathers of thought were still lingering in his ears. It was not a society of men once Jews, but once pagans, namely, that of Corinth, which Paul censured for being carried away by that peculiar preach ing of Apollos which reflected the philosophy of the Greek masters. We find, therefore, in the whole apostolic period a prevalence of these two antithetical tendencies, the Jewish and the pagan. Some critics, who, like Baur, of the Tubingen School, can see in the early Church only a tangled thread of prejudices and ignorant strivings for mastery, hold that the antagonism between the Jewish and pagan points of view, or, rather, the Petrine and the Pauline, brought only disaster to the Church ; that it was the ignorance of the Church in its infancy ; that it was the gross and wasteful out- jewishand Siving of controversial minds at their whitest heat, the pagan tend- wild play of narrow souls. The truth is to be found far away from this position. The Hebrew and the pagan view lay at extremes. The one was particular and special, the other cosmopolitan. Between these terms lay the golden mean of the correct Christian view of humanity and doctrine. The apos tolic Church (and so the Church of all later periods) was not the loser, but greatly the gainer, by having this antithesis presented at the very threshold of its history. The necessity was early thrust upon it to learn to harmonize differences, to see in all thought something that can serve as a lesson, in all regenerate character a measure of good for the whole body ecclesiastic, and to make the whole world, Jewish and pagan, lay at its feet its best lessons in or ganized activity and administrative force. CONSTITUTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. 125 The constitution of the Church was only in part a matter of di vine direction. The merest outline for ecclesiastical government was revealed, while the general structure was left to the spiritual discernment of the controlling minds, and to such needs as experi ence might produce and reveal. In constitution the constitution Jejdfih, elgnient predominated, and gave more or less °fthechurch character to the economy of all the churches, while in vealed. the conditions of membership and the use of foods and festivals the Gentijeprevailed, and finally eliminated the former altogether. " How could the apostles," asks Rothe, "escape adopting, in the most intimate way, even the very form of constitution which they had known in their own mother Church ? " ' All the officers in the apostolic Church are defined by name, and the only difficult question has been, what functions belonged respectively to these officers ? The answer has been very „„,,„„„ „„ OFFICES DE* varied, some regarding the Church at its beginning as fined by containing all the officers designed for it in all later NAME- ages, and others believing them to have been prescribed in only a general way, the Church being left to shape its constitution accord ing to the requirements of nationality, culture, and temperament of the peoples which might become evangelized. Long periods of fruitless controversy, the fatal development of the papal idea, and the figment of apostolical succession and of the episcopacy as a dis tinct and fixed third order in the Church, have grown out of the same question. There were five classes of Church officers in the apostolic period. I. TEMPOEAET OEFICEKS. To these belong, first, the apostles. They were a class ap pointed directly by Christ himself, and -a condition of their hold ing the office was that they must have seen ChriEiJn_ilig.„Jlesh, or in his risen state. This, therefore, could not be ; " - „ mi ,, THE APOSTLES. otherwise than a temporary office. 1 tie apostles were charged with the supervision of all the churches, and to their judgment there was always a wilting appeal. They were thor- 1 Anfange d. christl. Kirche, p. 147. The minuteness of the resemblance between the constitution of the synagogue and the Christian Church was first shown by Grotius, and more fully exhibited by Campegius Vitringa, in his De Synagoga vetere libri iii, 4to, Franequer, 1696. Several points are mentioned inPlumptre, art. "Synagogue," in Smith, Bible Diet. The statement of Kurtz on this is exaggerated (§ 17, 2). There can be no question whatever that several elements in the polity of the Church were due to the influence of the synagogue worship and other Jewish customs. It could not be otherwise. 126 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. oughly aggressive and evangelistic, and regarded it their first duty to preach the Gospel to those in darkness. With the ex ception of James the Just, who made Jerusalem his home, all the apostles were eyangejjsts, and went abroad preaching Jesus and the resurrection. Some of them, as Paul, John, James, and Peter, were divjnelyjnspiredto^ write, and their writings have formed a necessary doctrinal and spiritual basis for the Church of all ages. Though they labored in separate fields, there was a unity of plan. The apostolic council of Jerusalem gave proof of this harmonious action and of the acknowledged right to decide finally all important questions for the whole Church. It has been a favorite opinion of High Church writers that the bishjops were the successors of the apostles. The discovery of the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles has changed all this. The name descended to those traveling mission aries who succeeded to the most important apostolic function, and the actual successors of those who, like Barnabas, Luke, Mark, and Apollos, were called apostles in a secondary sense. The bishop received neither the name nor the functions of the apostles ; the apostles of the second century inherited both the name and part of the functions..1 The prophets are second in rank. They were persons inspirgd by the Holy Ghost for. the special work of teaching higher revela- tions. The power of foretelJlinjJJ^yents was no* their controlling function. It was their office to reveal the wiU of God when espe- theprophets. cially needed> as in the choice of persons"} or great office and service in the Church. The apostles were at the same time prophets, but the pr^mhjt was not necessarily an apostle. The apostle Paul, Agabus, Simeon, Barnabas, Manaen, Judas the evangelist, and Silas belonged to the prophetic class.2 The proph ets persisted into the s_eco^d_century, when they were a most im portant class of workers. But they sadly degenerated, and rules were laid down to test and govern them,. The Montanists tried to revive this miraculous agency, but their attempt proved abortive.3 Third are the evangelists. They were preachers whose minis trations were not confined to special localities, but extended in every direction where it was thought best that the Gospel should 1 Acts xiv, 4, 14 ; 1 Thess. ii, 6 ; Rom. xvi, 7 ; 1 Cor. xv, 5, 7. Didache, chap. xi. Comp. ed. Schaff, pp. 67-69. Their work is best described by Eusebius, H. E., iii, 37. He distinctly connects them in succession with the apostles. One of the best refutations of the High Church theory is Withrow Were the Apostles Prelates? in Presb. Rev., April, 1887. 2 Acts xiii, 1 ; xv, 32. 3 See Did., xi, 7-12 ; xiii. CONSTITUTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. 127 be preached. They were in close relationship with the apostles, either assisting them immediately or laboring under their direction. They were the apoj^tolm(aaihaetlipiers (avvegyoi), or, as Rothe calls them, " apostolic delegates." ' Their labors were largely confined to the introdjmtu^^oJ^hj^Gjaspel, or the preaching of it in new societies, until permanent organization was established. Philip, Tjjimjthy, Titus, Silas or Silvanus, Luke, John Mark, Clement, Epaphras, and perhaps Epaphroditus were evangelists. The evangelists were without an analogue in the later Church. Theodoret gave them the title of apostles (o,tt6otoXoi) ; "not at all unfitting," says Rothe, "for it was their very object to represent the apostles." s They are not mentioned in the Teach ing of the Twelve Apostles, their place being there taken by the apostles. They have no analogy whatever to the so-called evangel ist of the present day, their modern counterpart being the mission ary or pioneer preacher.3 II. PERMANENT OFFICERS. 1. Presbyters or Bishops. — The presbyter and bishop were iden tical in order and in the reverence of the Church. The two terms furnish another illustration of that twofold life of the early Church which arose from the twofold origin of the members. The word presbyter is of Jewish ongTnTwnile' bishop is derived from Greek and Roman usage. pTesbyter, or Trpeo/JiVepoc, an elder, is an exact translation of the Hebrew word sdken, which indicated presbyter or the ruler of the Jewish synagogue in all religious exer- bishop. cises, and who held that office, generally, because of his greater age or more tried character. He might be the oldest man in the society, or he might be a younger member, but, age and wisdom being presumably associated, the official took his name from his years.4 In Palestiner and wherever the body of the society had been Jews, the term presbyter, or elder, was used to designate the oJBciaLhead of the Christians of that place. Pe±er and Jamgj, being Palestinian apostles, used only the word npeo-[3vTepoc, and not kmaKonog. The word bishop is derived from the Greek imoitonoc, or over seer, and was applied by the pagan Christians to the individual exercising the same functions. Both the Greeks and Romans 1 Anfange d. christl. Kirche, p. 305. 2 In Acts xx, comp. ver. 17 with 28 ; and Titus i, comp. ver. 5 with 7. 3 See Eusebius, H. E. , iii, 37 ; Neander, Planting and Training, ed. Robinson, p. 151, note. 4 We have analogies to the word npeofivTepog in senator and alderman, both of which words indicate, not the age of the incumbents, but their official dig nity. Comp. Bingham, Works, vol. i, p. 250, Lond. ed., 1843. 128 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. had been familiar with the term in civil administration. In the use op word Athenian constitution there were officers who bore the bishop. name kmqKorroc, from their character as supervisors. Pollux, in his category of archons, names the following : e^opov, eTTonrriv, emaiconov." Arcadius Charidius, a Roman jurist, in dis cussing the civil offices, enumerates them as a class presiding over the sumptuary affairs of the cities.3 Cicero says that Pompey wished him to be an tjrlaiiojrog, who should rule over the civil affairs of the Campania and the whole seacoast, who should have charge of the levying of troops, and be responsible for the principal busi ness." Nothing was more natural than that the Christians of pagan origin, who had been familiar with the word and the functions which were represented by it, should apply it to the pastor or ad ministrator of the truth and all clerical functions.8 The bishop, or presbyter, was not originally a supervisor over a diocese, or a collection of churches, but the teacher^jjastor, and spiritual head of one church or society. But as the number of ~~~ ' churches increased, and a bond of unity and supervision office of the was needed, ,one presbyter was appointed for this work. bishop. His clerical order remained the same, than which there was nothing higher, but his office assumed larger territorial scope. His chief work was to preach and teach ; but associated with this was the duty of reconciling_diffejfinj8.es, looking after the purity of life and doctrine, and promoting harmony of general administration. In time the word bishop came to mean more than had ever been associated with the term presbyter, but for this there was no scrip tural warrant or apostolic example. It was a matter of policy. There are two views as to the relation borne by the bishop, or presbyter, to the societies. One is that small societies originally organized themselves in a community, each independent of aj.1 the relation of rest> nolding tneir meetings in different glaces> and the bishop to continuing an ecclesiastical life without any common the societies. bond of g0vernmeilt or relationship, and that after ward, when the need of unity was perceptible, the presbyters of all 1 Suidas, s. v. inianonoc, and the scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds, verse 1023. 5 Onomastic. , Book viii, let. 8, sec. iv, p. 905, of ed. of Hemsterhuis. 3 Episcopi, qui prsesuntpani et ceteris venalibus rebus, quse civitatum popu- lis ad quotidianum victum usui sunt. Digest, Book iv, chap. 4, 1, 18, par. 7. 4 Vult enim me Pompeius esse quern tota hiec Campania et maritima ora hab- eat eirioicoivov ad quern dilectus et summa negocii referatur. Itaque vagus esse cogitabam. Letter to Attieus, vol. vii, p. 183. Teubner ed., Leipz., 1844. 5 Comp. Neander, Hist. Ch., i, p. 184. For full literature of the question as to identity of the terms irpec/3vTepo; and hvionoTros, see Kurtz, Handb. d. allg. Kirchengeschichte, p. 142, ff. CONSTITUTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. 129 grouped themselves into a local spiritual government for the admin istration of all the societies.1 This view, which Neander well calls the " atomic theory," is not sustained by a careful examination of the genesis of the Church as described in the Acts and the Epis tles." All the Christians of a community, however numerous, originally grouped themselves into pneg&cisty. They were under one spiritual head, and regarded themselves as forming the ecclesia, or gathering of believers, of that place. There were no spiritual competitions or religious jealousies. Those were the golden days when the success of one was the holy joy of all. All the services could not be held in one place. There were smaller grpupj§„o£j^orghipers, in contracted quarters, and for the most part in private houses. But there was no infinitesimal organization. There was one body of believers. The head of this one society was the presbyter. As time advanced, or the members multiplied, the number of societies increased also, and, in the same ratio, the number of presbyters grew. These presbyters, or bishops, consti tuted a common order and office, and became a general bond, by which the societies of a large community were held together, and, as the Church advanced, by which the societies of contiguous com munities and outlying rural regions were kept in organic, effective, aggressive life. The first common bond of ecclesiastical unity was the apostles themselves. They, by their travels, came into frequent personal relationship with the societies. They adopted regulations for the societies.3 All the duties of the presbyter, or bishop, were involved in the obligation "to feed the flock of God, . . . and have over- duties of the sight thereof." 4 This involved three functions : First, bishop. the supreme duty of preaching the Gospel ; second, the adminis tration of the two sacraments ; and third, the regulation of disci pline, though aT*Siel)eginnmg both preaching and administration of the sacraments were the common right of all. 2. Deacons. — This is both an oj^gr and an office, and the func tions of the deacon are more minutely described in the Scriptures than any other officer in the Church.5 The diaconate is an illustra- 1 Kist, the Dutch theologian, advocates this view in the Archief voor Ker- kerlike Geschiedenis, Deel ii, pp. 1-61, trans, and pub. in Hlgen's Zeitschrift f. d. Hist. Theol., vol. ii. 2 Comp. Neander, Gen. Hist. Christ. Eel. and Church, vol. i, p. 185. ' Acts ii, 44, 45 ; iv, 33-37. 4 1 Peter v, 1. 6 Acts vi, 1-8 ; 1 Tim. iii, 8-12. The word was applied in a general sense to all ministers, and even to magistrates (1 Thess. iii, 2 ; 1 Cor. iii, 5 ; 2 Cor. vi, 4 ; Rom. xiii, 4). 9 130 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. tion of providential guidance in the early Church. When the office was about to be instituted, the ground given was that the apostles might be assisted in the distribution of alms to the poor and care office of the for the sick. They were, therefore, the assistants of the deacon. apostles in providing for the temporal needs of the so cieties. At first they were seven in number. They derived their authority from the great commonalty of the Church. The apostles called the whole Church together, pointed out the need, told " the multitude of the disciples " to make their own selection, and " the whole multitude " made choice of Stephen, Philip, Prochorus, Nica- nor, Timon, Parmenas, and Nicolas.1 In addition to the care of the poor and the sick, the deacons assisted in the administration of the eucharist and preached as they found occasion. " For," asks Rothe beautifully, " Eow could such men bury their talent of Christian knowledge and perception and bury in their breasts their impulse to testify of the Redeemer ? " * The office of deacon was introduced into the Gentile societies of Asia Minor and other countries as the Church expanded. For everywhere there were poor and sick, and there was a prompt recognition of the duty of Christians to provide for them. The prominence of the diaconate in relation to the poor did not cease for a long time, as even Jerome, in the beginning of the fifth century, speaks of them as ministers of the widows and of tables. J But with the establishment of hospitals and almshouses this part of f their work fell into the background, and they employed themselves in preaching and in the other duties of the pastoral office. This change in the work of the deacon involved no change of office, but the diaconate in the secondary form is that which has taken its per manent place in history and in the constitution of the Church. The diaconate in its original form represents the noblest principle in Christianity — love. The deacons were the constructors of those in stitutions of relief which have been the glory of religion in all ages. The present time demands a return to the apostolic office of deacon. The Church must take her ancient place as the saviour of the poor. " The deacon must confront the communist along the lanes and hedges." 3 3. Deaconesses. — This was a special office, the duties of which 1 Acts vi, 5. 2 Anfange, p. 166. 3 See Plumptre, and especially Schaff, in Smith, Bib. Diet., Am. ed., s. v. ;. Stanley, Chr. Institutions, pp. 210, 211, Scribner's ed.; Eothe, Anfange'der ch' Kirche, 163, ff . ; Geo. S. Mott, in Presb. Eev. , July, 1886 ; Haekett, Com. on Acts, ed. Hovey (Phila., 1882), pp. 85, 86. Many hold that the diaconate did not grow out of the appomtment of the seven (Acts vi), but the view given above is much the more probable. CONSTITUTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. 131 were to care for the sick, the aggd, and the femalemp£OT, and to instruct the orphans. There are intimations in the Acts of other duties collateral with these, but they are not specifically defined. Christianity found woman neglected and degraded, and it immedi ately addressed itself to the sublime work of woman's relief by woman herself. The office of the deaconess arose among the pagan Christians. Among the Jewish Christians the women could be preached to by the apostles and evangelists. But among the pagan Christians woman was the slave, and was excluded from society. Grotius thus states the contrast, and the necessity of modern bes- the female diaconate in the apostolic times, in order to ™* ^™stolic reach the whole population: " In Judaea the men could deaconess. minister even to women ; for there the access to females was freer than in Greece, where the harem was shut against men." ' Only lately has the Church begun to approach the apostolic method in reaching the women and children of heathen lands by the employ ment of women, who combine medical skill with spiritual instruc tion, and are thus, for the first time, bringing the light of the Gos pel into the dark homes of unevangelized lands. This zenana work is constantly assuming larger proportions, and will inevitably be a potent factor in the conversion of all peoples to Christianity.3 These were the supervisory and evangelistic agencies with which the Church began its organized mission among men. In appear ance they were feeble in the extreme. There was no large wealth with which to endow them or with which to erect stately churches. It is difficult to tell whence came the means by which the Gospel 4 Com. on Rom. xvi, 1. "In Judsea diaconi viri etiam mulieribus ministrare poterant ; erat enim ibi liberior ad f oeminas aditus quam in Grsecia, ubi viris clausa ywatKuvlTic." 2 The best study of the early deaconesses is H. E. Jacobs, The Female Diaco nate of the New Testament (Phila., 1892, p. 47). It is still a question whether there was any such office in the apostolic times. Kurtz, Church Hist., last ed. , § 17, 4, gives a new interpretation to the classical passage, Rom. xvi, 1, 2. He thinks it refers to the institution of the patron, which was widely prevalent in ancient times. "Freedmen, foreigners, proletarii, couldnot in themselves hold property, and had no claim on the protection of the laws, but had to be associ ated as Clientes, with » Patronus or Patrona (wpoar&Tiis and TTpoaTar^), who in difficult circumstances would afford them counsel, protection, support, and de fense." The Christians found it necessary to avail themselves of this provision. Phoebe is recommended as faithfully acting her part as a patron even of the apostle himself. Kurtz translates Eom. xii, 8, -Kpolarafievoq iv cirovdy, ' ' Whoever represents anyone as patron, let him do it with diligence." But even if the office of deaconess did not exist in apostolic times in well-developed form, there must have been women then who performed most of its duties. Jacobs, The Female Diaconate of the New Testament, pp. 17-20, gives a chain of testimony 132 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. was promulgated during its first century. There was no disposition to cluster about great cities, though Paul's invariable method was to begin in the centers of population, and thus secure sources of the radiation of the truth into the surrounding country. evangelism. There was no partiality for localities. The reverence for specially holy places was a sentiment of later origin. The pros pect for success was not flattering, if one might judge by the multi form antagonism on every side. Over against Christianity was the solid structure of the complete Roman organization. From the Pillars of Hercules in the West to the Parthian empire in the East, and from the North Sea down to the great African desert, the Roman had extended his perfect civil and military systems. He had been a learner from all ages. He had learned that a system was as good as men, but that with both he could carry his eagles to any far-off tribe or kingdom and annex them to his empire. He had seen other faiths arise on every part of his map, and witnessed their decline. He had seen them in Rome, whither all that was beauti ful and grotesque alike drifted, and soon they were to be seen no more. He expected the same decline in the new Judaean religion. Its heralds were in Rome, but they, too, he expected, would soon be gone. There was one thing not known, nor even slightly suspected, by the Roman. He had no knowledge of the spiritual force of Chris tianity. It was more than a novelty ; it was aTeaven. cesses of the No one could measure the power of the new organization, gospel. Christianity adjusted to universal conditions, and mak ing ready for permanent triumphs. Its first successes were in the home, and therefore in the individual life. This was a great blank in paganism, which had its palaces, but not a home. The great proof of this pervasive power of systeTnatic labor was in the firmness and silence with which the Christians met persecution. They could not be moved, but died willingly for their faith. Everywhere these in dividual Christians felt that they were sustained, not merely by a divine power, but by the sympathy and prayer of the Church every where. They felt that they were a part of the great organization, of great value in favor of the apostolic institution or development of this insti tute. Women had a wide and useful sphere in the early Church, though except among the Montanists, and that to Tertullian's great disgust (De Prsescrip. , chap. xli), their activities never included preaching. The widows of 1 Tim. v, 9, 10, are not to be considered as superannuated deaconesses. Deaconesses are not mentioned in the Didache, a significant fact. See Augusti, Ch. Archaeology, ii, p. 3; Bennett, Ch. Archeology, p. 368. The old monograph of Ziegler, De Diaconis et Diaconissis Veteris Ecclesiae, Wittenb. , 1678, is full and satisfactory. So also Schaff, in his Hist, of the Apostolic Church, p. 535. CONSTITUTION AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE CHURCH. 133 which had both life and feeling. They knew they were a part of an ecclesiastical body which would live and develop, and be the refuge, in all coming ages, from the storms of the world. The Lord's house was large, and many lived in it, and they were willing, if the alternative was the renunciation of their faith, to exchange it for the New Jerusalem.1 We cannot close this discussion of the constitution and organiza tion of the early Church without recognizing the special HATCH,8 IM. service of Hatch, who has thrown a flood of new light portantserv- on this important subject, and caused it to be investi- ICE' gated anew.2 His conclusions are substantially as follows : 1. The poverty of the Roman world and the charity of the Church brought it to pass that the function of the distribution of relief ex ercised a formative influence on the development of the offices of the Church. Taking for granted the persistence of the synagogue organ ization at certain places at least, and the originaljparity of elders and bishops, which latter point, as Hatch well says, "has been removed from the list of disputed questions," the prominence of the bishop or president of the body of elders came about by virtue of his position as chief almoner. It was an administrative and financial necessity. Standing next to him was the deacon, his right-hand man in these distributions. 2. The presbyterate was simply a continuation of the Je^is^pkn. Among Gentile churches the presence of the presbyter is accounted for by two facts : (1) A government by council or committee was almost universal in all the organizations throughout the Roman world. (2) The name of the office by which the members of such council or committee were designated, implied seniority. " Respect for seniority was preached from the first as an element of Christian order " in the Christian communities themselves. 3. In general, the corLtarr^o^rxJjBgtiintions and associations of the pagan world offered many parallels to the Church organiza- 1 Our word church has the Lord's house at root; — /cupm/c//. Hence, too, the German kirche, the Scotch kirk, Old Saxon circ, Swedish kyrka, and Danish kirke. Comp. Bunsen, Christianity and Mankind, vol. i, pp. 29, 30. 2 Lathe preface to Organization of the Early Christian Church, Lond., 1881, Sd ed., 1888, the author says that, while denying any intention of finally lay ing down conclusions in a study "which is only in its infancy," that the discussions to which his lectures gave rise have been around subordinate views, and have not disturbed at all his larger and more important proposi tions. The book was translated into German, with additions, by Professor Harnack, and all recent continental scholars are inclined to attach importance to the forces which the lamented Hatch was the first to bring before the public in a sympathetic, rational, and thorough presentation. 134 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. tion, which latter were necessarily more or less copied or adapted from them. 4. The development of Church polity was natural, by the stress of circumstances and historical necessity, and had no relation what ever to any supposed divine prescription. These views of Hatch can be accepted with safety. While the great point of originality consists in his emphasis on the influence of charity and of secular societies, his whole treatment is most in teresting and suggestive, and is illuminated and strengthened by the most abundant learning. , Great effort has been made to aver- turn his position on the theory of the divme right of the ministry, ( but in the main he has received the approval of the great body of important scholars. Hatch, more than any recent writer, has imparted an immense impulse to the study of the beginnings of Church polity. DOCTRINAL BASIS AND LITERATURE. 135 CHAPTER VIII. DOCTRINAL BASIS AND LITERATURE. The absencejrfjhe incarnate Teacher made necessary the written truth for the doctrinal instruction and guidance of the future Church. This consisted of two departments: the Hebrew Scriptures, already in use in the synagogue and temple service, and the New Testament writings, which were collected into a com- ° . . NECESSITY FOR plete canon m the period immediately succeeding the the written apostles. The writings of the Old Testament were rec- TRUTH- ognized by Christ and his apostles as a divine revelation. " At the time when Christ was born," says Reuss, " the synagogue had framed the writings of the prophets and some other books, for the most part of more recent origin, into a collection which, added to the five volumes of the law, formed its canon, the sacred source of its doctrines and laws, of its civil and ecclesiastical code. The peo ple were familiarized with its contents, less by means of private study than by the public readings in the weekly assembly of the community." 1 At the beginning of our Loj^sministry he bore witness to the supernatural character of the Old Testament by reading, at his first priestly exercise in Nazareth, Isaiah's remarkable prophecy of his Messiahship and the benign and sacrificial character of his minis try. In his temptation our Lord resisted the adversary by citing from older Scriptures, while throughout his ministry, THE 0LD TEg. in his formal discourses and in his conversations with tamentinthe both his friends and enemies, he frequently made such references to the historical, poetical, and prophetical parts of the Hebrew Scriptures as to prove that he had studied them deeply, that he was so familiar with them as to quote their exact language at will, and that he saw their true fulfillment and solution to be in his own person. In the apo^tolic_writings we observe the same famili arity with the Old Testament, an equal' acknowledgment of their inspired character, and as firm a reliance upon it as a basis for the entire scriptural canon of the future. The early Church very nat urally grew into as firm a belief in the value of the Old Testa- 1 Hist, of Christian Doctrine in the Apostolic Age, vol. i, pp. 351, 352. 136 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ment Scriptures as a rule of faith as was held by our Lord and his apostles. Nor was there any difference as to the Jewish or pagan Christians. Each class was alike tenacious of the necessity and divine inspiration of the Old Testament. Very early, however, there was manifested a divine plan to con tinue the inspired record by further writings, which should contain such truth as described the redemption wrought by Christ, the con- necessity for sequent founding of the Church, and the universal prop- thenewtes- agation of the Gospel. No sooner had our Lord as cended than he chose men, who had been witnesses of his life, to write minute accounts of his life, each being in a sense independent of the other, and each exhibiting such discrepancies, on minor matters, as would prove the absence of coordinate plan. In addition to the gospels, the Acts of the Apostles was committed to writing. It forms the connecting link between our Lord's min istry and the Church in its settled and assured existence. Then came the epistles of Paul, with their twofold character of doctrinal statement and practical guidance ; the general epistles, with their treatment of Christians in their relations to one another ; and the Book of Revelation, as an encouragement for the Church and the individual believer, in persecution then, and in sorrow in all coming times. All these writings constituted the New Testament, and were at length acknowledged by the Church to be of divine au thority, and designed to form and nurture the faith of the Church during its entire future history. There was no attempt at formulated doctrine. It was not nec essary. That is a human and uninspired process which belongs to the later period of diversity and controversy. The words of Jesus no formula- an<^ n^s aPostles and evangelists were the sole theological tion of doc- basis for the theology of the first century. As the ad monitions of a faithful Christian father comprise the whole round of necessary instruction, and the child is not left to go amiss on any part of its ethical instruction, so the informal teach ings of Christ and his apostles embraced the entire cycle of things to be believed and done. Moreover, there was no doctrinal trend produced by a school or an individual. The supposed variety of stress and tendency, accord ing to the personality of the teacher, is more a theory than a fact. It is not historically accurate to allege that there were three currents of faith in the Church — the Johannine, with the emphasis on the divine Logos ; the Petrine, with its prominence to the human Christ as a type of a holy life ; and the Pauline, with its exposition of the divine fullness in Christ. Neither is it correct to allege that Paul DOCTRINAL BASIS AND LITERATURE. 137 was the teacher of faith, John of love, and Peter of hope. ' There was no doctrinal bias. Each of those inspired teachers 0NE nNIVEK. imparted truth, so that it harmoniously blended with the sal current truth declared by all the rest, and in such a way that there 0B" PAITH- was no longer a preponderating individuality in the believer's mind. All the apostles taught faith, hope, and charity. Each did his work, but when the work came to be studied in its separate quality it was found to have united with that of others to form the wonder ful harmony of the New Testament. The whole Church had its faith, and that was derived rather from the words of Jesus than from the constructions placed upon them, though inspired, by Paul, or Peter, or John. The example of the apostles was not supreme. There was beneath it the universal Christian consciousness. " The center of gravity," says Reussj"7ToTinTeaily"13nurch, and of its spiritual development, did not reside in a few individuals. If the twelve occupied, in con sequence of their peculiar relations with the Saviour, a place apart in the midst of this rapidly increasing company of Christians, their influence must still have been counterbalanced by that reuss on the of others, possessing the advantages they lacked of a s^1™ of the systematic and high education. . . . We have no evi- christian denceThat the apostIes"exercised over all these men an B0DY- exclusive ascendency so strong as to mold them at their will ; least of all, have we any proof that they possessed from the outset ideas and views more or less unknown to those around them, and by virtue of which they became the leaders of the thought of their age.."3 There was, however, all the advantage of a systematic theology, without any of its disadvantages. There was a compactness and a breadth which made that theology of the apostles able at' once to reject the overtures of philosophical teachers, and yet advantage to absorb the fruit of the best thought, from whatever WITH THE „ force of sts- quarter, that the age afforded. It was the century of tematic the- test in doctrinal belief. Had the first two generations of 0L0GY- Christian believers failed to discharge their whole duty, first in de riving from the ministry of Christ the wisdom of his doctrine, and the 1 Comp. Kurtz, Handbuch der allg. Kirchengeschichte, vol. i, p. 89 (note) ; Usteri, Darstellungen d. paulin. Lehrbegriffs (Zurich, 1834) ; Frohmann, Dar- stell. d. johan. Lehrbegriffs (Leipz., 1839) ; Grimm, de Johannese Christologise indole Paulinas comparatse (Leipz., 1833); Stevens, The Johannine Theology (N. Y., 1894), and The Pauline Theology (N. Y. 1893) ; Bruce, St. Paul's Con ception of Christianity (N. Y., 1894). 'Hist, of Christ. Theol. in the Apost. Age, p. 241. 138 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. spotlessnessof his life, and then in transmitting them to the Church of the second century, the onward course of God's kingdom among men would have been arrested, and a new remedial plan for human salvation made necessary. But there was no failure here. The human work, like the divine preceding it, was a complete tri umph over the strongest forces of both the Jewish and pagan world. The Apostles' Creed, so called in the literature of the Church, may have derived some of its parts from hriefjatroularks used by the Church during the first century.1 IrTITtTmain state ments, however, there is no proof that it existed before the middle of the second century, while in its present full state we do not find that it existed before the sixth or seventh century. Usher and Pearson prove clearly that the article on the descent into hell was the apostles' not used for four centuries, except in the single obscure creed. creed of Aquileia. Cyril, Rufinus, and Augustine are witnesses that its use was to be a guide for catechists in training the young, and all who were admitted into the Church, in a knowledge of the fundamental Christian doctrines. * It was used for a long time in the Greek section of the Church in the city of Rome, and in its present form is to be traced to Gaul. There are traces of brief formu laries in the New Testament writings, such as in our Lord's com mand to his disciples to baptize in the name of the Holy Ghost,3 and other formu- possibly, in Paul's command to Timothy : "Hold fast laries. the form of sound words, which thou hast heard of me, in faith, and love which is in Christ Jesus. That good thing which 1 As a specimen of the puerile attempts to prove that the apostles produced the creed bearing their name, and that each had a part in it, we may cite the following: "Peter said, 'I believe in God the Father Almighty.' John, ' Maker of heaven and earth.' James, ' And in Jesus Christ his only Son, our Lord.' .Andrew added, ' Who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, born of the Virgin Mary.' Philip said, ' Suffered under Pontius Pilate, was crucified, dead, and buried.' Thomas, ' He descended into hell ; the third day he rose again from the dead.' Bartholomew, ' He ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of God the Father Almighty.' Matthew, 'From thence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead.' James, the son of Alphseus, added, ' I believe in the Holy Ghost, the Holy Catholic Church.' Simon Zelotes, ' The communion of saints, the forgiveness of sins.' Jude, the brother of James, ' The resurrection of the body.' Matthias, ' Life Everlasting. Amen.' " From pseudo-Augustinian sermons in Augustine (Bened. ed.), vol. v, Append., p. 395. This worthless tradition is first mentioned by Ambrose and Rufinus, and is still received by some Roman Catholic scholars as, e. gr., Abbe Martigny in his Diet, des Ch. Antiq., sub Symbole des Apotres. It was first refuted by Laurentius Valla, the founder of historical criticism, and by Erasmus. 2 Cyril, Catechesis ; Rufinus, de Symbolo ; Augustine, Serm. i, ad Catechum. 3 Matt, xxviii, 19. DOCTRINAL BASIS AND LITERATURE. 139 was committed unto thee, keep by the Holy Ghost which dwelleth in us." ¦ Several writers of the early centuries, such as Jerome and Peter Chrysologus, state that symbols were employed by the apostles, but that they were not recorded by them.3 Nothing was more natural than that there should be terse formularies, or watchwords, of faith in the individual churches, and that these might vary, ac cording to the locality and the minister.3 Later, when controversy arose, and the necessity of a common bond of belief became apparent, the Apostles' Creed took shape, and was widely, though not univer sally, used.4 Theology, which is the human construction of the divine word, was in process of development during this period. The gospels con tained a statement of facts. Yet each had his right, as a believer, to draw his conclusions as to the fact itself. We have, for exam ple, several important declarations of our Lord on the sanctity of the Sabbath. But neither he, nor any evangelist, nor development Paul lays down a formal statement of the doctrine it- 0F tbsology. self. The result was that the Church began early to think upon it and reach formulated conclusions on it as an article for the belief of its members. The same liberty was granted the mind of the Church in relation to the person of Christ. It was never designed that the believer should not investigate this profound theme and do what lay within his power to expound the doctrine in the brief est and clearest possible terms. There was nothing in the gospels that did not require an explanation. There were the great themes |* ' 2 Tim. i, 13, 14. . 2 Jerome says : "In symbolo fidei et spei nostras, quod ab apostolis traditum, non scribitur in charta et atramento, sed in tabulis cordis carnalibus." Ep. ad Psammachium adv. err. Johan. Hieros. chap. ix. Peter Chrysologus states this : ' ' Hsec fides, hoc sacramentum, non est committendum chartis, non scribendum Uteris. " Serm. 57, in Symb. Apost. 3 1vp.f3o/.ov means watchword. Its origin, as applied to a creed, is doubtful, some holding that it is from military language ; others, that it is a sign of rec ognition among the pagans in relation to their mysteries. In either case it means the same thing — a word, or collection of words, indicating a test. Other words of substantially the same force are, canon, regula fidei, Madij/ua, Ypaiipa, Tpa<$. Comp. Bingham, Works, vol. iii, pp. 318-323. 4 The best book on the Apostles' Creed is the epoch-making work of Caspari, Geschichte des Tauf ysymbols, Christiania, 1866-79, four parts. The dogmatic sig nificance has been reinvestigated by Harnack in his Hist, of Dogma and special works, but under an anticonservative reaction. Against him see Swete, The Apostles' Creed, Lond., 1894. Comp. McGiffert in Chr. Literature (magazine), Nov. , 1894, p. 44. See also Lumby, Hist, of the Creeds, 3d ed. , Lond. , 1887, and Swainson, The Nicene and the Apostles' Creed, Lond. , 1875, and his article on Creed in Smith and Wace, Diet, of Chr. Biog. , etc. The older work of Heurtley, Harmonia Symbolica, Oxf., 1858, is still of value. 140 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. which were to test not only the faith of the Church, at that early day, but that sublime energy in thought which is needed at all times for a candid inquiry into the truth necessary for salvation.1 One cannot contemplate without admiration these first efforts of Christian thinkers to group and formulate into theological state ment the fundamental truths of their faith. They were wrestling with principalities. The literature of the world was against them. first efforts When summoned to expound their doctrines they had to formulate the difficulty of explainingjmiracles and a diyinejchar- theologt. acter. Yet they duTnot fear, but addressed themselves to their work with an energy which has not been surpassed at any later period. But the thinkers were not a privileged jilass, recognized by the Church as having the rignt to aTc£ate a theology for the average member. Thinking on the great themes of revealed truth was the privilege of all. " It was not regarded," says Reuss, " as the peculiar study or special privilege of any one class of Christians. As soon as reflection, aroused by personal experience or by the popular conflict of opinions, had begun to grasp the meaning theological °f religious facts, all the members of the community, themes. without distinction of origin, might take part in this intellectual labor, the full bearing and consequences of which were not as yet apprehended. . . . The power of the ideas contained in the Gospel was such that from the moment circumstances had broken through the trammels that at first fettered their develop ment their volcanic force produced its natural effect in the world of thought, just as every healthy and vigorous plant starts into new growth and beauty when the spring sunshine sets the sap in motion and bursts the blossom-sheath." 3 The sacred canon was not closed, and the apostles had not yet departed, before the appearance of the hostile literary forces of Judaism on the one hand and paganism on the other. The recog- apologetic nition of this antagonistic factor by some of the apostles of john's kas proved a help to the Church amid similar op- gospel. position down to the present time. John's gospel, written in large measure to repel the false gnosis, is the one book 1 Eeuss shows how the death on the cross was capable of developing thought. The disciples, in answering the Jews, " found themselves constrained so to ex plain his death that it should not compromise his Messianic dignity." Hist. Christ. Theol. in the Apost. Age, p. 293. On the Messianic thought of the gospels the best book is Briggs, The Messiah of the Gospels (N. Y. , 1895), a work remarkable for its scholarship and the spiritual power of its interpre tation. 2 Hist. Christ. Theol. in the Apost. Age, p. 294, DOCTRINAL BASIS AND LITERATURE. 141 to which appeal must ever be made for a triumphant proof of the divinity of our Lord, while Paul, who foresaw that "grievous wolves " ¦ would appear among his flocks, was permitted to point out the best methods to control their ravages, as he does in his epistles to the Colossians, Ephesians, Titus, and Timothy, not only | for his own days, but for the Church of the future. That the apos tolic age possessed an inspired counteraction of the errors from every Jquarter is one of the most beautiful evidences of divine prevision and Iguidance. This was a need of the Church. Its mind required to |be clear in faith, and to go out upon its long mission with a positive confession of the vital truth which had been committed to it. The continuing steadfastly in the apostles' doctrine was no Pentecostal spasm, but became a law of the Church's life and the condition of its success. Is it a matter of surprise that, having this rich en dowment, it was prepared for the social proscription and physical sufferings which now confronted it ? Even martyrdom was no hard trial, but was the welcome crown to an experience based upon the calm and certain faith in Christ. 1 Acts xx, 29, 30. 142 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER IX. WORSHIP AND LIFE. The first worship of the Christians was a free imitation of the service of the Jewish synagogue. It was severely simple and ear nest. At the beginning the place of meeting was the temple itself, or some hall connected with it. There was no thought, simplicity OF ¦¦ . /. , 3 early chris- at this time, of separate edifices for worship alone, and tian worship. {.nere are jew traces of churches having been built be fore the tjnxdcentury. The poverty of the Christians was not favor able to such structures, and their necessity led them to that close fellowship and social sympathy which proved an invaluable help in their sufferings. As the chasm between Christianity and Judaism widened, the attachment of believers to the temple diminished, and in time all their services were held in private houses. All parts of that close resemblance between the Christian and Jewish worship among the Jewish Christians disappeared with the destruc tion of the temple, A. D. 70. It was the sundering of the last bond which held Christianity to Judaism. One room in the private house served the purpose of a sanctuary, and assumed somewhat the appearance of a place of worship A cathedra, or platform, served for the speaker or reader, while a table (ara) was placedTor the cele bration of the Lord's Supper.1 The services consisted, first, of reading from the Old Testamejit form of wor- Scriptures, the apostolical epistles, and, latest of all, of SHIP- the gospels. The selections were lengthy, and of such character as to supply the want of the average hearer, who was not possessed of a manuscript copy of the Scriptures, and could not even read. Connected with the reading were both exposition and exhortation^ according to the will of the speaker. The singing of psalms and hjmns was an important part of the service. It might be led by an individual, but Paul's advice proves that the singing by the whole congregation was regarded as the best form of praise.3 The psalms of David, the antiphonal portions of the prophecies, and, indeed, all those parts of the Old Testament which have rhythmic character and express the deeper flow of the 1 Comp. Guericke, Church History, vol. i, p. 133. s 1 Cor. xiv, 26 ; Col. iii, 16. WORSHIP AND LIFE. 143 soul, were Bung at these early meetings of believers. We cannot suppose, however, that the hymns were confined to the PSalms and Scriptures. Even then Christians began to give ex- hvmns. pression to their loftier feelings in verse, and some of their better productions, such as those inscribed to Christ, reached the congre gation, became the possession of the whole Church, and produced a profound impression on the world.1 With the hymns, as with the confessions of faith, while their exact forms have not been preserved, their spirit and thought have reached us, so that, while singing the rich melodies of the older hymns, we are expressing the same sen timents as the Christians of the first century.3 The most ancient liturgical formulary which has reached us is that inserted into the Abyssinian text of^ the Apostolical Constitutions of the Coptic ChurcK~~BuT'even mis gives evidence of TJnlTTfisturbance of the early simplicity of sacred verse and melody by that unnecessary critic of every age, the vandal hymn-mender, who is, generally, as destitute of the poetical quality as the literary critic is of the gift of original authorship. It is not unlikely that sentences like 1 Tim. iii, 16 and 2 Tim. ii, 11-13 are fragments of early Christian hymns.8 ) Prayer was connected with the singing. Sometimes it was silent, but more generally it was audible, and while it was most frequently offered by the minister there was not, as yet, a necessity which kept the private layman from leading the petitions of the assembly. In fact, freedom of testimony was characteristic of the Christian meetings, as it had been of the Jewish. When the prayer was con cluded the congregation responded "Amen." The concluding exercise was the celebration of the Lord's Supper. Originally, the aydnrj, or love feast, was connected with the Lord's Supper. It was the Christian meal of the earliest period, partaken together, as a token of the brotherhood of all believers. Pood was THe lord's brought by the more able members, and this was distri- supper. buted so that the poor had equal privilege of participation with the rest. But certain irregularities took place in connection with the love feast. It was abused, and in some cases converted into an occa- 1 Witness Pliny's testimony to the singing of the Christians : ' ' Carmenque Christo, tanquam Deo, dieere secum invicem." Epp. Lib. x, Ep. 97. 2 For the oldest forms of the Christian hymns see Bunsen, an enthusiastic student of liturgical history, Christianity and Mankind, vol. ii, pp. 50, ff. Comp., on later oriental liturgies, Neale, Hist, of the Holy Eastern Church, vol. i, pp. 314, ff . The best work on early hymnology is the great work of Daniel, Thesaur. Hymnolog., 4 vols. (Leipz., 1855). Comp. the excellent book of Duf- field, Latin Hymns (N. Y. , 1889) ; Pitra, Hymn, de l'Eglise Grecque (Eome,1867). 3 Westcott and Hort, the editors of the best text of the Greek Testament, ar range these and other passages in poetic form. 144 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. sion of gluttony and disorder. It was, consequently, separated at a later day, about A. D._150, from all connection with the Lord's Supper. After the exercises were finished the kiss of charity, or brotherhood, was given (<$>i\r\\i,a aya-n^e), and, prayer being again offered, and the congregation responding "Amen," the services were concluded with the apostolic benediction. These services were held at first daily, then weekly. Besides the Lord's Supper there was only one other sacrament, baptism, known to the apostolic Church. While the BAPTISM. A *•*«>"•". . x . , . former* was a part of every service, baptism was occa sional, and dependent on the requirements for admission. Afler the council at Jerusalem, which abrogated the Jewish ceremonial as a necessity for admission into membership of the Church, bap tism was regarded by all Christians, the Greek and Roman, not less than Jewish, as the only^ visible condition for reception into the Christian fold. Baptism was practiced by immersion, or sprinkling, or pouring, and we have ample ground from the Scriptures for be lieving that it was applied to children as well as adults.1 The evidence for infant baptism in the apostolic Church rests on the hj|tori£^resup^ositjojigxpf Jewish customs and on that prin ciple of Christianity which involves the union of children with Christ rather than on any certain recorded examples. It is not ex cluded by the New Testament, and is in entire accord with the spirit and teachings of the Gospel, if not, indeed, required by its spirit and teachings. It is traced in the writings of Irenseus, and others of the Fathers, to a time so near the apostles that it mode of bap- is impossible to account for its origin and wide prev- TISM- alence in the Church, except by regarding it as having the sanction of apostolic practice. Tertullian opposed it on specu- - lative grounds, but not as an innovation. That immersion was «w* of the modes of baptism practiced in the primitive Church is gen erally conceded by exegetes and ecclesiastical historians, but not to the exclusion of other modes.3 That pouring and sprinkling were practiced is shown by the most ancient frescoes, and also by the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles.3 The methods of ad ministration in the early Church do not necessarily bind later Christians.4 The formula of baptism, in the name of the Father, 1 Acts ii, 39 ; xvi, 33 ; 1 Cor. vii, 14. 8 Moeller, Hist, of Chr. Church, trans, by Rutherford, Lond and N Y 1892, p. 70. ' Chapter vii.' ' '' 4 See Smyth, Baptism in the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles and in Early Chr. Art, in Andover Review, i, 533, 663, and, on the Baptist side, Burrage, Hist, of the Act of Baptism in the Chr. Church, Phila. 1879. WORSHIP AND LIFE. 145 the Son, and the Holy Ghost, was observed from the beginning of the apostolic Church. The Romish enlargement of the number of the sacraments, be yond the Lord's Supper and baptism, has no authority THE SABBath in the prescriptions of Christ or the usage of the early AND sunday. Church.1 The Sabbath, or seventh day, was still observed by Jew ish Christians, but the Sunday, or first day of the week, was also religiously observed, in memory of the resurrection of Jesus. Gradually the Sunday became more prominent, and finally the seventh day gave place altogether to the first. The many festivals of the Jewish Church were regarded with reverence by the Jewish Christian^7an'd~tiie*^tress laid upon them by that element in the Church led Paul to express himself very fully against a too rigid observance of them. Easter and Pentecost, however, were no less important events in Christian than in Jewish history, and there is every reason to believe that two such events as the resurrection of Christ and the outpouring of the Spirit were, from an early time, held in special remembrance as sacred seasons by the Christians.8 The life of the Christians, like their worship, was isimple, pure, and fraternal. It was the outflow of their heroic faith. The obliteration of social and national differences was powerful and complete. Whenever either the Jew or the Greek became a Chris tian he was received into the fold of believers with such a welcome as made him feel that he was a member of a great community of believers. His nationality was forgotten in the broader fraternity commonwealth of brothers, in Christ. "These Chris- ofchris- tians," says Bunsen, "belonged to no nation and to no State ; but their fatherland in heaven was to them a reality, and the love of the brethren, in truth and not in words, made the Chris tian congregation the foreshadowing of a Christian commonwealth, and model for all ages to come." 3 One of the first £VJdfiWfies of this fraternal sense is to be found in the help which was extended to the needy. The poor in Jerusalem, for whom Paul collected contri butions from the Greek Christians in Asia Minor, were only the first to receive the benefit of this early tender sympathy of the strong for the weak. Beneficence became the law, and not the im- fpulse of a generous hour, which entered into the whole life of the parly Church. No needy society was forgotten in its silent sorrow, 1 The Protestant view of the number of the sacraments has received new con firmation in the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles. 2 It is likely that the observance of these festivals grew up in the second, or, more likely, in the third, century. 3 Christianity and Mankind, vol. i, p. 6. 10 146 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. whether of mere poverty or unsparing persecution. The eager notice and active help of the strong radiated as sunbeams to dis pense their warmth. The Christians, in this respect, contrasted beautifully with the desperate and cold conduct of pagans toward their needy brothers in faith. During the pestilence which raged throughout North Africa in the reign of GaTTusTA. D. 251-253, the sacrifices made by^Christians revealed the width of the chasm between their faith and paganism. For, while the pagans deserted their sick and dying, and stripped their bodies of what might be valuable, and saw, unmoved, the streets of Carthage filled with the bodies of the dead, the wealthier Christians divided their means, and the poor gave their labor, so that the streets were soon cleared of the de composing bodies, and the sick were cared for with great tender- contrast ness and devotion.1 When the plague visited Alexan- humHanitFyN" &£*> in the reign of Gallienus, A. D. 260-268," the of paganism, pagans drove their friends, when stricken by the con tagion, from their presence, cast the half-dead into the streets, and refused to bury the dead ; while the Christians took the diseased to their homes, nursed them with care, and, if the sufferers died, their bodies were buried with Christian rites.3 Sometimes it might be a question as to the propriety of a benefaction. But the grave need soon overcame all questions of relative importance. For ex ample, when some Numidian Christians were led off into captivity the churches of North Africa soon raised enough money (one hun dred thousand sesterces) to cover the ransom demanded for their restoration.3 Neither the faith nor the philosophy of the Greeks and Romans came to aid that universal physical suffering which seemed to be one of the leading characteristics of the decline of the Roman empire.4 The way in which the Church began to lift woman up into privi lege and hope was one of its most prompt and beautiful transforma tions from the blight of paganism. Too long in the darkness, she was now helped into the sunlight. There was much, even in the origin of Christianity, to suggest her true place in life and religion. Elizabeth, Anna, and, most of all, Mary the mother of Jesus, be- 1 Comp. Neander, Gen. Hist. Christ. Rel. and Church, vol. i, pp. 258, 259. 1 Eusebius, Ch. Hist., book vii, chap. xxii. 3 Cyprian, Ep. 60. Sestertia centum millia nuinmorum. 4 Ratzinger, Geschichte der kirchlichen Armenpflege, pp. 2-6. See Meth. Quar. Rev., Oct., 1870, pp. 617-619, and the valuable article in the Quarterly Review (Lond.), Jan., 1883. The whole subject is canvassed in extenso in Chastel, Charity of the Primitive Churches, Phila., 1857, and Uhlhorn, Chris tian Charity in the Ancient Church, N. Y., 1883. WORSHIP AND LIFE. 147 came early witnesses of the new emphasis on the dignity and worth of woman, while the women of whom Paul makes elevation of mention in his epistles were not only highly appreciated woman. for their works' sake, but became exemplars for earnestness and de votion in the spread of the Gospel, and for a quick and wise appre ciation of the best plans for its expansion over the earth. Without her helping hand Christianity, in its initial as well as all its later stages, would have been limited by a narrow horizon. By her de votion in peace, her heroism in persecution, and her fortitude at all times, woman early won that high place in the respect and veneration of the Church which she has preserved in every period of later history. ' The way in which Christianity applied its humane spirit to the slave is not less a proof of its promptness to minister to the needy. Paul said, "There is neither bond nor free."2 Christians consti tuted a universal brotherhood. The slave was not a „„„„„,„, „ _. . . ; ™..~» w-^*. HOSTILITY OF slave, but a brother with his master.3 Paul's appeal to Christianity Philemon, to show kindness to the slave Onesimus, and T0 8LATEET- receive him back again, is a clear indication of the view with which Christians of this whole period regarded slaves, as brothers beloved in the Lord.4 At the same time obedience was urged upon the slave, and no attempt was made to interfere with existing insti tutions. As Biot well says,6 no writer for three hundred years ever spoke of Christianity as doing away with slavery. For eman cipation the Gosgel acted directly on the heart, only indirectly on legislation.6 TDhe triumph of Christianity was in the whole structure of social life. The pagan civilization, according to its own wit- TRIUMph of nesses, was a whited sepulcher. With all its beautiful Christianity , . » ,. , , ., -, . , . , ., IN THE WHOLE exterior of poetic and philosophic achievement, its structure of triumphs in oratory and art, and its military deeds, social life. there was still lacking that conservative principle which was need ful for the life of the nation and the moral- dignity of society. The Christianity of the earliest period supplied this need. While 1 See The Position of Women Among the Early Christians, by Principal Don aldson, in TheContemp. Rev., Sept., 1889, Mag. of Chr. Lit., Nov., 1889. He shows the restricted sphere accorded to women in the early Church. 5 Gal. iii, 28. 3 Ratzinger, Geschichte der Armenpflege, p. 36. 4 Philem., verses 15-19. 5 L' abolition de l'esclavage dans l'Occident, p. 126. 6 In Cochin, L'abolition de l'esclavage, Paris, 1862, vol. ii, pp. 348-470, there is an able treatment of the relation of Christianity and slavery. See also Schaff, Hist, of the Apostolic Church, § 113, and his Essay on Slavery and the Bible in his Christ and Christianity, N.Y., 1885, pp. 184-212. There are excellent remarks in Dollinger, Hippolytus and Callistus, pp. 163, ff. 148 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. it began with the poor and the home, it did not confine itself here. This was a current of too much force to find an early limit. It gave promise of transmuting the whole life of the people, in all parts of the Roman empire. " This w^d^renewing spirit," says Bunsen, " could not stop short with the f amilyTelations ; its work became social, in spite of aristocratic pride, of mammon and State law, of philosophers and national economists. . . . Each member of the congregation was bound to assist every other, as a brother ; and the congregations all over the earth were to feel themselves united by the Spirit as one body of redeemed men, Jews and Gentiles, Greeks and Barbarians." 1 It should not surprise us that a system of such revolutionary character should very early be regarded as antagonistic to the State. It was of just such nature, by the very atmosphere that surrounded the places of worship and existed in all Christian circles, as to ex- alarm pro- cite alarm, not only that the national faith was in duced in the danger, but also the life as well. Nero found many ernmentby to believe him that the Christians had set Rome on revolution- gre- it was one of the pagan watchwords that the ter of chris- Christians are traitors to the national cause. •While tianity. gucn a charge, in the sense in which it was made, had no foundation, the fact does remain that an empire, based on such perversion as that of Rome, could not live in the presence of Christianity. Therefore the Roman empire and the pagan faith went down at the same time in a common abyss before the Gospel — the evangel of the free mind and the pure heart. 1 Christianity and Mankind, vol. i, p. 49. Charles Loring Brace has treated this whole subject in an illuminating and satisfactory manner in Gesta Christi (N. Y., 4th ed., 1885, chap. i-x). GENERAL SURVEY. 149- SECOND PERIOD. THE PATRISTIC AGE. A. D. 101-313. PERIOD OF PERSECUTION AND DEFENSE. CHAPTER I. GENERAL, SURVEY. This, more than any time in the history of the Church, was the period of persecution and defense. These two forces ran in parallel lines from the death of John to Constantine's Edict of Toleration in the year 313. However severe and violent the attempts to arrest Christianity, heroism and skill were never wanting in meeting them. Even before the death of the apostles there was a strong disposition on the part of the great outlying world to persecution destroy the new religion, but there was no indication and defense. that the persecution would become general and a part of the settled public policy of the Roman empire. While there had been an intense hostility toward the founders of the societies it was, nevertheless, a question whether, they having disappeared, there would be the same antagonism toward the great body of later be lievers. No long period elapsed before this question was settled. The patristic age was more violent in its dealing with the Christians than the apostolic. What, in the latter case, was sporadic, became general in the former. It is very easy to account for this result. The initiatory persecutions h^d failed of securing the desired object. Christianity, instead of being eradicated, or driven into obscurity, had spread far and wide, so that it was difficult to find any depart ment of life, or any region of Roman territory, where there were not Christians in abundance. They were to be found in every social stratum. Before the middle of the second century UNIVersalin- the universal increase was so rapid as to become a sub- crease of the ject of alarm. The Christians had penetrated the distant colonies and the conquered territory ; they were abundant 150 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. in the army, and in many instances filled important civil offices.1 It was this remarkable growth, not only by natural increase, but by rapid accessions from the Jewish and pagan population, that led the rulers to consider seriously the question whether Christianity should be exterminated by violent measures, or be allowed to ex pand with its usual rapidity, and become a rival to the old faith, and possibly possess itself of the government. Persecution was adopted as the wiser and safer course. It was not simply an indifference to humane impulses, a culmination of centuries of brutal and voluptuous associations, that led the most of the emperors to persecute the Christians, but rather a persistent effort to preserve the national faith and make any civil prominence of the Christians an impossibility. There was less of wild and hos- persecutiona tile impulse than of deep-seated purpose in all the firm purpose, persecutions. Some have supposed that certain of the rulers were so favorable to Christianity as, secretly, to wish it final suocess. We can find no warrant for such a pleasing and charitable opinion. The emperors exhibited the usual variety in temperament and mental qualities, some being impulsive and others cautious ; some, like Nero, heartless, and others, like Aurelius, more appreci ative of good wherever found. But the general position of the empire toward Christianity was that of intense hostility, modified only by the individuality of the ruler, the character of his environ ment at court, the external condition of the empire, and the firmer hold of Christianity in the centers and its diffusion in the provinces. There is some truth, but far more exaggeration, in Conybeare's explanation of the persecutions, when he says that the first conybeare's Christians were nihilists and anarchists ; that their exaggera- tendencies were thoroughly antisocial; that they re jected family ties and interfered wTtTT'family relations ; that they were communislsTthat they elevated the anticivic vice of improvidence anlTpoverty into a virtue ; that their rites were secret ; that early Christianity was, in short, subversive of society.3 These positions are far wide of the mark. For the Chris tians were uniformly obedient to the laws, except in the matter of idolatry ; they mingled freely with the pagans in the ordi nary work of life ; they were industrious and virtuous ; there is no single instance of a communistic Church except that at Jeru- 1 See Plummer, The Church of the Early Fathers, Lond. and N Y 1887 T>t> 3-6. " '' '™' 2 Collection of Armenian Acts of the Martyrs. The Apology and Aots of Apollonius and other Monuments of Early Christianity, Lond and N Y 1894 pp. 283-288. '' GENERAL SURVEY. 151 salem, which, it is evident, soon abandoned this feature of its life ; they honored the family relation, but held that it should be subor dinated to higher claims. Some of the Christians accumulated wealth and others were in the court of Cassar himself.1 The Christians could resist only with moral and spiritual forces. They had no civil ruler to whom they might go for sympathy, or on whom they might lean for aid in the hour of need. They could not draw the sword if they would ; and they would not if they could. -They could be banished, and yet, in their solitude, they found means to write some of those strongandjLerYOus defenses of Chris tianity which have never been superseded as models of defensive logic and of aggressive literary warfare. They had breathing spells between the violence of persecutions, especially when the rulers were otherwise engaged, as in making war upon other powers or quelling a revolution, and during these pauses they divided their time between industrious evangelistic work and framing skillful apologies for the faith! It is ahigh testimony to the intellectual vigor of that age that there was not a weakness of paganism, a fallacy of its thinkers, a moral defect of its popular religion, or a civil wrong inflicted by its rulers upon Christianity, that was not exposed theapolo- by these apologists. They had been converted from GISTS- paganism. They had learned it at home from their parents and in the schools. They had been taught rhetoric and other broad studies by wise masters, and now, as with Paul before them, they came with this wealth of culture and laid it at the feet of Christ. It was paganism lifting its sword against itself. Out of this attack and resistance came a certain speculative tend ency. At no time has there been such a complete speculative breaking up of the old forms of thought as in thejgfiQnd tendency. and third centuries. Outside of the Christian world there was no certainty, and the theosophic speculations from the East were ob truding themselves even upon Rome and other centers, and so min gling with the current paganism that the mass was a hopeless con fusion of worn^ojrJLarid^d^pMringJieJief s. There was neither color nor fiber in any non-Christian religion. The old pagan identity was destroyed. All the world's faiths flocked to Rome for a hearing, a footing, and a new sway in the West. It was their fate to find only a graveyard. The speculations were, in some cases, originated by pagan thinkers, who thought they could see some points of affinity between Christianity and the old polytheism, and undertook to achieve the impossibility of a compromise. Hence gnosticism, 1 As against Conybeare, see the juster estimate of the causes of the perse cutions in Neander, i, 86-93, and Schaff, rev. ed., ii, 40-44. 152 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the last effort of the pagan mind to solve the mysteries of being, and this only by assimilating Christian elements, was a more com- o plete failure than any one of the systems of Greek philosophy. i Ebionism, too, with its large measure of Jewish speculations, was destined to a similar fate. Thus the speculative task of paganism on the one hand, and of Judaism on the other, was incapable of fulfillment. It was a final dash in the dark for escape, and it met only the granite wall. It was, in both cases, an attempt at rehabilita tion by the infusion of Christian elements, or an accommodation to the spirit of the age. The failure was certain and prompt ; for Christianity consents to no compromise and admits no rival to its fellowship. Every destructive agency of Nature in her wildest moods was charged upon the Christians. The ills of every land were laid at their door. In Africa it was a proverb : " It does not rain ; lead us against the Christians. " Tertullian declared in his Apology : " When the Tiber reaches the city walls, when the Nile does not growth of overflow, when famine or pestilence prevail in a land, inspiteof11 theory is heard, ' Cast the Christians to the lions. '" ' opposition. But in spite of all this opposition, the Church grew steadily in numbers and firmness. This same Tertullian could also say : " All your ingenious cruelties can accomplish nothing ; they are only a lure to this sect. Our number increases the more you destroy us. The blood of the Christians is their seed. . . . We are a people of yesterday, and yet we have filled every place belonging to you — cities, islands, castles, towns, assemblies, your very camp, your tribes, companies, palace, senate, forum. We leave you your temples only. You count your armies, but our numbers in a single province will be greater." 3 " Many," says PHny, " of every age, every rank, and also of both sexes, are called intodanger, and are likely to be so ; and not only through the cities, but even through the villages and rural districts, the contagion of that superstition has spread." 3 1 Apol., chap. xl. ''Ibid., chap, xxxvii. 'Letter to Trajan, about A. D. 112. ORGANIZED OPPOSITION— THE JEWISH PERSECUTION. 153 CHAPTER II. ORGANIZED OPPOSITION— THE JEWISH PERSECUTION. The death of Christ did not appease the wrath of the Jews. They soon saw that his passion was far from being the termination of his work. The disciples showed no disposition to forget their allegiance and disband, while the result of the preaching of Peter at Pentecost was such a large accession of numbers that the cause be gan, on that day, a new career of work and growth. Forcible meas ures were adopted. Stephen, the deacon, was put to _, PERSECUTION death, and Peter and John were cast into prison. The under herod persecution under Herod Agrippa I, which began A. D. AGRIPPA '¦ 44, was general, and continued eight years. James the Elder be came a victim to it. There were several elements that entered into it and made it the more violent. One was the fact that, in the Roman empire generally, and particularly in the capital, the Jews saw that Christianity was confounded with Judaism, and that it was judged as a Jewish phenomenon. In far-off Rome the Jews and Christians were confounded, in the popular mind, as sects of equal absurdity. Nero's persecution was directed to both alike. There were no finespun distinctions. Both Jew and Christian had their cradle in despised Palestine, a rebellious province, and both were regarded as alike un- JEWg AND worthy a place in the Roman Pantheon. This was very christians in humiliating to the Jews. They had repudiated Chris- R01IE' tianity, and while it arose in their country and from among their people, they did not wish to be held accountable for a system whose Founder they had crucified and whose nearest friends they had put to death. But a still deeper ground of hostility lay in the belief that Chris tianity was in large measure responsible for their national over throw. There was not a single Jewish sect that had not ground for seeing in Christianity an uncompromising enemy. The Phari sees remembered that Christ had declared against their hypocrisy and formality, and had insulted their national prejudice christians by attentions to the Samaritans. The Sadducees had ^e^ews aI not forgotten that Christ had exposed their unbelief disloyal. in a future and spiritual world. In their numerous revolts no 154 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. sooner did the Jews enjoy a temporary success than they employed violent measures against the Christians, putting them to death often with slow tortures. During the interval between the death of Christ and the year 70 much of the persecution of the Christians in Rome and the adjacent provinces was due to the instigation of the Jews in Palestine, who sent messengers to the capital, and to the centers of proconsular authority, to give warning to both Jews and pagans against the Christians as enemies to the cult and civil polity of the empire. Toward the martyrdom of Polycarp the Jews contributed their full share.1 This peculiar procedure, or method of epistolary warning accounts in no small measure for the hostile measures which greeted Paul everywhere on his arrival in the cities of Asia Minor and Greece. But the Jewish hostility to Christianity reached its culmination in A. D. 70, when Jerusalem was captured by the Roman army under Titus. This event was the destruction of the capture of . . . Jerusalem by Jews as a nationality. Their despair on seeing the thus a. d. 70. j£oman army in possession of their sacred city, and especially of their temple, both of which were destroyed, so far ex ceeded all bounds that many cast themselves down headlong, and put themselves to death in other ways, sooner than witness the profanation of their sacred places. According to Josephus one million and one hundred thousand Jews lost their lives during the siege, while ninety-seven thousand were led off into captivity. The Christians fled to Pella, east of the Jordan, where they were in comparative safety. Not only was no mercy shown to the Chris tians by the Jews during the four years that elapsed between the Jewish victory over the Roman army, under the command of Cestius Gallus, and the destruction of Jerusalem, but in the time of final overthrow their rage against the Christians was even more violent than against the Romans. While the political power of the Jews was broken by the con quest of Palestine and the destruction of Jerusalem one more at tempt at restoration was made by them. Bar Cocheba, the pseudo- barcoche- Messiah, led a revolt against the Roman supremacy ba's revolt jn the year 132, and was successful for three years. mansuprem- He was a man of great energy and of magnetic spirit, ACY- and, combining the religious and military elements, possessed a double charm for the desponding Jews. Suddenly 1 Eusebius, Ecc. Hist., iv, 15 ; fiaXiora 'lovdaiov dif idoq avrov, elc ravra vtrovp- yovvrav. We may believe, with Renan andEwald, that the Jews instigated the persecution under Nero. Tertullian calls the synagogues of the Jews " foun tains of persecution" (Scorp., chap. 10). ORGANIZED OPPOSITION— THE JEWISH PERSECUTION. 155 emerging from obscurity, trained as a robber chieftain, and with no mercy or remorse in his character, he carried destruction wherever he went. His original name was Simon, but he called himself Bar Cocheba, son of a star, or the long-promised Messiah, the Star out of Jacob.1 He gained possession of Jerusalem and the entire country. The Christians took no part in his revolution, and their refusal was made the pretext by him and his followers for violent persecution. His movements were quick and well planned. His strategy and courage, with a devoted army of two hundred thousand Jews at his command, were more than a match for the Roman army under Annius Rufus. This revolt soon became known at Rome, and Julius Severus was called home from Britain and put in charge of the Roman suppression forces in Judea. He caused Bar Cocheba to eoncen- I!*™?™"" trate his forces, and defeated him at Bethar, in 135, verus. after a strong and successful revolution of three years. Such of the Jews as were not slaughtered were sold into slavery. Bar Cocheba perished with his army, and ever afterward became known to the world as Bar Kosiba, the Son of a Lie.3 The condition of the country, often plowed by war, had never been so desolate as now. It is estimated that fifty fortified cities, besides hundreds of towns, were destroyed, and seven hundred thousand people fell victims to the sword and famine. While it was not permitted a Jew to come within sight of Jerusalem on penalty of death, every effort was made to destroy all traces of Christianity in that city. The Emperor Hadrian ordered the organization and settlement of a Roman colony on its ruins, to which he gave the name of the ^Elian Capitol (iElia Capitolina), in honor of his own family. He rebuilt the city, but left Mount Zion out of its limits, and extended the new streets to the north and east of the former site. He leveled Mount Moriah, the former site of the temple, and ornamented it with trees and statues of himself ; he erected a temple to Venus on Mount Calvary, and placed a statue of Jupiter on the supposed spot of the sepulcher. This studious sacrilege of places dear to the Christians was especially gratifying to the Jews, who regarded it as no small compensation for their own humiliation and even their loss of nationality. The Jews were now hopelessly prostrated. They had risen in re volt against their Roman masters in Palestine and were conquered ' Num. xxiv, 17. ' Etheridge, Jerusalem and Tiberias, pp. 70, f£ ; Milman, Hist, of the Jews, ii, 433-442 ; Ewald, Geschichte d. Volks Israel, vii, 373^32 ; Schiirer, Neutes- tamentliche Zeitgeschichte, 350, ff. 156 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and almost the remnant of the population destroyed. In other prostration countries they had thrown off the Roman yoke for a of the jews, time, and wherever they succeeded for even a brief space they directed their hostility at once against the Christians. Besides the revolutions in Palestine, Mesopotamia, and Egypt proper, two hundred and twenty thousand fell victims to their rage in the Cyrenaica, and two hundred and forty thousand of the people of Cyprus.1 Many of these were Christians, and always they were the first on whom the Jewish vengeance fell. But all the revolutions failed. The Jew was prostrate and help less, and even his hostility to the Christian did not help his cause with the Roman. So abject was his condition and hopeless his fate that he became an object of even poetic attention.3 One thing only was left him. He could seek to gain by letters what he had lost in arms. Even after the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus, in 70, we find the first movement in this direction. Only a small remnant of the people was left after the sack of Jerusalem and the slaughter of the people ; but with that marvelous vitality which has always the new characterized the Jews they again organized, distrib- puTse^o3'" u^e<^ themselves judiciously, turned their attention study. toward the study of the sacred law, and applied it especially against Christianity. The elder Disraeli thus describes this new impulse: " Judaism found its last asylum in its academies. A conquered nation changed their military leaders into rabbins, and their hosts into armies of pale-cheeked students covered with the dust of the schools." The love of retired study had never been wanting, for in the days of the judges we read of Bethel, Jericho, Gilgal, Rama, and Mount Carmel as places where students congre gated in great numbers and sat at the feet of wise teachers of the law.* Even before the captivity these schools were neglected, but after the return they were to some extent revived. It was only after the conquest of Jerusalem by Titus that the Jewish mind was thoroughly directed toward their restoration, as if in the calm leth midrash, or house of exposition, the fire might be kept alive which in the time to come might burst forth into national revival and glory. 1 Etheridge, Jerusalem and Tiberias, p. 68. 5 Juvenal, living in Hadrian's time, writes : " Cophino foenoque relicto, Arcanam Judsea tremens mendicat in aurem, Interpres legum Solymarum, et magna sacerdos Arboris, ac summi fida internuncia coeli ; Implet et ilia manum, sed parcius sere minuto, Qualiacumque voles Judsei somnia vendunt." — Sat. vi, 542-547. 3 Etheridge, Jerusalem and Tiberias, pp. 52, 53. ORGANIZED OPPOSITION— THE JEWISH PERSECUTION. 157 Eight of these schools were organized — Jamnia,1 Lydda, Beth- ira, Chammatha, Caesarea, Magdala, Sephoris,3 and Tiberias. They were the quiet places not reached by the tumult of the world, where hermeneutics, the traditional law, ethics, demonology, poetry, fable, and chronology were studied with great care and minute di vision of labor. Jamnia was the chief center of learning jewish in Palestine, and the second Gamaliel was the president schools. of the seminary. It rose to great prominence, and attracted many students from all the countries whither the Jews had been scat tered. At the same time the other schools were not neglected, but became busy places for the study of Jewish theology and the culti vation of the traditions. Even as far eastward as Babylon there was an important school, where, in addition to the usual theology, astronomy and medicine were a part of the curriculum. These schools steadily grew in influence and in the number of students. The fire of patriotism burned on their altars. The least commotion that had for its aim a national uprising was fostered by them, and when Bar Cocheba arose they sent forth both students and rabbins to swell his ranks. After the overthrow of his revolt, though the remnant was again a mere handful, there was an immedi ate gathering about the schools. The seats of learning, as with the first Saxon schools in England when a tribal war was over, were the homes toward which the soldiers retreated, where they might at least find companionship and some little relief in reading that law which they regarded as their one immortal possession. Great teach ers arose. Jose ben Halefta, Meir, Jehuda ben Illai, Simon ben Yochai, and the second Gamaliel became dear and GREAT TEACH_ familiar names to the scattered and weeping Jews of ers in the every land. They formed the bond of dispersed Jews everywhere. The theological tendency was a disposition to show the absurdity of Christianity, and that the Messiah was yet to come. These rabbins called the religion of Christ an atheistic heresy,3 and from their quiet retreats sent out to their dispersed brethren heated attacks upon it. So decided was the literary hostility on the part of the Jews that the Christian writers were compelled to recognize them as well as pagan writers in their apologetic works. Justin the Martyr wrote a Dialogue with Tryphonthe Jew,4 and Tertullian wrote a work against the Jews. 6 The seminary at Jamnia was ter- 1 Called also Jabneh, Japhia, and Japhne. 2 Zaphat, or the present Safed. 3 "Atpeoig a&eoc. l LT/adf Tpvtyuva 'lovdaiov (JmAoyof. 5 Adversus Iudaios. Fabricius furnishes passages from the early Christian writers who complain of the Jewish persecution. Lux Evang. Ch. , § 1, p. 121. See also Epistle of the Church of Smyrna de Martyrio Polycarpi, §§ xii, xiii. 158 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. minated by the Romans because of the seditious declarations of Jehuda, a teacher, but the scholars gathered now at Tiberias, which took the place of Jamnia as the learned center of the West. The literary creations which came from these seminaries are mainly commentaries on the earlier works and exposi- products of tions of the Scriptures. The first part of the Talmud the schools. jg a pr0(}uct 0f that period of national sorrow and Chris tian antipathy. The school at Tiberias, though often nearly destroyed by devastating wars, has preserved its existence through all the Christian and Mohammedan centuries down to our own times. ¦ Even the Samaritans contributed their share toward the universal opposition of opposition to Christianity. They possessed no political the samari- power, but very early after the death of Christ attempted TANS TO CHRIS- ¦'»*«'•' -1- tianity-si- that revival of their faith, with an infusion of Persian mon magus. elements, which had a direct bearing against the Chris tians. Simon Magus, of the province of Samaria, after laboring for a time in Palestine, and gathering disciples about him, proceeded in 42 to Rome, where he taught his wild fancies, practiced magical exercises, and led an immoral life until about the year 50. He taught that there is an eternal and pure God, who has created eons and spirits like himself, and lives in a bright world ; that there is a wicked force, which has created evil spirits ; that there is a great number of good souls, which are united with a material and evil body. Men, therefore, are of both good and bad material. Simon represented himself as the greatest of all eons which God sent into the world to bring men to a knowledge of the truth, and his wife Helena as the best of all female eons, for the same purpose. Simon combined with these doctrines, which were of such effect as to throw off all moral restraints, the practice of magic, by which he gained great honor among the Romans, and was even deified by them.3 He gathered about him a large following, the Simonians, who were pagans and Jews, and aimed at inroads upon Christianity. They exerted no appreciable influence upon the thought of the times, and disappeared after the beginning of the fifth century. 1 In 1871 I found at Tiberias a number of rabbins engaged in the study of their ancient vellum folios. They had betaken themselves to the roof of a house, which is always flat, as most favorable for undisturbed study. So in tent were they at their labor of love that they barely looked up at the approach of an intruding visitor from the West. ! Justin the Martyr speaks of a statue erected to him in Rome, bearing the inscription : Simoni Sancto Deo. (Apol., i, § 26, 56. Dial. cum. Tryphene, § 120.) This is most likely the same statue which was discovered on the island in the Tiber, inscribed Semoni Sanco Deo Filio (Semo Sancus, a Sabine god). ORGANIZED OPPOSITION— THE JEWISH PERSECUTION. 159 Dositheus, also of Samaria, declared himself to be the promised prophet,1 taught a peculiarly strict observance of the other false Sabbath,3 practiced an ascetic life, baptized in his own teachers. name, and founded a sect which continued until the sixth century. Menander, a disciple of Simon the Magian, announced himself as the incarnate Messiah, and founded a short-lived and obscure sect, the Menandrians. All these teachers of erroneous opinions enter tained a feeling of intense bitterness toward Christianity. Almost without exception they claimed to be the prophetical fulfillment of the Messianic prophecies, and made these lofty assumptions the excuse for immorality in life and extravagance in opinion. It was the final effort of the Jew to justify his treatment of Christ, and account for his own national ruin. Henceforth he became the wanderer among the nations.3 1 Deut. xviii, 18. ' He held that the position in which one finds his body on awaking on the Sabbath must be strictly kept until night. Origen, De Princ, iv, chap. 17. 3 The great work of Graetz on the history of the Jews has been translated and published in an abridged form by the Jewish Publication Society in Philadel phia, 1894-96. Written from the standpoint of an intense Judaism it needs correction here and there, but is a work of vast learning. A useful book is Morrison, The Jews under the Romans (Lond. and N. Y., 1893). 160 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE: THE PERSECUTIONS. For special studies of the early persecutions see the following : 1. Aube, B. Hist, des Persecutions de l'Eglise jusqu'a la fin des Antonins, Paris, 1875. Aube" made a special study of this subject in this and other works. He is one of the masters of the field. 2. Overbeck, F. Studien zur Geschichte der alten Kirche, Chemnitz, 1875. A thorough investigation of Roman persecutions. 3. Wieseler, K. Die Christenverfolgungen der Casaren, Giitersloh, 1878. 4. Uhlhorn, G. The Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. Trans, with additional Notes by E. C. Smyth and C. J. H. Ropes, N. Y., 1879. An excellent introduction to this subject. 5. Mason, A. J. The Diocletian Persecution, Lond., 1876. An admirable monograph. 6. Hochart, P. Etudes au Sujet de la Persecution des Chretiens sous Neron, Paris, 1885. 7. Oxenham, H. N. Studies in Ecclesiastical History and Biography, Lond. , 1884, pp. 27-56. 8. Arnold, H. Studien zur Geschichte der plinianischen Christenverfolgung, Kbnigsb., 1887. Neronische Christenverfolgung, Leipz., 1888. 9. Allard, P. Les derniers Persecutions du troisieme Sieole, Paris, 1887. Histoire des Persecutions pendant les deux premiers Siecles, Paris, 1884. Histoire des Persecutions pendant la premiere moitie du HIe Siecle, Paris, 1885. BURK & MCFETRIDGE CO. LITK. PHILA MADE EXPRESSLY FOR HUBS! THE ROMAN EMPIRE AT THE BEGINNING OF THE CHRISTIAN ERA OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. 161 CHAPTER III. THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. The persecution of the Christians by the Romans varied with the emperors. There was at no time a State policy, shaped with a view to the final overthrow of Christianity, which remained unaltered through successive reigns. The sudden caprice of the ruler, pro duced possibly by the persuasion of an artful and bribed woman, or by an attack of indigestion, was often the potent agent to kindle the fires of martyrdom from Asia Minor to the Iberian peninsula. The alleged ground of hostility was the unquestioned disloyalty antagonism of Christianity to the national religion. THE GENER- o _...-..-—--« J , t^.fr.-r.^Xl. ^l CHARGE The Romans boasted that there was perfect liberty ac- against corded all the faiths that might arise in the land or be christians. introduced from abroad. The writers of the times lauded this religious catholicity as a distinguishing feature of the Latin civili zation. When a province was conquered it was not made obligatory that the faith should be changed with the rule. The boast of the Roman was that his capital was the home of "a thousand faiths." But this charitable exterior was largely conditioned upon the quality of the faith which asked for tolerance. No liberty was granted a religion that impinged, to the least degree, upon the national religion. The theory of the expounders of Roman law was that every citizen owed allegiance to the religion of the State as a funda- mental part of the political structure. Julius Paulus theory of reports, as one of the civil laws, that whatever noble- ERS0FTHE man introduced a new religion, which, though its romanlaw. general character be unknown, might disturb the citizens, should be banished ; while a plebeian committing such an offense should be put to death. Dio Cassius gives the following as the advice of Maecenas to Augustus : " "Worship the gods, in every particular, according to the laws of your country, and require others to do the like thing. But despise and punish all who introduce any religion foreign to our own, and this not only because of our gods, for he who does not revere them cannot reverence anything ; but because those who introduce new gods deceive others to make use of foreign laws. This is the source of sedition and private plotting, which 11 162 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. must not be tolerated in a monarchy. Allow nobody to deny our gods or make use of sorcery." It was very soon seen that, while Christianity might be allowed to settle in Rome as a foreign faith with others, it possessed some qualities which made it obnoxious to the representatives of Roman authority. Its relation to the religion of the State was not that of submission and acquiescence, but of positive_hostility. Ho one could be a Christian and sacrifice at a heathen altar or worship real antago- with the multitude in a heathen temple. Prom the nism op moment that he adopted the religion of Christ, every CHRISTIANITY r ° 'J to paganism, bond that held him to the pagan mythology was sun dered, His attitude was one of pronounced hostility, if not by word, at least by absence from all pagan rites, and by meeting with Christians in their services. He was at once a marked man. There was not a single point of sympathy between his old faith and the new one. The pagan associates could no longer be intimate friends. The ties of kindred were broken by the still stronger bonds of religion. In addition to this antagonism to the Roman faith Christianity possessed a strong element of aggressiveness. It was the grain of mustard seed, and must necessarily take root ; it was the leaven, and its force must permeate the mass. A still Christianity is always an impossibility. It must be at work, whatever the threat, and however near and sure the Damoclean sword above it. When Christianity reached Rome it was soon found in every circle of society, and more than one emperor was Christianity Persua GAN INDUS- theistic system. The more materialistic the faith, the tries by nearer its approach to the unreal and the unspiritual, CHRIST1ANITT- the more dependent is it upon the work of the hands for its per petuation. Even now, in the Greek and Roman Catholic coun tries, there are conimunities which are chiefly supported by the fabrication of articles connected with the service. In the town of Troitza, in central Russia, the entire business of the place is occu pied in the manufacture of images and other objects which bring a ready price from the many worshipers that throng about that Russian Canterbury. Einsiedeln, the old monastic town which overlooks Lake Zurich, and is dear to the Protestant Swiss because of its having been the home of Zwingli, derives much of its suste nance from the sale of articles to the constant stream of pilgrims toiling upward to that historic shrine. In the Roman empire a large population was entirely dependent upon the Staterelirion for its support. Every temple 1AKGE R0_ had a large class of priests and servants, and there was man popula- no department of the service which did not, in some T">" "" '' ''M'" ENT ON THE form, furnish a support for many people. Even the one state KEU- feature of sacrifices required a large body of lay priests to conduct the nonpriestly part of it. Every temple was dedicated to some one of the many divinities, and the sale of the image8 alone furnished a livelihood for a community. The books on magic, burned by the Christian converts at Ephesus, amounted to fifty thousand pieces of silver, while the persons who made silver shrines for Diana seem to have been no insignificant guild, for they had power enough, through the leadership of Demetrius, to fill the whole city with confusion.1 This question of financial ruin en tered largely into the argument against Christianity, and in the places remote from the capital was the ground of violent opposition to its adherents. The administrators of the law saw that here was a source of loss to the State, and they reported to the chief author ities in Rome that, in proportion as the Christian population in creased, there was a decrease of funds for the treasury of the State. 1 Acts six, 19 ; xxiv,. 29. 164 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. There was no ground for charge of personal treachery to the empire. It was not questioned that the Christians were brave and pure, other but the charge was that their faith was unnational agmns^the throughout, and therefore ought to be exterminated. christians. TEere i were other serious charges — that they held secret meetings, which aimed at the death of the empire ; that they prac ticed cannibal (Thyestine) rites, a misinterpretation of the Lord's Supper ; and that they early introduced their children into their own forbidden practices. But these charges were easily refuted, and were only advanced as a desperate justification for violent measures, so that they had only limited force. While it is generally assumed that there were ten persecutions it number of is n°t sa^e *° define the number. The boundary be- the persecu- tween a general and a local persecution is often very vague, and what one writer has regarded universal has been found to have been limited, and rather the work of the proconsul than of the emperor. There was a progress in the bitterness of the persecutions, and an increase of the territory by them, as the cen turies advanced. It was found that persecution failed of effect, but this, instead of causing the rulers to abandon violent measures, only led them, in desperation, to increase them. This was done until they were powerless to continue it, and it became clear that what could not be overcome as an enemy must be attached as a friend. There were three stages in the persecution : 1. Prom Nero to „„,.„„,, Marcus Aurelius, A. D. 54-161. During this time three stages ' o of persecu- the persecutions, except in case of that by Nero, were TI0N' not violent, and of but limited area. 2. A. D. 161-251. Prom Marcus Aurelius to Decius. This was a time of more ag gravated opposition on the part of rulers and the Roman people. 3. A. D. 251-313. Prom Decius to Constantine's Edict of Tolera tion. This brief period was the culmination of the persecution. The opposition was not only more violent and inhuman than at any previous time, but the territory was broader, and bounded only by the limits of the Roman empire. The persecution by Nero (A. D. 54-68) proceeded less from an tipathy to the Christians specially than from a brutal nature. He placed before himself as an ideal of a great reign the erection of nero's per- magnificent buildings, which should take the place of S™0' the less ostentatious structures in which the city tians. abounded. The evidence is too strong to be resisted that he caused the city to-be set on fire in several places (A. D. THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. 165 64). " But the conflagration went far beyond his anticipations. Breaking out between the Palatine and Caslian Hills, it raged six days, and when it ceased the larger portion of the city lay in ruins. Ten out of the fourteen districts into which Rome was divided were in* whole or part destroyed by the fire. Many of the most revered and historical buildings, such as the Ara Maxima, erected to Her cules, the temple of Luna, the temple of Vesta, Numa's precious palace, and trophies from a hundred battlefields, were sacrificed to the flames. During the burning of Rome Nero had no higher conception of the seriousness of the occurrence than to regard it as a scenic dis play, a proper representation of the destruction of Troy. The buildings which he afterward erected did not silence the indigna tion nor conceal the poverty of his subjects. He was promptly charged with the crime, and, with that readiness in nero's base wicked resource which always distinguished him, he ™gthe™rn- took advantage of the popular hostility to the Chris- ing of rome. tians, made them responsible for the fire, and began a persecution of them. His mind, ever fertile of cruel inventions, produced new forms of torture. Christians were sewed up in the .sknjs of wild beasts, and dogs were set upon them, which tore them to pieces. Some were smeared with inflammable gums and placed at conven ient intervals" in Nero's garden and set on fire, and thus made to serve the purpose of lamps, while Nero, clad as, a charioteer, con ducted a chariot race for the delight of the multitude- The perse cution was confined to Rome and the vicinity. Nero's interest in destroying the Christians was not a matter of general policy, but satisfied itself with the scenic display for the entertainment of the populace of the capital.2 The Christians enjoyed peace during the reigns of Vespasian 1 The testimony of the Roman historians as to Nero's responsibility for the burning of Rome is very pointed. Vid. Tacitus, Annal., xv, 67; Suetonius, Nero, 38 ; Dion Cass., lxii, 16 ; Pliny, H. N., xvii, 1, 1. 2 Besides the original authorities mentioned in the preceding note the best accounts of the Neronie persecution are : Renan, The Antichrist, chaps, vi, vii ; Merivale, Hist, of the Romans under the Empire, chap, liv ; Schaff, rev. ed., i, §37 ; SchiUer, Geschichte des rom. Kaiserreichs unter Nero (Berl., 1872) ; DanieU, art. " Nero," in Smith and Wace ; Arnold, Die neronische Christenver folgung (Leipz. , 1888), who claims that Nero had no religious interest in the persecution, but used the Christians simply as a pretext, that the Christians were distinguished from the Jews, and that the persecution was purely local ; Uhlhom, Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism, pp. 241-250 ; Wieseler, Die Christenverfolgungen der Casaren, Giitersloh, 1878. See discussions of special points in Ferneaux, ed. of Tacitus, Annals (Oxf., 1883-91), 2 vols., Hist. Zeitschrift, xxxii, and Weizsacker in Jahrb. fur Deutsche Theol., xxi. 166 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and Titus (A. D. 70-81), but during the latter part of Domitian's reign (A. D. 81-90) they were severely persecuted. They had in creased greatly in Rome, and, indeed, throughout the empire, and the domitian their numbers excited the fears of Domitian. Reports persecution. na(j Deen brought to him that Christ had been of the royal line of the Jews, and that there were still men in Palestine who claimed to be of the same family, and might aspire to the Ro man throne. Domitian sent for these men, and, after inquiring of them, and finding them ignorant, and that their hands indicated that they were laborers, let them return home.1 Domitian charged the Christians with atheism, and, not content with requiring of them the Capitoline tax, a gift for Jupiter Capitolinus, subjected many to martyrdom. He even banished to an island of the west coast of Italy Flavia DomitiUa, his niece and the wife of his cousin Flavius Clemens, because of her profession of Christianity. He had slain Plavius himself, but whether on account of his religion we cannot positively say.2 This emperor, however, made no sys tematic effort to persecute the Church. Under Nerva (A. D. 90-98) the Christians enjoyed a season of trajan's per- comparative rest. During Trajan's reign, however secution. (A. j_). 98-117), they were persecuted anew. That em peror, chagrined at the forces destructive of the nationaljeligifln, espoused the cause of the"old faith. His earnest civic spirit made him anxious that all religions should be suppressed that did not do homage to the State. But his manner of doing this was, on the whole, moderate and conservative. He took pains to see that his Eastern officers of the law should prevent Christian secret meetings, and that compulsory measures should be adopted to make them re turn to the old religion. The Christians in Palestine were perse cuted by the Roman proconsul Tiberianus, who*CTucified the vener able Simeon, now one hundred and twenty years old, and the head of the Church in Jerusalem.3 In no part of the empire were the Christians making more rapid progress and increasing more rapidly than in Asia Minor. Their strength was a source of great alarm to the authorities in Rome, and special instructions were given 1 Eusebius, H. E., iii, 19, 20. 2 See above and note. Plumptre speaks inexactly when he says (in Smith and Wace, art. " Domitianus ") that Eusebius (iii, 18) and the Christian tradi tion make Flavius Clemens a Christian. The historian speaks only of Domi tiUa. That in the same connection he should have failed to mention one so near the throne as Flavius, is strong presumptive evidence that the tradition did not bear witness to the latter's conversion. 3 Eusebius, H. E., iii, 32. According to Eusebius, Chron., the date is 106 or 107. THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. 167 to inquire into their methods and cause them to abandon their faith. The correspondence between Trajan and his friend Pliny, a pro consul in Asia Minor, furnishes the most remarkable picture of the life of the Christians and the Roman teTtotraT policy that has come down from those times. Pliny JAN- thus reported to Trajan : " It is my rule, my lord, to refer myself to you in aU my doubts ; for who is more capable of removing my scruples or informing my ignorance ? Having never been present at any trials of the Christians I am unacquainted, not only with the nature of their crimes or the measure of their punishment, but how far it is proper to enter into an examination concerning them. Whether, there fore, any difference is usuaUy made with respect to the ages of the guUty, or no distinction is to be observed between the young ancTtne adult ; whether re pentance entitles them to a pardon ; or, if a man has once been a Christian, it avails nothing to desist from his errors ; whether the mere name unattended with crimes, or only the crimes themselves associated with the name are pun ishable ; in aU these points I am greatly doubtful. " In the meanwhUe the method I have observed toward those who have been brought before me as Christians is this : I asked them whether they were Christians ; if they confessed I repeated the question twice again, adding threats at the same time, when, if they stiU persevered, I ordered them to be led away to punishment ; for I was persuaded, whatever the nature of their opinions migntbe, that a contumacious and inflexible obstinacy certainly de served punishment. There were others also brought before me, possessed with the same infatuation ; but being citizens of Rome I directed them to be carried thither. But this crime spreading (as is usually the case) while it was actuaUy under prosecution, several instances of the same nature occurred. An anony mous paper was presented to me containing a charge against several persons, who, upon examination, denied they were Christians, or had ever been so. They repeated after me an invocation to the gods, and offered religious rites with wine and frankincense before your statue (which for this purpose I had ordered to be brought, together with those of the gods), and even reviled the name of Christ ; whereas there is no forcing, it is said, those who are really Christians into a doing of any of these things. "I thought proper, therefore, to discharge them. Some of those who were accused by an informer at first confessed themselves Christians, but immedi ately after denied it ; whUe the rest owned, indeed, that they had been for merly, but had now (some above three, others more, and one even twenty years ago) forsaken that error. They aU worshiped your statue and the images of the gods, and cursed Christ. They affirmed that the whole of their guilt or error was that they met on a certain stated day before it was light, and sang j antiphonaUy a hymn to Christ, as to some god, binding themselves by a solemn I oath, not for the purpose of any wicked design, but never to commit any fraud, j theft, or adultery ; never to falsify their word nor deny a trust when they i should be caUed upon to deliver it up. After which it was their custom to separate and then to reassemble, to eat in common a harmless meal. From this custom, however, they desisted after the publication of my edict, by which, according to your orders, I prohibited fraternities (hetcerice). After re- 168 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ceiving this account I judged it so much the more necessary to endeavor to extort the real truth, by putting two female slaves to the torture, who were caUed deaconesses (ministry) ; but I could discover nothing more than a de praved and excessive superstition. "I thought proper, therefore, to adjourn all further proceedings in this affair in order to consult with you. For it appears to be a matter highly de serving your consideration, more especiaUy as great numbers must be involved in the danger of these prosecutions, this inquiry having already extended, and being stUl likely to extend, to persons of aU ranks and ages and even of both sexes. For the contagion of this superstition is not confined to the cities only, but has spread its infection among the villages and in the country. Neverthe less, it still seems possible to remedy this evU and restrain its progress. The temples, at least, which were almost deserted, begin now to be frequented, and the sacred solemnities, after a long intermission, are again revived, while there is a demand for fodder for the victims, for which previously hardly a buyer was to be found. From hence it is easy to imagine what numbers might be reclaimed if a pardon were granted to those who shaU repent." Trajan replied as follows : "The method you have pursued, my dear Secundus, in the proceedings against those Christians who were brought before you, is extremely proper, as it is not possible to lay down any fixed plan by which to act in aU cases of this nature. They are not to be searched for. If, indeed, they are accused and convicted, they must be punished, with this restriction, however, that when the party denies himself to be a Christian, and shall make it evident that he is not, by invoking our gods, let him (notwithstanding any former sus picion) be pardoned upon his repentance. Anonymous accusations ought not to be received in prosecutions of any sort, as it is introducing a very dangerous precedent, and by no means agreeable to our times. " ' This celebrated rescript (about A. D. 112) laid down the general principles on which the Roman emperors proceeded until the per secution of Severus, A. D. 202. It was moderate, yet uncom promising. The Christians were not to be sought out, but when once fairly and legally proved guilty of Christianity they were to be punished. The mode and extent of the punishment were apparently left to the discretion of the governor, but with the understanding that continued profession of the Name merited death. This was the first legal declaration against the Christians as such. Besides the supposed incompatibility of their religion with the spirit of patriot ism, we know that Trajan had a mortal dread of all secret societies limits of (hetmrim), as he would not allow even the formation underAthis of a fire brigade in Bithynia. The secret meetings of rescript. the Christians made them thus especially obnoxious to the State. Trajan, however, ordered no persecution, and the fact that the later apologists referred the persecuting emperors to his 'Pliny, Ep., 96, 97. THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. 169 humane policy, and even to this decree as a safeguard against in justice,1 would seem to prove that no general distress was inflicted upon them in his reign, or that at least comparatively few suffered death. Professor Ramsay has thoroughly investigated Trajan's relation to the Church, and his conclusion seems justified that, while Trajan stood squarely on the principle that the Christian religion was opposed to the genius of the Roman State, and as such must be put down, in interpreting this principle great moderation must be observed, even to the extent of requiring Pliny " to shut his eyes to the Christian offense, until his attention was expressly directed to an individual case by a formal accuser, who appeared openly to demand the interference of the imperial government against a malefactor." Trajan inaugurated a milder policy. It was the " first step in the rapprochement between the empire and the Church." " The later legend represented the emperor admitted to heaven by the prayers of Gregory the Great, and Dante beheld his soul in the sixth heaven.3 This legend also found embodiment in art. It is sculptured on the Doge's Palace, and worked on the tapestries of Berne.4 Under Hadrian (A. D. 117-138) there was a continuation of a tolerant policy. Christianity was placed on much the same basis as all the new faiths, and suffered neither legs, nor more CHRISTIANS than any other, except the national. The Christians, under ha- being subjected to popular anger and in danger at any time of death, were protected by imperial^ favor, and proconsuls were ordered to inflict punishment on them only when charges were brought in legal form and supported by reliable testimony, Hadrian^tTletter to MinucTus Fundanus is very similar in tone to Trajan's to Pliny, and may even be"eonsidered more favorable to the Christians.6 Hadrian looked with equal contempt on all religions— 1 Tertullian, Apol., ii. Comp. Eusebius, H. E., iii, 33. Later Trajan's fair ness was interpreted as actual toleration— a grievous error. See Sulp. Sev., ii, 31 ; Orosius, vii, 12. 2 The Church in the Roman Empire : Before A. D. 170 (Lond. and N. Y., 1893, pp. 196-223). This is a work written on fresh lines and with admirable spirit and fine scholarship. Comp. Plummer, Church of the Early Fathers, pp. 165-168 ; Daniell, art. " Trajanus," in Smith and Wace ; Hardy's notes in his ed. of Pliny's Epistles. 3Parad., xx, 44. 4 Daniell, I. c. Arnold, Studien zur Geschichte der plinianischen Christen verfolgung, Konigsberg, 1887, has gone into this subject with zeal, and his conclusions are of great interest. 5 There is no reason to consider this rescript spurious. It is given by Euse bius, H. E., iv, 10, Justin M., I Apol., chap. Ixviii. The objections of Keim, Overbeck, and McGiffert rest on a misinterpretation of Kara rijv 6bvap.Lv rut 170 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. money is at the bottom of all. ' He said to Minucius Fundanus : " I have received an epistle, written to me by Serenius Granianus, a most illustrious man, whom you have succeeded. It does not seem hadrian's re- right to me that the matter should be passed by script. without examination, lest the men be harassed and opportunity be given to the informers for practicing villainy. If, therefore, the inhabitants of the province can clearly sustain this petition against the Christians so as to give answer in a court of law, let them pursue this course alone, but let them not have re course to men's petitions and outcries. For it is far more proper, if anyone wishes to make an accusation, that you should examine into it. If anyone therefore accuses them and shows that they are doing anything contrary to the laws, do you pass judgment accord ing to the heinousness of the crime. But, by Hercules ! if any bring an accusation through mere calumny, decide in regard to his criminality, and see to it that you inflict punishment. " a Antoninus Pius (A. D. 138-161) was of humane character, and disposed to oppose the popular hostility to the Christians. But during his reign there was great suffering throughout the empire. Floods, famine, and pestilence united to produce widespread misery in every class of society. The inference of the people was that the gods were angry because Christians were allowed to practice their faith in the empire. The emperor did not regard Christians in the same light, but was not able to protect them from the brutal oppo sition of the people.3 We now come to the stage of more decided hostility. Marcus marccs aure- Aurelius (A. D. 161-180) belonged to the better class lius. 0f pagan emperors and thinkers. He professed a sin cere attachment to the Stoic philosophy, and yet claimed strict ad herence to the national religion. He looked upon Christianity as afiapTyfiaroc, which does not necessarily refer to other moral and political offenses, but may just as naturally be taken as indicating the Name itself. Funk (Tub. Theol. Quar., 1879) makes an able argument for genuineness. Ranke maintains the same. 1 TJnus illis deus nummus est. — Hadrian, Ep. ad Servianum, ap. Vopiscum, Vita Sev., 8. 2 Eusebius, H. E., iv, 9, MeGiffert's translation. Renan gives a briUiant review of Hadrian's reign in its Christian aspects in his Christian Church, chaps, i-iii. He, and also Neander, holds to the genuineness of this rescript. 3 The Epistle of Antoninus to the Common Assembly of Asia is spurious (against Lardner and Wieseler). It is quoted, from variant copies, in Eusebius, iv, 13, and Justin Martyr, I Apol., chap, lxviii. But this emperor did write, as Eusebius says, " to the Larissseans, to the Thessalonians, to the Athenians, a,nd to all the Greeks, forbidding them to take new measures against us " (iv, 26). He continued the policy of Trajan. THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. 171 fanaticism and superstition, and regarded it as detrimental to the State and hostile enough to be suppressed by violent measures. He de vised a policy for the suppression of Christianity, and ordered Chris tians to be found out and exposed and put to death. He exhibited a singular bitterness toward Christianity and despised the very resig nation and humility of the Christians. The persecution which he inaugurated varied in intensity, but extended in reality over every part of the empire. A pestilence, which raged with great fury from Ethiopia in the south to Gaul in the northwest, was made a pretext for persecution, on the ground that the Christians had provoked the wrath of thegods. In A. D. 166 or 167 SjQvnja became the center of a persecution to which the aged Polycarp fell a victim. When urged to renounce his faith he made this noble reply : " Eighty-six years I have served Christ, and he has done me no harm ; how could I now blaspheme my King, who has redeemed me? " Only a year be fore, in 166, Justin the Martyr had died in the persecution at Rome., In 177 the churches in Lyons and Vienne, in France, suffered severely" The details of this*" persecution have come the 0Hra0HIiS down to us through a letter written by the churches in in lyons and these cities to their brethren in Asia Minor, a beautiful VIENNE- specimen of the intensity of Christian love and the firmness of fra ternal bonds in a time of universal sorrow. ' The literature of the Church does not furnish a better illustration of that sympathy which the Christians of one region felt toward their far-off fellow- sufferers than we find in this outpouring of the soul by the Chris tians in Gaul to their fellow-sufferers in Asia Minor. It was the beginning of that tide of blood and deep affliction and bitter suf fering which has flowed at intervals in France during fourteen centuries, from the days of Marcus Aurelius down to Charles IX. It was during this reign that the legend of the Thundering Legion arose. It was believed that while the emperor was leading THe thunder- an army against the Marcomannians and Quadians, and ING region. it was suffering from extreme tbjacst and in danger of immediate at tack, the soldiers of the twelfth legion, all of whom were Chris tians, prostrated themselves m prayer ; that a sudden thunderstorm arose and burst in such fury above the enemy as to terrify them, and yet to furnish water to refresh the Roman army ; that, as a result, a great victory was gained by Marcus Aurelius and his soldiers, and that the emperor thereafter ceased to persecute the Christians.2 1 This letter is quoted in full by Eusebius, H. E., v, 1. 2 See Eusebius, H. E., v, 6 ; Tertullian, Apol., v ; the forged letter of Mar cus Aurelius to the Senate appended to Justin Martyr, I Apol., chap, lxviii ; also Dio Cassius, Ixxi, 8, and Capitolinus, Vita Marc. Aur., xxiv. 172 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Beneath the fancy there is a basis of historical fact. The bat- basisofhis- ^ did take place, and it was a great victory for the torical fact. Romans ; besides, there was a sudden rain, which re freshed the thirsty army. But Marcus Aurelius persecuted the Christians afterward as before ; he had a medal struck, in which Jupiter is represented as hurling thunderbolts on the enemies, and the Thundering Legion had been called by that name ever since the time of Augustus. That there were Christians in that legion who, in their extremity, prayed to God ; that they fought with bravery ; that they regarded the victory as the fruit of their prayers, and told it to their companions in faith on their return from battle ; and that all this should enter into all later Christian art, and become a thread with which to weave a beautiful belief in an age that had so little to cheer and please, is at once probable and natural.1 Commodus (A. D. 180-192) was influenced by a woman of his court, Marcia, to put an end to the persecution of the Christians ; but they were ill-treated in various parts of the empire, chiefly through the cruelty of the proconsuls, who continued of their own accord the policy of Marcus Aurelius. The recently discovered Greek Acts of the Martyrs of Scilla reveals some of the slaughter of Commodus's reign. Some charged with magic suffered in Carthage, and the martyrs of Madaurus belong here ; also ApoUonius, whose most important Acts and Apology were first brought to the attention and study of European scholars by Conybeare in 1894. 2 Septi- mius Severus (A. D. 193-211) was, at the beginning, favorable to the Christians, owing, it was believed, to a Christian slave, Procu- lus, who had healed him with oil from a dangerous illness.3 But he soon fell into the path of Marcus Aurelius. The Christians were commanded to renounce their faith, and severe penalties were threatened on any who should become Christians. The bitterness was so intense that a large part of the Church 1 The best recent discussions are Lightfoot, Ignatius, i, 469-476, Aube', Hist. des Perseeut., first series, chap, viii, pp. 364-372, and Stokes, Thundering Legion, in Smith and Wace, iv, 1023. These scholars furnish a searching criticism, but agree in allowing a modicum of fact in the story. On the relation of Marcus Aurelius to Christianity, see Renan, Marcus Aurelius, the seventh part of his brilliant and learned work on the Origins of Christianity; Paul Barron Wat son, Marcus Aurelius (N. Y., 1884), who gives a favorable view of the em peror ; Farrar, Seekers After God, pp. 295-301 ; Capes, Age of the Antonines (Lond. and N. Y., 1876) ; and the histories of the Roman empire. 2 See Goerres, Das Christenthum und der romische Staat zur Zeit des Kaiser Commodus, in Jahrb. f iir Prot. Theol. , 1884, H. 2 ; Conybeare, Apology and Acts of ApoUonius and other Monuments of Early Christianity (Lond. , 1894), an indispensable work. 3 James v, 14. TertuUian, ad Scapul. , 4. THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. 173 regarded Septimius Severus as the antichrist. In Alexandria the father of Origen was beheaded ; the beautiful and pure Potimiana, with her mother Marcella, was destroyed in burning pitch ; Per- petua, from the nobility, and Pelicitas, a slave, were torn to pieces by wild beasts (A. D. 203). These are only single examples of a persecution which raged in various parts of the Roman empire, but especially in Egypt and the whole of North Africa.1 During Cara- calla's reign (A. D. 211-217) there was some continuance of opposition to Christianity, but rather as an effect andelagaba- from the preceding reign than from any measures of the LUS' reigning emperor. Elagabalus, Syrian sun god (A. D. 218-222), was so called because of his adoption of the Syrian worship of the sun. He regarded all religions, save that of Syria, as of equal worthless- ness, but tolerated Christianity as being at least Syrian. He erected on the Palatine mount a temple to the sun god of Syria, in which the service was a mixture from many faiths. Q Most important was the work of Caracalla in conferring the franchise on every person not a slave in the Roman empire. " A most grateful and humane deed," says Augustine.2 No more could Christians be crucified, unless they were slaves, nor thrown to the wild beasts. They suffered by the sword at last, and all their tor tures were such as might by equal right befall any citizen of Rome who transgressed the mandate of the emperor. Thus martyrdom, instead of the obstinacy of an abject alien superstition, became the bold and cheerful resistance of free citizens to the arbitrary will of one who, when he began to torture, became a barbarous tyrant."3 Alexander Severus (A. D. 222-235) carried this eclec- ECLECTICI3M ticism still further, and treated Christianity as a ofalexan- religion of equal value and worthy of a place with the DER SETSRIJ3- national and other religions. Maximinus (A. D. 235-238) perse cuted the Christians in certain localities, but more particularly in Pontus and Cappadocia, where a violent and destructive earthquake was attributed to their presence. During the reigns of Gordianus (A. D. 238-244) and Philip the Arab (A. D. 244-249) the Chris tians enjoyed peace and greatly increased in number and popular favor. The report even went so far as to say that Philip himself was a Christian. There is in fact little doubt that he did penance before a bishop, perhaps under the vague desire to propitiate even 1 J. J. Miiller and Goerres have made elaborate investigations into the state of the Church in the reign of Alexander Severus, the former in his Staat und Kirche unter Alex. Severus, Zurich, 1874, and the latter in his Kaiser Alex. Severus und das Christenthum, Leipz., 1877. ' De Civ. Dei, v, 17. 3 Birks, in Smith and Wace, i, 403. 174 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the Christian's God. But there is no sufficient evidence to believe that he made any formal profession of Christianity, and it is true that he still continued in all the pagan rites.1 The final and most bitter period of persecution began with the reign of Decius (A. D. 249-251). He gave minute attention to the destruction of the Christians, and hoped to put an end to the Church. His purpose waB to restore the old polytheism to its former glory. It had declined, and was losing its hold. It must, he thought, be brought back again to its place of honor, when it reflected its splendor on the whole empire. Christianity was con sidered the only thing that stood in its way, and, therefore, it must decian perse- De eradicated. The bishops were held to be chief offend- cution. eTB} an(j -were put to death remorselessly. Such men as Pabianus, Bishop of Rome ; Babylas, Bishop of Antioch ; and Pionius, presbyter of Smyrna, were among the victims. All prop erty belonging to Christians was confiscated, they were ordered to worship at heathen temples, and refusal to comply was punished with death. Decius was impeded in his persecution by a foreign war, and his cruelty was terminated by bis sudden death.2 Gallus (A. D. 251-253) continued the persecution on the ground that the national calamities were due to the presence of Christians. Valerian (A. D. 253-260) was very favorable to the Christians at gallus and the beginning, but afterward adopted a policy of vio- valerian. ]ent persecution. In the fourth year of his reign he is sued an edict that all bishops, presbyters, and deacons should be put to death, that all Christian senators and knights should be stripped of their office and property, and, in case of refusal to adopt the national religion, should be beheaded. s Sixtus, Bishop of Rome, and Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage, were among the victims to his fury. Gallienus (A. D. 260-268) was friendly to the Christians. He declared that all forfeited property should be restored to the Christians, and that such bishops as had only been banished should be restored. Eusebius says that by public proclamation he recognized Chris tianity as a religion to be tolerated, and he gives a copy of a rescript of his to some Egyptian bishops declaring that they must be un- 1 Eusebius, H. E., vi, 34, with notes by McGiffert. St. Chrysostom, De St. Babylas c. Gentes. No heathen historian mentions this. For discussions, see Tillemont, Hist, des Emp., iii, 494, f., and Clinton, Easti Rom., ii, 51. DanieU gives an excellent summary of the evidence on both sides in Smith and Wace, s. v. Aube is a recent able defender of the tradition (Les Chretiens dans l'Empire Rom., Paris, 1881). 2 For the Decian persecutions, see Eusebius, H. E. , vi, 39-44, the Epistles of Cyprian and his treatise De Lapsis. 3 Cyprian, Ep. 80. THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. 175 molested. This was the first distinct recognition of the Christian religion as a religio licita.' The rescript is as follows : " The Em peror Caesar Publius Licinius, Gallienus, Pius, Felix, Augustus, to Dionysius, Pinnas, Demetrius, and the other bishops. I have ordered the bounty of my gift to be declared publius hcin- through all the world that they may depart from the ItJS- places of religious worship [that is, that the heathen may leave the Christians in peaceable possession of their houses of worship — the first recognition of the right of the Christians to hold property]. And for this purpose you may use this copy of my rescript [avn- ypacfyi], a private notice, instead of -ngoyga^ifia, or irpoyoacpT), a public proclamation] that no one may molest you. And this which you are now enabled lawfully to do has already for a long time been conceded by me in previous edicts. Therefore Aurelius Cyre- nius, who is the chief administrator of affairs, will observe this ordi nance which I have given." Aurelian (A. D. 270-275) was also favorable to the Christians. It was currently believed that, at the end of his reign, dioclehan he issued an edict against the Christians, but if so it persecution. caused no suffering. The murder of Aurelian put an end to any possible opposition. There was no settled government until A. D. 284, when Djodejian ascended the throne, with Maximian, in 286, as his associate, the latter ruling over the West and the former over the East. In 292, for the better suppression of sedition, two subordinate emperors were called to assist the principal rulers — Galerius, to aid in the government of the East, and Constantius Chlorus in the West. Diocletian was the most statesmanlike spirit of the four, and he was goaded on by the dark fanaticism of Galerius. Both were bitter opponents of Christianity, on the ground of its great progress as a competitor of the State religion. No doubt Gale rius disliked its rebuke of his vices. A systematic effort was made to restore the old faith, which was considered the only sure support of the State. The court was united in this view, and every measure that promised the ruin of Christianity was adopted with ardor and carried out with energy. Diocletian inaugurated a general persecution in 303, when all as semblies of Christians were forbidden and churches were diocletian's ordered to be torn down. Pour different edicts were som EDI0TS- issued, each excelling the preceding in intensity. One edict or dered the burning of every copy of the. Bible — the first instance in history when the Scriptures were made an object of attack. It also 1 Eusebius, H. E. , vii, 13. Comp. Mason, in Smith and Wace, s. -n. Gallienus ; Goerres, in Jahrb. fur Prot. Theol., 1877, pp. 606, f. 176 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. provided that all churches, which in the good times after Gallienus had been rapidly built, should be demolished, and that all Christians should be deprived of civil rights, thus opening to their vision the horrors of torture. Another edict provided for the imprisonment of all preachers, while the last, issued by Maximian and Galerius, required all Christians, on pain of death, to sacrifice teethe gods. Diocletian himself was heartily opposed to extorting the death penalty. He and Maximian abdicated (305), and their subordinates, Galerius and Constantius Chlorus, reigned in their stead. Now was the chance of the fanatical and vicious Galerius, upheld and even surpassed by his nephew, Maximin Daza, whom he made Caesar. A new edict was issued in 308, and a reign of horrors en sued in the East. It was in these fateful years that the real terrors of the so-called Diocletian persecution were felt. The Christians suffered everything which ruthless tyrants could inflict. On his deathbed, lashed by mortal fears, Galerius issued an edict of tolera tion, April 30, 311, thinking, it may be, to buy the favor of the Christians' God, It was signed also by Constantine and Licinius. After an adulatory superscription the decree reads : " Among the other things which we have ordained for the public advantage and profit, we formerly wished to restore everything to conformity with the ancient laws and public discipline EDICT of tol- •> ™.™« r . . * eration by of the Romans and to provide that the Christians also, ' Pi; who have forsaken the religion of their ancestors [that is, of their old Roman forefathers], should return to a good dispo sition. For in some way such arrogance had seized them, and such stupidity had overtaken them, that they did not follow the ancient institutions which possibly their own ancestors had established [the old pagan religion], but made for themselves laws according to their own purpose, as each one desired, and observed them, and thus assembled as sep^rafe"congf SgatroTttS in variM's "places. When we had issued this decree that they should return to the institu tions established by the ancients, a great many submitted under danger, but a great many, being harassed, endured all kinds of death. And since many continue in the same folly, and we per ceive that they neither offer to the heavenly gods the worship which is due, nor pay regard to the God of the Christians [many deterred by the persecutions], in consideration of our philanthropy and our invariable custom, by which we are wont to extend pardon to all, we have determined that we ought most cheer fully to extend our indulgence in this matter also ; that they may again be Christians, and may rebuild the conventicles in which they were accustomed to assemble, on the condition that nothing THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. 177 be done by them contrary to discipline. In another letter we shall indicate to the magistrates what they have to observe. Wherefore, on account of this indulgence of ours, they ought to supplicate their God for our safety and that of the people and their own, that the public welfare may be preserved in every place, and that they may live securely in their several homes." ' The demoniac Maximin Daza still continued his bloody deeds ; but he too was soon compelled to own his defeat and withdraw his exterminating edicts." Constantinus Chlorus, a man of toleration broad and tolerant mind, the father of Constantine, ^ua chlo"-" ordered an immediate cessation of all repressive meas- kus. ures throughout his lands.3 Constantine (306-337) was the first Roman emperor to declare full and final toleration to the Chris tians. This Edict of Toleration, issued at Milan_in 313, declared Christianity to be a religio liciia, and of equal rights anoT privileges with all other faiths. His edict of 323 gave it still higher rank in the empire, making it in reality the religion of the State. We give here a copy of the celebrated edict oTTll7*lne~nrsi In" history to grant complete religious toleration : 4 "When we, Constantine and Licinius, emperors, had an inter view in Milan, and conferred together with respect to the good and security of the commonweal, it seemed to us that amongst those things that are profitable to mankind in general the reverence paid to the Divinity merited our first and chief attention, and that it was proper that the Christians and all others should have liberty to 1 This decree is found in Latin in Lactantius, De Mort. Pers., xxxiv, and in Greek in Eusebius, H. E., viii, 17 ; both substantially the same. We have fol lowed Eusebius (McGiffert), which was probably the form in which the proc lamation was circulated in the East. McGiffert's interpretation of rfjv yoviov tuv lavrav tt)v alpeaiv, parentum suorum sectam, as against Mason and others, is undoubtedly correct. 2 For this last great, struggle between heathenism and Christianity, see Euse bius, H. E., vui and ix, passim ; Lactantius, De Mort. Pers., xxxix-1 ; Gibbon, chap, xiii ; Preuss, Kaiser Diokletian and seine Zeit, Leipz., 1869 ; Vogel, Der Kaiser. Diokletian, Gotha, 1857 ; Mason, The Diocletian Persecution, Cam bridge, 1876 ; Allard, La Persecution de Diocletian et le Triomphe de l'Eglise, Paris, 1890— a very thorough study ; Carr, The Church and the Roman Empire (Lond. and N. Y., 1887, chaps, ii, iii). 8 See an able essay by. Goerres on the religious poncy of Constantius I in Zeitsft. Theologie, 1887, H. I. 4 This edict is extant in two forms : the original Latin in Lactantius, De Mort. Pers., xiviii, and Greek translation in Eusebius, H. E;, x, 5. We foUow Lactantius as the briefer and more literal, in the excellent transla tion of Fletcher, in the Ante-Nicene Library (N. Y., Christian Literature Co., 12 178 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. follow that mode_of_ religion which to each of them appeared best; eo that Godj'who is "seated in heaven, might be benign and propi tious to us7and to everyone under our government. And therefore we judged it a salutary measure, and one highly consonant to right reason, that no man should be denied leave of attaching himself to the rites of the Christians, or to whatever other religion his mind directed him, and thus the supreme Divinity, to whose wor ship we freely devote ourselves, might continue to vouchsafe his favor and beneficence to us. And accordingly we give you to know that without regard to any conditions in our former orders concern ing the Christians, all who choose that religion are to be permitted, ™.„™.™r»,.0 freely and absolutely, to remain in it, and not to be in CONSTANTINE'S J i j J.T. 1_A J3J. J. edict of tol- any way disturbed or molested. And we thought nt to eration. jje tjlus epg^iafin the thrngTcommitted to your charge, that you might understand that the indulgence which we have granted in matters of religion to the Christians is ample and unconditional, and perceive at the same time that the open and free exercise of their respective religions is granted to all others as well as to the Christians. For it befits the well-ordered state and the tranquillity of our times that each individual be allowed, according to his own choice, to worship the Divinity ; and we mean not to derogate aught from the honor due to any religion or its votaries. Moreover, with respect to the Chrisi!ans7~we formerly gave certain orders con cerning the places appropriated for their religious assemblies ; but now we will that all^ersons who have purchased such places, either from our exchequer or from anyone else, do restore them to the Christians, without money demanded or price claimed, and that this be performed peremptorily and unambiguously ; and we will also that they who have obtained any right to such places by form of gift do forthwith restore them to the Christians: reserving always to such persons, who have either purchased for a price or gratuitously acquired them, to make application to the judge of the district, if they look on themselves as entitled to any equivalent from our beneficence. " All those places are, by your intervention, to be immediately restored to the Christians. And because it appears that, besides the places appropriated to religious worship, the Christians did possess other places, which belonged not to individuals but to their society (corpori) as a whole,1 that is, to their churches, we comprehend all such within the regulation aforesaid, and we will that you cause them all to be restored to the society of churches, and that with out hesitation or controversy ; provided always that the persons 1 A recognition of the right of the Church, as a corporation, to hold property. THE ROMAN PERSECUTION. 179 making restitution without a price paid shall be at liberty to seek indemnification from our bounty. In furthering all these things for the behoof of the Christians you are to use your utmost dili gence to the end that our orders be speedily obeyed, and our gracious purpose in securing the public tranquillity promoted. So shall that divine favor which in affairs of the mightiest importance we have already experienced continue to give success to us, and in our successes make the commonweal happy. And that the tenor of this our gracious ordinance may be made known unto all, we will that you cause it by your authority to be published everywhere." This edict, says Lactantius, was directed to the "president of the province." The policy of persecuting Christianity in order to destroy it had now undergone a trial of nearly three centuries, and FAII-UBE0P had entirely failed. Often declared by imperial edict persecution. as hostile to the State, it was at last pronounced a necessity to the State, and paganism, the religion of the pagus, or country village, was thrown into the background.1 1 On the persecutions in general, and the relation of the Church to the Eo- man State, besides the works already mentioned, see Neumann, Der romische Staat und die allgemeine Kirche bis auf Diokletian, Leipz., 1890, a most valuable investigation ; Plehwe, Die Christenverf olgungen der ersten drei Jahrhunderte, Berl., 1889 ; ReviUe, Die Religion zu Rom nnter den Severen, Leipz., 1888 ; Allard, Hist, des Persecutions pendant les deux premiers Siecles d'apres les documents archeologiques, Paris, 1885 ; and the same author's Les Dernieres Persecutions du troisieme Siecle (under Decius, GaUus, and Va lerian), Paris, 1887 ; Mommsen, Hist, of Eome : the Provinces, 2 vols., N. Y., 1887; Duruy, Hist, des Romains, vol. vii, Paris, 1885; Addis, Christianity and the Roman Empire, Lond., 1893, chap. iii. 180 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER IV. THE LITERARY ATTACK. The opposition to Christianity was twofold. Not content with inflicting physical penalties, both Jews and pagans entered the field of literature with the common purpose of preventing the new religion from securing a firm place in the domain of thought. One peculiar characteristic of Christianity commanded the respect of all thinking opponents, and at the same time inspired their dread, lest literature this new phenomenon from the Jewish provinces might of the gain a recognition as an important intellectualdevelon- christians. ment. Reluctant as their opponents wenrTJo^admrTit, the Christians possessed the treasure of a unique amijrenerable literature. The first century did not close withouTlhe fact becom ing^ apparent to both the Greek and Latin mind that Christianity, far from being a wild outgrowth of the warm oriental imagination, had such ancient records as formed the positive groundwork of its entire creed. It was clear that these writings were at total variance from all the ethnic religions, in that they were based on Insjkudc^l gy^nts, and not on legendary, traditions ; that they dealt with fundamental moral themes ; that they diverged radically from the speculative methods of the philosophic schools by asserting their doctrines with masterful positiveness ; that the people professing these doctrines had never grown weary of them through the twenty centuries of their history ; that out of these writings there had been of the sacred evolved a new and larger faith, with all the strong sup- scriptures. p0rt 0f heroic characters and of a central figure who as serted his own divinity and whose disciples were multiplying in all lands ; and that the older writings, going farther back than Homer, and presenting a cosmogony more consistent than that of Hesiod, were supplemented by new treatises, which were more original in conception, clear in method, and aggressive in spirit than any known to the pagan literature. The men who saw most deeply into the times became convinced that something more was necessary than an imperial edict against an illicit faith and the banishment or death of its adherents. The two methods of opposition went side by side. During the THE LITERARY ATTACK. 181 time that the proconsuls declared the forfeiture of property and per sonal violence the writers attacked the documents and analyzed the motivesjjfjthe ^Christians, anuctid~not hesitate to'misrepresent their moral character. The people were fast falling away from attend ance at the temple service, and exhibited a growing indifference toward the priesthood and that now disenchanted my- decline of thology which underlay their hold upon the popular paganism. mind. In the eastern parts of the Roman empire such was the small number of worshipers in some of the older and greater tem ples that the alarm reached Rome itself, and became a ground of fear to the makers, not less than to the administrators, of the laws. In addition to the loss to the number of pagan worshipers by the withdrawal of Christians, there were as many, in all probability, who did not profess Christianity and yet were influenced into indiffer ence by the Christian example, and held aloof from all interested observance of the pagan rites. The whole social atmosphere was pervaded by a chilliness toward the old faith, and while the peo ple, apart from the influence of Christianity, had begun to grow tired of paganism, as a political factor it was regarded as a necessity for the existence of the State. When a faith loses its moral power, and is only upheld by the poor claim that the country needs it for its own perpetuity, its days are numbered, Such was now the hopeless condition of paganism.. It was not defended, by its warmest friends, on moral grounds. Through all their attacks upon Christianity we read but one plea for it — the empire must sustain it for its own life. With great force the apolo gists retorted : Your own writers have revealed its hollowness as a vital and pure system, and how can that be good for the State which is destitute of these essential internal qualities for the individual ? We here find a critical literature which greatly aided the work of the apologetical writers. They did not see about them a robust and ag gressive paganism, rearing new temples, endowing them with larger wealth, and sending heralds into the remote provinces THe question for the organization of new pagan societies. The ques- ™^. tion was not of advance, but how to keep the existing istence. possession. The apologists, therefore, had the large advantage of contending with a religion which was growing more decrepit every year in the very face and by the admission of its warmest devotees. The Jewish writers against Christianity were few in number, the downfall of their nation having destroyed all disposition to encoun ter so vigorous an antagonist. No work or name of a writer has been preserved, and, with the single exception of the notorious book Toledoth Jeschu, which Voltaire has vainly attempted to clothe 182 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. with historical importance as the first literary attack on Chris tianity,1 not even the title of a Jewish work against the Christian faith has come down to our times. The only proof we have of Jewish writings against Christianity is to be found in such refer ences to them as may be found in Justin's Dialogue with Tryphon, in Tertullian's work Against the Jews, in occasional allusions in several of Cyprian's works, and in the repeated declarations of „„„„.., „ Origen that he had himself disputed with the Jews.3 THE nature ° . r of the jewish The Jewish attack was confined to the following points : attack. £na^ jesus a tninS of a few days-' A fundamental reason the absence why the Christians held aloof from po^ical^life is to ™7™\CHmfIS~ oe found in the close relationship between .the. civil and political religious structure of'the Roman life. No man could LIFE' hrM'ofSce without at the same time engaging in the na tional religion and declaring fidelity to its priesthood and taking the oaths, or sacramenta, which were enjoined by the religion. The citizen, to bear office, must declare himself a pagan. If he refused office he practically renounced paganism.3 Trajan had them in mind as enemies to his rule when he issued an edict against all associations, and even forbade the existence of a fire company in Nlcomedia. To the charge of disloyalty there was added that of the usejessness of the Christians to society. They bought no images, paid~nothnig but the "State tax toward sustaining the tem: pie service, did not encourage the arts which throve from the manufacture of images to the gods, and hence were declared a burden to society. For this reason they should be treated as aliens, whose conduct merits only opposition. Tertullian puts in the mouth of the pagans a single sentence against the Christians, which sums up their entire opposition on the ground of disloyalty and uselessness, " You have no right to exist." 3 As the three leading writers against Christianity claimed to be philosophers, and belonged to the Neoplatonic school, it was allegation natural that they should make philosophy an im- ofphilosoph- portant factor in their attack. The Christian writers ICAL ABSURD- " hy. made but little use of philosophy in their argument, for their conception of Christianity was that both the pagan my thology and philosophy, however much they might differ at times, were essential parts of that one whole with which Christianity had nothing in common. Porphyry conceded that there were points of analogy between Christianity and the pagan religion, but claimed that all the great moral ideas in the faith of the Christians were borrowed from the better pagan thinkers. Christianity was declared by him, and by each of the other antagonists, to have no philo sophical basis, and to be but a mere outgrowth of superstition and an unskilled imagination. The Christian Scriptures were held to 1 Novella religio et ante dies nata prope modum paucos. 2 Tzschirner, Geschichte der Apologetik, p. 194. 3 Non licet esse vos. Apol. , iv. THE LITERARY ATTACK. 187 be untrue because of their unphilosophical accounting for the creation of the world and the relation of man to Deity. The Book of Genesis was held by Celsus to be a poor travesty of the story of Deucalion.1 Christianity, whether examined in its Old Testament origin or in its New Testament development, had no element of philosophical symmetry and calm speculation, and must therefore be relegated to a place among those faiths which appear for a time as an unaccountable permission of the gods for the mis guidance of men. The place of faith in the Christian scheme was really only a recognition of an imaginary force, whose basis was ignorance. Of the Christians Celsus said : " Their universal cry is, ' Why do we need to inquire and examine ? Only believe.' " * The attack on Christianity dealt largely with the Scriptures. When Celsus wrote the New Testament canon had not been col lected in its complete state, or at least was not current ; but Porphyry and Hierocles, who wrote later, had the false the- full benefit of examining the whole New Testament. ology. No fundamental Christian doctrine escaped the hostility of these writers. Their charges were on this wise : The God of the Chris tians, so far as he was rightly conceived, has long been known to the pagan mind. All Christian additions to that conception are false notions. The images to the gods are only poor reminders of their presence and majesty.3 The offerings only show the proper human reverence toward them.4 The Christians have their angels and subordinate spirits ; so have the pagans ; the Christians have a superintending Deity ; so have the pagans. Wherein, then, is the Christian theology better than the pagan? Where is the history of a great empire to which the Christians can appeal as the fruit of their theology ? Look at the the charge absurd stories of their sacred writings. They claim christian that the world was created in six days, and yet they theology is number several days before the present days were ere- than the" ated. They speak of a flood, and a ridiculous box, in pagan. which all things sailed and were saved. Their prophecies are not comparable to our own prophetic writings. Daniel was not even writ ten by a man of that name, but by a later deceiver. The Old Testa ment abounds in contradictions, barbarisms, and solecisms. Your whole doctrine is an "idiotic speech."0 Your gospel history be gins with legends about Jesus. If you had a God, then what was the use of Jesus being taken to Egypt ? Could he not have been 1 Origen, Contra Celsum, L. iv. 2 Origen, Contra Celsum, L. i. 3 Origen, Contra Celsum, L. vii. ' Arnobius, L. vii, c. 13. 6 /Wyof iSiarmbq, Origen, Contra Celsum, L. vi. 188 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. protected at home ? Jesus grew up with the idea of imposture. He devoted himself to witchcraft and deceived the multitude. Even his own countrymen banished him, when he collected a band of ninety men and lived by highway robbery.1 Why did Jesus weep, and cry, " Father, if it be possible, let this cup pass from me ? " If you want to find a good character, why did you not take one of ours, such as Hercules, Orpheus, or Anaxarchus.' Your apostles were both deceived and deceivers. " You give us nothing but stories," says the Jew in Celsus. " Your apostles were divided in opinion, as one can see in the dispute between Paul and Peter in Antioch. Your whole New Testament, like your Old, is only a tissue of contradictions, which must disappear beneath the blaze of the world's more advanced intelligence." We now come to the most unaccountable of all the pagan grounds of objection to Christianity. Even Pliny, in his letter to Trajan, the charge gives only faint encouragement to this charge. But of immoral- the three charn^ons°*oT'"paganism did not hesitate to charge the Christians with an immoral life. When thev came to prove it, however, they failed completely. Caecelius attempts to show that the secret meetings of the Christians were scenes of revelry and infamy,"while"tneir publicjife had the show of decorum ;Tihat they were a secretive and darksome people, silent in public and garrulous in the corners. 3 The most malicious slan ders were circulated as to their proceedings in secret. It was claimed that they ate their victims — a desperate and vile abuse, most likely, of the celebration of the Lord's Supper. It was urged that they engaged in a species of personal communism — no doubt a slander derived from the peaceful life of the Christians in their homes and their fraternal spirit in their religious meetings. How such false reports could be circulated is, to this day, one of the mysteries of this remarkable period. Some suppose that they had their origin, in large measure, from the intense hostility of the Jews, who gave the pagan writers the benefit of their reports. Others hold that apostates from Christianity did commit these very 1 Lactantius, Instit. div., L. v, v. 3, p. 530, ed. Walch. 8 Origen, Contra Celsum, L. vii. To the honor of Porphyry it must be said that he did not share with his associates, Celsus and Hierocles, in their aspersions on the character of Jesus, but attributed to him a pure life, which was re warded by immortality. Comp. Augustine, De Civitate Dei, L. xix, c. 23, § 2. 3 Cur etenim occultare et abscondere, quidquid iUud est, quod colunt, mag- nopere nituntur, quum honesta semper publico gaudeant, scelera secreta sint I nunquam palam loqui, nunquam Ubere congregari sustinent, nisi iUud, quod colunt et interprimunt, aut puniendum est aut pudendum. Minucius Felix, c. 10. — Latebrosa et lucifugax natio, in publico muta et in angulis garrula. THE LITERARY ATTACK. 189 offenses, and then declared that they were Christian practices, and so misled the pagan writers. " We do not believe in the correctness of either theory, but that the pagan writers, knowing well the nameless license practiced in their own Eleusinian mysteries, and even within the 1 ¦ ¦! «^uaM««^VVWUWm'*fl«W^"'-nM?^ . .. ..... the charge temple inclosures at the celebration of the festivities ofimmoral- of Venus and other deities, attributed the same ^J?*™™' --«._,. LAUoA uJT Inst, deeds to the Christians, knowing that what was not pagan readi- viiible could not be readily denied. It might be ^f supposed that the pagan writers, in charging the assertion. Christians with immorality, were making such an absurd issue as could be readily refuted. This must be remembered, however : they wrote for pagans, people who were glad to believe the most malicious assertions. They pandered to the popular prejudice and told their readers what the latter were glad to be lieve. Such an argument, however, could only avail for a short time. The life of the Christians was soon before the world, and beneath its broad and beautiful blaze all slanders must soon disap pear. , It was part of the penalty which Christians had to pay for an approving conscience and a successful religion. Such was the method of argument against Christianity on the ground of its scriptural theology. The people for the pagan at- whom the pagans wrote had no acquaintance with the effect on*the Scriptures, and hence were compelled to accept what christians. was written as a true account of their faith. The arguments had no effect on the Christians themselves, who had at hand their own in spired refutation of them. There is no evidence that any of them were alienated from their faith by any or all the pagan misrepre sentations. Little was hoped by even the writers themselves in the way of convincing the Christians. The most they expected was to prevent an increase in the number of Christians. Happily, in this hope they were disappointed. 1 Tzschirner allows these suppositions. See Geschichte der Apologetik, p. 217. V 190 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : THE APOLOGISTS. 1. Schroeckh, J. M. Ausfiihrliche Geschichte d. christl. Kirche, Leipz., 1768- 1812. 45 vols., vols, iii, iv, with copious extracts. 2. Lardner, N. Works, Lond., 1838. 10 vols., vol. ii. 3. Otto, J. C. T. E. de. Corpus Apologetarum Christianorum Sseculi Secundi, Jena, 1842-81, 9 vols. 4. Watson, F. The Antenicene Apologies, Cambridge, 1870. Defenders of the Faith, Lond., 1878. 5. Harnack, A. Die UeberUeferung der griechischen Apologeten des zweiten Jahrhunderts in der alten Kirche und im Mittelalter, Leipz., 1882. 6. CruttweU, C. T. Literary Hist, of Early Christianity, Lond., 1893, gives a long and most satisfactory treatment ; Addis, Christianity and the Ro man Empire, chap, iv ; Sheldon, Hist, of the Church, N. Y., 1894, 5 vols., vol. i, pp. 121-192, a useful and instructive chapter. THE CHRISTIAN APOLOGISTS. 191 CHAPTER V. THE CHRISTIAN APOLOGISTS. We now come to the more welcome task of considering the method and spirit with which Christian writers met the pagan assault. There were two classes of apolo- of apolo^3 gists, the Greek and the Latin, so named according to OI8TS- the territory in which they lived and the language in which they wrote. The following are the Greek apologists : Aristo, Quadratus, Aris tides, Justin, Melito, Miltiades, Claudius Apj|lhjaarisr"*G^EK apqlo- Apollonius, Bardesanes, Irenseus, Athenagoras, Theoph- so far as the personal life of the apol ogists is concerned, with the main facts of their history and with their principal contributions to apologetical literature. 1 Bitter, Geschichte d. christ. Philosophie, I, p. 290. CruttweU gives an ex- ceUent analysis of the different classes of apologists in his Literary Hist, of Early Christianity, Lond., 1893, vol. i, pp. 277-287 ; an admirable work, indis pensable to every student of historical theology. THE CHRISTIAN APOLOGISTS. 193 The Greek writers come first into view. Aristo, born in Pella, east of the Jordan, was originally a Jew. HlTTTialogue Between Papiskos and Jason was an attempt to prove from the Old Testa- menTanaTthe exacffulfillment of prophecy the truth of Christianity and the Messiahship of Jesus.1 Quadratus, Bishop of AR,SI0 and Athens at the time when Hadrian spenTa"winter in that quadratus. city, A. D. 131, addressed an apology to that emperor to cease the persecution of the Christians., According to Jerome his work had great influence in securing milder measures." Aristides was a philosopher of Athens, and, on accepting Chris- tianTty, became a defender of it. He retained his philosophical method of argumentation, and endeavored to show the resemblance of Christianity to all of worth in paganism. The discovery of the Apology of Aristides is one of the most interesting lit- apology of erary"events in recent times. Several valuable monu- aristides. ments of early Christian literature have been brought to light by the researches of Armenian monks among their ancient manuscripts and versions. These include an Armenian version of Tatian and the Apologies and Acts.8 In 1878 the Mechitarist monks of the Armenian convent of San Lazaro, at Venice, published an Ar menian translation of the long lostApology of Aristides. Scholars were doubtful, however, of the authenticity of this work, and waited further confirmations. These were furnished unexpectedly by the discovery, in 1889, by the masterful J. Rendel Harris, in the convent of Saint Catherine, on Mount Sinai, of a Syriac manuscript containing a complete translation of the whole of the Apology. This was in sufficient accord with the Armenian fragment to vindicate the sub stantial genuineness of the latter. Still stranger than all, when Harris showed the proofs of his Syriac manuscript to J. Armi- tage Robinson, the editor of the Cambridge Texts and Studies, the latter scholar at once discovered a remarkable similarity to a por tion of the History of Barlaam and Josaphat (Joasaph), attributed by some to Saint John of Damascus, andpublished in Migne's edi tion of the works of that father. The writer or editor of this romance had transferred bodily into his History the Apology of Aristides, as a defense of Christianity, delivered by Barlaam before 1 Celsus had a contemptuous opinion of this Dialogue. He says that it is " worthy not so much of laughter as of pity and indignation " (Origen, Contra Gels., ir, 52). It was translated into Latin by another Celsus, whose Preface is still extant. See Eusebius, H. E., iv, 6 ; Routh, Rel. Sao., i, 96 ; Jerome, Com. Gal., H, iii, 13 ; Jerome, Quest. Heb. in Gen., n, p. 507 ; CruttweU, I. c, I, 295. 2 See Eusebius, H. E., iv, 3 ; Jerome, De Vir. IUustr., 19, Ep. 70. 3 Translated by F. C. Conybeare. See above, p. 172. 13 194 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the Indian monarch Abenner and his son Joasaph. We have, then, this old Apology in three forms, the Armenian, Syriac, and Greek, with various versions of this last, so that the work of criticism in restoring the real text is not difficult. Of this Apology Harris well says : " The language and thought of the writer are simple and stiajghtforward ; in fact, he is more a child than a philosopher, a child well trained in creed HARRIS ON THE --*- r -T6" . . . j apology of and well practiced in ethics, rather than either a dog- aristides. rnatist defending a new system or an iconoclast destroy ing an old one ; but this simplicity of treatment, so far from being a weakness, adds often greatly to the natural impressiveness of the subject, and gives the work a place by the side of the best Christian writings of his age." ' The date is 125 (Eusebius) or 138 (Harris). This is the most in teresting discovery in Christian literature made since the publi cation of the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles.3 ° Justin, of Plavia Neapolis, near Shechem, the capital of Samaria, went from one school of philosophy to another in a vain search for the truth. Meeting at last with an aged Christian he embraced Christianity, and remained an ardent defender of its doctrines until justin mar- his martyrdom in Rome about A. D. 165. He wrote TTR- two formal apologies against paganism, one about A. D. 147, and addressed to Antoninus Pius ; the other about A. D. 148- 159, and addressed to Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. His object was to show that the Christians were not responsible for the public calamities ; that they were not hostile to the State ; that the pagan philosophy and mythology abound in falsehood, and that the Scriptures are the only source of truth. His Trypho was a discus sion, modeled after the dialogues of Plato, designed to prove the truth of Christianity against Judaism. The works of Justin Martyr are the most important productions of the second century, and go a large way toward filling the void between the apostolic fathers and the great work on Heresies, by Irenseus, in the latter part of the century.3 1 CruttweU, I. c, ii, 288-292 ; Mrs. Helen B. Harris, The Apology of Aristides : its Doctrine and Ethics, with translations by J. Eendel Harris, Lond., 1891; edited by J. R. Harris, from Syriac, with Greek text, translations, notes, and appendix, Cambridge, 1892 ; Presb. and Ref . Rev., ii, 687 ; iii, 578. 2 Isaac H. HaU, in Presb. and Ref. Rev., 1891, p. 688. 3 The best book on Justin Martyr is Purves, The Testimony of Justin Martyr to Early Christianity, N. Y., 1889 ; a noble monument to American patristic study. See also Semiseh, Justin der Martyrer, Breslau, 1840-42, 2 vols ; En- gelhardt, Das Christenthum Justins des Mart., Erlangen, 1878 ; the same in Herzog and PUtt ; the elaborate article by HoUand, in Smith and Wace (27 pp.) ; THE CHRISTIAN APOLOGISTS. 195 Melito, Bishop of Sardis, in the second century, wrote two apol ogies, addressed to Antoninus Verus, Marcus, and Commodus. He employed an analytical method, and was called by Ter- MELIT0 ^ tullian the " Sophist of the Church." ] Claudius Apol- apollinaris. linaris, Bishop of Hierapolis, in Phrygia, about A. D. 170, addressed an apology to Antoninus Verus, and wrote five books against the Greeks, two against the Jews, and two on The Truth.2 ApoUonius, though a Roman, and supposed by some to have been a senator, takes rank as a Greek apologist, because his apologetic work was translated early by Eusebius, and the author was classi fied by that historian among the Greek martyrs. The defense of ApoUonius was published by Eusebius, in his last collection of martyrdoms. Fortunately, a translation was made in the ancient Armenian Church, and this was recovered and given to the world in 1874, by the learned Arme nian monks of San Lazaro, in Venice, and was first published in a European tongue by Conybeare, in 1893. This work is a fresh and living memorial of Christian testimony and heroism, and one of the most interesting of all the remains of antiquity. The creed of ApoUonius is simple. What chiefly impresses him is the moral grandeur of Christianity.5 Bardesanes wrote an apology and addressed it to the Greeks. Athenagoras, a native of Athens, was a philosopher, bardesanes, and, on accepting Christianity, applied his philosoph- ^raEOPHi- ical method in its defense. His principal contribution lus. Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, i, 372-422; CruttweU, ii, 317-337; and the prolegomena to Otto's edition of his works, and to Harnack and Gebhardt's Texte and Untersuchungen. Kriiger has given the text of the apologies in handy form for students, Die Apologien Justin des Mart., Freiburg, 1891, and GUdersleeve has done the same, with valuable notes, in the Douglass Series of Ancient Christian Writers, N. Y., 1877. On his use of the Gospels, see Edwin A. Abbott, in Modern Rev., 1882, pp. 559, 716 ; and Harman, in Meth. Rev., 1895, p. 81. 'See Eusebius, H. E., iv, 26, with notes of McGiffert; Harnack, Texte u. TJntersuchungen zur Geschichte der altchrist. Lit., Leipz., 1882, Bnd. i, pp. 240-278. 2 Eusebius, I. c, iv, 27. 3 Eusebius, H. E., v, 21 ; Jerome, De Vir. Elustr., xUi. The Armenian Publi cation of 1874 was not noticed by any European scholar untU Conybeare printed a rendering into English in the Guardian (Lond., June 18, 1893). A copy of this important translation was sent to Harnack, who at once saw the transcendent interest of this primitive fragment, and contributed a learned monograph upon it to the Royal Prussian Academy. The Acts of ApoUonius form the real basis of Conybeare's invaluable coUection, The Apology and Acts of ApoUonius and Other Monuments of Early Christianity, Lond., 1894, which he has made from the Armenian. 196 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. to apologetical theology was his Embassy of the Christians (A. D. 176-178). ' Theophilus, of Antioch, studied under Chrysostom, Basil, and Gregory of Nazianzum. He removed to Athens, and wrote apologetical works (A. D. 180), with special reference to the errors prevailing in the Church in his times.2 Tatian was a native of Assyria. He was at first a pagan philos opher, but was converted to Christianity by reading the prophe cies, and removed to Rome. In his Address to the Greeks, written tatian and before 166, he proved that Greek science was only the hermias. growth of the more barbarous nations, and that the truths and exenrplars of the Bible are superior to all produced by paganism in'itTbestdays., It was a powerful attack, and made a sensation in Rome. He returned to his native country, and died about A. D. 176.' Hermias wrote in the latter half of the second century. In his Ridicule of Outside Philosophers he showed the „,™™n. ™ contradictions of pagan thinkers." Clement of Alex- polytus, and andria, born probably in Athens, wrote three important origen. works, the Protreptikos, or Hortatory Address of the Greeks> the Pedagogue, and the Stromata, in all of which he ex posed the emptiness of paganism.6 Hippolytus's great work, Ref utation of All Heresies, written after 222, is in the nature of an ^apologetic, as it is a powerful analysis, from a hostile standpoint, of all the heathen systems of theology and philosophy. It was dis covered in 1842, in the convent at Mount Athos, by Minoides Minas, who was sent out by M. Abel Villemain, minister of public instruc tion under Louis Philippe, to search for lost manuscripts. It was carried through the Clarendon Press, Oxford, in 1851, by a learned Frenchman, M. Emmanuel Miller, who, however, erroneously as cribed it to Origen, misled by the survival of the first book among the genuine works of Origen.6 Origen was born A. D. 185, in an unknown place in Egypt, and 1 Best ed. by Schwartz, Leipz., 1891. Comp. Presb. and Ref. Rev., in, 364; Hefele, Beitrage zur Kirchengeschichte, 1884, i, 60-81. " Best ed. by Otto, Jena, 1861. Comp. CruttweU, I. c, ii, 313, f. Schaff, rev. ed., ii, 732, f. 3 Best ed. by Schwartz, Leipz., 1888. Heft ii contains the commentary. See McGiffert, in the Presb. Rev., x (1889), 142 ; Schaff, ii, 726-729. 4 Tzschirner endeavors to show that this is only a part of a larger work. Comp. Geschichte der Apologetik, pp. 259, 260. Best ed. by Otto, Jena, 1872. Singularly enough no translation of this witty, though superficial, caricature of paganism appears in the Antenicene Library. It was, however, translated by J. A. Giles, Lond., 1857. 5 Best ed. by Dindorf, Oxf., 1869, 4 vols. B Best ed., Duncker and Schneidewin, Gbttingen, 1859, or Cruice, Paris, 1860. TERTULLIAN. THE CHRISTIAN APOLOGISTS. 197 was first instructed by his father, Leonides, and afterward by Clem ent of Alexandria and Ammonius. In his eight books, written about A. D. 250 against Celsus, he examined paganism with the greatest care and minuteness, and exposed its weakness and failure.1 Tertullian stands at the head of the Latin apologists. He was born in Carthage, had a careful Christian training, and entered upon the work of Christian defense with a zeal which was never interrupted until death. His Apology Against the Pagans, which was written about A. D. JJ7, is the most brilliant achievement of defensive writing in the early Church. In unity and skill it is a masterpiece. He shows both the futility and injustice of persecution, and proves the error of the charge of atheism made against the Christians. In his Proof of the Soul and Against the Heathen Mythology he proves the unity of God. About A. D. 211 he wrote his book to Scapula, who was a proconsul in Africa, and was very cruel toward the Christians. His book against the Jews was a reply to Jewish arguments, and his book on the Resurrection was a triumphant vindication of the immortality of man.3 Minucius Felix, a native of Africa, wrote a work, Octavius, in the form of a dialogue between a Christian and a pagan. He is the first Latin apologist, writes with enthusiasm and elegance, modeling his work on Cicero's De Natura Deorum, and sometimes turns a point with the precision of Tacitus. His Octavius was written between 177 and 180, probably at the latter date.3 Cyprian, born in Carthage about A. D. 200, became a Christian about A. D. 244 ; was bishop of Carthage A. D. 248, and suffered martyrdom A. D. 258. His principal apologetic works 0TPKIAN. were : Book to Donatus, The Grace of God, Vanity of Idols, Testimony Against the Jews, and Book to Demetrianus. In these works Cyprian was indebted to the more powerful genius of > Best ed. by Koetschau, Leipz., 1889. See Presb. andRef. Rev., ii, 151. On the controversy with Celsus, see Schaff, ii, 89-93, 795 ; Moller, in Herzog and Plitt, s. v. Origen ; John Patrick, The Apology of Origen in Reply to Celsus, Edinb., 1892, a careful and scholarly historical study (v. Critical Review, ii, 321); CruttweU, I. c, ii, pp. 498-502. 2 Best ed., Reifferscheid and Wisowa, Vienna, 1820, ff. Comp. Noeldecken, TertuUian dargesteUt, Gotha, 1890 ; the same author in Zeitschrift fur wissen- sehaft Theologie, 1886, H. ii; and in Hist. Zeitschrift, 1885, H 5; W. von Hartel, TertuUian, Vienna, 1890. Maurice gives a fine estimate of his charac ter, books, and influence in his Ecclesiastical History of the First and Second Centuries, pp. 273-288. ._ 3 Best ed., Dombart, Erlangen, 1882. See also Halm's ed., Vienna, 1867; Chambers, in Presb. Rev., iii (1882), 420 ; Salmond, in Smith and Wace „. v whose views as to the date must be corrected by Keim and Dombart and Ebert. 198 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Tertullian. The Address to Demetrian is one of his most inter esting writings. Demetrian, a professor of rhetoric, had pressed the oft-used point that the calamities of the world in its age and decrepitude were to be attributed to the Christian "atheists." In this remarkable passage Cyprian acknowledges that the world is in deed in its decrepitude : " You have said that all these things are caused by us, and that to us ought to be attributed the misfortunes wherewith the world is now shaken and distressed, because your gods are not worshiped by us. And in this behalf, since you are ignorant of divine knowl edge, and a stranger to the truth, you must in the first place know this, that the world has now grown old, and does not abide in that cyprian on strength in which it formerly stood ; nor has it that the decrepi- yjcror and force which it formerly possessed. This, TUDE OF THE ° J r world. even were we silent, and if we alleged no proof from the sacred Scriptures and from the divine declarations, the world itself is now announcing and bearing witness to its decline by the testimony of its failing estate. In the winter there is not such an abundance of showers for nourishing the seeds ; in the summer the sun has not so much heat for cherishing the harvest ; nor in the spring season are the cornfields so joyous ; nor are the autum nal seasons so fruitful in their leafy products. The layers of marble are dug out in less quantity from the disemboweled and wearied mountains ; the diminished quantities of gold and silver suggest the early exhaustion of the metals, and the impoverished veins are straitened and decreased day by day ; the husbandman is failing in the fields, the sailor at sea, the soldier in the camp, innocence in the market, justice in the tribunal, concord in friendships, skillfulness in the arts, discipline in morals. Think you that the substantial character of a thing that is growing old remains so robust as that wherewith it might previously flourish in its youth while still new and vigorous ? Whatever is tending downwards to decay, with its end nearly approaching, must of necessity be weakened. Thus the sun at his setting darts his rays with a less bright and fiery splendor ; thus, in her declining course, the moon wanes with exhausted horns ; and the tree, which before had been green and fertile, as its branches dry up, becomes by and by misshapen in a barren old age ; and the fountain which once gushed forth liberally from its over flowing veins, as old age causes it to fail, scarcely trickles with a sparing moistare. This is the sentence passed on the world, this is God's law, that everything that has had a beginning should perish, and things that have grown should become old, and that strong things should become weak, and great things become small, and THE CHRISTIAN APOLOGISTS. 199 that, when they have become weakened and diminished they should come to an end." : Cyprian then turns the tables on his opponent with great force, and argues that the pagans, by their idolatry and vice, have sinned away their day, and have brought the world to this pass.' Arnobius taught rhetoric in his native place, Sicca, Africa, from A. D. 297 to A. D. 310. In his Seven Books of Discussion Against the Pagans he represents the Christians as not re sponsible for public calamities. He excels all the apologists in the use of the miracles of Jesus as an element of successful arnobius and Christian attack upon paganism. The circumstances lactamtius. under which this work was written were peculiar. Arnobius had been a bitter opponent of the Christians. When he was converted the Bishop of Sicca would not admit him to the Church until he had proved the reality of his conversion by writing a strong de fense of his new religion. This he did in this famous book, Against the Nations,3 in which the author discloses various erro neous and partial views about Christianity, but at the same time deals heathenism some telling blows.4 Lactantiaa, was, probably, an Italian by birth, and a student under Arnobius. He lived in Nicomedia, and wrote his Divine Institutions, according to Ebert,5 during the persecution of Diocletian, between 307 and 310, and issued a second edition between 318 and 323, and dedicated it to Constantine the Great. He was early called the " Christian Cicero," and excelled all the writers of the early Church in the beauty and skill of his style. It was written for educated readers, and contains not only a strong defense of Christianity, but a luminous exposition of it.° His book on the Deaths of the Per secutors, written in Nicomedia in 314, is of inestimable value as an historical source for the most trying period of the Church's his tory.7 The titles of the works of the apologetic writers will indicate, in the main, the nature of the strong defense which they made. Prom their works, as a whole, the following may be regarded as their general line of defense and attack : The apologists answered the charge of treachery by showing that 1 Ad Demetrian., 3. 5 Best ed. of Cyprian, by Hartel, Vienna, 1868-71, 3 vols. 3 Adversus Gentes, Libri VII (about 303). 4 Best ed. by Reifferscheid, Vienna, 1875. 6 In Herzog and Plitt, s. v. See also his Ueber d. Verfasser d. Buches de Mort. Pers., Dresden, 1870. 6 Best ed., Fritzsche, Leipz., 1842. 7 Best ed., Dubner, Paris, 1879. 200 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the Christians did not evade the taxes, that they rigidly observed all the civil laws of the country, and that, where they refused com pliance, it was on the ground of civil compulsion to acknowledge the truth of paganism. The rule of the emperor was LOYALTY TO the state respected, but not his divine authority. " You charge proven. ug wj^j1 bringing calamity upon the country by invok ing the wrath of your gods," was the Christian retort to the allega tion of disloyalty. " You mistake. Your own crimes have brought these calamities from our God. You persecute us, and must suffer for it.1 Your religion was declining before our Messiah was born in Bethlehem. It had outworn itself."2 The apologists continue : " We never take your law in our hands. True, we do decline the mUjtary service where we can, for in doing so we must take your oath, (sacr amentum), and that does not agree with our loyalty to Christ. There is no agreement between the divine and human oatliTtEe standard of Christ and the standard of the devil; the camp of light and the camp of darkness.3 The Christian soldier must quit the service of the State, or his soul must suffer.4 When our Lord disarmed Peter he disarmed every soldier." Why do you the chris- not punish people of other faiths as well as us ? We only dissent- are positively the only ones you do persecute for their ers who are religion. You have nothing to say against the Trojans, punished. ^.]ie Lacedaemonians, the Athenians, or even the grossly idolatrous Egyptians." You give liberty to worship everything but the one and true God.7 You are unjust in the extreme. The Christian citizen is the only man who is not permitted to defend himself or have another speak for him. The mere declaration of his name shuts him out of all mercy. Your motto for us is : ' Con- fessio nominis, non examinatio criminis.' 8 Why do you not change your laws so as to favor us with equality? Other nations have done it. Sparta changed the laws of Lycurgus, and your emperors have often canceled the edicts of their predecessors.9 Nero is the first emperor who persecuted us ; and certainly you despise his memory, and yet allow his laws against us to stand. Make us equal with all other citizens before your laws. Why not ? We are the only class of citizens who are really free from disloyalty. When have we con spired against your government ? Your own idolatrous people are your robbers and assassins and traitors. These dangerous classes never come from Christian homes. You furnish aU the criminals." 10 1 Cyp. ad Demet., c. 3-5. 2 Tertul., Apol., u. 40 ; Cyp. ad Demet. 3 Tertul., DeIdol.,c. 19. 4Idem,De Coron., u. 11. 5 Idem, De Idol., c. 19. 6 Just., Apol. i, c. 32 ; Legat., pp. 1, 2, ed. Col. 'Tertul., Apol., u. 4. 8 Idem, c. 2. » Tertul., Apol., c. 4. 10Idem, c. 44, 45. THE CHRISTIAN APOLOGISTS. 201 The appeal to the pagan mind on the ground of elevated Chris tian morals was earnest and strong. The Christians had nothing to conceal. Their method of argument was chiefly on the line of a pure life being the outgrowth of pure doctrine. They said : " The precepts of Christianity are mire. We counsel charity and peace ; we never teach theft or violence ; hence our life must answer to our faith.1 We live a life free from crime and reproach.3 We live among you ; you can see us every day ; we eat purity of the same food with yourselves ; we wear the same kind christian iii- -i CHARACTER of clothing ; we are under the same necessities ; we and life. shun not the forum, or shambles, or booth, or workshop, or inn, or market, or any place of commerce.3 Christ taught us peace and good will.4 No man can charge us honestly with immorality. If you have the allegation to make we demand the proof.5 You per secute us, but we never take the law in our hands ; we do not avenge ourselves. Our religion teaches us to be quiet and orderly. * You say we meet with misfortunes ; that we are a poor people ; that we lead a lowly and despised life. True, we are a lowly people. But you make the complaint that the whole people suffer calamities. Why do you suffer too ? Why do your gods let you have these trials ? You have about as many trials according to your own confes sion as we do.7 We do not complain. You do, and well you may." "Here," say the apologists, "is a department of Christianity where you make bold to attack us; but you have no ground to stand upon. We admit that we use no idols, and we do stay EXCELLEN0K away from your temples. " Your Celsus brings it against of christian us as a crime that we cannot endure the sight of your temples, altars, and statues to the gods.9 To this we plead guilty. We cannot do otherwise. We have but one God, and him only will we serve.10 Your charge of corrupt, secret worship is puerile and false. Why do you not prove it, at least in some one case ? Until you do this the world must see that your allegation has no basis. Our private worship is like our public life. Let the laws grant us liberty of worship and we shall not be compelled to worship in the obscure places." The apologists made large use of the Scrintnjes as a_divine au thority. They placed them beside the pagan systems of philosophy, 1 Just., Apol., 14-17 ; Theoph. ad Autol., iii, 9-15. 8 Lactant., Div. Inst., v, 9. 3 Tertul., Apol., c. 42. 4 Just., Apol., e. 13. 5 Athenag., c. 11, 12. 6 Just., Apol., i, c. 12. 7 Arnob., Advers. Gentes., L. ii, e. 76, 77. 8 Lactant., Div. Inst., ii, 2, 4. 9 Orig., Contra Celsum, vii, 62. 10 Idem, viii, 21 ; Lactant., Div. Inst., ii, 2; Min. Felix, Octavius, c. 6. 202 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and were confirmed in their full faith in the excellence of their own inspiration inspired writings. Justin, Origen, Theophilus, and Lac- ofthe scrip- tantius were the only apologists who made extensive use pubmtop of the Old Testament; but nearly all the Christian doctrine. writers touched upon propjiecy as a proof of the divine origin of the Old Testament. The Old Testament is harmonious throughout. Even where immorality in God's erring children is mentioned, it is only with condemnation of wrongdoing. " You charge us," say the apologists, " with familiar and homely language. We admit the justice of it. But God instructed his scribes to write for the uneducated as well as the learned.1 None but the ed ucated can fathom the speculations of your thinkers ; and even they have all they can do. You have no writings with which to feed the poor millions. You object to our Hebrew tongue. It is the oldest tongue ; your Greek is a novelty. Besides, we have the Greek as well in our New Testament. We have both tongues, and hence suit all classes. We have put our Hebrew into Greek, the Septuagint, and hence everybody can read our history and doc trines. Our doctrine of God is that he is a pure being, the Creator of all things, the Preserver, the Judge of nations and men. Your gods, the highest and the lowest, are corrupt, poor exemplars for men.3 Our God is immanent in our life ; he knows all things, and all things reveal him.3 You teach corrupt views of the resurrection of the body and the immortality of the soul. Your Plato has vague imaginings of these sublime truths ; but our Bible presents them in clearness and gives examples of their truth.4 We shall be rewarded after death.5 We live happily here, knowing that our reward is certain in the next life.8 Our doctrines are not presented vaguely and in the mist of speculation. We state them all clearly ; every reader can know what we believe." The apologists were nowhere more successful in argument than in their Christology. The character of Jesus was the chief point of pagan attack, and the defenders of the Christian faith saw very _„„„„.„ early that here they must be more full and careful DIVINE CHAR- J . J acter of than in any other department. The incarnation of Christ was a necessity — for pure doctrine, for a spotless example, and for the salvation of the soul. He is the only begotten of the Father, the Logos in flesh.7 He revealed in himself the di- 1 Orig., Contra Celsum, L. viii. "¦ Tertul., Apol., c. 17. " Minucius Felix, Octavius, c. 32, 33. 4 Lactant., Div. Instit., vii, 8-13. 6 Tertul., Apol., iii, c. 45. 6 Minucius Felix, Octavius, c. 38. 1 Just., Apol., i, c. 13 ; Tertul., Apol., c. 20 ; Lactant., c. 20 ; Lactant., Div. Instit., iv, 24, 29 ; Athenag., Apol., c. 10; Tat., Orat., 6, 5. THE CHRISTIAN APOLOGISTS. 203 vine and eternal Wisdom. Jesus is the Christ ; the Son of God ; the God.1 His miracles are the true works of God. To the pagan objection that Jesus only pretended to work miracles, the apologist replied that the pagan mythology claimed that their invisible gods were constantly performing miracles.2 " Do you not say that your iEsculapius restores the lame and the halt ? Do not your Orpheus and Zeno and Kleanthes say that they know the Logos ? 3 Does not Plato, in a letter to Hermeas and Koriskus, speak of a Son of God ? The life of Jesus is free from taint of every kind. In his death he was a model of patience and wisdom. He rose from the grave by virtue of his own omnipotence. You claim that his death was dis graceful. We reply, that it was no suicide. He was not responsible for his death. Two things must be remembered : The death of Jesus did not alter the character of his life or the purity of his doctrines. His death was what his enemies committed.4 You cannot allege the violent death of a pure character as a charge against purity. Did not your Socrates, the highest type of morality produced by pagan ism, suffer death at the hands of his enemies ? Nay, did not the sons of your Zeus suffer a violent death ? The Holy Spirit is a divine effluence, a flowing from God and a return to him.6 You complain of our doctrine of God. But do not your pagan philoso phers speak of one God, of the resurrection of the dead, and of Gehenna ? " Away with your charges against our Christology and all our doctrines ! There is not a doctrine which we possess of which you do not have shadows in your own best truths. Our Jesus is pure ; you have no pure character to place beside him." The apologists grew stronger as they progressed in their argu ment. They began with only a defense in mind, but as they ad vanced they became defiant. They made no concessions, but became the attacking party. " The abominations of your temple service are extreme and without apology," they said. " Your best gods have no purity of thought. Your Zeus is an ungovernable liber tine. Your whole mythology is a species of devil worship.7 There is no mercy in your theocracy. Your deities, being Christianity corrupt, are tyrants. For every vice you have a special A™ mythol- god, until your deities are as numerous as the stars in ogy in con- the heavens.8 Your miracles are only fables. You can- TRAST-_ not produce one which admits of comparison with any of Christ's.9 1 Just., Dial., c. 27. 2 Tertul., Apol., c. 30. 3 Orig. , Contra Celsum, L. vi. 4 Arnob., Advers. Gentes, L. i, c. 40, 41. 6 Athenag., Apol., c. 10. 6Arnob., Advers. Gentes, L. ii, c. 13, 14. Comp. Tzschirner, Gesch. der Apologetik, p. 317. ' Tertul., Apol., c. 23, 24. 8 Lactant., Div. Instit., ii, 9. 9 Arnob., Advers. Gentes, i, 43-58. 204 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Your Bacchus, Bellerophon, and Hercules are poor borrowings from our Bible. You have no real deities ; they were only original human characters, elevated by your fancy into divinities,1 or they are demons. You complain that our religion is new. Such was yours once. But ours is really older than yours.3 Your Celsus de clares that he found our prophets in Phrygia, who, on being driven into a corner, confessed their deception. Not so. Our books of prophecy were complete long before he was born." " Your gods are rnojtal. Your Juno produced other gods," con tinue the apologists. " What has become of her, that she does not produce more ? 3 Your gods are all too young to be truly divine. Your Orpheus, Homer, and Hesiod lived when they were produced or soon afterward.4 Herodotus says that Hesiod and Homer, who were the first to tell the Greeks they had gods, lived only four cen turies before his day. Saturn was only a man, who came to Italy, depravity of was received by Janus, and founded a city, Saturnia, the heathen which still exists.6 Your gods are ridiculous when you aom' come to put them before us in images. What is your Hercules but a great serpent ? " The daughter whom Ehea bore to Zeus had, in addition to two regular eyes, two others on her fore head, a long bill on the back of her neck, and horns on her head. All your gods are born. 7 They abound in passion ; some are drunk ards, others are murderers, and multitudes are licentious.9 You explain your godjiaUegori^gaJUjc. Janus, you say, is either the world, or the year, or the sun. Then you admit he is not a god, only a figure of speech.9 Allegory is the last resort of people who cannot prove the divinity of their gods.10 You worship only stone and wooden images. But these are shaped after human models. Did not the Athenians make their statues of Mercury, after the form of Alcibiades ? Did not Praxiteles carve his Gnidian Venus after the form of Gratina, the actress whom he loved ? Was not Phryne the original of the statues of Venus in the Greek cities ? When Phidias finished his statue of the Olympian Jove did he not write on the finger of his god ' The Beautiful Pantarkis,' the name of a boy whom he loved ? How can your gods be in the clay or mar- 1 Just., Apol., c. 54; Min. Felix, Octavius, c. 25, 26; Tertul., Apol., c. 10. '' Lactant., Div. Instit., v, 10; Just., Apol., i, c. 24; Arnob., Advers. Gentes, L. ii, c. 72 : Non ergo quod sequimur, novum est ; Bed nos sero addidicimus, quidnam sequi oporteat et colore. 3 Tat., Orat., p. 160, ed. Col. * Athenag., Legat., p. 16, ed. Col. 5 Tertul., Apol., c. 10. 6 Athenag., Legat., p. 19. ' Arnob., Advers. Gentes, L. iii, u. 9. 8Id., L. iv. 9 Id., c. 32. 10 Arnob., Advers. Gentes, L. v, c. 42. THE CHRISTIAN APOLOGISTS. 205 ble or brass ? If Zeus had been in his statue how could Dionysius have robbed him of his golden robe and left only a woolen one in its stead ? Besides, Zeus would have been burnt up in his temple." * " Your philosophers are poor teachers," said the apologists to the pagan world. " Their morals almost without exception * . . . -, „, r IMPURITY of were impure. Aristippus loved lu^ujy ; Plato was given the pagan to the luxury of the table ; Aristotle corrupted Alexan- philosophy. der ; and Heraclitus was so egotistic as to say that he owed every thing to himself.2 There is not a single doctrine which your best men agree to be correct. You are hopelessly divided. Look only at the contradiction between Thales, Anaximander, Heraclitus, Anaxarchus, Epicurus, and Empedocles.3 The best you have was borrowed from our Moses by Plato and by Pythagoras, in their travels in the Orient. Your Epicurus, coming late, as an improve ment on your severer thinkers, declared that the world was only a great accident and that riTmridpnrw had no existence. The ethics which he taught was only a practical illustration of the license that pervades your whole mythology."4 This conflict between the pagan and Christian writers embraced every issue that involved the truth and worth of Chris- permanence tianity. It was conducted on both sides with a full of the first . . ,-, n j. ¦. APOLOGETIC consciousness of its importance at the time and of its christian bearing on the future. It was not a drawn battle, literature. The apologists, compelled to defend their faith because of the fury of the attack, were driven to the studxpXJ^e^^oujiplKar,k,.Ql Chris tianity, and their work has proved a permanent treasury of defen sive arguments for all subsequent crises of skeptical attack. They were not free from infirmities of method. Their mode of dogmatic exposition exhibited the crudeness of begin- infirmity of ners. They gave too large a place to belief in demoni- 0F THE AP0L0_ acal possession and to exorcisms. Their interpretation gists. of prophecyjvas often, strained, and they gave too ready a credence to rumor that pervaded the Christian atmosphere. But these shortcomings are easily accounted for when we remember that the ological authorship was as yet in its infancy, and that the measures employed by their assailants were unfair enough to disturb the equipoise of Christian writers in a crisis less momentous and in an age more free from prejudice and passion. The wonder is that their writings were as broad and candid as they prove to have been. Their aim was a universal Christianity and an all-conquer- 1 Arnob., Advers. Gentes, L. vi. 2 Tat., Orat., pp. 142, 143. 3 Clement, Protreptik. , p. 42, Tat., Orat., p. 162. ' Comp. Tzschirner, Geschichte der Apologetik, pp. 304, ff . 206 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ing Church.1 Their assailants charged them with many crimes, and accepted any witness against them. What wonder that the apologists, writing with the sting of gross injustice, should some times employ arguments that would not endure the test of a calmer period ? Their success is the best test of their real achievement and their place in history. The last of the apologists occupied the field alone. After Teriiuljian no^imppj-tant reply was made to their arguments, and by the end of thB^fifti^centjary apologetic writings were no longer necessary, because the occasion which should call them forth no longer existed. The Christians now lived in a larger place. The words of one of the most heroic apologists, written in the heat of a conflict which lasted two centuries, became an evident fact : " Every country is the Christian's fatherland, and every fatherland is the Christian's country."9 1 Tzschirner, Fall des Heidenthums, p. 221. 3 Ep. ad Diognetum, v. EBIONISM— THE CLEMENTINES. 207 CHAPTER VI. EBIONISM AND KINDRED OVERTURES FOR COMPROMISE-THE CLEMENTINES. This age, abundant as it was in sharp and bitter antagonisms, was not without its serious and persistent attempts at compromise. We turn from the picture of intense hostility to Chris- THE TW0 tians, and shall not find another like it until the eleven sources of centuries shall have elapsed, when Roman Catholicism tures tor" shaU have kindled those inquisitorial fires which blazed compromise. from eastern Bohemia to the British Islands, and from the Alps to the shores of the Mediterranean. The persecution of the Roman emperors found its natural and first reproduction in the martyrdom of Protestants. The overtures for compromise in the patristic period came to Christianity from Jjidjism on the one hand, and the HeU^^jcjhUosorjhy on the other. The Christians proposed no concessions. It remains to be seen whether in listening to prop ositions for pacification they were willing to yield in peace any of the ground which they had gained alike by the pen and their long sufferings. The Ebionites and Nazaraeans represented the attempt to accom- modate Judaism to Christianity, while the Gnostic , , J . . _,. . EBIONITES AND schools embodied the effort to adapt paganism to Chris- nazajusans. tianity. There existed in Jerusalem, after the memorable apostolic council which settled the Pauline principle of the freedom of Christian converts from obligation to the Mosaic ceremonial, law, a body of Christians who would not accept the conclusion. They constituted a separate society, with Jerusalem as the center. There was no unity among them. Many differed but little from the general body of Christians. They shared their liberal and progressive views, and saw in Christianity a complete fulfillment of all of worth in Judaism. The other party was more con- THE KigE 0P servative. It adhered to the ceremonial law, and re- the ebionite fused to regard Christianity as the culmination of the Mosaic law. After the destruction of Jerusalem by Hadrian, and the erection of iElia Capitolina on its ruins, A. D. 137, that em peror forbade all Jews to enter its gates, but gave the Christians 208 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. full liberty to dwell within them.1 This measure brought on a crisis in the Judaizing Christian society. There was no bond which now held them together. The more liberal members, differ ing but little from the Gentile Christians, and seeing no need of longer alienation from the general Church, united with it, and became fully identified with its life and interests.3 Others, the extreme Jewish members, renounced all their Christian affinities, and returned to Judaism. The remaining portion, unwilling to surrender a measure of their faith in both Judaism and Christian ity, organized a separate body, and became the Ebionite Christians. In desiring to be both Jews and Christians the result was that they were neither the one nor the other.3 The Ebionites derived their name from the Hebrew word mean ing poor, or needy, probably given by their enemies as a term of reproach.4 They held that the Mosaic law was still in DOCTRINES OF r J ~-~- ; — — the ebion- force ; that its observance was a condition for the salya- ITES" tion of every soul ; that Christianity was the fulfillment of this law, but in no sense its abrogation ; that Christ was the prophet for the deliveranceoflirael ; that he was a merejman, like Moses and David ; that his generation was natural ; that the di vine Spirit entered him first at the baptism by John ; that Jesus was a good Jew, distinguished beyond all men Hof piety, and yet having the germ of sin; that this piety constituted his claim to Messiahship, and that he performed miracles and supplemented the law by his own commands. The Ebionites observed the Jewish Sabbath, and retained the rite of c^roumcmgn, the synagogue serv ice, and all ceremonial usages. Jerusalem was regarded by them as the center of the Church, and they expected that Jesus would come again and establish his kingdom of millennial glory and power in the city of their fathers. They rejected all of Paul's writings, regarding him as a false teacher, because of his moderate estimate of the Jewish law. The work which they possessed, as 1 Schliemann places the separation of Ebionites from the Nazarseans, A. D. 136. Clementinen, pp. 488, f. 8 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., iv, 5, 6. Ritschl, Alt-Katholische Kirche, i, p. 258. Thomasius, Die christliche Dogmengeschichte, i, p. 57. Herzog, Abriss d. gesammten Kirchengeschichte, i, pp. 76, fE. 3 Jerome : Dum volunt Judari et Christiani esse, nee Judsei sunt, nee Christiani. 4 [VIK. Gieseler, following Eusebius, iii, 27, supposes the poverty to refer to the low conception the Jews had of a crucified Christ. Baur refers it to the poverty resulting from ascetic practices; Origen, DePrin., iv, i, 22, to the poverty of their understanding. No doubt the name was given on account of their poverty in worldly goods, and was originally applied to all Christians. WANT OF UNITY AMONG EEIONISM— THE CLEMENTINES. 209 the basis of their faith, was the Gospel to the Hebrews, which was a Hebrew translation of Matthew's gospel, with corruptions and additions.1 They had communities "m eastern Palestine, Asia Minor, Cyprus, and even in Rome, and continued to exist down to the end of the fourth century." The Ebionites were at no time a thoroughly united body. Those who did not share their extreme Judaism withdrew from them in course of time, and became known as the Nazareeans. They regarded the ceremonial law as binding on them selves, but differed from the Ebionites in holding that the ebion it was not obligatory on Gentile Christians. Their ITBS' Christology was more nearly Christian, their view being that Christ was the Son of God ; that his generation was divine ; that his death on the cross was the culmination of his Messiahship ; and that Judaism was in large measure superseded by Christianity. They did not reject the writings of Paul, and revered him as the great apostle to the nations. They used a less distorted Hebrew translation of Matthew's gospel than that of the Ebionites as their basis of faith in Christianity. Their principal societies, according to Jerome, who met with them in his travels, existed in Bercea and elsewhere in eastern Syria, but disappeared during the fourth century.3 The Elkesaites, or Sampsaeans, differed but little from the Ebion ites and Nazarseans except in the larger place they gave to the oriental or theosophic element." They kept the Jejasjt^Sjabbath and retained circumcision and other observances of primitive Ju- 1 There is some difficulty in deciding the exact nature of the Gospel to the Hebrews and its relation to our Matthew. See Staudmann, Das Hebraer- Evangelium, Leipz., 1888, who denies that that Gospel had any relation to the traditional Hebrew Matthew. On the other hand, see McGiffert, Presb. Rev., x (1889), 495-497, and his note in his ed. of Eusebius, pp. 159, 160. 'Dollinger, Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, pp. 25, f . ; Eusebius, H. E., iii, 27; Origen, c. Cels., v, 61; Justin Martyr, Dial. c. Trypho., xlvii; Epi- phanius, Haer., xxix, xxx. 3 The distinction between the Nazarseans and the Ebionites is first drawn by Epiphanius, Haer., xxix. But it has been shown by Nitzsch that these are not two sects, but names of the one Judaistic heretical party, sometimes called by the one name, sometimes by the other (Dogmengesch., p. 37, ff.). The Ebionites differed widely among themselves in the degree of their variation from histor ical Christianity. See McGiffert, Eus., H. E., iii, 27, note 1. 4 Some suppose them to have taken their name from Elxai, a reformer of Trajan's time ; others, from Elkesi, a Galilean town. Both theories are re jected by the best authorities. The most probable origin is to be found in the Hebrew 'DB^n, Svvafuc KernXv/ifiiv?; ; the Holy Spirit, the nonfleshly spirit of the Clementine Homilies. Comp. Herzog, Abriss, etc., p. 77. 14 210 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. daism, though they repudiated sacrifices and, with them, parts of the Old Testament. Their faith in astrology and a mild type of theelkesa- magic gives proof of their sympathy with oriental ites. vagaries. They swore by oil and salt, which were to them the emblems of spiritual communication.1 They were also called Sampsseans, probably from their habit of praying with their faces toward the sun.3 They lived in the neighborhood of the Dead Sea, and derived what little strength they enjoyed from the disin tegrating Essenism which had long existed in that region.3 It is a proof of the broad territory which was comprised by this attempt to combine Judaism with Christianity that we find the the western same spirit in Rome which was manifesting itself in jews. Palestine in the form of these heretical sects. Judaism is everywhere alike. The controversies and societies of the Jews in one region have always reproduced themselves in the farthest abodes of their brethren. It was in perfect harmony with their character and associations that among the Jews of the metropolis, who were in constant communication with their coreligionists in Palestine, there should arise a class who should also see possible points of affinity between Christianity and their own faith, and employ some positive measure to find a basis for agreement. They, like their brethren in the East, saw in some such accommodation as this not only an adaptation to the requirements of a new age, but the best possible means of overthrowing paganism." This Roman disposition to accommodate Judaism to Christianity, and also to resist the new Gnosticism as a common pagan foe, took form in a theological romance, bearing the name of The Clemen tines.6 That fiction should be resorted to in order to solve existing the clemen- problems shows how firm a hold the questions at issue tines. between the great contending parties had upon the popular mind. The writer of The Clementines, calling himself Clement of Rome, goes abroad in quest of the truth. He has his doubts on all the fundamental questions of faith, grows weary in his fruitless search in the great schools of philosophy, and at last 1 Matter, Hist. Crit. du Gnosticisme, ii, p. 328. 2 B'OB'. ' Eusebius, H. E., vi, 38 ; Epiph., who in chap. 19 classes them with the Essenes, in chap. 30 among the Ebionites, and in chap. 53 among the Samp- saaans ; Hippolytus, Phil., ix, 8-12. See McGiffert, Eusebius, p. 280, note 1. * Besides the authorities already mentioned the best recent discussions of Ebionitism are Lightfoot, Ep. to the Galatians, 306, ff.; Uhlhorn, in Herzog and Plitt and on the Clementine writings, and Schliemann and Ritschl on the same ; Schaff, Ch. Hist., ii, 211, ff. ; Shedd, Hist, of Doctrine, i, 106 ; Crutt weU, I. c. , i, 131-135 ; especially Harnack, Dogmengeschichte, i, 215-240 ; Fuller, in Smith and Wace, »'. v. (excellent). 6 Td JDjiphrta, or Kfoiphirma. EBIONISM— THE CLEMENTINES. 211 reaches Palestine, where the apostle Peter becomes his instructor. Clement the seeker, Peter the teacher, and Simon the Magian, the representative of the false gnosis — these are the three characters in this deftly woven theological Odyssey. The Clementines consist of three parts : the Homilies of Clemens Romanus, the Recognitions, and the Epitome, which is a scanty se lection from the narrative part of the Homilies.1 It is probability exceedingly difficult to tell the relation of these parts 0F 0NE 0WG- to each other. The probability is that all of them three° o!emE rest on one original, which was worked over in- entines. dependently into these three forms. Harnack thinks that they were composed largely for edification, without any doctrinal intent. Langen, on the other hand, finds the animus in the proposed transfer of the primacy of the Church from Jerusalem to Rome, about the middle of the second century. The epistles of Peter and Clement to James sprung from the Roman clergy, under Bishop Anicetus. The Homilies were Jewish-Christian Palestinian products, written in the interest of Caesarea. After that came the Recogni tions, opposing the Judaism of the Homilies and making Antioch the see of Peter.3 Lipsius finds the basis of the whole literature in the Acta Pilati, with their strong anti-Pauline tinge.3 It is not possible at present to decide positively what was the root of this remarkable romance nor for what purpose its various parts were composed. All we know is that the most widely divergent currents of doctrine — Gnostic and Christian, panthe- uncertain istic and theistic — find a meeting place here. Langen root of the places these writings, in their original form at least, in the middle of the second century, in which he is followed by most scholars. Harnack makes the date in the former half of the third century. The Germans generally affirm their Roman origin ; Light foot thinks that they originated in Syria, very likely at Csesa- 1 The first edition was published by Cotelerius, in his collection of the Patres Apostelici (Paris, 1672), from a Colbert Codex of the Paris Library. A new edition from a complete manuscript discovered by Dressel in the Otto- bonian Library, in Rome, was published in Gottingen in 1853. De Lagarde published a critical edition, the best, in 1865. The Recognitions are in a Latin translation of Rufinus. It was edited by Cotelerius and Gallandi, and latterly by Gersdorf, Biblioth. Patr. Ecch Lat., vol. i (Leipz., 1838). The Ante-Nicene Library (Edinb., 1867) gives a translation by T. Smith, with an introduction on the literature. The Epitome was first published by Turnebus (Paris, 1555), and afterward by Cotelerius. 2 Langen, Die Klemensromane, Gotha, 1890. V. Presb. and Ref. Rev., iii, 164 (by H. M. Scott). 3 Die Quellen der romischen Petrussage, Kiel, 1872. 212 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. rea.1 The three works, though each by a different hand, bear the name of The Clementines in the literature of the Church.3 The opinions advocated in the Homilies are a curious mixture of strange mix- the many varieties of truth 'and error which floated in ture of the- the atmoSphere of that day. God existed from eternity, OLOGY IN THE . ¦» • • ^ t i * TT "U JS Clementines, and is a living, personal, and pure being. Me nas lorm and soul. He reveals himself by the expansion and contraction of his Spirit, whose image is reflected in the hearts of men. He ex presses himself by ecstasy. All matter is an emanation, and the world was made under the influence of the divine wisdom. The earthly kingdom, ruled over by its lord, the devil, is related to the heavenly kingdom, which is ruled over by the one God, the original being. The two constitute a pair. The system of pairs obtains throughout the universe — man and woman, Abel and Cain, Christ and antichrist. Christ's mission was to preach a purified Mosaism and elevate it to universality. Baptism takes the place of circum cision, and, when understood, carries with it the pardon of sin. In this curious romance prophetic inspiration is continued steadily among the children of God as an emanation of the Sophia, or Holy Spirit. Peter is the great apostle, and he alone is the safe teacher of Christians. Christ will come a second time and establish his kingdom among men. Those who serve God here will be rewarded after death, and the wicked here will be punished hereafter. All sacrifices are to be discountenanced as done away by Christian ity. No general effect was produced by the Clementines. The work created a momentary impression, like the realistic romances of our own century, but there was no disposition on the part of the Christians to accept its opinions or in anywise modify their attitude toward Judaism. It gave a momentary prominence to the heret ical Christian sects in Palestine, and served to lengthen somewhat their feeble existence. There was one service which the Clemen tines rendered, and only one. They aided the Christians toward a 1 Ep. to Galatians, Dissertation iii ; Dissertations on the Apostolic Age, Lond., 1892, pp. 88, 89. Hilgenfeld, who made an elaborate investigation in his Die clementinischen Rekognitionen und Homilien, Jena, 1848, thought that the Recognitions came first ; that the Homilies were based on these, and that earlier still was a Judseo-Christian tract of Roman origin, of which an actual remnant is found in Recogn. i, 27-72, and a general outline in iii, 75. Uhlhorn was not satisfied with this, but held in Die Homilien und Rekognitionen des Clemens Eomanus, Gottingen, 1854, that the Homilies were the earlier, and that the true nucleus was Horn, xvi-xix. Lehmann, in Die clement. Schrif ten, Gotha, 1869, dissolved the Recognitions into two parts, i-iii, and iv-x, each with a different author. 1 See also Kurtz, Ch. Hist., i, pp. 123-126 ; Gieseler, Ch. Hist., i, pp. 192, 193. EBIONISM— THE CLEMENTINES. 213 clearer understanding of the shrewd and dangerous foe which con fronted them in Gnosticism. Recently an attempt has been made, with good success, to trace the influence of the Clementine romance on the Faust legend. The outlandish adventures of that hero find several parallels in certain features of the Simon Magus story in the Homilies. There are considerations which " afford an historical probability amounting to proof " that Paustus Junior derived his name from the Paustus of the Recognitions. Richardson has given the best account of this strange connection of the everlasting Faust.1 i Faust and the Clementine Recognitions, in Papers of the American Society of Church History, vi (1894), 133-145. Lagarde was the first to trace the leg end to the Clementine literature, in the prolegomena to his edition of the Clem entines, 1865. Steitz, in Studien and Kritiken, 1867, carried it stiU farther. Several writers have given in their adhesion to this view. See Richardson, p. 139. Faust appears in the Recognitions, ii, 5 ; vii, 31, 33 ; ix, 35, 36, et al. On the Clementines in general, see also the excellent article by Professor Salmon, in Smith and Wace ; Cruttwell, i, 136-150 ; Uhlhorn, in Herzog and Plitt ; and prolegomena and notes of Riddle, in Ante-Nicene Fathers, N.Y.,1886, vol. viii. 214 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : GNOSTICISM. 1. Arnold, G. Unparteische Kirchen-und Ketzerhistorie. Best edition, Schaff- hausen, 1740-42, 3 vols. The first Church History written in German, and the first to treat the heretics with fairness and sympathy. 2. Lipsius, R. A. Gnosticismus, Leipz., 1860. Die Quellen der altesten Ket- zergeschichte, Kiel, 1875. 3. Harnack, A. Zur Quellen Kritik d. Geschichte d. Gnosticismus, Leipz., 1873. See also his History of Dogma, vol. i, trans., Lond. and Bost., 1895. 4. Mansel, H. L. The Gnostic Heresies, edited by J. B. Lightfoot, Lond., 1875. The best book on the subject in English. The editor could find nothing to improve. 5. Lightfoot, J. B. The Colossian Heresy : in Commentary on Colossians, Lond., 1875; 8th ed., 1886. Excellent for the earliest development of Gnosticism. 6. King, C. W. The Gnostics and their Remains, Lond., rev. ed., 1887. Inval uable for Gnostic art. 7. Hilgenfeld, A. Ketzergeschichte des TJrchristenthums, Leipz., 1884. 8. Amelineau, Essai sur le gnosticisme Egyptien, Paris, 1887. 9. Bright, W. Gnosticism and Irenseus : In Waymarks of Church History, Lond. and N. Y., 1894. Of the Church historians Neander was the first to treat the subject with philosophic breadth. Weingarten, Zeittaf elen und Uebersioht zur Kirchenge schichte, 3d enl. ed. , Rudolstadt, 1888, and MoeUer, of Kiel, Church History, pp. 129-155, are valuable. Schaff, ii, 442-508, gives a valuable introduction on the literature, as well as a clear, instructive, and profound analysis. The articles in Smith and AVace, and Hamack's and Tulloeh's articles in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, give recent conclusions. Harman's De Groot on the Gnostic Testi monials to the Gospels, in Meth. Quar. Rev., N. Y., 1870, 485, ff., and Scott in Current Discussions in Theology, vi, 167-172, are excellent. GNOSTICISM. 215 CHAPTER VII. GNOSTICISM. Between Asia and Europe there has always been an ebb and flow of leadership and conquest. The armies which followed perpetual Xerxes and the other Eastern rulers westward into Eu- ^ff"™0! rope, and those led by Alexander and his successors rope. from Europe into Asia, were only parts of that general historical action and reaction which have pervaded all ages. The Asiatic, as he stood on his side of the Bosporus, has looked to the Europe in front of him as only a field for conquest and not for friendship. The European, as he gazed from his side™6TT;Tn?Tiarfow "stream which divides the two continents, has seen in Asia only a glittering prize that might add to the splendor of his European throne. The story of the duel constitutes a large part of the earlier and later history of the Old World. The present hold of Turkey upon European territory, and of Great Britain upon India, proves that the old an tagonistic aspirations of the Orient and Occident have come down to our times. As with the ambitions which have crystallized in the march of armies back and forth, so in the domain of religious ideas the East and the West have each sought a wider field than their own home as the empire of their faith. Here we find the his torical place of Gnosticism. It was the stepping forth HIST0KICAL of the Asiatic mind after its long wandering in theo- place of sophic amTmyltilSaT mazes, and proposing to combine gnosticism. with Christianity for "the mastery of all ages. It was the first great intellectual endeavor of the Orient to impress its thought upon the Occident. It was the combined effort of the Eastern faiths to come to such compromise with Christianity, by each surrendering a large measure of its individuality, that out of the union a religion might be reared which should advance both eastward and westward and conquer the world. There was little nuity in Gnosticism. It was the Joseph's coat of theolojical and theosophical opinion. No historian has ever been able to identify it wltiTany one country or people to the exclusion of others. Until the time of Mosheim it was supposed to be predomi nantly of Platonic origin, but he drew aside the veil which had hidden its Eastern sources, and proved it to be in large measure a child of 216 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. oriental intuition and rhapsody. Yet, so soon as we begin to limit noVnity in Gnosticism entirely to the East, we find that it is not gnosticism. without its minor Hellenistic origin. But even this was itself originally oriental. The Neoplatonism which flourished in Alexandria, and which some of the Gnostics found it convenient to absorb, in order to make its proposal to Christianity more proba ble of acceptance, was only the oriental element in the Platonic sys tem which the master had long ago imbibed during his wanderings along the Nile. How diverse was the patchwork which has taken its place in history as Gnosticism may be seen in both the varied nation ality and faith of its adherents. With the map of the ancient East ern world in hand, one can find almost every land sending forth its wise men to find the Messiah of this new faith, and to lay their offerings at his feet. The sacrifice, however, was not complete. They wished both to take and to give. The western half of Asia was a seething caldron of conflicting mythologies. The cults 'were as grotesque as the provincial cos tumes. Every valley abounded in a new faith, and each faith was the kindly mother of numerous legends. From every hill there looked down a different protecting divinity, and beneath every chief divin- conflicting ity was an endless chain of conscious eqns. The leg- ixwestern en^s °^ creati°n ail(l the source of evil were beyond all asia. count. The religions of Baal, Moloch, and Astarte could number their votaries by the million. Even Buddhism was aroused from its dreamy ecstasy in Bactria, where it haol "established itself, and joined the westward column of oriental faiths, and on reaching Alexandria made its overtures for compromise wjthChris- tianity.1 If in Gnosticism we can see that dualism which pervades Parseeism and all kindred Eastern religions, we also discover with equal ease that pantheistic monism whose source was to be found in Buddhism. No such effort was ever made before to combine oppo- site and conflicting systems from every region embraced by both the pantheon and the geography of the East. The most natural place where this compromise should be proposed to Christianity was Alexandria. The declared design of the Mac edonian conqueror, when he built this city and gave it his name, was that it should be a promoter of commerce between the East Alexander's and the West ; it should be a iervant, by whom each SnSS'o™ should Sive to the other of its plenty. But Alexander Alexandria, had other thoughts in mind, far broader than mere commercial advantage. He strove to dig deeper the channels of thought, and have both the East and the West overspread with a 1 Lassen, Indische Alterthumskunde, iii, pp. 383, f., 405. GNOSTICISM. 217 silver network of intellectual currents. His highest idea of national unity was that only by the community of mind can a nation be really homogeneous. His new city, whose location came to him by dream, should not only be a commercial center, but a Pharos of in- telkctual life for three great continents. He took speedy measures to welcome exiles, to organize learning, and to make the city which bore his name the patroness of all that was best to teach and learn from all lands. Alexander's successors were aflame with the same passion. They would make Alexandria the light of J;h_ejyorld, and combine in it the sanctity of Jerusalem, the learning of Athens, and the power of Rome. To the Ptolemies it was the " Venus that j. . purpose of arose out of all that idle foam of Alexander s conquest." Alexander's They built up a varied population. All nations jos- SUCCESS0KS- tied each other as they passed along that wondrous street which ex tended through the city's length, from the gate of Canopus to that of Necropolis. Buyers and copyists were sent abroad to bring home the richest treasures of human thought from every land and any temple or library. Even valuable books were seized by the government and copied, and the transcript sent back to the own ers, with compensation for their loss of the originals.1 The divinities from all lands found a home in Alexandria. No stranger in the street could be long without cheering reminders of his own far-away altar. The point of affiliation between Gnosticism and the Platonic philosophy was prepared by the speculations of Philo. Tnerewas a gnosis before Gnosticism, and Philo was its chief author.3 He was a learned Hebrew, born about B. C. JJO, and a citizen of Alexandria. He regarded Plato as the "Attic Moses," and aimed to fin'cTa place where Judaism and Platonism could safely harmonize. He saw in God and the world adualism both finite and infinite. God exists in and for himself ; he is inde- i pendent and original. His theophanies in the OhrTestament did not occur ; God cannot, without violence to his own nature, assume visible form. Still, he can reveal himself to the soul. The world is produced and sustained and ruled by him. But God is not_Cre- , ator of the world ; he has only given it form, out of the original ' matter, or Hyle. Man was not created by God, but by demiur- \ gies, because man isTiimself the abode of sin. Philo held that between God and the world there is a chasm which is bridged by intermeddaig,. forjjes. These forces are the 1 Origen, in Essays and Remains of R. A. "Vaughan, i, p. 3. 2 Dollinger, Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, i, pp. 26, 27. 218 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. divine attributes. The.. .Logos is a divine emanation, an inter mediate power. It 'has ideas, and God impresses them upon matter, as the figure made by a seal. The Logos is the biblical and original word of God, by whom the worldjs^susj^ed. To the Logos he joins the Reason. The Holy Spirit, the PHII O S "VIEW <««.rf-or»., ¦ «" -*¦ of the divine diyine_Wisdom, imparted itself to the first men, and logos. to ajj jater oneg wj10^ i^g jjoses, haye striven after likeness to God. The angels are divine forces whose office it is to protect God's creatures. The ideal world was created by these forces. All good comes from God. Sin lies in matter. The hu man soul has been preexistent in a spiritual and immaterial form. Through woman sin entered the world. The paradise of the Scrip tures was only an allegory to represent a general fact. Man has a heavenly nature, and hence is immortal, if good. His is the eternal life of goodness. Because of the dualism of spirit and matter in Philo's system he finds no place in the future for punishment, hell, or devil. This material earth is the only needful place of punish ment. Of a Messiah, or Christ, Philo makes no mention ; Moses is a sufficient mediator, but says that in the future there will come a philo's ex- chief who will stand at the head of his people and themeswanic con(luer many nations. Philo explains the Messianic hopes. hopes, however, as a general aspiration. He has no place for the incarnation__of_the_Li)gos, for the evil inherent in matter precludes the possibility. Philo's work was to set up a compound of Judaism and paganism. Like the amalgam of which was made that image of Serapiifwhich had been taken from the shores of the Euxine and set up in cosmopolitan Alexandria for the varied worship of its people, the system of Philo was drawn from various quarters, and held up as a thing of unity and charm. But he could not harmonize Jerusalem and Athens, Moses and Plato. He surrendered all that was of value in Judaism. Its firm historical foundation, its ordinances, history, and great prophetic and peda gogic significance disappeared before his Platonic ideology.1 Philo was the first to imagine that the solution of the questions of faith, as he saw them in the first century, lay in compromise and „n„«.0™ surrender. His followers in this view were numer- t 111 LU o iLM- phasis on ous, but theirs was a much wider horizon. Christian- compromise. ity^ wilicn was to kim only a shadowy possibility, had, by the third century, come to be a formidable claimant upon the confidence and thought of the world. The capricious character of Gnostic speculation, and the great 1 Keim, Geschichte Jesu von Nazara, pp. 223, ff . GNOSTICISM. 219 national diversity in its representatives, make its classification very difficult. The most natural method is according to the caprices of preponderating element. In many instances the gnosticism. boundary lines were transgressed. Faustus never underwent more complete transformations in the imagination of Goethe, or was more difficult to detect than the typical Gnostic. Whether he was pagan or Jew, Christian or fire worshiper, magian or Buddhist, must have often been a question even to himself. So free was the lance that many of them wielded that it is not easy to tell from which cause they came or which lists they were entering for com bat. Our only proper plan is to locate according to the larger influence. 1 1 Niedner and Fricke classify Gnosticism into systems in which Christianity is the culmination of all pre-Christian revelations ; and those in which it is sundered from these, and presented in contrast ; and those in which true Christianity is identified with paganism. Gieseler divides into Alexandrian and Syrian Gnostics ; and Hase, into Syrian, Hellenistic, Christian, and Juda- istic Gnostics. Baur groups Christianity with Judaism and paganism ; Chris tianity against Judaism and paganism; and Judaism identified with Christianity. Ritter divides into dualistic and idealistic Gnostics. Guericke, Jacobi, and Neander arrange according to sympathy with Judaism, hostility to it, and in dependence of all earlier systems. This classification isthe most philosophical, and we adopt it in the main. «, ' t 220 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER VIII. GNOSTICISM WITH JEWISH BACKGROUND. Cerinthus forms the connecting link between the gnosis of John's time and the fully developed system of the following cen tury. Like John, he lived in Asia Minor, and had good opportunity to study the Christian system from observation of the Christian societies in that region. His ^iews approach very closely to those of the Ebionites, and in some in stances are identical with them. He regarded Judaism as a prep aration for Christianity. The world, he held, was not created by the supreme God, but by a subordinate spirit, or angel, who also gave the law to the Jews. This spirit did not know the supreme God, so far beneath him was his order of existence. Jesus was the natural son of Joseph and Mary, and he, too, did not know the su preme God, but, by virtue of his good life and pure will, he arrived at a knowledge of him, and at the baptism of John was endowed with the Holy Spirit or heavenly wisdom. This spiritual endow ment completed the divine character of Christ as the Logos, and opened the full communication between him and the supreme God. Cerinthus would not admit that Christ performed any mediatorial service, but claimed that his death was only a misadventure, with out saving significance, and that Christ would come again at the general resurrection and establish an earthly kingdom of great power and splendor.1 Basilides was of Syrian origin, but taught in Alexandria about A. D. 130. He saw in the universe a dualism — the highest deity and matter. Between these there communicated an basilides. abundant company of eons, emanations from God, who revealed his glory and made it fruitful. There are seven chief eons who establish themselves in matter. Each nation has its own spiritual ruler, and is guided by him.8 The ruler over the Jews taught them by means of Moses and the prophets. But truth was not confined to the Jews ; it went abroad ; even the Greeks ' Iren., i, 26, 1 ; iii, 3, 4, and 11, 1 ; Hippol., vii, 21 ; Eus., vii, 26 ; iv, 14. See Dorner, System of Doctrine, iii, 48, 213, 302, 331, 355, 376 ; McGiffert, Notes to Eusebius, loc. cit. ' Beausobre, Hist, du Manichseisme, ii, p. 16. GNOSTICISM WITH JEWISH BACKGROUND. 221 and Persians shared largely in it, and longed for that full revelation which came when the highest eon, Nowf, was revealed to Jesus at his baptism. Basilides advised, but did not enjoin, celibacy as the best way to avoid the cares of life. He observed only one festival, that of the Epiphany, in memory of Christ's baptism by John. The Basilidean system is distinguished for its caution toward all extreme views, of either Judaism or paganism. It does not declare asceticism the only relief for the soul, but counsels Christian so ciety and prayer as full of comfort.1 It holds that man cannot bear his burdens and work out his destiny alone, but needs, and can possess, the divine power, and may attain to a strong spiritual life. Man has a sinful inclination, and can attain to freedom from it by the force of will and by application to God for relief. There is a providence which watches over the individual life. The pseudo-Basilideans of the Western Church perverted these opinions of the master and gave themselves up to a life of license, on the ground of the freedom of the perfect from the restraints of the law." We now come to Valentine, the most important Gnostic in whom the Jewish element prevailed. He was a Jewish Christian, edu cated in Alexandria, and a resident in tnat city until J VALENTINE. A. D. 138. He afterward removed to Rome, where he taught a number of years. He withdrew from the Church on ac count of his heretical opinions. He died A. D. 160. In wealth of fancy and depth of thought Valentine occupies the first place among the Gnostics. He derived more help from Plato than any other man of his group. The Phjtonic ideol- opinions of ogy is everywhere apparent in his system, though his valentine. frequent use of numbers, and the relations in which he places them, show his literal dependence on Pythagoras. His fundamental doc trine is emanation. The supremTGodHves in silence and solitude. Nothing has come from his creative or emanating nature. But he must love, and he cannot love without an object. The object must come from himself. Hence he begins to emanate. The eons are personalities who proceed from him, and communicate with that gross world which now comes into existence. From the eon truth, the Word and the Life proceed. From these latter, again, man 1 Isidore says : brav &i i} ivxapmria gov eif alrrjCLv vKoireGr]. 2 Hippolytus, vii, 20-27 ; Clem. Alex., Strom., vii ; Eus., iv, 7. Uhlhorn gave an acute analysis, Das Basilidianische System, Gottingen, 1855, and Hort wrote an elaborate monograph in Smith and Wace, s. v. See literature further in Schaff, Ch. Hist., ii, 466, and Hilgenfeld in Zeitschrift fiir wissensch. The ologie, 1878 (xxi), 228-250. 222 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and the Church emanate. Man was placed in the third of the seven heavens, where he disobeyed, and was thrust down to the earth and joined to a corrupt and sinful body. The demiurge chose the Jews in whom to reveal himself; he awoke projgnets among them who should awaken the hope of a Messiah. After the fullness of the time the Logos, or Christ, appeared. Through him alone, divinely endowed at baptism, there has come full re demption to humamliyT™The > cracifixion represented that divine might by which the world is purified from sin. By doing and suffering we reach our highest excellence^ Only by the culture of the spiritual forces within us can we fill out the measure of our mission,. ' ' Valentine was the founder of the largest Gnostic school. His chief disciples were Heracleon, Ptolemaeus, and Bardesanes. He- the school racleon was an earnest and thoughtful man, and was of valentine, best known as a commentator on John's gospel. He was sincere in his study of John, but, giving large liberty to the Gnostic love of typology, he distorted every plain truth into some thing foreign to the mind of John.2 Ptolemaeus is known to us by an epistle to Flora, a writing designed to attract a lady of his time to the adoption of the Valentinian opinions. The work is occupied chiefly with a discussion on the doctrine of inspiration and on the re lation of the Old and New Testaments. 3 Bardesanes lived about A. D. 170, at the court of Prince Abgar, of Edessa. He was distinguished for his combination of profound learning with the poetic spirit. He wrote a poem combating the fatalism of the stars, an error very common among the Syrian Gnostics. His son, Harmonius, was also distinguished for poetic productions. Markos flourished in the second half of the second century, and to Valentine's system he joined a Pythagorean and cabalistic mysticism of figures. He pre tended to practice magical arts by which to attract wealthy and noble women into the toils of his system. He also laid claim to a knowledge of astrology.4 The Valentinian school extended into many parts of the East and West. It numbered more disciples than any other Gnostic body. 1 Irenseus, i, 1-21, Hippolytus, vi, 29-37, Tertullian, adv. Valentinianos, and Epiphanius, xxxi, furnish expositions and refutations of Valentine. The best modern account is Mansel, The Gnostic Heresies, Lond. , 1875, pp. 166-262. Baur has some pregnant observations in his Kirchengeschichte, i, 195-204, and Schaff, as usual, an illuminating treatment, ii, 472-478. 2 Neander furnishes an excellent illustration of Heracleon's figurative method by his use of the conversation between Christ and the Samaritan woman. See Gen. Hist., i, pp. 435, 436. 3 Stieren, De Ptolem. Gnostici Floram Ep., Jena, 1843. * Iren., i, 13, 15. GNOSTICISM WITH JEWISH BACKGROUND. 223 It had representatives in Rome, on the island of Cyprus, and in other places. In time it lost its pure features, and, like other Gnostic bodies, became immoral when de- valentine's prived of the personal guidance of the founder. Here, SCH00L- as in all new movements, the moral fiber of the system is best proven by the second generation. 224 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER IX. GNOSTICISM WITH ORIENTAL AND PAGAN BACKGROUND. The Ophites are the first Gnostics we meet with in this field. They existed as a small sect in Egypt before the time of the ophites, Chrigt) and afterward adopted a perverted type of Chris tianity, but retaining a larger measure of oriental theosophy than any other system. Dualism pervaded their doctrines. The Pleroma develops itself in eons, and from the fourth eon there floats a ray of light, which combines with matter and becomes the Acha- moth, the Sophia, or world soul. The first production of this un ion is the Jaldabaoth, the maker of the world, who is a limited and wicked being, but capable of ministering to the great divine plan. He corresponds with the demiurge of other Gnostic speculations. He is inflamed with evil desires, and is a rebel. Ruler of the world of stars, which are themselves principal spirits, he invokes the six stellar angels to create man. Man is then created, or evolved, but receives a spiritual breath, by which he rises above and beyond his creator. To defeat man's destiny the serpent is prepared. r The serpent becomes the type of all wisdom, and is worshiped. Hence the term Ophites, applied to the sect.1 Man, through his fall, arrives at the consciousness of freedom and mas tery. The evil spirits contend for supremacy over him, but he de feats their purposes and advances constantly. The heavenly Christ passed through the seven heavens and was united with Jesus at his baptism, but withdrew from him at his death. A vein of panthe ism pervades the whole system of the Ophites." There were two minor Ophitic sects — the Cainites and the Seth- ites. The former took their name from Cain, the son of Adam, who, according to them, was the first to distinguish himself against the God of the Jews. The one who carried this battle to a suc cessful close was Judas Iscariot. Both Cain and Judas were vene- two ophite rated by the Cainites as sons of the Sophia. The Seth- sects. ites taught that there were originally two races of men, one from Cain and the other from Abel. In their conflict 1 "O0i.f, serpent. 2 Hippolytus, v, 1-23 ; Irenseus, i, 30. Lipsius explains the Ophite system in Zeitschrift fur wissensch. Theologie, 1863, 1864. GNOSTICISM WITH ORIENTAL AND PAGAN BACKGROUND. 225 Abel was defeated and slain, but, to take his place, the Sophia created the pneumatic Seth, the first of all the Gnostics. The sec ond appearance of Seth was as the Christ, who came as Saviour of the spiritual world.1 Carpocrates built his system out of Buddhism and Neoplatonism. He placed all faiths on the same plane. The better men whom each produced— Orpheus, Pythagoras, Plato, 0ARP0CRATES- Christ — occupied the same moral position. The Platonic system was the source of his ideology. He held to a preexistence of the soul, to a rule over the nations by finite spirits, from whom all the religions have come, and to a divine power in Jesus by which he wrought miracles and reached the highest unity. Carpocrates had a son, Epiphanes, who exerted such an influence and gained such a following that divine honors were paid him.3 The Carpocratians practiced magic and surrendered themselves to wild libertinism. In Mani and the Manichseans we reach the farthest limit of oriental Gnosticism. They represented the intellectual revival of the Persians after their deliverance, under the Sassanides, from the Parthian yoke, A. D. 227. That the reli gion of Zoroaster should have a new fascination to the now liber ated people can excite no surprise. The religious element, the one nearest at hand, and associated with the period of national glory, now came into the foreground. Mani was its representative. But Christianity had appeared in the meantime in the West, and Bud dhism in the East was not without its claims. Mani made the religion of Zoroaster the main fiber of his system, but was skillful enough to weave important threads religion of from both Christianity and Buddhism. He announced zoROASTEE J the basis of himself as the Paraclete promised by Christ, and imag- mani's sts- ined himself the destined deliverer of Christianity from TEM- its bondage of Jewish ordinances and superstitions, by incorpo- 1 Various opinions have been advanced as to the existence of these sects. But Tertullian gives us a distinct account of the Cainites, whom he held to be the Nicolaitans under another name. See Kaye, Tertullian, p. 522. Philas- trius and the author of Prsedestinatus give an account of the Sethites. The weight of evidence is too strong to be resisted that they did exist and held the opinions attributed to them. 11 the ridiculous character of the opin ions is made a ground of objection, we may reply that they are not more ab surd, or more hostile to the Old Testament, than those of many other Gnos tics whose existence has never been questioned. ' On the island of Cephalonia. See Clement, Strom., L. iii. The alleged Carpocratian inscription found in Gyrene, and brought from there to Malta, and indorsed by Gesenius, proved to be only a shrewd device of the French man, Fortia d'Urban, to further his St. Simonism by an appeal to Carpocra tian communism of wives and property. 15 226 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. rating with it the best elements in the religion of Zoroaster. The eastern tra- Eastern account of his personal history is that he at- ditionof tracted many adherents and gained the favor of the HANI S HIS* " _. . 1 , tort. Persian king, Sapor I, about A. D. 270. This king soon turned against him, and he fled to Turkistan, where he dwelt in a cave and developed his system. On the death of Sapor, A. D. 271, he returned to Persia and enjoyed the favor of the succeed ing king, Hormisdas, who gave him an asylum in the castle of Daskereh, in Susiana. Varanes, the successor of Hormisdas, listened to the representation of the magians against Mani, and he was put to death A. D. 277. The Western tradition concerning Mani is that his doctrines western tra- came nrst from a Saracen traveling merchant, Scythia- dition of nus, who had gained precious wisdom in distant lands, MANL and settled in Alexandria. Terebinthus, a disciple of Scythianus, wrote down four books at his master's dictation, the Mysteria, Capitula, Evangelium, and Thesaurus, and after the master's death removed to Babylon. Terebinthus died by falling from the top of a house, and his widow presented his books to a young freedman, Cubricus. He devoted himself to their study, went to Persia, and called himself Mani, or, as the Romans called him, Manichasus. He now came in contact with the sacred books of the Christians, and began his patchwork from all the faiths which he had been learning. After this point in his career the Eastern and Western accounts are, in general, parallel. The rapid increase of his followers, his winning eloquence, his temperate life, his checkered history at the Persian court, and his violent death, A. D. 277, are sustained by both the Eastern and Western historians. There is no trace of the Platonic system in Mani. The father of light rules over the realm of light. He is the original God, and the truth emanates from him. Pure spirits proceed from him ; they are only himself in his manifestations. There is a dark king- mani's combi- dom in which all evil dwells. These two kingdoms dualism and ex^st k^ide each other, and have become mingled. fatalism. Out of this confusion the visible world has become evolved. Man has a spiritual nature and a corrupt body. The light nature is concentrated in man, but efforts are made to draw him down and obscure the light within him. This is the secret of the trial in paradise. Evil appears in the serpent and represents the evil principle of the universe. Christ, or the spirit of the sun, prevents the final success of the evil principle. Mani represents himself as the Paraclete promised by Christ, and he accordingly ap pointed twelve masters, or apostles, and, in addition, sixty-two GNOSTICISM WITH ORIENTAL AND PAGAN BACKGROUND. 227 bishops and a large number of minor officers. The Old Testament was rejected, and Mani reserved the right to say what parts of the New Testament should be accepted. The followers of Mani, or the Manichseans, spread very rapidly in various parts of the Persian empire, and even in the eastern part of the Roman empire. Its numbers attracted the attention of Dio cletian, who issued an edict A. D. 296, declaring death and confis cation of property upon all members of the Manichsean followers j body. There was a special ground of hostility in the of mani. fact that Rome was at that time at war with Persia, and the Mani- chaeans were regarded as a powerful ally of the Persian enemy. They regarded themselves, as many as were elect, as holy, and even possessed of power to communicate forgiveness of sins to catechu mens. They celebrated the Lord's Supper without wine, but re garded this sacrament as symbolizing only the sufferings of Jesus. They observed Sunday, and had their chief annual festival in March, the Bema, in memory of the martyrdom of Mani. ' 1 The best book on Maniehasism is Beausobre, Hist. Grit, de Manichee et du Manichaaisme, Amst., 1734, 1739, 2 vols. , 4to. The best of the more recent investigators is Kessler, in his Genesis of Manicharism, Leipz., 1876; in his book on Mani, Leipz., 1882 ; and in his articles in Herzog and Plitt, ix, 223-259. For the sources, full literature, and an admirable treatment, see Schaff, vol. iii, 6th ed., 1892, pp. 498-508. 228 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER X. INDEPENDENT GNOSTICISM. Sattjeninus was a resident of Antioch and was a contemporary of Hadrian. He held that there are two kingdoms, light and dark ness. They are opposed to each other. The suprjeme_Father has produced orders of being, angels, archangels, powers, and rulers, from whom have come seven angels. These last are the sovereigns over the material world, and among them is the God of the Jews. Man was created, but was not free from in firmity, because of the subordinate character of his creator and his own material body. The supreme God breathed into him a spark of the divine power, and a Saviour came to the world in order to aid him toward his final development. The emphasis placed by Saturninus on the evil inherent in matter led him to enjoin asceti cism on his followers. He prohibited matrimony and the use of meats.1 Tatian was a native of Assyria, but resided in Rome and taught rhetoric. He was converted to" Christianity through the influence of Justin Martyr and became a zealous defender of Chris- TATIAN". . • tianity, especially against Crescens. After the death of Justin he became fascinated with the Gnostic doctrines and adopted them. Henceforth he was a strong advoc13e"bT them, both by the pen and by public addresses. He died about A. D. 174. His views more nearly approached the Syrian type than any other. His chief characteristic was his antagonism to marriage. In his work on Christian Perfection he makes matrimony a subject of special treat ment,' and declares against it in violent language. He numbered Adam among the lost because he had a wife. The fanatical sects of Encratites and Hydroparastians were followers of Tatian, their distinguishing quality being asceticism. The adherents of Tatian are to be found as late as the fourth century.3 The name of ' Iren., i, 24, 28; Hip., vii, 3, 28; Tert., Praas. Hasr., xlvi ; Eusebius, iv, 22, 29 ; Epiph., Haer., xxiii. 2 Ilsrpi roil Kara tov oaTijpa KarapTtafiov. Clem. , Strom. , 3, 12. 3 ''EypariTai (continent, temperate) ; 'YdporrapaGTaTai (water drinkers, from their use of water instead of wine in the Lord's Supper). On Tatian, see Eusebius, H. E., iv, 16, 28, 29 ; vi, 13 ; Iren., i, 28 ; iii, 23 ; Epiph., xlvi. b INDEPENDENT GNOSTICISM. 229 Tatian has acquired vast interest of late because of the discovery of an Arabic translation of his Diatessaron, in 1886 — the first harmony of the four gospels. It was prepared while he was a catholic. The absurdities in doctrine and morals increased steadily, and to such an extent that the more serious Gnostic thinkers became alarmed for the respectability and very existence of their doctrines. Marcion and his school represent the Gnostic effort to re- MARCION form itself — to eliminate all that was unworthy and false, and to add, from any quarter, whatever might strengthen its general position. Marcion was a native of Pontus, and embraced Christianity as an intellectual movement, but without any thorough spjrit^l^p^redation_of it. He was excommunicated by his father, the bishop of Sinqpe, in the province of Pontus, on account of heretical opinions. About A. D. 150 he went to Rome, where he came in contact with Cerdo, a Syrian Gnostic, by whom he was induced to adopt the Gnostic views. He conceived the idea of re moving from Gnosticism all adventitious opinions and presenting it to the world as the only safe faith. Marcion avoided the extremes of his predecessors. He saw a hopeless antagonism between the Old and New Testament, right eousness and grace, law and gospel, Judaism and Christianity. Corresponding with these was the chasm between the good and evil God, and midway stood the third deity — the right- marcion's eous God. Marcion recognized Paul as the only veritable '""' l0t"" apostle, but rejected the pastoral epistles and the Epistle to the Hebrews. He admitted only one gospel, probably a distortion of Luke's gospel. He guarded his system very carefully from Juda ism on the one hand and paganism on the other. He rejected all faith in tradition and esoteric doctrines, the allegorical interpreta tion so dear to the Gnostics, and all forms of emanation. He organized his followers into an ecclesiastical body.1 In the cult which he adopted for his followers he employed only the simplest forms. Marcion divided his followers into the elect and catechumens, but gave the latter the privilege of attending all the serv- MARCion's ices. He required of the elect the strictest asceticism ^ollowers. and the withdrawal from all worldly enjoyments.2 He is said to have repented, late in life, of his Gnostic vagaries, and to have sought readmission into the Church, but died before it could take place." Of all the Gnostics, Marcion was the nearest approach to ' Dollinger, Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, p. 33. 5 Kurtz, Handbuch, pp. 149, ff. 'Tertullian, De Prsescr. Hser., xxx. 230 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the sincere Christian.1 His life was correct, and he took great pains to guard his followers from falling into the dangers by which so many other disciples of the Gnostic teachers were ruined. But this very approach to Christianity made him all the more danger ous a foe. Many persons, influenced by the zeal of his followers, could see but little difference between his opinions and the general Christian system, and hence adopted them. His followers were to be met with in Rome in the fifth century, and many were scattered throughout Italy, North Africa, Palestine, Syria, and Arabia, though divided into many small groups. The three most impor tant disciples of Marcion were Markos, Lukanus, and Apelles. The two former. adapted his system to Saturninus's opinions, while the latter transmuted the master's views largely into the old traditional Alexandrian Gnosticism. Theodoret, Bishop of Cyrrho, in North Syria (423-457), brought many of these Marcionites back into the Church. They occupied eight villages in his diocese.2 "I freed more than a thousand souls from the disease of Marcion," he says.3 With all this remarkable diversity in individual adherents there were characteristics by which the Gnostic was easily distinguisha ble. He adopted the gnosis, the knowledge, as the one great ob ject, above ISSh and all other desirable things. As to POINTS IN COM- J ' . "*"* . ° mon with all what is knowledge, and who is to test it, he . reserved all gnostics. rights to himself. Whatever the fundamental dif ferences between the various Gnostic schools, the Gnostics as a whole were so united by common affinities that it is not often difficult to distinguish the Gnostic from the Christian. All Gnostics find some place for Christ. Now it is higher and now lower, but always he is somewhere in their faith. But he is never a personality in whom there must be an individual faith that leads to salvation. He is only a principle of general cosmical develop ment, a ruler who brings order out of chaos. He is not the Sav iour of men, but the active principle of the world's development." His work was an act of power, not of love. Christ's place was de- 1 ' ' Marcion, though grievously erring from the path of Christian believers, was yet full of Christian feeling." Bright, Waymarks of Church History (Lond., 1894, p. 36). sTheod., Ep. lxxxi. 3 Ep. cxiii. Schroeckh gives authorities for full information on Marcion and his school, ii, pp. 412, ff. See Justin Mar., I Apol., xxvi and lviii ; Iren., i, 28 ; iv, 33 ; Tertullian, Adv. Marcionem ; Hilgenfeld, Cerdon und Marcion, in Zeitschrift fiir wissensch. Theologie, Leipz., 1881, pp. 1-37 ; Salmon, in Smith and Wace ; Schaff, ii, 482-487 ; Neander, i, 458-476, 616-618 ; Meyborm, in his Marcion en de Marcioniten (Leiden, 1888), has investigated Marcion afresh. 4 Baur, Kirchengeschichte d. drei ersten Jahrhunderte, 3 Aufl., p. 174. INDEPENDENT GNOSTICISM. 231 fined by philosophical speculation, not by revealed truth. Intuition was guide, and not the written word. Here the Gnostic reversed the Christian order. The Christian begins by conf esrion_of_his ignorance, and comes to the the gnostic inspired trj^hjpxjjght. The- Gnostic begins by a TEHEKTECRHS^IAN claim of knowledge.1 He sets out with a knowledge of order. the divine, and goes into all spaces with his wisdom, and defines the bounds of the universe with bold speech. His is such knowl edge as he has spun, spider-like, out of himself. The Christian comes from his darkness to the sanctuary, where he hopes for illumi nation and comfort. The Gnostic, with some appreciation of need, wanders amid the luxuriant garden of the world's faiths, and plucks a flower here and another there, as may suit his fancy at the hour. Gnosticism suits only the bgld and fearless, the self-conscious dreamer of a new faith. Christianity was the hope of the poor and timid. Gnosticism was the Pharisee, who stood with bold front and boasted of his holiness ; Christianity was the sorrowing woman, who had only the courage to touch the edge of the robe of the Physician. The Gnostic selected and had a system without unity and achieving force. The Christian remains steadily in guard of his religion, hopeful, but often in the storm, and triumphs in the end. Only few of the Gnostics established societies which they dignified with the name of a church. Marcion is probably the only one who gathered about him a church in the strict sense as a substitute for the Christian Church. The Gnostic groups were simpjyjlrnosophical schools, with some superiorsas_teach££g. There was no cohesive power in THE GN0STIC any one of them. The gnosis was a good Basis, just shad- groups were owy enough for speculation on the infinite eons, but BCIT PHIL0. was not masterful in mundane guidance. It was with- sophical out conserving power. It lacked intuition of the good by which to see its own evils, and to return to the Christian fold. Who hears of any important school coming back to Christ ? The gnosis unfitted its adherents for all steady thought, the crowning evil of the whole system of Gnostic theories. One after another the schools disappeared. From Rome to the Tigris and from Syene to the western shore of the Euxine the Gnostic groups passed into a corrupt existence, or, what was better, ceased to exist. But Gnosticism, with all its native weakness, was the most dan gerous foe thus far encountered. Christianity had proven its power by the conquest of Judaism and paganism, each in its individuality. But it now achieved a greater victory. It con- bitter, Geschichte der christlichen Philosophie, i, pp. 283, ff. 232 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. quered them both in their fusion, not only with each other, but gnosticism with the fantastic and nebulous fancies that had floated the most jnt0 Syria, Alexandria, and Asia Minor from the East. foe to chris- There was never an indication of sympathy with Gnosti- tianitt. cism, in any form, on the part of the Church. There was no Gnostic from Cerinthus down to the last of the Marcionite school who was so near an approach to the real Christian as Marcion. Yet he had no friends in the Church. He was regarded with special aversion, perhaps because of the great danger that his views might be mistaken for pure Christianity. The interview alleged to have taken place between him and the pure Polycarp one day in a street in Rome represents fairly the attitude of Christianity toward Gnos ticism as a whole. Polycarp was stopped by Marcion, who asked him the question, " Do you not recognize me ? " The father, bending beneath his many years, and yet with a quick eye to dis cover an enemy of the truth anywhere, quickly replied, " Certainly,, I know the firstborn of Satan." ' 1 Irenaeus, iii, 3; Eusebius, H. E., iv, 14; Jerome, Cat., 171. THE MONTANISTIC REFORM. 233 CHAPTER XI. THE MONTANISTIC REFORM. That peculiar and mysterious development of ecclesiastical life which bears the name of Montanism, from its founder, was a reac tion against that worldly spirit and lax ecclesiastical discipline which came into the foreground during the intervals^ of tolerance. No reUgious phenomenon has been subjected to keener criticism or made the subject of more unguarded panegyric. The historian, who sees in every extravagant phenomenon only the creation of a morbid imagination, relegates it to the department of wild and unwholesome fanaticism ; while he who, like the early EITREME Mystics and Gottfried Arnold of a later day, looks upon views on such movements as the only conserving forces in critical times, mistakenly elevates it into a special providential agency of the real Church and the embodiment of the divine Spirit in a period of general decline and danger. Both views are wrong. Real jus tice lies midway between the extremes. Montanism was propagated with pure, but often mistaken, motives. It saw evils of serious character, and proposed to remove them by its severer teaching and self-denying example. The authorities of the Church were just in repudiating the extravagancies, but were far out of the way in at tributing improper motives to the Montanists, and lacked that high order of wisdom which could select the good element from any new movement and assimilate it for its own greater firmness and enhanced purity. Montanism was in its last analysis a reaction in favor of primitive Christianity, though, like most movements of Christian Puritanism, it Went to an extreme.1 Montanus was a native of Phrygia, and possessed that warm tem perament and love of the marvelous and ecstatic which had been peculiar to his countrymen from the time when they emerged from mythical darkness and took their place among the settled peoples of Asia Minor. Phrygia had a civilization of its own.2 It was a ' Bonwetsch, Die Geschichte des Montanismus, Erlangen, 1881, the best book on the subject. Eamsay, The Church in the Roman Empire Before A. D. 170, p. 437, agrees with this view. 5 Neander showed the influence of Phrygia on Montanism, and he has been followed by Renan, Marcus Aurelius (in Origins of Christianity), chap. xiii. Ram say {I. c, p. 438) calls Montanism the "Church-according-to-the-Phrygians." 234 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. fragrant garden, inclosed one very side by high mountains, whose the Phrygian co°! breath mingled with the warm air of the valley, and home of developed a people at once gifted with a tropical sensi- montanus. bility, a luxuriant imagination, and a love of the mar velous, and yet endowed withaTstrong physical organization, which made them hardy and valiant soldiers in the most distant cam paigns and the most fierc^Iy~contested fields of war. Their spirit was proud, and glowed with ecstasy as their minstrels sang of the deeds of their forefathers in the heroic age. They claimed for their mountains the high antiquity of having first appeared above the declining flood when Deucalion and his sons stepped out of their boat and went forth to repeople and subdue the earth. The worship of the Phrygians was of the coarse kind, in which there was no element of senjual_enjojment, but only a rigorous dealing with themselves. The holiest worshiper reached his highest development through self-mutilation. The great nature Mother, or Cybele, who was also worshiped in Bithynia and Lydia, was here honored with a wildness of devotion as nowhere else. Her minister, the Phrygian Attis, or the mutilated Adonis, was honored with a wor- cclt. ship of his own, in which the hoarse kettledrum and the plaintive Phrygian cymbal made music to the wild Sycinnis, the spiral dance of the rhapsodical devotees. ' Divination and clairvoy ance, heightened by contemplation, were claimed as special endow ments of the priesthood. The people were firm believers in vision and all similar preternatural possessions, and no claim of priestly gifts was too extravagant for the blind devotion of the average Phrygian worshiper. The stress of political disaster only fanned the flame of his national worship. He had been trampled and ground by many masters — the Lydian, the Persian, the Macedonian, and the Roman — but his temperament was all the warmer and his love for his native faith suffered no loss. His cities grew into wealth and power. Colossse, Laodicea, and ffierapolis preserved the memory of ancient glory when Phrygia was a powerful and independent kingdom, but still the primitive worship was pre served. Even the Greek tongue, which had made the Phrygian only the dialect of rustics and slaves, had not blotted out the old faith. Christianity now came, and the communities which Paul founded the old wor- were the first to arrest the old worship of Cybele and by'christian- Attis. In due time Phrygian Christianity took its place ity. in the great network of the Church, and, though isolated from the great outlying world, claimed equal love for all the in- 1 Dollinger, Jew and Gentile, i, pp. 376, 377. THE MONTANISTIC REFORM. 235 etitutions and its full share in shaping the policy and life of the general Church. But there was no uprooting of the natural tem perament. The temples of the old faith had shared in the general neglect of other parts of the Roman empire, but beneath the new religion there still lay that love of the rnarvelojjs and the invisible, that general faith in special spiritual endowments, and, most of all, that implicit confidence in a perpetuaLpigpJiej^f the divinely in spired. Out of this element Montanism emerged. It was a Christian figure, vital and glowing with all the peculiarities of the undis turbed Phrygian character, yet ardent with a love of Christianity as given by Christ and organized by his first apostles. Mpj^tajms, of Ardaban, appeared upon the scene of ecclesiastical life about the middle of the second century. He had been a priest in the still lingering, but rapidly declining, worship of Cybele. When he ac cepted Christianity he parted with all the essential elements of his former faith. There was not a trace of the idolater montanus a left. But the scars which his old religion had made he combination OP THE PRAC- bore upon him into the new battlefield. He was still TI0AL AtfD THE tne HSfihet and the visionary. Without much culture, visionary. and with a profound contempt of pagan learning, because of its supposed hostility to Christianity, he proposed the regeneration of Christianity by the practical li|e. In no character do we find such a remarkable blending of these two diverse elements — the practical and the visionary. He claimed that there are three persons in the GodheaH^Father, Son, and Spirit — and that through himself the third person, the Paraclete, prc^hesied to the world. He never declared that he was himself the Paraclete^ but only the organ of his operation. Two women, Maximilla and Priscilla, claimed similar inspiration, and these three, with their followers, called themselves Pneumatics. The fact that Montanus tolerated prophetesses had its anticipation in the old worship of Cybele and in the example of other pagan faiths. Asia Minor had its sibyls, Delphi its Python esses, and Corinth its female temple-slaves of Venus. This female accompaniment of Montanism proved a great disadvantage, and was constantly appealed to by its enemies as a certain proof of its pagan relationship.. This was unfair on their part, however, as in this respect Montanus stood simply on the ground of the primitive Church. The doctrines of Montanus constitute an incongruous system. He avowed a special mission for the impjj^m™JiJ?.£ THE montan- the Church. To bring about this great result there istic system. were certain truths which must be accepted, and he was the instru- 236 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ment for their communication. The Church must accept them as a condition of its salvation^ f )There wiU be a speedy end of the world, after which the millennial reign of Christ will begin. The econ omy of salvation consists of three stages, or successive movements — the period of primeval revelation until the incarnation ; that of the Christian revelation, which closes with the person of Christ, and the apostolical group ; and that of the revelation of the Paraclete, which will continue through all remaining Christian history, The Father and the Son are of one substance, equal in rank, and omnip otence. But the Son emanates from the Father, and the Paraclete emanates from the Son. They are all one. The Church is pure and true, and can tolerate no impure element in its fold — " ecclesia vera, pudica, sancta, ecclesia virgo." There is a umyersal_priestiiood of believers. Every real believer is a Pneumatic, and hence a priest. Ascjeticjsm is a proper and even necessary mode of cultivating purity. Second marriage is sinful, a forfeiture of pneumatic purity. Martyrdom is the necessary sacrifice which the Chris tian must render, if the exigency is sufficient, for the attainment of salvation. Penitejice, in all its stages, must take place after sin. But a total lapse, by sacrificing to idols, excludes from restoration to the Church, though not necessarily from divine forgiveness. ' When the system of Montanus was fully developed the Church took note of it as a most dangerous element. Montanistic com- montanism re- munities sprang up throughout Phrygia and began to garded a spread into the neighboring regions. The bishop Ju- SERIOUSDAN- nf , -i .,.,-, , , . 7 ger to the nanus, of Apamea, took pains to wm them back into church. harmony with the Church. They did not constitute a schism, but ecclesiolm in ecclesia, similar to the societies organized by Spener within the bosom of the German Protestant Church in the seventeenth century. The mild measures of Julianus failed of their end. More heroic treatment was now adopted. Two synods were held, one in Hierapolis, presided over by Apollinaris, the bishop of that city, and a second in Anohialuq, in the year 170, under the charge of the bishop Sotas. At both of these councils the Montanists were condemned and excommuriicated, and their doctrines pronounced heretical. Phrygian Montanism now suffered a serious check. The communities declined, and gradually lost their popular support, in the very place of their origin. In addition to synodical proscription a strong ljt«rarj_activity was developed against them in Asia Minor. The most prominent writers were 1 Schwegler, Der Montanismus und die Kirche des zweiten Jahrhunderts, pp. 34-76. THE MONTANISTIC REFORM. 237 Miltiades, Claudius Apollinaris, ApoUonius, Serapion, and an anonymous author l — all of whose works have disappeared. Just at the time when it would seem that Montanism was nearly conquered, and was about to take its place among the many spent phenomena of the imaginative East, support of it acquired a remarkable support in the West. The montanism. Church which had produced it had now disowned it, but there were acute minds, far removed from the local prejudices and personal animosities, who saw in it an element of good for the general cause of Christianity, Very often a movement needs to be seen from the distance in order to be measured with judicial fairness. The men who have no friendships to foster or grievances to settle, and can calmly form an opinion of a cause without regard to the con testants on either side, are the best judges of every great reform. This was precisely the case with Montanism. Its nearest critics saw in it only a modified worship of Cybele, with execrable Christian variations. But those were days when the leaders of the Church learned quickly what was going on in distant parts, and were capa ble of recognizing the good in any corner of Christendom. To them Montanism was something more than a dreamy pagan faith beneath a thin Christian drapery. These friends of Montanism induced a bishop of , Rome, of whom history makes no mention, to send " letters of peace,"2 both east as Tertullian calls them, to the catholic bishops of wnayiscox- Phrygia, presumably advising a conciliatory dealing, demnation. But through the evil representations of Praxeas and Caius, the nar rower policy was restored, and the catholic Church, East and West, united in putting down the unfortunate Phrygian Puritans. It was formerly the opinion of Church historians that the persecuted churches of Gaul sent letters to the Roman bishop, in which they pleaded strongly for the Montanists. But this opinion is now aban doned, as it rests on no ancient testimony whatever. On the con trary, Eusebius, who regarded the Montanists as incorrigible heretics, and stood squarely with the catholic Church in condemning them, expressly says that the letter sent by the churches of Lyons was 1 Probably Rhodon, Jerome, Cat., 37. 2 Adv. Prax., i : "For after the bishop of Rome [perhaps Victor, A. D. 190] had acknowledged the prophetic gifts of Montanus, Prisca, and Maxi- milla, and in consequence of the acknowledgment had bestowed his peace on the churches of Asia and Phrygia, he [Praxeas], by importunately urging false accusations against the prophets themselves and their churches, and insisting on the authority of the bishop's predecessors in the see, compelled him to re call the letters of peace which he had issued, as well as to deBist from his pur pose of acknowledging the gifts " [charismata]. 238 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. "prudent and most orthodox," l a commendation which he would not have given had that letter been favorable to the Phrygians. It is likely, indeed, that it was the support of the bishops of Gaul to the condemnation of the Montanists on the part of the bishops of Asia Minor which prompted the pliable bishop at Rome to recall his previous note, not being able to resist the united voice of Gaul and Asia. But with the opposition of Rome the Montanism of the West did not die. There were many Christians, and not a few supporting bishops among them, who regarded their treatment as montanism. un-just m tne extreme, and believed that their cause was at this juncture a necessary agency for the purification and preser vation of the Church. The Church of North Africa now became the most powerful advocateof. Montanjan. This was brought about in large measure by the example of the presbyter Tertullian, of Carthage. He was at this time the most learned and powerful theo logian in the Western Church. His writings had gained him a hear ing in the extreme parts of the Church, both Eastern and Western. His treatises on Martyrs, Idolatry, and the Soldier's Crown had en deared him to the heart of universal Christendom, while his Apol- ogeticus had proven him apt to resist the most invidious and tertullian learned attacks of pagan writers. In his practical an advocate. WOrks on Patience, Prayer, Baptism, Repentance, and the Husband he had already expressed profound sympathy with the needful development of the practical piety of believers, and with a strict view of Christians in the presence of the lax tendencies of his times. His acceptance of Montanism was, therefore, not the work of a day ; nor did it come about through personal grievance, or am bition, or a love of schism, or a visionary state of mind. It was a course which he adopted after a calm reflection and from the pur est motives. He made allowance for the grosser features of Mon tanism, and accepted its better part with clear conscience, a warm love of the Church, and an intense desire for purity in its mem bers. He wrote much after he became a Montanist, and empha sized the points which Montanism made prominent as vital to the Church.2 1 Eusebius, H. E., v, 3. Salmon, in Dictionary of Christian Biography, Sects, by Smith and Wace, iii, 937, has set this matter in its true light. He is fol lowed by McGiffert, on Eusebius, as above (p. 219). 2 Neander gives an excellent grouping of Tertullian's works, classified ac cording to both topics and periods in his literary activity. Comp. Antignosti- kus, in History of the Planting and Training of the Christian Church, vol. ii, pp. 208, ff. THE MONTANISTIC REFORM. 239 But with all the new splendor which gathered about Montanism through the defense of Tertullian and the strong support of the North African Church, the system was doomed. The councils had condemned it, and its first objectionable accompaniments, such as ecstasy, vision, chiliasm, and prophetesses, were perpetually hurled against it as unfit for confidence and an enemy to the THE D00M 0F peace and development of the Church. Its stronger montanism. qualities were overlooked in the vigorous warfare upon it. Even its best declarations, and, above aU, the moral purity of its advocates, counted for nothing in such a bitter strife. The defenders of epis copal prerogative found it, at best, an inconvenient thing. In their steady policy, even now taking shape, of building up an irre sistible central authority, they could expect no support from such independent minds. The emperors saw no hope of softening its moral jstri^jtneps and its hostility to political interference in the administration of the Church. AU the Christian ^emperors after Constantine pursued, therefore, the same repressive policy. In North Africa it continued to live, however, but under the name of a sect of hostility of Tertullianists. Its last appearance above the surface theemperors. was in the reign of Justinian. He issued two edicts against it, one in the y( ar 530, an6Ttiie"6ther in 632, after which it sank out of sight, to reappear, as Schaff well says, under various names and forms and in new combinations — in Novatianism, Donatism, the Spiritualism of the Franciscans, Anabaptism, the Camisard En thusiasm, Puritanism, Quakerism, Quietism, Pietism, Second Ad- ventism, Lyingjsm, and so on, by way of protest and wholesome reaction against various evils in the Church.1 One of the chief reasons for the zeal of the bishops against Mon tanism was its earnest insistence on the priesthoodoJjJlbelievers, and its opposition to all hier^arclncal^ssumgtipns. In this it antic ipated Puritanism and Methodism, with both of which it had many points in common. Wesley was one of the first moderns to speak a strong word for Montanism. He says : " By the best information we can procure at this distance of time it seems that Montanus was 1 Church History, ii, 426, 7. Harnack, in the first volume of his History of Doctrine, has treated Montanus in an independent spirit. He shows how he stood by the old paths as against the Catholic and hierarchical tendency. F. De Soyres, Montanism and the Primitive Church, Camb., 1878. See the voluminous notes of McGiffert in his Eusebius, pp. 229-237. Of importance are Belck, Geschichte des Montanismus, Leipz., 1883, and Hilgenf eld's great work, D. Ketzergesch. des Urchristenthums, Leipz., 1884, pp. 560-600 ; Salmon, in Smith and Wace, ». v.; Newman, in Baptist Rev., 1884, 527-530. 240 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. not only a truly good man, but one of the best men then upon wesley m ad- earth jHarfd'fhat his real crime was the severely reprov- vooacyof iHg those who professed themselves Christians while montanism. they neither had the mind that was in Christ nor walked as Christ walked, but were conformable, both in their temper and practice, to the present evil world." : Here, as well as elsewhere, Wesley anticipates the verdict of the most recent historians, like Harnack and McGiffert, who have completely reversed the judg ment of the old writers." 1 Tract on " The Real Character of Montanus," in Works, 5th ed., Lond., 14 vols., vol. xi, pp. 485, 486. 2 In his sermon on the Wisdom of God, Wesley calls Montanus " one of the holiest men of the second century," vol. vi, 328. See also ii, 206 (Journal, Aug. 15, 1750) ; x, 47, 50, 51 (Letter to Middleton). ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 241 CHAPTER XII. ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. The general tendency of the political and theological pressure upon the Church from without was toward internal consolidation and organic unity. This, indeed, has been the wholesome effect of opposition in all later periods. Christianity is no tropical plant, adapted only to the bright sunshine, balmy air, and sweet repose of long summer days, but is destined for all seasons through all the centuries. The very storms that have beaten about it have been strong forces toward making its roots deeper and of farther reach, and its fiber of finer and more resisting quality. Dur- S0LII)mCA. ing the whole period from its founding down to its tionofchris- liberation by Constantine from the bondage of pagan TIAN1TT- rulers a constant internal soUdification was taking place. The subtle moral agencies were steadily at work by which Christianity might grow into a symmetrical and organic unity. But while this was the general character of its development, the opposition to Christianity had its secondary effect upon the corporate life of the Church. How shall the opposition be met ? What shall be the method of resistance ? How must the Church deal with those who have surrendered during the stress of storm? and, now that the storm is spent, how shall the lapsed be dealt with ? Must these apostates be considered as erring only in an evil hour, to come back again with cordial welcome, or be regarded as having forever lost their Christian birthright here and their hope of salvation here after ? These were serious questions — far more, even, than that more public one of encountering enemies. How to deal with friends has always been to the Church a more difficult problem than how to oppose its adversaries. It has been an immeasurably problem of greater task to manage with a care that can lead back IN DEALIN(J the erring into harmony of spirit and preserve them with friends. against harm, and the Church against harm from them, than to march forth with heroic soul against defiant foes. For this new issue the Church was well prepared. It had triumphed in warfare against pronounced enemies, and the sequel will show that it pos sessed equal power to deal with those of its own household. 16 242 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The persecutions of the Christians were not met with uniform firmness. The general attitude was that of chivalrous sacrifice and a readiness to meet death sooner than renounce faith in Christ ; but there were others who yielded and returned to their former idols. When the opposition ceased the lapsed, in numerous cases, proposed the manner to return to the Christian fold. The ordeal which the wh^enT Church laid down for their restoration was severe, and tents. extended over a series of lengthy stages of penitence. For a time it seemed as if this course would satisfy all the demands of the crisis, but other questions were involved, and especially the final and most serious of all — whether a lapsed Christian who had once been baptized, and in temptation had forsworn his faith and committed his example and word to the accursed paganism, should ever be fully restored to the Christian communion and be regarded as though he had never fallen. On this grave question the most important issues depended, and out of it grew not less than five serious schisms, covering an entire century, or from the middle of the third to the middle of the fourth century. Indeed, we find clear traces of some of these schisms not five schisms less than four centuries after the death of the men who arising from ^ad organized them. The schisms were confined to no ment of peni- particular locality. Their broad geographical scope is tents. a strong witness to the gravity of the danger with which they threatened the Church and the serious nature of the questions which produced them. The Christians of Spain, in the West, were hardly less disturbed than those of Syria in the East ; while their brethren up the Nile and on the borders of the great desert were in similar convulsion with those on the shores of the Black Sea. The threat of internal division within was equally extensive with the fires of martyrdom which hostile hands had kindled. First in order was the schism of Felicissimus, which arose in Carthage, but extended its force as far westward as the shore of the felicissimus Atlantic. No unanimity has been reached as to the and cyprian. prime motive of Felicissimus. There was, no doubt, some jealousy of Cyprian's episcopal office, but the ostensible ground of offense was the method of his election as bishop and his subsequent lenient dealing with the lapsed. Cyprian was an ac complished scholar and a skillful rhetorician. He was led by the presbyter Cascilius to accept Christianity. His accession was re garded as a great triumph for the African Church, and all the greater because of the frequent alternations of persecution through which the Church was passing and the supreme need of able confess ors. Cyprian was baptized in the year 247, and in 248 was elected ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 243 Bishop of Carthage. The process was too rapid for the strict law of the Church, and furnished a very plausible pretext for opposi tion to the election. Five presbyters, who were in charge of com munities in Carthage and the surrounding country, declared the election illegal, and took measures for governing their own churches without regard to Cyprian's authority. The most defiant of the number was Novatus, who assumed episcopal functions himself, and ordained Felicissimus to the diaconate. This was a bold invasion of Cyprian's prerogatives, but he was calm and conciliatory, and even permitted Felicissimus to adminis ter his new office, to which he had been ordained by ' J invasion of other hands. Felicissimus was a strong partisan, and cyprian's had a singular power in organizing men into a firm 0FPICE- and united body. His adherents, with the powerful aid of Novatus, multiplied rapidly. Cyprian, meanwhile, was careful, for he had the rare quality of accommodating himself to the needs of the hour. So far did he pursue this counsel that the charge of incon sistency can be justly made against him. At one time, before the Decian persecution, he was firm in refusing to grant absolution to any who had lapsed after baptism. He was then the representative, in the African Church, of vigorous dealing with apostasy. But dur ing the Decian persecution there was an alarming in- increase of crease of the lapsed. So great was their number that THE lapsed. they threatened the very integrity of the Church ; they stood at the entrance of the Christian fold with demands. The evil had grown into alarming proportions. When Christians announced their readiness, in the hour of danger, to renounce their religion, they were furnished by the imperial officers with letters of release, and were therefore called Libellatics. A certificate of this kind (a libellus) was discovered for the first time in 18§4 among the papyrus manuscripts in the Berlin Museum. In the same year another" was discovered among Hie papyri belonging to the Arch duke Rainer, in Vienna, a specimen of the rich treasures Egypt has unearthed for us of late. The following is a translation of the Rainer libellus : "To the Commissioners of sacrifices of the village of Philadel phia : from Aurelii, Syrus and Pasbeius his brother, and Demer- bria and Serapias our wives, dwellers without the gate. me libeluj8_ We always continued in sacrificing to the gods, and now in your presence according to the [emperor's] orders, both offered a libation, and tasted of the sacrifices, and [we desire you] to attest [this] for us. " May you continue prosperous. 244 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. "We, Aurelii, Syrus and Pasbes, have presented [this]. I, Isidorus, wrote, as they are unable to write." Sometimes the officers were bribed to issue certificates to those who had not complied with the conditions. Others, who likewise lapsed, made application to those about to die for their faith that they might be commended to the Church cyprian de- for lenient measures, and the persons so commended voted to the made use of the high favor in which the memory of tionoTthe the martyrs was held to secure confidence from the church. Church and ease in reentering its communion. Many arts were practiced by the lapsed to gain restoration. Cyprian saw danger on either hand. Pure himself, he would not countenance impurity in others. But he was intent, above all things, to pre serve the Church, even at the sacrifice of admitting, among the worthy, some who were probably otherwise. He claimed the right to revise his methods and administer his office in such way as to conserve the Church. He now took a milder course, and resolved to grant absolution to the lapsed who would pass through the pre scribed stages of penitence. During the Decian persecution Cyprian, whose life was in danger, cyprian's withdrew for fourteen months into voluntary exile. commission. During this time his enemies gained the additional prestige of large numbers. While Cyprian was in exile he sent a commission of two bishops and two presbyters to Carthage to make a thorough visitation and administer to the poor out of the funds of the Church. Again Felicissimus protested against him ; the Church funds could not be so used, by Cyprian's order, as he was an illegal bishop. It was this visitation by Cyprian's commission which was the chief rock of offense to Felicissimus. He regarded it as a direct usurpation of power. No doubt, also, Cyprian's extrav agant pretensions for the monarchial episcopate, of which he was the great advocate, was also a principal cause of the disaffection of the presbyterial party under Novatus.1 At Easter, 251, however, Cyprian appeared in person in Carthage, and met the annual synod of bishops of North Africa. He was supported by the synod, and Felicissimus and his party were formally excommunicated from the Church.2 In studying the history of the Church one seldom knows when 1 In this we agree with Neander (i, 223) and Moeller (p. 262), as against Schaff (ii, 194). 5 The Epistles of Cyprian, 38-40, 42, 55, are the only authority for the schism of Felicissimus. We have, therefore, only the enemy's testimony. Neander's is the best modern account, ii, 222-237. ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 245 he will finally lose sight of a disquieting mind. The map of the operations of the schismatic is generally very broad. Novatus, no longer able to cope with the strong arm of authority in Carthage, next appeared in Rome. The attitude of the Roman Church had always been one of leniency toward the lapsed, and Novatus now found in Carthage a fitting field to carry on the warfare which he had conducted vigorously, but finally in vain. This field novatus in opened before him by a juncture, brought about by the R0ME- following events. Fabian, Bishop of Rome, ordained to the priest hood a certain highly gifted man, Novatian. He had been bap tized on a sick bed. Everywhere throughout the Church there was serious objection to clinical baptism, because of the doubt as to the motive of the one seeking it. Novatian's case was the more serious because, on his recovery, Fabian had failed to carry out the order of the Church to consummate the baptism by the imposition of his hands. There were, therefore, two difficulties: one, Novatian's clinical baptism, and the other the bishop's neglect to complete Tw0 DIFI,ICDI-. the act. Fabian suffered martyrdom in 250, and in the ties as to following year Cornelius was elected bishop in his place. EAPTISM- This interval of a year was a time of serious disturbance. It is not clear that Novatian was desirous of the episcopal office, but the event proved that he was ready to accept it. He represented the vig orous method of dealing with the lapsed, or, at least, he came to represent the harsher method, though at the first, as Harnack shows,1 the controversy was a personal one purely, and all who shared this view rallied to his standard. Novatus now appeared upon the scene. He was determined to secure the election of Novatian as bishop, in rivalry against Cornelius. Three bishops, living at a distance from Rome, were induced to repair thither, and they ordained Novatian to the bishopric. The latter immediately communicated the fact of his consecration to Antioch, Alexandria, and Carthage. But no recognition of his election was returned, though efforts were made in those great centers to raise up strong parties in the interest of Novatian. Many of the Roman clergy and laity, who had disapproved of the measures by which Novatian was admitted into the Church, took side with the party of which he was the head. In due time their inconsistency be came apparent to themselves. How could they favor a return of man as bishop whose baptism they had disapproved ? CLERGTT0 They gradually ceased opposition, withdrew all fellow- the church. ship with the schism of Novatian, and returned to the Church. No- ' In Herzog and Plitt, Encyclopaedia, s. v. 246 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. vatian and his entire party were excommunicated, and the move ment lost all formidable character. Novatian and his followers did not depart materially from the re- the council ceived doctrines of the Church, and differed only in of nice and tkejr severe treatment of the lapsed in rebaptizing those THE NOVA— « tians. entering their communion from the Church, and, in some cases, in condemning second marriages. The Council of Nice adopted a mild course toward them, but they refused to return to the Church. The Roman Church finally adopted its ordinary policy of repression. In Rome Innocent I (402-417) closed their churches, and Celestine I (422-432) forbade them to worship in public. They constituted a party in the Church, especially in the East, as late as the end of the sixth century, and bore the name of Cathari, or The Pure.1 Thus far there had been only minor and occasional differences dispute be- between the Churches of Rome and North Africa. But tween car- now there arose a fundamental divergence of opinion, rome on the which was without question one of the chief initial causes primacy of for that later division into the Eastern and Western Churches which has descended to the present time, hav ing steadily resisted all measures toward restoration. But as we sur vey the whole field of the dispute which now arose between Carthage and Rome, it becomes clear that the question of rebaptism of here tics was of subordinate importance. The fundamental issue was the primacy of the Roman bishop over all bishops in the East or the West. It is not improbable that the remnants of the Novatian schism became an element of disturbance. Stephen, who became Bishop of Rome in 253, or more likely in 254, favored the validity of baptism by schismatics.and .heretics, on the ground that baptism, as an objective institution founded by„C,hrist, carried with it its own indorsement when administered with the right intention and in the name of the Trinity or of Christ. In this he seems to have been in accord with the tradition in 'Rome. In every part of the territory of the Church baptism had been 1 " Novatian was the first theologian of the Church of Rome," says Harnack, " who developed a comprehensive literary activity in the Latin language, but of his works only his De Sabbato, De Circumcisione, and De Trinitate have come down to us." In the Ante-Nicene Fathers, Chr. Lit. ed., v, 604-650, will be found a translation of his works on the Trinity and his lay letter on the Jewish meats. The authorities are Cyprian, Epistles, 44, 45, 49, 50, 55, 68 ; Eusebius, H. E., vi, 43-45 ; vii, 8 ; Socrates, H. E., ii, 38 ; v, 10, 21 ; vii, 25 (later history). Of modern works, Harnack says that Walch, Ketzerhistorie, ii, 185-288, is the best, though his own works deserve that honor : Herzog and Plitt, x, 652-667, and Dogmengeschichte, i, 339-343. See Neander, i, 222, 237-248, 690. ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 247 performed by schismatics, and the voice of the Eastern Churches was against its validity. In Asia Minor, Syria, and throughout North Africa the custom had grown into an order, that such bap tisms should not be considered as having any virtue ; hence a new baptism was required as a condition of readmission into the Church. The invalidity of schismatic baptism can be definitely traced back to the time of Bishop Agrippinus, of Carthage, about the year 220, ' and the synod of Carthage accepted it formally. In BAPTISM BT the year 235 the councils of Iconium and Synnada, in schismatics. Asia Minor, adopted the same course. This was the point of view occupied by Cyprian of GarJbage. He held that there can be but one baptism, one faith, and one hope, and that these alone can be found in the Church and through it. All founders of schisms, such as Felicissimus and Novatian, are only apes, and can do nothing more than imitate a legitimate act. Two Carthaginian synods, of the years 255 and 256, declared in favor of rebaptism — a decision reached through the powerful advocacy of Cyprian. The second sjno^d^f_Carjhage sent its resolution to Rome, where it immediately met with the violent opposition of Stephen, the bishop. The latter replied that this course was new, and that no novelty should be introduced unless it could be supported by tradition." The controversy now became bitter. Cyprian responded that it was pure obstinacy to confront a divine order with human tradi tion ; that the Roman bishop had nothing to do with the matter further than any other bishop, and that the usage in the cyprian and Roman diocese was an old error, and devoid of the STEPHEN- truth.3 Stephen could give as well as take, and he replied that Cyprian was a pseudo- Christian, a false apostle, a deceptive servant. The result was, Stephen excommunicated the. African C^hujch, and thus all relationship ceased between Rome and the Christians of North Africa. A synod of Carthage which immediately succeeded the excommunication repeated its action requiring a new baptism of heretics on their reception into the Church. The Bishop of Rome was himself charged by Cyprian with being a .schis matic and a worse heretic, than all others, because he attempted to destroy the unity of the Church. The contest became more bitter still, and violent language passed back and forth, in which Steplien of Rome claimed supreme power over the African Church. Cyprian replied that the assumption of Stephen, that he was a 1 Cyprian, Ep. 73. 2 Nihil innovetur, nisi quod traditum. 3 Consuetudo sine veritate vetustas erroris est. Ep. 74. 248 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. "bishop of bishops," was an absurd arrogance, and that Christ alone was supreme.1 The conflict ran its due course. Each party seemed to breathe more freely after it had exhausted its vocabulary of invective.2 Peace was restored by a new outbreak of persecution, in which both contestants gave up their. Hiss for their common Lord, Stephen in 257 and Cyprian in 258. The Romanview gradually gained ground, until all parties came together'on the following basis : that when a heretic who proposed to reenter the Church had once been bap- the basis of tized in the name of the Trinity, he should be received peace. by the f ormality:j}fJheJ.aymg_o^o^^ands, as a sign of reconciliation with the Church. This basis was declared by the Council of Arlggjn. JUJ: aQd repeated by the Council of Nicsea in 324. The victory of the Roman tradition, though really in the in terest of a more tolerant and catholic view — in fact, the triumph of Cyprian's idea would have been an unspeakable calamity — could not do less than help forward the rising primacy of the Church of the Seven Hills. What Rome gains she keeps, and she never forgets.3 The Meletian schism likewise arose from a difference of opinion concerning the proper treatment of the lapsed. During the Dio- the meletian cletian persecution, which was more abundant than schism. any other in the number of apostates, Meletius, Bishop of Lycopolis, in the Thebaid, held that no lapsed Christian should 1 Neque enim quisquam nostrum episcopum se episcoporum constituit, aut tyrannico terrore ad obsequendi necessitatem collegas suos adigit, quando habeat omnia episcopus pro licentia libertatis et potestatis suae arbitrium pro- prium, tamque judicare. Sed expectemus universi judicium Domini nostri Jesu Christi, qui unus et solus habet potestatem et prseponendi nos in ecclesiae suae gubernatione, et de actu nostro judicandi. Cyprian, ad Cone. Carth. de Baptismo (Migne, iii, 1054). So bitter were some of the expressions used by Cyprian and his colleagues against the Bishop of Eome that some Roman scholars have thought that the letters in which they occur are spurious. For this suspicion there is not the slightest reason, as is now acknowledged by all scholars. The correspondence reveals the deep gulf between the papacy of the second century and that of the nineteenth. 2 The letters of Stephen are not preserved. The other party certainly dealt in invective sharp enough, 3 The modern Roman Catholic practice of rebaptizing Anglicans and other Protestants, using the formula, "If thou hast not been baptized, I baptize thee," on the ground of a possible defect in the first administration, is a grave lapse from the practice vindicated by Stephen. For the authorities, see Euse bius, H. E., vii, 3-5; Cyprian, Epistles, 70-76, and the Acts of the Councils of Carthage, A. D. 255, 256. For modern discussions, see Neander, ii, 317-323 ; Barmby, art. " Stephanus I," in Smith and Wace ; and Benson, art. " Cyprian- us," in the same ; Steitz, in Herzog and Plitt, vii, 652-661 ; Grisar, in Zeit schrift fiir katholische Theologie, 1881. ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 249 be restored to Church fellowship while the persecution lasted (305). This was his claim, but he had a grievance against his metropolitan, Peter of Alexandria. Peter had withdrawn during the persecution, and not only was the administration of his own office interrupted, but many of the bishops were in prison. Mele- tius saw the need of proper episcopal service, and proceeded to ex ercise his office within the jurisdiction of other bishops, and he even assumed metropolitan functions. He was warned by the impris oned bishops, and also by Peter, against such assumption of authority. The admonitions were without effect upon him, and he, in turn, fulminated severe charges against his absent episcopal associates. The schism assumed large proportions and extended throughout the Egyptian Church. The Nicene council, whose treatment of all schismatic movements was singularly mild and judicious, sought to accommodate the matter and win back the followers of Meletius by acknowledging the validity of the ordinations by TKEATMENTBT Meletius, but enjoining an enforcement of them by the ™e nicene imposition of hands by regular bishops ; by preserving C0OTCIL- the rank and orders of the twenty-nine Meletian bishops, but with holding the power to discharge their functions until the death of the regular bishops in the same territory ; and by continuing to Meletius the episcopal title, but withholding from him perpetually the exercise of his office.1 A shrewder piece of ecclesiastical management cannot be found in the annals of general councils. Those who followed Meletius were dealt with gently, and the author of their troubles was humored with the possession of an empty title. This, however, absorption was not satisfactory to a man of such imperious nature. BT THE He continued his revolt, but many of his followers for sook him and returned to the Church. Later he joined the Arian faction. Some of his communities still existed, but led a feeble life, a century and a half after their absorption into the Arian heresy.2 The Donatist schism arose from the same general cause as all the preceding separatistic movements, but involved more the donatist serious questions, assumed larger proportions, contin- SCHISM- ued longer, and made a deeper encroachment upon the very life and 1 Kurtz, Handb. d. allgem. Kirchengeschichte, vol. i, pp. 259, 260. 2 The best account of the Meletian schism is found in three manuscripts dis covered in the archives of the Cathedral of Verona and published by MafEei in Osservationi Litterariae, Verona, 1738, and by Routh, Reliquiae Sacra?, iii, 381, S. These must be balanced by Epiphanius, Haer., Ixviii, 1-4. Other accounts are Athanasius, Apol. contra Arianos, xi, lix ; Socrates, 1, 6, et al. See Walch, in his Ketzerhistorie, and Neander, iii, 252-255. 250 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. organization of the Church than any previous schism in the an nals of Christianity. While it began with the discussion of a ques tion of practical religious life, it soon entered the domain of eccle siastical discipline, and thence extended to the larger sphere of the relation of the State to the Church. Long before it had reached its full development it was undergoing investigation by the Emperor Constantine himself as head of the Christian state. The Diocle tian persecution, fruitful alike of martyrs and schisms, also gave birth to Donatism. The storm of imperial hostility raged most violently in North Africa, and the spirit of readiness to suffer mar tyrdom became violent and abnormal. We observe not so much a calm and determined heroism, as with the Waldenses and Puritans of later times, but an excessive love of martyrdom-^as if a hasten ing to death were at once the best way to please God, build up his kingdom, and expunge the sins of a lifetime. The vagary of the crisis was the boast of loss of goods, the court ing of imprisonment, the rejoicing in physical pain, and the covet ing of martyrdom. The bishops were too wise to look upon this new phenomenon with favor. They saw in it an element of dan ger, and that the bridge was narrow between the search for martyr dom and the reverence for the bones of those who had hastened, with loud psalms and ready feet, to their death. It was clear that an open issue must soon come between these two elements, the fanatical love of death and the view that martyrdom was a dire lucilla, of necessity. The rupture was brought about by a woman. carthage. Lucilla, a distinguished and wealthy lady of Carthage,1 carried her reverence for martyrdom so far that one day m the church, just before the administration of the Lord's Supper, she publicly kissed the bones of a martyr.3 This one act was the beginning of the great Donatist controversy, which shook the whole Church from the mountains of Lebanon to the Pillars of Hercules. The bishops were not used to it. In fact, so far as we can learn, it was the first overtjact of veneration or worship for the remains of saints in the history of the Church. Now, the kissing of the bones of all the saints in the FIRST ACT OF ' ° veneration Roman Catholic calendar, by every woman present in of the saints. ^e pUhiic service of all the cathedrals of Christendom, would provoke only words of approval from pope, bishop, and priest. But the archdeacon Cjecilian severely rebuked the too reverent lady before the entire congregation. Not only was her ' Augustine says she was a Spaniard by birth. De Unit. Eccles. , 3. ' "Wiseman, Essays, ii, 210, finds a parallel between Lucilla and Anne Boleyn — an unhappy comparison. ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 251 pride touched, but the entire party regarded the rebuke as a mortal affront. The sanctity of martyrdom was regarded as invaded. Mensurius, the bishop of Csecilian, was of the same general view with his arch deacon, and was already obnoxious to the fanatics for " taking no pleasure in martyrs, and preventing Christians from showing them due honor," and even for prohibiting food from captive Christians. The passions of both parties were greatly excited. Mensurius died in the midst of the storm, and now, to prevent Csecilian from be coming his successor, the extremists secured the appointment, by Secundus, the Numidian bishop of Tigisis, of a provisional super visor (visitator, interventor) of the vacant see of Carthage.1 They wanted time to mature their plans and capture Carthage by a bishop after their own heart. But their adversaries THE warfare were too quick in their action. They immediately of passions. elected Csecilian, and secured his consecration to the episcopal office by Felix, Bishop of Aptunga. The Numidian bishops, to the number of seventy, hastened to Carthage and protested against the election. The central figure among them was Donatus, Bishop of Casse Nigrse. The ground of their opposition was that Felix had no "fight to > consecrate, because he had been a traditor, having surrendered the Scriptures in the midst of persecution.3 Hence Csecilian was, according to their view, not a bishop. Cascilian, however, was shrewd enough to present himself for ordination. But this did not satisfy the ex tremists and their principal abettor, the Numidian LI7cilla's bishop. Thev not only refused to consecrate him, but candidate, •r J J ' MAJORINUS, elected as rival bishop the lector Majonnus, a man elected whom Lucilla had recommended for the office. bishop. The schism was now complete. The entire Church of North Africa was involved in it. All the distant commu- the schism nities were arrayed on the one side or the other, and complete. violent language was employed by both the laity and the clergy. 1 Ebrard, Kirchen-und-dogmengeschichte, vol. i, pp. 323, 324. 2 The question of the guilt of Felix, which is the real question of this con troversy, was reviewed by official investigators, with the result of declaring him innocent. See Optatus of Mileve, De Schismate Donatistarum, Ed. Dupin, 254, ff.; Walch, iv, 41-52. Voelter, the author of the most thorough investiga tion of Donatism, Der Ursprung des Donatismus nach den Quellen untersuoht und dargesteUt, Tubingen, 1883, thinks that Felix was guilty of the charges brought against him. Hopkins, of Auburn Theological Seminary, sub mitted the evidence to Judge Dwight, of the New York Supreme Court, in order to get the verdict of an unbiased mind. Judge Dwight strongly insisted on Felix's innocence. See Hopkins, in Presbyterian Review, 1884, p. 728. 252 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The party of the extreme view had made it one point of their oppo sition that the Church was a purely spiritual institution, and had no relation with the State. This was the most reasonable element in their whole catalogue of grievances. But even this they sur rendered by appealing to the Emperor Constantine to step in and cause an adjustment of the trouble, or, rather, to declare a justifica tion of their claims.1 The emperor had watched the controversy with that peculiar in terest which he exhibited in all the ecclesiastical affairs of his em- the appeal to Pn'e> aim resolved on the suppression of the schism. constantine. He had expressly excluded the Donatists from all his edicts of toleration. But, when it came to a matter of such gravity as to decide between strong parties, he must proceed in a truly im perial manner, and call in the Church as a factor in the settlement. In 313 he summoned to a meeting in Rome a commission consisting of five Grallican and fifteen Italian bishops, under the presidency of Melchiades, Bishop of Rome. The commission decided against Donatus and his party. But they, as a matter of course, were not satisfied with the result, and Constantine caused a legal investiga tion to be made in Carthage as to the authority of the documents of the pagan city praetor Alfius, which proved that Felix had been a traditor. The writing was pronounced a forgery, and thus the particular charge of the invalidity of Caecilian's consecration fell to the ground. •\ Constantine now called a council to meet in Aries, in 314, where the Donatists were again condemned. The following year Ma- the donatists JS?J5.UB &£&> and the Donatists elected as his successor condemned Donatus the Great, not Donatus of Casse Nigrse. cilof arles" They now made another appeal to Constantine. He 3w. was unwilling to hear anything further from them, but relented, and held an investigation in Milan, in 316. The result was a final condemnation of the Donatists as a disturbing and dan gerous schism in the Church. The Donatists were now outside the pale of the Church, by both fanaticism of ecclesiastical and civil order. But their spirit was not the dona- broken. Their chief bishop was a man of great elo quence, of daring spirit, and capable of deep and far- reaching plans. Throughout North Africa there was a body of vagrant monks, who made it their special mission to excite the peo ple to adopt the severe view in dealing with heretics, to pull down churches, to liberate slaves, to declare in favor of community of goods, 1 The most plausible theory is that Donatus himself appealed to Constantine. Eusebius, H. E., x, 5. Comp. Jacobi, Lehrbuch d. Kirchengeschichte, p. 236. ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 253 to kill those who might resist, and to rush headlong into the joy and crown of martyrdom. ' Their fanaticism was as much political as religious. They combined the communism of modern France with the Munster fanaticism of German Protestantism in the time of Luther. They were called Circumcelljyms because they stood about the huts (cellrn) of the peasants and demanded bread. They appropriated to themselves the high-sounding epithets of Soldiers of Christ and Agonizers (Milites Ghristi, Agonistici). Some of the Donatists made common cause with the Circumcellions, protected them in their deeds of violence against all who were not Donatists, and, before the world, were regarded as identical with them. But even bitter Donatists soon saw the danger of being responsible for such a wild fanaticism, and repudiated them. Some Donatist bishops even invoked the imperial aid for their suppression. Tanonius, a general of the army, began in 345 a war against them, by which their power was finally broken. Under the repressive measures of Constantine the Donatists gained in secret, and by gradual expansion, what they lost from political proscription and financial embarrassment. They had the advantage of pleading persecution and martyrdom. The emperor, seeing at last that his policy was a mistaken one, in the year 317 admonished his subjects to cease persecuting them, and in 321 is- C0NSTANTINE sued a special edict, granting them full religious and ordering his civUliberty. They now enjoyed a truce of twenty a™Z™LZ years, during which time they acquired great strength, cutino the built churches, conducted proselyting operations, and D0NATISTS- organized a vast ecclesiastical system which covered a large part of North Africa. They were even represented by a bishop of their own in the grave deliberations of the Nicene council. Even after the ground of their existence was removed by the death of Csecil- 1 The following, from Augustine, is only one of the many authentic accounts from the time of the violent operation of the Circumcellions : " Quotidie vestro- rum incredibilia patimur facta Olericorum et Circumcelliorum, multa pejora quam quorumlibet Latronum et praadonum. Namque horrendis armati cujusque generis telis, terrebiliter vagando . . . nocturnis aggressionibus clericorum Catholicornm invasas domos nudas atque inanes derelinqunt ipsos etiam rap- tos et fustibus tunsos, ferroque concisos, semivivos abjiciunt. Insuper . . . oralis eorum calcem aceto permixto infundentes excruciare amplius eligunt quam citius excaecare." De Haer., c. 69. The Circumcellions were very much like the American vagrant (" tramp "), lazy and often vicious, and sometimes tinged with religious fanaticism. Our tramps, like the Circumcellions, will sack a town and hold a whole neighborhood in terror. Gibbon, ii, 546, ed. Smith, compared the Circumcellions to the Camisards, and Eobertson, Ch. Hist., i, 195, 8vo., ed. Lond., thinks that they have a counterpart in the marauding Covenanters of the Highlands. 254 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ian they continued their warfare, when his successor, Gratus, was elected, with all their original tact and energy. The Emperor Con stantius was impatient of the schism, and was anxious to bring the Church into unity. With no friendly feeling toward the Donatists, he yet pursued the mild policy of treating with them and using money to bring back into fellowship with the general Church such members as were open to such a powerful argument. This was a most unwise measure. No sooner did the Donatists learn it, and see its operation, than their passions were aroused. Donatus the Great hurled defiance at the imperial power with the bold words, " What business has the emperor with the Church ? " The charge of bribery was made, and the Circumcellions were summoned to arise from their obscurity, to begin anew their destructive opera tions. The Donatists, however, were conquered. It was a ques- „„ tion of the whole power of the State against a semi- DEFEAT of the t r to donatists by political band of outlaws. Donatus the Great was power of the fortunate in being banished, for the most of the lead- STATE. ° ' ers were executed as political offenders. Just at this juncture Julian came to the throne. He was ready julian re- for any measure to divide Christians, and, under the plea donatist™ °* liDerty, granted complete restoration of property and schism. religious liberty to the Donatists, and called back their bishops from banishment. Donatus the Great had died in exile, but no sooner was his successor, Parmenianus, elected, than he was brought to Carthage under the protection of an imperial guard. But with Julian's reign all favor shown by the State to the Dona tists ceased. Valentinian I, in 373, and Gratian in 375, issued decrees against them, and all privileges granted by Julian were revoked. But their power was still unbroken. They were accus tomed to imperial proscription, and it was an element in which they found it almost as convenient to live and expand as though in the sunshine of political favor. The worst foe of the Donatijts appeared from within. There rogatusand were two parties in their own fold, the conservatives psimian. an(j the extremists. The leaders of the former were Rogatus, Bishop of Cartenna : the followers of Tychonius ; and the Bishop Primian, of Carthage. The division went even as far as conflicting Donatist councils and rival bishops elected by them. Maximian, a deacon under Primian, stood at the head of the radi cal wing, and was excommunicated by Primian. But a synod which met in Carthage in 393 removed Primian and elected his deacon in his place. A counter-synod, however, reversed this order. In all these operations no mild measures were employed. It was a ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 255 battle of blows as well as words and ballots, and blood was often shed during the heat of controversy — an emphatic way, it must be confessed, of conducting operations for the glory of God and uphold ing the purity of his Church. But even internal division did not destroy the proud and defiant spirit of Donatism. No opposition, from within or without, seemed strong enough to arrest it. It was the stormy petrel of the early Church, and no tempest seemed wild enough to lessen its venture from the shore or the boldness of its flight. Augustine now appeared upon the scene. Elected Bishop of Hippo in 395, he no sooner adjusted himself to his office than he saw the need of uniting the divisions of that part of the Church under his administration. In the year 400 he adopted meas- •! r AUGUSTINE ures to overcome the Donatists. His policy was one of bishop of forbearance and respect. He hoped to win by kindness, 1|!" generally a safe policy for an ecclesiastical officer to begin with, but not always to continue. He convened onejsynpd after another, in all of which he caused the adoption of conciliatory resolutions concerning the Donatists. They were invited^'back in kindly terms, the conditions of readmission being of such character that they could be easily accepted by any but the exacting Donatists. Should they return they should come without loss of dignity or office. Some accepted the overtures, but the effect of this was to enrage the general body. The excitement became intense, and even the Circumcellions, who were thought to be well-nigh extinct, were galvanized into new activity, and began their wild proceedings as in former times. Augustine now changed his course. He saw that he was dealing with men who could be conquered only by the arm of power. The African Church had steadily refrained from invoking im perial aid, but even this forbearance must now cease. THe emperor The synod of Carthage, which met in 405, appealed to ^°E"f the Emperor Honorius to suppress the schismatics, lie DEavoring came to its aid. The clergy were banished and the !"';[imi AND then to laity punished with heavy fines, but to those who might revive the return the door was thrown wide open. Four years schismatics. afterward he revoked this edict, and granted toleration to the Don atists. This he again revoked, in compliance with the request of a synod, and ordered a public discussion in Carthage between the regular clergy and their Donatist adversaries. This was the so- called Collatio cum Donatistis of the year 411. It was one of the most animated and important public disputations in the entire period of the early Church. It possessed no authoritative power 256 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. as an ecclesiastical body, but, being presided over by a representa tive of the imperial power, this officer was empowered to decide as he might see proper. It was the State claiming the right to settle a religious dispute. The Collatio consisted of two hundred and eighty-six regular bishops and two hundred and seventy-nine Don atist bishops. The proceedings lasted three days. The chief disputants were Augustine, Bishop of Hippo, and Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage, in defense of the Church, and Primian and Petilian in the Donatist in terest. The imperial commissioner, Martellinus, decided promptly final deci- against the Donatists. They then appealed to the em- sion against peror, who confirmed the decision of his representative. the donatists. They had nQW been heard at the ]ast court and for the last time. The Church and State were united against them. AU pre vious edicts of suppression were renewed. Their spirit was broken for the first time in the battle of a century. They gradually declined in numbers and wealth. When the Vandals conquered Northern Africa the Donatists hoped to affiliate with them, and, profiting by the devastation, to rebuild their former fortune. But they did not know the temper of those wild men of the North, wno made no fine distinctions between the Church and its schismatics, but whose blood was hot against Homoousian Christians of every name. The Donatists, therefore, suffered as severely from the Vandals as they did from the Roman emperors. But they maintained their organiza tion, though they saw their fabric gradually falling to pieces, until as late as the seventh century, when they shared the fate of all the forms of the divided and stagnant Christianity of Northern Africa and were swept from the face of the earth by the fiery besom of the Saracens. These schismatic movements, which arose from questions of dis cipline and administration, had now fulfilled their destiny. What was their service ? or were they only of that class of dark evils which leave no permanent residuum of instruction and strength to the the service Church ? Donatism, like the other secessions, had a ma™mov&" lar§e share of human motive in its very organization ; ments. but beneath all this it is not difficult to detect an ele ment of good. Many of the schismatics were honest, learned, and pure men, and saw three dangers that threatened both the purity and administration of the Church — an impure membership in the general membership, a centralizing and absolute Church govern ment, and the participation of civil authority in the administration of the Church. Against all these they spoke strong words, and kept aloof from no sacrifice in person or estate. The charge of cor- ECCLESIASTICAL SCHISMS. 257 rupt morals cannot be made against their representatives or any im portant part of the commonalty of members. When they claimed that a Christian who had renounced his faith and sacrificed to idols was no longer a Christian in any sense, and must agaTnoeTaptized before reentering tne~Church, they only maintained a principle which has been advocated even in modern times without bringing upon its champions the charge of being schism. The schismatics declared for the purij^ oiJheJChuzGh, and that the Church itself is a body of righteous people who have never for feited their high royalty of discipleship, or, if they have, must go through all the stages toward restoration required of any unregen- erate heart. The formal and public Church had but little place in their system. Theirs was the invisible Church, con- „„„„„„„ sisting only of God s believing children in this life and maticviewoi his triumphant saints in the life to come. With tradi- THE CHCRCH- tion they had Uttle to do except to remonstrate against it. They were always jealous of excessive metropolitan and episcopal prerog atives. Bishops they had, and enough, but we nowhere find in these separatistic movements that emphasis placed upon their au thority, apart from the strict law of their administration, which was beginning to express itself not only in Rome but even in the whole Eastern Church. What was understood to be the consensus of the body of beUevers concerning episcopal authority was of less force with them than what was just and in harmony with the needs of the hour. Augustine's reply to their isolation from the general body of believers, that their communities were schisms from the maternal Church of Jerusalem and the whole Eastern Church, had but little force with them, for they held that a fallen Church was no Church at all,1 and therefore had no bishops. But it was in the field of State interference that the Donatists and other schismatics were strongest, more free from error, and of greatest service to the Church in all later periods. For the first time in Christian history there was a Christian ruler. DOnatist pro- Constantine, like all his pagan predecessors, claimed ^ f against ' . . . , i TJ STATE INTER- supreme prerogatives over all religious interests. Me MEenceinec- was the bishop outside of the bishops. The funda- ^aiiarss"cal mental position of the later separatists, however fre quently they departed from it in order to preserve their existence, was that the State had no more to do with the Church than with any foreign institution. The two realms were independent of each other. This was Augustine's position at the beginning, and he was ' Renter, Augustinische Studien, in Zeitschrift der Kirchengeschichte, v, p. 361. 17 258 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. only driven to an acknowledgment of State authority over the Church because of the Donatist opposition. J Had the whole Church, at this early day, protested against the imperial participation in matters purely spiritual and ecclesiastical, the whole life of the Church would have been different. There would have been no un holy bondage of the Church to the State which not even Protestant ism has been able to destroy except in republican countries. The Donatists held that the State was the representative of a profane institution. This was too low a standard, far beneath that of Paul. But the position which many of the leaders of the general Church held, that the emperor had imperial rights over the Church not less than over civil affairs, was equally far in the other extreme. The great body of believers were slow to accord any justice, or any element of right view, to these schismatic bodies on this or any scanty jus- question which entered into their separation. But it tice to the cannot be questioned that these very men — banished, schismatics ,.„ t-jj.- jj?i j j. j by the great disfranchised, stripped of home and property, and exe- bodyofbe- cuted — did perform a service of permanent value to LIEVERS Christianity in all later periods. There was much chaff in their sowing, but in the broad blaze of the latest light it can be clearly seen there was also many a golden grain of truth.2 1 Eeuter, Augustinische Studien, in Zeitschrift der Kirchengeschichte, iv, 540. 5 The late Heman Lincoln, in an article on the Donatists in the Baptist Re view, 1880, pp. 357-376, investigates the supposed similarities between the Donatists and Baptists. He concludes that these resemblances consist in their principle of a holy Church membership and in that of the independence of the Church from the State. Tn^aTT"oi£ner matters of the Baptist testimony they did not differ from the ruling Church of the time. In his review of Voelter's Donatismus, Newman agrees with this conclusion of Lincoln. See Baptist Ee- view, 1884, pp. 530-533. Besides the authorities already mentioned, see Eib- beck, Donatus and Augustinus, 1858 ; Deutsch, Drei Actenstiicke z. Gesch. d. Donatismus, Berl., 1875; Fuller, Donatismus (an elaborate treatment), in Smith and Wace ; Hartranft, Prolegomena (35 pp.) to the Anti-Donatist Writ ings of St. Augustine, in the Nicene and Postnicene Fathers, Series i, vol. iv. The sources are Optatus and Augustine. The works of the Donatists are lost. THE CONTROVERSY ON THE TRINITY: MONARCHIANISM. 259» CHAPTER XIII. THE CONTROVERSY ON THE TRINITY— MONARCHIANISM. To him who sees in the theological disputes which have arisen in different periods of the Church only the play of passion and the strife for ecclesiastical promotion, the trinitarian discussion which now arose under the name of Monarchianism seems only a tangled thread of speculation! At first view it appears to have arisen from insufficient causes, and to have been prosecuted for the most part with petty aims. But a closer inspection reveals a better and larger quality both of the question itself and of the participants in it. There was in the Church of this period a profound the need m need for the thorough and comprehensive exarrnjiation examine its of all the sublime doctrines of Christianity. At the foun- doctrines. dation of the'wnolTsysfe'm lies that of the Trinity. Even this doc trine did not come to the world as a final and formulated article of faith. Not only was it necessary that the Church cling to its belief in this truth against every hostile attack, but the truth itself was of such quality that those who loved it, and believed in it, and staked their present and future upon it, needed to analyze and weigh it in order to take into their own conscious ness the full measure of its worth. It had been given but not appropriated. ForTEIs" reason the doctrine of the Godhead, above all others, required a new examination. Every truth which the Old Testa ment had handed down in miniature, and which had received its full light in Christ, required an appropriation by the body of be lievers which constituted the visible Church. But in order to make the appropriation there was need of minute exjnnjiation. , This was the human process, man's dealing with God's TRTJTHPK0VED truth. What has man ever done with unanimity ? by contro- What truth was ever gained save as he has seen it in the flashing of the weapons of fearless warfare ? The understand ing which the early Church reached concerning all its doctrines, by which it was to enter upon its long historical pathway, was a supreme want at this time. Happily for the later Christian genera tions, some permanent conclusions were reached in this early period. While theology is a progressive science there are finalities all along 260 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. its course. Only by its positive possessions can it go forth into new fields. This principle of the need of the Church to examine and formu late its doctrines for itself, not for apologetici,>purposes, but for its own £onjcjousness, finds its application now to the Trinity < The apostie JoTmTJad presented the doctrine of the Logos, both as a truth and a life. Much of the discussion between the Neo- platonic school and the defenders of Christianity had turned upon the nature of the Logos. This one question constantly reappeared in the Gnostic warfare. When Gnosticism had spent its force, and the Church had adjusted itself to its broad and full view of the Logos, as given by John and now appropriated by the body of be lievers after their heroic battle for its possession, there came on a monarchian- period of calm.; During this interval a new examina- ism the ques- tj arose, not again of the question of the Logos, but TION OF THE ' .e m, . , -.r , ¦ trinity. of the entire JMnityj This was the Monarchian move ment, so called because of the supreme place which its champions assigned to the unity of God, After Monarchianism had done its work, and disappeared from its field of strife, there was a recur rence to the old question of the Logos, but under the new name of Arianism. We have, therefore, these three controversial stages, in all of which the crucial question was the divinity of Christ — the Gnostic, the Monarchian, and the Arian. The roots of the Mo narchian lay in the battle with Gnosticism, while the Arian period received both its impulse and authority during the Monarchian dis cussion. The Monarchians discussed the relation of the Holy Spirit to the Trinity only incidentally. Sj^JgUius was the only one who gave it prominence, anaTTFmust be said for him that, contrary to the re ceived teaching of his day, he gave eOjUal Jjlace with Christ to the Holy Spirit as one of the divine triad. The main THE MAIN — — "¦' 'c- -">" point of the point of the Monarchians, however, was to determine monarchians. the reiation of the Father to Christy Wherever they touched upon the Holy Spirit it was only to illustrate and give force to their peculiar view of the Logosv The prevailing view in the Church concerning Christ was. based upon the monotheistic idea, somewhat shaped, on the one hand, by a dread of sympathizing with the pantheistic ideas that had floated in from the East, and, on the other, by the idolatrojis. faith that had prevailed everywhere in the West. Christ was held to be divine, and to have had a pre human existence, but the peculiar and intense element of original deity was ascribed to the Father in a fuller sense than to the Son. This was subordination, a term which became a party watchword THE CONTROVERSY ON THE TRINITY: MONARCHIANISM. 261 and played an important part during the Monarchian controversy. Both the Eastern and Western Churches favored it, subordina- though in the Western a stronger emphasis was placed ™>s. upon the unity and identity of natures in the Father and the Son. Until the time of Origen the mode of expressing the difference was such that there was a time when the Logos came to an independ ent existence.1 The Monarchian took up this monotheistic view, and, instead of eliminating from it its unfortunate expression, ap plied it to Christ, and carried it to a dangerous extreme. There were three groups of Monarchians. They all proceeded from a spirit of reaction against the subordination of Christ in the Godhead, a doctrine which was strongly intrenched in many parts of Christendom. They recognized no personal difference in the essence or being of God, or, to use their own language, I6ia ovalaq Treoiypo^Tj. Hence there was no pensonal^ndiyWuaUty of the Logos. His divinity was not distinguishable from that of the Father.' The first group of Monarchians claimed for Christ a divine nature, but not a cojripjcjte _pne. He was the Logos, but only such by virtue of the power given him by God. ^ The THE THEEE Father would manifest himself, and through Christ he monarchian chose that manifestation. Christ was much the same GE0DPS- ^ as other men ; his chief difference was his miraculous and divine generation. But he towered far above man or angel in that he was the personal organ through whom the divine energy was mani fested to men for their salvation. The Alogians were the first Monarchians. They arose in Asia Minor about the year 170- Epiphanius, with a keen stroke of wit, gave them their name, which carries with it both his the alos[ own opinion of their theological folly and their real rejection of John's gospel and his doctrine of the Logos.3 They were violent enemies of the whole Montanistic system, especially its prophetic and eschatological departments. They repudiated John's Apocalypse anoTHecTared that his gospel was the work of tne~ Gnostic Cerinthus. They constituted a school ; there is no proof that they ever became a separate sect,* 1 Jacobi, Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, p. 189. a Thomasius, Dogmengeschichte der alten Kirche, pp. 168, f . *"Afa>yog — unreasonable. Epiph., Hser, li, 3. 4 The Alogi were the first to apply historical criticism to the gospels. Their criticism, however, was based purely on internal considerations. They alleged no tradition in favor of Cerinthus's authorship. This is acknowledged by Zeller. See Godet, Com. on Gospel of John, 3d ed., vol. i, p. 171. It does not appear that they denied the divine origin of Christ. Their views were a reac- 262 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The Theodotians, who took their name from Theodotus, a tan ner, arose in Byzantium. He was excommunicated by Victor, Bishop of Rome. After his death his adherents became a sect and thetheodo- elected Natalis_as their bishop. He afterward with- tians. drew from them and returned to the Church. A second Theodotus, a money-changer, now stood at the head of the party. He held that Melchisedek was superior to Christ, as the latter was only mediator between God and man, while the former was medi ator between God and angels. For this reason his adherents re ceived the name of Melchisedekians.1 In the beginning of the third century ArJ^mon* or Artemas, of Rome, founded the Monarchian party, which bore his name, the Artemonites. They had no relation with either the Alogians or the artemon- Theodotians, except a general similarity of doctrine. ites. They had mathematical and didactical tastes. Aristotle and the Greek mathematicians were their favorite teachers, whose works they lauded with boundless admiration, Artemon was ex communicated by the Roman bishop, Zephyrinus. But as this sum mary proceeding probably came from the sympathy of that bishop with the Patripassians, and not in the interest of the Church, the Artemonites could reply, with justice and force, that not they, but Zephyrinus himself, was a traitor to the traditional doctrine," For the space of forty^jears it seemed that the Artemonites had been extinct. But Paul of Samosata, who became Bishop of An tioch in the year 260, revived their views, and advocated them with remarkable force. In addition to his office of bishop he also held paul of sa- the civil office of procurator, and conducted each to the mosata. strengthening of the otherT He was a vain, bold, and violent man. He carried the Artemonite view to its natural ex treme, and held that what Christ^was, as Son of God, was not so much an affair of his own nature but" simply a communication from God, toward whom he advanced and developed.3 The Logos was, originally, a merejnan, and became the Logos by ascension into the tion from Gnosticism and Montanism. See Kurtz, 9th ed. of C. H., § 33, 2. As Cerinthus was a contemporary of the apostles it is evident that the Alogi hnew nothing of a recent origin of John's gospel. If they had they would have used that knowledge with telling effect. See Schaff, in Smith and Wace, i, 87, note. On the Alogi, see Fisher in Papers of the American Soc. of Church History, ii, 1 ; Dollinger, Hippolytus and Callistus, 272, ff. ; Zahn, in Zeit schrift fiir hist. Theologie, 1875, pp. 72, ff . ; Harnack, in Herzog and Plitt. 1 Hip., Phil, vii, 35, 36; x, 23; Eusebius, v, 28; Epiph., liv, lv. 2 Eusebius, v, 28 ; vii, 30 ; Epiph., Hasr., lxv, 1-1. 3 "TarEpov avrbv fiera T7jv iivavBpanqGiv in irpoxoK^c; Te&eoirot7iodac avriv. Athanas. de Synodis, c. 4. THE CONTROVERSY ON THE TRINITY: MONARCHIANISM. 263 divine. The divine did not inhere in him primarily, but he grew up into the divine. The Logos was in this sense the Son of God. He had a superior power, or capacity for divine development, vouchsafed to no other being, and by virtue of this mysterious power he evolved into the divine name and character. Two .Syrian synods were held at Antioch with the purpose of condemning Paul and his teaching. But they were without success, owing to his skiU in debate, and especially his tact in showing that his views were another form of statement of accepted doctrine. The third synod, however, which met in Antioch in 269, was so conducted, through the masterly management of the presbyter, Malcheon, that it exposed Paul's sophistries and adopted a synodal circular which gave a formal statement of its grounds of opposition. It failed, however, of its prime end — the dispossejsion of PAUL BE. Paul. He was a friend of the powerful ana brilliant friended by queen, Zenobia, whose support he had purchased by his favor of the Jews, and through her influence he was saved from loss of his temporalities. When Zenobia lost her crown through the victory of the Emperor Aurelian, in the year 272, decline of Paul was without a friend in power. He was banished ™*S™*TM0. by the emgeror at the earnest remonstrance of the Syrian narchians. bishops, supported by those of Rome and other parts of Italy. His followers declined in power and numbers, and were only known as late as the fourth century as an obscure sect, bearing a variety of names, suchas t£e Paulians, the Paulianists, and the Samosatians.1 The second class of Monarchians repudiated all sympathy with the subordination of Christ to the Father, and went to the extreme of holding thaTalTwe "know of "the~Father is what Christ has re vealed. Christ is not only God, but all there is of God, The three persons of the Godhead are one and the same person and substance, and their difference lies solely in the form of existence and mani festation. The Patripassians were the foremost representatives of this new view. They derived their name from the just charge that if all there is of God is what is revealed in Christ then patripas- the Father, and not the Son, must have suffered for our SMS- salvation/ Praxeas was the chief representative of the Patripas- sian view. He came to Rome near the end of the secondj^entury, oither during the episcopate of Eleutherus (170-185) or of Victor (185-197). His avowed object was to secure the condemnation of the Montanists, and he not only secured from the Bishop Victor the condemnation of the Montanists, but succeeded m gaming him ' Eusebius, H. E, vii, 27-30 ; Jerome, De VirisIH., 71 ; Epiph., Haer., lxv. 2 Itaque post tempus Pater natus et Pater passus. 264 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. to the Patripassian view. 1 Tertullian combated him in such suc cessful way that his contradictions and absurd positions became patent to his most devoted adherents, He charged the general Church with a belief in tritiieism. and based his allegation on three biblical passages, "as if," says Tertullian, with stinging satire, " the whole Bible contained nothing but these three passages/' Noetus, of Smyrna, adopted the same Patripassian view as Prax- noetus and eas> ^e seems *° nave taught only a short time, and patripas- was then excommunicated. But he had a willing and SLAMS' capable disciple in Epigonus^ who went to Rome about 215, and propagated the Patripassian view with such success as to gain Cleomenes, a presbyter of the Roman Church. Cleomenes, in turn, became a zealous advocate, and succeeded in winning Callis- tus. This man was in high favor with the Bishop Zephyrinus, who now became an adherent of the Patripassian school, and favored its adoption among his clergy. Rome was now the center of this school of Monarchians, and they gained favor on every hand.2 Callistus, or Calixtus I, succeeded Zephyrinus as Bishop of Rome the callis- in the year 218, and became the founder of a school tians. 0f Monargljians who bore the name of CalUstigjns, Ac cording to the Philosophumena, which, until within half a century, has always passed as the work of Origen, but, according to a man uscript brought from Mount Athos in 1842, is clearly the produc tion of Himjeiviflg, Bishop of Portus, at the mouth of the Tiber, this Callistus had been a slaye, then a money-changer, and later an adventurer in various fields. It was after this checkered life that he ieturned to Rome, became the favorite of Zephyrinus, and so adroitly laid his plans that he gravitated without trouble into the vacant epjgcogate on the death of Zephyrinus. But he was ambi tious of theological distinction as well as of ecclesiastical authority. In addition to his warm advocacy of the Patripassian doctrine he also favored the lax views of ecclesiastical discipline 'which had been for some time an important feature in the practical polity of Rome. He used his office to advocate both departments of his activity. The Noetians, through him, controlled the sentiment of the Chris tians of that great metropolis of the West. Their powerful oppo nent, who taught subordination in the Godhead, was Hippolytus. 1 There would be nothing noteworthy in the early bishops of Rome becom ing confused in their notions of these profound metaphysical questions were it not for the factitious importance which these lapses have received from the false doctrine of infallibility proclaimed by the Vatican council in 1870. Sea Barmby, art. " Zephyrinus," in Smith and Wace. 2 Hippolytus, Eefutation of all Heresies, ix. THE CONTROVERSY ON THE TRINITY: MONARCHIANISM. 265 When Callistus died the party which bore his name came to a speedy dissolution. He was the last of the popes who favored either the Noetian or any other Monarchian school. At this distance it is difficult to tell exactly how far Callistus de parted from the true view of the divinity of Christ, * . UNCERTAINTY especially as we have the testimony only of his bit- of the true ter personal and theological opponent, HippsJv.tus. It ™ °FY™E seems very likely, however, that the Roman bishop christ by failed seriously to apprehend the true significance of callistus. Christ's person, even allowing, as we must, with Dollinger, a large element of exaggeration and spite in the charges of Hippolytus. In any event, the picture of an eminent bishop of the CJmrch in veighing against the orthodoxy of a second century pope is not an edifying one for the modern Vaticanism1 The third Monarchian group was a medj&jo^y^cjjpol. It sought to accommodate between those who held that the Logos THE Media- was, on the one hand, simply an organ for the manifes- T0RY school. tation of the power of God, and, on the other, that he was the form in which God had revealed himself. BeryU was the fore most representative of this tendency. He was not prompted by any love of theological peace or a disposition to surrender an opinion. His views were drawn from both schools, and were devoid of unity and completeness. Indeed, for his opinions we are indebted en tirely toa single sentence of Eusebius." BeryU was of Bostra, in Arabia. He agreed with the Patripassians in holding that Christ was~the person in whom the Father was revealed, but held with the second Monarchian school that Christ did not have, before his in carnation, an independent existence and divinity,3 In the year 244 a synod was summoned in Arabia with a view to suppress Beryll's opinions. Origen was invited to attend, and he succeeded in con vincing BeryU of the error of his view by showing him the great importance of the hunu^mU^QlW"5* as a necessity for his work of redemption, He thus led BeryU back into complete harmony with the accepted doctrine of the Logos, and received from him a written expression of his gratitude for his wise instruction., We now come to Sabellius, the most powerful mind who sym- 1 On this controversy see Dollinger, Hippolytus and Callistus, Edinb., 1876 ; Wordsworth, Hippolytus and the Church of Rome, Lond., rev. ed., 1880 ; Schaff, ii, 578, 579 ; Harnack, in Herzog and Plitt ; Erbes, in Jahrbucher fur prot. Theologie, 1888, 611, ff. Kurtz, last ed., g 33, 5, and Moeller, Kirchen geschichte (1891), third division, § 6, 3, allow a Monarchian tendency m Callis tus and Zephyrinus. « Hist. Eccles., vi, 33. kit 'cSiav ov^nepcypa^v. 3 For an interesting discussion of Beryll's views see Neander, Church His tory, vol. i, p. 593, note. 266 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. pathized with the Monarchian views. He, as BeryU, entertained the babel- views which were shared by bpthwingsof tije Monarchian ^l"18- tendency. But he had no thought of compromise, His was the most'*complete and best sustained of all the Monarchian theories, and he was himself the most talented and meritorious of all its adherents. He was born in eitheTLibya or Italy, and wentto Rome, no doubt for purposes of observation and study, during the episco pate of Zephyrinus. He soon became interested in Monarchian discussions which agitated the Church. Callistus, before his elec tion to the episcopacy, won him to the adoption of his views, but when he became bishop he secured his excommunicationi There is no good ground for supposing that Sabellius had changed his opinions, or that he was another Sabellius who was excommu nicated. Callistus had simply become bishop, a transition which sufficiently accounts for his changed course toward Sabellius. For thirty years he seems to have disappeared, and then we find him at Ptolemais, in the Egyptian Pentapolis, as a strong and earnest presbyter of the Church, and surrounded by a powerful body of ad- herents% Dionysius, of Alexandria, saw the danger of his opinions and urged the African bishops to proceed against him. He and his followers were excommunicated at a synod^eld^jji..AJ^xajijiria, in the year 261, but only after laudable but fruitless SABELLIUS ¦<#.-«*» ' •/ condemned in efforts on the part of Djonysius to convince him of his AL2mANDRIA error an(l lea(i him back into harmony with the views held by the Church in general., How far Dionysius himself was astray may be seen in his extreme expressions in favor of the subordination of the Logos, as opposed to the Monarchian view, for he illustrated the relation of the Father to the Son by saying it was as the gardener to the vine and the master to his vessel. Com plaints were made to Dionysius, Bishop of Rome, against these radical statements of his colleague, Dionysius, ofSlexandria, against the equality of the Father and the Son. The result was that the Roman bishop held a synod in the year 2.6,2, which condemned the opin ions of the Alexandrian bishop, and issued a letter condemnatory alike of the opinions of him and his opponent, Sabellius. The result was, that Dionysius, of Alexandria, reconsidered his expressions, and in a special treatise ! announced his adoption of the views entertained by the Church in general and by his associates in episcopal authority ^ The views of Sabellius constituted the strongest of all the Mo narchian statements. He was a man of pure character and strongly analytical mind. He aws the evil of the theory of Christ's sub ordination, and his whole' endeavor was to overthrow it, however 1 'Afl-ovloy/a nal iXeyxoq. THE CONTROVERSY ON THE TRINITY: MONARCHIANISM. 267 strongly intrenched by the men in highest ecclesiastical authority. The most unfortunate feature of his teaching was TIEWS 0F his method of expressing Cjb^rist^s_eotuality with the sabellius. Father. He held that God constituted in himself a unity, but in order to redeem the world he undertook certain manifestations. These are not subordinations to him, but forms of his appearance, his masks.1 There are three of them — the gU^^JheJaw, the in- carnatiojoof the Son, and the inspiration of the Iloly Jlhpst/* His illustration of the Trinity was the disk of the sun," the light from the sun, and its heat. The original divine essence constituted a monad, but when the monad would come to manifestation it evolves itself into a triad — the Father, the Son, and the Spirit. When the mission of the triad is complete, and man is saved, these three manifestations return into the monad once more., God has ap peared, and now disappears. It will be seen that Sabellius does not accept the eternity of the Trinity, or even attribute to it a separate quality as three persons. Between his view, however, and the standard of doctrine in his day, there is not much ground of choice* Sabellius carried Monarchianism further than anyone else, and pruned it of much superfluous theory. In him its best elements came out, an equalization of thejhree_mernl)ersj)f : the Trinity. If he failed to clotlie^hem~wf£lh that august anil eternal personality which belonged to them, to him must, nevertheless, be accorded the high honor of doing the inestimable service of rescuing the Church from the dangerous doctrine of the subp^dmati^m^t the best ele- Christ and the still lower subordination of the Holy "¦» °F"°- narchianism Ghost^ His justification came not with his life, but, in the views after his death, when the great Arianheresy, the natural 0F sabellius. outgrowth of the prevalent subordination, was condemned in the Ni cene council, and the equality of the Father, Son, andHoly Spirit was forever declared a fundamental article of Christian faith. Sabellius was a teacher of error, but he performed the service of aiding in the great reaction which Athanasius brought to a triumphant close.-2 1 Hpdooma. 9 On Sabellius, see Hip., Phil, ix, 11 ; Eusebius, Contra Mareellum; Athan., De Syn., De Deer. Nic. Sym., et al ; Basil, Eps. 207, 210, 214, 235; Greg. Naz., Dis. against Arius and Sabellius. Neander, i, 594-601 (Torrey), gives a very clear exposition of Sabellianism, as does also Baur, Church Hist., n, 92-99 (Menzies). Dollinger, Hippolytus and Callistus, 183, ff. Stokes, arts " Sabellianism " and " Sabellius," in Smith and Wace. Monarchianism itself in all its phases is treated with subtle insight and analytical persistency by Dorner in his Hist, of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ, first division. Hilgenfeld, Ketzergeschichte des Urchristenthums, Leipz., 1884, is a valuable authority. Harnack has an extensive discussion of Monarchianism in new ed. of Herzog. See the various articles in Smith and Wace ; Lipsius, Die Quellen der altesten Xetzergeschichte, Leipz., 1875. 268 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : THE SCRIPTURES AND TRADITION. 1. Westcott, B. F. On the Canon, Lond., 1855 ; 6th ed., enlarged, 1889. A marvel of candor and patient investigation ; one of the monuments of modern scholarship. 2. Westcott, B. F. The Bible in the Church. 2d ed. Lond., 1886. 3. Supernatural Religion. 3 vols. Lond., 1873-77 ; 6th ed., 1879. An English adaptation of the views of extreme German rationalists. Westcott, On the Canon, pp. xiii-xxxv, gives several instances of bad faith in the use of authorities. The best replies are by Westcott, Sanday, and Lightfoot. 4. Sanday, William. The Gospels in the Second Century, Lond., 1876. 5. Charteris, A. H. Canonicity, Edinb., 1880. Founded on Kirchofer, Quellensammlung zur Geschichte des N. T. Canons. A valuable collection of testimonials, and indispensable for reference. 6. Overbeck, F. C. Zur Geschichte des Canons, Chemnitz, 1880. 7. Harnack, A. The Muratorian Fragment, etc., in Baptist Review, 1880, pp. 182, ff. Das N. Test, in das Jahr 200, Freib., 1889. 8. Ladd, G. T. Doctrine of Sacred Scripture. 2 vols. N. Y., 1883. Vol. i, pp. 627-690. A useful summary, giving the conclusions of recent scholar ship. The whole work is the most exhaustive and scientific treatment ever given to the subject. Written from the evangelical standpoint, but in the freest and most candid spirit. 9. Reuss, E. Hist, of the Sacred Scriptures of the New Testament. Trans. Bost. and Edinb. 2 vols., 1884. Hist, of the Canon of the Holy Scrip tures. Trans. N. Y., 1884. Indispensable. 10. Holtzmann, J. H. Hist.-krit. Einleitung in das N. T., Freib., 1885. See C. W. Hodge in the Presb. Rev., 1886, 379-381. 11. Zahn, Theodor. Geschichte d. N. T. Kanons, 1888-90. 12. Lightfoot, J. B. Essays on the work entitled Supernatural Religion,. Lond., 1889. See "Bishop Lightfoot on the New Testament in the Second Century" in Church Quar. Rev., Lond., April, 1890, pp. 134- 159. On tradition, see Schaff, Ch. Hist., ii, 139; Neander, i, 517-519 Holtzmann, Kanon und Tradition, Ludwigsburg, 1859 ; Holtzmann on Tradition, in Herzog; Mbller (of Kiel), Ch. Hist., i, 217-220 (1891) Princeton Theol. Essays, N. Y., 1846, pp. 1-26 ; and Newman, Essays Crit. and Hist., i, 102-137 ; Hagenbach, Hist, of Doctrine, Edinb., 1880^ i, 108-114, 127-132. THE SCRIPTURES AND TRADITION. 269 CHAPTER XIV. THE SCRIPTURES AND TRADITION, The search of the Church for its final scriptural canon is one of the most interesting studies in the whole field of patristic history. Here, as with other triumphs of Christianity, the victory was not achieved by a single blow or by a few years of heroic endeavor. There was no general understanding, at the origin of slow process the Church/as to what books" should form that sacred Jl"™?^" ¦w- — .,- IrXU1 I rib. otjKIr" coUection which was destined to be the permanent rule tdral canon. of faith and final agpeal, which should embalm the most precious memories in all the Christian ages, and should gather about its sacred pages that rich and ever-enlarging literature which we see to-day in all the languages of Christendom. The general Church arrived at its canon by a slow and often uncertain process. It learned the necessity of a complete and recognized body of scrip tural truth from its foes. In the great conflict between the apologists and their pagan, Ebionitic, and Gnostic adversaries, it was found necessary that the advocates of Christianity should make the Scrip tures their great arsenal for argument. There was no part of the Old Testament, and particularly of the prophets, which they did not use with all that skill which we might expect of disputants trained in the world's skillful use greatest rhetorical schools. They charged their oppo- °^™^ BT nents with ignorance of the Scriptures, and hurled theapolo- back with defiance their unfitness to argue the question GISTS- of the divine origin of Christianity without an intij&al.e acquaint ance with its most ancient records. On the other hand, the use of the Scriptures by the apologists led the Church to see, as never before, the supreme need of a common agreement as to what books constituted the Scriptures, and of an early collection of them into a final and established unity. The pagan writers made a strong case when they taunted their Christian opponents with a diversity of opinion as to what books they called their canon, for this diver sity did exist, even to an embarrassing degree. The charge was of inestimable value, and the Church was not slow to improve it. With the Old Testament there was less difficulty in reaching an agreement than with the New. The example of Christ and his 270 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. apostles, and their constant use of it, were a sufficient indorsement of its inspired character and its proper place of dignity as the sole record of revealed truth. Concerning most of the books of the Old Testament there was never any doubt as to their divine authority, The law and the prophets constituted a body of revelation which the Christians clung to with intense tenacity of purpose and love of heart. But, for a close analysis of the sacred books which should consti- the jews op tute the Old Testament, the Christians were dependent Palestine. on the Jews. There were at this period two classes of Jews. One body occupied Palestine, and still clustered with abid ing love about the places made memorable by the many scenes in their long tragedy of sorrow and joy. These were the first and best authority for appeal concerning every book of the Old Testa ment ; and it is a fact, concerning which there has been no dispute, that the Jews of Palestine regarded as of dXvinejiuthority precisely the books which the Protestant Church combines in its Old Testa ment. The other body of Jews were the Egyptian. They were in. the excitement of a powerful and exciting literary_reyival. With no less a love for the traditions of their fathers than was possessed the Egyptian by their less animated brethren in Palestine, they never- jews. theless possessed other books which gave some thrilling episodes in the national history, supplied links that seemed impor tant, and especially furnished matter concerning the heroic effort of the Maccabean patriots to restore their country to its former glory. These hoofs appeared in the Greek language and, with the Septuagint, were circulated throughout Eastern Christendom and even found their way into the Western Church. The Christians were not skilled in fine distinctions. The Septu- the septua- agint was the only version of the Old Testament known gint. to the great body of them, and these'Tater books bore the same general characteristics, possessed a similar style, and pre sented but slight antagonisms. Many Christians thought they saw in the prophets as much variety as between them and these new ad ditions. They were unable as yet to recognize in the uninspired books that proceeded from the Alexandrian Jews a merely human production, inspired by a national.. .Joy e and a taste for literary achievement. Some of the teachers of the Church, whose very names were a tower of strength in every little Christian community the books of from Syria to Spain, appealed to these uninspired books thealexan- as of equal authority with the books of the revered Moses, and David and the prophets. Barnabas referred to the four books ..of E^z^a as inspired. Tertullian clothed the Book of Enocji with the same dignity, and taunted the Jews with reject- THE SCRIPTURES AND TRADITION. 271 ing it." Hermas elevated to equal honor with the law and the prophets the Took Eldam and MgcjaJ, two men who were alleged to have written a propnecyin the wUderness.. Origen vigorously de fended the narrative of Susanna^ against the attack of Julian Afri- canus by saying that Providence would certainly have taken care that no spurious books should come into use in his Church.2 On the same ground Origen defended the books of Tobit and Judith, and said that the Jews had good reason for rejecting from their canon many things that were not complimentary to their national character and history. Some of these books, never fully believed by the general body of even Egyptian Jews to be of equal weight with their long-recognized writers of inspired truth, furnished helpful arguments to the Chris tians. It is no wonder that some of the Christians should see in the Book of Wisdom some useful hints to support them in their con ception of the Logos, or, as they wept over the Maccabees, that they should find some encouragement in their own tempest of persecu tion. Some of these books, it is easy to suppose, found melito's jocr- their way into the Christian communities with those tine to aid in which had never been" disputed, and were read with ?™DITNEISNT thirteen Pauline epistles, the muratori the First of John, and the First Epistle of Peter. This fragment. ig tlie ligt of tke Muratori Fragment, which proceeded probably from the Roman Church/ The Fragment, however, in- 1 To JZvayyeliov and '0 'A7roffroAoc. 2 This ancient MS., which is of inestimable value in reflecting light on the set tlement of the early canon, was discovered by Muratori at the beginning of the THE SCRIPTURES AND TRADITION. 273 eludes also the Epistles to Philemon, to Titus, and to Timothy (two), and Second John, and Jude, and the Revelation of John, but omits First Peter and the other canonical books. These books were accepte3"as of divine authority and forming the canon as early as the year 170. But not all Christian communities were agreed as to the remaining books, The Second and TJjird Epistles of John and the Apocalypse were in general, but not universal, use, for the Peshito is the only collection which omits them, and that omits also Second Peter and Jude, The Epistle of Jude was accepted by the great body of ,the Church, while the Epistle of James was ad mitted by only the Syria,n Church. The Epistle to the Hebrews was rejected by the Western Church, but admitted by the entire Greek and Syrian Churches. The Second Epistle of Peter was longer in dispute than any other book in our present canon. Both Origen and Eusebius expressly place it among the disputed books. But other teachers in the Church were equally warm advocates for its reception, although Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Chrysostom never quote it or mention it. In the Muratori Fragment there is a doubtful list of canonical books, which mentions the Apocalypse of Peter and the Shepherd of Hermas, but rejects as not authentic the Epistles to the Laodiceans and the Alexandrians. This period of uncertainty as to some of the books properly form ing the New Testament canon continued to the end of the fourth century. The synod of jtippp, in North Africa, which ACTI0N 0F THK met in the year 3^3, under the leadership of Augustine, synod of hip- is the first which took definite action on the New Testa- P0' A-D" 393- ment canon. Its list of the inspired books was the final one, namely, the twenty-seven books of the New Testament as we now have them. The Council of Carthage, in 397, adopted the same resolution. The only difference in their action was that the Coun cil of Hippo mentioned Paul as the author of thirteen epistles, and left his authorship of the fourteenth, the Epistle to the Hebrews, an open question, while the Council of Carthage makes no reservation, but recognizes Paul as the author of fourteen epistles,1 although it makes its recognition in a suspicious manner, namely, "thir teen epistles of St. Paul, the epistle of the same to the Hebrews." From that time, though there were individual cases of rejection, eighteenth century in the Ambrosian Library of Milan, and published by him in his Antiquitates italicse Medii JEvi. Tom. iii, p. 854. See Westcott, The Canon of the New Testament, 6th ed., 1889, pp. 211-220, with the literature cited in the notes, and pp. 521-538 for text and critical remarks. For transla tion by Salmond, see Ante-Nicene Fathers, Chr. Literature ed., v, 603. 1 Credner, Geschichte d. Kanon., 3, 149, ff. 18 274 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the New Testament canon may be said to have remained untouched. About 495 or 500 a decree of Pope Gelasins fixed the biblical books substantially in the order in which we have them to-day.1 The terms by which the two parts of the Bible came to be distin- origin of the guished — the Old and the New Testaments — have their ofSTtep2s°for origin in the Hebrew name for their sacred writings. the old and The Jewish religion had not only the form, but the m)entsESTA" name, of a covenant" of God with his chosen people : for it consisted of pledges on the part of the people and promise:: on God's part. The Septuagint translates the word covenant by a much broader word,8 which not only means a treaty, a covenant, but also a testament, or will, although it has this latter meaning in only one place in the New Testament.4 In one sense it was a bestament; it was God's will and legacy to his people forever. Paul used the word " covenant," by metonymy, in reference to the sacred writings of the old economy,6 because in them, as Grimm says, the " conditions and principles of the older covenant ° were recorded." And the uniform translation of the New Testament term for covenant testamentum, on the part of the Latin Vulgate, was in all probability a strong force toward the final name which the Old Testament Scriptures received in the early Church. Then, by way of expressing the difference in both time and character, the words "New Testament " camo to be used for the later collection of sacred books. Tertullian is the first writer who employed the term testamentum,'' and Lactantius defended its use on the ground that, as a will first becomes known and valid after the death of the testator, so through the death of Christ are all the mysteries of the Old Testament known and completely fulfilled.6 Tertullian also applied the words vetus instrumentum to the Old Testament, but in this he was less happy." The Church accepted the word testa ment, not because it meant all that was desired, but because it came nearest to expressing a father's good pleasure and final testament to his children. 1 For the text of this decree, see Westcott, On the Canon, pp. 571-573, p. 453. Innocent I (405) is said to have promulgated our official list (for text, see West cott, p. 570) ; but grave doubts are entertained as to the authenticity of his de cretal. In 419 a new synod of Carthage reproduced its old list, and again sent it to the Roman bishop for his confirmation, which they would hardly have done if they had known of Innocent's letter. See Reuss, Hist, of the Canon of Holy Scripture, tr. Hunter, N. Y., 1884, p. 207. 3 ma. 3 (fcaftN. 4 Heb. ix, 16. 5 2 Cor. iii, 14. 6 Thayer's Grimm, Lexicon of the New Testament, s. v. Sta8^K>i. ' Adv. Marc, iv, i. s Instit., iv, 20. 9 Gieseler, Dogmengeschichte, pp. 90, ff. THE SCRIPTURES AND TRADITION. 275 With the final adjustment of the canon the idea of tradition is intimately related. In the apostolic period there was no mention of this term, in the unfortunate sense into which it grew in the later days, when terms were expanded into supports for false theo ries. There was, at first, a laudable and natural reverence for the example and words of the apostles. What could have been more innocent than the reverential respecting, by the immediate disci ples of the apostles, of recitals of instruction and memories from those who had seen our Lord, and from whose hearts his image had never departed ? In the midst of persecution, and far out upon the new and inhospitable fields of missionary labor, these memories were a constant source of joy to the toiling apostle whose chain of own eyes had beheld our Lord in the flesh. Should he early tradi- keep these precious recollections within his own breast? He told them, but with no thought that out of these purely human words there should grow a supposed second revelation, or any ap proach to an additional rule of jdocjrine. We find a rich glow and delightful fragrance in the words of Irenseus to Florin, in which he repeats what he had heard, when very young, from the lips of the aged Polycarp, who had been taught by John, and who had told him much of what the beloved disciple had reported concerning the miracles, doctrines, and life of our Lord. Irenseus continues : " This I, Irenseus, too, heard at that time, with all eagerness, and wrote it down, not on paper, but in my heart, and by God's grace I constantly bring it up again to remembrance."1 Here, as has too often happened, gross error has been allowed to develop from a thing in itself useful. Tradition as de- EXAQGEKA. I veloped in the Church, and conveniently used in every tionoftradi- emergency by the Roioanjnshpps, implied three ele ments—apostolic origin, catholicity, and communication by the bishops. Origen gives large place to it when he says : " Ilia sola credenda est Veritas, quae in nullo ab ecclesiastico et apostolico tra- mite discordat.'— " Since the teaching of the Church, transmitted in orderly succession from the apostles and remaining in the churches to the present day, is still preserved, that alone is to be accepted as truth, which differs in no respect from ecdesiastical and apostol ical tradition," And in this Origen exactly defines the ancient idea of the rule of faith. Irenseus, not content with the great joy of drawing'vTpon Polycarp's memory for what John had said concern ing our Lord, goes further, and makes tradition very nearly a par allel treasure with the Scriptures themselves. He says the preach- 1 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., v, 20. 2 Motto to his book, De Principiis, Pref., 2. 276 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ing or declaration of the Church1 is contained in our faith, and has come through the Church as a treasure in a precious vessel growing ever young." This divine treasure is committed to the Church, that all may become living who receive it.3 Irenseus says distinctly, again and again that the rule of faith is the living testimony of the Church concerning God andtTErist and the other doctrines, which teaching is everywhere the same, and can be tested and verified by reference to the apostolic sees. This teaching is one and the same with that contained in the Scriptures. The Scriptures are everywhere appealed to as a matter of course as the rule of doc trine ; but since the heretics also had the Scriptures and appealed to them and mutilated them, the true doctrine must also be tested by recourse to the catholic bishops,1 The exact value of tradition in the mind of the early patristic real value Church admits of no doubt. The Church was no of tradition. i00se organization, a merely voluntary society, but a divinely authorized and established organization, which not only consisted of visible members, but was also the depository of the whole source of Christian doctrine. The lives of the apostles had but re cently terminated. With them the last visible link between the Church and the incarnate Lord was broken. Nothing could have been more natural than that the Church should place great empha sis on the consensus of the Church concerning the unwritten will of the apostles, as preserved in the local societies, and as taking form in ecclesiastical bodies. There is not a particle of evidence to show that the patristic „„„„„,„„„„ Church attached more importance to oral tradition than mo evidence of extreme to the scriptural canon. This doubt was never raised on^dition until tQe sixteenth century,6 or assumed form until the bythepatris- syncretistic controversy of the seventeenth century, or tic church. waB ma(je an argument against the orthodoxy of the early Church until the eighteenth century, when Semler and Lessing made abundant use of it for this purpose.6 It is a proof of the unhistorical quality of Lessing's mind that he under takes to prove that the so-called regula fidei of the Christians is older than their canon, and that it held a higher place in their thought than the Bible itself — a charge already so trium- 1 Prsedicatio ecclesise. 2 Depositum juvenescens et juvenare faciens ipsum vas, in quo est. s Contra Haer., iii, 24, 1. 4 Vo., iii, i-v; i, x, 1, 2 ; iii, xi, 1. 5 Chemnitz, Examen Concilii Tridentini. 6 Nitzsch, Grundriss der christlichen Dogmengeschichte, p. 245. scriptureand tradi- THE SCRIPTURES AND TRADITION. 277 phantly refuted that he must be indeed a bold spirit who can dare to revive it.1 The precise relation of Scripture and tradition at this period was one of friendly, but not equal, juxtaposition. The relation of supposed doctrine of the apostles was at no time re garded as separate from, or independent of, the scrip- tion.' tural revelation. Clement had said that the ecclesiastical rule of faith was needful to understand the Bible'/ but he did not say that without it the Church could not interpret the Bible so as to acquire its doctrine from it. This same Clement likewise declared, in almost the same breath, that only that is pure doctrine which can be proved by the Scriptures.3 The truth is, no tradition in the Church at this timeTaoTThe confidence of the general body of believers which was not based upon the Scriptures. The rule of faith was the concrete judgment of the Church concerning the scriptural truth. The two were not antagonistic bodies of truth, but the ecclesiastical sense of the truth was simply the oral and gen eral form of that written word which was always the court of final appeal. The Scriptures were the broad and unformulated truth ; the ecclesiastical traditijm wajj^jame truth in compact form.4 Cyp rian placed the whole authority of tradition upon the one living body of truth as contained in the Scriptures, when he said: that only is divine and sacred tradition which is contained in the Gospel, the epistles of the apostles, and the Acts ; and as one must go back to the source of a canal when it ceases to flow, to find out the cause of the evil, so, when error slips into the doctrine of the Church, must the clergy go back to " our original and Lord, and to the evangelical and apostolical tradition," and by them find out their proper course.5 1 The writers who have performed this excellent service are : Walch, Krit- ische TJntersuchungen von dem Gebrauch der heiligen Schrift unter den alten Christen, 1779 ; and Sack, Liicke, and C. J. Nitzsch in a joint work addressed to Delbruck (the reviver of Lessing's attack), entitled Das Ansehen der heiligen Schrift und ihr Verhaltniss zur Glaubensregel in der protestantischen und in der alten Kirche, Bonn, 1827. Comp. also Jacobi, Die kirchliche Lehre von der Tradition und heiligen Schrift in ihrer Entwicklung dargestellt. Abth. i, Berl., 1847 ; and Holtzmann, Kanon und Tradition, Ludwigsburg, 1859. 2 Stromata, vi. 3 Ibid., vi, vii, 16. ' Nitzsch happily says : " The rule of faith was the Holy Scriptures in nuce, while the Holy Scriptures were the rule of faith in extenso." Grundriss der christlichen Dogmengeschichte, p. 245. 5 Ep. lxxiii (Oxf. ed., lxxiv), 2, 10, ad. Pompeium. It is clear that Cyprian is here arguing against Stephen, of Rome, on the baptism of heretics. Stephen ap peals, as usual, to the tradition of the Churches. " Out upon your tradition," cries Cyprian, "unless it is in conformity with Scripture. Unless they speak 278 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Tradition, therefore, in this first period of the Church was simply that unwritten construction of doctrine which afterward assumed fixed form in thev^reaT?ymools''6f 'the Church. It was the begin ning of the formularizatipri of doctrine, and was never regarded as a substitute for the inspired and written word of God. Its later perversion took place in the WjsJern_Chuxch, the Eastern never perversion finding a hierarchical motive strong enough to elevate it of tradition j t equality with the written word. As Rome found BY THE WEST- 1 J -in -in ern church, reason to clothe its episcopacy with all possible func tions tradition came in for its share of honor. What Tertullian had said, in the earlier and purer days, was easily forgotten, " Truth is older than all things ; " ' and Cyprian had strongly declared, " Custom without truth is the old age of error." 3 But these great teachers of the West were silenced amid the strife for building up Rome into a great ecclesiastical center, which, in due time, held its long mastery over the whole of Western Christendom. according to this word there is no truth in them.'' Of course, Stephen would have acknowledged this. But the language of Cyprian is a testimony to the undisputed preeminence of Scripture in the early Church. 1 Apol., xlvii. 2 Ep., fexiii, 9. Consuetudo sine veritate vetustas erroris est. SURVEY OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NICjEA. 279 APOSTOLICAND NICENE CHAPTER XV. SURVEY" OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NICJEA. The Council of Nicsea, in the year 325, was the first occasion when an official attempTwas made to construct a sys- theology be- tem of theology for the whole Christian Church. The TWEEN ™E Church, however, was not without its theology. It was not formulated, but lay in the general consciousness period. of the Christian mind and waited for that written and firmer form to which the Church might give its sanction in representative session. This Christian theology, which stood midway between the close of the apostolic period and the formulation of the Ni cene symbol, was a thing of marvelous variety, for it reflected the temperament, the intellectual endowment, the great schools of theological culture, and that mixed nationality which distinguished the peoples who constituted the Chrisfelidom~bf the age. Its office was of supreme importance. It was the handmaid who should re ceive from the apostles their precious treasure of fervid but unfor mulated truth, and adapt it to the world, amid all the hostilities that sprang from the disruption of the old Jewish and pagan life, and hand it over to the Church whenever it had advanced far enough to crystallize its faith in the written symbol. On the use which this intermediate theology might make of the truth, when it came into its hands, depended the quality of the material out of which the Church was to construct its first theological system. The men who represented the Church at this critical time were not con tented with answering adversaries, whether Ebionitic, Gnostic, or pagan, or with antagonizing and exposing schismatic measures,, or with coming to a general understanding concerning the books which should constitute the scriptural canon. Besides all these great purposes there was still another, not less significant and worthy than the rest. This fur- PUKP0SB T0 ther purpose was to arrive at a general_jrnderstand- reach gener- ing of the fundamental truths which constitute the ^^'0F great body of Christian doctrine, and to so define fundamentalTRUTHS them that the believer might be able to give a reason for his hope. The same impulse which prompted the Church to eliminate spurious books, and arrive at a complete and permanent 280 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. canon of Scripture, also led it td the construction of a theology out of this very canon which should serve the purpose of a gen eral rule of faith. This impulse was a necessity. The Church must know its grounds of faith in every age. We must not expect to find perfect unity in this theology. The conflict of disturbed conditions, the infiltration of those endless leading diversities that came of origin and education, the want CHRISTIAN teachers. of an all-pervasive connectional system, and, above all, the total absence of precedents, made the task of arriving at a com mon theological basis extremely difficult. It should occasion no surprise, then, that the representative teachers should frequently collide in their statements of every one of the fundamental doctrines, and that speculation should too often take the place of argument. These men, though richly endowed by nature, were novices in the art of doctrinal discussion. They had but lately come out of pagan rhetorical schools, and though they left their old creed behind them they yet brought their methods with them into their field of battle for the new truth. Their daring amazes ns. They entered boldly into the discussion of the sublime mysteries of union of the per sons in the Godhead, and only seldom, as in the case of Irenaeus with reference to the generation of Jesus, reached the conclusion that the mystery was too great a strain for the human under standing. As we look upon the surface it would seem that there was al- unity beyond most no cardinal doctrine on which they agreed. Their the apparent statements of doctrine appear often so fragmentary and diversity. confused that it would be useless to expect any firm agreement. But such a conclusion is unjust. It were as safe to say that the fragments of glass scattered about on a nursery floor would never assume forms of harmony and beauty when combined by a careful hand into a kaleidoscope, or that the piles of colored blocks which lay in the studio of the artist could never have made that matchless mosaic portrait of the apostle John which looks down from the dome of St. Peter's, as to conclude from the con flict of speculation in the antenicene period that there was no gen eral harmony of doctrine in the Church. Beneath all the diversity there was a sublime and beautiful unity. The average believer, who lived far away from the war of words, had as clear a concep tion of all the great truths of revelation, and was as much cheered and exalted by them, as the Protestant Christian in the nineteenth century. The understanding of the truth is much the same in all ages. Faith is the appropriative faculty, and he who possesses it can com- SURVEY OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NICSEA. 281 prehend the golden truth. Even in this early period the masters in theology knew where to place faith in the Christian the scrip- system. We have from Augustine some choice declara- TtIRES AC~ J ... ,B„— — CEPTBD AS tions, showing that, in order to know the truth, there the basis must be a large measure of willing faith in it.1 He here 0F ALL C0K" ° ° RECT THE- struck the very keynote of that knowledge of doctrine ology. which distinguished the whole patristic period, and rose far above the battle cry of the heated contestants. The Scriptures furnished the general knowledge. Out of these the Church constructed its theological rule of faith. The process of construction was long and subject to variations, but it was a progress toward the happy consummation in fixed symbols. We find the harmony by a balancing of tendencies. We do not reach it in the theology of either the Greek or the Latin Church. The Greek theologians, now that Judaistic influences harmony to had gone into oblivion, represented the whole Eastern be found in „, ° , ... , , . j BALANCING Church. They were inventive, productive, and specu- EASTERN AND lative. They were given to fornmlarizing their dog- western matic conclusions. They combined dialectical skill with originality in producing materials. Origen was the represent ative, and he was surrounded by an ardent group of disciples. The Latin or Western Church, like the Roman mind in all fields, was less able to originate than to profit by the discoveries of others. Its theologians held firmly to the faith of the elders, and organized it into weapons for universal warfare. Its officers excelled in ecclesi astical tact and organization. The Greek would prove all things ; the Roman would take them as already proven, and use them as instruments for universal empire. He heard reverently what his Greek brother had to say ; after weighing it well rejected what was not useful to his ends, but appropriated and intensified what seemed most helpful.2 Tertullian was the representative of this Western tendency. He dldnoTcarry to conclusions his premises. This was reserved for his theological successor, Augustine, whose career marks the breach between Greek and Latin theology, and who shaped the entire theology of the Western Church for many centuries, and has had his modern disciple in Calvin. . Between these two Churches, the Greek and the Latin, we find 1 Rationalibiter dictum est per prophetam ; nisi credidistis, non intelligitis. Credamus, ut id quod credimus intelligere valeamus. Comp. Hopkins, Grounds of Knowledge and Eules for Belief, in Princeton Review, Jan., 1881, art. i. . . 5 The best characterization of the Greek and Latin theologies is that o± Allen, in Continuity of Christian Thought, new ed., Bost., 1895, chaps, l and ii. 282 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the best field for comprehending and estimating the theology of this whole period. It was the common ground which separated cyprian and the extreme teachers, and was held by Cyprian and iren^us. Irenseus. Their views more nearly approached the general doctrmaTbasis of the Church than those of any other the ologians. There was more of catholicity in their statements, and more of that type of permanent doctrine, than we find elsewhere.1 But while this is the best ground for observation, our vision needs to extend over every part of the theological field. It was a broad territory, and we need to look as far as the horizon on every side. We are now prepared to examine more minutely the doctrinal system entertained by the ante-Nicene Church. God was the eter- doctrineof na*> incorporeal^ invisible, unchangeable, all- wise, all- the divine present, and all-loving Creator and Preserver of the nature. universe. No attribute, indeed, which is recognized by the modern Church was denied him by the patristic Christians. Only when they came to consider the relation of the three persons in the Godhead, and God's revelation of himself to the world, do we observe variety and confusion of view. Tertullian varied from the general" theology in holding that God must have a body. This he was compelled to do by the misfortune of his philosophy, which taught that corporeity was a necessity to all existence. Such a principle of explaining Deity would answer well enough for the moral platitudes of the pagan Cicero,3 but was of less service for the Christian theologian in explaining the perfect nature of the God of revelation.5 The current theology had no sympathy with this relic of paganism, but, with Origen and the entire Alexandrian school as guides, held far aloof from all corporeal representations of Deity. There were two prevailing methods of proving the divine existence, one being our own consciousness, and the other the visi ble world. But the most prevalent method was to assume the existence of God without the need of argument. Arnobius held that to attempt to prove God's existence was not much better than to deny it." We must not venture upon such forbidden ground. It was too sacred ; let us admit, and go on. Origen,3 Athanasius/ and Clement of Alexandria7 agree in saying that the only possible knowledge we can have of God must be based on grace and the Logos. The trinity and unity of the divine nature were doctrines which 1 Niedner, Lehrbuch d. chr. Kirchengeschichte, p. 273 ; Nitzsch, Grund riss d. chr. Dogmengeschichte, p. 92. * De Natura Deorum, 1, 18.. 3De Came Christi, c. 11. * Adv. Gent., i, c. 33. 6Cont. Celsum, vii, c. 48. "Ad Serapion, Tom. i, p. 194, ed. Colon., 1686. 1 Strom., v. SURVEY OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NICSEA. 283 employed much thought. The methods of proving them were generally unfortunate. It would have been wiser to take the Scriptures as the only ground of evidence, and leave out all specu lations as to the necessity, from the nature of things, that the su preme God must be both one and triune, and that both attributes could be proved by the dialectics of Aristotle. Theology had not as yet learned to take some things for granted, and these two doctrines were of the number. The elder faiths from the far East were not without analogies, such as the Indra, Varuna, trinity and and Agni, of the Vedic trinity of India ; and the post- ™IJJK°ATHE Vedic Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva; and the Zeruane, tore. Ormuzd and Ahriman of Parseeism. Some of the teachers at tempted to show that, as other faiths possessed their trinity, Christianity had also its higher, pure, and triune God. But there was in principle no attempt at parallel or comparison. The trinity 1 of Christianity was the one and only complete unity in trinity of the three persons of the Godhead. The expression triad was first used I by Theophilus of Antioch,1 and Tertullian* was the first to intro duce into theology the word trinity. By all the fathers the doc trine of the Trinity was accepted, but the relation of the three per sons to each other, their equality or difference of essence, was the ground of much animated discussion and great variety of opinion. The unity of God was proved from the fact that it could never have grown, that the universe is in harmony with itself, that it re veals a unity of creation, and that the whole material world could not be referred to a higher principle than the one creative Omnipo tence. This was the argument of Justin, who held that beneath all the diversity in the visible world there is a unity of operation, and that operation is the administration of the one God.3 The Christology of this period was the most fully developed de partment in the entire domain of doctrine. It was the one prism which reflected all the theological and philosophical colors of the age. Every important theory, however remote from this great theme, was treated with such deftness as to touch some side of it. The typical theologian of the time might wander with CHKIST0L0GT the very stars in speculative fancy, and descend into depths which only his daring could reach, but he generally set out from some christological thought, and after all his wanderings came back to the same starting point. The Logos of Alexandria became the Logos of the whole Chris. 1 Ad. Autol., ii, 15. ! De Pudic, xxi. 3 Dial, cum Tryphon., c. 5. Justin says that the doctrine of the " one only God is the first article of all true religion."— Cohort, ad Graseos, xxxvi. 284 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. tian world. The point of departure with some to prove a revela tion of Deity to man was purely philosophical. There lay in the the logos of divine mind, as an essential to its perfection, the^neces- the alexan- g^ 0f manifestation. We can no more think of a sun ,¦ ni»Ti« TTTAOIT^ •* -.-,'-- -J>--i^--»^T'-*"T*ivrwV' ; ers. without radiation than of God without manifestation, j But the prevailing method of accounting for the manifestation of the Logos was on a far higher plane — the divine will, which in a manner included the argument from necessity. God is both all- wise and perfect in goodness. As light must proceed from the sun, and cannot be imprisoned, so divine wisdom must proceed from the divine source ; and, as God is perfect, his will must be included, and his will to reveal himself for the salvation of men must occupy a large place in the plan of redemption,1 It was the Father's good pleasure to reveal himself. His will transcended the neces sity.3 Further, his nature cannot be thought of as inactive and lost in the depths of self-contemplation, but as operating for the blessing of the world, Christ must be thought of in two charac ters — first, as the personal and preexistent Logos, and, second, as the incarnate _Christ. In the former character he shared in the creative work and in the administration of the universe. In the second he was generated by the Holy Ghost, born of Mary, and led a human life. This life among men was not an appearance alone, now an obsolete Ebionitic view, but a really human life, yet sinless. The eternal sonship of MChrist was a theme of much controversy. Justin, Theophilus of Antioch, Tatian, and the pseudo-Ignatius held that the Son existed from all eternity coequally with the Father, but that before the creation he proceeded from the Father and began to lead a separate personal existence^ This view places Christ upon a somewhat lower plane than the Father, and yet the eternal son- advocates, with the exception of TertuUian,3 would not ship of christ. admit the slightest compromise of his equality with the Father. Others, like Irenseus, taught his coeternal and separate personal existence and sonship with the Father.' Tertullian's view of the Trinity was that all the members are of the same substance, but constitute a succession, each depending on the one above. Lac tantius and the later Latin teachers entertained a view very nearly identical with this. Origen's notion of preexistence of the Logos was one eternal generation.5 In this variety "oF* explaining the worship of Christ there is a 1 Ritter, Geschichte der christlichen Philosophie, vol. i, pp. 491, f. 8 Iren., i, 10, 1. 3 Lib., ii, 23, 8. 4 Semper coexistens filius patri olim et ab initio semper revelat patrem. B Com. in Joh., Tom. i, 32. SURVEY OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NICSEA. 285 strong tendency toward subordination, which comes fully into the foreground in Origen. He based his view on Christ's own declara tion : "The Father is greater than I." The Son does the work of the Father, and as the Father does, but the impulse comes from the Father. This inconsistency in Origen, who claimed both the divinity and subordination of Christ, was the occasion of animated discus sion, and it is no wonder that both Athanasius and Arius could draw with equal relish from the Origenic well. Every writer whom the Church recognized as a teacher, however, claimed the perfect divinity of Christ, notwithstanding the persist ent efforts of moaerhTJnitarians to show that the prevailing theory of the Church at this time was to deny his perfect divinity. Those who did deny it were regarded as a separate sect, just perfect di- as they are in these latest days. There never has been TINITY ov CHRIST a time when the general Church compromised the di- claimed vine character of Christ. If there was a prevailing tend- BT ALL THE RECOGNIZED ency, it was to lessen the hjimanity, thus sympathiz- teachers of ing with the Patripassian extreme. Barnabas feared to THE 0HURCH- say that Christ was Son of man, but boldly declared him the Son of God. Ignatius was slow to accept his perfect humanity, and dwelt much on him as " our God," and his coming as God's com ing, and his death as the shedding of " God's blood." Irenseus de clared that the incarnation of the Logos was the coming of the whole Deity.1 The Logos did not become the Son through emana tion, but the incarnation was only the outward evidence of an eter nally existing sonship.^ Origen held a similar view. He con strued emanation as an involuntary procession, and declared that Christ did not emanate, because his coming was a definite act of the Father's will,3 The confounding of the two persons, Father and Son, was an oc casional theological aberration, as with Clement of Rome and the author of the Epistle to Diognetus, but was not a distinguishing vagary of the theology of the time. The suj^dination^of .Christ to the Father was a more serious matter. Christ's own subordina- declarations that he had come from the Father led T0THE some theologians to so explain the incarnation as to father. place the Logos on a lower plane than the Father. Origen, Irenseus, and Tertullian spoke in this vein— that the Logos served the Father in creation, and that he came to the world according to the Father's will, to do his will. But there was no, compromise, even with the extreme teachers who favored subordination, of the essential divinity 1 Deus . . . totus existens mens et totus existens Logos. » Iren., ii, 25, 3 ; iv, 14, 1 ; iv, 20, 3. 3 Apol., ii. 286 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of Christ. There was an order, they held, but yet a perfect divinity in the person occupying the second place. The very emphasis on the doctrine of subordination was produced by the dread of com promising the divine unity and thus making a concession to poly theistic adversaries. After the middle of the j^cojad, century we can perceive a general agreement on the character of the Logos, while all the representa tive teachers engaged in speculation on the methods and phenomena general of the general question. Christ was held by Irenseus, agreement on Tertullian, and Origen to be truly God and truly man. the logos . . ° (-—it— ™._ _ __. . ^ji^™^ afterthemid- His divine nature never underwent diminution or com- second cm- Promise by becoming incarnate. The man Jesus suf- tijry. fered, but the Lord Christ did not. It was the latter which triumphed, and bore with it the priceless experience of the sorrow and pain of humanity, to carry out in the great future his will to save the world. Some teachers held that his body was human, though not the ordinary human body. It was believed to be one resembling our body, but elevated above it in some myste rious way, possibly by the reflection of the indwelling divinity.1 The speculations on the human and divine soul in Christ were in nocent enough, and turned upon purely theoretical questions. Ter tullian was the first to mention a human soul in Christ. Origen afterward strove to make the matter clear by calling it a rational soul. Origen's view, however, prevailed — that the Logos united with a reasonable soul on account of its perfect purity, and by means of this united with a human body." The Christology of this period, after eliminating all the specula tions, reduces itself to the following : Christ was eternally coexistent with the Father, and in all that the Father wrought he was not only present but cooperative. In the fullness of the time he assumed our humanity, through his love for man and his purpose to save him. consensus on He permitted the full penalty of human sin to be vis- ogyofBthT" ited uPon himself. His death was therefore voluntary, period. and achieved our redemption. He rose from the dead, ascended into heaven, and became our High Priest. He continues his work of leading man upward to final salvation. In the fullness of the time he will come to judge the world, when he will reward the righteous and punish the guilty. The doctrine of the Holy Spirit received but little treatment. The discussions on the Logos were so animated, and were of such broad scope, that they precluded a careful examination of the third person in the Trinity. The theologians, it must be carefully borne 1 Clemens Alex., Strom., vi, 9. 8 De Principiis, ii, c 6, 3. SURVEY OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NICSEA. 287 in mind, were largely on the defensive during the entire period, and wrote only on those subjects which had been in- J J DOCTRINE of vaded by hostile hands. Singularly enough, the Holy the holy Spirit was not made a subject of frequent or prominent SPIRIT- attack, and hence the Church was not impelled to a formal exam ination of the doctrine. So far as the Christian writers wrote on this theme they dismissed it with such general statements as were productive of but little good. The literature of the whole period down to the Nicene council would suffer but little if every declara tion of the writers concerning the Holy Ghost were left out, and nothing permitted to remain except their citations from the Scrip tures. There was no emphatic and elaborate teaching on the Holy Spirit until the beginning of the fourth century. This, however, must not be construed, as some cntics7rwTEh*~the Tubingen school as exemplar, have been bold enough to do, namely, that because it was an omitted doctrine it was therefore no doctrine. The history of the Church bears frequent witness to silence on some great doctrine even for centuries, and yet it afterward ap pears that there was a profound belief in it during all SILENCE 0N A the years. No two great theological questions can ab- great doc- sorb public thought at the same time. They come pr0ofofits singly, like men of genius, and for a great purpose, minor imfor- either to guide or to warn, to construct the good or pull down the wrong. The eye of the whole pagan and Christian world was fixed on Christ for three centuries, and it was no easy or even necessary task to direct it toward the third person in the Trinity. The general teaching of the Church on the Holy Spirit was that he was the divine principle of prophecy, of the generation of Jesus,1 of the awakenrh^oTthe 6inner, and of the sanctification of believers. His place in the Trinity was the point of greatest variety and un fortunate speculation. Hermas identified the Holy general Spirit with the Son. Lactantius spoke of him as the " impersonal power; " others called him the " angel ; " spirit. and still others denominated him the first " ereature. " Justin gives him the third place in his theory of the Trinity. 3 The separate and divine personality was most clearly taught by Origen and Tertul lian, and their view became the controlling one. The first stage m the theological recognition of his divinity was that he proceeded from Christ, and was of equal divinity with him. The second view was that he proceeded from both the Father and Son. This became the prevailing doctrine of the Church by the begin ning of the fourth century, and so remained for a time, until the i Justin, Apol., i, 33. ' Apol., i, 6. TEACHING on THE HOLY 288 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. rise of the great filioque controversy, which agitated the entire Christian Church and became one of the forces which caused the final rupture of the Greek and Latin Churches. The teaching on ereation gave a large scope for cosmological speculation. But the view which comes out clearly, amid all the clouds of theory, was that God created the universe from nothing. Justin came nearest to questioning the original divine creation when he said that God formed the universe from already existing, but chaotic, materials. But by following him to the end we find that he made God the original creator of this formless material.1 No modern theologian has presented in stronger light the divine creation of the universe, and by the free will of God, than Tertullian,3 who held that God did not need the world for his own glory, but that he created it for man. The Church had an important office to perform in its construc tion of anthropology. The pagan view went back to a golden age only in theory ; when it came to define man's nature he was placed very low, and yet but little lower than the sinful gods. The Gnostics and Manichseans, on the one hand, taught the sinful- anthropol- ness of the soul from its connection with the body, be- 0GT- cause of the native evil in matter. The fathers taught, on the other hand, the original perfection of man, and his fall through the abuse of his own liberty. God was in no sense the author of man's sin and consequent guilt, but man, having a free will, chose to do evil. Sin, therefore, passed into universal hu manity. But while man is a sinner there is no soul that is with out the element and possibility of good.3 Both Theophilus of Antioch and Tertullian taught that man can arrive at spiritual ex cellence by the development of the spiritual faculties through his own choice and the quickening power of the Spirit. His free will, which he first abused, still inheres in him, and he can use this liberty toward his restoration. Justin held that if he had no free will he would be like a tree or a beast,4 and would have neither praise nor blame for his deeds. The process of salvation, as taught at this time, was, that by man's resolution and effort he arrives at faith. But in order to so arrive he must have divinegrace, with out which he would remain in helpless sinfulness." 1 Apol., i, 10 ; Dialog, cum Tryphon., c. v. " In his work against Hermogenes. 3 Tertul. , Nulla anima sine crimine, quia nulla sine boni semine. De Ani- ma, c. 41. 4 Apol., i, 43. 6 Iren., Advers. Hseres., iv, 38, 3; Just., Apol., i, 10 ; ii, 7; Clem. Alex., Strom., vi ; Origen, De Principiis, iii, 1, 3. SURVEY OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NICSEA. 289 The Greek teachers were united in their view of the complete freedom of the will. Tertullian — here, as in many other respects, the predecessor of Augustine — was most inclined to limit it. Three views prevailed as to the time and mode of the soul's existence. The first was its preexistence before union with the body; the second, that it was transmitted from Adam through all ' . & THREE views generations; and the third, that each soul is created of the soul's with the body at birth. The first view, which was PKEEXISTEN0E- warmly advocated by Origen,1 was the first to pass away, and in the fourth century was pronounced heretical. The second, or tradu- cian, warmly advocated by Tertullian, survived it, and was held by many of the fathers, but finally retreated before the third, which became the established theory. Connected with the origin of the soul was the further question of man's physical mortality and the soul's immortality. Tertullian held that mortality was first a result of sin and was propagated by Adam to his entire posterity. Origen, Clement of Alexandria, and the Greek teachers generally taught that our mortality physical did not take place because of Adam's sin, but because a°dTAhKty of the nature of the body. It was created a mortal soul's m- body, and would have remained mortal even if Adam had not sinned. The fathers were divided as to the mode by which the soul became immortal. Justin, Tatian, Theophilus of An tioch, Irenseus, and Arnobius regarded it as a direct gift of God ; while Origen and Tertullian considered it simply a natural attri bute of the soul, without which the soul could not exist. The doctrine of the Church was clearly defined in the conscious ness of the Christians of this period. The general social life was seen to be corrupt because of the false faith. It represented organ ized impurity. The Christian separated himself from it, and m doing so he united himself with another body of different character, which consisted of fellow-believers in all ages. This was no social compact, but a spiritual body, a living temple of faith, DOCtrine of in which Christ dwelt in power and love. Hence the ™. churoh. I Church is the visible and organic form of Christ's present life on ( earth. The term ecclesia, which Ignatius frequently used m refer ence to the single congregation, was also applied by him to the en tire body of believers. The Church, established by Christ has for its object the culture of the soul until its final release from its human bondage. This office it performs by its dispensation of truThTfhe-symbols of faith, and those subtle joys that come of its social life. The Church is therefore the abode of the truth and 1 De Prineipiis, iii, 5, 4. 19 290 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the way and the life. Tertullian speaks of the original congrega tions as the depository of true doctrine,1 "where the pulpits of the apostles still stand, where their original letters are still read, where their voice still echoes, and where their testimony is still pre served as a true and holy legacy." 3 The Church is the mediator between the Holy Spirit and the believer. God has posited in it the universal operation of the Spirit,3 by whatever name we call it, either the household of God, the body of Christ, the bride of Christ, or the heavenly Jerusalem. There may be unbelievers in the Church, which comes from its location in a sinful world, but this is the mere accident of an unrighteous environment. It is the catholic, or general Church, not alone because it includes all be lievers and excludes heretics and schismatics, but is destined to cover all lands.4 It is the formal principle of universal truth, and yet is the one body of believers. There were two stages in the development of the doctrine of the Church. The former extended to the middle of the third century, and was produced by resisting spiritualistic Gnosticism on the one two stages in hand and mystical and idealistic Montanism on the other. the develop- The latter extended from the middle of the third cen- doctrine of tury to the middle of the fifth, and was shaped, through the church. Cyprian and Augustine, by the opposition to the ideal ism of the Novatians and Donatists and the Manichsean doctrine of human perfectibility.5 There were two sacraments — baptism and the Lord's Supper. The theological interpretation of baptism was such as to clothe it with the two sac- a measure of original power in the administrator of the raments rec- gacrament. While with some it was emphasized as the OGNIZED BY ttj.,1 •»,-, the patristic symbol of the regeneration of the heart, the justifica- church: tjon of the sinner, and the communication of the Holy BAPTISM AND _,., .. . -,,,.„,,,,, . J the lord's Ghost, there was a universal belief that there was in part supper. a union 0f the Holy Spirit, with.; JJie wa.£er, and in part a simultaneous baptism of the Holy Spirit with the baptism by water. No leading teacher of the Church regarded the sacrament as only a symbol of regeneration.6 Even Origen, who says that baptism by water is a symbol of the purification of the soul, also affirms that, in and of itself, baptism is the beginning and the source^pf 1 Ecclesia? apostolieae ; ecclesiasticse matrices. 8 De Prsescrip., p. 36. Comp. 20, 21. 3 Iren., iii, 24, § 1. J Pseudo-Ignatius Smyrn., 8 ; Iren., i, 10, § 1, 2 ; Cyp., De Unit. Eccles., 5. 6 Niedner, Einleitung in die Geschichte der Philosophie und Theologie christ lichen Zeit, p. 69. 6 Nitzsch, Grundriss der christlichen Dogmengeschichte, p. 387. SURVEY OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NICSEA. 291 the gifts of the Spirit,1 The terms by which the water was de- scribeaTnalicatea that the writers regarded it as possessing regener ating power. Gregory of Nazianzum called it the sacrament of the new birth ; " Cyprian, the regenerating water ; 3 and Augustine, the sacrament of birth and regeneration.4 There is a frequent decla ration that baptism had the effect of communicating all the gifts of the new spiritual life. Hermas affirmed that those who „„,„„ „„ „,„„ ¦*¦ VIEWS Or X-Hhi are baptized in the death of Christ rise to a new life fathers on with him ; ° Gregory of Nazianzum, thai it is the death BAPTI?M¦ ,j of the flesh and the life of the Spirit ; " and Theodoret, going even further, declares that baptism communicates not only the forgive ness of old sins, but awakens the hope of promised blessings. ' Jus tin ° and Clement of Alexandria * denominate baptism as the illu mination of the Spirit, so far as a new consciousness arises in the recipient. Some went further still, and claimed for baptism that it was even the communication of immortality. Irenaeus posi tively says that it suffices for incorruption. 10 While there was this tendency to exaggeration of the office and effects of baptism the general view was limited to the forgiveness of sin. The Greek teachers were more pronounced in declaring the simultaneous gift of the Spirit, while the Latins were more cautious, and spoke con fidently only of the negative operation, the regeneration of the soul. " But with all the virtue original in the water of baptism no teacher made it a substitute for faith in the adult to be baptized or on the part of sponsors in the case of infant baptism. Baptismal re generation was dependent upon the Holy Spirit, and was an essential part of the efficacy of the sacrament itself. The form of baptism was not confined to either immersion or sprinkling, although immersion was ordinarily the uni- N0 0NE FIXED versal form of baptism inthe ancient Church. Pouring formofbap- or sprinkling was freely practiced incase of scarcity of water, sickness, and the like. 13 The question of immersion as the 1 Tij ip-napixovri eavrbv rrj Quott/ti Trfe Swa/ieuc tuv rye irpoGitvvr/Tqc rpiadoc titi- kJJjceuv. — 'H xaPw\LaTUIV ^ciuv apxh ko.1 iriryf/. In Joh., Tom. vi, 17. 8 Orat. Catech., Tom. iii, c. 33. 3 De Orat., c. 4. 4 In Joh. tr. v, Tom. ix, andDeBapt. c. Donat., iv, 24. 5 Sim., ix, 16. 6 Comp. TJllmann, Gregor von Nazianzum, p. 461. ' Haeret. fab., v,16. 8 Apolog., i,61. 9Pasd., i. '° iii, 17, § 2. " Nitzsch, Grundriss der christlichen Dogmengeschichte, p. 388. Bingham, Antiquities of the Christian Church, Book xi, chap. iii. Stanley, Christian In stitutions, chap. i. 12 See Teaching of Twelve Apostles, vii, and Schaff, notes on the same, and his dissertations in his edition of the Didache, pp. 29-56 ; Smyth, in Andover Rev., i, 533, 663. 292 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. indispensable form of baptism was not mooted in the Church till tSe" seventeenth century. Even the first Baptist Churches prac ticed affusion. Tertullian mentioned infant baptism only to disap prove it, while Origen favored it and described it as an existing usage.1 Cyprian gave a similar indorsement.2 After the middle of the second century its validity was not seriously questioned, and was universally acknowledged by the middle of the third.3 The bap tismal formula of our Lord, which Justin says was used in baptism,4 became the type of all the oriental baptismal symbols, and so re mained until the councils gave forms for general use.5 The Lord's Supper was an oblation or offering,6 which was the the lord's sign of the death of Christ. The bread was a sign of supper. the body and the wine a sign of the blood of Christ.7 With some, as Justin and Irenseus, the more conservative view pre vailed, that the bread and wine were a mere thank offering in com memoration of our Lord's death. Ordinary bread and wine mixed with water were used at the service.8 After the second century none but persons already baptized were permitted to~participate in the Lord's Supper. During this entire period we find no clear trace of the doctrine of transubstantiation, save in a theory started by Irenaaus, that the elements, after consecration, had the effective power of the body and blood of Christ. The universal view was that in the mind of the elder offering the prayer of thanks and per forming the act of consecration there was a state of mind which symbolized the elements and brought love and faith into special relation to the death of Christ. The declaration, after consecration, that the consecrated elements no transfor- are the body and blood of Christ, was a liturgical ac- ^AJ.r,™^F„.= commodation, and did not carry with it the idea of an ELEMENTS WAS taught. actual transformation. All the writers who gave char acter to the theology of the Church down to the middle of the fourth century, such as Clement of Alexandria, Origen, Eusebius of Csesarea, Athanasius, Gregory of Nazianzum, Tertullian, Cyprian, and Augustine, looked upon the elements solely as symbols of the body and blood of Christ. After the middle of the f ourth^n^ury the view gained strength that the elements, after consecration, pos sess the effective power of the body and blood of Christ. From this 1 In Levit. Horn., Opp., viii, Tom. ii. 2 Epist. lix, ad Fidum. 3 Nitzsch, Grundriss der christlichen Dogmengeschichte, p. 387. 4 1 Apol., lxi. 5 Zeitschrift der Kirchengeschichte, 1879, p. 27. " -tivGia, Trpoa^opd — oblatio, sacrincium. 7 Tertul., Adv. Marc, iv, 40 ; Origen, In Matt. T. xi, 14 ; Cyprian, Ep. lxiii, ad Ccecilium. a"Aprov, koivov aprov. Comp. Iren., v, 2, 3. Cyp., Ep. lxiii. SURVEY OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NIC/EA. 293 as a beginning the theory that there is a transformation of ele ments at consecration, which some find in the words of Justin,1 was made prominent, and the complete substantial change of the ele ments into the body and blood of Christ was a highway toward a later recognition in the grosser and more realistic days of the Latin Church. Gregory I was the first to give a fixed and .final form to the theory, from which trajisubstantiation, in all its force, grew, that in the Lord's Supper the sacrifice of the Redeemer on the cross per petually repeats itself as an offering for sin for both the living and the dead.3 We now come to the eschatology of this period. In every age of nersecution and conflict the Christian mind has turned _T ****** **¦ •*— »* TTGPrT ATOLO(tY toward a speedy coming of Christ as the most open path to security and happiness. The chiliastic hopes of the Church were excited even before the close of the apostolic period, and they were still further quickened as the territory 01 unristians widened, and the hand of the persecutor was felt in those farther parts which were removed from the sympathy of the Christian centers. The earliest advocacy of the early millennial reign of Christ is to be found in the Epistle of Barnabas,3 where the theory is advanced that, as the worioTlaslbe'en "in existence sixjhousand years, accord ing to the analogy of the six creative days and the standard of the Scriptures, that with God a day is as a thousand years, so the sev enth day, or the seventhjhousand, is the day of rest, after the Son harconquered all"niTfoes,liiorhis children will be renewed, with pure hands and hearts. Papias also expected the early millennial reign of Jesus, while Irenseus appealed, in proof of it, to the words of scriptural promise.4 Montanism built a large measure of its the ology on the hope of ChriiFs"early coming, and Tertullian, during his Montanistic period, was as warm a defender of it as Montanus himself.5 . „ The Alexandrian theologians arose in great vigor against all chiliastic expectations. Origen declared them mere fables un worthy of a moment's confidence, though the Egyptian Church 8 NitPseh' Grandriss der christlichen Dogmengeschichte pp. 390, f. ; Schaff Ch Hist ii 235-247 ; Phinney, Letters on the Eucharist, Baltimore, 1880-a Ing Ironed Sise, wit/rull quotations from the fathers in the original and tenslations ; Hebert, The Lord's Supper : Uninspired Teachings, Lond 1879, 2vols.,the best collection of testimonies; Jacob, The ^f Supper Hi^- torically Considered, Lond., 1884-a strong argument against all High Church views ; Wilberforce, The Doctrine of the Holy Eucharist, Lond. 1885, one of the best of the High Church statements. <£P- - 4 Isa. xi, 6 ; Matt, xxvi, 29 ; 1 Cor. vii, 31. Adv. Marc, m, «*. 294 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. was freed from them largely through the strong opposition of Alexandrian Dionysius. The Western Church was not at any time theologians sCTiously disturbed TSyTnem, save by the pronounced laot0icEexpecL-" friends of Montanism. In neither Clement of Rome nor tations. Ignatius are there any chiliastic traces, and the same may be said of Polycarp, Athenagoras, and Theophilus.1 As the period of persecution drew toward a close the millennial anticipations re ceded into the background. The present being attractive and free from pressure, there was a greater willingness to postpone the com ing of Christ.3 The condition of the soul after death was the subject of a variety of opinion. Some, as Justin and Tertullian, held that the right eous, after death, enter into an intermediate state of happiness and there await the resurrection to final blessedness. This intermediate state, according tothe analogy of the parable of the rich man and the soul Lazarus, is Abraham's bosom. Origen looked upon an after death, intermediate state for the righteouTas a necessity, that there should be such a school as a preparation for the higher mansions. In the Alexandrian theology we find the first traces of a purga torial fire. Clement of Alexandria applied the Baptist's declara tion, that the Messiah would baptize with fire, to an intellectual first trace fire,3 which should purify all sinning souls. Origen of purgato- made the final fire, which should destroy the world, as RIAL FIRE IN — """ *•¦¦ the alexan- that fire of purification which should purify all souls, drian teach- everi the most righteous — such as even Peter and Paul. He was gentle enough, however, to make it a painless flame, as prophesied by Isaiah,4 just enough to serve as a second regenerating process.5 Of all the dead before Christ the theolo gians of the time declared that they were in this intermediate state, or hades, where the Gospel would be preached to themTorTa«I b"een preached to them by Christ.6 During the first three centuries the 1 Herzog, Abriss der gesammten Kirchengeschichte, pp. 146, f . 8 For the opinions of the fathers see Hagenbaoh, Hist, of Doctr., § 72. The best historical summary is Briggs, Origin and History of Premillenarianism, in Lutheran Quarterly, April, 1879. For the premillennial side of the history see Taylor, The Reign of Christ on Earth, or the Voice of the Church in all Ages, rev. ed., Bost., 1882. An excellent section by Schaff, Church. Hist., ii, 613-620. 3 Hip fpbvipov. 4 Isa. xliii, 2 : "When thou passest through the waters, I will be with thee ; and through the rivers, they shall not overflow thee : when thou walkest through the fire, thou shalt not be burned ; neither shall the flame kindle upon thee." 5 Sacramentum regenerations. 6 Huidekoper, Belief of the First Three Centuries concerning Christ's Mis sion to the Underworld, 5th ed., N. Y., 1883. SURVEY OF THEOLOGY BEFORE THE COUNCIL OF NICEA. 295 view was general that all who died would enter the intermediate state. Augustine advanced the theory that the purifying fire which someJhad~placed at the destruction of the world possibly belongs to the intermediate state,1 and this view was eagerly caught up and finally culminated in the later purgatory of the Latin Church. The present life was regarded as the only probationary state. ATODSTINE.S Even the purgatorial discipline was simply a prepara- teaching tion for the unclouded glories of heaven, f The form of CKTSTALLIZED & I INTHEPURGA- punishment was variously construed, some placing it in tory of the materiaJLfire and others in mental agony. Origen and LATINCHUECH- Gregory of Nyssa placed hell-fire in the consciousness of the lost. Clement of Rome and Cyprian declared the punishment of the wicked an eternal penalty, while Justin and Irenseus advanced the theory that tEe souls_of_the wjicked. may_be_ destroyed.3 The strongest defender of the restoration of the wicked after a long purifying process was Origen, who concluded his system by a conversion and general restoration, which included, it was thought by some, even the devU.3 This view was shared by the Antiochian theology, but was condemned as a heresy under the reign of Justinian.4 The scope of this first independent theology of the Christian Church was, in the light of our inquiry, very broad, and comprised 1 Enchirid. ad Laurent., c. 68, serm. 172 ; De Civitate Dei, xx, 25 ; xxi, 13. Comp. Nitzsch, Grundriss der christlichen Dogmengeschichte, pp. 398, 402 ; and Herzog, Abriss der gesammten Kirchengeschichte, p. 146. 2 There is a difference of opinion as to the views of Justin Martyr and Ire nseus, growing out of the fact, perhaps, that they had not themselves thought out these questions thoroughly. Both plainly teach eternal punishment ; and then, again, there are passages which lean toward annihilation. See Schaff, ii, 608, 609, and notes; Justin M., I Apol., xxi, xxviii, xlv, Iii; H Apol., ii, vii, viii, ix ; Dial., xlv, cxxx. Ziegler, Irenseus, p. 312, says that lrenasus teaches eternal punishment, and quotes iii, 23, 3 ; iv, 27, 4, 28, 1 ; iv, 33, 11, 39, 4, 40, 1 and 2. 3 Origen nowhere says that the devil will be converted. He expressly states the contrary in Ep. ad Rom. viii, 9 (Op. iv, 634), and his letter, Ad quondam amicum Alex. (Op. i, 5). See Pusey, What Is of Faith as to Everlasting Punish ment? 3d ed., Lond., 1880, pp. 128-153. Augustine is responsible for this misconception (De Civit. Dei, xxi, 17). See also Plumptre, On Origen's Univer- salism, in Spirits in Prison, and Other Studies on the Life after Death, Lond. and N. Y., 2d ed., 1886, pp. 134-138. 4 Pusey (What Is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment? 3d ed., Lond., 1880, pp. 129-153) and Farrar (Mercy and Judgment, Lond. and N. Y., chaps. x, xi, pp. 298-348) have entered largely into the condemnation of Origenism. Farrar shows that it was rather the peculiar views of Origen on other subordi nate matters than his ideas of the punishment of the wicked which were condemned. Doubtless, however, this latter element was not wanting. 296 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. every fundamental doctrine. The distinction was well sustained between the essential and the theoretical. It was a time of specu- broad scope lation, when the atmosphere was full of clouds still of the first floating aimlessly over the scene of civil opposition and INDEPENDENT , ° . , , _% - , . . , ij-j.1.- theology of spent faiths. If now and then a misty remnant 01 this the church, harmless speculation should gather about one of the great heights of Christian faith and obscure its outline for a time, so that even the believer could with difficulty distinguish between the granite and the cloud, it occasioned no surprise or alarm. The Church was well disciplined in the sublime virtue of patience. It would be a harsh criticism to affirm that the general body of the Church was not clear in its view of the truth. The writers wan dered into every path where the wary foe might be lurking for a new attack, and if they sometimes went too far from the strong hold of their faith, they always knew how to retrace their steps. If positive doctrine was too often obscured in speculation the gen eral Church knew how to distinguish between them. There is great danger of forming too low a view of the general intelligence and positive doctrinal convictions of the. general body of believers. The writers were few but the Christian member ship consisted already of millions. These were not only to be found in the centers of thought and commerce, but in those re- the advanced moter provincial parts where the Roman rule was in ™^™ ?, ^^— ¦ j, . t , , concerning coursed in all departments of theology to young men the first k0 came hither from an intellectual impulse to com- CHRISTIAN i-i school of prehend the doctrines of the Church into whose service Alexandria. ^^ kad entered. The other opinion has been that the school was at the beginning only a catechetical institution where children and such adults as had recentlyassumed Christian vows were instructed in the elements of Christian truth. The latter is probably the correct view, for the first necessity of the Church in Alexandria, as everywhere else, was in the rudiments of Christian doctrine. 1 Very soon, however, the catechetical department developed into a more formal Socratic method, and in due time there arose a great school, where men came from all directions and listened to those great teachers whose names were familiar in every part of Christendom. A singular feature of the school was that it does not seem, as with the great modern schools, beginning with those of the reign of Charlemagne, to have been under the direct patronage of the Church, or that the Church held itself responsible for its theology, discipline, or financial support. We do not find either synod or bishop devising plans for its greater effectiveness or employing measures to tone down its exuberant speculation. Whatever firm connection it may have had with the Church when it was purely catechetical, for the instruction of the young and persons who had lately come into the Christian fold from paganism, in its greater strength and full maturity it seems to have been a voluntary organization, presided over by some great mind, and taking its theological color from his own individuality. Both Justin and Athenagoras speak of the teachers as wearing the traditional mantle of the philosopher. By this they meant that the professors in the school of Alexandria did not teach as preachers, but as Christian pbjjojojohers. We observe a beautiful balancing of tendencies in those first Christian schools. In Alexandria the subjective tendency was de veloped. From the East there had drifted into That great center 1 Schleiermacher, Kirchengeschichte, pp. 130, f. ; Eusebius, H. E., v, 10 ; vi, 3; Sozomen, iii, 15. THE SCHOOLS AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 301 the impression that all matter was possessed with an element of inherent evil. Even the Eastern Christians, without balancing of being conscious of their dullness, were slow to accept tendencies in THE F[RST the dignity of the human body. They gave as little christian faith in Paul's doctrine of a physical resurrection as S0H00LS- possible. Their view of the human organization was that it is more a prison house of the soul than a temple of the Holy Ghost. But they compensated for this depreciation of the material man by an undue appreciation of his spiritu^underjtanding. The Alexandrian school, as the representative of the most ad vanced Eastern Church, centered its entire theology faith and in faith and knowledge. Faith was good, and a prime ^b^enter necessity. But it was only the root from which knowl- of the teach- edge, or the gnosis, must grow. The language of ^^J™^ Scripture was excellent so far as it went. But there school. was an indescribable dread of the killing power of the letter. The intuition was elevated above the record, and the Christian vision could see into the far depths whither the language of the written word could not go, Only by comparing Scripture with Scripture, and bringing to his aid that subtle intuitive perception which be holds the real truth in its majestic solitu^eTcouramanarrive at the scriptural sense^ With all the elaborate exegesis of the Alexan drian school, and Origen's constant reminders of the written word, there was at no time a full appreciation of the scriptural record. The Bible was only jJ^p.jrf^oUjlijd ..stones, and the architect might construct of "them whatever temple his taste for allegory might suggest. This was the first mysticism of the Christian Church. Its motive was pure, but its premise* the sovereignty of the intuition, led it into manifold vagaries, which more careful writerTwere compelled in later years to spend their life in correct ing. The period of activity of the school of Alexandria covered about two centuries, or from the year 200 toJOO. Pantamus active pkiod , , . -"-™-"'—MW _ -' " , OF THE ALEX- and Clement stood at its head m the second century, ^^^ Origen, Heracles, and Dionysius in the third century, school. andTXidymus, the blind, in the fourth. In addition to these we must reckon Gregory Thaumaturgus, Petrus, Pamphilus, and Euse bius, who, though not directly connected with the school, sympa thized with it, and in the Church of their period represented those general theological tendencies of which Alexandria was the center. ° Pantamus was the founder of the school of Alexandria, and to hinilt 'owed that sympathy with the Greek philosophy which ever afterward distinguished it from other Christian schools. He was a 302 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. native of Athens and, before he embraced Christianity, a Stoic phi losopher. He removed to Alexandria, where, after 180, pant^nus. he identified himself with the instruction of Chris tian youth. The details of his life escaped all the early historians. Clement was his pupil, and left behind him the testimony that he surpassed all his contemporaries.1 His life seems to have been va ried and intense, and falls into three important departments. He had the burning zeal of an evangelist, and made a tour to India in the interest of the Church about the year 190. As an author he was a commentator on many of the scriptural books. His chief service, however, was in oral instruction.2 It was in the circle of his disciples that he poured forth his thoughts with an eloquence and earnestness which lived in the traditions of the school as long as it existed.3 Under Titus Flavius Clemens the Alexandrian school grew into colossal proportions as a center of Christian learning. Alexandria Clement, like the master, Pantsenus, was a convert from and his paganism, and was a man of mature vears and well-dis- "WORKS i- — ' "" __ ciplined mind before he accepted Christianity. He followed closely in the path marked out by Pantsenus, and suc ceeded him as catechist or professor. He died about the year 220. His writings were less directed toward the internal_ejjfica- Uon of the Church than to attract pagan minds by removing objec tions to Christianity. The most of his works have survived only in fragments, four only being in complete form. The first of these is his Exhortation to the Greeks, which he designed, by its recog nition of~EEe" value of ^pagan philosophy and its harmony with Christianity, to serve as an argument for the conversion of pagans. The second is The_Pedagogue, a treatise designed both to lead to Christianity and to instruct in its general principles. The third work of Clement is his What Rich Man Shall be Saved ? It is a small practical treatise, in which the right use of wealth, and its place in promoting salvation, are defined. The fourth is his Car pets or Rugs (Stromata), so named from the variety of its eon- tents. This was his most important contribution to the literature of the Church. It is a survey, in disconnected form, of many de partments of doctrinal and practical theology, but without any cen tral thought. It is not like any of those rich oriental rugs, with a delicate center, from which all the figures radiate and blend into 1 Strom., i, 1, p. 322. 2 Jerome : " Hujus multi quidem in Sanctis scripturis exstant eommentarii ; sed magis viva voce ecclesiis profuit.'' Cat., c. 36. 3 The writings of Pantsenus have perished except two fragments published in Routh, Reliq. Sac, i, 375-383. THE SCHOOLS AND THEOLOGICxlL LITERATURE. 303 warm and harmonious colors, but, rather, a piece of complicated patchwork, in which the material is of finest fiber and skillfully woven, but from which the eye is repelled by its contrasts and the total absence of general design. Of all the theological productions of the early Church it is the nearest approach to the modern typi cal volume of theological essays, which, for the most part, is con structed of varied contributions to the periodical press, written in many moods and for momentary purposes, and made by violence and injustice to bear some common title.1 Under Origen the school of Alexandria attained its greatest renown. A native of Alexandria, in the year 185, he reflected „„,„„„„„ in his own remarkable personality both the strength greatest and weakness of the Eastern theology. As Clement had the°™ex^n- enlarged upon the foundation laid by Pantasnus, so drian Origen made the work of Clement the mere beginning SCH001- of his own remarkable labors. His father, the learned Leonides, a Christian, recognized his genius, and superintended his education. He was a witness of his fatnePsTieroic martyrdom, and the impres sion made upon his mind by the scene was such as to give him an inspiration in behalf of Christianity which never forsook him. He was appointed catechigt. at the early age of eighteen, and from that time forth, until his death in Tyre, in the year 254, he wrote and taught with a vigor and fervor rarely surpassed by any theologian of later times. True to the principle which underlay the very existence of the school of Alexandria, that all trutiiJ£_precious, whether in Greek or Christian soil, he became fascinated very early with the Platonic _affinJtiesjfithjCJuistiamty, and heard with delight the no- tioni~o7 the Neoplatonist, Ammonius Saccas. He recognized in the revived Plato a powerful aUy of Christianity. His elementary duties as catechist of the young and undisciplined were no longer a favorite field. He felt the impulse of a higher caU. He accord ingly employed an assistant to perform the catechetical work, while he engaged in the instruction of the more advanced on all the great themes of Christian science, and used the philosophy of origen's de- the Greeks as the vestibule through which to admit his ASD GE0WING hearers into the temple of the Gospel. He was not con- fame. tent with coming in contact with such philosophers as resided in ' Best edition, Gebhardt, Harnack, and Zahn, in their Patrum Apos. Opera, 3 vols., Leipz., 1876-78, vol. i, and Dindorf, Oxf., 1868-69, 4 vols. For a full treatment of Clement see Kaye, Writings and Opinions of Clement of Alex andria, new ed., Lond., 1888, and Bigg, The Christian Platonists of Alexandria, Lond. and N. Y., 1886, pp. 36-114. Love has made a special investigation of his Doctrine of the Future Life, in Bibliotheca Sacra, Oct., 1888. 304 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Alexandria, or sojourned there for a time, or with a patient study of the works of the departed Greek thinkers, but employed his in tervals of rest in visiting qtiieicountries, where he might study the truth amid the most favorable environment. He made lengthy journeys in behalf of the Church, one of which was to Arabia, an other to Rome, a third to Antioch, in 218, and a fourth to Pales tine, in 228. During his stay in Palestine he was ordained pres byter by the Bishops Theoktistus, of Caesarea, and Alexander, of Jerusalem. His fame extended rapidly through all the countries of the Eastern Church. But enemies to Origen appeared at home, who were more in spired by jealousy than zeal for the honor or orthodoxy of the opposition to Church. His bishop regarded his ordination in Pales- origen. tine as an infringement on his own prerogatives, sum moned him home for trial, and caused his excommunication at the Alexandrian synods of 231 and 232 for doctrinal error and illegal ordination. Origen's work in Alexandria being ended he now proceeded to Csesarea, where he opened a theological school. Palestine and Syria, were a ripe field for theological activity. Many of Origen's origen in students were already there, and every important cbsarea. city had its Christian scholars. The aged Julius Africanus gave him a cordial welcome. Besides, Origen had the powerful support of the emperor, Philip the Arabian, and the un diminished confidence of the Church east of the Mediterranean. His excommunication was regarded as a stroke of great injustice. Rome alone sustained the Alexandrian synods in that act, while the churches of Arabia, Palestine, Phoenicia, and Achaia repudiated it. His excommunication was ignored, both by himself and the church where he labored, and he continued every department of his activity with uninterrupted zeal. Origen's lectures attracted a great multitude of students, and Csesarea threatened to supplant Alexandria as a center of Christian origen's learning. When any great dispute arose in any part of LARrre*™*1" ^e cnurcn where he now labored he was invited to at- stria. tend, and, as in the case of BeryU at the Arabian synod at Bostra, in 244, it was frequently his rare fortune to convince the schismatic of his error and restore the church to unity. His labors in Csesarea were interrupted by the persecution under Maxi- origen's minus, the Thracian. He fled to Cappadocia, but after- death. ward died through sufferings and exposure in the De cian persecution, in the year 254. " He was buried in Tyre, where for centuries his tomb, in the wall behind the high altar, formed THE SCHOOLS AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 305 the chief ornament of the magnificent Cathedral of the Holy Sepul- cher. Tyre was wasted by the Saracens, but even to this day, it is said, the poor fishermen whose hovels occupy the site of that city of palaces point to a shattered vault beneath which lie the bones of 'Oriunus.'"1 The works of Origen, written during a period of about fifty years, were as varied as his own versatile genius. They may be classified in five departments : First, TextuaiCritifiiam. Here be longs his Hexapla, a masterpiece of philological in- fivedepart- dustry and skill, at which he wrought twenty-seven MEN,ra 0F 0RI" u ° J GEN'S WRIT- years. His purpose was to correct the errors of the ings. Septuagint. He arranged the versions in six columns, one being the Hebrew in the original characters, then the Hebrew in Greek characters, then the Septuagint, and, last, the versions of Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion. This colossal work was in fifty vol umes, and contained a wealth of textual annotations in support of what Origen conceived to be the correct reading. It was probably destroyed by the Arabs at their capture of Csesarea, in 653." Ori gen's Epistie to JuHub Af ricanus was a defense of the authenticity of the Story of Susanna. Second, in Exegesis. Origen wrote ex tensive commentaries on entire biblicaPBooks ; homilies, or prac tical treatments of special passages ; and scholia, or brief critical discussions on difficult passages. What remains of these is precious, for Origen was the best expositor of the antenicene Church. Third, in Doctrine and Apolojetics, he wrote The Principles, The Car pets, The ResurrecHonTand Against Celsus. Fourth, his works on practical theology comprise his exhortation to Martyrdom, and On Prayer, the latter work being a statement of prayer in general and an exposition of the Lord's Prayer. His correspondence was extensive, but his Epistle to Julius Africanus and that to Gregory of Neo-Caesarea are the only complete portions which have been preserved. One of the most interesting books which have survived from ancient times is the Philocalia of Origen, which consists of extracts made by Basil and Gregory of Nazianzum, about 382, chiefly from the exegetical writings of Origen. It gives the most charac- 1 Bigg, Christian Platonists of Alexandria, p. 123. Comp. Westcott, in Con temporary Review, May, 1879, and in Religious Thought in the West, Lond. and N. Y., 1891, pp. 210, 211, who refers to- Prutz, Aus Phoenicia, pp. 219, 306, quoted by Piper, Ztschr. fur Kirchengeschichte, 1876, p. 208. 2 What remains of this, the grandest work of antiquity, is edited in an ad mirable edition by Field, Oxf., 1875. See Taylor, in Smith and Wace, iii, 14-23. A critical edition of the complete works of Origen, the richest and most fruitful of all the writers of the early Church, is much needed. 20 306 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. teristic thoughts of Origen and preserves some of his best passages, otherwise lost.1 Origen stood alone in the Church of this period. His active and original mind, his zeal for the Gospel, his love of unity, and his marvelous literary fertility, combined to give him a place occupied by no one else. In no one department could he be followed safely, though he was most reliable where we would least expect it, namely, origen's in ex&ct textual ^.jticism. When he touches doctrines variety as a We find him speaking of an eternal creation, the pre existence of the soul, a pre- Adamite apostasy, and of a final universal restoration, although on the fundamental concep tions of Christian theology he was thoroughly orthodox. "No one, perhaps, had done so much," says Westcott, " to vindicate and harmonize the fullest acknowledgment of the perfect humanity of the Lord and of his perfect divinity in one person." 2 His sym pathy with the Greek philosophy was largely accountable for this flexibility which he gave to scriptural doctrine. Indeed, there are traces not a few that so great was his charity for the Greek philoso phy that it widened into a sympathy with the less worthy theories that came in from the darker East. Origen's imagination was oriental. The scriptural word was to him a suggestion of a whole world of fancy and theory. Prom the plainest history his mind pictured an endless vista of organic truth. In the word he saw the literal. But this was only the foundation for the moral truth ; while far below both he saw the mystical depths. Like Herder in the eighteenth century, he was intent on making the Old Testament rise from its lowly and dusty place of silent history and assume that glow of health and tension of muscle and rich coloring of drapery which belonged to the people of God in their joyous youth. With his wand he would awake to new heroism the sleeping giant and reveal to him a boundless field for victory. Here, where we find the weakness of Origen, we come also to his positive greatness. His service lay, not in what he taught, but in that peculiar magnetism which he imparted to everyone whom he reached by voice or pen.3 His intensity aroused the mind, 1 Editions by J. Tarinus, Paris, 1618, and W. Spencer, Cambridge, 1658 and 1677. Best editions by Koetschau, Leipz., 1889, and J. Armitage Robinson, Lond. and N. Y., 1893. Comp. Grit. Rev., iii, 436. 8 Smith and Wace, iv, 136. 3 " Innumerable teachers, priests, confessors, martyrs, arose from his bosom. And who can tell what admiration, what glory, what favor he enjoyed among all 1 What man with anything like real devotion did not fly to his teaching from all parts of the world ? What Christian did not venerate him as a prophet, what philosopher as a master ? Even imperial princes venerated him. THE SCHOOLS AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 307 No one could fall asleep or remain a sleeper whom his voice could reach. He had in his day that peculiar power which Arnold of Rugby has illustrated in our century. The inspiration which was upon him and thrilled him passed into other minds and impelled them to activity. His earnestness was greater than his speech. His words reached never so far as the power of his personality. Origen's awakening influence was exerted by Origen on the whole Eastern Church. Excommunicated while living, and his doctrines, one after another, condemned in the subsequent centuries, origen's wide his sincerity and creative spirit have nevertheless sur- AND PERMA" . . r NENT influ- vived all opposition. While Clement, like Schleier- ence. macher and Neander in our timeB, came into Christianity through the door of Platonism and brought with him his warm apprecia tion of its enduring elements, Origen admired Platonism from his original point of view as a Christian youth. But Origen went fur ther than the master. He believed that the whole world abounded in truth; that the Promethean sparks had fallen upon all lands and animated all the better religions. Christianity, according to him, is the universal conqueror. In whatever hostile camp it can find the truth, let it be seized upon and used for further conquests. Here, then, in the eclectic power of the Christian religion to recognize and appropriate the truth, whether in Attica, Alexandria, or India, we must recognize Origen as the adaman tine character of his own times ' and the prophet of these broader days. The permanent inheritance we have in Origen is well told by Westcott, who says : "We are his heirs. He has left us the duty of maintaining his conclusions in a later age, and with richer materials at our command. He has left us also the example of a life WESIC0Tt'S great, I will dare to say, by unsurpassed self-sacrifice. tribute to He has left us the encouragement of a faith which carried him through a life of martyrdom — a faith that all things are ours, because all things are Christ's. . . . His faith was catholic, and therefore he welcomed every kind of knowledge as tributary to its fullness. His faith was living, and therefore he was assured that no age could seal any expression of doctrine as complete. From his time the best thought and best literature of Porphyry himself, when a youth, sailed to Alexandria solely to see him in his old age, and recognized in him one who climbed the very citadel of science. The day would fail me before I could tell of all his greatness or even touch on a part of it."— "Vincent of Lerins, Adv. Hser., xxiii. 1 His friends called him 'ASapavrtot;. 308 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the West has been Christian, or profoundly influenced by Chris tianity."1 The school of Alexandria declined after the departure of Origen, its greatest ornament and attraction. Dionysius, called by his contemporaries the Great, became its head in the year DECLINE OF „ , f , , , .. , ., . the school of 233, but was unable to restore it to its former lmpor- alexandria. ^ance. jje wrote many works on exegesis and doctrinal theology, but we have only such fragments as have been preserved in the works of Eusebius and Athanasius.2 Gregory Thaumaturgus was a student in the celebrated law school of Berytus, but was attracted to Caesarea by the lectures of Origen. He then became a Christian, and was so beloved by the teacher, and inspired by his example, that he devoted himself to the service of the Church. He became Bishop of Neo-Cassarea about the year 244, and died about 270. His labors were divided between authorship, the practical administration of Church affairs, and evangelistic work. So great was his zeal, and so exemplary his life, that some of his contemporaries attributed to him mar velous powers. His principal works were his ulogy GRFGORT ou thaumatur- on Origen and Canonical Epistle, the latter being a ' '"'" p "'" treatise on ecclesiastical discipline.3 Pamphilus was a presbyter of Csesarea and founder of the school and library of Csesarea, for which the beginnings had been made by Origen. His principal works were commentaries on the Old Testa ment and a Defense of Origen. He died in the year 309, during the persecution under Maximinus." II. THE SCHOOL OF ASIA MINOR. The school of Asia Minor consisted more of a group of theological writers and teachers than of any formal educational center. That 1 Essays in the History of Religious Thought in the West, pp. 251, 252, which contains the noble essay, Origen and the Beginnings of Christian Philosophy, one of the finest of all estimates of Origen. See also his article in Smith and Wace, iv (47 pp.); Bigg, I. c, pp. 115-234; Farrar, Mercy and Judgment, chaps, x, xi (pp. 298-348, N. Y. ed.); Redepenning, Origenes : eine Darstellung s. Lebens u. s. Lehre, 2 vols. Bonn, 1841, 1846 ; Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, 2 vols. Lond. and N. Y., 1889, vol. i, pp. 291-330 ; Freppel, Origene, Paris, 2d ed., 1875. 2 Eusebius, H. E., iii, 28 ; vi, 41, 45, 46 ; vii, 2, 4, 7, 9, 11, 22, 24, 26, 27, 28 ; Athan., De Sent. Dionys. ; Jer., De Vir. ill., 69. Best ed., Migne, Pat. Gr., x. 3 In Migne, Pat. Gr., x (1857), 983-1343 ; Ryssel, Gregorius Thaumaturgus, Sein Leben und seine Schriften, Leipz., 1880. 4 Routh, Rel. Sac, iii, 491, ff. See Eusebius, vi, 32 ; vii, 32 ; viii, 13 ; and De Mart. Pal., xi ; Jer., De Vir. ill., 75. GUS AND PAM PHILUS. THE SCHOOLS AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 309 country had been distinguished, from the time of Paul, for its fidelity to the doctrine and discipline of the Church, school of In the second century it numbered among its more asia minor. notable men Polycarp, Papias, Melito of Sardis, and Hegesippus. Its first tendency was toward a literal and Judaisticjtype of Chrjs- tianity, but in the third century it assumed a broader character. It became a strong opponent of Gnosticism, and possessed vigor enough to suppress Montanism, which had grown up on its own soil, and drive it into a more promising field. Irenseus, Hippolytus, and Julius Africanus were the leading representatives of the school of Asia Minor. Irenasus was the great est ornament of this school. He combined the zeal of I R F N .F US the evangelist with the skill of the finished writer. A disciple of Polycarp, he preserved the tradition of the apostolic times. His service to the Church was twofold, being directed, on the one hand, toward the defense against paganism, and, on the other, toward cementing the bonds of unity between Eastern and Western Christendom. In the year 177 he accompanieaTaTDhristian colony from Asia Minor to Gaul, and was ordained presbyter of Lugdunum, the modern Lyons, by the Bishop Pothinus. He suc ceeded to the episcopate of Lyons and Vienna in 178, and in 200 suffered martyrdom. His literary labors were divided between exegesis and apologetics. In the latter department he wrote Against Heresies, than which the Church of his times produced no work more finished or effective against Gnosticism.1 Hippolytus, "the great unknown of the early history of the Church," belonged likewise to this school, by virtue of both the general spirit of his writings and his own admission of HIPP0LyTns. discipleship to Irenseus.' Concerning no great charac ter in the early Church is there so much conflicting testimony. We have positive witness to prove that he was a disciple of Irenasus, and that he was not ; that he was an earnest defender of the ortho dox faith, and that he was a graceless Novatian heretic and died a martyr to his error ; * that he wrote a work on the two natures m • Best ed., Harvey, Cambridge, Eng., 1857, 2 vols. ; best life, Gouillond, St. Irenee et son temps, 1876 ; best on his theology, Werner, Der Paulinismus des Irenseus, Leipz., 1889. Comp. Parves, Presb. and Ref. Rev., 1890, pp. 685-689 ; Quarry, L-enseus : his Testimony to Early Conceptions of Christianity, in British Quar. Rev., July and Oct., 1879 ; C. J. H. Ropes, in Bibliotheca Sacra, April, 1877, pp. 284-334; Lightfoot, in Contemp. Rev., Aug., 1876; "P"™, in Smith and Wace (25 pp.) ; Bright, Waymarks of Church Hist., pp. 20, H. There is an edition of his Third Book (Adv. Haer.) by Deane, Oxf., 1874. 2 Photius, Cod., 121. . 3 Prudentius, rrepl oTef&vcn: Hymn 11. Gieseler and Niedner favor this view. 310 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Christ, and that he never did ; that he wrote the Philosophumena, and that Iremeus was its author ; that he was a long time bishop in the Church, and was held in high honor as an ecclesiastical officer, and that he never wore a miter, but died a presbyter ; ' that, if a bishop, his see was both Aden, on the shore of the Red Sea, and Portus, at the mouth of the Tiber ; and, finally, that there were three Hippolytuses, and, after all, only one. Even the general facts concerning the life of Hippolytus are, therefore, clouded in impenetrable mystery. He is one of those personal life characters who took no pains to perpetuate a knowledge of hippolt- 0j; tnejr personal history, who never surrounded them- kno wn. selves with a group of scholars for the propagation of their opinions, and who saw clearly that unselfish devotion to the truth and the industrious use of the pen for the conquest of error would be a more enduring monument than the miter — if they wore one. After weighing conflicting testimony we conclude that he was a disciple of Irenaeus,2 that he was Bishop of Portus, that he was an earnest opponent of the Patripassian heresy, that he was highly revered in his own times as a wise and pure ecclesiastical officer, and a sound and strong theological writer. Until 1551 there was no unanimity concerning his works, but in that year a statue of him was discovered in the Ager Veranus, on the road from Rome to Tivoli, which contains, besides the calculation of an Easter cycle for sixteen years,3 a complete catalogue of his writings. The time may come when the pick and the spade will make such further revelations as will put to the blush many of our favorite conclu sions, not only concerning Hippolytus, but many other creative minds of the early Church. Hippolytus wrote only in the Greek language. His works are of varied character, and comprise exe gesis, doctrinal theology, polemics, apologetics, and chronology." 1 Bunsen solves the conflicting evidence concerning the mention of Hip polytus now as bishop and now as presbyter, by showing that the suburban bishops were members of the presbytery of the Bishop of Rome. Hippolytus and His Age, i, p. 269. 2 Photius, Cod., 121. 3 Proof of his skill in astronomical science. Comp. Ideler, Handbuch der Chronologie, ii, pp. 214, f. 4 Bunsen, in Hippolytus and His Age, Lond. , 1852, 4 vols. , furnishes our best information concerning the personal history of this remarkable character, his writings, and his relation to the controversies of his times, vol. ii, pp. 265-348. The best historical treatment is Dollinger, Hippolytus and Callistus, Edinb., 1876, to be read in connection with Wordsworth, St. Hippolytus and the Church of Rome, 2d and enl. ed., Lond., 1880. The best discussion of his writings is Caspari, Quellen zur Gesch. Taufsymbols und der Glaubensregel, vol. iii. The best article is Salmon, in Smith and Wace (20 pp.). Comp. Schaff, Ch. Hist., rev. ed., ii, 757-774. THE SCHOOLS AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 311 Julius Africanus also belonged to the school of Asia Minor, but lived in Nicopolis, or Emmaus, in Palestine, and died about the year 232. His principal work was a Chronography, juliusafri- in which he furnished a parallel view of sacred and CANtrs- profane history, of which Eusebius made extensive use in his eccle siastical history. III. THE SCHOOL OP ANTIOCH. The school of Antioch, in Syria, was engaged principally in doc trinal theology and criticism of the sacred text. Its inspiration came largely from the example and writings of Origen, though there was no trace in it of the allegorizing tendency of that writer, on the one hand, or, on the other, of the minutely literal tendency. It was distinguished for its liberality in the discussion of doctrinal questions and for its zealous advocacy of the two separate natures in Christ. Its founders were Dorotheus and Lucianus. school of The former excelled as an exegetical scholar, and died antioch. about the year 290. The latter performed the service of a new critical edition of the Septuagint, and died a martyr in Numidia, about 311, in the persecution of Maximinus.1 After his death the general tendencies of the school brought it into sympathy with the Alexandrian theologians, but an aberration took place after the rise of the Origenistic and Nestorian controversies. The prosper ous period of the school of Antioch extended from about the year 300 to 429, and among its representatives were Theodoras, Eu sebius of Emesa, Cyril Apollinaris, Ephraem, Diodorus, John Chrysostom, and Theodore of Mopsuestia. From Antioch as a center other schools were established, the principal of which was that of Edessa, in Mesopotamia. IV. THE SCHOOL OF NOBTH AFKICA. The school of North Africa gave to Latin Christianity its pre vailing theological type. Not to Rome, but to Carthage, was the whole Western Church indebted for its first doctrinal tertullian impulse and structure. Tertullian, whose first works ™**CEA™F were in Greek, was the principal agent in this develop- 0f north ment. His fame, however, as a safe theologian, was com- AFRICA- promised by his adoption of Montanism, and Cyprian must be re garded as the chief agent in upholding the honor of the Church 'Works in Routh, Rel. Sac, ii, and Migne, Pat. Grsec, x, and Gelzer, Sextus Julius Africanus und die Chronographie, Leipz., 1880, 1885, 2 vols. Comp. Harnack, in Herzog and Plitt. ' See Harnack, in Herzog and Plitt, and McClintock and Strong. Comp. Schaff, ii, 812-815. 312 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and defending its fundamental doctrines. He was the opposite pole to Origen in theology, though both were equally devoted to the interests of Christianity, and equally uncompromising in their treatment of its adversaries. Each represented in his own person ality the peculiarities of the ecclesiastical territory in which he lived. While Origen sympathized with the Greek philosophy, Cyprian despised it as a hotbed of error. He saw no hope in its least objectionable features as tributary to the truth of Christian ity. From Cyprian's example this antagonism to all pagan learning passed into the Western Church, and lasted, though in a decreasing measure, until the twelfth century. A heroic zeal for the unity of the Church, an aversion to Gnosti cism in every form, an exact and literal biblical interpretation, a characteris- caution toward all theological speculation, and a per- school oT sistent energy in the organization and development of north africa. the practical and evangelistic side of the Church, were the fundamental characteristics of this school. Tertullian, Cyprian, Minucius Felix, Arnobius, and Lactantius constituted its powerful representatives, and its prosperous period extended from about the year 200 to the death of Lactantius, about 330. Tertullian, the son of an officer in the Roman army, was born in Carthage about 160. He was educated as a rhetorician, and prac ticed as an advocate. He became a Christian, and was ordained a presbyter in his native city. He very early engaged in authorship, probably during a sojourn in Rome. About the year 201 he adopted Montanism, and wrote the most im portant works of any period in the interest of that phenomenon. His works are of two classes, those before his Montanistic period and those during the time, and consist of apologetical, polemical, doctrinal, and practical treatises. His Apologetics Against the Nations was a defense of Christianity against pagan attack ; his Testimony of the Soul was an attempt to prove that Christianity is confirmed by the nature of man ; his work Against the Jews was a defense of Christianity against Judaism ; and his Prescription of Heretics proves the right of the Church over against all heretics. To his doctrinal writings belong his Baptism, a statement of this sacrament against the heresy of the Cainites ; The Soul, an anti- Gnostic discussion ; The Flesh of Christ, in reply to the Docetae ; and the Resurrection of the Body, in reply to the Gnostic disbe lief in the doctrine. In practical theology his principal works, during his orthodox period, were on Prayer, Repentance, Martyrs, Theatricals, Idolatry, Women's Worship, Patience, and The Hus band. tertullian. THE SCHOOLS AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 313 Tertullian, in the beginning of his authorship, wrote in the Greek language, which, as with the Latin on the Continent in the sixteenth century, was regarded as the proper organ for tertullian's the circulation of theological literature. But he soon rsE0FB0TH 6 GREEK and saw that his audience would be limited, and therefore latin. adopted the Latin for all his subsequent writings. It was a new lan guage to Christianity. In the third century it was much the same that it had been in the first, excepting only the introduction of a feebler style than had distinguished the Coryphaei of Roman letters in the Augustan age. Tertullian had, therefore, to deal with a new element.1 He found no theological precedents or ecclesiastical nomenclature, and therefore was compelled to create a style, which, indeed, be came the type of ecclesiastical Latin during all later tertullian's times. His thoughts were clear and his convictions m- MIND AND tense, and he wrote with a fervor which aroused the style. reader, fascinated him by its novelty of expression, and often car ried conviction. He called to his aid history, logic, and all the arts of his first calling as a rhetorician. Satire and humor com bined in happy measure. With all the fervor of the African sun in his veins he carried his enemy to the precipice and lost no time in hurling him down with a shout of triumph and a call for new adversaries. Tertullian wrote his Scorpiace as a heroic antidote to that poison of the Gnostic Scorpions which declared there was neither signifi cance nor virtue in martyrdom. Where the Latin was writings of devoid of names severe enough for the enemies of Chris- tertullian. tianity his inventive genius, aroused by the passion and heat of the hour, invented new ones, from which nothing was wanting except moderation. His Pallium, or Philosopher's Robe, written in rebuke of his townsmen who taunted him with laying off the Ro man toga and putting on the philosopher's mantle, probably with ref erence to his adoption of Montanism, abounds in as keen satire and stinging wit as can be seen in the verse of Juvenal or Persius, and which stands in relation to the early Church in much the same light as Erasmus's Praise of Folly to the Church of the sixteenth century. No pagan production elicited his admiration. He ban ished them all into a Dantean oblivion, and with the might of his strong arm he closed the door against all hope of return In no writer of the early Church do we observe such vigor in dealing with the adversaries of Christ, or such volcanic combination of the pre- » TertuUian was probably not the first Latin father, as that honor belongs to Minucius Felix. 314 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. cious and the gross. "He was a volcano," says Jacobi, with great propriety, "which cast forth, in splendid eruption, flames and precious stones and dross." J Minucius Felix belongs to that class of authors to whom a single minucius work has accorded a permanent place in literature. Of felix. his personal history we have not even meager details. Some writers have supposed, from the picture of severe Christian persecution in his apologetical romance, the fascinating Octavius, that he was a contemporary of Justin and Athenagoras, but the many points of analogy between that work and the Apology of Tertullian lead to the conclusion that he was either a contemporary of that writer or belonged to the following generation.8 That he preceded Cyprian is clear from the fact that the first five chapters of that author's Vanity of Idols 3 is almost an exact extract from the Octavius of Minucius. In Octavius the writer presents in popular style an argument against paganism. Two friends, Octavius and Caecilius Natalis, who have been associated intimately from child hood, take a walk along the shore of the Mediterranean Sea. Caecilius is still a pagan, and reverently salutes an image of Serapis. Octavius is a Christian, and proceeds to give reasons why the old belief in paganism should be cast off and Christianity accepted as the soul's only hope of salvation. The work is occupied in reveal ing the hollowness of polytheism rather than in giving formal state ment of the doctrines of Christianity. It produced a profound im pression, and extended into circles which the more caustic polemics 1 Lehrbuch der Kirchengeschichte, p. 169. Schaff gives an admirable treat ment, ii, 818-833. Best ed. (until the new Vienna ed. of Reifferscheid), by Oehler and Leopold, Leipz., 1853-55, 4 vols. Select works, ed. F. A. March, N. Y., 1876. Apol., ed. by Woodham, Cambridge, 1850, and by Bindley, Oxf., 1889, and translated by Bindley, Lond., 1889. Comp. Church Quar. Rev. (Lond.), xx, 265-267. For life, see Hauck, Erlangen, 1877, and v. Hartel, Vienna, 1890. 8 In spite of the fact that Ebert showed conclusively in 1868 that the Octa vius of Minucius Felix preceded Tertullian's Apology, and depended not on that but on Cicero's, De Natura Deorum, some scholars still adhere to the old view which places Minucius between Tertullian and Cyprian. Keim, Rom und das Christenthum, p. 471, and Mangold, in Herzog and Plitt, make the date of the Octavius between 178 and 180, and Dombart, in his edition of the work, Er langen, 1882, assigns 180 as the probable date. (The Apologeticus was writ ten in 197.) Ebert, in Tertullian's Verhaltniss zu Minucius Felix, 1868, and in his Geschichte der christlich-latein. Literatur, 1874, makes the date between 179 and 185, and is followed by Kuhn, in Der Octavius des Minucius Felix, Leipz., 1882. But Hartel, Klussmann, Salmon (Smith and Wace), and Schaff, ii, 841, still cling to the old view (although Van Hoven so far back as 1762 stated grave objections to it) which gives the priority to Tertullian. s De Vanitate Idolorum. THE SCHOOLS AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 315 and speculative apologetics had never entered. The pleasing style, modeled after the disputations of Cicero, and especially the drapery of romance, gave it an influence second to no Christian romance in the early Christian centuries.1 Cyprian has been regarded by the Church as the most distin guished representative of the school of North Africa. Because of his firmness in time of trial, his devotion to ecclesiasti- CYPRLAN S cal unity against the schismatics of his day, his organ- personal his- izing power, and his bold and defiant attitude toward T0BY- all pagan philosophy, he was the great bulwark of the Western Church against its many and strong adversaries. Converted to Christianity after middle life, or about the year 245, and bringing with him the skiU of the rhetorician and the magisterial character of the noble family of which he was a scion, he saw that no time was to be lost, and that all his endowments must be utilized if he would make amends for his late conversion. From the first hour of his Christian life to his martyrdom, in the year 258, he pre sented the picture of a mind transfused with marvelous energy and yet with an irresistible calmness in the hour of trial. Seldom has a servant of the Church compressed more positive and permanent achievements in the brief space of thirteen years than was the case with Cyprian. He became Bishop of Carthage in the year 248, and every year of his tenure of office seemed to be an advance on the preceding in desperate energy and the wise dealing with his enemies. The paganism of North Africa recognized him as its deadliest foe. Hence, when the Decian persecution broke out, the first cry of the enraged rabble was, " Cyprian to the lions ! " On be coming a Christian he distributed his wealth to the poor, and lived and wrought in voluntary poverty. He exhibited a sympathy with the needy and a charity toward the erring which proved not merely a native magnanimity, but the completeness with which the practi cal principles of Christianity pervaded his entire character. He ex pected martyrdom, and regarded it as the natural and proper means of terminating his life. In this he was not disappointed. He was too strong an adversary to be forgotten in the hour of persecution, and was therefore condemned to death. He welcomed his execu tioner with Christian cheerfulness, and, just before the fatal blow, presented him with twenty-five gold pieces, as a testimony of his love. Cyprian was an industrious author, but the significance of his life does not lie so much in his works as in his personal worth and 1 Renan, Marcus Aurelius, p. 402 (Ft.), p. 234 (Eng.), makes Minucius an easy going Christian of the deistic type. 316 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the general bearing of his administration. His works lack that cyprian's symmetry and finish which could be expected of the re- writings. tired scholar. He had only fragments of time in which to use his pen, but he lost none of them. He feasted upon the works of Tertullian, whom he recognized as his theological master. It is reported of him by Jerome that he never passed a day, during his Christian life, without reading some work of Tertullian, and that he often interrupted his amanuensis by calling to him, " Give me the master I"1 In addition to his epistles, which number eighty- one and present a minute picture of his work and experience, he wrote in the general departments of doctrine, apologetics, and ec clesiastical discipline. The one great thought which pervaded all his writings was the essential unity of the Church. He regarded the Church as the embodiment of Christ's life among men, the depository of his truth and the representative of Christianity before the world.3 Commodianus and Arnobius also belong to the North African commodianus scn0°lj an(* lived during the latter half of the third cen- and arno- tury. Commodianus was a poet, who wrote in poor Latin hexameters a work entitled Instructions Against the Gods of the Nations.3 Arnobius was a rhetorician before he be came a Christian. His Disputations Against the Nations was in a florid and artificial style, and bore traces of Gnostic sympathies.* Lactantius belonged to the first quarter of the fourth century, and with him the significance and strength of the North African school came to an end. He had been a pupil of Arnobius, but far sur passed the master. He excelled all the writers of this period in the arrangement of his matter and the elegance of his style, and has been appropriately called "The Christian Cicero." He wrote a work, addressed to Demetrian, and entitled God's Work in the Formation of Man, in which he proved, after the manner of Paley 1 Catal., e. 53. 2 Best ed. of his work, Hartel, Vienna, 1868-71, 3 vols. Best monograph, Otto Ritschl, Cyprian von Karthago und die Verfassung der Kirche, Gottingen, 1885. Nevin discussed his doctrine of the Church with great ability in Mercersburg Rev. for 1852 (four articles). 3 The Instructions were discovered by Seimard, and edited by Rigault in 1650. In 1852 Cardinal Pitra discovered and edited another poem of Commo dianus, Carmen Apologeticum adversus Judaeos et Gentes, fully as interesting as the first. Best editions of both by Ludwig, Leipz., 1877, 1878. The second poem has never been translated into English ; the first appears in the Ante- Nicene Fathers, Christian Literature ed., vol. iv, pp. 203-218. 4 Ed. Reifferscheid, Vienna, 1875. This book was discovered in the sixteenth century, and first edited by Faustus Sabreus, Florence, 1543. THE SCHOOLS AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE. 317 in the present century, the presence of design and providence in the structure of the human body. In his principal work, the Divine Institutions, he presents a formal statement of the Christian religion, and clothes every part of it with a strongly apologetical drapery.1 The individuality of these schools was marked and forceful dur ing the entire period of their existence. But with all service of the characteristics which belonged to each they repre- THE THREE sented the whole Church in its double effect for com schools. plete triumph over paganism and for doctrine and organic unity. They performed a service of immeasurable value, for they not only cultivated a taste for Christian learning, but produced a literature which was not merely a supreme necessity of the time, but which, after eliminating aU that is ephemeral, has been a mine of wealth to the Church in all later times. In addition to the men directly con nected with them there were other writers, who were inspired by the 6ame purpose of proving the necessity of Christianity for the salvation of the world. This is especially true of the Greek Church, where Tatian, Athenagoras, Theophilus, Hermias, Dionysius, and Hegesippus contributed largely toward the establishment of Chris tianity in directions not reached by any school of thought. The intense intellectual activity which pervaded all the centers, and which aroused men in every part of Christendom THE CHURCH and set them to thinking, is a striking proof of the first bearing per- effect of Christianity in quickening the human mind, structures In the very places where the productive power of pagan- 0P thought. ism had come to a pause, as though exhausted for the want of ma terial out of which to build, Christianity was not content to pull down, but began to plan and rear her own immortal structures of thought. Nothing was forgotten. Formal doctrinal treatises, criticism on the sacred text, ecclesiastical history, and the whole cycle of practical duties had their keen minds, who laid broad foundations for the future limitless development of these sciences. These scholars, therefore, were not simply controversialists. If, with one hand, they stripped from the staggering paganism and Judaism their mask, with the other they disclosed to the world the majestic form of the Gospel, with its promise of rest for the weary and its destination to universal empire. 1 Fritzsche, Leipz., 1842-45, 2 vols. 318 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE: APOCRYPHAL LITERATURE. On the apocryphal literature in general, see the articles by Hoffmann, and DiUmann, in Herzog, 2d ed. ; the elaborate articles by Lipsius, in Smith and Wace ; the Edinb. Rev., cxxviii, 81, ff. ; London Quar. Rev., xxxi (1869), 427, ff. ; Church Quar. Rev. (Lond.), xii, 84-114 ; Cruttwell, Literary History of Early Christianity, i, 151-180 ; and the following works : 1. Lipsius, R. A. Die apokryphen Apostelgeschichten und Apostellegenden. Braunschweig, 1883-87, 3 vols. 2. Thomson, J. E. H. Books which Influenced our Lord and his Apostles. Edinb., 1891. See Crit. Rev., ii, 94. 3. Deane, W. J. Pseudepigrapha : An Account of Apocryphal and Sacred Writings of the Jews and Early Christians. Edinb., 1891. See Crit. Rev., ii, 93 ; Church Quar. Rev. (Lond.), xxxii, 517-519. The best editions are by Tischendorf : Acta Apostolorum Apocrypha, Leipz., 1851 ; Evangelia Apocrypha, Leipz., 1853, new ed., 1876 ; Apocalypses Apocryphse, Leipz., 1866. On the Apostolical Constitutions and Canons, see the following : 1. Drey, S. von. Neue Untersuchungen fiber die Constitutionen und Kanones derAp. Tiib., 1832. 2. Piatt, T. P. The .(Ethiopic Didascalia ; or, the -3£thiopic Version of the Apostolical Constitutions, received in the Church of Abyssinia, with an English translation. Lond., 1834. 3. BickeU, J. W. Geschichte des Kirchenrechts. Giessen, 1843, 1849. 4. Tattam, Henry. The Apostolical Constitutions or Canons of the Apostles in Coptic, with Eng. transl. Lond., 1849. 5. Lagarde, P. A. de. Didascalia Apostolorum Syriace. Leipz., 1854. Con- stitutiones Apos. Grace. Leipz., 1862. 6. MacNallay, Th. The Apostolical Canons in Greek, Latin, and English. Lond., 1867. 7. Fulton, John. Index Canonum, 3d ed., enlarged, pp. 79-109. N. Y., 1892. An admirable volume. See the article by Shaw in Smith and Cheetham, i, 110-126 ; and by New man in Hist. Sketches, i, 417, ff. There is also a translation by Chase of both the Constitutions and Canons, with an Essay by Krabbe on their origin and contents. N. Y., 1848. See Schaff, ii, 183-187. Translated also in the Ante- Nicene Fathers, Ch. Lit. Co., vii, 391-505. For full bibliography see pp. 86-89 of Index vol. of the Anti-Nicene Fathers, published by the Christian Lit erature Co., Buffalo (now N. Y.), 1887. APOCRYPHAL LITERATURE. 319 CHAPTER XVII. APOCRYPHAL, LITERATURE. During this period of intellectual ferment there was a rapid in crease of spurious writings. The scriptural canon could be deter mined only by severe and deliberate criticism, and J J ' increase of during the process there arose many claimants to a spurious permanent place in both the Jewish and Christian WKI™3- Scriptures. The reverence in which the more prominent and unquestioned writers of the biblical books were held, and the constancy with which they were appealed to, was abused to such an extent that many other writings were palmed upon the public in their honored names. In addition many works were written and circulated which claimed to be the produc tions of men in both the Jewish and apostolic times whose names had never before appeared in the catalogue of inspired authors. Even the fathers who stood foremost in the con fidence and love of the Church, and who had done heroic serv ice by their pen, no sooner passed away than new works were thrust out with the declaration that they were a part of the precious literary legacy which they had bequeathed to posterity. In many instances it was easy to detect the fraud, because of the pal pable contradiction of style and matter, but in many others it re quired a keener analysis than the age afforded to draw the safe line between the real and the spurious. Even to this day the authorship of some of the alleged writings of the fathers is an un settled question. This rapid growth of apocryphal writings has been construed by antagonists of the divine origin of Christianity as a striking proof of the superstitious and uncritical character of misconcep- Christians during the first three'cent'iirTesr^TTe love *" ™ of the marvelous and legendary has been elevated 0i.THEAPoc- into a strong factor of the general Church. But ryphalwrit- when we look at the origin of these spurious works this serious error immediately disappears. The most of the spurious writings emanated from dissatisfied and schismatic par ties in the Church, while some of ""them were the productions of pronounced enemies to all the essential doctrines of Christian- 320 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ity.1 Both Ebionites and Gnostics, finding themselves driven to retreat by the positive declarations of the writings always recog nized as inspired and canonical, found it a convenient method to produce other writings, which they could use for their own escape. It was the fashion of the hour to support a schism, a heresy, and every theological vagary by the manufacture of appropriate apostolic and patristic testimony. The enemies of the Church, and not the general Church, must be held accountable for this abnormal department of early Chris- the enemies tian literature. By some of the theologians in highest of the esteem its large growth was recognized"* as a calamity, CHURCH RE- o o o sponsible for fraught only with serious danger to the cause of sound the apocry- doctrine and the steady growth of a pure Christian lit- PHAL WRIT- J ° r ings. erature. Irenaeus says of only one Gnostic sect, the val- entinians, that it produced an " indescribable multitude of apocry phal Scriptures," s and Epiphany says that apocryphal writings of the Gnostics amounted to thousands.3 But while the dissatisfied elements in the Church must be made responsible for the larger and grosser part of this spurious literature, the fact still remains that from the Church itself there emanated many works of spurious origin, which even some of the better writers mistook for authentic and used in defense of Christianity/ The authors of the apocryphal writings did not adopt moderate measures. Their empire was the world. Both the past and the extreme future lay before them as a panorama. Prophecy was measures of as easy a feat with them as history ; in fact, their ™eThe apoc- prophecy was generally identical with history ; for, by rtpbal writ- a convenient arrangement, their ratiocinations did not INGS- see the light until the events had occurred. They were as much at home in the remote patriarchal period as in the ' " It is remarkable how scrupulously the earliest orthodox writers resisted the temptation to invent legend, or even to give literary shape to legends already current. Nearly all the specimens of this literature betray, by tendencies in consistent with the primitive faith, an origin outside the orthodox circle." — Cruttwell, Literary History of Early Christianity, i, 154. 2 Adv. Hser., i, 17. 3 Hser., 26. 4 " Although these fables [Apocryphal Acts] originated for the most part in heretical quarters, we find them at a later period among the cherished posses sions of ordinary catholics, acquaintance with them being perpetually renewed, or their memory preserved in catholic Christendom, partly by the festal homi lies of eminent fathers, and partly by religious poetry and works of sacred art." — Lipsius, in Smith and Wace, i, 18. The orthodox used to revise the heretical Acts and gospels, omitting all that offended their views, being careful to preserve, however, all the miraculous elements. APOCRYPHAL LITERATURE. 321 apostolical, and were as skillful in writing works in the name of the Roman Clement as of Paul or Isaiah. The five favorite fields for their type of literature were the Old Testament history, the life of Jesus, the labors and writings of the apostles, the epistles, and ecclesiastical polity and discipline. The Book of Enoch was a product of the century immediately PJ!SSS5i5S»2hri',t' but in tne former half of the second century it underwent a revision, and was adapted to the new Christian condi tions. It has been preserved in a translation Tfom"~the Ethiopic manuscript,1 discovered by Bruce in 1773. It has peculiar interest to Christians on account of the fact that St. Jude quotes it (verses 14, 15) as the work of Enoch* The TestamenFof the the book of Twelve Patriarchs, written by a Jewish Christian, is a EN0CH AND "% , ... , , iii THEAPOCRT. combination of admonition and prophecy by the twelve phal books sons_of_ Jacob, in which they instruct their posterity on 0F THE TIME- the various duties and foretell the incarnation of our Lord and the downfall of Judaism," The Apocalypse oJL, Moses has been pre served in only two fragments, one of which is an imitation of Paul, and contains an argument against the further necessity of circum cision.3 Isaiah's Ascension to^Heaven is a description of that prophet's ascension to heaven, where an angel reveals to him im portant information, additional to his prophecy, on the ministry and glorification of our Lord.^ The Fourth Book of Ezra, origi nally a product of the decades immediately preceding Christ, un derwent important changes after the rise of Christianity, It contains seven prophetic visions, in which both secular and reli- gious events are described. The Prophecies of Hystaspes, a very 1 The Book of Enoch, translated by Laurence, Oxford, 1833. Dillmann, Das Buch Henoch, iibersetzt u. erklart, Leipz., 1853. Schodde, translation, An- dover, Mass., 1882 ; Charles, translation, Edinb., 1894— both works furnished with full introductions and notes. Scholars are hopelessly divided as to the date and composition of the Book of Enoch. See Bissell, The Apocrypha of the Old Testament, N. Y., 1880, p. 665 ; Stanley, History of the Jewish Church. Third Series, lecture xlix ; Stalker, in The Thinker, Feb., 1894, pp. 113-120 ; W. J. Deane, in Theological Monthly, iv, 1, ff., 229, ff. (1890) ; Lipsius, Enoch Book of, in Smith and Wace, ii, 124-128. 8 Nitzseh, De Testamentis duodecim Patriarcharum, Wittenberg, 1810 ; Deane, in Theol. Monthly (London), May, 1891 ; Warfield, The Apologetical Value of the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, in Presb. Rev., i, 57-84 (Jan., 1880) — a scholarly and exhaustive discussion. 8 Comp. Fabricius, I. c, p. 838. 4 Zolowicz, Die Himmelfahrt und Vision des Proph. Iesaja, iibersetzt u. erlautert, Leipz., 1854 ; Dillmann, Ascensio Isaise, in Ethiopic and Latin, with Prolegomena and Notes, Leipz., 1877 ; Schodde, translation in Lutheran Quarterly, Oct., 1878. 21 322 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. early Persian king, are of similar character, in a purpose to portray a universal Christianity. The work was of sufficient importance to win the attention of both Justin and the Alexandrian Clement.1 In the same department of prophecy we must reckon the fourteen the sibylline books of the Sibylline Oracles of this period. The or- oracles. acies bearing this name were so highly regarded by the Romans before the time of Christ that a superstitious use was made of the same term for the promotion of Christian interests. The Sibylline Oracles which emanated from a Christian source present a prophetic picture of the history of the world, the coming of Christ, the labors of the apostles, the destruction of Rome, and the second coming of Nero as the antichrist.. During the second and third centuries they enjoyed great favor, because of their confidence in Christ's final triumph. Notable apologists frequently appealed to them. Their authorship is unknown. They claim to have been written by a daughter-in-law of Noah. The internal evidence, how ever, is strong that the excrescenceoegan amid the fervor of the early Gnosticism of Alexandria, and reached its final form by gradual ac cumulation! Bytnetiine of Constantine tnTSioyUlnes had lost the confidence of the Church and disappeared from public sight.2 The apocryphal accounts of our Lord were numerous. The First apocryphal Gr°sPei of James the Less gave minute details of the early accounts of life of Jesus and of the personal history of Mary. The our lord. Gogpel Qf the Nativity of St^Mary, the History of Jo achim and Anna, of the Birth of Mary and the Infant Saviour, of Joseph the Carpenter, the Gospel of the Infant Saviour, and the Gospel of Thomas bear on the same theme, and furnish a mass of legendary matter on the parts of the life of our Lord omitted in the 1 Apol. i, u. 20, 44 ; Strom., vi, 5 ; Lactantius, Inst. Div., vii, 15, 18 ; Walch, De Hystaspe ejusque Vaticiniis ; in commentt. societ. Gotting. , i, 3. Justin says, the reading of Hystaspes and the Sibyl was made a capital offense, on account, doubtless, of their prophecies of the destruction of the Roman empire. 2 Friedlieb, Die sibyllin. Weissagungen, Leipz., 1852. Thorlacius, Libri Sibylristarum crisi subjecti ; Conspectus Doctrinse chr. in Sibyll. Libris. Havn, 1815-16. Volkmann, De Orac. Sibyllinis, Leipz., 1853. Ewald, Ueber Entstehung, Inhalt u. Werth der sibyllin. Biioher, Gotting. , 1858. Best recent edition is Rzach, Vienna, 1891, the author of Zur Kritik der sibyllinischen Weissagen, 1882. The only translation into English is that by Terry (blank verse), Cincinnati and N. Y., 1890. The best discussion in English is in Edin burgh Rev. , July, 1877. See Warfield, in Presbyterian and Reformed Review, iii, 155 (1892) ; Schodde in Lutheran Quarterly, July, 1879 ; Lupton, in Smith and Wace, iv, 644-649 ; Besangon, De l'emploi que les Peres de l'eglise ont fait des oracles sibyllins, Paris, 1851. Badt published a monograph on the fourth book, with text, Breslau, 1878. A scholarly study (probably by the editor, McClintock) appears in the Methodist Quarterly Review, Oct., 1854, pp. 489-533. APOCRYPHAL LITERATURE. 323 gospels. They show a superstitious disposition, even at this early day, to pay divine honors to the Virgin Mary. The Gospel of Nicodemas, the Acts of Pilate, and the Epistle of Lentulus bear on our Lord's passion, and are equally minute in legendary history.' Apocryphal correspondence includes the Epistle of Barnabas, the Epistle to the Laodiceans, an Epistle to Corinthians in the Armen ian language, the Correspondence of Paul with Seneca, the Epistle of Ignatius to the Mother of Jesus, and the Epistles of the Holy Virgin to the Inhabitants of Messina, Florence, and other cities. The Apocalypse of Peter, the Ascension of Paul, and the Apoca lypses of Thomas and' Stephen, and a second one by John, are only a few of this final department of spurious Scriptures, which de rived much strength and luxuriance from the millenarian expecta tions aroused by Montanism and other movements. The disposition to use borrowed names in support of novel history and special deviations from the doctrines of the Church DISP0SITI0N exhibited itself also in relation to discipline and order, to use bor- The proper treatment of the lapsed, which was the fun- R0WED NAMES- damental point of variance between Rome and Carthage, was one of the chief sources of spurious writing, and the apostles were ap pealed to by the champions of both the mild and severe views. The Apostolical Constitutions is a collection, in eight books, of instructions for both clergy and laity, on practical duties THE AP08T0UC and ecclesiastical usages and polity. They claim to have constitu- been written by the apostles, but in reality arose at dif ferent times. The first six books bear internal proof of having been written in the last quarter of the third _century, while the seventh and eighth are not earlier than the first quarter of the fourth. The Apostolical Canons claim the same authority but with as little foun dation. They are brief rules for ecclesiastical discipline and law. The Western version gives eightyj^ve, while the Greek, Syriac, Ethiopic, and Arabic manuscripts comprise but fifty. They were issued as if by the Roman Clement as the work of the apostles ; but they were afterward declared by the Roman bishop, Hormisdas, to be unworthy of confidence. Their hierarchical bearing, however, was too valuable to lose so easily, and in the Western Church they have held a strong place. The second TjjUan council in the year 692 also recognized them as authority for the Eastern Church. They are probably the work of" several authors about the end of the fourth century. 1 Tischendorf, De Evangg. Apocryph. Origine et TJsu. Hagse Com., 1851: Nicolas, Eludes sur les Evangiles apocryphes, Paris, 1866 ; Brunet, Les Evan- giles apocryphes, Paris, 1866. 324 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : THE CHURCH OF ROME AND THE RISE OF THE PAPACY. 1. Barrow, I. The Pope's Supremacy, Lond., 1680. New ed. Lond., 1859 ; N. Y., 1845. Profound in research ; convincing, ever new and fresh. 2. Rothensee. Der Primat des Papstes in alien christlichen Jahrhunderten, Mainz, 1836-38, 3 vols. 3. Kenrick, F. P. The Primacy of the Apostolic See. 7th ed., rev. and en larged, Baltimore, 1855. One of the ablest defenses of the papal posi- • tion. 4. Greenwood, T. Cathedra Petri : a Political History of the Great Latin Pa triarchate, Lond., 1855-72, 6 vols. A monumental work of an English lawyer; learned and reliable. See Schaff, American Theol. Review. New York, 1864, pp. 9, ff. 5. Allies, T. W. The Formation of Christendom, Lond., 1869-75, 3 vols. The author a Roman Catholic pervert. 6. Friedrich, J. Zur altesten Geschichte des Primates in der Kirche,. Bonn, 1879. An excellent study by an Old Catholic scholar. 7. Langen, J. Geschichte der romischen Kirche bis zum Pontifikate Leo's I, Bonn, 1881 ; Bis Nikolaus 1, 1885. 8. Littledale, R. F. The Petrine Claims, Lond., 1889. A brilliant historical examination of the Roman case by a veteran High Anglican anti-Roman ist controversialist. The reader is referred also to the books on the papal primacy prompted by the Vatican council. 9. Bright, W. The Roman See in the Early Church, Lond. and N. Y., 1896. See Nation, N. Y., July 2, 1896, p. 16. GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIMACY OF ROME. 325 CHAPTER XVIII. GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIMACY OF ROME. The government of the Church, like its theology and literature, was of slow and unsteady growth. There havine been ,.. ,,. . i..° INFLUENCE of no divine regulation concerning an ecclesiastical polity, the roman Christianity was compelled to adapt itself to the condi- omL STSTEM' tions by which it was environed, and devise such plans as might seem best for present and future development. The political structure amid which the Christians lived was the nearest and most natural model for an ecclesiastical framework, and, therefore, we observe no smaU measure of the civil regulations of the Romans reproduced in the nrst polity of the Church. The metropolitan center, the patriar chate, and ffie"s^oa*albond had been originally a part of the politic cal system of the empire^ and in fact, not less than word, wef6\ incorporated into the government of the Church. This beginnin was made even during the period of persecution, but after Christian" ity became a tolerated faith, and finally the religion of the State, the process of introducing the Roman political system into tfie government of the Church became more rapid and "the resemblance more 'striking. Under Constantine the Church became only a small empire within the larger one. Until the middle of the Sjecgnd century the government consisted of a few general forms, having undergone but little change from the apostolic simplicity. But at this time the heresies appeared, and from this new necessity there arose a larger number of ecclesiastical officers and a more com plicated general polity. There were two clerical classes, the minor and the greater. To the former belonged, first, the subdeacons, who assisted THE MIN0R the deacons in the subordinate parts of the service. orders. Then came the acolytesTwho were assistants of the bishops in many subordinate relations. At the communion service they filled the cup with wine and water and had authority to administer the ele ments to the sick. The acolyte, though the name is of Greek ori gin, was a clerical office known only to the Western Church. The lectors, or readers, appear as a special clericalorder at the end of the "second or the beginning of the third century. Their office was to guard the sacred manuscripts belonging to the society, and to 326 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. read such passages of Scripture in the public service as had not been read by the presbyter or deacon. Young men who were intending to enter the ministry were often appointed for this service, as the office was supposed to be an aid in preparation for the ministry, while the Church could determine, by the way in which the duties were performed, whether the candidate was a proper person to enter the ministry. In the time of Tertullian the office of lector was fully developed, for he brings the charge against the heretics that in their services a man is a deacon one day and only a lector the next.1 In the fifth century the deacons began to assume the duties of readers. The subdeacons stood next in rank to the deacons, and were appointed to assist them. In every part of the Church DEACONS AS readers in great caution had been used in increasing the number of the fifth deacons beyond seven, the apostolic number," and when CENTURY •'J. ' this liberty was taken care was employed to state the necessity for the transgression.3 In the middle of the third century even the Roman society, with its fort^ix^^ejbyters and immense membership, had only seven deacons.4 The subdeacons received ordination, and in this respect differed from the lectors, They had m. charge of persons supposed to be djejnoniacs, and offered prayers over them in behalf of the Church. In some bhurches they also had charge of catechumens, probably because of the supposed connection between exorcism and baptism. The Western Church alone possessed the exorcists as a special clerical class, the time of their origin being about the beginning of the fourth century." The Eastern Church was no less firm in its belief in demoniacs, yet did not employ the exorcists as a separate order, but merged their functions into the priesthood.6 The catechists were only seldom a special ecclesiastical order, their duties being performed by presbyters, deacons, and lectors. When the congregation was very large, as in the case of Alexan dria, and those officers were too much employed, a catechist was em- catechists ployed for the special work of preparing candidates for and mter- admission into the Church. The hermeneuja?, or inter- and other prefers, were persons who interpreted the sermon and orders. selections from the Scriptures into the language of the people, where that language was neither the Grjek nor Latin. Such 1 De Praascript. Hseret., c. 41. * Eusebius, vi, 43. Jerome, Ep. 101, Ad Evang. Concil. Neo-Csesar., c. 15. 3 Comp. Jacobi, Lehrbuch d. Kirchengeschichte, p. 226. 4 Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 6, 43. 6 Apost. Const., viii, 26. 6 The Greek forms for exorcism may be found in Schmitt, Morgenland.-griech- russische Kirche, Mainz, 1826, p. 141, and Assemani, Codex Liturg., ii, 318, f. GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIMACY OF ROME. 327 an office was especially necessary in the North African society, where the majority of the members spoke only the Punic language. Sing ers or precentors were employed in the larger" churches, in pro portion as sacred psalmody developed. The lowest officers in rank were the ostiarii, or doorkeepers, who served as ushers, preserved order, and had charge of the church building. All these offices existed in full force by the end of the third cen tury, and some of them as early as the middle of the second.' In the following period others arose as the a^tor^he™ wants of the Church increased and its temporal affairs ™irdcen- TORY required closer scrutiny. To these belonged the econ- omos, or trustee of church property; * the defender, or attorney ; 3 £ne secretary, who recorded and preserved the official records ; the parabolani, or nurses of the sick ; and the fossores, or gravediggers. We now come to the greater clerical orders. There was a consid erable enlargement of the functions of the diaconate. Originally designed for ministration to the needy, it now grew into an impor tant clerical order. The deacon baptized, prepared the bread and wine for the administration of the Lord's Supper, read the gospels and other lessons before the congregation, frequently preached and administered the Lord's Supper to the sick and absent. They were very closely related to the bishop, accompanied him in his vis itations, and represented him in such grave deliberative assemblies as synods and councils,* The office of presbyter continued, as in the apostolic period, to conduct the public worship, administer the sacraments, and preach, but in proportion as the pastoral needs de veloped, and the minor services were performed by subordinates, the functions of the presbyter increased in importance. The most se rious change, however, took place in the episcopacy- As early as the year 70, when the Roman Clement wrote his Epistle to the Corinthians, we discover no difference between the bishop and the presbyter. But by the early decades of the second century a tran- sitioiTwas in progress, the preparation having been made by the Epistles of Ignatius. By the end of the century the consolidation of the episcopate was complete/ ' Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 6, 43. Full information on these lesser orders will be found in Bingham, book iii, vol. i, pp. 341-423, ed. of 1840. 2 Cone. Chalcedon., c. 25. 3 Cone. Carthag., c. 10, also 401. Cod. Eccles. African., c. 75 ; c. 97, defens- ores scholastici. Codd. Theod., xvi, ii, 38. 4 Apost. Const. , 2, 44 : aaofi ml bipdalpbc ml orbpa, KapSia re ml ijrvxv iniGicdirov. Hatch, Organization of the Early Christian Churches, lect. ii. 1 Ebrard, Handbuch d. christl. Kirchen-und Dogmen-Geschichte, i, p. 127 ; Hatch, I. c. ; Lightfoot, Dissertations on the Apostolic Age, pp. 153-209. 328 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The mode of electing bishops varied with the time asd place. Originally the congregation, both East and West, elected the election of bishop, and extended an invitation to the neighboring bishops. bishops to consecrate him to his new office.1 But by the beginning of the thirdcentury the election of a bishop was per- I formed by twelve bishops in the adjoining territory, after the manner of the election of an apostle. But this usage passed away by the middle of the century, and the election took place by the votes of i all the bishops of the province, in presence of the laity of the society, and by their consent.' The Council of Nicsea gave to the bishops of the province the right of election, without the participa tion of the laity,8 a mode which found easy and strong favor in the Western Church, where the hierarchical idea was in the ascendant. But in the Eastern Church the laity still exercised their right, not only of veto, but of direct election. The bishop was frequently elected by the acclamation of the multitude, as in the case of Cyp rian, without the controlling voice of the clergy, and the other bishops and presbyters were compelled to submit to the dictation. The direction which the popular will might take was often a serious uncertainty, and in some instances laymen were caught up by the multitude and appointed to the episcopacy. It is only just to say, that in such cases the choice was generally a wise one. The consecration of a bishop, as well as the ordination of presby ters and deacons, was performed by bishops, or by one bishop and consecration presbyters deputed by the people.4 The powers of the of thebiTh- bisll0P steadily multiplied. The disposition to regard ops. all ordinations as properly proceeding from him gained force continually. While he was the authority to whom important cases of need and difficulties between members were referred, his power was limited by his dependence upon the cooperation of the presbyters. The clergy of his diocese were the constituency on whom he was constantly dependent. Even Cyprian, the great champion of the episcopate, declared that it was a settled principle with him to do nothing without the cooperation of the presbytgjs.6 1 Bunsen, Hippolytus and his Age, vol. ii, p. 131. J Cyprian, Ep. 67. Kurtz, Handbuch derallgem. Kirchengeschichte, i, p. 174. The fullest treatment is in Haddan, art. " Bishop," in Smith and Cheetham, Diet, of Chr. Antiquities, an article written from a High Church point of view, but generally accurate as to facts ; a treatise in itself. 3 4th Canon. * Ordinance of Church of Alexandria. In Bunsen, Hippolytus and his Age, ii, p. 33. On the presbyterial ordinations of bishops at Alexandria, see Gal lagher, The Historic Episcopate, N. Y:*, 1890 ; Lightfoot, Dissertations, pp. 194-197. 6 Works, Ed. Baluz, p. 5. Neander, i, 192. GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIMACY OF ROME. 329 He calls them compresbyteros, copresbyters, a word used ako much later.1 While it was his function to nominate the lower clergy, no preacher could advance from the lowest grade to orders without the approval of the presbyters, whatever might be the private ctprian's preference of the bishop. No important question of principle. doctrinal variation, or discipline, or general administration, could be determined by the bishop. He must summon the clergy of his diocese, and to them, in the presence of the society, he must sub mit the question.* This restriction of the episcopal power throws a strong light on the original autonomy of the individual society. Here, in compact and united form, was the visible Church. The mem- ._.„.„, „_ bers might be few and obscure, but they were the theindivid- earthly reflection of the new Jerusalem. The govern- rAL S0CIETY- ment was vested in the laity, and the spiritual gride, not master, was the presbyter or bishop.3 Tertullian was the spokesman of the universal consciousness of the early Church, which recognized the fact that all the gifts and callings of the ministry rested upon the divine priesthood of all believers. In his work on baptism, written before he became a Montanist, and thus representing, in a sense, the catholic Church, he says : " In itself considered the laity also have the right to administer the sacraments and to teach the community. The word of God and the sacraments were by the grace of God com municated to all, and may therefore be communicated by all Chris tians as instruments of the divine grace. But the question here re lates not barely to what is permitted in general, but also to what is expedient under existing circumstances. We may here use the words of St. Paul, ' All things are lawful for me, but all things are not expedient.' If we look at the order necessary to be maintained in the Church, the laity are therefore to exercise their priestly right of administering the sacraments only when the time and circumstances require it."4 The whole life, as well as the governmental power, of the Church proceeded from these small Christian communities. While the churches in the great commercial and intellectual cen ters were convulsed by controversy and dissension and by the tempest of constant political changes, the obscure congregations pursued their steady course, and preserved their faith, and fulfilled the high destiny of representing the body of Christ amid the agita tions of wasting paganism. 1 Eps., 14, 45. See Augustine, Quaest. vet. et nov. test, (in op., iii, p. 93), Lightfoot, I. c, p. 193. * Herzog, Abriss d. gessammt. Kirchengeschichte, i, 156. 3 Bunsen, Hippolytus and his Age, ii, p. 181. " De Baptismo, xvii. 330 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The development of ecclesiastical jurisdiction was by natural and easy stages. It comprised the diocese, the metropolitan district, and the patriarchate. The officer of the Church followed in the footprints of the evan gelist. The work of preaching and organizing the society was first in the city. Here were the people, the most rapid currents of thought, and all the most potent forces for extending a great cause strong so- into the remoter regions. All the early preachers of cieties built Christianity saw the need of building up the first strong cities. societies in the cities, as an initial measure for the occu pation of the rural regions. When a church was organized in one part of a city and the number of believers increased, the demand was soon made for a new one in some other quarter. By this means in the larger cities a number of churches arose, but all were re lated to the mother Church, and were dependent on it. There was great variety in the method of ministerial supply. There was a bishop who had supervision over all the churches, but he was not the source of authority for the appojnj^nj^jrf jweachers. The arrangement vafiecTaccording to the locality. In Constantinople, for example, the presbyters of the mother Church served the three filial churches in order. In other cities each society had its own presbyter as ministerial supply, who was subordinate to the bishop. The bishop, with the presbyters of the city, constituted the minis terial council or authority, but in business affecting the interests of the laity the latter were constantly consulted. The suburban districts were not long in adopting the Gospel. People living along all the great highways were frequent visitors to the central city for all the varied purposes of interest, pleasure, or curi osity, and many of them became early hearers of the new doc trines and attached themselves to the original or filial societies in the city. As the suburban Christian population increased the necessity arose for building churches in its midst, and for dissolving connec- prominence ^on w*th *ke c%- No sooner was toleration granted of the subur- the Church than many wealthy Christians dwelt in the ban society. suburban districts, away from the strife of the city, from precisely the same motives which in our times prompt the more affluent residents of Paris, London, and New York to provide homes, at least for the summer, amid the pure air and calmer life of the country. The churches which were built in the suburban regions were often costly, as might be expected, and they in creased in numbers and importance to such an extent as, in frequent instances, to rival their sister societies in the city. GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIMACY OF ROME. 331 These country churches were first called parishes,1 a term aft erward applied also to the city societies in their congregational relation. Out of this importance of the suburban church arose a new office, the chorepiscopos, or rural bishop, who, while never ad- THE RURAL ' mitted to be of the same authority as the bishop of the episcopacy. city churches, nevertheless, was not slow to assert his claims lest he be forgotten by the laymen or presbyters of his district. The rural episcopacy became an element of serious disturbance, and greatly conflicted with the unity of the Church in the great centers. In some parts of the Church they were never admitted to be equal in authority with the city bishops. But by analyzing their functions we see but little difference. They could nominate and ordain pres byters, and in their limited territory exercise the same authority as any other bishops. In Africa there does not seem to have existed the least difference between the city and country bishops.' \) A strong tendency arose to limit their power. Several of the provincial synods of the fourth century took from the rural bishops the right of nominating the higher clergy of their dis- limitation of tncts, and made the cooperation of the city bishops a P0WEE 0P _ -cr-'jf- „ , . r therural necessity. Jbmally, the office of chorepiscopos was episcopacy. practically abolished by the CouncU of Laodicea (340-380), and that of Sardicain 347, where it was ordered that presbyters, subordinate to the city bishop, should be appointed visitors to the suburban churches and susEm a union with the societies of the city. But the office lingered long after this, and did not cease until late in the ninth century.3 The country societies, instead of being independent, be came parishes, and were supplied by pastors in the same manner as the filial churches in the city.4 The territory over which one bishop was the superintendent was called a diocese,'1 whether it consisted 1 Tlapocniat. 8 Hase, Hist, of the Christian Church. Ed. Blumenthal and Wing. N. Y. 1872, p. 60. 3 There is a dispute whether the chorepiscopi were in fact presbyters or bishops. " Among the schoolmen and canonists," says Bingham, Antiquities, book ii, chap, xiv, "it is a received opinion that they were only presbyters ; as may be seen in Turrian, Estius, Antonius Augustinus, and Gratian, who are fol lowed not only by Salmasius, but by Spalatensis, Field, and Forbes, the last of whom brings several arguments to prove that they were mere presbyters, and never had any episcopal ordination. " Although we are inclined to believe with Haddan (art. in Smith and Cheetham) and Bingham that they were bishops, it is by no means certain that they were. 4 Planck, Geschichte d. christlichen Gesellschafts-verfassung, pp. 546, ff. 5 AioiKijaig. See Hatch, Growth of Church Institutions. Lond. and N. Y., 1887, pp. 9, ff. 332 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of only the churches in the city or comprised as well the outlying rural parishes. The metropolitan authority was intimately related to the diocese. The word metropolitan does not appear befor^he^^ncil^N^c^a, but the idea which it represents had been in force from the begin ning of the patristic period. The city in which the Gospel had metropolitan been first preached, and from which it spread into and11™ d-o- other regi°ns 0I tne province, was the mother city ' of cese. the Church of the whole territory. The lesser cities of the province received the word from the capital, and were in re lation to it as daughters to a mother. The societies in these smaller cities grew in numbers and influence and became dioceses, and yet were related to the maternal church of the capital. Each community had its own government, with an episcopal head, and yet great care was used to preserve the bond of union between the ex tremities and the central power. In Rome, for example, the origi nal Christian society in Italy existed, but other cities, in time, as Tusculum and Prseneste, Tibur and Velitras, and Ostia and Por tus, also grew into important Christian communities, each having a bishop of its own.3 The metropolitan bishop had always been re garded with peculiar veneration because of his supposed attachment to the doctrines and usages of the early Church as still preserved in a society of apojtoUc_origin, his opportunity to oversee the needs of the entire province and employ direct measures to relieve them, and his facility of communication with the Church in other parts of the Christian world. To the metropolitan was conceded the right of ordaining the provincial bishops, of convening the provin cial synods, of presiding over them, and of subsequently employ ing measures for the carrying out of the measures ordered at the synodal sessions.3 centers of ^Be centers of metropolitan authority were Rome, metropolitan Antioch, Caesarea, Alexandria, Ephesus, and Cor- authority. inth< But the western Church never fully adopted the idea of metropolitan preeminence. The claim of Rome was 1 Mi/Trip ttoUq. Hatch, in his Growth of Church Institutions, pp. 128, ff . , has thrown new light on the metropolitans. 2 Bunsen, Hippolytus and his Age, vol. ii, p. 133. 3 An interesting question as to the authority of metropolitans came up in the prosecution of Bishop King, of Lincoln, for illegal ritualistic practices, in 1889. The Archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Benson, held (see his Judgment in The Guardian, May 15, 1889) that he himself had full right to try the case. Oth ers, with better historic ground, argued that the bishops of the province must also be parties in the case. This is argued ably in the Church Quarterly Re view, Lond., Oct., 1889, art. vii. GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIMACY OF ROME. 333 larger than to be first among equals. Its early thought was religious mastery, and to this it adhered with a tenacity that was little dis turbed by the centuries and frequently defiant. The East, where the political divisions were highly favorable to its development, was the favorite field for carrying out the metropolitan idea. A still further step in ecclesiastical administration was the patri archate. The term patriarch had been applied frequently to the bishops, but the Council of Chalcedon limited its application to the few episcopal primates.1 After Christianity had become the reli gion of the Roman empire the bishops of Rome, Alexandria, Anti och, and Constantinople in the fourth century, and Jerusalem in the fifth, were clothed with a power beyond that of the THE PATRI. metropolitan. Their spiritual supervision was modeled archate. after Constantine's division of the whole Roman empire. As there were four prefects of the Roman empire, so there should be, as parallel spiritual forces, patriarchs or exarchs for the administration of ecclesiastical affairs. The functions of the patriarch toward the metropolitan bishops were similar to those of the metropolitans toward the provincial bishops. They consecrated the metropolitans and bishops of their dioceses, summoned the synods of the whole patriarchate, and had supervision over all the ecclesiastical affairs of the territory under their supervision,3 were the court of final clerical appeal, and possessed the right of having legates at foreign courts.3 The patriarchate of Alexandria comprised six provinces, Antioch fifteen, Constantinople twenty-eight, and Jerusalem three. While Rome was, in all essential respects, a patriarchate, the bishop of that city never applied the term patriarch to himself. The word, however, was frequently used in the Western Church as an official title of metropolitans, ordinary bishops, and even the abbots of monasteries." The clerical officers grew so rapidly in number, and so much au thority was concentrated in the highest orders, such as GR0WIH 0F the metropolitans and patriarchs, that the episcopacy episcopal au- constituted a ministeriaf aristocracy, and only needed TH0KIIT- to combine in order to carry out their measures in every part of the Church. Gradually the laity were excluded from the exercise of 1 Pressel, in Herzog'sReal-Encyclopsedie, ii, 200. 2 Guericke, Manual of Church History, Shedd's ed., vol. i, p. 273. 3 Wiltsch, Geography and Statistics of the Church, vol. i, p. 72, f . * Nicetius, Bishop of Lyons, is called a patriarch by Gregory of Tours, lib. iv, cap. 20. Prisons, Bishop of Lyons, is called by the same title in Sismondi, Cone. Ant. Gall., torn, i, p. 381. The abbot of the Monastery of Monte Cassino was called " patriarch of the Holy Faith." Comp. Busching, Erdbeschreibung, iv, 465. 334 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. their former rights, even in matters which concerned their interests chiefly.1 Over against this growing episcopal power there arose the provincial synod, and later the general council, both of which rep resented the will of the Church. Whatever influence the bishop might exert in the regular exercise of his office, and whatever deci sions he might feel empowered to make, he was compelled in the synod or council to accord to the body its rights, v The synod, as with other administrative regulations of the Church, was an imitation of the Greek provincial bodies under Roman rule, where, in the capital of the province, the THE SYNOD A ' ' ,,. ., -i , i greek imha- representatives of the people met m council, under the TI0N" presidency of the proconsul, and transacted such busi ness as was needful. From a remote time these synodal meetings " had been held in Asia Minor, and, indeed, traces can be discovered in the deliberative meetings of the Ionian, Achaian, Doric, and other confederations. The Amphictyonic Council was only a type of the later ecclesiastical synod. When the Romans conquered Greece the yet remaining traces of the old confederations passed away, and in their place the land was divided into provinces, or the old pro vincial outlines remained, and each province was provided with its local government. This political regulation was the basis of the synodal representation. The federal spirit of the Greek infused it self into the government of the Church, but as a reaction against monarchical ideas.3 During the persecutions there was no oppor tunity for the development of this popular body, but under the reign of Commodus, and during the seventy years of comparative peace, terminating with the reign of Decius, the synodal idea could take form. The first occasion on which the synod was employed was when one was called, in Asia Minor, to aid in the suppression of Montanism. Another was convened to decide on the Easter festival ; and from these beginnings the synod became an acknowl edged institution of the Church, in some regions having the fixed regularity of annual assemblies. By the early part of the third century the synodal meeting had extended beyond Asia Minor and Greece, and was a recognized de partment of ecclesLasticaTaaministration in every part of the Chris tian world.4 In North Africa they became a part of the regular 1 On the influences at play to change the relation of clergy and laity, see Hatch, Organization of the Early Christian Churches, pp. 143, ff. * Koival avvoSoi. 3 Lechler, art. "Synoden," in Herzog, Real-EncyclopsBdie, Bd. 15, p. 375. Marquardt, Romische Staatsverwaltung, i, 365-237. Hatch, Organization of the Early Christian Churches, pp. 169, 170. 4 Tertul., De Jejun., cap. 13. Kurtz, Handbuch d. allgem. Kirchengeschichte, i, pp. 177, f. GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIMACY OF ROME. 335 ecclesiastical economy, and we're of great force during the Novatian controversy. The controversy on the proper treatment of "heretics being the most heated one of this period, the synod was a frequent method of resort, which the bishop was slow to convene unless he was sure that the conclusion would support lllmlZ his position. There was great variety in the delegation iJ0™I)- composing the synod. At first the laity had no little influence. It was the popular Christian deliberative meeting, and the sessions were often of the old tumultuous Greek character, where few questions were asked as to membership. It was often a question of numbers and voice. The proprieties sank beneath the wave of a popular tem pest. In Cyprian's day the synodal delegates consisted of the bishops, presbyters, and deacons of the province. But the laity, or general Christian society, were also present, and gave their consent to the action of the body. ' When the Council of Nicaea assembled, which, in many respects, curtailed the power of the laity and lower clergy and strengthened the authority of the bishops, it was determined that only the bishops could vote in the proyincjaisynod. But the people long continued, especially in the Eastern Church, to find strong ways of expressing their will, and even of carrying it into execution. As a further proof of the connectional and representative charac ter of the synod it took prompt measures to communicate its con clusions to other synods. The synodical epistles of thesynodic- this period, sent to distant societies, constitute a pecul- AL KPI8TLE8. iar literature in themselves. Sometimes they found favor in other parts of the province, but often were coldly received, if not vio lently opposed. They generally began with a claim to divine illumination in reaching the conclusion, as in the case of the Carthaginian synod of the year 252, when Cyprian reported to the bishop, Cornelius of Rome, that the Lord had directed by indubita ble signs.3 Out of the local synod or council grew the ecumenicaj coun cil or synod, representing the entire ChurcE The synods continued to be held, for the regulation of the pro- THEC0DNCIL vincial churches, after the custom of holding general councils arose ; but their power was greatly diminished by the latter, 1 Opera, Sententia episcoporum 87 de haereticis baptiz. : Cum in unum Carthagini convenissent episcopi plurimi ex provincia Africa, Numidia, Mauritania, cum presbyteris et diaconibus, praesente etiam plebis maxima parte. s Placuit nobis sancto Spiritu suggerente et Domino per visiones multas et manifestas admonente. 336 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. while the popular interest that formerly attached to them was now,( transferred to the council.1 \ The most remarkable feature of the government of the Church ' consisted in the growing power of the Roman bishop. Many growing things conspired to give prestige to the Church in power of Rome. The society in that city had always been con- bishop. servative in doctrine. Dissatisfied and innovating teachers drifted thither fromTivery part of the Christian world, and. sought a following. Whenever an ambitious member was expelled in any part of Christendom it was not long before he was met in the streets of Rome. Amid all the temptations to accept doctrinal and administrative changes the general body of Roman Chris tians had remained firm to the early faith, of which they had been the leading representatives, as the greatest apostolic Church, since the destruction of Jerusalem and the overthrow oTthaTcity. The views of the Roman Church on the Easter festival and the baptism of heretics had not only been carefully matured, but had met the ap proval of the outlying region. There was general confidence in the attitude which that society might assume toward all new measures, from whatever quarter they might come. The old commendation of Paul, that the faith of the Roman society " had been spoken of throughout the whole world," 3 had not been forfeited during the years of trial. To this doctrinal steadfastness must be connected the celebrity of that society in practical Christianity, and especially in the giv- practical *n& °^ alms- Not only were the poor of the metropolis Christianity tenderly cared for, but the poor and persecuted in the in rome. provinces to the north and west were aided with readi ness. In those days the remote Christians were in constant need of help, and their representatives gravitated naturally to Rome, where a cordial reception was given to them, if properly accredited, and they returned with prompt and ample help. The strong hand of the Roman society was felt in all the distant societies.3 Another great factor in giving prominence to the Roman society was its supposed relationship to the labors of the apostles Paul and Peter. That Paul was known, on scriptural authority, to have lived there as a prisoner and, probably, to have suffered martyrdom there, seems to have been less valued as a precious historical tradition 1 An excellent chapter on the origin and development of councils, and their place in the ecclesiastical system, is in Hatch, Organization of the Early Chris tian Churches, pp. 169, ff. 2 Rom. i, 8. 3 Schaff gives very satisfactory summary of the reasons for growth of the pre eminence of Rome, vol. ii, pp. 156, 157. GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIMACY OF ROME. 337 than the slender legend of Peter's residence there. The certain Paul was less valued than the uncertain Peter. Not supposed re- f rom Paul, but from Peter, did Clement claim to have "™N .°* received his episcopate. This tradition gained strength paultorome. steadily. In the official documents, and in the writings of the Roman bishops, the reminders are repeated that Peter founded the Roman Church, and that it alone of all the Christian societies had the distinction of having two apostolic founders. But the first century passed away and a part of the seconoTbefore any claim to primacy was made by the Roman bishop, Even as late as the time of Hippolytus the jurisdiction of the Church of Rome did not ex- tentT over the adjacent territory in southern Italy, central Italy as far east as the Apennines, and as far north as the northern line of Tuscany. The Roman Church was strictly Roman. It had not as yet attained Italian dimensions, and much less to primacy over Latin or universal Christendom.1 But there was a disposition to accord to the Roman bishop a certain recognition which was denied all others. Tertullian appealed to Western Christians, if they would know what the true apostolic doctrine is, to learn of Rome, "which can be an authority to us [Africans]."3 This admonition was enforced by the usual appeal to the apostolical origin of the Roman society, but with the added glory of Peter's and Paul's martyrdom, in the same city. Irenasus spoke in the same strain, saying that as the Church of Rome had been founded by two apos tles, and was the scene of their martyrdom, as Christians thronged to the metropolis from every part of the world and compared views, so Rome was more likely than any other place to possess the real apostolic tradition and to be the most correct reproduction of the apostolic purity and simplicity of life. 3 Prom the middle of the second century the claims of Roman primacy were repeated with more force and frequency. OR0WTH 0F During this time the Clementine Recognitions appeared, the roman which contained the first direct autnority*for the Ro- P™iDcDVE"; man bishop as the constitutional primate of the Chris- second cen- tian world. In the early decades of the third century TIIKT' the view was so far strengthened by the orthodox revision of the Recognitions that we find the papal idea presented with great force ; but yet with a measure of caution. Cyprian, although in 1 Bunsen, Hippolytus and his Age, vol. ii, p. 133. 2 Unde nobis quoque auctoritas praesto est. De Prasscriptione HsBreticorum, xxxvi. 3 Ad hanc enim ecclesiam propter potentiorem principalitatem necesse est convenire omnem ecclesiam, h. e. , eos, qui sunt undique fideles, in qua semper ab his, qui sunt undique, conservata est ea, quae est ab apostolis traditio, 3, 3. 22 338 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. serious collision with Rome on the treatment of heretics, contributed largely toward the growth of the Roman piimacy. His work on the unity of the Church was a strong argument in favor of the concen tration of ecclesiastical power, and, without intention on his part, was of great influence in securing primacy to Rome.1 On the abstract question of the claim of the Roman bishop, as the successor of Peter, to ecclesiastical supremacy, against ro- Cyprian spoke in stern rebuke. That any bishop man primacy, gbouid place himself above his associates was with him a violation of the very idea of ecclesiastical unity. With the episcopacy, as with the Church, there must be unity. The episcopacy is a unit, which is firmly held together by its parts.* Christ alone is Lord over all.3 He who lays claim to episcopal pre dominance makes an insolent and arrogant assumption. Some of the episcopal incumbents in these later days make this very pre tension, and, in doing it, violate the example of Peter himself." Cyprian was careful, in addressing the Roman bishop, to call him colleague and brother/ and by no term that would mark a dispar ity of episcopal dignity. Origen, who heard the claim for Roman preponderance based upon the Petrine foundation, expressed the in tense love of equality and justice that underlay the Greek spirit, both pagan and Christian, when with keen logic he cried aloud, " Be it so ! " But if Peter is the only one on whom the Church is built, what becomes of John and the other apostles ? Is Peter, forsooth, the only one against whom the gates of hell shall not prevail ? But in spite of Irenseus, Cyprian, and the general disposition of 1 Cyprian's ideas of Church unity have been the subject of frequent contro versy and investigation, as by Rothe, Die Anfange der christl. Kirche, pp. 553- 711 ; Huther, Cyprian's Lehre von der Einheit der Kirche, Hamb. , 1839 ; Peters, Die Lehre des heil. Cyprian von der Einheit der Kirche, Luxemb., 1870; Reinkens, Die Lehre des heil. Cyprian von der Einheit der Kirche, Wiirzburg, 1873. Nevin contributed a powerful series of articles on the same subject in the Mercersburg Review, 1852 (see reply by Varien in same Review, 1853, pp. 555, ff). Cyprian's Church system was subjected to an acute'examination by Otto Ritschl, the son of Albrecht Eitschl, Cyprian von Karthago und die Verfas- Bung der Kirche, Gottingen, 1885. 2 Episcopatus unus est cujus a singulis in solidum pars tenetur. Epist. 55 (ed. Gersd.), cap. 20. 3 Sed exspectemus universi judicium Dei nostri Jesu Christi, qui unus et solus habet potestatem et prseponendi nos in ecclesiae suae gubernatione et de actione nostra judicandi. Ep. 71. 4 Nee Petrus . . . cum secum Paulus de circumcisione postmodum disceptaret, vindicavit sibi aliquid insolenter aut arroganter assumpsit, ut deceret se pri- matum tenere et obtemperaria novellis et posteris sibi potius oportere. Ep. 71. 6 Frater-collega. Ebrard, Handbuch der christlichen Kirchen-und Dogmen geschichte, i, 131. GOVERNMENT AND THE PRIMACY OF ROME. 389 the Church, the current of events was toward a consolidation of the Roman episcopate as the center of all official authority, in spite of Each new bishop was true to the traditions which be- OPPOipioN . i , n • T -, , ROME S PRIMA- longed to his diocese, and whenever a new measure came cy steadily up for discussion in any part of the Christian horizon GKEW- the Roman claimed the right of final decision. Zephyrinus held that he alone should be arbiter on the discipline of penitents ; Victor as sumed the same right on the Ej^ter_cointroyersy ; and Stephen as serted a similar claim on the baptism of heretics. Every voice that came into Rome was in favor of the equality of all bishops, while every voice that went out from it was a plea for the primacy of the Roman bishop. At the Council of Nicaea the patriarchates of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch were ranked as first, second, and trard respectively. At the general Council of Chalcedon, A. D. 451, Constantinople was placed in the second place, and Rome was ac knowledged as having the precedence, not because the pope was constituted by Christ the ruler of Christendom, but " because it was the imperial city." * This famous canon has been a stumbling-block to Rome. The papal legates refused to vote for it, and their pro tests were recorded, but the council passed it. Pope Leo I rejected it.3 The great resisting force lay in the Eastern THEEASTERN Church. Antioch, which was one of the largest and church al- most influential of the Eastern patriarchates, was con- ^ngforce. stantly opposed to the Roman claim. But the East was little calculated to resist Rome. In the Augus tan days, when a great heroic character, who had risen above the horizon in the East, was talked of along the Porum Romanum or amid the luxuriant ease of the gardens of the nobility, the eastern the complaisantlimitation was always made that the East was only provincial, or that nothing out of Rome was the tide, cosmopolitan. So, in the third century of Christianity, the Roman Christians claimed for their society all the dignity and authority of apostolic precedence, and for^lneir bishop that spiritual and eccle siastical supremacy to which the wh~oIe"West was compelled to sub mit. The near Church of Carthage, the cultivated society of Alex andria, and the original, acute, and aggressive Christians of Antioch were regarded by their Roman brethren as only provincial, and therefore on the same level with Pirmilian, the obscure bishop of 1 Canon 28. 2 See Church Quarterly Review, Lond., Oct., 1889, pp. 131-133 ; Fulton, Index Canonum, 3d ed., 1892, pp. 74-76, note; Bright, Hist, of the Church, pp. 313-451 ; Littledale, Plain Reasons, pp. 172, 173, note ; Hefele, Hist, of Coun cils, iii, 428. Otherwise, the council recognized St. Peter's connection with Rome. church una ble to stem 340 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the Cappadocian Csesarea, who dared to charge Stephen of Rome with boasting of his episcopal superiority.1 The presence of the court in Constantinople, which was now the immorality of new Rome, was not helpful tothe spiritual development Constantino- or wjge administration of the Eastern Church. It was to spiritual a region of intrigue and revolution. The Turkey of oTeambmT our times> with its Plots and counterplots, and its church. moral corruption, is only a modern reflection of the empire which centered in the city of Constantine. The members of the court frequently took part in the theological controversies, and the wrangle of schismatics was transferred to the homes of the no bility and even to the palace of the emperor. It was a place and time of unrest. As in the Bosphorus one sees the tumultuous flow of the northern into the southern waters, so beside its banks could be seen the meeting of all the conflicting thoughts that agitated the entire Eastern Church. There was no hour of calm and steady spiritual life. Between Alexandria and the new metropolis there was no friendly feeling. The great city of Alexander had known only one competitor, and that was Rome, but now that Byzantium, which had been subordinate even to Heraclea, the capital of Thrace, was transformed into a vast capital, and the home of the Roman em peror, the feeling in the North African city was anything but gen erous and Christian. The agitation of the Church around the shores of the eastern half of the Mediterranean was now becoming so serious as to retard important missionary operations and to threaten the general unity. In the West the life was more steady. The heresies arose in the steady life as*> and' ^e a never-changing tide, flowed directly to of the roman Rome, where they were either suppressed or diverted.3 church. The life of the R0man church had the equipoise of power and conviction. It was willing to accept what came to it, and not search the world for new ideas. It was willing to grow and absorb, but possessed neither the wish nor the talent for invention. It was willing to wait, but not to look back, except to gather up supporting tradition for a steadier and farther march into the future. 1 Stephanus, qui sic de episcopatus sui loco gloriatur et se successionem Petri habere contendit, Cypr., Epist. 75. So far as autocratic ambition ex plains the growth of Roman power — and it does not explain it — that must be credited to the Eoman Church as a whole. The Roman bishops of the first two centuries were insignificant. As Newman says : " The See of Rome possessed no great mind in the whole period of persecution. Afterward for a long time it had not a single doctor to show." Apologia pro Sua Vita, p. 288 (N. Y. ed.), p. 407 (Lond. ed.). See Schaff, Church History, ii, pp. 162, 163. 2 Neander, History of the Christian Religion and Church, vol. ii, p. 171. ECCLESIASTICAL DISCIPLINE. 341 CHAPTER XIX. ,?dx.«- ° ' collection sisted, not of money alone, but of produce or wares or for the poor. whatever the worshiper may have seen fit to bring with him.8 Even at this early time many wealthy pagans, on becoming Christians, sold the most of their property and presented the pro ceeds to the Church for the benefit of the poor or for the evangel ization of distant countries.3 It is not likely that any churches at this period were wealthy. Not only was there as yet no disposition to amass means, but it would have been a source of constant danger 1 Denique et dies illorum, quibus exudunt annotate, ut commemorationes eorum inter memorias martyrum celebrare possimus . . . et celebrentur hie a nobis oblationes et sacrificia ob commemorationes eorum. Cyprian, Ep. 37. 2 Called by Cyprian corban ; by the Apostolical Constitutions, corbona ; by the Council of Elvira, concha; and by Tertullian, area. For full information, see Uhlhorn, Christian Charity in the Ancient Church, pp. 141, ff. 3Apolog., cap. 39. 4 iii, 36. 6 De Op. et Eleem., cap. 14. 6 ~Zv\Xoyi]. 7 Eatzinger, Geschichte der kirehlichen Armenpflege (Freiburg im B. , 1868), pp. 39, ff. 8 Moreau-Christophe, Du Probleme de la Misere et de sa Solution chez les Peuples Anciens et Modernes (Paris, 1851), vol. iii, pp. 222, ff. 'Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., cap. 3, 37; Tertullian, Adv. Marcion., iv, 4, and De. Prsescript. Hssr., cap. 30. CHRISTIAN LIFE AND USAGES. 361 from avaricious civil officers ' and a still more dangerous class with whom paganism was a chief ground of hostility. In the East a fixed sum, or the tithe, was held by some to be the proper standard of annual beneficence. Here the Jewish example was largely responsible for a plan, and yet, while Origen approves this propor tion of property for religious uses, he is careful to say that he speaks only for himself.2 In the Western Church there was no standard. The stronger teachers opposed any fixed measure by saying that it was an excellence of Christianity above Judaism that, under the former, the Lord required all that could be spared.3 The bishop was regarded as having a special care of all the needy. The deacons were not supposed to originate charity, but to carry out the instructions of the society and the bishop and presbyters.4 Great care was taken to ascertain the worthy poor, for even in the first centuries of Christianity, as in the later, great skill was em ployed to deceive the officers of the Church and secure to unworthy hands its gifts designed for only the meritorious. The pains taken deacon was required to keep a careful record, in a xheworthy special book (the matricula), of the names of all who poor. received aid from the Church and the amount of the benefactions.0 Special care was taken to provide help for families so large that the parents were not able to secure their entire support. Slaves were never forgotten. Paul had given a cautious teach ing on their proper relation to the master. He did not advise a violent sundering of the bond, but encouraged contentment with the subjection, on the one hand, and the feeling of fraternal love toward the slave, on the other. In the patristic period there was no disposition to enforce a different construction of the rela tion of master and slave. Such a measure would have been re garded as revolutionary, a charge which the Christians SYMPATHy were always careful to avoid. But the Church had a with the definite policy toward slavery. It was that where the slave. slaves remained in bondage they should be treated with Christian kindness and should enjoy all the privileges of comfort, education, and religion that were permitted by the laws of the State. In the Christian family the slaves were regarded rather as brothers and 1 Chastel, Etudes Historiques sur l'lnfluence de la Charit4, p. 244. Trans. Phila., 1857, ch iii. 2 Homil. xvii, in Jos., torn, ii, 438 (Maurine ed.). 3 Iren. , De Haeres. , iv, cap. 18 et 34 ; Cyprian, De Unitate Ecclesiae, cap. 23 ; Nunc de patrimonio nee decimas damus. 4 Hatch has fully developed the relation of the bishop and deacon in alms giving. Organization of the Early Christian Churches, pp. 40, ff. 5 Cyprian, Ep. 38 ; Constit. Apost., ii, 27. 362 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. sons than as inferiors.1 Slavery might continue, " but," as Bunsen says, " while the Christian might remain a slave he ceased to be without a body and soul of his own."3 Many slaves were manu mitted, but, unlike the pagan freedmen, were not afterward per mitted to sink to the level of the neglected proletariat. On the contrary, the former masters continued to exercise over them a gentle and wise patronage, or, when this was impossible, the society near which the slave lived took pains to see that he was provided with labor and support.3 In a large number of the societies where the slaves of pagan masters were members, and were not permitted to attend the services or profess Christianity, the Churches bought their freedom and saw that they were established in a way to pro vide for their own support. * The religious education of the young was a prominent object of solicitude from the origin of the apostolical Church. The cate chetical instruction was adapted, not only to the children of Chris tian parents, but to the large number of adults who entered the Church from paganism and were as ignorant as infants of the doc- education of trines and usages of Christianity. Instruction in every the young, department of religious life was necessary to be im parted, but there could be no schools except such as were connected in a measure with the local society ; and it was regarded as only a department of the worship itself. The Christian youth found its first and best training in the home, and its next came through the Church in catechetical instruction. This was not simply a course of elementary knowledge. It began with the elements, but was thorough, and in progressive and comprehensive quality would put to the blush many of our weak modern catechisms. Were it pos sible to revive the catechetical school of Alexandria, before Origen became a theological professor and committed his direct dealing 1 Eatzinger, Geschichte der Armenpflege, p. 50, f. ° Hippolytus and His Age, vol. i, p. 49. 3 Chastel, Etudes Historiques sur l'Influence de la Charite, p. 118. 4 Constit. Apost., iv, 9. Schaff has some excellent remarks, Church History, new ed., i, 444-448 ; ii, 347-354. See the fine chapters of Brace— chaps, v vi " The burial inscriptions and pictures recently made known often show the masters standing before the Good Shepherd, with a band of their slaves liber ated at death, pleading for them at the last judgment. But scarcely any Christian inscription speaks of the dead as a ' slave ' or ' freedman ' but only of the ' slave of Christ ' or the ' freedman of Christ ; ' as if human slavery could not even be mentioned in the kingdom of God " (p. 53). Comp. Schaff, " Slav ery and the Bible," in Christ and Christianity, N. Y., 1885, pp. 184-212; Dol linger, Hippolytus and Callistus, pp. 163, ff. On the relation of Tertullian to slavery, see von NBldecken, Tertullian als Mensch und als Burger, in Historische Zeitschrift, 1885, H. v. CHRISTIAN LIFE AND USAGES. 363 with the students to a subordinate, we should most likely find that the curriculum comprised notonlyall the elementary instruction essential for a knowledge of scriptural truth, but other departments of gen eral culture which had long been awaiting Christian regeneration.1 The Church was sometimes friendly to pagan culture, at other times unfriendly. The Apostolical Constitutions forbade the read ing of the pagan authors, but Tertullian urged Christians to take advantage of the pagan schools ; and Augustine, for their mental discipline, commends the study of grammar, rhetoric, and heathen writers. The fourth council of Carthage, 398, so far forgot its great teacher that it formaUy prohibited the reading of secular books, even by the bishops.3 But the monks soon took their revenge by their profound study of the classic authors of Greece and Rome.3 The writings of the fathers of the first three centuries exhibit a remark able familiarity with the whole range of pagan literature. It is safe to suppose that the Christian population, five out of every six, could read, and that the very necessities of the new life constituted a powerful impulse toward the development early chris- of the mind and the enlargement of its attainments, tians intelli- The remarkable activity of the theologians in their theologians production of books, and especially that class of their learned. works which were of more popular cast, prove that, in the patristic age, reading was not the prerogative of the few members or the large schools, but the privilege of the great commonalty of be lievers. Their minds were acute and inquiring. The literature in which they had been reared consisted largely of mythological or dramatic recitals, or, if not that, of philosophical speculation. Christianity had not as yet reared its libraries and built up its strong literary centers. The Christian mind, therefore, craved food, and devoured the new literature with great avidity. The copies of the Scriptures were expensive, but they were multiplied, and the various Christian Churches possessed many copies of them, and likewise expository and other works for the use of the congre gation. Every worshiper was free to use them,4 and between the hours of service, and through the week, and in the evenings, we may well imagine that diligent use was made of them by those who bad no copies of the sacred writings or the current theological works in their own homes. As in these times one of the first impulses of an individual of 1 See Laurie, Rise and Constitution of Universities, N. Y., 1887, pp. 25-28. * See Laurie, I. v., pp. 25, 26. 3 See Newman, Historical Sketches, ii, 450, 451, 460-466. 4 Iren., Advers. Hsbt., 4, 32, § 1. 364 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. large means, on becoming a Christian, is to make liberal contribu- prevalence tions for the propagation of the Gospel and other chari theCs^-°F table PurPosee> so> in the secorid and third centuries, it tures. was a desire of merchants and others who possessed means to employ copyists to transcribe the entire Scriptures for loaning or presenting, either to churches or private circles, that the knowledge of the word of God might be propagated with ut most dispatch.1 So many of these copies were in private hands as to excite the wrath of the pagan authorities in times of persecu tion, especially that of Diocletian, when their possessors were or dered to deliver them up to be burned. Many thousands of copies were thus delivered in every part of the empire where the persecu tion prevailed, but far the greater number were saved through the tact and courage of their possessors. Even the literary enemies of Christianity became possessors of copies of the Scriptures, for in Celsus, Porphyry, and Hierocles, and others, there are so many citations from them that one cannot doubt that the more candid writers did the Christians the justice to examine their Scriptures. The great extent to which the circulation of the sacred writings was carried may be seen in the further fact that some of the most brilliant writers and foremost defenders of Christianity, such as Justin, Tatian, Athenagoras, and Theophilus, were won to Chris tianity by reading the Scriptures. One of the most prominent parts of the instruction of the Church at this period was to show the supreme necessity of a knowledge of minute atten- the Scriptures. Young and old were admonished of tion paid in this fundamental duty. The exact language of the the knowl- Bible was made the basis of the instruction in the home,3 edge of the while domestic worship consisted in part of the reading scriptures. an(j recjting of scriptural selections.3 Each church had a special room,4 " the place of meditation," in a retired part of the sacred inclosure, where the copies of the Scriptures were ac cessible to all of the congregation who desired to read them. Here, too, were other books, the recent disquisitions from Alexandria, Rome, Carthage, or Antioch, as the theological affinities of the ruling presbyters might decide.6 1 Jerome, Apol. adv. Ruf., lib. 1. 2 Clem. Alex., Paed., 3, 12. Eusebius, Hist. Eccles., 6, 2. 3 Tertul., Ad Uxor., 2, 6. Comp. Kurtz, Handbuch der allgemeinen Kirch engeschichte, i, p. 208. 4 Epist. ad Nepotian. 7 : Divinas Scripturas saepius lege, imo nunquam de manibus tuis sacra lectio deponatur. Epist. ad Demetrian., 15 : Statue quot horis sanctam scripturam ediscere debeas quanto tempore legere, non ad la- borem, sed ad delectationem et instruetionem. Epist. ad Eustach., 19 : Nee licebat cuiquam sororum ignorare psalmos, et non de Scripturis Sanctis quo- tidie aliquid discere. 5 Hemans, History of Ancient Christianity and Sacred Art in Italy, p. 572, f., and note. 3 Ibid., p. 572. Hemans calls attention to this inconsistency. This author, who in his youth became a Romanist, had returned to the Church of England. 388 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The center of the faith of those days, as in all the later times, was Christ. Either by name or rude figure he was everywhere present in the catacombs. No grave was so richly ornamented as to be without some symbolical reminder of him, while even the hum blest, if it possessed nothing more, had at least the CHRIST THE ' ...„, i • i ¦ -i j.1 i! center of all fish, which, in Greek, constituted the monogram of teaching. Christ. The fish and the anchor, in conjunction, first appear in the year 234, while the monogram of Christ in Greek letters appears in 291. ' He was everywhere remembered, whether in the elaborate chapel or in the crudest of the early symbols beside the niche where the child of the sorrowing poor was laid to rest. Sometimes even familiar pagan suggestions were introduced to teach the universal kingship of Jesus. Three representations of Christ as Orpheus have been found, two by Bosio, found in the catacomb of St. DomitiUa, and one by De Rossi in that of St. Callisto. In the two former he sits between two trees, crowned with a Phrygian cap and playing upon a lyre. Beasts, both tame and wild, hear his notes, and come thronging about him, charmed and overcome by the melody. Doves, peafowls, horses, sheep, serpents, tortoises, a dog, and a hare at a lion's feet hear the music from the lyre, and mingle together in Edenic simplicity and peace. Christ was here the symbol of universal empire. All enemies must yield to him and live in peace.3 It was a beautiful illustration of the disposition, in the Christian art of Rome as in the theology of Alexandria, to make even the heathen world contribute its wealth to the glory of Christ. Theseus slaying the Minotaur was made a type of David slaying Goliath. Parallels were everywhere sought and easily found. Other notable warriors were introduced, precisely as they appear on the coins and in the statuary that have survived until our day, but with addi tional symbolism to indicate the adaptation to the spiritual life of christ the Christian. One figure, gilt on glass and dating the uotver- from the end of the fourtn century, represents our sal sover- Lord with radiated head, holding the globe of uni- eign. versal sovereignty in his hand, while at his feet lay the cistus, containing the gospel scroll. The Trinity, a theme of pro found interest and discussion during the Arian excitement, was symbolized in such way as to express an equality of the persons of the Godhead. De Rossi, however, furnishes seven examples of firm faith in this doctrine of the Trinity long anterior to the beginning 1 Hemans, History, p. 580, f. 'Iffis, fish, consisting of the initials of 'D/roic XpiGTbc Beov Ti6f 2aT7/p (Jesus Christ, Son of God, Saviour.) 2 Kraus, Roma Sotterannea, p. 231. THE CHURCH IN THE CATACOMBS. 389 of the fourth century, where the monogram of Christ is combined with the triangle.1 The representations of our Lord were of the cheerful and hopeful type. That part of his life which related to his sufferings was seldom treated. The cross, in all the early period of symbolisms art in the catacombs, was carefully avoided.3 The place 0F CHRIST itself, the home for the lifeless, was in itself a sufficient cheerful crucifixion, without further reminder. Jesus was not TYPE- represented in his passion, but in the safer and more peaceful periods of his life. Only twice among the sculptures of the sar cophagi of the Lateran Museum is he represented during the final scenes, and then only before Pilate, and, later, crowned with thorns. He everywhere appears as the Good Shepherd. In every stage of the development of the catacomb the figure of the shep herd, with a lamb thrown across his shoulders, and feet held by the shepherd's hands, greeted the eye. The tenderness of the friend in the darkness of the grave is contrasted with the hostility of kings who lived in palaces. In exquisite harmony with this constant portrayal of our Lord as the world's friend, making sacrifices for its salvation, is the uni versal spirit of peace and love which pervades the entire peace and symbolism of the catacombs. " In Pace " was one of everywhere the first, as it continued to be one of the last, legends taught. everywhere placed about the tombs. In spite of the storms that beat above the surface there was below nothing but the sublime calm of the soul at rest with God. Martyrs there were, in num bers now difficult to learn, but there is great reserve in the por trayal of suffering, both that of Christ and his followers. The record of martyrdom was studiously avoided, not only that the Christian might give no indication of disputing the " divine pre eminence of the Man of Sorrows,"3 but that, as we think more probable, the Christian so abounded in love that he was not willing to show, even by figures on the wall of a tomb, that he remembered the agony which a persecuting hand had produced. He was not willing that any later eye should see a line or a symbol that would indicate a lurking spirit of revenge.4 Death had no terror to the Christian. He was not inclined to surround it with the environment of bitterness and pain. It was, to him, only the bright pathway to the certain and blessed home. 1 Hemans, History, p. 574 2 Hagenbach, Kirchengeschichte der ersten Sechsjahrhunderte, p. 397. 3 Hemans, History, p. 579. 4 Raoul-Rochette, Prem. Mem. sur les Antiquites chretiennes, p. 74, f. 390 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Hence he surrounded the grave with images of beauty, peace, and joy. There are, however, some notable exceptions to this rule. Maitland gives this translation of one : " In Christ Alexander is not dead, but lives beyond the stars, and his body rests in this tomb. He lived under the Emperor Antonine, who, foreseeing that great benefit would result from his services, returned evil for good. maitland's For while on his knees, and about to sacrifice to the translation t q. j ^ j into pieces. Athanasius, a young deacon from Alexandria, whom Alexander had been wise enough to bring with him, was eloquent and enthusiastic. His voice expressed the sentiment of the great body of delegates, together with the sympathy of the emperor. His example and appeals won to the orthodox side all who hesi tated. The confession which the Arians presented was triumph of repudiated, their leader was publicly excommunicated, athanasius. his writings ordered to be burned, and decrees established which clearly and pointedly declared the identity of the Son's essence with that of the Father—" kit 1% ovaiag tov narpog, yevvrjdeig ov noirjOsig, bfioovotog tg5 TxaroV ' 1 The so-called Nicene creed used by the Roman Catholic, Lutheran, and Anglican Churches was not the one established at Nicsa, but the " baptismal creed of the Church of Jerusalem, revised and enlarged by the most important elements of the creed of Nicaea," about 362-373. See Hort, Two Dissertations, ii. On the Constantinopolitan creed and other Eastern creeds of the Fourth Century, Camb., 1876 ; Gwatkin, Arian Controversy, pp. 159-161 ; Harnack, in Herzog and Plitt ; same in Schaff-Herzog, art. Nicseno-Constantinopolitan Creed ; Stanley, Chr. Institutions, 270, ff. The one established by the Nicene council is as follows : " We believe in one God, the Father Almighty, Maker 28 MUTUAL RELA TIONS OF THE 434 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. This council, preferring to confine its attention simply to the one question of the consubstantiality of the Son with the Father, de termined nothing positively concerning the mutual re lations of the persons in the Trinity. Through Gregory persons in Nazianzen this question received notice, but not final not m que! and authoritative, at the council of Constantinople, TI0K- 381. The relation of the Spirit to the Trinity was de cided, but not his relation to the Son and Father respectively. The Nicene council, however, did pass final decision on the Mele tian schism and the Easter question. Arius now became an exile in Illyria. His adversary, Athanasius, upon the death of Alexander succeeded the latter by acclamation as Bishop of Alexandria. Constantine, influenced by the persua sions of certain bishops, but more particularly by the entreaties of Constantia, widow of Licinius, invited Arius to his court. The emperor ordered Athanasius to receive Arius and his followers back into church fellowship, and threatened deposition and banishment as penalty of disobedience. But Athanasius refused compliance, and replied that he could not acknowledge as Christians those whom the whole Church had condemned. Constantine, who, like Elizabeth of England, had the rare quality of knowing when it was best to desist from the prosecution of a doubtful measure, dropped of all things visible and invisible ; and in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God begotten of the Father, Only-begotten, that is, of the substance of the Father ; God of God ; Light of Light ; very God of very God ; begotten, not made ; of the same substance with the Father ; by whom all things were made, both things in heaven and things in earth ; who for us men and our salvation descended and became flesh, was made man, suffered, and rose again the third day. He ascended into heaven ; he cometh to judge the quick and dead. And in the Holy Ghost. But those that say there was a time when he was not, or that he was not before he was begotten ; or that he was made from that which had no being ; or who affirm the Son of God to be of any other sub stance or essence, or created, or variable, or mutable, such persons doth the Catholic and Apostolic Church anathematize." Comp. Walch, Bibliotheca Symbolica vetus, pp. 75, 76, and Mosheim, Ch. Hist., vol. i, pp. 297, 298. Baur thus summarizes the Nicene position, as against that of Arius : " 1. The Father would not be absolute God if he were not in his essence begetting, and so the Father of a Son of the same essence. 2. The idea of the divinity of the Son is abolished, if he is not Son by nature, but only through God's grace. If created, he were neither Son nor God ; to be both creature and creator is a complete contradiction. 3. The unity of the finite with the infinite, of man with God, falls to the ground, if the mediator of this unity is only a creature, and not the absolute God." The Nicene creed was made by an enlargement of the creed of his own Church of Cassarea, proposed to the council by Euse bius, the historian. Comp. the two creeds in Gwatkin, Arian Controversy, pp. 26-30. CONTROVERSY ON THE DIVINITY OF CHRIST— ARIANISM. 435 the subject for a time, until the Arians, who had condemned Atha nasius at the synods of Csesarea (334) and Tyre (335), made him believe that he was a political enemy, on the pretense of his having prevented the sailing of the Egyptian fleet with supplies % ,, ., . ° . _, ° J\ . , _ rr BANISHMENT for the new capital of Constantinople. He was ban- of athana- ished, but received in a friendly spirit at the court of SIUS- Treves by the younger Constantine, in 336. Arrangements were made for the restoration of Arius into church fellowship at Con stantinople, in spite of the bishop of that diocese ; but he died be fore the formal reception was to occur. The loss of the leader was far from proving fatal to his cause. It exhibited remarkable vitality, though no partisans have ever had a more capricious fortune. After the death of Constantine his son, Constantine II, restored Athanasius to his see, but the Arians found a firm friend in Constantius. The deposition of Athanasius was renewed, and he became an exile in Rome, where the sentiment was unanimously favorable to the Nicene decrees. The synod of Antioch, which attempted a compromise, proved a failure, while the general council of Sardica, in Illyria, 343, renewed TARTING ron. the conclusions of Nice and restored Athanasius. The tunes of the oriental delegates withdrew, formed a rival council at AEIANS- Philippopolis, in Thrace, and condemned and banished Athanasius, who now became a fugitive in the African desert. The emperor Constantius inspired these measures, and gave his support to their execution. The opposition to Arianism in the West was now only tacit and negative, while its progress was rapid throughout the East. The death of the emperor Constantius, in 361, wrought a complete change in the attitude of all the partisans. He was suc ceeded by Julian, who soon gave proof that his sympathies were thoroughly pagan. Here occurs an incident which has been made prominent in recent Roman Catholic controversies. Pope Liberius (352- lapse of 366) was at first a pronounced advocate of the views of liberius. Athanasius. For this he was banished to Berceain Thrace. Afflic tions did not seem to work in him the peaceable fruits of right eousness. He was at length persuaded to sign an Arian or Arian- izing formula, and to excommunicate Athanasius, who mentions this fact tearfully, and in an apologetic tone, as though Liberius signed under the fear of death. He was then restored to his see. This has proved an inconvenient incident for the infallibilists, who try to break its force by various hypotheses. ' S1 The fact itself is well attested by Athanasius, Hist. Arian., 41 ; Sozomen, iv, 15 ; Jerome, De Vir. HI., 97 ; Ep. Lib., in Hilary, Fragm. vi ; Hilary, Contra 436 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The second period of the Arian controversy opened with flattering prospects for the opponents of the Nicene council, but closed with the ascendency of orthodoxy and the general condemnation, by the representatives of the Church, of the Arian heresy. Julian was the friend of all parties so far as they understood the science of contro versy and the art of reciprocal destruction, and their foe so far as they exhibited any attachment to the fundamental articles of the Christian faith. Here called all the exiles. Among the number was the aged Athanasius, who returned to his beloved and loving people at Alexandria. The synod which met in 362 adopted con- the arians ciliatory measures. Julian, who knew that Athanasius favored by was its leading spirit and was now employing vigorous measures for the restoration of unity to the Church, banished him again. But the exile was restored by Jovian, the suc cessor of Julian, only to be banished again by Valens. This exile lasted but four months. Athanasius returned to Alexandria, where after a long episcopate of forty-six years, twenty of which had been passed in exile, he ended his days in peace. Strong men, who shared both his heroism and his theology, conducted his cause with zeal and prudence. Theodosius the Great sympathized with them, and called the second general council, at Constantinople, in 381., Here the Nicene symbol was renewed, while the Arians were pro hibited from holding service within the city walls. Theodosius issued an edict against the Arians in 383, and supplemented it, in the later years of his reign, by others against them and the remain ing heresies. Arianism, like the forms of deviation from evangelical standards Const. Imp. , 11 . Newman, Arians of the Fourth Century, Lond. , 5th ed. , 1883, pp. 316-323, gives a straightforward account of this " miserable apostasy," as he calls it in his work, which was written while he was an Anglican, 1833, but in the 3d ed., 1871, he makes no changes, presuming, doubtless, that in these bare statements of facts none were necessary. Alzog relegates the lapse of Liberius to a footnote, i, 542, and does not seek to break its foroe. His trans lators say that the damaging passages are interpolations, which, even if that were true of Athan. , Apologia contra Arianos, 89, would hardly be true of every anoient witness. Ryder, Cath. Controversy [against Littledale], p. 28, says the pope was under coercion, but if he is a true pope let him, like Hildebrand, die in exile rather than buy peace by betraying the faith and excommunicating the father of orthodoxy. The case of Liberius is treated at length by Renouf , The Condemnation of Pope Honorius, Lond., 1868 ; Barmby, in Smith and Wace, iii, 717-724 ; Moller, in Herzog and Plitt ; Dollinger, Fables Respecting the Popes in the Middle Ages, N. Y., 1872, pp. 183-197 ; Gwatkin, Studies of Arianism, pp. 188-190 : " Four writers independently mention the fall of Liberius; and there is nothing to set against them but the silence of Socrates and Theodoret. Believers in papal infallibility may hesitate, but the historian cannot." CONTROVERSY ON THE DIVINITY OF CHRIST— ARIANISM. 437 in every age, had its weakness in an inherent want of unity. Error is never at one with itself. The Arians became divided N0 WITI IN immediately after their defeat at Nicsea. Failure, instead arianism. of uniting them, exposed their defects and subjected them to con flicting interests. In addition to the Arianism which first appeared at Alexandria there were two general tendencies, one toward a compromise with Alexandrian orthodoxy and the other toward schism and radical IJnitarianism. We find, therefore, three Arian parties : 1. Positive Arianism. This adhered to the teachings of Arius and his immediate followers. It was constantly undergoing change, its adherents passing over to extreme skepticism or returning to the orthodox standards. 2. The Semi- Arians, or Homoiousians. They declared a real similarity between the Son and the Father, bfioiovoia. They claimed that the Son of God was of like essence with the Father, yet that this did not occur by nature, but by gracs, George of Laodicea and Basil of Ancyra were its chief leaders. This party constituted the conserv ative wing of Arianism and actually passed over to orthodoxy, even before the council of Constantinople, which gave the deathblow to Arianism within the bosom of the Church. 3. The THE THRee Eunomians, or Anomceans, who held that Christ was AEIAN parties. dissimilar in essence and all respects from the Father — krepovaiog. There were other Arian sects, though of unimportant character, such as the Eusebians, Aetians, Acacians, and Bsathyrians. The rage of the parties, both of the orthodox and the Arians, and then of the Arians among themselves, was most violent about the close of the reign of Constantius. That ruler made the mistake of sup posing that an imperial decree has any power either to calm or soften the asperity of a theological controversy, and only embittered the contestants by ordering the entire abandonment of the word es sence (ova la), and the persecution of all Arian recalcitrants. The confusion was intense, and apparently hopeless, when his death oc curred. * For a period of considerable length the Arian tendencies had been extremely popular in Constantinople. It was the battle ground where orthodoxy and heresy had free scope. The city itself being remote from the atmosphere of Alexandria and the personal influ ence of Athanasius, and Arianism having so many adherents in full confidence of the imperial head, the scales were often equally bal anced between truth and error. But many of the Gothic barbarians were then in the city, and they generally adopted the views of Arius. Chrysostom preached against it, but his eloquence and zeal 1 Kurtz, Abriss der Kirchengeschichte, pp. 48, 49. 438 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. had little effect on the barbarian portion of the population. The special service which he organized in the city, where the Bible was read and sermons were preached in the Gothic language, had, how ever, an important bearing on the evangelization of the Gothic tribes.1 Ulfilas, a bishop of the Visigoths, began his labors among ulfilas *"s people during the reign of Constantine, and con- bishop of the ducted many important negotiations between them and visigoths. the Roman empire. He adopted a mild type of Arian ism, and through him and other teachers nearly the entire tribe of Visigoths accepted Arianism.3 Other barbarian peoples likewise became Arian, not from any burgundians preference for the heresy, but because the apostles of and other Christ to them were of that type. Gwatkin has this peoples adopt excellent remark : "No false system ever struck more arianism. directly at the life of Christianity than Arianism. Yet after all it held aloft the Lord's example as the Son of man and never wavered in its worship of him as the Son of God. On its own principles this was absolutely heathen creature worship. Yet the work of Ulfilas is an abiding witness that faith is able to as similate the strangest errors ; and the conversion of the northern nations remains in evidence that Christianity can be a power of life even in its most degraded forms."3 About the year 463 the Burgundians on the Rhine also exchanged their evangelical faith for Arianism, though, of course, without knowing anything of the important distinctions involved between orthodoxy and the heresy. The Vandals and Moors of northern Africa were also Arian, but, these peoples, having rebelled, were conquered during the reign of Justinian, and with their extermination was also destroyed in Africa the error which they had introduced and professed. It is estimated that Africa lost, because of the rebellion, five millions of inhabitants. Near the close of the sixth century, in the year 589, the only people of Arian preference were the Lombards. 1 Theodoret, v, 30 ; Stephens, Life of St. John Chrysostom, 3d ed., Lond. 1883, pp. 237, 238. 2 The Gospels of Ulfilas, Stockholm. 3 Studies of Arianism, pp. 28, 29. THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 439 CHAPTER VII. THE PERSON OF CHRIST-APOLLINARIST, NESTORIAN, AND KINDRED CONTROVERSIES. A. D. 362-680. The discussions concerning Christ in all times have necessarily dealt with either his pretemporal and divine or with his historical and incarnate existence. The Arian controversy was employed solely upon the former — Christ in his divine and eternal relations with the Father. But the intimate connection between the two departments enforced as well the careful consideration of the second — the person of Christ in his incarnate and present existence. Consequently, in the very midst of the discussions on the divine nature of Christ there arose the Christological contro- rise of chris- versies. They raged with great violence, and survived ™t~™°™,, the Arian strife by about three centuries, and, in cer- sies. tain forms, still exist in some parts of the Orient. Neither the council of Nicsea nor the general judgment of the Church had as yet reached any definite conclusion on one of the most important parts of Christ's human nature, namely, his true human soul. Other themes had received attention, and yet it was evident that the question whether the human nature of Christ must be con ceived as personal or impersonal must be subjected to investigation. 1. Apollinaeism. The representative of the transition to this new and important field of inquiry was Apollinaris ; or, as Dorner says, " He was the turning point at which the Church ceased to devote that exclusive attention to the doc trine of the Trinity which it had for a considerable time devoted, and began those Christological investigations which engaged its powers unremittedly, especially in the East, during centuries to come."1 Apollinaris, Bishop of Laodicea, believed that the faith of the Church concerning the nature of Christ preserved certain pagan and Judaistic elements. He proposed to eliminate them, and thereby to establish the sinlessness of Jesus. He feared a double personality of Christ, but in avoiding this he erred in denying his 1 Hist. Development of the Doct. of the Person of Christ, vol. ii, pp. 352, 353. 440 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. integral humanity, adopting the psychological trichotomy of Plato, or the division of man into body (aupa), animal or vital soul (i/w;ct), and intellectual or rational soul (vovg). He here gives no place to the human reason or spirit, but substitutes for it the divine Logos, who first attained a personal existence in the man Jesus. By transferring the human attributes to the divine nature, opinions of and the divine to the human, and merging the two apollinaris. jn Christ, Apollinaris made of Christ's humanity a mixed thing.1 He even justified his position by the analogies of the mule (half horse and half ass), the gray color (combination of white and black), and spring (having the characteristics of summer and winter). The flesh and soul of man were assumed, but not the human spirit, on the ground that the union of full divinity and humanity in one was impossible. Still, Christ is one essence (fiia (pvaig)— the unity of the person (volition and thought) and the essential unity of the two aspects, human and divine. He allowed no place for Christ's growth in wisdom, grace, or any re spect, but regarded his humanity as eternally complete — Kara to KvgidnaTov. He allowed no historical mediation, but described magnitudes already complete. Perfection predominates over rec onciliation and redemption. The divine is all that is active in Christ, while the human is only the organ for revealing the divine. This curtailment of the human nature in Christ very justly sub jected him to the charge of Doceticism. The views of Apollinaris were indorsed by very many Christians in the East, especially those who feared the Arian evil of limiting condemna- ^ie di^116 nature of Christ. His scholarship, piety, tion of apol- and able attacks on the skepticism of Porphyry and linarism. Julian gave him consideration in many circles who saw the fallacy of his teachings and their danger to the Church. His doctrines were, therefore, met by vigorous measures. They were condemned by a council at Alexandria in the year 362, and by the councils at Rome under Damasus in 377 and 378. The most pow erful opposition, however, was at the second ecumenical council of Constantinople, 381, which condemned them in great clearness and positiveness. Imperial decrees, as was the fashion of the age, were directed against them in the years 388, 397, and 428. Apollinaris withdrew from the Church in 375, and died in 390. 2. Nestorianism. The scene of the Nestorian controversy was 1 His exact language was : Christ is oure av&puiroc bZoc, aire fodf, a/Ud deov koX hv&pairov pi£ie. Comp. Schaff, Hist. Ch., vol. iii, pp. 710, 711. Other expres sions of Apollinaris show that he did not accept the term mixture in its fullest sense. Walch, Gesch. Ketzer., vol. iii, pp. 193, ff. THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 441 of wide extent, embracing Syria, Cilicia, Bithynia, Mcesia, Isauria, and Cappadocia. Of all the Christological heresies none was ad vanced with more energy and skill, was more violently assailed, more profoundly affected the emotional life of the Church, or pos sessed such marvelous vitality. Like ApoUinarism, it also was a product of restless, speculative, and inventive Antioch. NFSTORIUS Nestorius, at first monk, and then a presbyter of that city, by the force of his energy and ambition and fervid eloquence, became, in the year 428, Patriarch of Constantinople. He saw the danger of Arianism, and arrayed himself, with all the power of his genius and position, against its adherents. He was attracted to ward the Pelagians because of the honorable place which the free will occupied in their theology. The term "Mother of God" (deoroitog), which had been frequently applied to the Virgin Mary by the Alexandrian school, and by such teachers as Origen, Atha nasius, Basil, and others, was offensive to him, on the ground that Mary could give birth only to Christ, but not to deity, and he op posed it with great vigor. The controversy now became bitter, and, as was the case generally with the theological strifes of this period, it turned upon a single expression, theotolcos. It became the watchword of the times. The general opinions of Nestorius were : There are three persons in the Godhead, and one divine essence, as stated by the Nicene formulas ; Christ' possessed two natures, the divine and opinions of human ; yet, there are not two persons— two Christs, nestorius. two Sons, two Lords— but only one ; there was a perfect union be tween the perfect God, the Word, and man, which is expressed by the term ovvdcpeia (connection) ; God and man, humanity and divinity, the two natures, substances, hypostases, were united, but not-the two -persons ; there was no cessation of the properties of the two natures, though the union was inseparable ; the union com menced with the conception of Christ in the womb of his mother ; there was a communion or intercourse of the two natures, and yet each has its personal properties ; whUe there is a union of the two natures, one is not distinct from the other ; while the Scriptures attribute to Christ both divine and human attributes and acts, these are different in character— one class being the sublime and God-befitting, which must be referred to the divine nature, and the inferior to the human nature ; the term mother of Christ (XpioTOTdicog) was better than mother of God, because the former expressed the complex person of the Son of God.1 Cyril, Patriarch of Alexandria, saw in the views of Nestorius a 1 Walch, Gesch. Ketzer., vol. v, pp. 778, fE. 442 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. dangerous heresy. He remonstrated with their author, though without effect. He then invoked the aid of the court raGTHEPNEsS- by writing to the emperor, the empress Eudokia, and torians. i^e emperor's sister, Pulcheria. He finally appealed to the Roman bishop, Celestine, who condemned Nestorius and his doctrines at a Roman council, and deposed Nestorius from the patriarchate unless he should retract within ten days. But Nes torius stood fast. Then Cyril, at a synod of Alexandria (A. D. 430), presented twelve condemnatory articles against Nestorius and his views. Nestorius replied by an equal number of counter anath emas, and charged his opponents with ApoUinarism. It was now a controversy of the two powerful patriarchates of Alexandria and Constantinople. The deepest passions of the East were aroused to a degree not surpassed in the entire history of religious discussion. The emperor, Theodosius II, who was in sympathy with Nestorius, summoned the fourth general council, that of Ephesus, in 431, for the settlement of the questions at issue. Cyril, determined on victory, brought with him a great number of attendants. He was supported by the populace and the monks. Nestorius not making his appearance, Cyril commenced the council without him, with two hundred bishops in attendance. Nestorius was three times summoned to appear, but refused to do so until the arrival of the Antiochian bishops. He was accordingly deposed and excommunicated. He immediately appealed to the emperor, who, by his commissioner, declared the decrees invalid, owing to the presence of only a portion of the delegates. John of Antioch, who was in sympathy with Nestorius, now reached Ephesus, and immediately convened a rival council, with forty-two bishops. Here Cyril, with Memnon of Ephesus, was excommunicated. Dele- final defeat gates from Rome arriving, Cyril held a second session, "sm^thero- an<* s*x canons were adopted against the opinions of man empire, both Nestorius and Pelagius. The emperor was now appealed to by both parties, and he finally accepted a compromising confession, in 432, prepared by Theodoret. This was acceded to by Cyril ; and John of Antioch, now joining the strong party of the latter, subscribed it, and in doing so joined in the condemna tion of Nestorius and his opinions. Nestorius, now forsaken by his chief supporter, the representative of the Antiochian school, was helpless. He was banished, and died in obscurity. All traces of his opinions disappeared from the Roman empire by the disso lution of the theological school of Edessa by the emperor Zeno in 489. Nestorianism, however, with a singular power of endurance, took THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 443 refuge in the mountains of Armenia, and in the Persian plains watered by the Tigris and Euphrates refugee teachers from Edessa were cordially welcomed. The Persian kings, animated by jealousy of Constantinople, nourished the heresy, and its dev- nestorians otees took the name of Chaldaic or Assyrian Chris- strong in tians. They had a patriarch who resided in the double farther city of Seleucia Ctesiphon after 496, and after 762 in EAST- Bagdad. It spread through Tartary, Arabia, and eastward as far as India and China. Its zeal in extending its influence was always very great, and with the dissemination of its opinions it united rare skill in establishing hospitals and schools. Alexander von Humboldt thus testifies to the contributions of the Nestorians to the sciences and arts in the East : " It was one of the wondrous arrangements of the system of things that the Christian sect of the Nestorians, which has exerted a very important influence on the geographical extension of knowl edge, was of service even to the Arabians before the latter found their way to learned and disputatious Alexandria ; that Christian Nestorianism, in fact, under the protection of the arms of Islam, was able to penetrate far into eastern Asia. The Arabians, in other words, gained their first acquaintance with Grecian literature through the Syrians, a kindred Semitic race ; while the Syrians themselves, scarcely a century and a half before, had HUMB0LDT-g first received the knowledge of Grecian literature tribute to through the anathematized Nestorians. Physicians TnENEaT0- who had been educated in the institutions of the riansto Greeks, and at the celebrated medical school founded by the Nestorian Christians at Edessa, in Mesopotamia, were living in Mecca so early as the times of Mohammed, befriended by him and by Abu-Bekr. " The school of Edessa, a model of the Benedictine schools of Monte Casino and Salerno, awakened the scientific search for materia medica in the mineral and vegetable kingdoms. When it was dissolved by Christian fanaticism under Zeno the Isaurian, the Nestorians scattered toward Persia, where they soon attained political importance, and established a new and thronged medical institute at Dschondisapur, in Khuzistan. They succeeded in spreading their science and faith to China toward the middle of the seventh century, under the dynasty of Thang, five hundred and seventy-two years after Buddhism had penetrated thither from India. " The seed of Western culture, scattered in Persia by educated monks and by the philosophers of the last Platonic school of 444 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Athens, who were persecuted by Justinian, took beneficent root among the Arabians during their first Asiatic campaign. Feeble as the science of the Nestorian priests may have been, it could still, with its peculiar medical and pharmaceutic turn, act genially upon a race which had long lived in free converse with nature, and had preserved a more fresh sensibility to every sort of study of nature than the people of Greek and Italian cities. What gives the Arabian epoch the universal importance which we must here insist upon is in great part connected with the trait of national character just indicated. The Arabians, we repeat, are to be regarded as the proper founders of the physical sciences, in the sense which we are now accustomed to attach to the word." ' Nestorianism has undergone many changes, in view of the un settled life by which it has been surrounded. It was wideterrito- j rt of modern protected by the Tartars in the eleventh century, two nestorianism. q£ ^QgQ ktogg, Prester John and his successor, were converted to Christianity through its instrumentality. The Mon golian dynasty persecuted them with great severity, and they were nearly destroyed by Tamerlane in the fourteenth century. They are now nearly altogether confined to the eastern parts of the Turk ish empire. Their patriarch resided from 1559 until the seven teenth century in Mosul, but now dwells in the easternmost part of Turkey, near Persia. A sect of Nestorians now dwell on the coast of Malabar, and are called Thomas Christians, after one of the first Nestorian apostles. The Nestorians of Turkey have been greatly benefited by the missionary labors of the representatives of the American Board, and a very important literature has taken rise from the efforts to evangelize them. They are very poor and have lost all power of extending their doctrines and influence. Like their founder, they repudiate the worship of Mary. They also reject the use of images and the doctrines of purgatory andtransubstantiation. Their patriarch eats no flesh. They have many fasts. They have eight orders of the priesthood, the five lower of which can marry.2 3. Eutychianism. — The principal scene of the Monophysite eutyches in- controversy was Syria, Palestine, and Egypt. This was augurating inaugurated by Eutyches, an archimandrite of Con- THF MONOPHY- site contro- stantinople. He held that Christ after his incarnation verst. had only one nature, namely, that of the Logos, but that the body of Christ is not of like substance with ours. This view was declared by many to be a denial of the true humanity of 1 Kosmos, Stutt. and Tub., 1847, pp. 247, ff. 2 Comp. Mosheim, Ch. Hist., vol. i, pp. 372, 373, notes; Schaff, Hist. Christ. Ch., vol. iii, pp. 729-733. THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 445 Christ. Domnus, Patriarch of C«H«tarntrrrople, brought charges against Eutyches before the emperor, Theodosius II. The patri arch Flavian convened a synod at Constantinople in 448, where Eusebius, Bishop of Dorylseum, in Phrygia, accused Eutyches of heresy. Here Eutyches was deposed and excommunicated. He, however, appealed to the bishop, Leo the Great, at Rome. Flavian also presented himself to Leo, who took side with Flavian and con demned the doctrine of Eutyches. The emperor, Theodosius II, now convoked an ecumenical council at Ephesus, A. D. 449. Great violence characterized the proceedings. Violent language and even blows were employed to establish the doctrines of Eutyches. To Eutyches, who defended the two natures in Christ, the shout /¦ was made, "Away with him! Burn him! Tear him in two pieces, as he has torn the Christ ! " The council declared in favor of the one nature in Christ. Flavian, who suffered from blows and kicks, was banished, and died shortly afterward. This council was called the Robber Synod (Latrocinium Ephesinum). Theodosius II died in 450, and was succeeded by Marcian, who called the fourth ecu menical council, that of Chalcedon, in 451. The result of this council was unfavorable to the doctrines of Eutyches. The orthodox statement was made to read : J COUNCIL OF " That after Christ's incarnation the unity of the person chalcedon consists in two natures, which are conjoined without ^octrinhTof confusion and without change, but also without rend- eutyches. ing and without separation." The decision of Chalcedon brought no peace to the Church. A large portion of the Egyptian party opposed it with great violence and took its place in the annals of the Church as the Monophy- sites. The theologians of Alexandria returned from divisions Chalcedon with a determination to keep up the bitter C0UNCIIj 0P fight among the people. Here they had cordial support, chalcedon. especially among the monks and common people. Popular violence was frequent. Theology and politics were common factors in dis putes and bloodshed. During a long series of years— from A. D. 451 to 519— the emperors made repeated efforts to unite the waver ing factions. At one time the Monophysites were in the ascendency, and then the friends of the statement of Chalcedon were victorious. The Bishop of Rome adhered to the doctrine of the two natures in Christ, while the prevailing Eastern tendency was toward the Monophysite view. The bishop, Felix III of Rome, on this ac count refused to have Church fellowship withAcacius, Patriarch of Constantinople. Out of this arose a schism of thirty-five years be tween the East and the West, A. D. 484-519. 446. HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. We now come to the brilliant reign of Justinian, and the part taken by that great emperor toward a unification of the theolog ical factions of the Church. He resolved to bring peace to the theo logical world, and toward that end he brought his brilliant facul ties to bear. He firmly believed in the statement of the Chalcedon justinian council concerning the two natures in Christ, and was harmony in°E therefore opposed to the Monophysite heresy. Great as the church, was his wisdom in civil administration, he was a mere child in the management of great theological questions. The in trigues of the court, and especially the shrewd management of his wife, Theodora, who was secretly a stanch Monophysite, placed him largely at the mercy of others. He was persuaded to give consent to the liturgical addition of the original Monophysite formula, " God is crucified." But neither party was long in the ascendency with Justinian. The empress Theodora and the leading opponents of the Monophysites secured from the emperor, by the edict of A. D. 544, the condemnation of the three chief Syrian teachers against Cyril, whose alleged errors were composed in Three Chap ters. The controversy on the Three Chapters broke out in great violence throughout the Church, the East favoring the edict and the West violently opposing it. Justinian convened the fifth ecumen ical council at Constantinople A. D. 553, which reached conclu sions in harmony with those of Chalcedon, and therefore against the Monophysites. This measure to secure unity in the Church failed of its object. failure of The Egyptian Monophysites, who were more numerous efforts for than elsewhere, would not harmonize with the general body of the orthodox because of their antagonism to the decrees of the council of Chalcedon. They assumed a position of extreme violence, and as an evidence of their opposition to the Greek Church prohibited the use of the Greek language in their service. They even assumed an unpatriotic attitude, and favored the conquest of Egypt by the Saracens. But they soon fell into internal dissensions, which brought them more serious disasters than the opposition of the emperor and the great body of the Greek Church. Alexandria, which was the center of the Monophysite heresy, was divided into two great parties. Severus taught that the body of Christ had been, before the resurrection, intrinsically corruptible, a view vigorously denied by Julian and his party. Another sect was the Tritheists, and from them came a secession under the leadership of Conon, Bishop of Tarsus. His followers were called the Cononites, who held that there would be only a formal, not a real, destruction of the world, and that the saints ENCE OF THE LATER MO NOPHYSITES. THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 447 would possess their earthly bodies, but transformed according to their new life. The Monophysites, because of the opposition of the emperor and the general body of the Greek Church, and because of their inter nal dissensions and violent measures, were hopelessly divided. Their only safety lay in their dispersion. Some of their num- feeble exist- ber went to Abyssinia, where they gained a footing and gave a Monophysite character to the Christianity of that country. In Armenia they became firmly established, and were distinguished for their literary activity in both the eighth and the twelfth centuries by the translation of classic authors and the Church Fathers, and by original investigation. The Jacobite Church took its name from Jacob Zanzalus. Its principal strong hold was Syria. Its greatest scholar was George, Bishop of the Arabs, who died A. D. 740. He was a profound Greek scholar, translated the Organon of Aristotle and annotated it. His theo logical labors were in history, doctrine, exegesis, and other fields. Gregory Abulfaragius was another brilliant ornament of the Jacob ite-Syrian Church. In addition to other works must be mentioned his Chronicon Syriacum. The Copts of Egypt, who were in sym pathy with the Monophysites, were nearly destroyed by the Fati- mide Califs. But a feeble remnant still exists. The Monothelite controversy arose out of the great Monophysite movement. The emperor Heraclius (611-641) endeavored to rec oncile the factions and to secure the return of the Monophysites to the Church. In 622 he held conferences with several Monophysite leaders, who informed him that in all probability the great body of their members would return to fellowship with the Greek Church if a proposition should be presented that in Jesus rise of the Christ there was, after the union of the two natures, monothelite but one will and operation. The emperor issued an controversy. edict to that effect, which was an indorsement of Monothelitism. The indications were at first favorable to its reception, and many Monophysites returned to communion with the Church. In due time, however, strong opposition arose. Sergius, Patri arch of Constantinople, wrote to Honorius (pope, 625-638), explain ing the Monothelite doctrines, and received from .„_._- Honorius a letter in which he committed himseit to that heresy. Honorius explicitly declared for the one will.1 This has proved a distressing circumstance to the Roman Catholic historians, who are bound to maintain that no pope ever erred when speaking officially on a matter of faith. At the general council ' Harduin, iii, 1320-1322 ; Robertson, Hist, of the Church, ii, 39, 49. 448 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of Constantinople, in 680, he was condemned for heresy in the most the hopeless solemn manner, and " not a single voice," says Dol- dilemma on iinger « not even of the papal legates who were pres- libiuty. ent, was raised in his defense. His dogmatic writings were committed to the flames as heretical. The popes submitted to the inevitable ; they subscribed the anathema, and themselves undertook to see that the ' heretic ' Honorius was condemned in the West as well as throughout the East, and his name struck out of the liturgy. This one fact — that a great council, universally re ceived afterward without hesitation throughout the Church, and presided over by papal legates, pronounced the dogmatic decision , of a pope heretical and anathematized him by name as a heretic — is a proof, clear as noonday, that the notion of any peculiar enlight enment or inerrancy of the popes was then utterly unknown in the whole Church. " The only resource of the defenders of papal infallibility since Torquemada and Bellarmine has been to attack the acts of the coun- only resort cil as spurious, and maintain that they are a wholesale of rome is to f orgery by the Greeks. The Jesuits clung tenaciously ATTAPTT TTT"P acts of the to this notion till the middle of the last century. Since council. it has had to be abandoned the device has been to try and torture the wordsof Honorius intoa sortof orthodox sense. But what ever comes of that, nothing can alter the fact that at the time both councils and popes were convinced of the fallibility of the pope." ' Pope Leo II expressly approved of the condemnation of Honorius by the council, on the ground that the pope, instead of "purifying the Church by the doctrine of apostolical tradition, yielded its spotlessness to be defiled by profane betrayal of the faith."" He also says that instead of "extinguishing the flame of heretical doctrine he nourished it." 3 Since the infallibility dogma we could not imagine a pope saying that of another pope.4 1 Janus, The Pope and the Council, Bost. , 1870, pp. 60, 61. * Harduin, iii, 1476 ; Mansi, xi, 731. 'Ibid., 1730. 4 Eyder, Cath. Controversy, p. 29, saves the pope by saying that his letters did not amount to a dogmatic definition. But the letters were explicit, and were written in answer to a formal application for an opinion on the part of three Eastern patriarchs. See the question discussed at length in Dollinger, Fables and Prophecies of the Middle Ages, pp. 223-256 ; Hefele, Honorius und d. sechste allgem. Concil., Tub., 1870 ; Renouf, The Condemnation of Pope Honorius, Lond., 1868, and The Case of Pope Honorius Reconsidered, Lond., 1869; Gratry, Two Letters to the Bishop of Orleans, Lond., 1870; Schnee- mann, Studien iiber die Honoriusfrage, 1864 ; Reinerding, Beitrage zur Ho norius- und Liberiusfrage, 1865 ; Ruckgaber, Die Irrlehre d. Honorius, Stutt., 1871 ; Willis, Pope Honorius and the New Roman Dogma, Lond., 1879. For THE PERSON OF CHRIST. 449 Sophronius, Bishop of Jerusalem, convened a council and secured the condemnation of Monothelitism, under the charge that it was only another form of the Monophysite heresy. The emperor, in 638, issued an edict establishing the doctrine of the one will in Christ. This edict bore the name of the Ekthesis. But no har mony came from this bold step. North Africa became the central scene of conflict. There was held at Carthage, A. D. muc DIS_ 645, a public disputation between the monk Maximus potation on and Pyrrhus, the ex-Patriarch of Constantinople— the THE0NEWIlL- former opposing and the latter defending the doctrine of the one will. An African general synod, A. D. 646, condemned Monothe litism, but the strife continued as before. There was no imperial policy which extended beyond one reign. When Constans II (642- 668) came into power he revoked the edict of his predecessor, and in its place issued the Typus, A. D. 648, which restored the origi nal state of things, and declared that neither the one nor the two wills should be enforced. This brought the Roman bishop, Martin I, to take a bold stand against the emperor, and at the Lateran synod of Rome, A. D. 649, secured the condemnation of both the Ekthesis and the Typus and their two imperial authors. The whole Christian world was now startled by an imperial THE K0MAN order, issued to the Byzantine exarch at Ravenna, that bishop in con- the Roman bishop should be sent to Constantinople. This was actually done, Martin I being brought in chains to the emperor, Constans II. He was banished to the Chersonesus, and died there A. D. 655. The persecution of all who opposed the Typus issued by Constans II continued until his death. But after that evenb, when Con stantius Pogonatus ascended the imperial throne, the rage of the parties broke out afresh. At a synod at Rome, A. D. 679, con voked by Pope Agatho, the decisions of the Lateran synod were confirmed. Now came the deathblow to the Monothelites as a powerful organization in the Church. The emperor convened the sixth general council at Constantinople, in the imperial palace, A. D. 680. It is called the first Trullan council, be- suppression cause of the resemblance of the hall to a mussel. The o™™; _ . . a ii NOTHELITEo. emperor presided m person. The decisions ol tne council of Nicsea were reaffirmed, the two wills in Christ were several centuries every pope, at his coronation, had to renew the anathema on Honorius. Leo H even wrote to the Spanish bishops that Honorius and his accomplices in heresy were "involved in an eternal condemnation"— seterna condemnatione mulctati sunt. Mansi, xi, 1052. Barmby, in Smith and Wace, gives a fair and clear account. 450 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. declared, and the Monothelites were anathematized. Pope Leo II addressed a letter to the emperor in which he approved the action of the council. One more imperial effort was made to restore the power of the Monothelites. Here it must be said that the imperial policy, with out regard to the occupant of the throne, was generally shaped by policy. The Monothelites were favored or opposed, as might be of final effort most political advantage to the existing ruler. The to save the emperor, Philip Bardanes (711-715), had reached the monothelites. throne by the murder ol Justinian II, and he thought that by favoring the Monothelites he might strengthen his feeble hold upon the throne. He gave orders to the Greek clergy to condemn the decisions of the sixth ecumenical council, and de manded that the Roman clergy should accept his view of the one will in Christ. This they not only refused to do, but excluded the emperor's name from the public prayer. The reign of Bardanes was brief, and with his death all imperial support of Monothelitism ceased. Only in weak fragments the Monothelites now continued to exist. The most important was the little body which made its home in the monastery of St. Marco, in the Lebanon mountains. fragments of The Maronites continued as a Monothelite sect down to the monothe- the Crusades, when, in 1182, they abandoned their pe- culiar view and recognized the primacy of the Roman bishop. They continue to exist down to our day, and while re taining their own ritual and a certain denominational independence acknowledge the decrees of the council of Trent. Their present number is about two hundred thousand. SPIRITUALISM AND REALISM. 451 CHAPTER VIII. SPIRITUALISM AND REALISM-ORIGENISTIC CONTROVERSIES. Geeat as Origen was in life, his influence after death was far greater. Two important controversies arose concerning his doc trines. The first prevailed in the Scetic and Nitrian deserts, Palestine, and Italy, and continued from A. D. 394 0RIGEN1STI0 to 399. The second was confined to Alexandria, Con- controver- stantinople, and Palestine, and extended from A. D. 399 SIE9- to 553. The mystical views of Origen were adopted by his sup porters, while a crude anthropomorphism was adopted by his enemies. These two tendencies lay at the root of the great contro versies that revolved around the writings of Origen.1 Origen was in general favor at first with the great body of the Church, whose creed was expressed in the Nicene formula. But the followers of Arius claimed to find in Origen support for their denial of the divinity of Christ and lauded his opinions in their writings.2 This gave great offense to the monks of the Scetic and Nitrian deserts, who went so far as to pronounce Origen a heretic, on the ground of his mysticism. Pachomius, of the Scetic desert, represented the opposition to the mystical speculations of Origen, while a monastic order of the Nitrian desert was as vigor ous in defense of him. In Palestine the most vigorous FRIENDS AND supporter of Origen was John, Bishop of Jerusalem, foes of while Epiphanius, took ground against Origen's views. Jerome, originally in sympathy with the Origenistic views, had now declared against them, and thrust himself with all zeal into the controversy. Rufinus was equally fervent in support of Origen. Between these two men the contest was bitter. The Roman bishop, Siricius, favored Rufinus, but his successor opposed him, and m a letter to the Bishop of Jerusalem condemned the opinions of Origen. In Alexandria and Constantinople the controversy was violent in ' Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, i, 317-323 ; ii, 249-258 ; Mercy and Judgment, 298-360. Doucin, Hist, de l'Origenisme. * Origen was sound on the divinity of Christ. This is the opinion of Bull, Def Fid Nicen., c. ix; Wateriand, Defense of Some Queries, xii, xvii. Atha nasius appealed to him as authority for the Eternal Generation and Consub- stantiality of the Son. See Huet, Origen, p. 123 ; Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, i, 321. 452 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the extreme. Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexandria, had publicly sympathized with the Origenistic monks of the Nitrian desert, but afterward took ground against them. This incensed them to such a degree that they assailed him with clubs and compelled bitter con- him to oppose the Origenistic views. In a synod at troversyin Alexandria, A. D. 399, Origen was condemned. This and constan- resulted in a "military appearance of the Nitrian monks, tinople. wh0 appealed to John Chrysostom of Constantinople. Chrysostom interceded for them. While the empress Eudoxia was favorable to the monks, the bold preaching of Chrysostom had offended her, and through her influence Chrysostom was banished. Because of a great popular uprising in favor of the great preacher his banishment was revoked. But it was again renewed A. D. 407, and he died on his way to Pityus, on the Black Sea. Yet his was the frequent history of the sufferer for conscience' sake. His great est honors came after his death. Theodosius II, A. D. 438, had his bones brought back to Constantinople and placed in the vault re- , served only for imperial dust.1 The Origenistic controversies now came to an end. In the angry disputes on more important doc trinal questions they lost their importance, and even their identity. The cause of these disputes over Origen was the profound and speculative character of much of his writings, his allegorical method ,..™,,™™„ of interpretation, and the freedom, breadth, and rest- CAUSE OF THE disputes on lessness of his intellect. Besides, he threw out many origen. things as tentative suggestions, yvpyvaaiag %dpiv, as Pho- tius says, " by way of exercitation, not positively or dogmatically." 2 Athanasius says that Origen had only written some things ug tyruv Kai yvfivd^uv, as a seeker for truth and as one wrestling with great thoughts.3 None of his contemporaries called him a heretic. After his death forgeries were circulated in his name, and his genuine books were garbled. His enemies were mostly narrow and intense bigots, and one of them, Theophilus, Patriarch of Alexan dria, seemed destitute of any redeeming trait whatever. It is one of the strange anomalies of this crooked world that one whose whole life, as Westcott says,4 "was, according to his own grand ideal5 ' one unbroken prayer,' [ila-npoaevxri ovvtxopfrvr), one ceaseless effort after close fellowship with the Unseen and Eternal," should have been the occasion of one of the fiercest and most disgraceful controversies ever waged in the history of the Church. 1 Stephens, St. John Chrysostom, Lond., 1871, 3d ed., 1883, p. 388; Bush, Chrysostom, Lond. , 1885 ; Faulkner, S. John Chrysostom, in Bibliotheca Sacra, April, 1890, 237-253. 2 Cod., 296. 3 Def. Nic. Fid., vi, § 27. 4 Religious Thought in the West, Lond. and N. Y., 1891, p. 205. LITERATURE: PELAGIANISM. 453 LITERATURE : PELAGIANISM. For Pelagianism see the three works of Pelagius, printed in the works of Je rome, ed. Martianay, vol. v, ed. Vallarsius, vol. xi. Fragments of his other writings are quoted by Augustine and his other opponents. The writinge of Julian of Eclanum are quoted in Augustine or preserved in part by Marius Mer- cator. The anti-Pelagian works of Augustine are the armory for this contro versy. Of modern works, besides the Church Histories and Histories of Doc trines, the following may be mentioned : 1. Wiggers, F. Prag. Darstellung des Augustinismus und Pelagianismus. Berl., 1831-32. 2 vols., vol. i, tr. by E. Emerson. Andover, 1840 2. Jacobi, J. L. Die Lehre Pelagius. Leipz., 1842. 3. Miiller, Jul. Der Pelagianismus. Berl., 1854. 4. Worter, Fr. Der Pelagianismus. Freib., 1866. 5. Bright, W. Pelagianism, in Waymarks of Church Hist., Lond. andN. Y., 1894, pp. 182-205 ; select anti-Pelagian Treatises of Augustine, with In- trod. Lond., 1877-80. 6. Warfield, B. B. Augustine and the Pelagian Controversy in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1st series, vol. v ; Augustine, Anti-Pelagian Writ ings. N. Y., 1887. See Jewett in Meth. Quar. Rev, July, 1848 ; Schaff in Bib. Sacra, May, 1848 ; Princeton Theol. Essays, 1st series, pp. 80, ff ; Ince, in Smith and Wace, iv, 282-295 ; F. Klasen, Die innere Entwickelung des Pelagianismus. Freib. , 1882. Donatism : The anti-Donatist works of Augustine ; Optatus, De schismate Donatistarum. For modern writers : Du Pin, Monumenta vett. Donatistarum Historiam pertinentia, Paris, 1700. F. Ribbeck, Donatus und Augustinus, Elberf., 1858. This, like Fuller's article in Smith and Wace, is written with an animus against bodies that dissent from the State Church. M. Deutsch, Drei Actenstiicke zur Geschichte des Donatismus, neu herausgegeben und erklart, Berl., 1875. D. Voelter, Die Ursprung des Donatismus, nach den Quellen un tersuoht und dargestellt, Freib., 1883. A work of great importance, a keen historical analysis, with a disposition to be impartial. Lincoln, H. The Donatists, in Bap. Rev., July, 1880. Excellent. Newman, A. H., in Bap. Rev., Oct., 1884, pp. 530-533. Profs. Lincoln and Newman show how radically the Donatists differed from the Baptists, with whom they have been compared, and with whom they have some points in common. S. M. Hopkins, in Presb. Rev., 1884, pp. '^27, 728, says that he submitted the evidence concerning Felix of Aptunga to Chief Justice Dwight, of the New York Supreme Court. His conclusion was that Felix was entitled to a verdict of acquittal. Voelter decides the other way. Bright, in Waymarks of Church History, 51, ff. C. D. Hartranft, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 1st series, vol. iv, Augustine's Anti-Donatist Writings, N. Y., 1887, pp. 368- 404. Indispensable. Augustine, Works. Ed. Benedicti, Paris, 1679-1700, 11 torn, in 8 fol. vols., and later by Gaumefraties, Paris, 1836-39, 11 torn. ; by Migne, Petit-Montrouge, 454 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 1841-49, 12 tom. (Patr. Lat. xxxii-xlvii), best ed. Transl. of many of his works in Oxford Library of the Fathers, 1838-54, 12 vols.; in T. and T. Clark's Library (by Dods and others), 1871-76, 15 vols. ; and in The Nicene and Post- Nicene Fathers, ed. Schaff, N. Y., 1886-88, 8 vols., best ed. Of the numerous works on Augustine the following may be mentioned : 1. Poujoulat, M. Hist, de s. Aug. Paris, 1843. 3d ed., 1852. 2 vols. 2. Bindemann, C. Der heil. Aug. Berl., 1844-69, 3 vols. 3. Schaff, P. Life and Works. N. Y. and Lond., 1886. In Church History, and in Post-Nicene Fathers, i, pp. 1-25. 4. Naville, E. Saint Augustine, lStude sur le development de sa pensee. Ge neve, 1872. 5. Ernst. Die Werke und Tugenden der unglaubigen nach Augustin. Freib., 1871. 6. Dorner, Aug. Augustinus, sein theol. System und seine religionsphilo- sophische Auschaung. Berl., 1873. 7. Collette, C. H. St. Augustine, His Life and Writings as Affecting the Con troversy with Rome. Lond., 1883. See Presb. Rev., 1884, 669. 8. Renter, H. Augustinische Studien. Gotha, 1887. See Presb. Rev., 1888, 331. 9. Spalding, J. F. (High Church.) The Teaching and Influence of Augus tine. N. Y., 1886. 10. Allen, A. V. G. As the founder of the Latin Theology, in Continuity of Christian Thought. Bost., 1884. New ed., with new pref., 1895, pp. 143-172. 11. Cunningham, W. St. Augustine and his Place in the History of Chris tian Thought. Lond., 1886. For full lit. see Schaff as above, and also Schaff-Herzog Encyclopaedia, article Augustine. SIN AND GRACE. 45g CHAPTER IX. SIN AND GRACE-THE PELAGIAN, DONATIST, AND OTHER CON TROVERSIES. The scene of the Pelagian controversy was largely the Western Church, while its duration was from A. D. 412 to 529. controversy There were certain groups of doctrinal questions which concerning agitated particular regions, and failed to attract atten- gr'ace.1' tion in others. All questions which related to the divinity and person of Christ were of profound interest to the Eastern mind, and only incidentally disturbed the Latin Church. Wherever the ques tion of Christ's character and person was concerned the West was almost invariably orthodox, while the East was at least divided, and often the laxer view predominated. In the West the question of man's moral condition, and his part in his own salvation, was very early of profounxTTnterest. The opinion concerning sin and grace which prevailed in the Eastern Church was favorable to a large share of human ability toward salvation. The corruption of human na ture and the necessity of divine grace for salvation were admitted. But large place was given to the human will in making free choice of salvation. The Gnostic view was that, while there are certain evils in human nature, and the disposition is warped by inherited infirmities, man is at liberty to choose salvation and is responsible for neglecting the offer of divine grace. Some teachers of the Eastern Church admitted the human tend ency to sin and the need of grace in Christ, and yet J _ o ' J different denied an actual innate depravity. The neo-Alexan- teaching in drian school admitted the inheritance of sin from the THE SCH00LS- fall of Adam, but would not, with this concession, grant the origi nal depravity of our human nature. The school of Antioch shared the same view in a general way, admitting that in man there is an original element of evil, but that his salvation is to be effected by both the human will and the grace of God. Chrysostom denied the guilty nature of man by birth, and admitted his guilt only by virtue of his own sinful acts.1 The whole tendency of the Eastern mind was, therefore, toward synergism, or the cooperation of the 1 For an excellent exposition of Chrysostom's views on this, see Stephens, Life of St. John Chrysostom, pp. 394-401. 456 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. human and divine agents in achieving human salvation.' The Western view placed man's part in his own salvation in the back ground. He is sinful by nature. His condition is that of moral helplessness. The great representative of this view was Tertullian. He held that the human will was limited, and that divine grace was the chief factor in salvation. Monergism, or God as the only factor, was the central thought in his system of sin and grace. Tertullian's declaration — tradux animae tradux peccati — was his solution of the whole question of the natural condition of the soul. The depth of its depravity was such that only divine grace could take the first and controlling part in the salvation of the soul.a These conflicting tendencies were very decided, and gave color to the entire theology of the Eastern and Western sections of the Church. It was in the very nature of the times, while all fundamental theological questions were presenting themselves for discussion, that these views should come into closer conflict and should be represented by masterful teachers. In due time the lead- augustine ers came to the front — Augustine as the champion of and pelagius. the Western, or monergistic, opinion, and Pelagius as the champion of the Eastern, or synergistic, view. In firm faith in the truth of Christianity, in purity of personal life, in zeal for the advancement of the Church, and in profound scholarship, Augustine stood not only in the front rank of the heroes for the faith in his own age, but possesses the same honorable position among the leaders of the Church in all ages. Aurelius Augustinus was a native of Numidia. His devoted mother, Monica, was compelled to witness the dissoluteness of his youth and his indifference to all moral principles. But she had firm faith in his final rectitude of life and in his usefulness to the Church. Augustine, when living in Carthage, taught rhetoric. 1 See Laeroix, Wesleyan Synergism an Essential of Orthodox Catholicity, in Meth. Quar. Rev., Jan., 1880, pp. 5-31. 5 Tertullian, De Anim., xl, xli. He speaks of vitium originis. But he still holds that evil has become only man's second nature, while his true nature is good. The divine in us is only overshadowed, not extinguished. With nearly all the Fathers before Augustine he defended the freedom of the will. Adv. Marc, ii, 6, 8,9. They knew nothing of the later doctrine of the necessary servitude of the will to evil. "Even the opponents of the doctrine of human liberty, as Calvin, are compelled to acknowledge this remarkable consensus Pa trum of the first period ; and in order to account for it they are obliged to suppose a general illusion about the doctrine ! ' It is any rate a remarkable phenomenon that the very doctrines which afterward caused disruptions in the Christian Church are scarcely ever mentioned in the Primitive Church.' Daniel, Tatian, s. 200."— Hagenbach, Hist, of Doctr., Edinb., 1880, i, 220. , SIN AND GRACE. 457 For nine years he adhered to the Manichssan philosophy, opposed the Christian system, and the Platonic system was the only bond which held him within the least sympathy with Christianity. On leaving Carthage he proceeded to Rome, and afterward to Milan. His mother was at once his constant companion and de- EARLY LIFB 0F voted friend. In Milan his mind underwent a total augustine. transformation through the sermons, example, and personal influ ence of the venerable Ambrose. Simplicissimus was also helpful toward his departure from his Manichsean and pagan environment. He was thrown into the deepest contrition of heart, a picture of which he has given in his immortal book, the " Confessions." He seemed to hear a voice which said, " Tolle ; lege ! " It was his call to examine God's word. He was converted, and was baptized by Ambrose. He now gave up his work as a teacher of rhetoric, re garded Africa as his proper field of labor, went thither first as a presbyter, and later as Bishop of Hippo Regius, in Numidia. He died A. D. 430. During the early period of Augustine's teaching he favored a larger place to the human will as an agent of salvation. But as he advanced in his system he gave greater prominence to divine grace, and finally gave it nearly the sole place. He regarded man as orig inally free, but that this freedom was forfeited by his own act, and that aU which was left was his power to be saved by the place of the operation of divine grace. Guilt is universal. All have ATJQtrSTINE-g sinned in Adam. Grace precedes the act of faith, and teaching. is given, not because we believe, but proceeds from God that Ave may believe. But there are many to whom this grace is never communicated. They are not condemned by God to eternal pun ishment, but God has passed them by. They are therefore left out of God's saving plan, and will be eternally punished. Man can never fully explain, or even understand, this mystery of the divine decree to salvation and the passing of the rest of mankind. We can only say that God is sovereign, and what he does is right.1 Augustine enforced his system by such an array of learning, such force of logic, and such skillful use of the Scriptures that his opin ions gained a wide circulation and were adopted by many in every part of the Western Church. The Augustinian system expansion , u •! vt At- FROM AUG US- haS possessed a strange and remarkable vitality. At TINE.S THE0L_ different periods of the Church it has come out of its ogy. retirement, assumed control of great minds, and begun a new period 1 A comprehensive exposition of the views of Augustine, in his own language, will be found in J. F. Spalding, The Teaching and Influence of Augustine, N. Y, 1886. 458 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of great influence over vast portions of Christendom. It gave the starting point to the whole theological system of the Roman Catholic Church, whose great mediaeval scholastics were his admirers and pupils. ' It seems to have possessed a singular power in the formation of new and free States. It gained power over the Eng lish Church in one of its most vigorous periods. It gave character, through the pen of Calvin, to the Protestantism of western Swit zerland, with Geneva as the center. It followed the course of the Rhine, at Heidelberg assumed control of the theology of the Palat inate, and became the foundation of the controlling theology of Holland, Scotland, and the New England colonists. The strongest and purest champion for the freedom of the human will, as against the opinions of Augustine, was Pelagius, a monk of Britain. He early espoused the cause of synergism, holding that man is not guilty by nature, but that at birth he is innocent and pelagius ad- has no inclination toward a vicious life. His mind is a vocating the jjiajj^ ready for whatever impressions are strongest. the will. Leaving Britain for Rome, he began to teach his views in the latter city about A. D. 410. Ccelestius, a learned lay man of Rome, adopted the opinions of Pelagius, and the two propagated their opinions in that center of thought with great industry and success. Pelagius made the masses the principal field for the propagation of his opinions, while Ccelestius aimed at the more cultivated people. The daily life of the two men was pure and commended itself to the confidence and admiration of the Church. In 411 they went to Africa, but Pelagius soon afterward set out for Palestine. Ccelestius became a presbyter. His opin ions soon met with great opposition, and at a provincial synod held in Carthage in 412 he was excommunicated, through charges brought against him by Paulinus. pelagius fa- Pelagius found favor in Palestine, where he united voredinthe j^g fortunes with the adherents of the opinions of Ori- greek r church. gen. At the synods of Jerusalem and Diospolis (Lydda), A. D. 415, the views of Pelagius were carefully reviewed, with the 1 A brilliant statement of the relation of the teaching of Augustine to the earlier Greek theology and the later Latin is Allen, Continuity of Christian Thought, new ed., with new Pref., Bost., 1895, ch. ii. He shows clearly how all the main lines of the Roman system were drawn from Augustine. Spald ing, though writing against Allen's praise of the earlier Greek theology and in disparagement of the gloomy and mechanical views of Augustine, does not deny this, but confirms it by showing their sacramentarian and churchly strain. Augustine anticipated the doctrines of the Tractarians. Schaff finely com ments on the influence of Augustine in Catholicism and Protestantism, Church History, iii, 1018-1028. SIN AND GRACE. 459 advantage of his own explanations, and he was acquitted of heresy by both synods. In fact, the Greek Church found but little to crit icise in Pelagius's emphasis on free will and personal responsibility, and his views on grace when explained by himself were more con genial to the Greek mind than were the exaggerated representations of Augustine. This justification of Pelagius by the two Eastern councils was confirmed by Pope Zosimus, 417, 418, who, after a formal hearing of the case, pronounced Pelagius a man of unim peachable orthodoxy, 417. But in due time there arose opposition to him. The previous pope, Innocent I, had condemned him in strong language, and after the great African council of 418 Zosimus became alarmed and joined in the voices against Pelagius. The synod of Carthage, A. D. 416, condemned Pelagius, and this conclusion was affirmed by a synod held in the same year general at Mileum, inNumidia, and by a full council of the ™E™JL™'0 African Church in Carthage in 418. The general tend- pelagius. ency in the Church, both East and West, was now unfavorable to Pelagianism. Nestorianism was coupled with it in popular disfa vor. The ecumenical council of Ephesus, A. D. 431, condemned Nestorius, Pelagius, and Coelestius, though without mentioning any heresies of Pelagius.1 Important works were written against the 1 This condemnation by the third general council " seems to have been the result of an understanding between Cyril and the Bishop of Rome, by which Cyril anathematized the Latin heretic, while the pope gave his voice against the Greek heretic Nestorius."— Continuity of Christian Thought, p. 154, note. Wesley, with his accustomed candor and independence of judgment, rescued Pelagius from the common clamor, and believed that he stood for some valua ble ideas. " I verily believe the real heresy of Pelagius was neither more nor less than this : The holding that Christians may, by the grace of God (not without it ; that I take to be a mere slander) [in this Wesley was right. Pela gius certainly insisted on the necessity of the grace of God] ' go on to perfec tion ; ' or, in other words, ' fulfill the law of Christ.' "—Works, Lond. ed., vi, 328. " Who was Pelagius ? By all I can pick up from ancient authors I guess he was both a wise and a holy man. But we know nothing but his name ; for his writings are all destroyed ; not one line of them left " (xii, 240). Wesley speaks hastily here. Pelagius's Ep. ad Demetr., Expos, in Ep. Pauli, and Li bellus fidei ad Innocentiam, are printed in Martianay's ed. of the Works of Jerome, vol. v, Paris, 1706, 5 vols. The Libellus fidei was for a long time con sidered an orthodox work, and is quoted as such in the Libri Carolini, iii, 1. ' Ince, art. Pelagius, in Smith and Wace, confirms Wesley in the above remark on grace. He says : " It may fairly be doubted whether the Pelagians intended wholly to deny grace in its stricter sense as an internal agency. Pelagius anath ematized all who said that the grace of God was not necessary, not only every hour and every moment, but also in each single action. Julian [Bishop of Ec- lanum, in Apulia, the disciple of Pelagius, who ably controverted Augustine] described the operations of grace as sanctifying, restraining, inciting, illuminat- 460 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Pelagians. Augustine was by far the most active and skillful in his opposition, and his writings were powerful in causing the Church to abandon all Pelagian tendencies. But the Church in the East at no time adopted the extreme views of Augustine on election. While the conclusions of the Western synods and councils were unfavorable to the Pelagians, there was a decided reaction in the Western Church against the extreme views of Augustine. The cen ter of this milder type of Augustinianism was Massilia (Marseilles), in Gaul, where John Cassianus, and, later, his disciple, Vincen- tius, attacked the strict Augustinian doctrine. The latter claimed der type ^hat Augustine was not at all a representative of the op abgustini- permanent doctrine of the Church, and that his theory anism. 0j grace an(j the human will was partial, and should not be accepted. The opinions of Augustine were defended by Hilarius and Prosper Aquitanicus. At this juncture Aquitanicus died, A. D. 430, but after his death the conflict continued with varying success. Theodore of Mopsuestia, the greatest Greek the ologian of the fifth century, severely censured Augustine, and charged him with bringing in novelties and dealing irreverently with God in asserting things which justice condemns and wise men reject.1 It is thought by many that Vincent of Lerins was driv ing at Augustine's new views in his celebrated test of the true faith: that should be held for catholic truth which has been believed everywhere, always, and by all.2 Judged by this standard, as Pro fessor Allen says,3 the teaching of Augustine lacked each one of the three essential marks of truth. Even the synods were not har monious in their action, those of Aries and Lyons, both A. D. 475, declaring in favor of the Semi-Pelagians, and those of Orange and Valencia, A. D. 529, condemning the Semi-Pelagians. ing the human soul. This language implies more than creative grace ; it speaks of grace assisting the created nature, and this by influences addressed not only to the intellectual faculties by instruction and illumination, but to the will and affections by incitement and restraint " (iv, 294). Here Ince agrees with Moz- ley, who thoroughly studied this controversy. 1 See Gieseler, i, 339, note 36. 5 Commonitorium pro catholicaa fidei antiquitate et universitate, c. 2. In Migne, L. 640. In ipsa item Catholica Ecclesia magnopere curandum est, ut id teneamus quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum sit. "A val uable criticism of the ' Quod ubique,' etc. , may be found in Lewis's Authority in Matters of Opinion, c. iv. The history of theology, however, is the best criti cism upon this much-vaunted test of truth." — Allen, Continuity of Christian Thought, p. 162, note. There is grave reason to believe that it was this Vin cent who wrote formal treatises against Augustine. See the question discussed by Oazenove, in Smith and Wace, iv, 1154-1158. It is said that Lerins was a nest of semi-Pelagianism. 3 Continuity of Christian Thought, p. 162. SIN AND GRACE. 461 But while the formal decrees were favorable to Augustinianism there was wonderful sympathy with certain modifica- desire for tions of his system. Prosper, while defending: Augus- modifica-TIONS OF ACT- tine, had smoothed down some of the sharper points, gustine's while one of his opponents in an anonymous book, views. Praedestinatus, presented a caricature of Augustinianism, and in this created distrust among the people. With the decrees of the councils, however, against the Semi-Pelagians, they were deprived of all aggressive power. The whole question now lost all popular interest, and remained without discussion until A. D. 847, when Gottschalk, a Saxon, espoused the cause of the Augustinian theol ogy and carried it far beyond the limits to which Augustine had confined it. The Donatist schism was one of the most violent movements of this entire period. It was confined to North Africa, THE DOnatist and extended from A. D. 311 to 411. It turned upon schism. the question of the purity of the Church. During the persecution under Diocletian many Christians accepted martyrdom with a fa natical spirit. They went farther than the mere refusal of all com promise of opinion, and fairly rushed into death. This voluntary martyrdom pervaded large portions of the North African Church. There were some wise teachers, such as Mensurius, Bishop of Car thage, and the archdeacon Caecilian, who arrayed themselves against this fanaticism. In the appeal of the civil authorities to surren der the Christian books they surrendered only the works which had been declared heretical. This was enough to bring upon them the reproaches of the fanatical Christians, who called them traitors, or traditores. Donatus, ordained bishop A. D. 313, became the great representative of the fanatics, and he pushed their cause with great zeal and ability. His success among the common people was very decided. They were laboring under the burden of heavy taxes, and appeared to think that in the views of Donatus they could see the truth. Constantine, the emperor, was not favorable to the Dona tists, and his opposition culminated in the decision against them by the clerical commission convened at Rome, by his authority, A. D. 313. In the following year the Western synod of Aries reached the same hostile conclusion. In 316 the emperor heard representations from advocates of both parties at Milan, and also decided against the Donatists. constantine At first Constantine adopted very rigid measures. _ He 0^°As™°EtND even went so far as to send the Donatist bishops into FRiendingthe exile. But seeing that this vigorous course only led to donatists. more intense opposition he adopted a milder policy. But neither 462 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. course allayed the popular frenzy. Donatist preachers went through the country and excited the people by such powerful appeals as led to an open rebellion against the imperial power. Soldiers were now called in, who suppressed the revolt. Such churches as belonged to the Donatists were taken out of their possession or entirely closed against them. This oppressive policy was in force at the time of the death of Constantine, but Julian, who rejoiced in the internal dissensions of the Church and in the success of any disintegrating force, pursued a policy favorable to the Donatists. He gave them all the rights accorded to other Christians. But under his suc cessor, Honorius, the former policy of persecution was resumed. Augustine now entered the lists against the Donatists. At first augustine ne use& mUd measures to have them return to the against the Church. But his course was successful to only a limited donatists. degree. While some returned, the great body persist ently refused to connect themselves with the Church again. The Carthage synod of A. D. 405 appealed to Honorius to force them to submission.1 He oppressed them as forcibly as Constantine had done, and then summoned them to defend their tenets at a public disputation. This, the Collatio cum Donatistis, took place at Carthage A. D. 411. The Donatists were represented by nearly as many bishops as the orthodox, there being two hundred and eighty-six of the latter and two hundred and seventy-nine of the former. The imperial commissioner decided against the Don atists, and A. D. 415 the emperor declared that all who attended their services would do so on penalty of death. A peaceful under standing was reached on the invasion of North Africa by the Van dals, who persecuted all Homoousian Christians with equal feroc ity. But in the course of time the Donatists disappeared from ecclesiastical life. Like all other great movements which fail of their main object, it is safe to say that the effect of the Donatist schism was to give a stricter view of the purity of the individual member throughout the African Church, if not the entire Church of both West and East. 1 In his earlier days as a Christian, Augustine nobly defended the princi ples of toleration. In Joan. Ev. Tract., xxvi, 2. In later life he .defended per secution. Ep. cxxxiii, clxxxv. Spalding, Teaching and Influence of St. Au gustine, pp. 49-51. See excellent remarks in Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, ii, 400-406 ; Neander, ii, 248-252. LITERATURE: MIDDLE AGES. 463 LITERATURE : MIDDLE AGES. For literature of the sources and for general histories, see above, pp. 10-13. We give here only a brief select list. Very convenient and indispensable are: Chevalier, Ulysse. Repertoire des sources historiques du moyen age ; Bio- Bibliographie ; Topo-Bibliographie. 2 vols. Paris, 1876-96. Potthast, Aug. Bibliotheca hist. Medii iEvi. Wegweiser durch d.Geschicht- werke des europ. Mittelalters bis 1500. Berlin,1862. 2d ed., parti. Berlin,1895. Oesterley, H. Wegweiser durch die Literature der Urkundensammlungen. "2 vols. Leipz., 1885-86. Emerton, Ditrod. to the Middle Ages, p. xviii, Mediaeval Europe, pp. xix-xxv, and the list at the beginning of each chapter in both books ; Adams, Hist. Lit erature, pp. 162-202 ; Schaff, iv, pp. 1-4 ; Hurst, Lit. of Theology, N. Y., 1896, p. 198. 1. Robertson, Wm. Progress of Society in Europe from the Subversion of the Roman Empire to 1500. Edinb., 1769, many later eds. It is the Introd. to the Hist, of Charles V, often printed separately. A comprehensive and learned survey, with sagacious generalizations, but corrected in detail by Maitland. 2. Berington, J. Literary Hist, of the Middle Ages. Lond., 1814; new ed., with Pref. by Hazlitt, 1846 ; last ed., 1883. 3. Krafft, W. L. Kirchengeschichte d. germ. Volker. Leipz., 1854. 4. Hemans, C. I. Mediaeval Christianity and Art. 2 vols. Lond., 1869-72. 5. Draper, J. W. Intellectual Development of Europe. New ed. rev., 2 vols. N. Y., 1876. 6. Bryce, J. The Holy Roman Empire. Lond., 1866; 9th ed. rev., 1889. This fine historical study has been trans, into several European languages. 7. Church, R. W. The Beginning of the Middle Ages. Lond. and N. Y, 1877 ; new ed. , 1896. With Emerton, the best introd. to mediaeval history. 8. Hallam, Henry. View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages. 3 vols. Lond., 1854 ; N. Y, 1880. N. Y., 1883, 1 vol. The first correct English view, sober and learned, but lacks more recent authorities. 9. Milman, Henry Hart. History of Latin Christianity, including that of the Popes to the Pontificate of Nicholas V. Lond., 1854-55; new ed., 9 vols., Lond., 1883. Learned, comprehensive, and impartial. 10. Allen, Joseph Henry. Outlines of Church History : A. D. 50-1880. Bost., 1885. Church history in its three great periods : Second period : Middle Ages. Bost., 1888. Emphasis as to the greater movements. Written by the late Unitarian professor of Church History at Harvard. 11. Hardwick, Charles. A Hist, of the Chr. Church : Middle Ages (575-1517). Ed. by Stubbs. Lond. and N. Y., 1872. Excellent notes and references. 12. Guizot, Pierre Guil. History of Civilization in Europe. 4 vols. N. Y., 1864. Bohn edition, 3 vols., Lond., 1887. 1 vol. edition, N. Y., 1890. 13. Trench, R. C. Lectures on Med. Church History. Lond. and N. Y., 1879. 14. Gregorovius, F. Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, vom V bis XVI Jahrhundert. 8 vols. , 1875-82; later eds. rev. Trans. , Lond. , 1895-96. A work of immense research and of fine literary art. 15. Uhlhorn, G. Die christ. Liebesthatigkeit in Mittelalter. Stuttgart, 1884. 16. Robinson, A. Mary F. End of the Middle Ages. Lond., 1888. 464 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 17. Ranke. Hist, of the Latin and Teutonic Nations, 1494-1514. Lond., 1887. 18. Backhouse, E., and Tylor, C. Witnesses for Christ and Memorials of Church Life from the 4th to 13th Century. 2 vols. Lond., 1887 ; 2d ed., 1894. 19. Smith, Philip. History of the Christian Church during the Middle Ages and the Reformation (1003-1598). Lond., 1884. 20. Lacroix, Paul. Military and Religious Life in the Middle Ages and at the period of the Renaissance. Lond., 1887. 21. Schmidt, Ch. Precis de l'eglise pendant le moyen age. 1 vol. Paris, 1886. 22. Freeman, E. A. Historical Essays. Series 1-2. Lond., 1878-80. The chief periods of European history. Lond., 1886. 23. Giesebrecht, Wilhelm. Geschichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit. 5 vols, in 7. Leipz., 1876-90. The chief German narrative history, 900-1180. See the art. by Lord Acton in the Eng. Hist. Rev., vol. i, No. 1. 24. Stubbs, W. Lectures on Mediaeval and Modern History. Oxf., 1886. 25. Henderson, E. F. Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. Lond., 1892. History of Germany during the Middle Ages. Lond., 1895. 26. StiUe, C. J. Studies in Mediaeval History. 2d ed., Phila., 1888. Admira ble lectures by a scholar of large views. 27. Schaff, Philip. Mediaeval Christianity. (Vol. iv of History of the Chris tian Church.) N. Y., 1885. The best general view of mediaeval Church history. Vol. v is forthcoming. Eloquent, interesting, scholarly, with large reference to the literature. See A. F. Mitchell in Presb. Rev., vi (1885), 741. See also his other general works on Church history. 28. Denifle, Heinrich, und Ehrle, Franz. Archiv fur Litteratur und Kirchen geschichte des Mittelalters. 6 vols. Berl., 1885-92. (Still appearing.) 29. Dresdner, Albert. Kultur- und Sittengesehichte der italienischen Geistlich- keit in 10 und 11 Jahrhunderten. Breslau, 1890. 30. Hauck, A. Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands. 3 vols. Leipz., 1887-96. Valuable in every way ; detailed and exhaustive. 31. Assmann, W. Geschichte des Mittelalters, 375-1492. 3 vols. (Second part of his Handbuch der allgemeinen Geschichte.) Braunschweig, 1890. 32. Emerton, Ephraim. Introduction to the Study of the Middle Age. Bost., 1888. Mediaeval Europe (814-1300). Bost., 1894. Indispensable. Orig inal in plan, scholarly, and most helpful to the student. 33. Newman, A. H. Recent Researches among Mediaeval Sects. Lu Papers of Amer. Society of Church Histories, vol. iv, pp. 143, 167. 34. Duruy, Victor. History of the Middle Ages. Trans, from the 12th French edition. N. Y.,1891. One of the very best of the one-volume histories. 35. Adams, G. B. Civilization during the Middle Ages. N. Y., 1894. Excel lent discussion of the historic f orceB. 36. Maitland, S. R. The Dark Ages. A series of essays intended to illustrate the state of religion and literature in the ninth to the twelfth centuries. 5th ed., Lond., 1890. Travels unfrequented paths, and corrects various misconceptions, especially the hasty generalizations of Robertson. 37. Schmitz, W. Der Einfluss der Religion auf das Leben beim ausgehenden Mittelalter, besonders in Danemark. Freiburg i-Br., 1895. 38. Moeller, Wilhelm. Hist, of the Chr. Church in the Middle Ages. Lond., 1893. Trans, from the German. Best single volume for a critical student. 39. Koehler, F. Esthlandische Klosterleoture. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntniss der Pflege des geistigen Lebens in Mittelalter. Reval, 1892. 40. Grupp, G. Kulturgeschichte des Mittelalters. 2 vols. Stuttgart, 1895. %m HMftfridqe Co Mi /Me MADE EXPRESSLY FOR I- EUROPE AT THE REHABILITATION OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE UNDER CHARLEMAGNE 800 AD. EMPIRE OF CHARLEMAGNE V OF THC CHRISTIAN CHURCH. GENERAL VIEW OF THE CHURCH IN MIDDLE AGES. 465 CHURCH HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE AGES. FROM CHARLES THE GREAT TO THE REFORMATION. A. D. 768-1517. CHAPTER I. GENERAL VIEW OF THE CHURCH OT THE MIDDLE AGES. No period of the Church is without great significance and an im portant bearing on the preceding and subsequent times. There is often unity where, at first sight, we see nothing but disintegration. Even the distributing forces, like those in the material world, have their appointed methods, limitations, and affinities, and are subject to the very same general laws as the combining and productive ones. The laws of cohesion and gravitation, for example, which to the tyro in natural science seem to be opposites, are, to the acuter eye, only different operations of one law. The Middle Ages have been regarded by the Protestant world, until recently, as a TBK middlk lone period of unrelieved intellectual stagnation, and A0BS w KS~ _ _ ALITY A PS- often of almost hopeless retrogression. We find pro- Biod or prog- tracted theological discussions from which there seems MSS- for the time to be no normal and promising outcome ; the moral and religious life of the Church morbidly seeking reformation in retirement from the face and problems of society; a new faith, born in dreams and bred in blood, planting itself on one half the territory of Christendom; great expeditions, equally prodigal of life and treasure, fitted out for the bare purpose of rescuing the tomb of Christ from the Moslem ; and, amidst all this, the spiritual rulers of the most hopeful part of the Christian world amassing to themselves prerogatives that belong only to God and claiming equal jurisdiction over the prince and his subject. But this is not a chaotic scene. There is an order which can only be properly estimated by a broad view of the centuries and comparing the beginning with the end. As no stream can be cor rectly judged by a quicksand here, a rapid there, or the placid waters which some friendly recess in the bank has invited to its re pose, so in the current of history we are never safe in taking a glance 30 466 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. at a single section of its flow and making that the standard for our generalizations. Eanke says : " If the book of history lay open to our view in its authentic reality, if the fleeting forms of speech stood before us in the durability of the works of nature, how often should we discover in the former, as well as in the latter, amidst the decay we mourn over, the fresh and quick germ ! — how often behold life springing out of death ! However we may deplore the contamination of spiritual things with things of earth, the cor ruption of the institutions of religion which we have just con templated, yet, without these evils, the human mind could hardly have received one of its most remarkable impulses — an impulse leading to vast and permanent results." ' Lightfoot says : " To those who take a comprehensive view of the progress of Christianity even the more lasting obscurations of the truth will present no serious difficulty. They will not suffer them selves to be blinded thereby to the true nobility of ecclesiastical history ; they will not fail to see that, even in the season of her deepest degradation, the Church was still the regenerator of society, the upholder of right principle against selfish interest, the visible witness of the invisible God; they will thankfully confess that, not withstanding the pride and selfishness and dishonor of individual rulers, notwithstanding the imperfections and errors of special in stitutions and developments, yet, in her continuous history, the divine promise has been signally realized, 'Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world.' " s The Middle Ages occupy an important place in history, and had an important mission. They mark the passage of the world from the pagan to the Protestant age. "This whole period," says Baur, " can only be regarded by the observer as one of transi tion, at the close of which the varied elements which appear in different quarters concentrate into unity, and thus show forth the Church of the Middle Ages in the full significance of their univer sal grandeur." ' And just because their character is purely transi tional they present no complete forms of life. All the productions the middle °^ *ne Middle Ages, whether in religion, science, or ages a. pekiod politics, bear the impress of a time of twofold character OFTRANSITION. _Qf & fime yfafc-fr ^fl ft^ },agig fQT & ^^ &ge fey tn£) application of an old one.4 The ancient Church had performed 1 History of the Popes, 4th ed., Lond., 1866, vol. i, p. 41. 5 The Christian Ministry, in Dissertations on the Apostolic Age, pp. 287, 238. 3 Die christl. Kirche des Mittelalters, 2d ed., Leipz., 1869, p. 6. 4 Comp. Niedner, Kirchengeschichte, pp. 387, 388 ; Stubbs, Lectures on Mediaeval and Modern History, pp. 238, 239. GENERAL VIEW OF THE CHURCH IN MEDDLE AGES. 467 its mission — the development of doctrine ; the mediaeval Church was now to develop the new nations that, having migrated from the East as tribes, had settled in central Europe, as if controlled by an impulse to come near the faith that was to change their charac ter and make them the bearers of the Gospel to all lands ; and the modern Church was to expose the vagaries of its predecessor by the reassertion of the primitive doctrine, and then to appropriate all the rich products of the reawakened intellect of Europe for the spiritual permeation of every social stratum and to make the whole world the recipient of its benign ministrations. We find, further, that the Middle Ages, with all their apparent irregularity, did observe a certain progressive course. If we look at the low state of the Church in the seventh and eighth centuries we shall find that the bonds of political and social life were loosed, that morals were everywhere depraved, and that there was a uni versal destitution of culture and of the aspiration for it. But there arose afterward a purer moral sense, and with it a higher apprecia tion of political and intellectual life. Taking the single depart ment of history as an illustration, the advancement is advancement remarkable. "We are astonished," says the writer ^'middIe™ who of all others in modern times has seen most clearly ages. the historical relations of religious and secular interests, " when we note the difference between the historical productions of the eighth century and those of the former half of the ninth. Never has there been a greater progress in form. At the beginning of the eighth century the chronicles of the Prankish empire were mono syllabic and destitute of form, and in the successor of Fredegar we observe the roughness on the increase ; but in the ninth century we find a beauty of expression which shows abundant traces of classical models." ' After the middle of the eleventh century a series of scientific in quiries began which no social disorders were able to interrupt. Monasticism, with all its misconceptions, preserved classical culture for permanent and universal use. Both Thomas scientific in- r „ _ , ,. , n „ QUIRIESINTHE Aquinas and Duns Scotus were mendicant monks. ELEVenth The climax of philosophical speculation was reached in century. the fourteenth century. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the 1 Ranke, Schriften der Berliner Aiademie, 1854, p. 415 ; Giesebrecht, Ge schichte der deutschen Kaiserzeit, vol. i, 2d ed., p. 327; and Wattenhach, Dentschlands Geschichtsquellen in Mittelalter, pp. 66, 79. Comp. Baur, Christliche Kirche des Mittelalters, pp. 6, 7. Hatch has some excellent re- marts on the eighth and ninth centuries as the turning point in the history of the world, in his Introd. Lect. on the Study of Eccl. History, Lond., 1885. 468 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. knightly poetry attained its highest forms of expression. It was in the thirteenth, likewise, that mediaeval architecture culminated in a grandeur of conception and grace of proportion that have never been surpassed. Even the Crusades, notwithstanding their waste of blood and money, were the means of bearing to the East the treasures of the West, and, in the West itself, of creating a healthy restlessness and awakening new sympathies where sluggishness and stupor were the common temptation and a papacy greedy of gold was too much the representative of the Church. In the fourteenth century Dante, Petrarch, and Boccaccio composed works which will be read to the end of time. Meantime there was a process of po litical solidification going on. The bond of political unity was strengthened, and the disintegrating forces ceased in a measure as the Middle Ages drew to a close. Unity was secured in France by the fall of Burgundy, in England by the termination of the War of the Boses, and in Spain by the union of Castile and Aragon. When the Eeformation began we find that Germany and Spain and the Netherlands were under one head, but the forces which made this unity possible were in activity centuries be- PREPARATION J r J for the ref- f ore Luther burned the pope s bull under the elm at ormation. Wittenberg. As before the Christian era the con quests of Alexander had, by the distribution of the Greek tongue, made the promulgation of Christianity possible in the East, and at the beginning of the same era the unity of the Boman empire — every part of which was united to the capital by highways that have never been excelled — made its extension easy in the West, so did the Middle Ages prepare the very agencies which were to correct their own evils, and, by political unity and a popular love of lib erty, to make an open door for the propagation of the revived truth. Christianity, indeed, is the only true solution of mediaeval history — in fact, of all history. Bitter says with great force: "Christianity became the bridge over which the civilization of the old world passed into the new. In the very vortex of the storms of political strife, sweeping to and fro, itself making and unmaking kingdoms, while every ancient thing was menaced with ruin, while the crude yet simple manners of the German conquerors ran wild in party strife, and barbarism threatened to break in everywhere, the Christian Church rescued at least the remnants of the early learning and art as the seeds of a later civilization, and held fast to the divine law both as the ideal of common life and for the highest good of humanity. Since that time it has always obtained that the beginning of every people and of every community within the circle of European civilization GENERAL VIEW OF THE CHURCH IN MIDDLE AGES. 469 has been marked by its reception of Christianity. Moreover, other nations of another religion during the Middle Ages and in the modern period have dwelt in Europe and ruled a part of it. Of these the Arabs and the Turks have been most distinguished for power. But they do not belong, and never did, to our common and customary manner of life. They have touched us as foreigners. Only as an irritant have they by great exertion wrought upon us. Some little of their character has come also as a leaven into our life. But we have never been able to acquire anything worthy the name of progress in common with them." 1 1 Geschichte der christlichen Philosophie, iii, 8, 9. 470 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTEE II. PERIODS OF MEDIEVAL CHURCH HISTORY. The exact limits of the Church in the Middle Ages have been variously assigned by both ecclesiastical and secular historians. The close of the ancient and the beginning of the medi- line of the aeval have ranged, according to the point of view of the ancient and observer, over a space of five centuries, or from the MEDIEVAL ' r . periods not fourth century to the ninth. Even the close, concern- " ' "" ' '"' ing which there is a much nearer approach to unanimity, has been a matter of dispute. The remark of Bitter,1 that "the Middle Ages terminate in each country with the appearance of a popular literature," is true only in part. The rise of humanism in Italy, the revival of letters in the countries north of the Alps, and the diffusion of intelligence among the people, form but one of the factors, and that by no means the most vital, in the great movement which culminated in the Eeformation. The scattered threads of the eighth century were to be caught up and woven into a fabric of spiritual unity. The mission of the mediaeval Church was to conduct humanity from the narrow limits of the pagan to the broad and elevated plane of the Protestant world ; to sift out and preserve the best that remained of the ancient time and to pass it safely down for modern use. Placing ourselves in the middle of the period beginning with the final conversion of the northern European nations, and ending with the German protest against papal enormities, we are able to see clearly, as we look backward, the transition of the Church from its apostolical and classical relations to its absorption by temporal in terests, and, in looking forward, the passage of the Church out of the hands of its hierarchical authorities into the broader sphere of an enlightened public conscience. The history of the mediaeval Church has its general landmarks, which, if we contemplate the prevailing spirit of the age, are not difficult to recognize. The entire history is divided into three parts, as follows : FIKSX PEEIOD. From the emperor Charles the Great to the papacy of Gregory VII, A. D. 768-1073. The period of the appropriation and unifi- 1 Geschichte der christlichen Philosophie, vol. iii, p. 24. PERIODS OF MEDLEVAL CHURCH HISTORY. 471 cation of the German and other northern elements ; the growth of the Mohammedan counterforce to Christianity ; and the rise and consolidation of the papal supremacy in Church and State. SECOND PERIOD. From the papacy of Gregory VII to the removal of the papal see into France, A. D. 1073-1305. The climacteric period of papal absolutism ; of the organization and increase of monas- the three tic orders ; of speculative science brought into the PKEI0D3 0F sphere of theological thought, or scholasticism, which ages. was a direct product of the mediaeval times and perished with them; and of the- boginning of the Crusades. THIRD PERIOD. From the removal of the papal see into France to the Reforma tion, A. D. 1305-1517. The time of the internal and external division of the Church in its papal unity; of the loosing of its hold upon the popular mind ; of the rise of humanism ; and of the growth of a general desire for ecclesiastical and political liberty.1 ¦For suggestive divisions, see Scott, in Current Discussions in Theol., i, 112-116 ; Schaff, iv, 14. 472 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : CHARLES THE GREAT. Pertz, Monumenta GermansB Historicse, the biographies and chronicles in Scriptores division, i and ii, 1826 and 1829 ; the capitularies in Leges, i, 1835. J&56, Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum, iv, 1867, which also contains Charles's letters. His complete works in Migne, Patrologia, 87, 88, 1851. Eginhard's Life in trans, by S. E. Turner, with notes and maps. N. Y., 1880. The Year Books of the Carolingian Kings are published by the Historic Commission of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. Ranke holds that these are contempo rary court annals, and von Sybel that they are later productions ; in any event they are of great value : Jahrbb. des frank. Reiches unter Karl d. Grossen, von S. Abel, fortgesetzt von B. Simson, Leipz., 1883. Comp. Mittheilungen aus der hist. Litteratur, herausgb. v. d. hist. Gesellschaft in Berlin, 1884, H. 3, p. 246 ; Kaufmann, in Hist. Zeitschrift, 1885, H. 4. See H. M. Scott in Curr. Dis., iii, 156. 1. James, G. P. R. Life of Charlemagne. Lond., 1832. 2. Gaston. Historic poetique de Charlemagne. Paris, 1865. 3. Waltz, G. Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte, iii, iv. 1869. 4. Wyes. Karl der Grosse als Gesetzeber. Zurich, 1869. 5. Mullinger, J. B. The Schools of Charles the Great. Lond., 1877. 6. Cutts, E. L. Charlemagne and his Times. Lond., 1882. 7. Mombert, J. I. The History of Charles the Great. N. Y., 1888. See S. M. Jackson in Presb. Rev., 1889, pp. 674, 675. This is the best life of Charles the Great in any language. It is written by an industrious scholar from the sources, and is provided with chronological tables, notes, and valuable appendices. Mombert holds that Charles intended to put the crown on his head with his own hands, but that the pope was too quick for him. Simson, on the other hand, thinks that the coronation was a surprise to Charles. 8. Buchanan, T. R. Art. Charles the Great, in Smith and Wace. CHARLES THE GREAT— HIS RELATION TO THE CHURCH. 473 CHAPTER III. CHARLES THE &REAT— HIS RELATION TO THE CHURCH. The reign of the emperor Charles the Great was of such in fluence upon the interests of the Church that, while it began simultaneously with the commencement of the mediaeval period, it did not terminate with that time, but has reached into modern his tory and affected the relations of Church and State in Europe down to the present century. He is one of the permanent characters in history. When, in the year 1165, the mortuary chapel in the great cathedral of Aix-la-Chapelle, the city of his love and death, was opened for the second time in three hundred and fifty-one years, the body of the great ruler whom Paschal III had canonized was found sitting erect as a living monarch, clad in his imperial robes, with scepter in hand, the sword " Joyeuse " at his side, and the Frankish crown upon his fleshless brow. And the German con ception of the founder and organizer of Teutonic greatness has ever been in harmony with this circumstance — not as of the dead, but of the living, Karl der Grosse, Charles the Great. On the death of his father Pepin, in the year 768, he ascended the throne as inheritor of Austrasia, Neustria, and other portions of the eastern part of the Frankish empire, while his brother Carlo- man ruled over France and a large part of Germany, which consti tuted the western part of the empire. Carloman dying in 771, Charles took possession of the whole without regard to the rights of his deceased brother's family. From the moment of his assump tion of supreme control he established a policy from which he never departed, and to which he made all his prerogatives and measures subservient. This was the combination of the theocratical idea with the monarchical. While he regarded himself as the civil ruler, his notion of his imperial functions extended to the sphere of re ligion and theology, and he felt that so far as these related to his government he was of right their supervisor and disposer. Taking the kings of Israel and Judah, and not the Roman rulers, as his prototypes, he imagined that he was rather a David, a Hezekiah, or a Josiah than a Caesar Augustus or even a Constantine. But his attitude toward the Church and its spiritual head was friendly, nay, even fraternal. Never has a monarch, with, per- 474 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. haps, the exception of Queen Elizabeth of England, been at once charles and more decided in personal convictions and yet more wise leo in. in concessions in the proper quarters and in the supreme moment. Toward the pope he acted with such unfailing respect and consideration that it seemed as if he were claiming nothing for himself, and yet all the while he was receiving from the pope such boons as strengthened his hold at once upon his subjects and the Church. Never have two opposing players solved with greater adroit ness the problem of ever winning the same game than did Charles the Great and Leo III. Each gave what he could dispense with, while each received what was necessary to his personal interests. Charles's motto, " The Church teaches, but the emperor defends and increases," was as much the pope's as his own, while no papal ear before the time of Hildebrand could be offended by the Frank ish ruler's candid statement to Leo III of their relations : " It is my bounden duty, by the help of the divine compassion, everywhere to defend outwardly by arms the holy Church of Christ against every attack of the heathen and every devastation caused by un believers, and inwardly to defend it by the recognition of the gen eral faith. But it is your duty, holy father, to raise your hands to God as Moses did and to support my military service by your prayers." This intimate relation between Charles the Great and the pa pacy was not altogether a novelty, but was an intensification of charles and what had already obtained between the Frankish im- the papacy, perial house and the immediate predecessors of Leo III. A common interest had drawn these together, even before the birth of Charles, though, later, this alliance assumed a much wider scope and more attractive forms. Pope Zachary, by causing Pepin le Bref to be anointed as King of the Franks — whether by Boni face or not is not known — placed the Carolingian dynasty, of which Pepin was the founder, under perpetual obligation to the papacy. And it was an obligation which was promptly acknowledged and, with excellent memory, carried into practical effect. The Greek emperors were holding their possessions in Italy against the Lom bards with a loose hand, and the popes, unable to secure from abroad proper protection against the devastations of the Lombards, implored the help of the Frankish rulers. Gregory III besought Charles Martel in vain to come to his aid against Luitprand, the King of the Lombards. According to the Lombard historian this ruler was a chaste, beneficent, and liberal-minded man.1 Subse- 1 Castus, pudicus, orator pervigil, eleemosynis largus, literarum quidem igna- rus, sed philosophis sequandus. — Paul Diac. CHARLES THE GREAT— HIS RELATION TO THE CHURCH. 475 quently Stephen II proceeded on a personal visit to Pepin, at that time at the palace of Pontyon, in France, where he was treated with every mark of respect and gained the object of his laborious and hazardous journey, namely, the promise of the King of the Franks to defend him against the new Lombard leader, Astolph, who had crossed the confines of the exarchate, seized Ravenna, and besieged Rome. Having far less respect for the religious feel ings of his enemies than Luitprand, Astolph dug up the dead bodies of the Roman saints that he might carry them off, not, it is true, as a mark of scorn, but for tutelary deities in his own Lom- bardy. Pepin defeated Astolph, and the latter promptly surren dered the whole of the contested territory to his conqueror. The Byzantine empire, to which it had belonged ever since the reign of Justinian, and which had ruled it by exarchs, sent ambassadors to demand its restitution — a requisition which Pepin refused on the ground that his sole object in the war was veneration for St. Peter. Pepin, claiming the prerogative of the conqueror, gave the pope the entire territory of the exarchate, the Pentapolis (that is, the coast region extending from Rimini to Ancona), and the city of Comiaclum.1 Pepin made the pope the pa- oftheexar- trician of the exarchate, and himself the patrician of CHATE- Rome.2 The pope willingly accepted the boon without seeming to spend a thought upon the fact that it was an integral part of the 1 The exact geography of the transfer is an undecided point in mediaeval his tory, since the donative documents have been lost. From letters of Pope Stephen II and Paul I we learn that the territory comprised the cities of Faven- tia, Imola, and Ferraria, with their marshes and the lands and forests, Auximum, Ancona, and Numana, with their environs, and Bononia, so far as its limits extended. According to Baronius the region was much more extensive, com prising the cities of Ravenna, Ariminum, Pisaurum, Fanum, Cesena, Seno- gallia, .fEsium, Forum Pompilii, Forum Livii cum Castro Sussubio, Mons Feretri, Acerragium, Mons Lucari, Serra Castellum sancti Mariani (Marini), Bobium, Urbinum, Gallium, Luceoli, Eugubium, Comiaclum, and Narnia. Others make the donation still larger. The entire territory was about one hundred and fifty miles long and from sixty to eighty broad, extending back to the Apennines. Comp. Wiltsch, Geography and Statistics of the Church, vol. i, p. 264. 2 The patriciate, a dignity instituted by Constantine, was bestowed for life. The Patricias Romae was properly governor of Rome, but could hold subordi nate offices, and had the authority of a patricius. German kings received the title from emperors. Gieseler, Church History, vol. ii, p. 35, note 11. The Franciscan Pagi makes the patrician a lieutenant of the Church rather than of the empire. On the title and authority of this office comp. Ducange, Gloss. Lat., tom. v, pp. 149-151 ; Pagi, Critica, A. D. 740, No. 6-11 ; Muratori, Annali dTtalia, tom. vi, pp. 308-329 ; and St. Marc, Abrege Chronologique de lTtalie, tome i, pp. 379-382. 476 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Byzantine empire.1 The district thus formally transferred to the first tem- papacy was the first temporal possession of the popes oTth^fa™11 of Eome> the founding of the States of the Church. pacy. The gift was made and accepted in defiance of all right ; was later confirmed and extended in the same spirit ; be came the seed of innumerable ills to Christendom ; and, after an existence of over eleven centuries, has at last come to an end in the present generation by the formal entrance of Victor Emmanuel into Rome and the adoption of the city as the capital of the kingdom amid the rejoicings of the long-enslaved people. The donation to the papacy became seriously endangered subse quently to the death of Pepin by alliances between the Lombards and the Carolingian dynasties. Bertha, whose sons, Carloman and Charles, were the joint rulers of the Frankish empire, sought to strengthen their power by a combination with the Lombard kings, while, on the other hand, Desiderius, the new Lombard sovereign, successor to Astolph, was desirous of propping up, by similar alliances, his sovereignty, which for twenty years had been languishing between life and death.2 His son Adelchis was be- charles's trothed to Giesela, the sister of the Frankish brothers, wwh'the while Charles divorced his own wife, whose name is Lombards. not preserved by history, to marry Hermingard, the daughter of the Lombard king. The papal possessions were now in great danger, according to all appearance, and Stephen III was not slow in remonstrating against such an iniquitous alliance in such language as Milman says is " hardly to be equaled in pontifical diplomacy." The pope protested as follows : " The devil alone could have suggested such a connection. That the noble, the generous race of the Franks, the most ancient in the world, should ally itself with the fetid blood of the Lombards, a brood hardly reckoned human, and who have introduced the leprosy into the land ! What could be worse than this abominable and detestable contagion ? " 1 It is not quite clear how Stephen himself eluded the claims of the Greek emperor — probably through the emperor's heresy. In Stephen's letter of thanks for his deliverance to the King of the Franks he desires to know what answer had been given to the silentiary commissioned to assert the rights of his master. He reminds Pepin that he must protect the Catholic Church against pestilent wickedness (malitia, no doubt, the iconoclastic opinions of the emperor), and keep her property secure (omnia proprietatis suce). Milman, History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii, pp. 427. s Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Murray's Lond. ed., 1872, with notes by Milman, Guizot, and Smith, vol. vi, p. 157 ; Milman, History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii, pp. 438, ff. CHARLES THE GREAT— HIS RELATION TO THE CHURCH. 477 It was not on moral grounds, but on grounds of mere papal in terest, that the remonstrance was made, as may be seen in every word. Charles, however, whose empire was still divided with his brother, had policy in view, for, in case of conflict with Carloman, he could reasonably expect the aid of the Lombards. So soon as his interests permitted he divorced Hermingard, sent her back to her father's court, and took to wife Hildegard, a Swabian princess. Carloman, who died in 771, left two sons, but their rights were ignored, and Charles became sole ruler over the Frankish empire. The old relations with the papacy, never interrupted, were once more friendly even to the public eye. Desiderius, stung by the wrong done his daughter, excited by the threatening attitude of Charles, and espousing the cause of the two disinherited sons of Carloman, appealed for redress to Adrian I, the successor in the papacy to Stephen III, and invited a visit from him with the understanding that he should anoint Carlo- man's sons as Frankish kings. This being declined, and the pope refusing to dissolve his alliance with Charles, the Lombard king invaded his dominions and possessed himself of the territory ac quired by Pepin. He sacked some cities of the Romagna, stripped the country of its wealth, perpetrated a massacre in the Tuscan town of Blera, and marched toward Rome, war with the Adrian I appealed to Charles for help. The response bombards. was prompt and direct. The first measure was pacific, in the double form of a request that Desiderius surrender to the pope the territory which he had captured but receive a large sum of money as an equivalent. Desiderius evaded any action, thinking that Charles was too much engaged with the Saxons in the north and with the consolidation of his own territory to follow up his verbal propositions by forcible measures. Here he mistook the temper of the Frankish ruler. Charles, with that promptness which charac terized all his movements, held a council of war in Geneva, March, 773, and then, dividing his army into two bodies, led the one him self over the Mont Cenis pass of the Alps and gave the other in charge of his uncle Bernhard, who led it over the Mont St. Bernard pass. The Alps on the north and the strong walls of the Lom bard capital, Pavia, were the defenses of Desiderius ; but Charles, though suffering a temporary defeat by the troops of Adelchis, the son of Desiderius, reached Pavia and began the siege of the city. The poet Longfellow, in his " Tales of a Wayside Inn," draws a beautiful picture of the terror which the hosts of Charles the Great inspired as the Lombard king saw them approach from the south ern declivity of the Alps. Desiderius, standing upon a Pavian 478 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. tower with Olger, the Dane, who had passed his youth as a hostage at the Frankish court, is represented as asking which is Charles as often as each new body of troops comes into view. And Olger said : " When you behold the harvests in the fields Shaking with fear, the Po and the Ticino Lashing the city walls with iron waves, Then may you know that Charlemagne is come." And even as he spake, in the northwest, Lo ! there uprose a black and threatening cloud, Out of whose bosom flashed the light of arms Upon the people pent up in the city ; A light more terrible than any darkness ; And Charlemagne appeared — a man of iron ! His helmet was of iron, and his gloves Of iron, and his breastplate and his greaves And tassets were of iron, and his shield. In his left hand he held an iron spear, In his right hand his sword invincible. The horse he rode on had the strength of iron And color of iron. All who went before him, ' Beside him, and behind him — his whole host — Were armed with iron, and their hearts within them Were stronger than the armor that they wore. The fields and all the roads were filled with iron, And points of iron glistened in the sun And shed a terror through the city streets. This at a single glance Olger the Dane Saw from the tower, and, turning to the king, Exclaimed in haste : " Behold I this is the man You looked for with such eagerness 1 " and then Fell as one dead at Desiderio's feet. Charles immediately became master of all northern Italy except the cities of Pavia and Verona, which bravely resisted, but whose submission could only be a question of time. Leaving sufficient troops to continue the siege of Pavia, he proceeded in the holy week of 774 to Rome to confer and receive such honors as would cement anew the union between his dynasty and the papacy, or, if the Frankish annalist, Eginhard, be reliable, "to pray at St. Peter's tomb." His approach to the city was signalized by the re joicings of the pope, the clergy, and all the inhabitants. Thirty thousand citizens, with the senate, the nobility, and the school children, received him with flying colors, crosses, branches of pepin's gift Palm and olive> an(i rapturous shouts. The conqueror confirmed by dismounted on seeing the cross ; walked with his war- charles. riors, nobles, and courtiers through the city to the steps of the Vatican ; on his knees climbed the steps of St. Peter's, kiss- CHARLES THE GREAT— HIS RELATION TO THE CHURCH. 479 ing them as he ascended, and at the top was received by the pope with affectionate embraces. They then proceeded together into the crypt where St. Peter's body is claimed by pious Romanists to lie, and there swore to each other indissoluble fraternity. On Wednesday, April 6, 774, he renewed, by virtue of his right as conqueror, his father's territorial donation to the papacy, and, to give the act peculiar solemnity, laid the document on the altar of St. Peter. This record, so important to papal interests, has long since disappeared, but its conditions are conceded to have been the termination of all claims of the Greek empire on the exarchate, and the confirmation and enlargement of the donation of Pepin. l Whether the gift was without limitation, or only a formal and feudal tenure, under certain circumstances reversible to the Frankish em pire, has never been fully decided.2 However this may be, the ter ritory before long was universally conceded to be the unconditional property of the papacy, and was accordingly so governed, the popes assuming the dignity and demanding the recognitions of temporal sovereigns, the city of Rome alone sustaining a measure of inde pendent government. The revenues, both ecclesiastical and civil, flowed into the papal treasury. Charles returned to Pavia and brought the siege to a triumphant close. Desiderius presented himself as a submissive penitent at the conqueror's camp, and Charles, after the usual rejoic- Lombards ings and distribution of rewards to his soldiers, took conquered. with him the Lombard king and his wife, who ended their days in the cloister of Corby, while their son Adelchis escaped to Constan tinople, where he hoped to regain the lost throne. Thus ended, as an independent power, the Lombard kingdom, which had been founded by Alboin on the banks of the Po ; and Charles took to himself, in the years 774 and 775, the title of " King of the Lom bards and Patrician of Rome." s 1 Protestant writers, and some Roman Catholics, claim, and with excellent grounds, that the donation was an enlargement of Pepin's. Wiltsch, the best authority on ecclesiastical geography, says : " Whether Charlemagne merely confirmed the Roman see in its former possessions, as some writers assume, or whether he added new ones to them, is «. matter which, in my opinion, ought not to raise the slightest doubt, as the words of Adrian I, in his first and thirteenth letters to Charlemagne, speak most distinctly of cities of Tuscia, of Spoletum, Beneventum, Corsica, and Sabina. "-Geography and Statistics of the Church, vol. i, p. 265. 5 For a careful examination of this question, with the views of conflicting writers, comp. Baxmann, Politik der Papste, vol. i, pp. 276, 277. 3 Dollinger says: " Charlemagne never called himself King of Italy, but only King of the Lombards, but he was really King of Italy."— Munch. Hist. Jahr- buch, 1865, p. 329. 480 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. There were two more attempts to revive the Lombard kingdom by the arrest of the united power of the papacy and the Frankish ruler. A Lombard league, with Arigiso, the son-in-law of Desi derius, at its head, gained strength by the patronage of the Greek ruler and the schemes of Adelchis, and threatened to restore the old condition of things. But Charles the Great responded to the importunity of Adrian I, and, crossing the Alps again, subdued the foe, took as hostages the two sons of Arigiso, and required an annual tribute of seven thousand pieces of gold. The second struggle was the vain effort of Adelchis, who, while commanding a Greek force which had been fitted out by the direct order of Con stantine, the Greek emperor, was deserted by his men and com pelled to flee for safety. Charles had already made three visits to Borne. Of the first, in 774, with its bearing on the future territorial possessions of the papacy, we have already spoken. The second and third, in the years 781 and 787, were hardly of less moment, each being char acterized by great benefactions "for the good of his soul," and by equally great concessions from the pope. But the visit of the year 800 was by far the most significant. Pope Adrian I, after a long reign of twenty-four years, had died in 795, and was succeeded by Leo III, whose election was a great Charles's surprise to the people and aroused a very strong opposi- fourth tisit tion. He continued toward Charles the Great the friend - '" ' " ! ly policy of his predecessor, and was prompt in sending to him as the recognized Patrician of Eome the standard of the city and the keys of both the city and the tomb of St. Peter. The hostility to Leo III culminated in the fourth year of his reign, on the ground of alleged irregularities and crimes, in the form of an attack by a band of armed men, who attempted to mutilate him, and only left him when life was nearly extinct. The pope was rescued, however, and finally recovered. His reign was neverthe less in danger ; and while he had the sympathy of many, there were others who believed him a great offender. The presence and aid of Charles the Great were loudly called for in Eome ; but the Frankish ruler, who at that time was holding his court in the German city of Paderborn, invited the pope, then a fugitive in Spoleto, to make him a visit. The reception was worthy of both host and guest. There were great rejoicings and much feasting. Each manifested to the other the recognitions becoming his official dignities. During the festivities charges against Leo III, in the name of the Roman people — qum a populo Romano ei objiciebantur, as Eginhard relates — were preferred to Charles, who postponed all CHARLES THE GREAT— HIS RELATION TO THE CHURCH. 481 final adjudication until he might himself visit Rome. Leo III, attended by an escort of two archbishops, five bishops, and five counts, returned to Rome, not only without opposition, but amid general rejoicings, for it was clear to all that he had the sympathy of Charles, and would most likely profit by his future decision. It seems that Charles had some object in view in starting for Italy far more important than a mere quarrel of the pope with his rivals and enemies. He seems to have surrounded every movement with an air of unusual solemnity, and to have proceeded with a slowness quite new to him. He went first to Rouen and then to the city of Tours, already renowned in Carolingian history, where he worshiped at the shrine of St. Martin and received at the hands of Alcuin, his faithful friend, a copy of the Bible, with corrections by the learned abbot himself. He thence again crossed France to the Rhine and held a diet at Mayence. It was only in the follow ing year, 800, and toward the end of it, that he went southward to Rome. He was met by Leo III at Nomento, where they took breakfast together and the most cordial salutations were exchanged. Then the pope returned to the city, that he might give official sanction to the popular demonstration. On the next CHARLES ^ day, November 24, Leo III, surrounded by a great ceivedby array of clergy, received him with all the honors due a LE0 IU' king and conqueror amid the singing of psalms and general rejoic ings. For seven days the Frankish ruler, acting the part of judge, and surrounded by the clergy from far and near, the Roman civil dig nitaries, and his own Frankish counselors and chiefs, held a solemn synod in St. Peter's Church. The two plaintiffs, Paschalis and Campulus, were requested to prove their charges against Leo III. They were silent, only excusing themselves on the ground of rev erence for the office rather than the person of the pope.1 Charles rendered his decision, which could be only favorable to Leo III, whereupon the latter made a public declaration of his innocence in the following language: " I, Leo, pontiff of the holy Roman Church, being subject to no judgment, under no compulsion, of my own free will, in your presence, before God, who reads the conscience, and his angels, and the blessed apostle Peter, in whose presence we stand, declare my self not guilty of the charges made against me. I have never per petrated, nor commanded to be perpetrated, the wicked deeds of which I had been accused. This I call God to witness, whose ' According to the Book of the Popes, they said : "We do not venture to condemn the apostolic see, the head of all the Churches of God, for by it and its representatives we shall all be judged ; but it shall be judged by no man." 31 482 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. judgment we must all undergo ; and this I do, bound by no law, nor wishing to impose this custom on my successors or on my brother bishops, but that I may altogether relieve you from any unjust suspicions against myself." There was now performed an act toward which both the victories of Charles the Great and the relations of the papacy to the Caro- lingian dynasty had been steadily tending for years, and which was destined to affect alike the ecclesiastical and secular history of the civilized world down to modern times. It was on Christmas Day, 800, or, according to the reckoning then in use in the West, the first day of the year 801. Charles, the members of his great court, the nobility of Rome, a multitude of private citizens, and the coronation clergy from Italy and distant parts of the known world of charles. were present in St. Peter's, and the now exculpated Leo III performed in person the high mass in commemoration of the nativity of the Redeemer. The scene was one of great splen dor, and such as Rome, wont to be splendid alike in her miseries and her joys, had not witnessed since the days of the Caesars. The pope's voice fell ; its cadences died away in the distant re cesses of St. Peter's, and the vast multitude were mute and motion less. Amid the pause Leo III advanced toward his royal visitor, bearing a magnificent crown, which he placed upon Charles's head, saying : " Life and victory to Charles Augustus, crowned by God the great and pacific emperor."1 The multitude shouted their acclamations, and the pope, who was the first to bow the knee as subject to the emperor, concluded his act by anointing Charles, and then his son Pepin, with the holy oil of imperial consecration. What, now, was the meaning of this papal conferring of imperial dignities ? Far more than the outward circumstances, brilliant as they were, would seem to indicate. Charles affected to be sur prised, and Eginhard, his secretary, wrote that the displeasure of the Frankish monarch at the act was very great, and that such a desecration of the place and the occasion would not have been tol erated if he had known of the pope's design ; nevertheless, that he bore the contumacy "with great patience."3 The affair was, in all probability, a fine piece of stage effect. Never was a public sur prise more carefully prearranged. Without doubt it had been adroitly concerted over the winecups at Paderborn ; for every step 1 Anast. 199 : " Carolo piissimo Augusto a Deo coronato, magno, pacifico im- peratori, vita et victoria." 2 Insidiam tamen suscepti nominis Romanis Imperatoribus super hoc indig- nantibus, magna tulit patientia, vicitque eorum contumaciam magnanimitate. Vit. Kar., xxvii. CHARLES THE GREAT— HIS RELATION TO THE CHURCH. 483 that the king and pope had taken since the papal visit to Germany had been tending that way, and is only explicable by the consum mation in St. Peter's. It was the climax of tedious, careful, un wearied good management on both sides. The coronation of Charles the Great by Leo III was, on the one hand, an affair of unblushing arrogance in the pope, for it claimed the necessity as well as right of papal consecration to imperial honors ; but then, on the other, it was the selection and endow ment, with all the traditional sanctities of the Church, of one man, with his family after him, as the fit and legitimate successors to the throne of the Cassars. It is difficult to say which, king or pope, was the greater gainer by the act. Both profited beyond computation ; and yet the historian is seldom so fortunate in trac ing evils to a positive and direct source as in ascribing the oppres sions of the papal see, the arrogation of rights never contemplated in the early Church to spiritual guides, gross immorality in both clergy and laity, and all this for many centuries, to the coronation of Charles the Great, and the anointing which immediately fol lowed, at the hands of Leo III. The new emperor, in recognition of his changed relation, laid aside his barbarian costume, and clad himself in the tunic, chlamys, and sandals of the Roman.1 The whole Western empire was now under one mighty ruler, while the papacy, with Rome as the ecclesiastical metropolis of Latin Chris tendom, was supplied with complete and perpetual guarantees to territorial ownership. The bonds of emperor and pope were now intimate as never before ; and as Leo III gave the new-crowned Charles his final embrace and lost sight of his splendid escort be hind the outlying hills of the Campagna, each, for himself and his successors, entered upon a different career, and a new chapter in mediaeval history and European civilization was introduced. 1 Milman, History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii, pp. 459, ff. 484 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER IV. GENERAL RELATION OF THE CIVIL TO THE ECCLESIASTICAL AUTHORITY DURING THE CAROLINGIAN PERIOD. While the immediate effect of the reciprocal approach of Charles the Great and the papacy was to give to the latter both territory and influence, and to the former the sanction of the Church to his dynasty and general policy, there was no disposition on the part of the Frankish ruler, though now endowed at the hands of a pope with all the prerogatives of Roman patrician and emperor, to sacri fice any of his rights as the ecclesiastic head of his empire. But charles the this was no new relation. Charles the Great was only footsteps of pursuing the same policy that was marked out by the constantine. first Christian emperor, and continued, though with less consistency and capacity, by his successors. Constantine, as much after as before his conversion to Christianity, never once thought of renouncing a tittle of his imperial authority. Justinian was equally far removed from compromising with any spiritual ruler, and so defined the supremacy of the imperial sovereign in all matters of government, whether temporal or spiritual.1 How completely the Church was governed by civil rulers may be seen in the subordination of the ecclesiastical councils to their authority. These bodies, convened not only to regulate the inter nal polity and discipline of the Church, but for the august deter mination of its fundamental doctrines, were as much a part of the machinery of the State as the privy imperial council. The decrees, the church though believed to be reached only by special direction goyernedLby of tne Holv Spirit, were not valid until indorsed by the civil rulers, civil head. Count Dionysius, the commissioner of the emperor Constantine, told the Catholic bishops, who appealed to him on the Arian question, at the council of Tyre, in 335, that he must reserve for his master the final decision of the case, as it was his province to legislate upon all matters relating to the Church and its members.'' A rescript of Theodosius II and Valentinian III ' His language is unequivocal: "Sedetquod principi placuit, legis habet vigorem, cum, lege regia, quae de ejus imperio lata est, populus ei et in eum omnem imperium suum et potestatem concedat." — Ihstitt. I, ii, 6. 2Concil. Tyrium, ann. 335, Hardouin, i, 543 ; Lea, Studies in Church History, pp. 13, ff. CHURCH AND STATE UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. 485 censures the disorders of the bishops at the opening of the council of Ephesus, in 431 ; threatens to send an imperial officer to review the proceedings and annul what is improper; and prohibits the members of the council from leaving Ephesus under any circum stances. When the progress of the council of Chalcedon seemed to be rather tedious the imperial deputies told the bishops that they must expedite their affairs, as graver matters of State required their own presence at the capital.1 But much greater proof of the supreme power of the State over the Church is to be seen in the imperial legislation. " The laws of the Christian emperors," says Lea, "from Constantine to Leo the Philosopher, manifest the absolute subordination of the spiritual to the temporal authority. The minutiae of Church government, the relations of the clergy among themselves and to the State, their duties, their morals, and their actions, monastic regu- imperial iso lations, the suppression of heresies — all the details, in pSR"™^T^" fact, of ecclesiastical life, internal and external, are the church. prescribed with the assurance of unquestioned power and with a care which shows how large a portion of the imperial attention was devoted to the management of the Church." s We shall see, pres ently, how fully Charles the Great and his successors adopted this same method in dealing with ecclesiastical affairs, and yet, by adroit conciliation, without causing offense at Rome. Various agencies contributed to bring about a change in the sub ordinate position of the Church. The civil authority underwent serious diminution, while that of the Church proportionately in creased. One cause of the revolution was the growing weakness and corruption of the Roman emperors, and, simultaneously with it, the talents, daring, and consistent arrogance of the popes. To this must be added the fact that, in the struggle for existence and autonomy against the Greek on the one hand and the barbarian on the other, the Italian regarded the pope as the only representative of the national life and the patriotic principle, while the new transalpine Churches were in constant need of reference to him, and were in the habit of regarding him as umpire and sympathizer in their troubles. The appellate power of Rome, long wavering, became supreme after the year 445, when Leo I wrung from Valentinian III an imperial edict, by which the Roman Church was strengthened in its most extravagant pretensions.3 Yet at no time was there any 1 Coneil. Chalced. Act., xii (Hardouin, ii, 559). 2 Studies in Church History, p. 16. 3 Lea, Studies in Church History, pp. 128, 129. In this wotk there is the best available account, to English readers, of the appellate jurisdiction of Rome. 486 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. general withdrawal of prerogatives on the part of the emperors, and wherever a concession was made by one of them to the Church it was treated soon afterward, either by himself or his successor, as an incident rather than a rule. The relation between the APPELLATE .... - ., power of temporal and ecclesiastical authority was determined, rome. generally,' by the amount of energy and talent that characterized the exercise of the one toward the other. As soon as the Frankish elements in the North began to consolidate, how ever, and the utter weakness of the papacy to counteract the inroads of the Lombards became apparent, the authority of the Church declined to a low degree ; and it required much greater energy and genius than fell to the lot of even a Boniface to re store the reverence which Rome had once enjoyed. Even Greg ory the Great, long before the apostle of Germany was born, knew where his limits lay, as we have abundant proof in the fol lowing humble confession accompanying his remonstrance against the edict of the emperor Maurice, in 593, which prohibited the abbots of monasteries from receiving soldiers : " What am I but a worm and dust, thus to speak to my masters ? . . . I have done what was my very duty in every particular ; I have charged the emperor, and have not hushed in silence what I felt to be due to God." But while such was the traditional relation of the Church to the State it became more intense during the Carolingian period. charles the Charles the Great never made a concession to the papacy great made jn a manner vhich indicated that he was prompted by NO REAL CON- r r J cession to any other sentiment than complacency. He never ac- the papacy, knowledged that any one in the Church could claim equality, or even important participation, with him in his adminis tration of ecclesiastical affairs. Between him and Constantine there were many striking points of resemblance, but in no respect were they more alike than in their common conception of the empire as a unit ; that the office of civil head carries with it all-controlling functions, and, as a consequence, that Christianity sustains the same relation to the State as the old pagan faith had borne to the Roman emperors. With all the apparent policy of conciliation on Charles the Great's part toward the popes, with whom he stood in in timate relation, his notion of his own rights as head of the Church was just as severe and inflexible as that of any Roman predecessor concerning his rights as pontifex maximus. The appellate power of Rome was never once made use of, or even recognized, during the reign of Charles the Great and his son ; and the first Frankish emperor was not merely Roman patrician, but as much suzerain of Rome's CHURCH AND STATE UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. 487 bishop as of Rome itself. ] Leo III, having announced to Charles the Great his election to the papacy, in the year 796, received in reply an acknowledgment of the new pope's pledge of humble obedience and fidelity, and the emperor gave instructions to his envoy, who should be present at the consecration, to admonish the pope to live properly and obey the canons." How much importance Charles the Great attached to the necessity of the papal coronation may be seen in the fact that, in 813, he crowned his own son Louis with his own hands, on associating him with him in the imperial rule ; and when, after the father's death in the following year, Stephen IV both crowned and anointed the same son as Charles the Great's successor it was purely a piece of spontaneous papal action, and the diadem had been brought from Rome for that purpose by the pope himself. It was this same pope, on the other hand, who deferred so completely to the imperial authority that he caused a synodal canon to be passed requiring that, in future, no newly elected pope should be consecrated except in the presence of imperial delegates.3 These are but minor proofs, however, of the completeness of the vassalage of the papacy to the empire during the Carolingian period. But it was a willing subordination ; for the popes, taught by experience the sublime virtue of patience, knew how to await the day of complete deliverance. And the day came more swiftly than their aspirations ; for with the downfall of the Carolingian dynasty came the complete rupture of every bond that made the Pope of Rome a subject to any earthly sovereign. We now come to the still stronger evidences of ecclesiastical 1 Charles the Great's "unwearied and comprehensive activity made him throughout his reign an ecclesiastical no less than a civil ruler, summoning and sitting in councils, examining and appointing bishops, settling by capitularies the smallest points of Church discipline and polity. "— Bryce, Holy Roman Em pire, 8th ed., p. 65. 8 " Valde, ut fateor, gavisi sumus, seu in electionis unanimitate, sen in humil- itatis vestee obedientia, et in promissionis ad nos fidelitate."— Epist. ad LeonemPapam(Baluz.). Carol. Mag. Commonitor., ann. 796 (Baluz., i, 195, Ed. Venet.). Lea, Studies in Church History, p. 34. For the General Admo nition of Charles in the Diet held at Aix-la-Chapelle, which confirms the re mark of the monk of St. Gall that Charles was a "bishop of bishops," see Mombert, Charles the Great, pp. 316, 317. " The Church had to obey him," says Mombert, " not he the Church." " Never," says Dean Church, " in mod em Europe has the union of Church and State, exhibited in the supremacy of the king, been carried to so high a point. "-Beginning of the Middle Ages, P' 129- ,. ,. 3 Lea Studies in Church History, p. 38. This author replies very well to the objections to the genuineness and date of this decree by citing the allusion to it by Nicholas I in the council of Rome in 862. 488 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. subjection in the internal management of the Church by the direct further evi- measures of the Carolingian rulers. Charles the Great dences of ec- jias seldom been surpassed in history as an organizer, subjection to and he was capable of managing affairs as discreetly and the empire, promptly in their detailed as in their broader and re lated bearings ; and in no department of his administration is there a more admirable adaptation to the exigencies of the time, as he conceived them, than in his methods of regulating the ecclesias tical and religious interests of his empire. His whole government was one vast theocracy, the character of which was as little dis turbed by war as by peace. He never justified his wars with the Saxons on any other ground than a desire to make Christians out of those wild and idolatrous followers of Wittekind. The appointment of bishops by the Carolingian rulers is one of the strongest proofs of their almost absolute control of the Church within their dominions. The bishops, in the early Church, were elected by the joint clerical and lay votes of the community.1 In „,o™,,0 .„ certain localities the people, having elected their bishops, BISHOPS AP~ j- j. *~j j. pointed by were held responsible for such as proved unworthy, and the emperor, were even expected to dispossess them of their miters. This was when the Church was young and pure, and possessed too little power and wealth to make it the object of royal ambition, fear, or flattery. But as its relations to the State became more in timate, and the civil rulers themselves were Christian, it gathered about it a prestige and influence that the proudest princes might well be at pains to win to their support. The interference in the appointment of bishops was one of the first attempts made by the temporal sovereign to exercise controlling influence upon the Church. The bishops in the large commercial and political centers, and especially in the capital, were men of vast power, and the rise and existence of a dynasty were often determined by them. But the Christian emperors of the old Roman empire limited their exer cise of investiture to filling the vacant sees in the most important cities." However, the evil grew with the increase of worldliness in the Church. It could not be expected that such an engine of in fluence should long escape the attention of the civil ruler and that in due time the most important sees should not fall largely under their management. Before the accession of Charles the Great there were many gross 1 Qui preefuturus est omnibus ab omnibus eligatur. Leon., pp. i, Epist. 10, cap. 6 ; Cyprian, Epist. 67 (ed. Oxon.). Comp. Lea, Stud, in Ch. Hist., p. 81, and notes. 2 Neander, Hist. Christ. Rel. and Ch., vol. v, p. 123. CHURCH AND STATE UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. 489 instances of the nomination of bishops by the Frankish rulers, not to mention the outright purchase of the prelacy by gold PCE0HA E or personal attentions. Two parallel bishops, Theodo- the episcopal rus and Proculus, were appointed by Queen Clotilda, in OFPI0E- 520, for the diocese of Tours. These were succeeded in a year by another civil appointment, Dionysius, and, after a lapse of two years, the see was in turn occupied by Ommatius, made bishop by order of King Clodomir. ' The practice of purchasing the episco pal office became so common, and the nomination to the same so much the habit of the ruler, that the councils took the matter in hand. But the strong protests of the council of Orleans in 549, and of that of Paris in 557, had but little effect in remedying the evil of royal investiture, as the Merovingians first, and the Caro- lingians later, came into power. Dagobert I, in 630, appointed his treasurer, Didier, who was only a layman, to the see of Cahors, and gave the archbishop orders to consecrate him. The new bishop accepted the office in these words : " By your order, God being the author, I preside over the see of Cahors." The formulas for con secration were so worded that the king was represented as the real disposer of the office." The canons of the Church were set aside with impunity by the barbaric sovereigns, and such men as Clovis and Chil- the episco. deric regarded the bishoprics as fully apolitical affair as pacyre- the collectorship of revenue or the governorship of a the rulers as province.3 In such portions of Germany as had been apolitical evangelized the same prerogative was exercised by the king. Boniface, the great champion of ecclesiastical prerogatives, was himself made archbishop of Mainz at royal hands. In Spain, at the twelfth council of Toledo, a canon was established by which neither the laity nor the clergy were permitted the right of suffrage at an episcopal election.* Gallus, Bishop of Arverna (Clermont), boasted that he obtained his office from Theodoric, son and successor of Clovis, by giving as a douceur to the cook who waited on the king's table a single triens (about a penny, see Anthon), or one third of an as. The common means of obtaining a bishopric was reduced to the following terse direction : offerre multa, plurima promittere. The English prelates were likewise appointed and ejected according to the will of the sovereign, and such royal chaplains as were so for tunate as to win the favor of their masters were rewarded by the gift 1 Greg. Turon., Hist. Franc, lib. x, cap. 31 ; lib. iii, cap. 17. " Marculfus, lib. i, Nos. 5, 6, 7. 5 Hardwick, Hist. Christ. Ch. in Mid. Ages, p. 54. 4 Concil. Toletan., xii, can. 6. 490 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of bishoprics.1 Charles Martel rewarded his soldiers with the best sees in his realm." Many a scarred and bronzed warrior of those days braved the dangers of the field and the fatigues of the forced march with the sole hope that he might receive, as his richest spoils, an exchange of the camp for the episcopal palace, and his military uniform for the pallium, the crozier, and the miter. There were men in the Church who offered a stubborn resistance to this secu larization in the nomination of bishops — and with the bishops must be reckoned a vast number of other ecclesiastical officers — but they were utterly unable to cope with the civil power and the traditions that had come down from the time of Constantine the Great.3 Charles the Great, according to the letter of his act, restored, in 803, charles the the old method of electing the bishops by the suffrages great's res- 0I fae clergy and the people.4 But the very way in the old way which he did it proves that he regarded his act as a of electing demonstration of imperial grace and condescension, mere make- while he rendered the whole outward concession null believe. by reserving to the prince the right of ratification. It was a special concession on the part of Louis le Debonnaire shortly after his accession in 816, when he repealed the privilege. Charles the Great did nominate bishops himself, and freely, too, but the prestige of his name, his favor toward the papacy, and his general interest in the welfare of the Church relieved him of all unfriendly criticism, which, however, in his case, would have been powerless in any event.6 No civil offices were more coldly and perfunctorily filled by Louis than the bishoprics, and the sixth council of Paris, in 829, formally recognized his right, but humbly suggested that the power be used becomingly. In case of the permission of elec tions in the old way the ruler was represented by an imperial com missioner, and in case an election was accompanied by irregulari- 1 Kemble, Saxons in England, vol. ii, p. 377. 2 Lea, Stud. inCh. Hist., pp. 86, 87. 3 Lea gives some interesting instances of the conflict of the Church with the sovereigns in the matter of official appointments. Stud, in Ch. Hist., pp. 84- 86. Later he discusses at great length the question of the authenticity of Gra- tian's declaration that Adrian conceded to the emperors not only the right of choosing the popes but all archbishops and bishops : "Insuper archiepiscopo3 et episcopos per singulas provincias ab eo investituram accipere definivit: et ut nisi a rege laudetur et investiatur episcopos a nemine consecretur." Stud, in Ch. Hist., pp. 87-89, notes. 4 Dollinger seems to think Charles the Great's restoration of the old mode of electing bishops pretty thorough. He describes the process of election as regulated about the middle of the ninth century. 5 Guericke, Kirchengesch. , vol. ii, p. 26. CHURCH AND STATE UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. 491 ties the new incumbent was at once ejected and his place filled by direct appointment of the emperor.1 This method of appointing bishops continued down to the decline of the Carolingian dynasty, rather because of the luster which the example and name of Charles the Great gave to his successors than be cause of any great capacity on their part or readiness of the Church to acquiesce perpetually in the imperial will. Even after the em pire became convulsed in civil wars the popular election of bishops was more a fond tradition than a living fact. The synod of Thi- onville, for example, in 845, requested the sons of Louis the Pious to nominate new bishops for the vacant sees, and, later, natural re- the synod of Vernon petitioned Charles the Fat to fill snLT0AFp™^;_ the long vacant see of Rheims. The natural result of ment of this mode of appointing bishops was that they should BISH0P3- consider themselves subjects of the empire, and take the oath of fidelity to the sovereign. This was done to both Charles the Great and his sen Louis, by the popes who crowned and anointed them, and Gregory IV appealed to the example of Frankish bishops as his apology against the charge of perjury for taking part against Louis. The council of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 836, declared that the penalty for the violation of the oath of fealty to the sovereign should be degradation and the forfeiture of the bishopric." In legislating concerning the Church, during the reign of the Car- olingians, there was the same predominance of the imperial au thority that existed in the appointment of the highest ecclesiastical officers. Under the Roman emperors the provincial synods were not controlled in their legislation for the Church, but in the new States that arose on the ruins of the old empire the synods were convened at the wish of or on consultation with the rulers." The latter were sometimes participants in the proceedings, rapERIAL AtJ. and the decrees were published on their authority, thoritycon- Subsequently these synods were merged into the general ™ ^ 0LNES" legislative bodies, where civil and ecclesiastical laws church af- were enacted simultaneously. Formal assemblies of FAIKS' bishops were very uncommon during the rule of the Frankish sov ereigns. Boniface, the Jeremiah of his age, lamented that no synod had been convened for a great while. Under Pepin and 1 Lea, Stud, in Ch. Hist., pp. 89, 90. 2 Concil. Aquisgr. ii, ann. 836, cap. ii, can. 12. s " Sine nostra scientia synodale concilium in regno nostro non agatur."— King Sigebert's letter to Desiderius, Bishop of Cahors, A. D. 65. Baluz., Cap itular, t. i, p. 143 ; Neander, Hist. Christ. Bel. and Ch., vol. v, pp. 126, ff. ; Diocesan Synods, etc., in Church Quar. Rev., Lond., Oct., 1879, pp. 154, f£. 492 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Charles the Great the body which legislated for the State took the same care of the Church. We do not see, however, that there was here any ground of com- me clergy plaint, for the clergy were represented in the general represented assemblies, and frequently exerted as much influence eralassem- on ecclesiastical questions, and sometimes on those blies. purely civil, as the English bishops of our day in the Houseof Lords. Charles the Great, who could do nothingwithout sys tem, divided the members of the general assemblies into three groupB or chambers, bishops, abbots, and counts ; the first two to attend to matters of the Church and the monastic life, and the third to care for political matters. The council of Metz, of 813, may be regarded as an illustration of this systematic arrangement of the business of the Church and the State in the legislative bodies of the Carolingian period. Then the decisions of these bodies went forth in the name of the emperor, without which indorsement they would have had no validity. The Spanish Gothic kingdom was an exception to this policy of combination, where, by a decree of the council of Toledo, in 694, a permanent arrangement was made by which the affairs of the Church should first be discussed for three days by the clerical members alone, and then the secular matters should be considered conjointly by the clerical and secular members.1 The exemption of the clergy from the burdens of the State — mu- clerical ex- nera publica — underwent revision, like everything else, ItI™bv*-°M °y the Carolingian princes. While Charles the Great's dens. notion of the sanctity of the clerical office was higher than that of many of his predecessors, it was not too elevated to prevent him from requiring that the bishops and abbots should furnish a contingent for his armies, in due proportion to the amount of property which they held officially. In 801 he forbade the clergy from all participation in military life. Under the old Roman empire the soldiers had been taken altogether from the cit izen or free class of the population, and this law, of long force, no doubt had its influence on Charles the Great. The Church had for some time been drawing upon the slave class for her clergy, but during this period the custom grew to such frightful proportions that official measures had to be adopted against it. In a rule adopted by the council of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 816, we read the follow ing : " Many select their clergy exclusively from the bondmen of the Church, and they seem to adopt this course because such per sons, when injured by them, or deprived of the salary due to them, cannot complain, for fear of being subjected to corporal punishment 1 Guericke, Kirchengesch. , vol. ii, p. 27. CHURCH AND STATE UNDER THE CAROLINGIANS. 493 or of being reduced again to servile labor." This council, how ever, gave its voice against the habit. But there was one great end served in thus bringing the slave class into intimate relations with the clergy. The bondmen of the Western world were inspired with hope of deliv- gI^ed^y erance. The Church regarded it a part of her mission close rela- 1 to relieve their condition and prepare the way for the sl1v3es°ani>HE dissolution of their bonds. The clergy who had been THE 0LER°v- slaves never forgot the chains of their brethren and their own earliest history. The idea of universal human freedom was more in force then in the Frankish empire than in some parts of Europe and America a thousand years later. The manumission of slaves became a pleasure and a practice of the age, and the Church gave to it her fullest encouragement, as she had done in the fourth and fifth centuries. Gregory the Great gave all the force of his ex ample to the freedom of slaves, and drew a deed manumitting his two slaves. There were numerous evidences that the predominance of civil authority in ecclesiastical matters was undergoing a ¦ i i i • mi r*i DECLINE OF rapid decline. The Carolingian rulers were growing predomi- weaker, and their empire was gradually slipping from "mi! over ec- their grasp. Charles the Fat was a poor shadow of his clesiastical grandfather, and just such a man as a bold and un- AUTH0KnT- scrupulous papacy knew how to manipulate. In 858 we find the Neustrian bishops declaring to Louis the German that they were not obliged, as laymen were, to do homage or swear fidelity to their sovereign.1 Think of such language used to the conqueror of Desiderius and Wittekind ! He would have deposed them imme diately and put a speedy silence to those demands. No pride is of more rapid growth than that which makes religion its basis. Synods, councils, and popes were becoming clamorous for the resto ration of the primitive mode of electing bishops, and, by the time that the last descendants of the great Charles were spending their closing days as insignificant and weak functionaries in the city of Laon, the Church found herself proprietress of more than all her old prerogatives, and holding her new territory with an iron grasp, paying back the princely gift of land at the hand of Pepin and Charles the Great by an independence and haughtiness quite new even on the banks of the Tiber. The serpent had been warmed at the genial Carolingian fireside, and now it was ready to use its fangs on the saviour of its life. 1 Capit. Carol. Mag., ann. 794, cap. 7. 494 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE: PSEUDO-ISIDORIAN DECRETALS. Editions : Merlin, in Coll. Concil., vol. i, Paris, 1528 ; Denzinger, in Migne, Patrol. Lat., vol. cxxx — a reprint of Merlin ; Hinschius, Leipz., 1863 — best ed., based on critical research into all the MSS. 1. Blondel, D. Pseudo-Isidorus et Turrianus Vapulantes. Geneva, 1628. A work of great acuteness and learning. 2. Theiner, A. De Pseudoisid. canonum collectione. Breslau, 1826. 3. Kunst. DeFontibus et Consilio Pseud, collect. Gott., 1832. 4. Wasserschleben, F. W. H. von. Beitrage zur Geschichte der f alschen Dekre- talen, Bresl., 1844 ; Die Pseudo-isidorische Frage, in Zeitschrift fiir Kirch- enrecht, iv, pp. 273, ff. ; art. in Herzog, Real-Eneyclop. 5. Weizsacker, K. Hinkmar und Pseudo-isidor. In Zeitschrift fiir hist. Theol. , 1858, 327. 6. Newman, J. H. Essays, Crit. and Hist., 2 vols. Lond., 1871 ; 8th ed., 1888, vol. ii, 271-275, 320-335. 7. Schrors. Hincmar Erzbischof von Reims, sein Leben u. seine Schriften. Freib., 1884. 8. Ueber das Vaterland der falschen Decretalen, in Hist. Zeitschr., 1892, H. 2. THE FORGED ISIDORIAN DECRETALS. 495 CHAPTER V. THE FORGED ISIDORIAN DECRETALS. Every period of ferment has been characterized by a disposition to fortify the opinions of the present by an appeal to the testi mony of the past. The modern Church is abundant in illustrations, among which may be reckoned the Tractarian movement in the Anglican Church in the former half of the present century, and, more recently, ritualism, the natural offspring of the dusty but energetic Tractarianism of Oxford. In the Carolingian period the reputed authority of the primitive Church was made the apology for every new notion that was presented for the indorse- attempt to ment of the Christian world. The papacy was athirst f°rtify the r r •> papacy by for power. The slight taste of temporal sovereignty appeal to only whetted its teeth for a perpetual feast. Nor was THE PAST- this disposition to rule limited to the highest officer in the Church, but was shared by those next to him in power and station, by the mass of the priesthood, and even by a large body of the faithful among the laity. There were too many dangerous contingencies connected with the authority of the civil sovereign, even though he be a Charles the Great, and particularly with his interference in matters ecclesiastical. The great thought of the Church was to offer resistance to, and put a perpetual quietus upon, all power of the State, or any representative of it, over the Church in any branch of its polity, doctrines, or officers. The power of the Church must be so increased that the officers of the State should be harmless ; nay, the Church must be so strengthened as to place even the civil ruler in a subordinate relation to the Church. The practical form which the general aspiration to strengthen the authority of the Church assumed was the forgery of the Isido rian Decretals. Isidore, Archbishop of Hispalis, was the forgery one of the leading writers of the day, and performed £^™*™" for the Spanish Church the distinguished service of tals. making it acquainted with a number of important classical and pa tristic works. He died in the year 636, and left behind a name of high repute, both for mental and moral endowments. It is not sur prising, therefore, that, in an age rich in forgeries, where every honored man who had long since passed away was used by inter- 496 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ested writers as the basis for opinions of which the departed never dreamed, Isidore should be made responsible for a system of defense of ecclesiastical authority.1 The decretals ascribed to him com bined all the qualities of a complete delusion, and they have proved the most adroit, bold, direct, and successful piece of forgery in the history of mankind. Decretal epistles of various dates were already in circulation, for decretals al- example, the collection of canons and epistles of Dio- ready in use. nyS}us Exiguus, which had been generally used in the West, and the collection which passed under the name of Isidore, of Hispalis, and was probably the work of his pen." This latter compilation contained important canons not found in the work of Dionysius, and, inasmuch as it contributed to the support of the growing demands of the Church, its circulation was rapid and in fluential. The same name, Isidore, was now used as the alleged author of a new volume of decretals. The compiler of no other collection had had the effrontery to go farther back into the early Church for authority than to Pope Siricius, whose pontificate ex tended 384-398, but the deviser of this new compilation, calling himself Isidore, brought out various decrees by unknown councils and mazy letters claiming to be written by Clement and Anacletus, bishops of Rome contemporaneous with the apostles, and by nearly thirty of the apostolic Fathers. The work was in three parts. The first contained, in addition to contents of the authentic fifty canones apostoliei, fifty-nine spuri- the work. 0viS decretal writings of Roman bishops from Clement I to Melchiades, from the end of the first to the beginning of the fourth century. Even the reputed donation of territory by Con stantine — the donatio Constantini — to the papacy was, without much dexterity, brought in to help the common cause. The second part comprised only authentic synodal canons. The third part presented some real decretals, but, besides these, thirty-five false ones, which were held to have been written at various times, 1 The taste for forgery went so far during this period that decrees of a coun cil that never took place — the alleged Roman council under Sylvester, A. D. 324 — were never heard of until the ninth century. Roman Catholic writers de cided the whole affair a pure fiction. See Jo. Launoy, De Cura Ecclesiae erga Paupereset Miseros, cap. i, observ. i, p. 576, of his opp., t. ii, pt. ii. Jo. Ca- bassut, Notitia Ecclesiast. , p. 132, and Pagi, Critica in Baron, ad. Ann. 324, §§ xvii, xviii. 2 Eichhorn, whose opinion of the date of the issue of this collection has been generally accepted, holds that it was made between 633 and 636. It was not published until 1808, by Gonzales, in Madrid. Robertson, Hist. Christ. Ch., vol. ii, p. 267. THE FORGED ISIDORIAN DECRETALS. 497 from Sylvester I, who died 335, to Gregory II, who died in 731. Such was the strange mixture of truth and error, thrown into diverse forms of instruction and command, which was palmed upon the world in the name of Isidore. Never was there a nicer adapta tion to the thirst of an age,1 and never were men more disinclined to examine into the internal character of a work presented for their confidence. " The Pseudo-Isidore," says Neander, " was but the organ of a tendency of the religious and ecclesiastical spirit which prevailed with the great mass of the men among whom he lived. He had no idea of introducing a new code, but only of presenting in a connected form the principles which must be recognized by every one as correct, and on which depended the well-being of the Church. ... In truth, even what had been said by Leo the Great concerning the pope's primacy over the whole Church involves the principle of all that is to be found in these Decretals.'" With the one purpose pervading the whole of the great forgery, of making the Church independent of the State, by an appeal to the earliest examples and rules, it was insisted upon that 0BJECT 0J. THE Rome, and not a king's palace, must become the center decretals to of all ecclesiastical power. The Church must protect *^c™ ^NDE. iself, for the priesthood is infinitely superior to the pendent of civil authority. Between the papacy and the bishops ™E STATB- had stood the metropolitans, and, according to the Frankish system, the bishop was always amenable to his metropolitan. But the metropolitans were only human, often creatures of civil authority, and ought not to enjoy this high function. Under the Carolingians they had frequently taken side with the State against the bishop. The Decretals produced authority — such as it was — to show that the bishops are of supreme authority, second only to the pope, with whom they stand related as the other apostles to Peter. Much space is given to processes against the bishops. Charges against a bishop can never come before a metropolitan or a secular tribunal, but only before the pope. Even a clerk must be tried before an ecclesiastical court. A wicked bishop, for the sake of his holy office and efficacious consecration, must be borne with. Priests are God's spiritual intimates (spirituales, familiares Dei), the apple of his eye, while laymen are only carnal creatures (carnales). An offense against a priest is a crime against Deity. No charge can be entertained against an ejected bishop until he is reinstated, and not less than seventy-two witnesses can substantiate a charge against him, and these must answer so many conditions as to make it almost impossible ever to find that number bearing evidence against a ' Newman, Essays, Crit. and Hist., ii, 271-275, 320-335. 'Vol, iii, p. 350. 32 498 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. prelate. The court must consist of twelve other bishops, with refer ence to the number of the apostles. No layman can bring charges against a bishop or a clerk, neither can a clerk make accusation against a bishop.1 The pope is the only one who can convene pro vincial synods, and his approval is necessary for the efficacy of their decrees. That the pope, the bishops, and the lower clergy were the chief papal su- gainers by the forgery is very clear. Never had the premacythe papal authority found such a shrewd and specious de- real climax. fense> an(j yet j£ wag a pjea for fae entire priesthood. Though the fundamental object was the protection and independ ence of the whole clerical order, in its relation to the civil authority, the support of the papal power was the natural, though unintended, climax." The author or authors of the Decretals professed to put them forth as a digest of laws already in existence, and with the object of advancing the cause of morality and religion. It requires no great discernment to perceive how little such a profession was in harmony with the magnitude of the deception. One way of ac counting for the authorship has been that they were forged by some bishop in jealousy or resentment ; certainly their general re ception can be accounted for in great measure by this sentiment." Among the many evidences, both internal and external, of the spuriousness of the Decretals may be enumerated the prevailing uniformity and impurity of style, which limit the authors to a very small number and the language to the barbarous Latin; the evident use of, and even citations from, works of very late authorship ; the clumsy anachronisms abounding throughout the collection ; the total absence of all other testimony to the authenticity of the more ancient portions of the Decretals, particularly the fifty-nine older ones ; the evident attempt to meet contemporaneous prejudices ; and the improbability that so much matter of the alleged impor- 1 Kurtz, Church History, vol. i, pp. 340, ff ; Robertson, Hist. Christ. Ch., vol. ii, p. 269. 5 For authorities in support of this opinion, see Robertson, Hist. Christ. Ch., vol. ii, p. 270, notes. The old view that the Pseudo-Isidorian Decretals were fabricated for the purposes of papal aggrandizement is now given up by scholars. Their chief intention seems to have been to emancipate the bishops from the control of metropolitans and councils. See an excellent summing up of the case by Hunter in art. Canon Law, in Encyc. Brit. , 9th ed. Wasser schleben, who in various works has most thoroughly investigated this subject, holds that the primacy of Rome was advocated most of all in the interest of the bishops. See his Geschichte der f alschen Dekretalen, Bresl. , 1844, and his art. in Herzog. This is also the opinion of SchrSrs, in his Hincmar Erzbischof von Reims, sein Lebenu. seine Schriften. Freib., 1884. 3 Hallam, Middle Ages, vol. ii, pp. 160, f. THE FORGED ISIDORIAN DECRETALS. 499 tance here attached to it should have escaped the notice of Dio nysius Exiguus.1 The hopeless uncertainty as to the actual authorship and date and place of publication of the Decretals is another peculiar feature of the remarkable forgery. Never, in the whole history of litera ture, was a fabrication obscured by more doubt or per- uncertain- mitted to pass so long without challenge. The date of ™ C0NCEHN- issue has been made to range from 829 to 857 — the cretals. majority of writers holding, however, that the limit can be narrowed down to sixteen years, or from 829 to 845." The nearest approach to definite locality of publication is that it was either eastern France or Rome, the weight of evidence being with the former.3 %¦ Wasserschleben has narrowed the margin of possible dates to some time between 844 and 857. He has shown good reason for believing that the older and minor collection issued from Mayence ; while the later and larger collection seems to have been made at Rheims. On the other hand, Schrors holds that they arose in the diocese of Tours, and that they were framed by Rothad, of Soissons, and Wrelfad, of Rheims, in their conflict with Hincmar, of Rheims (845-852). Rothad and Wrelfad upheld the episcopal claims against the metropolitan claims of Hincmar. The question of authorship, after weighing all the evidence, re duces itself to this : That Archbishop Riculf (786-814) brought the genuine Isidorian collection from Spain, and this was afterward enlarged and corrupted into the Pseudo- Isidorian by MogT PE0B_ the Archbishop Autcar and published at Mayence dur- able author- ing his archiepiscopate (826-847), and that the work of smp- copying was done by Benedictus Levita, who may have had no sus- 1 Niedner, Christl. Kirchengesch., p. 394. As examples of the many absurdi ties may be cited : Bishops of the second century cite biblical passages from the much later translation of Jerome. Pope Victor I (f 202) writes a let ter to Bishop Theophilus of Alexandria (f 383). Pope Anacletus (f 100) speaks of patriarchs, metropolitans, and primates. Pope Melchiades makes mention of the Nicene Council (325), which did not meet until eleven years after the au thor's death. Pope Zephyrinus (f 218) appeals to the laws of Christian emper ors before Constantine, the first one, was born. 5 Niedner seems to think, though he leaves his readers to draw their own in ference, that the Pseudo-Isidoriana did not appear in their full form before the beginning of the eleventh century. Kirchengesch., p. 397. Some of them had unquestionably been circulated in separate form even during Charles the Great's reign. Hardwick, Ch. Hist. (Mid. Ages), p. 145, note. 3 Eichhorn contends that they were first issued at Eome, in the eighth cen tury, and were incorporated into the Isidorian collection in the Frank em pire. Grundsatze d. Kirchenrechts, vol. i, p. 158. Later criticism rejects the Roman origin. 500 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. picion of the fraud.1 Autcar, instead of being prompted by purely theological or literary motives, had become involved in the rebellion of the sons of Louis the Pious against their father, and took this course of defense for himself and his party against the power of the emperor and the synods that would do his bidding." The fatal weaknesses to which we have already referred, besides many minor ones, were altogether overlooked at the time the Pseudo- Isidoriana were first made public. " They were so clumsily con trived," says Neander, " and ignorantly executed that, had the age been a little more fitted for or more inclined to critical investiga tions, and had the deception itself not fallen in with a predominant interest of the Church, it might have been easily detected and ex- weaknesses posed.5 Hincmar, of Rheims, was the only one who in the decre- protested against their application to existing questions. looked at the And this he did from the standpoint of a partisan. He TIME- called them a mousetrap, a cup of poison with the brim besmeared with honey, and commenta et figmentacompilata.4 They nevertheless immediately took their position as an authority in the canonical law of the Church, and played a highly important role in councils, synods, and the entire administration of the Church. By the year 857 they were used to decide important questions and settle disputes that shook the whole Western Church, and, after 864, when they were used by Nicholaus I immediately after he became acquainted with them, they were habitually ad duced, as having binding force, in the papal rescripts. Their genuineness was never questioned until the twelfth cen tury, by Peter Comestor, but the confidence of the world in them genuineness was not disturbed until the fraud was fully exposed by not ques- the first Protestant writers of ecclesiastical history, the TIONED UNTIL twelfth cen- authors of the Magdeburg Centuries. 6 Leading Roman tury. Catholic writers have subsequently taken pains to abandon the Decretals as a complete, but still pious, fraud.0 Mohler, 1 Gieseler, Church History, vol. ii, p. 114, note 12. 2 Kurtz, Abriss d. Kirchengeschichte, p. 76. 3 Church History, vol. iii, p. 347. * Hincmar at times protested that they were spurious, and at other times msed them for his own purposes. Schrors says that he accepted them. They seem to have been practically unchallenged. See Weizsacker, Hinkmar und Pseudo-Isidor, in Zeitschrift f. hist. Theol., 1858, p. 327 ; "Wasserschleben, in Herzog. 6 Cent. Magdeb., ii, c. 7 ; iii, 7. 6 This course is taken by Bellarmine, De Pontif. Roman., lib. ii, o. 14 ; Ba ronius, Annal. Eccles. ad annum 865, § 8 ; Fleury, Hist. Ecclesiastique, vol. xiii, Disc. Prelim., p. 15. Marchetti is about the only writer of any standing who defends the Decretals. Saggio crit. sopra la storia de Feuri. Roma, 1781. THE FORGED ISIDORIAN DECRETALS. 501 without question the best Roman Catholic writer of the present century, seems disposed to change the whole ground by calling the author of the Decretals a romanticist. ' If the Pseudo-Isidore had made his appearance and advanced his claims during the mature glory of the descendants of Charles Martel they would have been suppressed with a violent hand. But the Carolingian dynasty had reached its zenith, and was hastening into perpetual obscurity and extinction as rapidly as it had emerged at Poictiers, with a meteor-like splendor, to change the whole course of European life and lay the foundations of modern history — or, according to Newman, of modern civilization." The confirma tion of the donation of Pepin to the papacy, by repre- A CARDINAL senting Constantine as the original author of the service of measure, was one of the cardinal services of the Deere- TALS T0 TH~ tals to the authority of the Church.3 The subjection authority of of the civil to the ecclesiastical power was advocated on THE CHDKCH- so many grounds, and made to cover so many cases, that the eleva tion reached every ecclesiastic, from the pope on his throne — now proved anew, as it seemed, to be that of St. Peter — to the lowest clerk of Latin Christendom. 1 Schriften und Aufsatze, vol. i, p. 309. 5 Historical Sketches, vol. i, p. 150. 3 Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, p. 157. 502 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER VI. STATE OF LEARNING. In no respect was the Carolingian period more distinguished from the immediately preceding and succeeding times than in both the promotion of general intelligence and the restoration of classical culture. The ignorance of the European rulers before the reign of Charles the Great was of a piece with the lamentably low state of learning among the clergy and the masses. The barbarian rulers who had come into possession of southern Europe were as little charles the inclined to respect the literary treasures which were a great pro- part 0f their spoils as they were to appreciate the civil- MOTES LEARN- f „,.,,, , ., „ .. „,. ing. ization of which those treasures were the fruit. I he literature of Gaul, Spain, and Italy was well-nigh destroyed by the utter disregard, and even outright hostility, of the barbarian kings, who almost without exception were innocent of the least sympathy with or taste for liberal culture. Theodoric, a man who could not write his own name, but who has passed into history as the most famous of the Ostrogothic kings of Italy, is believed to have re strained his own countrymen from attending the very schools by which he, or his minister, Cassiodorus, endeavored to revive the studies of his Italian subjects. Charles the Great's early life was spent in profound ignorance, and, if we accept the testimony of Eginhard, he could not write ; while the great Alfred was so little acquainted with Latin that he found difficulty in rendering a trans lation from the pastoral instruction of St. Gregory. ' Science, pre viously to the coming of the Danes, flourished with no little vigor in the cloisters of England and Ireland ; but these invaders set themselves assiduously to the work of destruction, and the only re lief to the dark picture is the fact that, while they were landing in Britain, Charles the Great was beginning his great reforms of edu cation on the Continent. The proofs of the prevailing clerical ignorance are abundant. 1 Hallam, Middle Ages, vol. iii, p. 272, and note. Eginhard's much dis cussed passage is as follows : ' ' Tentabat et scribere, tabulasque et codicillos ad hoc in lecticula sub oervicalibus circumferre solebat, ut, cum vacuum tempus esset, manum effigiandis Uteris assuefaceret ; sed parum prospere successit labor prseposterus ac ser6 inchoatus." STATE OF LEARNING. 503 In Spain, at the time of Charles the Great, not one priest in a thou sand could address a letter of salutation to another ; at clerical ig- a council held in Rome in 992 hardly a person could norance. be found who knew the elements of letters ; Alfred, of England, declared that at the time of his accession he knew no priest south of the Thames who understood the ordinary prayers or could translate Latin into his mother tongue ; at the time of Dunstan none of the clergy knew how to write or translate a Latin letter ; and the homilies used by the priests were compiled by the bishops, or at their instance, and distributed to the priests for use in the service.1 Hallam's apology for this clerical ignorance is, at least, a lame one — the scarcity of the Egyptian papyrus, which almost ceased to be imported into Europe from the conquest of Alexandria by the Saracens, at the beginning of the seventh century, to the close of the eleventh, when the art of making paper from cotton or linen rags first came into use. The real cause was the absence of all taste for culture in the European mind, a result which naturally followed from the example of the barbarian rulers, the distrust by the Church of classic learning, and the uncertain state of society. Europe was ignorant in the extreme, and there is no stronger testi mony to the vitality of Greek and Roman culture than the fact that it could exist, even in sleep, among these disintegrating and destructive agencies, which, with only occasional relief, existed down to the revival of humanism at the dawn of the Reformation. With Charles the Great there came a great change in the educa tion and general culture of the times. His own early THE CHAnge disadvantages had convinced him of the necessity of ™ DED™4™°* knowledge for both his subjects and himself, while his CTJLTURE BY visits to Italy, where he came in contact with classic charles the learning, quickened his aspirations for the best knowl edge that could be brought within his reach and be propagated throughout his dominions. The very men who had been born in Britain, and were the best scholars of their age, were invited by him to become his companions, counselors, and friends, when their own land became a prey to the devastations of the Danes. Alcuin, the pupil of Bede, with whom Charles the Great became ac quainted in Italy, in 781, went to Paris in 782, and it was only five years later, 787, that the Northmen invaded England, and ten years later 'still, 797, that the same tribe invaded Ireland. While they destroyed the fruits of learning, they were not able to make way with the producers, who, now upon the Continent, were des tined to continue on a broader scale and a firmer foundation the ' Hallam, Middle Ages, vol. iii, pp. 273, 274. 504 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. work of adapting the learning of the past to new conditions, and of handing it down to later generations. And thus the court of the Frankish emperor was not less brilliant for its literary magnates than that of Augustus Caesar, or of Lorenzo brilliant the Magnificent, or, latest of all, of Carl Augustus, of court of "Weimar, the friend of Schiller, Goethe, Herder, Wie- CHARLKS THE ' „ ,, ¦ -i /-* Ti. j_ great. land, and other creators of the rich German literature of the eighteenth century. It is the right of common kings to rule millions of subjects and divide hemispheres among themselves; but only once in an age does the occupant of a throne possess the high ambition or great honor of being the patron, the friend, and the equal of the undisputed monarchs of thought. Charles the Great was not so great when his brow was pressed by the imperial crown, or when he received the oath of fealty from Wittekind, the conquered Saxon king, as when he sat amid his learned men and received the benefits of their wisdom. " Charles the Great," says Eginhard, " was a zealous promoter of liberal studies, and greatly revered their professors, upon whom he bestowed the honors. He learned the art of computation, and with great application and skill carefully calculated the mo tions of the planets. He tried also to learn to write, and used even to put his tablets and writing books under his pillow, so that when he should have leisure he might accustom his hand to form ing the letters ; but in this task, too long postponed and begun too late in life, he had but little success."1 But in inaugurating schools for others he had much success. He ordered his bishops and abbots to establish schools for the youth of their neighborhoods, and he gathered teachers at his own court and opened there a school — the schola the Schola Palatina — where the youth of noble birth palatina. might get the best instruction of the times." At this school of the palace Eginhard, Angillert, Tatto, Walafrid Strabo, Grimald, Abbot of St. Gall, and other leaders in the literary and religious life, were educated. "Singing schools" and "reading schools " were established at Lyons. The archbishop there wrote to Charles that such was the proficiency of the pupils that they had not only mastered the art of chanting the service, and of conduct ing it after the pattern of the imperial chapel at Aix-la-Chapelle, but instructed others, and that they could read the Scriptures well, and explain the spiritual sense of the New Testament.3 The whole intellectual culture of the Frankish empire was due almost entirely 1 Vita Carol. Mag., c xxv. 5 Emerton, Introduction to the Middle Ages, p. 228. 8 Mombert, Hist, of Charles the Great, p. 266. GRAMMAR AND STATE OF LEARNING. 505 to the untiring zeal and enthusiasm of the emperor. The monas teries were not originally intended as schools, but Charles the Great directed that they take upon themselves the task of educating the youths of the vicinity, and these schools, at first of an elementary and popular character, four centuries later ripened into, and were absorbed by, the universities. ' In connection with the seminaries were the grammar and public schools, which served as preparatory institutions to the seminaries and all the secular professions. In 787 an imperial circular was issued to all bishops and abbots, requir- public" ing, under penalty of royal displeasure, that schools S0H00I'S- should be attached to all monasteries and cathedral chapters. About fifty important institutions of learning were established by Charles the Great and the remaining Carolingians in central and upper Italy ; in the French cities, Tours, Paris, Corbey, many schools Orleans, Clugny, Lyons, and Toulouse ; and in the CAholin- German cities of Mainz, Treves, Cologne, Utrecht, gians. Fulda, Paderborn, Hildesheim, and elsewhere. There was a spe cial imperial constitution, which not only applied to the regulation of the schools, but to the general educational interests of the realm." The studies were embraced in the old trivium and quad- rivium, the former comprising philology, logic, and rhetoric ; and the latter, music, arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy. These studies were largely applied to theology. Music, for example, was limited to chanting, and astronomy to the calculation of Easter.3 However, when the question was one of training for the secular professions, this limitation was overridden, and the sciences were taught as liberally as the times required and the teachers were capa ble. Charles founded two kinds of schools, less and greater. The former he placed in the episcopal palaces, canons' cloisters, monas teries, and elsewhere ; the latter he located in public places which were suited for general teaching. These he intended not only for ecclesiastics, but for the nobility and their children and for the poor ; in short, for every rank, class, and race." Thodulph, Bishop J Newman decides the question as to whether Charles the Great was the real founder of the University of Paris, by declaring that, if he did not do it directly, he yet adopted the measures which had that inevitable result: " Whether his school at Paris be a university or not, he laid down principles of which a university is the result, in that he aimed at educating all classes, and undertook all subjects of teaching."— Historical Sketches, vol. i, p. 153. 2 The title of the constitution was : Constitutio de scholis per singula epis- eopia et monasteria instituendis. Comp. Baluzii capitularia reg. Franc. , i, 147 ; Pertz, Monum. Germ., iii, 52. ' Schmidt, Hist, des Allemands, t. ii, p. 126. 4 Bulffius, quoted in Newman, Hist. Sketches, vol. i, p. 155. 506 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of Orleans, established village schools for all classes. Then, for the first time in Europe, learning became the privilege of all. Charles the Great had great sympathy with the popular legends of his own people, but he found little support in the scholars who charles pro- surrounded him. He nevertheless caused grammars to motingthe ^e compiled in the language of his Teutonic subjects, tongues. and, a great admirer of poetry, he collected the bardic lays of Germany. He deprecated the exclusive use of the Latin, or even the Greek and Hebrew languages, in the Church service, and, in his capitulary at the council of Frankfurt, said : " Let no one suppose that God may not be prayed to except in three lan guages ; forasmuch as in every tongue God is worshiped and man is heard if he ask the things which are right." He required that preaching should be in the vulgar tongue, and that the common people learn the Apostles' Creed and the Lord's Prayer in their own language. Stripes and fasts were penalties for neglect. ] He took measures to have the people learn to write well, and pro vided that the poor should pay for the instruction of their children only to the extent of their ability. To enrich the more ignorant charles en- portions of his empire he endowed the schools which popularHE ne na<^ organized with ample means, and England, schools. Italy, and Greece were drawn upon to furnish manu scripts for the new libraries. Special measures were taken to mul tiply correct copies of the Scriptures and their distribution among the people. Charles the Great was himself no mean author. The Caroline Books, in which the prevalent image worship was com bated, were his own work, though some of the details of composi tion were left to his scholars. The efforts at popular education, the improvement of the national literature, and the perpetuation of classical learning were noble in the extreme, and were the distinguishing feature of the great Charles. But they were ephemeral. The elevation of the papacy after was irreconcilable with the advance of popular intelli- schools THE gence> an(i when Charles the Great was gone the science degenerated, of the schools degenerated. From the sixth to the eighth century the literature of Europe had been exclusively religious, and now, after a sudden and brief interval of universal culture, it again became religious, and, until the revival of the latter half of the eleventh century, consisted of insipid legends and priestly wrangles. 1 Pertz, Leges, i, 130. THE GROWTH OF IMAGE WORSHIP. 507 CHAPTER VII. THE GROWTH OF IMAGE ¦WORSHIP. One of the most remarkable and important movements in the history of the Church was the effort to abolish the worship of im ages. This bitter controversy lasted for a century and a half, and was the occasion of untold suffering, and, though entirely futile in abating the evil aimed at, was fraught with lasting consequences. It was one of the remote causes of the Saracenic conquests in southeastern Europe, and was one of the immediate causes of the division between the Eastern and Western empires and of the long bitterness between the Greek and Roman Churches. The early Christians would have looked with horror at the bare suggestion of placing images in the churches, and would have con sidered bowing down or praying before them as nothing less than idolatry. This they would have done for two reasons — the revul sion from heathenism and the influence of the Old Testament Scriptures. The heathen interlocutor in the Octavius of Minucius Felix, one of the finest remains of the old Christian literature, com plains of the Christians that they have no consecrated images. Octa vius acknowledges the charge, and pours scornful opprobrium on the images of the Roman religion.1 Lactantius writes in the same lofty disdain of artistic representations. Epiphanius, when on a journey through Palestine, and through his jealousy for Catholic usage, tore down a pictured curtain in a church." Eusebius of Csesarea argues with great force against the religious use of images. He appeals to the universal conscience of the Church as repudiating everything of the kind.3 The synod of Elvira, in 305, in Spain, bore witness to the feeling of the Church when it gave out this well-known decision: " There shall be no pictures in the church lest what is lactantius worshiped and adored be depicted on the walls." ' Many ^AI^EMENT efforts have been made to break the force of this ab- images. rupt prohibition, but in vain. Dale, in his learned and interesting 1 Min. Fel., Oct., x, xxxii. 2 Ep. 51, in Jerome, Works, ed. Vallarsi, vol. i, 254. The words of Epipha nius are very strong: " Detestatus in ecclesia Christi, contra auctoritatem scripturarum, hominis pendere imaginem." Outside of his Puritan zeal the testimony of this widely traveled bishop is very important. 3 Ep. ii, ad Constan. Aug. 4 Can. xxxvi. 508 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. essay on this council, is correct when he says : "It was not merely lest the illimitable should be limited, and the Spirit mate rialized, to the surprise and scandal of converts and catechumens, but to insure that in the sphere of worship there should be neither human nor divine semblance to divert the soul's homage from its true and lawful object, that this decree was pronounced." ' Clement of Alexandria, in the fourth chapter of his Exhortation to the Heathen, writes a vigorous denunciation of the image cult of the Greeks. The very idea of all such representations in religion he repudiates with disgust. He contrasts the ways of the Christians : " But we have no sensible image of sensible matter, but an image that is perceived by the mind alone — God who alone is truly God." He even takes the second commandment as prohibiting the very calling of artists. In fact, the use of images in the early Church was a mark of heretics. The Carpocratians placed the image of Christ be side those of Plato and Aristotle. There is no better evidence of the change which came over the Church in this regard than the com parison between the earlier and the later apologists. Justin, Ori gen, Clement of Alexandria, and Minucius Felix rejoice in the Church's rejection of images, while Leontius of Cyprus, in 600, and John of Damascus, in 725, are anxious to defend the practices of the Church against the objections of Jews and Saracens. Chrysostom reviews the whole ecclesiastical life of his time — 354 to 407 — and yet nowhere in his works is there mention of images in the churches. But the passing away of heathenism, and the securer position of the Christians in wealth, leisure, and culture, restored art to its place as the handmaid of religion. In the fifth century images were com mon everywhere. Gregory the Great, pope from 590 to 604, was the first to publish a formal defense and exposition of image worship. But he makes the place of art in the Church purely pedagogic. Gregory the The ignorant and rude cannot read, and, he alleged, great's mod- eYeil jf they could, were not able to buy books and man- cacv of im- uscripts ; they therefore needed pictures as a means to ages. edification and instruction. Images were the books of the unlearned. As to their religious use Gregory would go only to this length, that they might bring the original to our minds more vividly, and thus give greater earnestness to our devotions. But he would frown down any adoration or prostration before the image itself." The common practice, however, soon went far beyond this. 1 The Synod of Elvira and Christian Life in the Fourth Century (Lond., 1882), pp. 288-297. 2 ' ' For it is one thing to adore a picture ; another to learn what it is to be adored through the history told by the picture. AVhat scripture presents to THE GROWTH OF IMAGE WORSHIP. 509 The universal tendency of mediaeval Catholicism, as Neander well points out, was the failure to distinguish the divine from the symbol which represented it, and to transfer to the latter the homage due only to the former. readers, a picture presents to the gaze of the unlearned : for in it even the ignorant see what they ought to follow; in it the illiterate read." "I know that you do not desire the image of our Saviour that you may worship it as God, but that you may be reminded of him and refresh your love for him by the sight of his image." — Epp. ix ; iv, 9 ; vii, ii, 54. It is unnecessary to say how far beyond this the Roman Catholic theory has gone. 510 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER VIII. ICONOCLASM. The image cultus found luxuriant soil especially in the sensuous and imaginative East. In churches and public halls, in houses and cells, by the wayside and on ships, on all utensils and clothing, everywhere, indeed, the pictures of Christ, the Virgin Mary, and the saints were to be seen. The artists were the monks, and most zealously they labored to promote the new worship. Stories of mir acles performed by the images were widely circulated and believed. So far did this extravagance go that images were put forward as sponsors in baptism. The image of Christ which legend stated our Saviour sent to Abgar, King of Edessa, was discovered in an oppor tune time. Stories of images " made without hands" and dropped from heaven were readily received in that uncritical age. Of necessity a reaction came. The worship of images had been opposed from three directions — one from within the Church, and two from without. The Monophysites, or those who held that the human nature of Christ was overborne or taken up by the divine, and the Monothelites, or advocates of the One-will, were bitterly opposed to the images. The Monophysites argued : The incarna tion was the virtual deification of the human nature of Christ. It monophysites has the properties of the Deity. His human nature sEcre°AGAiRNST *s therefore incomprehensible (dnardXrinTog) and uncir- images. cumscribed (anepiypacpog), and therefore cannot be de picted within the bounds of a circumscribed figure. The absorption of the humanity of Christ into his divinity brings the whole person of Christ under the law of the second commandment. Besides, the only symbol or figure which Christ has left us is the body and blood of the Eucharist. Then, as to the images of the saints, the Mo nophysites said that as the saints were at rest with God in felicity forever it was unlawful to represent them before our eyes, espe cially by the heathen arts of painting. The pagans did not believe in a resurrection, and therefore they tried to picture forth their dead as present; why then should Christians borrow their abominable arts to represent the departed spirit that is with God as still present in the flesh? The Monophysites denounced art in itself as sinful. Now this opposition of the Monophysites was of great force. ICONOCLASM. 511 Though condemned at Chalcedon, their ideas were still influential throughout the East. At the close of the fifth century Xenias, or Philoxenus, the Monophysite bishop of Hierapolis, opposed fiercely all representations of the angels or Christ, and destroyed all the im ages he could find. In 518 the patriarch Severus, of Antioch, an other Monophysite, melted down the doves of silver and gold which were usually suspended over the altar and fonts, saying that the Holy Ghost ought not to be represented in such a manner. Serenus, at Marseilles, in the seventh century, tried to carry out the same re form in his city and diocese. The emperor Anastasius, 492-518, was a Monophysite, as were Heraclius, 610-641, Constans, 641-668, and the Armenian Philip, 711-713. This last ruler burned the official acts of the sixth general council, which had condemned Monophysitism and its congener Monothelitism, and deposed the or thodox patriarch Cyrus. These emperors were supported by several of the higher clergy. The Church in Armenia and in part of Syria was Monophysite. Leo himself was of Monophysite stock. We need not wonder, therefore, at the coming outbreak under that emperor. Given a sovereign with Monophysite sympathies and with sufficient vigor to brave the hatred of the Church, one could easily prophesy that an attempt would be made to break up a prac tice which, after everything has been said in its favor, had evidently grown into an enormous abuse. The predisposing causes of iconoclasm have been strangely over looked, they being supposed to have issued solely from THE CADses of the despotic zeal of Leo. Combefis, in his History of iconoclasm. Monothelitism, was the first to point out the relation between these disputes on the person of Christ and the iconoclastic movement. Stokes is the only recent historian who seems to have done justice to the historical connections of the subject. Iconoclasm, like every other phenomenon in history, was not an isolated event. Its way was prepared. The two other opposing forces were the Jews and Mohammedans. Arguments from image worship were their stock in trade in their polemic against the Christians. Idolatry was their cry. The great champion of the faith was Leontius of Cyprus, 600. In his Apol ogy he defends image worship with the arguments of LEontius of John of Damascus in his Orations on Images, and by cYPRTO- the second Nicene council, afterward repeated by Gregory II in his letter to Leo. His line of thought is interesting: The Mosaic law was not directed against the devotional use of images, but only against the idolatrous use of them. In fact, the tabernacle and tem ple had their images, as the cherubim, the brazen oxen, and other 512 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. objects. Just as the child will reverence the clothes once worn by an absent father, so Christians reverence everything that Christ touched. For this reason we represent the symbol of his passion in churches and houses and shops, and in the market place and on articles of clothing ; so that we may have it constantly before our eyes and may be reminded of it, and not forget it as the Jews have forgotten their God. In the Old Testament the ceremony of pros tration sometimes occurs as a mark of respect even to men, and therefore could by no means imply idolatry. He refers apologetic ally to cures wrought by images, to miraculous cases of conversion effected by the same means, and to stories of images from which blood had been seen to trickle. In conclusion he says : " The im ages are not our gods ; but they are the images of Christ and his saints, which exist and are venerated in remembrance and in honor of these, and as ornaments of the churches." ] But despite these plausible reasonings the Jews pressed their charge of idolatry, and to men of matter-of-fact minds the charge must have had weight. As for the Mohammedans, they abominated the whole Christian pantheon, as they would call it, with its grada tions of saints, angels, and persons in the Godhead, to all of whom obeisance was paid. A letter has been brought to light by M. Felix Neve which throws an unexpected light on Leo's part in the the letter of image controversy. The Caliph Omar II, soon after his omar ii. accession in 717, wrote a letter of inquiry concerning the Christian religion to the new Emperor of the East, Leo the Isaurian, and stated also his objections to it. In the course of this letter the Arab drives home this question, " Why do you worship the bones of the apostles and prophets, as also paintings, and the cross, which anciently served according to the law as an instrument of punishment ? " Leo, in his reply, attempts a very half-hearted defense of the objectionable practice, or, rather, he ventures a word for the cross ; but while he praises the pious feeling which delights to have the images of the saints near at hand on which to gaze, he repudiates any homage paid to them. The Scriptures give us no permission to pay homage to pictures, says Leo; " We glorify the saints, but we render no homage to painted wood."" This 1 Quoted in 4th session of 7th Gen. Council, Mansi, xiii, 44-53. See also Migne, Pat. Gr., xciii, 1565. 2 This remarkable letter was first brought to the attention of Europeans by Felix Neve in a series of articles on John of Damascus in La Belgique in 1861. It is mentioned by no recent historian. Headmaster Lupton in his excellent mon ograph on that Father (Lond., 1882) notices it. An Armenian scholar of the eighth century, Ghevond, left a history of his own times, and here he embodied ICONOCLASM. 513 letter brought home to Leo the weak spot in the Christianity of his time, and made him feel that if ever his religion made any headway against its hated enemies, who were pressing on every side, it must get rid in some way of this detestable cult. Perhaps he had come to the kingdom for such a time as this. There dawned on him the conviction that he was designated by Jehovah as the deliverer of the Church from its idol worship. The emperor Leo the Isaurian (716-741) has been called by Finlay one of the unappreciated heroes of mankind.1 He was undoubtedly a prince of great vigor, and had a masterly grasp of the situation. Although not all of his measures were wise, there can be no doubt that they were dictated by a patriotic intention. He swept back the Saracen invasion, reformed the civil administration of the empire, and brought peace and a sense of security to all. To this fact, as Finlay suggests, is due the contentment of the com mercial classes during his iconoclastic crusade. The first edict of Leo against image worship was issued in 726. It provided for the destruction of all the more prominent images." The LF0 THE I8AU. edict created a storm of opposition. While a soldier rian and his was destroying the image of Christ over the gate of the F1RST BDICT- palace a mob assembled, principally of women, and while an officer was aiming a blow at the head of the image the women knocked the ladder down, and, in their insane fury, slew the soldier. The emperor found that he had embarked on an enter prise more difficult than he had anticipated. Images were strongly enthroned in the popular veneration. Germanus, the patriarch of Constantinople, however pliant he might be in the abstract matter of Monothelitism, was not to be moved in this matter. After vainly striving to win over Germanus to his views Leo called a the letters of Charles H and Leo HI. They were translated into French by the archimandrite Chahnazarian (Paris, 1856). The above quotation is from that translation. 1 See History of Greece from the Conquest by the Romans to the Present Time. Ed. by H. F. Tozer, rev. ed., 7 vols., 8vo, Oxf., 1877. This is a monu mental work— the modern Gibbon. It is indispensable to the student of the history of the East. 2 We believe, with Stokes, that the general view of historians is incorrect when they say that the first edict of Leo provided simply for the removal of the images to a higher place on the walls, out of the reach of the people. Hefele has conclusively shown, by a thorough study of the chronology, that the first edict went so far as to order the destruction of the images. But on account of the opposition of Germanus, who refused to countersign the decrees, it proved largely inoperative. See 4th vol. of Hefele, Conciliengeschichte. Mosheim (ii, 38, ed. Murdock) says that Leo ordered the total removal of the images at the first. 03 514 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. council at his palace, where he again called upon the aged patriarch defenders of to Sive h*8 sanction to an edict against images. In a image wor- long oration the patriarch defended his views, and, see- manus'and *n& tliat be was Powerless to change the emperor's john of mind, he finally said, " If I am a Jonah, fling me into Damascus. tjje gea. Dut Wltliout the authority of a general council the faith cannot be changed." Germanus, already over ninety years of age, resigned his office and retired to his own estate, where he soon died. Another powerful opponent arose in John of Damascus. Living without the Eastern empire, he not only enjoyed a freedom which contrasted favorably with the persecuting measures of the emperor, but he held an office under the caliph. John, in three Orations on Images, made the most powerful defense of the cult that had been written. The doctrine of relative worship which he laid down has from that day to this been the doctrine of the Greek and Roman Churches. One of the chief points of the argument is the theo logical one. The iconoclasts virtually deny the reality of the in carnation, and are Docetists. Besides, after the manner of the Manichaeans, they abuse matter, which God has honored. The scrip tural argument he brushes aside with the thought that the coming of Christ has made obsolete the regulations of the Old Testament. " In fact, he views iconoclasm as a return to the bondage of Ju daism from the freedom of the Gospel, and asks, if they observe the law on this point, why not upon circumcision and the Sab bath." ' A more influential voice was heard from the West. Pope Gregory II (715-731), who had long disliked Leo's fiscal policy, was deeply enraged by the emperor's new role. He immediately called a synod to consider the edict. He followed this with a letter to Leo, in which he defended image worship by the usual arguments. These letters are remarkable, not so much for their interest in this contro versy as for the light they throw on other points. As to the grow ing consciousness of power on the part of the pope these words are significant : " But thou wishest to frighten me, and gayest, I will send men to Rome to destroy the image of St. Peter, and to lead pope greg- Pope Gregory prisoner as Constantine led Martin. ory ii. Know that the bishops of Rome are as a wall between the East and West. If thou wilt pursue me, the Bishop of Rome will simply retire twenty-four stadia from Rome into Campania. Then pursue the winds." The same feeling appears in the almost contemptuous tone with which he addresses him : " I beseech thee, 1 See Works, in Migne, Pat. Gr., vols. 94-96. ICONOCLASM. 515 lay aside thy wicked thoughts, and save thy soul from the curses which the whole world are throwing at thee. The very children mock thee. Go into a school and say, I am an enemy of images ; they will fling their tablets at thee." The ignorance of Scripture of even the best read men of that day is well illustrated by one remark of the pope : Leo had called himself the true successor of Uzziah (meaning, of course, Hezekiah) in his image-breaking zeal. Gregory readily falls into the same trap : " Thou writest, Just as after eight hundred years the Jewish king removed the serpent of brass out of the temple, so have I, after eight hundred years, removed images out of the Church. King TTzziah was in truth thy brother, for he, like thee, did violence to the priest.1 David deposited the serpent of brass in the temple with the ark of the covenant. It was there an image consecrated by God to cure those who had been bitten by serpents."" More important still is the pope's testimony as to the relation of the Church and State. He blames the emperor for intruding into affairs which do not belong to him : " You know that the doctrines of the Holy Church are not of emperors but of prelates. Therefore prelates, abstaining from the affairs of the State, are placed over the churches, and, similarly, emperors abstain from ecclesiastical affairs, and each takes hold of what is committed to him." In this he echoes the senti ment of St. John of Damascus in his second Oration on Images : " ' It does not belong to the monarch,' says John, ' to give laws to the Church. The welfare of the State is of kings, the ecclesias tical ordering is of pastors and teachers.'" The words of Gregory concerning the rights of an orthodox emperor in a general council are also worth quoting. To Leo's proposal of such a council to settle the matter in dispute the pope says : " Thou art a contu melious persecutor and destroyer of images. Leave off, and grant us the favor of thy silence, and then the world will enjoy peace, and scandals will cease. When is the Christ-loving and pious emperor to sit in council in the accustomed way, and reward those who speak aright, and dismiss those who babble contrary to the truth, when thou, the emperor, waverest and imitatest barbarians ? Only keep quiet, and there is no need of a council." 3 The emperor and the pope were thus at swords' points. The papal messengers to the Eastern court were seized and imprisoned. Pope Gregory II called a synod, November 1, 731, which excommuni cated all the iconoclasts, though without mentioning the emperor 1 2 Chron. xxvi, 16. 2 2 Kings xviii, 4 ; 2 Chron. v, 10. 3 The letters of Gregory n are found in Jaffe, Regesta Pontificum Romano rum, 1851, 2d ed., 1881, f. 516 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. by name. Leo replied by sending against Rome a fleet, which was rupture be- defeated under the wall of Ravenna. This was the andEconstTn- real wow vnicn separated Rome from Constantinople. tinople. Though the East afterward restored the images, the deep rupture which Leo had made could never be healed. A nominal relation between Rome and the East continued to exist until 800, but the sturdy Isaurian acknowledged that he had lost Italy in his retaliatory seizure of papal estates in Sicily and Cala bria, and in the separation of Ulyria, Greece, Macedonia, and Sicily from the Roman jurisdiction. LATER FORTUNES OF THE ICONOCLASTIC MOVEMENT. 517 CHAPTER IX. LATER FORTUNES OF THE ICONOCLASTIC MOVEMENT. Leo was succeeded in 741 by his son, Constantine Copronymus (741-755), who inherited his father's vigor and magnificent abilities, but had even less than his father's piety and respect for human rights. In 754 he called a general council at Constantinople for the decision of the question. Three hundred and thirty-eight bishops attended. The council was presided over by constantine Theodosius, Archbishop of Ephesus, the old theological copronymus. adviser of Leo. It pronounced against image worship on doctrinal grounds as a violence to the dignity of Christ, and peremptorily interdicted all such worship. The council declared the suspension of any clergyman, and the punishment by the civil power of any layman, who possessed an image. It forbade, however, the tam pering with the churches under iconoclastic zeal without the spe cial permission of the emperor and patriarch. The decisions of the council were taken seriously by Copronymus. The public worship of images was suppressed throughout the Eastern empire. The monks especially, who were fanatically devoted to the image cult, felt the severity of the emperor's hand. Two sufferers deserve mention. The monk Andrew, with the zeal of an Old Testament prophet, de nounced Constantine to his face as a new Valens and Julian for persecuting Christ in his members and in his images. For this he was scourged in the hippodrome, and afterward stran- persecution gled. The venerable Stephen remained faithful to the of monks. images, in spite of banishment and torture. Desiring to give an ob ject lesson to the emperor of what must be the feelings of the saints whose images were insulted, he threw a coin, stamped with the emperor's head, on the ground and trod upon it. He was thrown into prison. His followers pleaded so earnestly for him that Con stantine cried out, " Am I or this monk emperor of the world? His courtiers took the hint, and, after the fashion of mobs, rushed to the prison, broke open the door, tied a rope to Stephen's foot, dragged him through the streets until he was dead, and then tore his body into pieces.' 1 Compare the similar exclamation of Henry n of England over a Becket. 2 This was about 770. It must be remembered that the accounts of the icon oclasts' persecutions we have entirely from their enemies. The chief contem- 518 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Under the influence of Irene, the wife of the mild Leo IV (775- 780), the persecution was relaxed, and the monks came out of their hiding places. This strong-minded but cruel woman so dominated the mind of her son, Constantine VI (780-797), whose eyes she put out, that the Isaurian policy was reversed, and the image cham pions were once more in the front. The seventh ecumenical coun cil was convened at Nicaea, in September, 787, to give authoritative sanction to the devotees of the cult. It was presided over by Tara- sius, Patriarch of Constantinople. The chief seats were occupied by the council the Roman envoys. It was attended by three hundred of NiciEA. 787. ari(i flfty bishops. It is accounted an ecumenical council by the Greek and Roman Churches, who repudiate the council under Copronymus, though it lacked two of the chief characteristics of such a council — representation of the whole Church and freedom of debate. The three eastern patriarchs were neither present nor represented by their secretaries, though two monks claimed to act in their place. The decisions of the council, like those of 754, were determined beforehand. The council decreed that the images and pictures of Christ, Mary, the saints, and pic tures of the cross should be admitted into the churches, and that they should be worshiped, not with the worship which is offered to God (XaTpeia) but with a due reverence and prostration of the body (aarraa^og icai TifirjTn ktj). The iconoclasts came into power again under Leo the Armenian (813), who recalled the times of Leo the Isaurian by the vigor of his administration. Michael the Stam merer, and Theophilus, his son, pursued the same policy. A woman again turned the tide. Theophilus's widow, Theodora, who had always been a secret worshiper of images, governed the empire at her husband's death, 842, in the name of her infant son, Michael III, afterward called The Drunkard. On the first Sunday in Lent, February 19, 842, she proclaimed a solemn festival, at which the long controversy was brought to an end by the formal restoration of the images. This day is celebrated in the Greek Church as the Feast of Orthodoxy. It is one of the great days of the Greek year. Since that time the worship of images painted on a flat sur face has been a recognized rite in the East. The Roman Church, with characteristic consistency, allows also the use of statues. The iconoclastic controversy is an excellent illustration of the porary is Theophanes (died 816), a monk at Sigrionia, in Mysia. He himself was taken to Constantinople in chains and then banished by Leo, the Arme nian, one of the last of the iconoclasts. No doubt these monkish historians did not treat their persecutors too scrupulously. The best edition of Theophanes is by Classen, Bonn, 1839. LATER FORTUNES OF THE ICONOCLASTIC MOVEMENT. 519 abortiveness of a reform inaugurated by a king, and which meets no responsive chord in the hearts of the people. It failure of rested on kingly absolutism, and, in this case, on a gross THE IC0N0" abuse of that power. There were no deep religious form. convictions underlying it, nor apparently any spiritual apprehension of Christianity. So far as devotion and earnest religious life were concerned the image worshipers bear off the palm. To them be long the great saints, theologians, and hymnists, John of Damas cus and Theodore of the Studium. While there can be no doubt that Leo the Isaurian had a healthy disgust at the extremes to which the adoration of images had gone, and a conviction that it was a departure from the spiritual worship of the early times, it does not appear that either he or his abettors or successors had any genuine religious enthusiasm. They took away the objects of popular veneration, but supplied nothing else in their place. As Milman well says : " Iconoclasm was a premature rationalism, enforced upon an unreasoning age — an attempt to spiritualize by law and edict a generation which had been un- spiritualized by centuries of materialistic devotion." ' There can be no surprise that the attempt ended in a miserable failure. All permanent religious reforms must proceed from the convictions of the people. The movement, however, was not without consequences. It was one of the chief means of loosening the bond between the East and West. It effected an irreparable rupture between Rome and Con stantinople. Leo the Armenian brought a large number of fierce iconoclasts from the borders of Armenia — Paulicians, Manichasans, and Monophysites. Disunion and hatred were introduced into the empire. Iconoclasm awakened the consciousness of results of the Eastern Church to a sense of its independence. the mote- For the first time in centuries the emperors found MENT' themselves face to face with a determined opposition. The Church 1 Latin Christianity, ii, 296 (N. Y., 1877). On the other hand, Archbishop Trench is too severe when he says, " Had the iconoclasts triumphed when their work showed itself at last in its true colors it would have proved to be a triumph, not of faith in an invisible God, but of frivolous unbelief in an incar nate Saviour " (Mediaeval Church History, p. 101). There is no evidence of this. It is said, indeed, by the orthodox historians that the iconoclasts substituted for the images of Christ and the saints in the churches those of beasts, birds, flowers, scenes from revelry and from the chase, that the monasteries were turned into inns and taverns, and that the monks were compelled to marry and even to dance publicly in the circus, locked in the embrace of women of ill fame. But as to how far this was true we do not know, and the representa tions of these writers must be taken with more than one grain of salt. 520 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. was awakened from its Erastian sleep. If, as Stokes says, the Sar acens had conquered the empire, while the Church was in that state, Christianity might have been utterly extinguished. But a new spirit came into the hearts of men when they heard such un wonted words as those of the venerable Germanus : " Without the authority of a general council the faith cannot be changed ; " and those of Pope Gregory II : " Church doctrines are not the business of emperors, but of bishops. Just as they ought not to mingle in the affairs of the State, so ought not the others to interfere in eccle siastical matters." Iconoclasm had a perceptible influence on art. It turned the at tention of artists from the crude pictures of Christ, the Virgin, and the saints, on which the artistic impulse had expended itself, to the production of decorative effects. It threw art back upon its own resources, and was a means of stimulating to nobler efforts. What appeared to be a setback was really an inspiration.1 It remains only to notice the controversy in the Western Church. Rome, leaving the safe middle ground of Gregory the Great, was committed to image worship. Not so the more practical Franks. Constantine Copronymus strove to unite the Frankish and Eastern Churches on this matter. Pepin held a council at Gentilly in 767, which maintained the ground of the first Gregory, that " Images the image of saints wrought or painted for the ornament and »ofSw^!l^„ beauty of churches might be endured, so that they were church. not had for worship, veneration, and adoration, which idolaters practice." Pope Adrian sent the decrees of the spurious ecumenical council of 787 to Charles the Great, but they met with no hospitable reception. The Caroline Books uttered the protest of Charles the Great. This is the most masterly treatise of the whole controversy. It was composed partly by Alcuin and partly by Charles the Great. It maintained a middle ground, being equally opposed to the iconoclasts and the image worshipers. Its great thought was : Images are for memorials, not for worship. It ar gues with telling force against all kinds and degrees of image wor ship." This remarkable book was followed by another protest in ' Eeber, Hist, of Mediaeval Art (N. Y., 1886), pp. 92-97. 2 The Libri Carolini were first mentioned by Archbishop Hincmar, of Rheims, in the ninth century. The reformers quoted the book against Eome, and this fact led Baronius and Bellarmine to doubt its genuineness. But Sir- mond and Natalis Alexander, both Catholics, proved that it emanated from Charles the Great or his theologians. Floss (Roman Catholic), of Bonn, in 1860, revived the doubts of Bellarmine, but since the discovery by Reiffer- scheid in 1866 of a new manuscript of the tenth century in the Vatican Li brary all suoh doubts are at rest. " The genuineness of the Libri Carolini," LATER FORTUNES OF THE ICONOCLASTIC MOVEMENT. 521 794. The great council of Frankfort was attended by delegates from France, Germany, England, Lombardy, and two delegates from Rome. Charles the Great was the president and Alcuin the leading spirit. It declared against all " adoration and service of images." ' The Frankish Church of the ninth century kept it self true to this opposition. The council of Paris, 824, confirmed that of Frankfort, and in the Chronicon of Odo, Archbishop of Vienna, the second Nicene council is expressly called a false synod, on account of its decrees concerning image worship. With the exception, therefore, of a voice here and there, the whole transalpine Church took ground directly opposed to that of Rome and the East. says Hefele, "is hereafter no longer to be questioned" (Conciliengeschichte, iii, 698). This is the position of Alzog (Ch. Hist., ii, 219). Buchanan, in Smith and Wace, i, 405, does not notice the work of Reiff erscheid. 1 Mansi, xiii, 909. 522 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : ISLAM. For an account of the older Arabic sources, see Gibbon, Smith's ed., v, 230-232. For recent Arabic lives, see Sonnenschein, The Best Books, p. 807. We give here a list of some important accessible books. 1. Ockley, S. Hist, of the Saracens. 2 vols. Lond., 1708-18 ; rev., 6th ed., 1857. Main source, Pseudo-Wakidi's Futu-al-Sham, which is romance rather than history. Long held as a high authority, but now discredited. Interesting. 2. Sale, G. The Koran, transl., with preliminary dissertations and notes. Lond., 1734; new ed., 1877. Diffuse but correct. Dissertation valuable. Potter, a contemporary, urged the suppression of the work and the im prisonment of the author for blasphemy. His offense was speaking philosophically and humanely of Islam. There is a French transl. by Savary, with valuable notes, 1782, parts of which have been incorporated into recent editions of Sale. 3. Price, J. Hist, of Mohammedanism. 4vols.,4to. Lond., 1811-21. From Persian authorities. Extends to 1556. 4. Mill, J. Hist, of Mohammedanism. Lond. , 1812. 5. Lane, E. W. Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians. 2 vols. Lond., 1836 ; new ed. by S. Lane-Poole, 1 vol., 1860 ; 2 vols., 1871. Selec tions from the Koran. Lond., 1843; new ed., rev. and enlarged, with Introduction by S. Lane-Poole, Lond., 1879. Admirable transl., and very valuable dissertation. 6. Hammer-Purgstall, von. Gesoh. des osmanischen Reiches. 10 vols. Pesth, 1827-35. 7. Dollinger, J. J. Muhammed's Religion nach ihrer innern Entwickelung u. ihrem Einflusse auf das Leben der Vblker. Eatisbon, 1838. 8. Burckhardt, J. L. Travels in Arabia. Lond., 1839. 9. Weil, G. Gesch. der Ohalifan, 5 vols., Stuttg., 1846-62 ; Gesch. der islam- ischen Yolker [from Mohammed to Selim], Stuttg., 1866; Einleitung in den Koran, Bielefeld, new ed., 1878 ; Mohammed der Prophet, sein Leben und seine Lehre, Stuttg., 1844 ; The Bible, the Koran, and the Talmud ; Biblical Legends of Mussulmans, N. T., 1846; art. Mohammedanism in McClintock and Strong, Cyclopaedia, vi, 1876. 10. Perceval, Caussin de. Essai sur I'histoire des Arabes. 3 vols. Paris, 1847-48. Standard. 11. Irving, W. Mahomet and his Successors. N. Y., 1850. 12. Merrick, J. L. Life and Religion of Mohammed, as contained in the Shiite traditions of the Hyal-ul Kuloob. Bost., 1850. 13. Crichton, A. Hist, of Arabia. Lond., 1852. 14. Freeman, E. A. Hist, and Conquests of the Saracens, Lond., 1856; new ed.,1880; The Ottoman Power in Europe, its Nature, Growth, and De cline, Lond., 1877 ; also various review articles. 15. Burton, R. F. Pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina. Belfast and Lond., 1855 ; LITERATURE: ISLAM. 523 new ed., 1880. Compare Keane, J. F. My Journey to Medina. Lond., 1881. Disguised as a Mohammedan. 16. Noldeke, Th. Geschichte des Korans. Gott. , 1860 ; Leben d. Mohammed, Han., 1863; art. Koran in Encyc. Brit., vol. xvi, 1884 (sub. Mohammed anism). 17. Rodwell, J. M. The Koran, transl. Lond., 1861. Arranged chronologically. 18. Fluegel, G. Gesch. der Araber. 2d ed., 1861. 19. Sprenger, A. Das Leben und die Lehre d. Mohammed. 3 vols. Berl., 1861-65. Best Germ. life. 1st vol., originally written in Engl., Allaha bad, 1851. 20. Krehl, L. Ueber die Religion der vorislamischen Araber, Leipz., 1863 ; Das Leben und die Lehre d. Mohammed, vol. i, Life, Leipz., 1884. 21. Renan, E. Mahomet and the Origins of Islam. In Studies of Eeligious History. Bost., 1864. 22. Palgrave, W. G. Personal Narrative of a Journey through Central and Eastern Arabia. Lond., 1865 ; 6th ed., 1871. 23. St. Hilaire, B. Mahomet et le Coran. Paris, 1865. 24. Arnold, J. M. Islam : Its History, Character, and Relation to Christianity. Lond., 1866. Rewritten and enlarged, 1874. 25. Wiistenfeld, F. The Life of Mohammed, based on Mohammed Ibn Ishak, by Abo el-Melik Ibn Hisham. Lond., 1869. 26. Syed Ahmed Khan Bahador. Essays on the Life of Mohammed and sub jects subsidiary thereto. Lond., 1870. 27. Syed Ameer Ali Moulla. Critical Exam, of the Life and Teachings of Mo hammed. Lond. , 1873. Both of these works are by Mohammedans. 28. Deutsch, E. Islam, in Literary Remains. Lond., 1874. 29. Kremer, A. Kulturgesch. des Orients unter den Chalifen, 2 vols., Leipz., 1875 ; Gesch. der herrschenden Ideen des Islams, Leipz., 1868. 30. Smith, R. Bosworth. Mohammed and Mohammedanism. N. Y., 1875 ; new ed., Lond., 1890. Apologetic for Islam. 31. Stobart, J. W. H. Islam and its Founders. Lond., 1876. 32. Muir, Sir W. Life of Mahomet, and pre-Islamic Hist, of Arabia, 4 vols., Lond., 1858-61; Life of Mahomet from Original Sources, Lond., 1877; Mahomet and Islam, Lond., 1882, new ed., 1887; Annals of the Early Caliphate, Lond., 1883 ; The Koran, its Composition and Teaching, and the Testimony it Bears to the Holy Scriptures, Lond., 1878 ; Extracts from the Koran (text and transl.), Lond., 1880; The Caliphate: Rise, Decline, and Fall, Lond. and N. Y, 1891. Muir devoted his life to the study of Islam, and he is one of the three great authorities, the other two being Sprenger and Weil. 33. Osborn, R. O. Islam under the Arabs, Lond., 1876; Islam under the Khalif of Bagdad, Lond., 1878. 34. Stephens, W. R. W. Christianity and Islam, the Bible and the Koran. Lond. andN.Y, 1877. 35. Hirschfeld, H. Jiidische Elemente in Koran, Berl., 1878; Beitrage zur Erklarung des Koran, Leipz., 1886. 36. Dozy, R. Essai zur I'histoire de l'Islamisme. Leyden, 1879. 37. Palmer, E. H. The Koran, transl., with Introd. 2 vols. Lond. and N. Y., 1880. See Briggs in Presb. Rev., 1881, 631. Valuable. 38. Pischon. Der Einfluss des Islam auf das Leben seiner Bekenner. Leipz., 1881. 524 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 39. Hauri, J. Das Islam in seinem Eiufluss auf das Leben seiner Bekenner. Leyden, 1882. 40. Sell, E. The Faith of Islam. Lond., 1881. 41. Wherry, E. M. Commentary on the Quran, with Sale's transl. 4 vols. Lond., 1882-86. Contains additional dissertations and notes. 42. Poole, S. Lane. Studies in a Mosque. Lond., 1883. " Treats of Islam in its manifold phases, from its birth at Mekka to its apotheosis in the Persian miracle play." Interesting and scholarly. See Modern Rev., 1883, p. 632. Speeches and Table Talk of Mohammed. Lond. and N. Y. , 1882. 43. Bate, J. D. Studies in Islam, pt. i. Banaras, Allahabad, and Lond., 1884. Able, with abundant references. 44. Bestmann. Die Anf ange des kathol. Christenthums in dem Islam. Nordl. , 1884. 45. Hughes, T. P. Dictionary of Islam, Lond., 1885; notes on Mohammed anism, 2d ed., rev., Lond., 1877. 46. Clyde, J. C. Mohammedanism, a Pseudo-Christianity, or the Koran and the Bible compared as to Hist, and Theology. Easton, Pa. , 1888. 47. Koelle, S. W. Mohammed and Mohammedanism Critically Considered. Lond., 1889. 48. Haines, C. R. Islam as a Missionary Religion. Lond., 1889. 49. Bunsen, Ernest de. Christianity and Islam. Lond., 1889. 50. Pool, J. J. Studies in Mohammedanism, with chapter on Islam in Eng land. Lond., 1892. For briefer discussions, see Leitner in Religious Systems of the World, Lond., Sonnenschein, 1890 ; Muir, in Non-Biblical Systems of Religion, Lond. and N. Y., 1887; Dods, Mohammed, Buddha, and Christ, Lond., 1877, new ed., 1887 ; Starbuck, in Andover Rev., July, 1892 ; Hughes, in Andover Rev., Jan., May, and July, 1888 ; Carlyle, in Heroes and Hero Worshipers (Hero as a Prophet), Lond., 1841, often reprinted ; Newman, The History of the Turks in their Relation to Europe, in Hist. Sketches, Lond. , 1872, 6th ed. , 1886, vol. i, pp. 1-238 ; Stanley, in Hist, of Eastern Church, pp. 246-270 ; Kingsley, in Alex andria and Her Schools; Tiele, C. T., Outlines of the Hist, of Religion, Lond., 1877 ; arts, by Weil and Worman, in McClintock and Strong ; by Wellhausen, Gayard, and Noldeke, in Encyc. Brit. , 9th ed. ; by Deutsch and Milne, in Cham bers ; National Rev. , July, 1858, Oct. , 1861 ; Quarterly Rev. , Oct. , 1869 (Deutsch), Jan., 1877 ; Chr. Remembrancer, Jan., 1855 (Cazenove) ; Brit, and For. Evang. Rev., Jan., 1877 (Robson) ; Brit. Quar. Rev., Jan., 1872; Historical Statements of the Koran, in Princeton Essays, 2d Series, 584, fE. ; R. Stuart Poole, The Pagan and Muslim Arabs, in Fortnightly Rev. , Oct. 15, 1865 ; Stille, Studies in Mediae val Hist., pp. 98-126. j r ; j h.. •-¦ v\. . ¦ . .. . THE RISE OF ISLAM. 525 CHAPTER X. THE RISE OF ISLAM. " About this time the false prophet Mohammed, of whom we have spoken before, died, and was buried in hell." ' In these words a Benedictine monk sums up the inveterate hatred of the mediaeval Church for one whom a true instinct taught her was her worst foe. For never was a religion more perfectly fitted, both in its elements of good and evil, to counteract and destroy Chris tianity among the Semitic people. An attempt has recently been made, prompted by a generous feeling, to reconsider the relations of Christianity to Islam, and to prove that Islam is the friend and ally of the Church. R. Bosworth Smith, in some eloquent and scholarly lectures, has plainly set forth this view." So it might seem to an optimistic student of the closet. But it has never so seemed to those who have faced the sword of Mohammed. Mohammed was born in Mecca in 569 or 570." He was the only son of Abdallah and Amina, of honorable parentage, in the illus trious tribe of Koreish. His father died two months before the birth of Mohammed, and Sprenger attributes the nervous and epi leptic temperament of the son to the shock which this bereavement gave the widow. Mohammed's mother died when he was seven years of age, and he was brought up by his rich uncle, Abu Taleb. At the age of twenty-five he entered the service of mohammed's Cadijah, a wealthy widow of Mecca, and his commercial EAKLT "»s- shrewdness so pleased that lady that a road was opened to her affec tions, and they were married. He was now twenty-eight. Twelve years passed before he received his alleged prophetic mission. These years he gave to his business and to religious meditation and study. He was wont to repair with his wife to the cave of Hira for prayer, and here his anxious vigils were followed by trances, visions, and con vulsive fits. In one of these the angel Gabriel appeared to him and communicated the new faith. There is no reason to doubt that Mo hammed was perfectly sincere that in the epileptic visions he had received a divine message. As Stobart well says, " We shall see in 1 Mat. West., ch. xi, ap. A. D. 669. The real date of Mohammed is 632. 2 Mohammed and Mohammedanism. New ed., 1890. 3 The date is uncertain. Weil places it in 571. The traditions differ, and scholars are not agreed. See note by Smith in his ed. of Gibbon, v, 206. 526 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. him the picture of a soul at first honestly searching for the light amid ecstatic visions of heaven and hell, under conviction of the unity of God and of his beneficent kindness, and, persuaded that the raging fire and the pit were for those whose balances were not heavy with good deeds,1 believing in the future judgment of the one righteous God" and in the fate of those nations which rejected the Lord. Amid such visions and fancies, groping his way to a purer faith, he at length comes to believe that the trances and mental paroxysms which drove him to meditate suicide ' were the workings of the same God who in ages past had inspired their other messengers, and now had selected him for the same high office."4 His first convert was his faithful wife, Cadijah. His bosom friend, Abu Bekr, received the faith, as did his adopted son, Ali, the latter in these ominous and characteristic words : " Prophet, I am the man ; whosoever rises against thee I will dash out his teeth, tear out his eyes, break his legs, rip up his belly. 0 Prophet, I will be thy vizier over them." Nothing could now prevent Mohammed from the public preaching of his message in Mecca, the heart of the Arabian idolatry. When his uncle and benefactor, Abu Taleb, tried to dissuade him, the brave fanatic replied, " Spare your remon strances ; if they should place the sun on my right hand and the moon on my left they should not divert me from my course." His converts increased among his own family and friends and among the poor of Mecca. The family of the Koreish, the tra ditional priestly guardians of the sacred stone, the Caaba, took offense. " The hope of their gains was gone." A long-estab lished priesthood, pecuniarily interested, are bad enemies. They pursued Mohammed relentlessly. He was under an interdict for three years. He changed his bed every night, to avoid the assassin. He kept outside of Mecca, venturing into the city only during the holy seasons. He found that he must give up the idea of making Mecca the center of the regenerated faith of Arabia. The opposition was too strong and the risk too great. His death was resolved on. The only alternative left was flight. In 622 he made his escape to Medina, not without providential deliverance, as the legends say,5 1 Koran, Sura ci, 1-8. 2 Sura xcv. 3 He was about to throw himself from Mount Thubeir, but was arrested by a voice from heaven. See Muir, ii, 84. 4 Islam and its Founder, p. 65. 6 While sleeping in a cave at night the spider spun its web over the entrance. A brood of wood pigeons, undisturbed, seemed to show that he was not within. A later legend says that a tree grew up before the entrance of the cave, at the command of the prophet (Weil, p. 79). ' ' There are many that fight against us, " said the fearful Abu Bekr, who shared his flight, "and we are but two." " No," said Mohammed, " there is a third — it is God." THE RISE OF ISLAM. 527 and thus began the era of the Hegira or Flight, the beginning of the Mohammedan chronology.1 The later life of Mohammed is soon told. He was received with enthusiasm at Medina. He began to lead marauding expeditions against the merchant caravans of Mecca. He now became the prophet warrior of the Arabs. He professed to receive communi cations urging war upon the idolaters." With the taste of blood his nature, as well as his religion, underwent a change. He attacked the Meccan caravan at Badr, 623, and overthrew it. The prisoners he slaughtered in cold blood, God granting the necessary justifica tion in a revelation.3 Another revelation divided one fifth of the booty to the prophet, the rest to " those who had fought and those who had stayed under the ensign."4 Mohammed was less success ful at Mount Ohud, but his enemies had to raise the siege of Medina, 625, and leave him to his uninterrupted career of conquest. He next captured some Jewish tribes, and ordered their male prisoners to death and their women and children into slavery. success of Eight hundred were slaughtered in cold blood, and this mohammed. prophet of the "All-Merciful," as he calls God, could witness this slaughter of defenseless prisoners not only without pity, but with fierce denunciation on the heads of the unfortunates, a "deed com parable in its atrocity to the massacre at Melos,* and to the act of that sanguinary wretch who directed the blood bath of Stockholm." " In 629 or 630 he captured Mecca, and in the latter year, through the great battle of Taif, became master of all Arabia. He consoli dated his religion and gave further laws, and on June 8, 632, died in Mecca, on the lap of Ayesha.7 Mohammed had a strangely mixed character. Amiable, faithful to friends, tender in his family relations, extremely simple in his 1 The exact day is uncertain. It ' ' properly commenced sixty-eight days before the flight of Mohammed, with the first of Moharram, or first day of that Arabian year, which coincides with Friday, July 16, A. D. 622," Gibbon, ch. i, note 118. Stobart says he fled from the Cave of Waur on June 20, and arrived at Me dina June 28 (p. 134). Milman makes the era of flight April 19 (ii, 622) ; Caussin de Perceval, June 18 or 19 ; Weil, September 20. The first month of the flight was April, 622. " The day of the flight itself is the 18th or 19th of June, 622, but the Mohammedans reckon from the beginning of the first Mo hammedan month of the year (1st Moharram) in which the flight took place, that is, 15th or 16th July, 622" (MoeUer, Church Hist., Middle Ages, 1893, p. 5, note). s See Koran, Sura ii, 189, 214 ; xvii, 4-7. 3 Koran, Sura viii, 68-76. 4 Sura viii. 5 Thucydides, v, 116. 6 Stobart, p. 165 ; Muir, iii, 277. 7 The Christian mediaeval chroniclers say that he met death by being torn to pieces by swine when rolling in an epileptic fit on a dunghill. Math, of Westm. , ch. xi, ap. A. D. 622 ; Math. Paris (Giles), p. 27. 528 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. domestic life, he was also deeply religious, according to his stand ard. He had the poetic temperament of the Arabian, and with that a melancholia which bordered on frenzy. Neither he nor mohammed's his most intimate followers doubted for a moment the character, reality of his divine call, and his superstitious belief in omens and dreams is another reason for abandoning the old notion that he was a conscious impostor. On the other hand, he was "deceitful, cunning, cowardly, revengeful, sensual, and a mur derer." He allowed four wives to each of the faithful, but he him self had eleven and several slave girls, the additional indulgence being protected by a special revelation in the Koran. PRINCIPLES AND RESULTS OF MOHAMMEDANISM. 529 CHAPTER XI. PRINCIPLES AND RESULTS OF MOHAMMEDANISM. The principles of Mohammedanism were a combination of Juda ism, Christianity, and the old Arabian religion, with striking orig inal features. The prophet was often thrown among Jews and Christians, but his knowledge of Christianity was from apocryphal and secondhand sources, and discolored by the bad influences of the wretched Church of the Orient. The strength and glory of Mo hammedanism was, and is, its promulgation of the doctrine of the unity of God. With that great idea Mohammed shattered the idolatries of Arabia, and elevated the religious worship of vast sections of the world. Moses and the Old Testament THE PRINCI. worthies, according to Mohammed, were real prophets ples of islam. of God ; and preeminently so was Jesus Christ, born miraculously and the worker of miracles — an honor Mohammed disclaimed — who himself pointed to Mohammed, and whose work Mohammed took up and fulfilled ; Christ was a man only. There will be a resurrection of the body and a final judgment of all men ; all be lievers, through whatsoever straits, will finally get into paradise, and all unbelievers will go straight to hell ; predestination is taught in its baldest form : " God misleadeth whom he pleases, and guid- eth whom he pleases aright ; " " He created man upright, and then caused him to be the vilest of the vile ; " " The fate of every man is bound about his neck ; " " If thy Lord had pleased he had made all men of one religion, but unto this hath he created them, for the word of the Lord shall be fulfilled, Verily I will fill hell altogether with men and genii." ' It is this unconditional submission to God's decree that has given a name, Islam," to the faith. The delights of heaven will be both sensual and spiritual, according to the aptitudes and desires of the faithful. The practical duties of Islam are prayer, alms, fasting, and pilgrimage. Circumcision and other laws similar to those among the Jews are in force. Emanuel Deutsch has claimed, in- ' See Sura vi, 123, 125, 127 ; vii, 179, 186 ; x, 98 ; xi, 119 ; xiii, 29, 34 ; xiv, 21 ; xvi, 35, 93, et al. '' Islam is derived from Salem, " peace," and means to make peace, to obtain immunity, by submission to a superior. 34 530 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. deed, that Islam is largely a transfusion of Judaism into Arabian forms. "It is not merely parallelisms, reminiscences, allusions, technical terms, and the like, of Judaism, its lore and dogma and ceremony, its Halacha and its Haggadah, its Law and Legend, which we find in the Koran ; but we think Islam neither more nor less than Judaism as adapted to Arabia — plus the apostleship of Jesus and Mohammed. Nay, we verily believe that a great deal of such Christianity as has found its way into the Koran has found it through Jewish channels."1 No doubt some of the best parts of his teaching the prophet derived, directly or indirectly,. through the Jews, though he personally treated them with great harshness. The Koran brands injustice, avarice, pride, debauchery, and other sins, while it exalts piety, submissiveness before God, be nevolence, liberality, and decency. But the principles of Mohammedanism have a darker side. There is, first, polygamy. The faithful are limited to four wives, but are not restricted as tothe number of concubines and female slaves." Freeman has correctly said that this has undoubtedly proved one of the greatest and most fearful evils of the Mohammedan system." It has destroyed the family throughout the East, hardened the tone and sapped the vigor of the upper classes, and led to intrigue, revolu- n.„..™..= ™ tion, and murder in the State.4 In fact, the number of J Hi; h. V ILjB OJf mohammedan- wives is practically unlimited, as the Koran allows an almost unchecked power of divorce and exchange.6 Islam is true to its Eastern origin in the virtual slavery and degra dation to which women are consigned. Christianity sprang from the East, but we are in another world when we consider its teachings in regard to women. The Mohammedan " may repudiate his wives without any assigned reason and without warning ; may, if apprehensive of disobedience, rebuke, imprison, and strike them/ and against this the dishonored spouse has almost no means of re dress."7 Thus it happens that good Mohammedans have a new 1 Art Islam, in the Quarterly Review, October, 1869, reprinted as an appen dix to R. Bosworth Smith, Mohammed and Mohammedanism, p. 290. The Jews themselves strongly opposed the prophet, and would even have preferred idol atry to his system. See Lane, Selections from the Koran, p. xi. Manlvi Tayyid Amir, Life of Mohammed, p. 77. Bate, Studies in Islam, p. 217, and note. Sprenger in Zeits. f . deutsche morgenland. Gesellsphaft, 1875, p. 655. Geiger, Was hat Mahomed aus dem Judenthum aufgenommen ? Bonn, 1833. Neander, iii, 86. s Sura iv, 3 ; Ixx, 30. 3 Hist, of the Saracens, p. 53. 4 Muir, The Koran, p. 60 ; Life of Mohammed, ii, 140, note ; iii, 305. 6 Sura iv, 18 ; Stobart, Islam and its Founder, p. 150. ' Sura iv, 28. 7 Stobart, p. 51. This work, by an expert, is written with rare impartiality. Its author is principal of La Matiniere College, Lucknow. PRINCIPLES AND RESULTS OF MOHAMMEDANISM. 531 wife every two or three months, and even young men have been known to have had twenty and thirty wives. * The social degrada tion of a legal system of this kind is unspeakable. The concubine system has fastened slavery to Islam with strong bands. " Early Christianity did not make war on Roman SLAVERY slavery, but it ameliorated and finally abolished it. But Islam makes slavery a part of itself. Immense numbers of girls are sold every year in the Mohammedan markets," and still the Moslem leads the bloody track through Africa to the infinite shame of the world. Cardinal Lavigerie died fighting this gigantic wrong. A third blot on Islam is its obligation to make war against un believers. With idolaters, the fighting men are to be slain, the women and children reduced to slavery ; with Jews and Christians, a limited tolerance, with tribute, is allowed upon submission. " 0 true believers, wage war against such of the infidels as islam's tenets are near you, and let them find severity in you and 0F WAB- know that God is with them that fear him." 4 At first prisoners were to be slain ; afterward their ransom was made lawful.6 Unbelievers are to be slaughtered until all opposition has ceased.' " Woe to the Mussulman who stays by his fireside instead of going to war ; he cannot escape death, for the term of his life is fixed. Does he fear the burning heat of the combat ? The infernal re gions are hotter than the heats of summer." " Paradise is before you, behind you the flames of hell.'" The Koran has bequeathed to mankind, as Milman remarks, the "legacy of implacable ani mosity." This is the damnable blot of Islam. With all its noble features, this has made it a curse and a scourge. The Bible of Islam is the Koran, claiming to be the direct dicta tion of God. It has many beautiful and lofty passages, but vast tracts are infinitely wearisome. Carlyle said that to read it through was impossible except to a believer. Lane, an 1 The best discussion of woman in Mohammedanism is Bate, Studies in Is lam, Lond., 1884, pp. 247-291. He gives abundant references. See also Muir ; Burekhardt, Bedouins and Wehabys, 110-115, 270-280 ; Arabia, i, 402, et al; Palgrave, Central and Eastern Arabia, ii, 214, 233. Palgrave speaks of the vice roy marrying on trial, so to say, every fortnight, and every fortnight securing a new divorce ; all according to the strictest forms of Mohammedan law. Mo hammedan writers point to the shameful haunts of Christian cities as entirely absent in Islam. But what excuse is there, with such a system as the above ? 2 Sura iv, 28. 3 Burekhardt, Arabia, i, 218 ; Bate, Studies in Islam, 298. 4 Sura ix. 6 Sura viii, 66-69. " Sura xlvii, 4-7. * Duruy, Middle Ages, p. 84 ; Stobart, pp. 192, 193, 226 ; Muir, The Koran, p. 57 ; Milman, Latin Christianity, ii, 142-148. THE KORAN. 532 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. accomplished Arabic scholar and enthusiast in Arabic culture, con fessed that the reading of it was " extremely tiresome." ' Lake pro fessed to have read it through, though this unwonted feat did not serve to make his book the more accurate." Rodman has arranged its chapters (suras) chronologically. At the beginning are rhapsodic and incoherent poems. Then follow the theology and laws of Islam, with historic notices, many repetitions, and much vague and useless matter. The authority of the Koran is absolute, whether in science, polity, or religion. The several revelations were put to gether by Zeid, the prophet's amanuensis, a final and accurate text was made, and this text has reached us in an absolutely correct form, with no variations whatever." This publication of the au thoritative text was done in the reign of Othman, 644-656. 1 Modern Egyptians, i, 382 ; see Bate, p. 211, note. * Lake, Islam, its Origin, Genius, and Mission, Lond., 1878. Bate pointed out several errors. 3 What variations of text exist are almost entirely confined to vowel forms and diacritical points. Muir, The Koran, p. 39. On the inspiration of the Koran, see Robson, The Bible, its Revelation, Inspiration, and Evidence, Lond., 1883, pp. iv, v. The two best books on the Koran are SirW. Muir, The Koran, its Composition and Teaching, and the Testimony it bears to the Holy Scriptures, Lond., 1878 ; and Weil, Einleitung in den Koran, Bielefeld and Leipz., 1878. See an admirable article by T. P. Hughes in the Andover Review, May, 1888, 466, ff. THE SPREAD OF MOHAMMEDANISM. 533 CHAPTER XII. THE SPREAD OF MOHAMMEDANISM. The wide and sudden propagation of Islam is one of the phe nomena of history. Under Othman, Persia was subdued and the Moslem sway extended as far as the Oxus. Jerusalem surrendered in 637. In 638 all Syria was annexed to the caliphate. The great conqueror Omar (Amru) also conquered Egypt, 641, and, according to later chronicles, burned the great library of Alexandria.1 In 672 the Mohammedans began their fateful attacks on Constantinople, keeping up the siege for seven years, and renewed the war with might ier force in 717. But both attempts were thwarted by r J ISLAM'S CA- the Greek fire. Hassan brought under the whole Af- reer of con- rican coast by the conquest of Carthage, 698. In 711 the QUEST' Saracens crossed the Straits of Hercules, subjugated the Visigothic kingdom, and descended into France. " This was a solemn moment in the history of the world. The question was decided in the famous plains between Tours and Poitiers, where the powerful Aus- trasian infantry of Charles Martel, like a wall of iron, resisted the fiery horsemen of Arabia, of Syria, and of Magrib (732)." " Thus 1 The tendency is to discredit this story. Humboldt says it is a myth (Cos mos, ii, 582). Adams says.it is now disbelieved (note to Duruy, Mediaeval His tory, p. 87, who claims that it has not been proved). Gibbon is " strongly tempted" to the same unbelief (chap, i, vol. v, p. 357). There is room to doubt, yet the report is strongly substantiated. Several Mohammedan writers have confirmed the report of Abul-Pharajius ; Macrisi, cited by White, .tEgyptiaca, pp. 56, 65 ; Abdollatiph, Hist., 115 ; Ibn Chaledun ; and Hadschi Chalfa. See Von Hammer, Geschichte der Assassinen, p. 17, who, with White, St. Martin, de Sacy, and other eminent orientalists, accepts the received tradition of the burning of the library. Matter does the same in his Hist, de l'ficole d'Alexan- drie, i, 342. See Milman, note to Gibbon, as above. Charles Mills, in the first ed. of his History of Mohammedanism, adhered to the views of Gibbon, but on further investigation among Arabic and other authorities changed his mind in the second ed. , and said that the evidence for the burning could not be resisted. See the subject discussed by Bate, Studies in Islam, pp. 230-239. The Moham medan writers bring a similar charge against Count Bertram of St. Gilles, a crusader; who ordered the whole contents of the first room of the great library at Tripoli — this room containing nothing but the Koran — to be burned, as the works of the false prophet. The whole library is said to have contained three million volumes. See Wilken, Gesch. der Kreuzziige, ii, 211. 2 Duruy, Middle Ages, p. 90. 534 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. from the Indus to the Pyrenees lay the Moslem empire. Like the Germans, they settled in their conquered countries, and refashioned them after their Eastern and Moslem civilization. The cause of this marvelous success was twofold : the exhaus tion, degeneracy, and feebleness of Europe and Asia, weakened by wars and bitter internecine and sectarian strife, and the valorous enthusiasm of the Arabs, borne onward by religious fanaticism and the greed of the spoil. Among the Christians imperial centraliza tion, extortion, and ecclesiastical persecution had so smothered patriotism that the Moslems were in some cases almost welcomed, though few became actual converts. Superior leadership was also an element in this success.1 1 See Andrews, Institutes of General History, ch. vii, § 5 ; Milman, Lat. Christianity, ii, 165 ; Hallam, Middle Ages, i, 593 ; Draper, Intellectual De velopment of Europe, i, 337. RELATION OF ISLAM TO THE CHURCH. 535 CHAPTER XIII. RELATION OF ISLAM TO THE CHURCH. The effect on the Church of the Moslem uprising is seen in the flickering and apologetic existence of the Churches in every land touched by the foot of the Mohammedan. The Church has never been itself again in any land thus permanently possessed. Islam favored the heretic sects, perhaps, more than the ortho- EFFE0TS 0P dox. The Nestorians, the Copts, and the Jacobites islam on thb have kept up their organizations, but the privileges of CHTJRCH- the Christians have been so abridged that the Church has never held up its head in the East.1 Another effect was the "transmu tation of Christianity into a religion of war." Though there had been local strifes before, never yet had the whole Church felt called upon to appeal to the sword. Now its very existence made neces sary the baptism of the sword. Hence followed in due time the first Christian aggressive wars in history, the Crusades. All the blackest crimes and passions — for war stands for these — must be invoked. This was the awful ordeal forced on Christianity by Islam in order to protect its faith, its lands, and its homes." A third result was the consolidation of the papal power. The patri archates in Asia were swept away or so enfeebled that they could no longer assert themselves. Rome and Constantinople alone re mained, facing each other like two enraged lions. Rome, secure in her orbis terrarum, arose still higher on the ruins of the East, and every stroke of the Moslem sword cut a way for her advance. The question of the value of Mohammed's work, and the proper attitude of the Church toward this religion, has been hotly con tested. There was not much that was original in his message. The Koreish charged Mohammed with taking his doctrine from the Asatyr of the Ancients, a book several times quoted in the Koran. A great monotheistic prophet had already arisen in Arabia, in Qoss, who had preached a purer faith at the fair of Okatz. So also did Omayah of Tayef anticipate the purer elements of the prophet's message. Zayd was another forerunner.' Sprenger has admirably expressed the facts. He says that all the leading men 1 For the disabilities of the Christians, see Milman, ii, 159. * See some excellent remarks on this point in Milman, ii, 169. 536 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. among Mohammed's converts during the first six years had "held sources of tlie tenets which form the basis of the religion of the doctrines of Arabic prophet long before he preached them. They islam. were Qot hig toolg^ ¦but hig conBtitUents. He clothed the sentiments which he had in common with them in poetical lan guage, and his malady gave divine sanction to his oracles. Even when he was acknowledged as the messenger of God, Omar had as much influence on the development of Islam as Mohammed him self. He sometimes attempted to overrule the convictions of these men, but succeeded in very few instances. Islam is not the work of Mohammed, it is not the doctrine of the impostor ; it embodies the faith and sentiments of men who for their talents and virtues must be considered as the most distinguished of their nation, and who acted under all circumstances so faithfully to the spirit of the Arabs that they must be regarded as their representatives. Islam is therefore the offspring of the spirit of the times, and the voice of the Arabic nation. It is this which made it victorious, particularly among nations whose habits resemble those of the Arab, like the Berbers and Tartars. There is, however, no doubt that the im postor had defiled it with his immorality and perverseness of mind, and that most of the objectionable doctrines are his."1 Leaving out the use of the word impostor, the conclusions of this eminent investigator are thoroughly reliable, and are borne out by nearly all impartial scholars." By its monotheism and better laws Mohammedanism has, no doubt, brought many people to a higher civilization than fetichism and crude idolatry. But its Koran has stereotyped some of the mohammedan- most vicious provisions, and has doomed the Islamic busonctvil- nati°ns to eemibarbarism. The intellectual achieve- ization. ments of the Arabs had no vital connection with the principles of progress, so that all the brilliant display passed away, leaving the people inert and dead.3 How to convert the Moham medan is a knotty problem in missions. For it is evident that we cannot rest in the conclusion of Smith, that Islam is divinely in tended to be the religion of the East,4 nor be discouraged by the 1 Mohammed, p. 174. 2 Compare Krehl, Das Leben des Mohammed, Leipz., 1884, p. 28; Kuenen Volksreligion und Weltreligion, pp. 14, 37, f. ; Wellhausen, art. Mohammed in Encyc. Brit., 9th ed. ; Smith, note to Gibbon, v, 214, 215 ; Scott, Curr. Dis., iii, 167. 3 For a very favorable account of the Arab civilization, see Draper, Intel lectual Development of Europe, ii, 30-53 ; Bate's remarks on the same, Studies in Islam, pp. 218-247. 4 Mohammed and Mohammedanism, p. 259. RELATION OF ISLAM TO THE CHURCH. 537 reproaches of Isaac Taylor, that Christian missions among the Mos lems have entirely failed, while Islam itself keeps on its conquering march, winning more converts in Africa in a year than Christianity wins in a decade.1 As we write these words fresh reports reach us of more unspeak able outrages of the Turks in Armenia. These nations cannot rest forever under the blighting load of Islam with its lust and cruelty. The alleged truth for which Islam stands is the pledge that God will yet redeem the "great antagonistic creed" from its dark and debasing elements.'' 1 Taylor, in an address before the Church Congress at Wolverhampton, in England, 1887. See the ' ' Debate on Islam " in the Andover Rev. , January, 1888, pp. 80-86; "The Great Missionary Failure," by Taylor, in the Fortnightly Rev., October, 1888, p. 448, ff. This article and the address led to a volumi nous discussion in the reviews and periodicals on the success of modern mis sions, and especially of missions among the Moslems. 2 A brilliant and profound analysis of Islam in its relation to Christianity and civilization is given by Starbuck in the Andover Rev., July, 1892, p. 58, ff. Compare Hughes, Missions to Muslims, in Andover Rev., 1888, 1-18, excellent suggestions by an eminent authority. Wesley, taking a sufficiently pessimistic view of Islam (Works, Lond. ed., vi, 278 ; ix, 215, 216), yet says : "I have no authority from the word of God to judge them that are without, nor do I con ceive that any man living has a right to sentence all the heathen and Mahom etan world to damnation " (vii, 353). 538 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER XIV. THE DIVISION BETWEEN THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES-THE ATTEMPT AT REUNION. The iconoclastic dispute is enough to prove how widely apart the East and West were drifting, and how grave and irreconcilable were the points of discord. They had, indeed, been growing apart for centuries. The very type of mind in the East as contrasted with the West was an element of separation. The East was contemplative, metaphysical, hair-splitting ; the West was practical, legal, pro gressive. This difference of temperament was not in itself a suffi cient cause of the separation, but, intensified by time, it was ample to overcome the natural bonds of sympathy, and thus prevent each from seeing the other's point of view. ' The first element of difference was doctrinal. Originally, this doctrinal di- chiefly centered around the doctrine of the Holy Spirit's tergesce. procession from the Father — the Filioque controversy. The Nicene creed ran simply, " I believe in the Holy Ghost." At the second general council, that at Constantinople (381), this clause was added, " who proceedeth from the Father." " The third general council, at Ephesus (431), ordered that it should not be lawful to make any additions to the creed. Some of the Western fathers, however, taught that the Spirit proceeds from the Son as well as from the Father. The Filioque clause had been in fact introduced into the creed in Spain and France, and recited in the churches. The popes did not at first favor this. Pope Leo III (795-816) censured this departure from the original form, and, in order to emphasize the importance of the exact words of the true creed, caused the creed of Constantinople to be engraved on silver plates in Greek and Latin, and thus to be publicly displayed in the church. Pope Nicholas I (858-867), however, with the true infallible in stinct, authorized the addition. For this the West was condemned in 879, at Constantinople, at what the Greeks call the eighth gen eral council. This disregard of the ancient formularies of the Church, which were to them as dear as life, mortally offended the Greeks, and they could hold no communion with a Church which had thus added to the faith. 1 Tozer, The Church and the Eastern Empire, p. 172. - In accordance with John xv, 26. DIVISION BETWEEN EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES. 539 At the Council of Florence (1439), convened to compose the dif ferences between the Greeks and the Latins, the doctrine of purga tory was another source of irreconcilable contention. The Ro man Church had gone farther than the Eastern in its elaboration of this doctrine, which had assumed a crass, crude, and almost brutally materialistic form. The Greek Church was content to say simply that prayers offered in connection with the holy sacrifice of the eucharist would avail for the imperfect dead in helping them to a blessed resurrection. ¦ It rejected entirely the Roman idea of penal suffering after death for any who died in Christ. There were also differences as to discipline. The Roman Church had been inclining more and more to a false asceticism differences in regard to marriage. In the second Trullan council 0F discipline. (691 or 692) it was ordered that married persons might be ordained as priests, deacons, and subdeacons, and that, if married, they should not be obliged to separate from their wives. The Roman Church opposed this decree, and the council more than hinted that the Roman Church dishonored marriage, instituted by God and sanctioned by Christ at Cana." This council held that the number of valid and binding apostolical canons, so called, was eighty-five, while the Roman Church acknowledged only fifty. The council also condemned the practice of the Western Church in fasting on the Sabbath (Saturday) before Easter. The Greek Church held that the provisions of the apostolic council (Acts xv) were valid for all time, while the Roman Church considered them abolished by the change in the times. This council also held that Christ ought not to be represented in artistic figures in the form of a lamb, which was a common practice in the West. The papal legates subscribed the decrees of this council, but the pope forbade their publication in all the churches of the West.3 There were other points of difference more trivial still. If at the present time we have seen the Church of England shaken to its center over the color and style of clerical garments, the "East ward position," and other incidents, we need not be surprised that in a barbaric period two sections of the Church were antagonistic over the Latin custom of shaving the priest's beard and of allowing the faithful to eat eggs and cheese during the first week in Lent. The ten commandments could be outraged with impunity by eccle siastics in both East and West, but the ancient fellowship and in tercommunion of the Catholic Church must be broken over the tith ing of mint and anise. More serious were the allegations that the 1 See Longer Catechism of the Holy Orthodox Church, questions 376, 377. 2 Neander, iii, 557. ' Kurtz, § 63, 2. 540 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Latins ordained deacons to be bishops without passing through the order of the priesthood, and that they sacrificed a lamb at Easter, in imitation of the Jews. The doctrinal and disciplinary differences in themselves were suf ficient to rupture the old-time relations even if they had not been aggravated by the fatal stumbling-block, the unparalleled assump tions of the papal autocracy. The second Trullan council1 (692), a council which claimed to be ecumenical and was recognized as such even by Pope Sergius I, in enumerating the sources of the canon law, omitted almost all the Latin councils and papal decretals. It also repeated and enforced anew the celebrated twenty-eighth canon of Chalcedon (451), which allowed the Patriarch of Constantinople the same authority in the Church as the Patriarch of Rome. But these protests could do little to stem the mighty tide which was bear ing the Roman bishops to the leadership of Christendom. As the head of the Church in the eternal city — the center of the world for a thousand years — and as the Patriarch of the West the Bishop of Rome had gradually advanced his claims from that of THE claim of a j roman primus inter pares of the other bishops to that of su- sufremact. premacy over the whole Church. The East never ad mitted this claim — a claim which the pope built on his possession of the chair of St. Peter ; but circumstances led to an almost virtual acknowledgment on the part of the East. The Patriarch of Constantinople had nothing to fall back upon but his relation to the court, and had become its creature and its slave. But Rome was upheld by a great religious and historical principle, which, though falsely applied and grossly exaggerated, contained an element of truth, and by a sentiment which, like that of patriotism, may be unreasoning but yet indestructible. The aggressions of the barbarians had only increased the power of the Roman bishop, because he alone stood out amid weak rulers as the representative of a power which, coming from God, never quailed before a foe. And while the East was rent with the most violent controversies, the West went on in comparative quiet in its religious development. "The controversialists," says Kurtz, "sought the mediating judgment of Rome, the oppressed sought its intercession and protection, and, because the Roman bishops almost invariably lent the weight of their intellectual and moral influence to the cause of truth and right, the party in whose favor decision was given almost certainly at last prevailed. Thus Rome advanced from day to day in the eyes of the Christian world, and soon demanded as a 1 So called because held in the mussel-shaped vaulted hall, Trullus, in the imperial castle at Constantinople. DIVISION BETWEEN EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES. 541 constant right what personal confidence or pressure of circumstances had won for it in particular cases." A point once gained was never lost. The hierarchical feeling also found a rallying point in the chair of St. Peter. " Thus Rome advanced with firm steps and steady aim, and in spite of all opposition continually approached nearer and nearer the end in view. The East could at last hold on and save its ecclesiastical independence only by a complete and in curable division." ¦ The extraordinary pretensions of Rome were reached in a letter by Pope Nicholas I to the Emperor Michael the Sot the letter of in the Photian controversy. The pope dwelt with un- ^^sthe bounded confidence upon the privileges of the holy see, breach. their eternal and unchangeable character, their divine origin, and their absolute independence of all human or even ecclesiastical ordinance. " The Roman Church," he wrote, " encompasses and comprehends within herself all the nations of mankind, she being in herself the universal Church, the mirror and model of that which she embraceth with her bosom. To Peter, and to Peter alone, was committed the command to kill and eat, as in like manner he alone of all the apostles received the divine command to draw to the shore the net full of fishes." Unto us has been committed that identical commission to embrace in our paternal arms the whole flock of Christ."' Nicholas was the first pope to promulgate or formally recognize the forged decretals, and these gave to claims which had before been vaguely and tentatively held the authority of unbroken tradition. These novel and extravagant pretensions formed a deep gulf between the East and the West. Another wedge was the dispute over the sacramental bread in the Lord's Supper. It had been the universal custom to use ordinary (fermented) bread in the eucharist. In the ninth century the Western Church began to use unleavened bread, after the manner of the Jewish passover. This angered the East, and the bigoted and fierce Michael Cerularius, Patriarch of Constantinople, brought home this charge in a letter to Pope Leo IX (1048-1054). The external events which brought about the rupture are very clear. The Emperor Michael I exchanged the throne for a monastery, (813). His son, Nicetas, a priest and monk, was a man of earnest piety. In 846 this son, who as a monk had taken the name of Igna tius, was made Patriarch of Constantinople through the influence 1 Ch. Hist., last ed., § 46, A. 2. 2 The pope was mistaken here. See John xxi, 10. 3 See this letter in Baronius, ed. Pagi, ann. 867, note to § 4 ; Greenwood, Cathedra Petri, vol. iii, pp. 364-371. 542 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of the empress Theodora. The ruling spirit in the court was Bar- thephotian das, uncle of Michael, a vicious, unscrupulous, and am- dispute. bitious man. Bardas came into conflict with Ignatius on several occasions, and chiefly when the patriarch refused him the sacrament on account of a crime charged against him (857). For this Bardas secured the banishment of Ignatius to the island of Terebinthus. A man of eminent ability and character was nomi nated in his place. This was Photius, the secretary of the emperor and the captain of his bodyguard. He was hurried through all the clerical offices in a week. Ignatius would not sign his abdication, and his followers were treated with brutality. Photius resolved to appeal to Rome to arbitrate the case. The pope Nicholas sent dele gates to Constantinople, and said he could not decide until he had learned the state of affairs through them. The legates were bought. The pope proved himself both a shrewd and a high-minded man. He saw through the shameful proceedings at Constantinople, sum moned a synod at Rome (863), declared that Photius had forfeited every spiritual dignity, and pronounced against him the anathema. Photius, on his part, sent circular letters to the Eastern bishops, in viting them to a general council to be held in Constantinople in 867, and accusing the Roman Church of teaching erroneous doctrines and practices to the new Christians of Bulgaria. The quarrel thus assumed both a personal and a doctrinal character. At this council the pope was deposed and anathematized. But with the accession of a new emperor, Basil, in 867, the fatal day was postponed. He had political reasons for a reconciliation with Rome. He there fore restored Ignatius, and called a new council at Constantinople (869), called by the Latins the eighth ecumenical council. This council reinvestigated the whole matter and confirmed Ignatius in his office. Photius and Ignatius at length became fast friends, and at the death of Ignatius, in 878, Photius was made patriarch by the emperor Basil. Another ecumenical council was called at Con stantinople (879), the ninth according to the Latins, and the eighth according to the Greeks. It was convened with every guar antee of support of the highest claims of Rome. But these guar antees were laughed at, and the council proceeded as though its members had never heard of the high-sounding instructions of the pope. Then the pope again launched his anathema against the East, and the schism was renewed. We pass over the intervening disputes and come to the final break in 1054. The high-handed bigot, the Patriarch of Constantinople, Michael Cerularius, closed all the churches in the city where the Latin rites were used. In conjunction with Leo of Achrida, the DIVISION BETWEEN EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES. 543 metropolitan of the Bulgarians, he addressed an epistle to John, Bishop of Trani, in Apulia, which was also to be sent THE final to the Western clergy and to the pope himself. In this rupture. epistle, Lutherlike, he drew up a formal accusation of heresy against the Latin Church. He charged the Latins with the use of unleavened bread in the Lord's Supper — azyma — the use of blood and things strangled, and fasting on the Sabbath (Saturday) in Lent, and called on the Western bishops to separate from the see of Rome. After various attempts at reconciliation the papal legates formally laid on the altar of the Church of St. Sophia a sentence of excom munication against the Eastern Church (1054), which Michael Cerularius and the other patriarchs solemnly returned.1 The Crusades added fuel to the fire. The Easterns were dis gusted with the barbarities and excesses of the Western troops. Especially the iniquitous Crusade (1204), as Tozer says, " produced an ineradicable feeling of animosity in the minds of the Byzantine people. The memory of the barbarities of that time, when many Greeks died as martyrs at the stake for their religious convictions, survives at the present day in various places bordering on the ^Egean."" Nevertheless many attempts were made toward reunion, and some almost bore fruit. Latin theologians were allowed to argue their case before the Court of Constantinople. Political exigencies led the emperor Michael Paleologus to offer terms of surrender to the pope. At the council of Lyons (1274), the Eastern delegates repeated the creed with the addition of the Filioque, and swore to conform to the faith of the Roman Church and to recognize the supremacy of the pope. They were allowed to use the ATTEMpts for creed without the addition, and to practice their pecul- munion. iar ecclesiastical customs. The Greeks were thoroughly enraged at these measures, and to bring them to terms the emperor resorted to the usual punishments of these times — punishments which the iconoclastic and Photian disturbances made familiar, such as scourg ing, mutilation, blinding, and imprisonment. But with the next emperor the Lyons union was thrown to the winds. At the council of Florence (1439) the last effort was made. The 1 Neander, iii, 553-586, gives a fair and impartial account. Greenwood, Ca thedra Petri, vol. iii, pp. 348-423, gives a full history of the Photian schism. See also Milman, bk. v, ch. iv (iii, 21, ff.). The sources will be found in Har- douin, Concil., vols, v, vi; Mansi, xvi; the Byzantine Historians, and Baro nius. The works of Photius are found in Migne, Patrol. Grseca, ci-civ. See also Jager, Histoire de Photius, Paris, 2d ed., 1854, and the great monograph by Hergenrother, Photius, Regensb., 1867-69. 3 vols. 2 The Church and the Eastern Empire, p. 185. 544 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. emperor, John VII, Paleologus, went personally with the cultured and able archbishop, Bessarion of Nicsea, and many bishops, to this council, called the eighteenth ecumenical by the Latins. Here everything was at last arranged satisfactorily. The pope was ac knowledged as the " successor of Peter, the chief of the apostles, and the vicar of Christ, the head of the whole Church, and father and teacher of all Christians, to whom plenary power was given by our Lord Jesus Christ to feed, rule, and govern the universal Church in such a way as is set forth in the ecumenical councils and sacred canons," which the Greeks interpreted mainly as referring to the canons of Nicaea and Chalcedon, but which the Latins inter preted mainly as referring to the pseudo-Isidorian decretals. In most of the Greek texts of the Florentine articles the parts defining the primacy of the pope are either wanting or essentially modified. It was admitted that the doctrine of the procession of the Holy Spirit as defined by the Greek Church, ex Patre per Filium, was really the same as the Latin formula, ex Patre Filioque, but the Western doctrine was maintained in the explanation : " The Holy Spirit proceeds from the Father and at the same time from the Son, and from both eternally as from one principle and one spiration." After long disputes the Greeks surrendered also on the doctrines of purgatory and the seven sacraments. On his part the pope, Eu- genius IV, promised that ships and men should be provided for the defense of Constantinople against the Turks, and that he would induce the rulers of the West to come to the rescue of the Greeks. The pope, the emperor, and the bishops subscribed to the edict concessions amid ^^ reJoicmgs and shoutings, July 6, 1438. But for reunion once more it was all in vain. The promised supports prove futile. fTom fl^ West did not come. The people were bitter against their emperor and the bishops and clergy who favored the union. The churches where these ministered were deserted. On May 29, 1453, Constantinople fell before Mohammed II, and the last emperor, Constantine IX, went down in a brave fight against great odds. Mohammed confirmed the constitution of the Churches, giving the primacy over the whole Eastern Christendom to the Pa triarch of Constantinople. Many of the Greeks went into Italy, Hungary, Poland, and other countries, and united with the Roman Catholic Church, or, under the name of the United Greeks, formed churches of their own, being allowed to keep their old liturgy and customs by accepting the Roman doctrine and the papal primacy. The coming of the Turks has been the curse of Europe, but the final separation between the Eastern and Western Churches has been a providential gain. What would have been the fate of the DIVISION BETWEEN EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES. 545 world if the Roman absolutism could have bound in its chains all of Europe and Asia it is difficult to say. The moral THE SEPARA. effect of the great fact that one half of Christendom, tion not possessing the most ancient churches and inheriting with°dt gain. the purest traditions, rejected the claims of the papacy was never lost on the world. On the other hand, the East was cut off from those regenerating influences which came from the Teutonic genius, and has become petrified into a cold and cheerless orthodoxy and ceremonialism. The reformation of the Holy Orthodox Church is even more hopeless than that of the Roman Catholic Church.1 1 See Howard, Schism Between the Orthodox and Western Churches. Lond., 1892. 35 540 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER XV. THEOLOGY, WORSHIP, AND LIFE IN THE EASTERN CHURCH. The fatal defect of Eastern Christianity was the invasion of the spiritual sphere by the secular arm. The progress of the Church and the development of Christian doctrine were hindered, thwarted, and perverted by the power of the emperor. The influence of the court was the bane of the Church in the East. The corresponding power of the pope at one time in secular affairs was not as per nicious, because the pope was, ostensibly at least, governed by the law of Christ, and was appealed to as often by the poor and down trodden. The pernicious despotism of the Eastern emperors was well illustrated in the long Monothelite disputes. To put an end to these disputes the emperor Constans, in 648, published a new religious edict, the Type.1 It declared that an the "type"— end mils^ come to all controversy over the question of edict of one or two wills in Christ, and that the Church should constans. settle down to the state in which it was before these discussions arose, no person being allowed to advocate either of the theories. No one should be stigmatized as a heretic on account of them. The clergy who disobeyed this edict should be deposed, the monks banished, persons in office should forfeit their places, and those in the lower ranks should be flogged or mutilated and then banished. Pope Martin I (649-653) was the pillar of the Anti- Monothelites. As a devout and conscientious prelate he could not be silent. He called a general council at Rome (649) which con demned both the Ekthesis and the Type, and established the doctrine of the two wills, the human and the divine in Christ, and condemned all who held otherwise. This enraged the emperor. He sent to Rome, had the pope arrested, and deposed him from his bishopric, on the ground that when elected he had not obtained the imperial consent, and carried him in chains to Constantinople. martyrdom -A-fter innumerable indignities and sufferings he was of pope arraigned for trial before a court which had condemned 1 him beforehand. He was sentenced to perpetual ban ishment, was transported to Chersonesus in the Crimea, arriving there May 15, 655, and, after enduring many privations and insults 1 '0 rfOTOf ¦Kepi ¦Kiareui, The text of the Type will be found in Mansi, x, 1030. WORSHIP AND LIFE IN THE EASTERN CHURCH. 547 with the heroic constancy and piety of a true saint, he died Sep tember 16, 655. ¦ This was the first and only time that a pope was dethroned and virtually martyred by the Eastern emperor. It left a bitter memory in the mind of Western Christendom. Another instance of this vicious despotism, which reminds one of that of Henry VIII of England, was in the case of the great theo logian Maximus, the true successor of the three Cappadocians," and one of the brightest lights of the Eastern Church. He had defended with acuteness the doctrines of the two natures and two wills in Christ, and, on account of his activity against the Monothelites, was twice tried and banished. In 662 he was publicly scourged through the streets of Constantinople, his tongue was cut out, his right hand cut off, and he was banished to the castle of Shemari, on the eastern shore of the Black Sea, where he soon died, August 13, 662. There were diverse currents affecting the theology of the Eastern Church. One of these was the sound and healthy teaching repre sented by Maximus. To him Christianity was the golden doctrines of mean between the narrowness of Judaism and the breadth maximus. of paganism. The incarnation was the end of the whole creation. God became man without change of his own essence or of human nature. The end of redemption was twofold, to save man from sin and to lift him up to an unchangeable divine life. Life in be lievers is ever taken up into union with Christ and permeated with the principle of his divine life. The relation between reason and faith is luminously expressed by Maximus in this passage : " The faculty of seeking after the god like has been implanted in human nature by its Creator ; but it is first enabled to arrive at the revelation by the supervening power of the Holy Spirit. But as this original faculty has, through sin, become suppressed by the predominance of sense, the grace of the Holy Spirit must supervene to restore this faculty to its pristine freedom and purity. We cannot say that grace of itself, alone and independent of the natural faculty of knowledge, communicates to the righteous the knowledge of mysteries ; for in that case we must suppose that the prophets understood nothing of what was revealed to them by the Holy Spirit. As little can we suppose that they attained to true knowledge by seeking it with the natural faculty alone ; for thus we should make all supervention of the Holy Spirit superfluous. St. Paul's statement that ' The one and the selfsame Spirit, which worketh in all, divideth to every man severally as he 1 St. Martin's letters are found in Mansi, x, 790, 1170, Jaffe", Regesta, p. 161, and Baronius, ap. ann. 649 ; his life in Muratori, Rerum Ital. Scrip., iii, p. 1. 2 Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, and Gregory of Nyssa. 548 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. will,' means that the Holy Spirit wills that which is suited to each individual, so as to guide the spiritual striving of those who are seeking after the godlike to its desired end. Accordingly, the Holy Spirit works not wisdom in the saints without a mind that is sus ceptible of it ; he works not knowledge without the recipient faculty of reason ; he works not faith without a rational conviction respect ing the future and the invisible ; he works not the gift of natural healing without a natural philanthropy ; in a word, he produces no charisma without a recipient faculty for each. The grace of the Spirit destroys not the natural faculty, but rather makes that fac ulty, which has become inapt by unnatural use, once more efficient, by employing it conformably to its nature, when it leads it to the contemplation of the godlike." In this noble declaration Maximus touches a profound truth : " He who has genuine faith in Christ has within him all the charis mata collectively. But since by reason of our inactivity we are far from that active love toward him which unveils to us the divine treasures within our own souls, so we justly believe that we are without the divine charismata. If, according to St. Paul, Christ dwells in our hearts by faith, and in him are hid all the treasures of wisdom and knowledge, then all the treasures of wisdom and knowl edge are hidden in our hearts. But they reveal themselves to the heart in the same proportion as the heart becomes pure through obedience to the divine commands." Like his great master, Gregory of Nyssa, Maximus inclines strongly to the theory of final universal restoration.1 The ortho doxy of the Greek Church received its final form at the hands of John of Damascus, who had a more legal mind than Maximus but was destitute of his profound spiritual intuitions. Another current which influenced the theology of the East may be called the mystical element. Its chief representative was the the pseudo- pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite. The earliest mention dionysius the of this remarkable collection of writings was in the areopagite. recor(j 0f a conference between the Monophysite Seve- rians and the orthodox at Constantinople, 533. The latter objected to them. " These so-called works of the Areopagite," they said, " were unknown to Cyril and Athanasius, and if no one of the ancients quoted them how can John establish their truth ? " Pho tius in his Bibliotheca, about 845, notices an essay by Theodorus in defense of the " genuineness of the volume (BifiXog) of Saint Dio nysius." Among the objections noticed by Theodorus are the follow ing : The Dionysian writings are not quoted by the earlier Fathers ; 1 See Neander, iii, 171-175 ; Stokes, in Smith and Wace, iii, 884. WORSHIP AND LIFE IN THE EASTERN CHURCH. 549 they are not mentioned in the catalogues of Eusebius ; the growth of Church customs was slow, and it is " against all likelihood, or rather a mere forgery, to represent Dionysius as discussing results reached only a long time after his death ; " and these writings quote an epistle of Ignatius, in the time of Trajan — a manifest an achronism. But these valid criticisms produced no effect, and the pseudo-Dionysius was soon received as a genuine work by all the theologians of the Eastern and Western Churches. He even deeply influenced Thomas Aquinas, though his editor exaggerated when he says that the " Angelic Doctor drew almost the whole of his theology out of the works of Dionysius, so that his Summa is but the hive in whose varied cells he duly stored the honey which he gathered from them." The writings of the Areopagite are a strange blending of beauti ful teaching, in which there are fine and subtle glimpses of truth and an uncouth and extravagant theosophy. There is a Unity of the three persons, who makes his loving providence to penetrate to the last things of earth, as being the beginning and THE0L0GT 0F cause of all things, beyond all beginnings, and enfold- the areopa- ing all things transcendently in his infinite embrace.1 GITE' To be made divine (r) Qeuaig) is to be made like God, as far as may be, and to be made one with him. This is the common end of every hierarchy, the continuous development of love to God and the things of God, wrought by sacred means in a goodly and simple fashion ; and, as a preliminary to this, the complete and unhesitat ing abandonment of all that is contrary to it, the recognition of things as they are, the right of knowledge, of sacred truth, the goodly participation in the mode of perf ectioning, participation in the One himself, as far as may be, the feast of the beatific vision which nourishes intellectually and makes divine everyone who strains aloft to behold it." He who is the cause of all things, through excess of goodness, loves all things, sustains all things, turns all things to himself."3 Evil, as such, does not exist. All things that exist, so far as they exist, are good and spring from the good ; so far as they are deprived of the good they are neither good nor existent.* Robert Browning is quoted by Westcott as giving an echo of this thought : " There shall never be one lost good ! What was, shall live as before. The evil is null, is naught, is silence implying sound ; What was good shall be good, with, for evil, so much good more ; On the earth the broken arcs, in the heaven a perfect round." 6 1 De Coel. Hier., vii, 4. 2 De Eccl. Hier., i, 3. ' De Div. Nona., iii, 1. *L.c, iv, 20. Compare with this the teaching of Mrs. Eddy in " Christian Science. " 6 Abt. Vogler. 550 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The Areopagite held that man must attain to the divine by initia tion into the sacred mysteries, by priestly consecration, and by the six sacraments. The divine birth of baptism has its completion in the consecration of the dead, or anointing of the body. We need not concern ourselves with the historical Christ, but " always with the heavenly Christ ; not about the reconciliation, but only about the mystical living fellowship of God and man, about the imme diate vision and enjoyment of God's glory." On the Areopagite's relation to Platonism and Christianity, Westcott well says : " The progressive revelation of the infinite, the hierarchic triads, the conception of evil as a negation and a defect, the striving toward union with the One, the resolution of all that is partial into being which transcends all special definition, are common to both the Dionysian system and that of the later Neoplatonists. Thus it is not difficult to see that Dionysius so far borrows ideas which had their source elsewhere than in the Christian Church. But while this is conceded most fully his treatment of them neverthe less claims the merit of originality. However devotedly he may have studied Proclus or Damasius, he studied them as a Christian. He starts always from the Bible,1 and not from Plato. He endeav ors to obey his own lesson, and welcomes truth wherever he finds it, but revelation is his touchstone of truth. He is, so to speak, the extreme result of the speculative school of Greek theology ; and in this aspect his writings, strangely incomplete, one-sided, even dangerous as they may appear to us, are of deep interest at a crisis when it is impossible not to see the brightest hope for Christendom in a living appreciation of the Greek Fathers ; for it is not too much to say that a work remains for Greek divinity in the nine teenth century hardly less pregnant with results than that wrought by the Greek classics in the fifteenth."" 'DeCoel. Hier., vi, 2. 2 Dionysius the Areopagite, in Religious Thought in the West, Lond., 1891, pp. 143-193, p. 187, originally contributed to Contemp. Rev., May, 1867. See also Coletus, Super Opera Dionysii ; Two Treatises on the Hierarchies of Dionysius, by Dean Colet, now first published with a transl., introd. and notes by Lupton, Lond., 1869; Meyer, Dion. Areop., Halle, 1845; F. Hipler, Dion. der Areop., 1861; Niemeyer, Dion Areop., Halle, 1867; Kanakis, Dion. d. Areop. nach seinem Character als Philosoph dargestellt, Leipz., 1881 ; Moller in Herzog-Plitt ; Ueberweg, Hist, of Philosophy, Lond. and N. Y., 1872, i 349-352 ; Draseke, Dionysiaka, in Zeits. wissenschaftl. Theologie, 1882, 300, ff ; Loofs, in Theol. Literaturzeitung, 1884, col. 554, f. Westcott conjectures that the Dionysian writings were composed 480-520, either at Edessa or under the influence of the Edessene school. This date is accepted by most scholars. The excellent ed. of Corderius, Antw., 1634, is reprinted by Migne, Paris, 1857, with additions. The notes of Corderius show the debt of Aquinas to Dionysius! WORSHIP AND LIFE IN THE EASTERN CHURCH. 551 The divine Maximus, of whom we have spoken above, drank deeply at the Dionysian fountain. So also did another great and noble theologian of the mystic school, Nicolas Cabasilas, Archbishop of Thessalonica, who died about 1354. These and other mystics heart ily accepted the dogmas and customs of the Church. Their more spiritual and spiritualizing conceptions of truth could do but little toward preventing the deadening monotony and formalism of the Eastern State Church, with its despotic rigorism and devotion to barren formulas. An extreme development of this mystical tendency appears in the Hesychasts, or Resting Ones, of the monastery of Mount Athos, in Thessaly. In order to obtain the vision of God the the hesy- monks would go each to his cell, and, kneeling there in chasts. devotion, the chin on the breast, the eyes fixed on the navel, and the breath held as long as possible, would rest thus until an ecstatic joy sprung up in their hearts and a bright light surrounded them. They called themselves the Resting Ones, rjavxd^ovreg, though their great opponent, Barlaam, called them Navel-souls, bfupako- ipvxoi. They said that the light which rewarded their long con templation was the heavenly and uncreated light which transfigured our Lord on Mount Tabor. Efforts were made to have them con demned, but in vain. The council of Constantinople (1341) ap proved the doctrine of uncreated divine light, which, as divine activity, is to be distinguished from the divine essence. Other synods also upheld them.1 It remains to speak of the heretical current of Eastern theology. A powerful factor for a time was the Paulician heresy. This sect was founded by Constantine, of Mananalis, a community near Samosata, infected with the dualistic virus of Manichaeism. Con stantine made his appearance as a religious reformer about 660 at Kibossa, in Armenia. He was an intense student of the New Testament, and set out to substitute Pauline Christianity for the falsified Christianity of the Church. But in doing this he could not rid himself of the Eastern conceptions. He opposed the good God to the Creator and Lord of the world. The Old Testament he repudiated as the work' of the Demiurge. Baptism and the Lord's Supper are simply symbols of Christ's word and life and are not to be literally observed. Christ did not have a real human body. thepauli- The Paulicians insisted upon inward piety, but forbade CUNS- fasting and allowed marriage. Their ecclesiastical constitution was 1 On the Hesychasts, see J. Cantacuzenus, Hist., Bonn, 1828-32, 3 vols., also in Migne, Pat. Gr., vols. 153, 154 ; Natal. Alex., H. E., viii, 90 ; Stein, Studien iiber die Hesychasten des xiv Jahrhunderts, Yienna, 1874. 552 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. very simple, rejecting the hierarchy and priesthood, and going back to the simple method of the apostolic times. They rejected all the ceremonies and creature worship of the dominant Church. They urged the study of those parts of the New Testament which they held to be valid. Constantine went as an evangelist throughout the surrounding country and won converts everywhere. Finally, persecution was hurled against him. He was stoned to death (685), and the imperial officer who carried out the decree was so impressed with the heroism of the martyr that he himself joined the sect, was made their head, and died at the stake in 690. In spite of opposition and internal dissensions the sect grew. Sergius was the second founder (801-835). It is said that a hundred thousand Paulicians lost their lives in Ar menia, so determined was the imperial government to root them out. The empress Theodora (1054-56) was the Bloody Mary of this persecution. In 970 the emperor John Tzimisces transported a remnant of them to Philippopolis, in Thrace, and promised them religious freedom if they would guard the frontiers against the Scythians. They gradually disappeared, emerging, probably, in the Euchites and Bogomili. In the early part of the present cen tury it was reported that there were still Paulicians living at Philip popolis.1 The Paulicians were not a branch of the Manichaeans, as the elder writers used to hold. They were rather an echo of the Marcionite heresy, occasioned by a reaction from the dead ceremonialism of Eastern Christianity, in the interest of a simpler and purer faith, but weighed down with the curse of the dualism of the Orient." Related to the Paulicians were the Thondracians, organized by Sembat (833-845), at Thondrake, a town southwest of the Upper Eu- the thon- phrates. He amalgamated the Parsee Gnostic pseudo- dracians Christian sect of the Arevurdi, or Children of the Sun, and euchites. with gome pail]iciangj an(j Dy a mixture 0f Christian, Persian, and Manichaaan doctrines he became a powerful irritant to the Church. This sect won a notable convert in 1002 in the Armenian bishop, Jacobus, who gave them a more Christian color. 1 Constantine, 'EyxetpiSiov irepl rfc inapxia; ifiXXmiromzbT^u^ Vienna 1819 p. 27, quoted by Schmidt, in Herzog. 2 The original authorities for the Paulicians are Photius, in Gallandi, xiii, 603 ; Petrus Siculus, ed. by Gieseler, Gott., 1846 ; Joh. Ozniensis, Opera, ed. by Aucher, Venice, 1834. See Schmidt, Historia Paulicianorum Orientalium, Copenh., 1826 ; Gieseler, Untersuehungen fiber die Geschichte der Paulicianer, in Stud. u. Krit., 1829 ; A. Lombard, Paulicianus, Gen., 1879 ; Dollinger, Bei trage zur Sectengeschichte des Mittelalters, vol. i, Miinchen, 1890. WORSHIP AND LIFE IN THE EASTERN CHURCH. 553 He opposed the Armenian custom of slaying animals as an oblation at the love feasts. The sect was persecuted, but not exterminated.1 The Euchites were a revival of the ancient Euchites," who held that prayer — hence the name — was the only means of grace. They were also thoroughly dualistic. God had two Sons, the elder, who created the world, who is to be feared, and the younger, who chose the things of heaven, and is to be loved. All kinds of excesses were charged against the Euchites, but we have no reliable infor mation. They appeared in Thrace in the beginning of the eleventh century. The Bogomiles,3 in Bulgaria, in the eleventh and twelfth cen turies, presented a curious medley of dualistic Gnostic Christian teachings. They were an ignorant sect, and reveled in the most extravagant and fantastic doctrines of the fruitful Eastern imagina tion. The emperor Alexius Comnenus (1081-1118), under pre text of wishing to become a convert, enticed their great leader, Basil, to Constantinople, and there drew from him a full description of their doctrines. A scribe behind a curtain was tak- THE B000_ ing notes of the conversation. The emperor kept Basil miles. in custody, and condemned him to be burned in the Hippodrome (1118). The Bogomile doctrines spread even into Church circles. Two Cappadocian bishops were deposed as adherents in 1143, at a synod in Constantinople.4 A wholesome effect of the Bogomile propaganda was the opinion that Catholic baptism was ineffec tive in itself ; that every true Christian becomes such only through instruction, self-denial, and spiritual transformation. It is interesting to notice the persistency of the old Gnosticism in Eastern Christianity. Not one of these sects had any firm grasp on the evangelical principle of faith. They had, therefore, no effect on the transformation of the East. Having no idea of a truly biblical theology they had nothing to save them from being over come by the vagaries of oriental Gnosticism. The Greek Christianity of the Middle Ages differed but little from that of to-day. The Greek Church still remains stagnant. As it was in the eighth century so is it in the twentieth. The wor- ^bller (of Kiel), Ch. Hist., Middle Ages, p. 238; Chamchean, Geschichte von Armenien, ii, 884. 2 Epiph., Hser., xxx ; Theod., H. E., iv, 11. 3 The name means friends or lovers of God. Some derive it from Bog, God, and Ml, mercy. 4Enth. Zyg., Narratio de Bogomilis, ed. Gieseler, Gcitt., 1841; also ed. Migne, vol. 128; J. C. Wolf , Hist. Bogomilorum, Wittenb., 1712; Razki, Bogo- milii Catareni, Agram, 1869; Jaeobi in Zeits. f. Kirchengesch., ix, 507; Dol linger in Beitrage zur Sectengeschichte des Mittelalters, Munich, 1890, 2 vols. 554 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ship, the monastic system, and the territorial divisions remain as before. The Roman Church has been alert for new worlds to con- thestagna- quer, has adapted itself to new conditions, has thrust tion of the out new agencies, and has taken an eager interest in church. every new political development. The Greek Church has been held in the bonds of a heavy formalism. It has stood guardian over the orthdoxy of the ecumenical councils, and thus escaped the later heresies of Rome. But it has lost the principle of growth. It has looked backward continually. One cause of this has been the icy hand of the State, which has overawed the Church and prevented any free development. Another cause has been the despotic nature of the civil government, which made im possible the free play of forces necessary for the growth of both civil and religious ideas and institutions. A third cause of the stagnation of Eastern Christianity has been the fact that it has been so hemmed in and oppressed by Mohammedan and other hos tile influences that it has been thrown back in antagonism, rest ing on the glory of its history and the strength of its traditional orthodoxy.1 The worship of the Greek Church is mostly the performance of worship and ceremonies without life or edification. The noble ex- ra tbe^ast8- amPle of St- Joan Chrysostom was little heeded, and ern church, the preaching was barren. Great preaching can only exist with a free pulpit, and the Greek pulpit was in bondage. Psalms and hymns were drawn out with a nasal intonation in a way alike destitute of music and devotional feeling. In the modern Russian Church melody is cultivated, but both in this Church and in the medieval Eastern Church all instrumental music was, and is, strictly prohibited. There were great hymn writers — Andrew of Crete, John of Damascus, and Cosmas of Jerusalem. In baptism the necessity of immersion is maintained, ordinary bread is used in the Lord's Supper, and both elements are given to communicants. In these three particulars the Greek Church differs from the Latin. The communion service is celebrated behind a high screen, iconostasis, completely out of view of the congrega tion. This service is elaborate, and every effort is made to make it mysterious and awe-inspiring. It appeals only to the worshiper's sense of mystery. The confessional, with the corruptions thus en suing, is absent from the Greek Church. Harshness and austerity have been pointed out as characteristics of the Greek faith. These even appear in the paintings, which are ghastly and forbidding. Frescoes of gaunt saints and naked 1 See Tozer, The Church and the Eastern Empire, pp. 38, 39. WORSHIP AND LIFE IN THE EASTERN CHURCH. 555 hermits cover the walls of the churches. " Long as Lent" is a Greek proverb. There are four great periods of fasting r o r o austerity op in the year, the Fast of the Apostles, originally seven the eastern weeks ; the August fast of fourteen days, which comes CHUKCH- before the Feast of the Repose of the Virgin ; the Fast of the Nativity; and Lent. In all two hundred and twenty-six days are observed as fasts, and these fasts are strictly kept, and are very rigorous. Eggs, cheese, milk, meat, and fish are forbidden. All the beautiful ethics of Christ were trampled under foot in the fierce conflicts of Eastern ecclesiasticism, but the self-inflictions of Lent must be duly observed. There were men who lifted their voices against the prevailing cor ruption. Constantine Chrysomalus and Niphon, monks, gathered around them devout souls, who applied themselves to the reforma tion of manners. The Church hurled anathemas against both. Eustathius, Archbishop of Thessalonica (died 1194), did all in his power to win the Church back to a purer life. He was a Greek scholar, but did not neglect his Bible for his Homer, and his voice was like the note of a clarion for a better Church. These, how ever, were voices in the wilderness. They did not affect the low level of the ordinary ecclesiastical life. 556 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER XVI. THE CONVERSION OF GERMANY. No one knows who first planted Christianity in Germany. Sol- uncertainty diers of the Roman army may have told the story of the as to pound- crosg to the natives, and such seed may have borne man chris"- fruit. Germans living within the empire may have tianity. carried back to their brethren the news of the Gospel. Justin Martyr says that there is no race of Greeks or barbarians, not even those who dwell in their wagons or their tents, " such as the Scythians and Sarmatians, among whom prayers are not made to God the Father of the world in the name of the Lord Jesus." Tertullian says that the Scythians, Sarmatians, the Dacians and Germans hold in honor the name of Christ. Arnobius and Irenseus, in the third century, speak in similar strain. Pope Innocent I (402-417) says that there is no Church in Italy, or in the Gauls — including in that term the territories bordering on the Rhine and Upper Danube — which had not been founded by a bishop who had owed his institution to St. Peter or his successors. These expres sions, while extravagant, contain an element of truth. ' Athanasius found at Treves a center of orthodoxy. Jerome resided there, and wrote some of his books there. We have already seen the conversion of the Goths on the Lower Danube under Ulfilas. In the fifth century there were bishoprics at Treves, Cologne, Tongres, Metz, and Toul among the Belgic or semi-Teutonic Gauls, at Coire, Lay- bach, Pettau, and Lorch, in the south of Germany, and at Tiburium, in Dalmatia.2 Nevertheless, this Christianization was superficial and partial. Wars and incursions swept away the peaceful results of these spo radic efforts. The German tribes, roaming through their vast pri meval forests, were pagans still. One of the first of the missionaries was Severinus, the apostle of Noricum, or Austria. In the second half of the fifth century he appeared near what is now Vienna, to re store the broken paths; for, in the desolations of those times, what 1 See Merivale, The Conversion of the West : the Continental Teutons, p. 28. 2 Merivale, I. c, p. 31. SEVERINUS. THE CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 557 religion the tribes had was forgotten. He had long lived in the East, but his speech was that of a Boman. He built a rude hut near the gates of Faviana (Vienna), and his austere, holy, and de voted life soon began to influence the people. His life as told by Eugippus, his friend and assistant, and preserved to us by the Bol- landists, is full of marvels. He did not content himself with preaching the Gospel, but like Oberlin, of this later day, he busied himself also with the material interests of the people. He had that wise and sagacious insight into the best things for the temporal welfare which distinguished the New England pastors of the seven teenth and eighteenth centuries. He provided means of communi cation and directed the best plans of defense. He formed militia, and caused the town to adopt a municipal organization. When the great Roman towns on the Danube fell one after another into the hands of the barbarians he effected for the most part a peaceable transfer of the institutions of the empire. He devised a system of relief. He urged upon the rich the payment of a tenth for the relief of their brethren and the redemption of the captives. The rich neglected this duty, and were severely denounced by the holy Severinus. He was utterly unselfish. His memory still lingers throughout Austria as a blessed fragrance. He was a great pioneer of Christian civilization. His work in actual conversion was limited. The Rugians and Heruli remained mostly Arian and the Allemanni mostly pagan. It was only a century later, under the missionary zeal of St. Gregory, that the work of Severinus was completed.1 Amandus, born of noble parentage in Aquitania, devoted him self to the conversion of the Frisians in the North. He AMANDUS. worked in what is now Belgium (630). It appears from somewhat conflicting reports that he was at first unsuccessful, and solicited Dagobert, King of the Franks, to compel the people to be baptized. This enraged the high-spirited pagans, and they repeatedly threw him into the Scheldt. Later he learned wisdom and tried to win them by love. The restoration of a criminal, after he had been hung and prematurely cut down, so impressed the natives that they crowded to baptism. Amandus is called the 1 For life of Severinus, see Bollandists' ed. of Acta Sanctorum, Jan. 1, 483 ; Pez, Script. Ber, Austr., i, 62 ; Tillemont, Mem., xvi, 178-181 ; Stokes in Smith and Wace ; Klippel in Herzog-Plitt ; Vita, ed. by Sauppe, Berl., 1878 ; Sem- bera, Wien d. Wohnsitz u. Sterbeort d. heil. Severin, Wien, 1882 ; Neander, Ch. Hist., iii, 25-27, and Christian Life in the Middle Ages, pp. 333-341, where several anecdotes from Eugippus's Life of him are given ; Merivale, The Con tinental Teutons, in series on The Conversion of the West, chap. iv. 558 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. " Apostle of Belgium," but to that honor his title is doubtful. He was made Bishop of Maastricht (646), and died about 648.' When we come to Eligius we stand on more solid ground. He was a fellow-countryman of Amandus, born near Limoges. As a worker in gold he gained favor in the courts of Clotaire II and Dagobert I. While still a layman he built a monastery and nu merous churches in and around Limoges. In 640 he was ordained to the priesthood and consecrated Bishop of Noyon. His piety and fidelity produced a marked impression. He soon became dissatisfied with the too easy life of a bishop, and " flung himself vehemently into the rude and trackless plains of Guldres and Friesland," where he confronted savages who had never seen a messenger of Christ. Slowly, by the purity and unselfishness of his life and the earnestness of his preaching, he broke down their savage opposition, and won many of them to his baptisms at every paschal season. He threw himself against the pagan indulgences and su perstitions of many of the nominal Christians of his territory. On a great feast day he stood up in front of a church near Noyon and denounced in strong language the pagan amusements. "Preach as much as thou pleasest, thouEoman,"9 the populace cried, "but thou art not permitted to abolish our ancient customs ; no man shall prohibit our ancient amusements, which give us so much pleasure." He tried to reform their wild drinking-bouts and fighting feasts. Eligius was a bishop and missionary of apostolic mold. He died at Noyon in 658 or 659.3 1 Some place his death at 679. It is difficult to construct a consistent account of his life. His life in Mabillon, Acta Bened., Ssec. ii, 681 ; Smedt, Vie de St. Amand, 1861 ; Gosse, Essai sur St. Amand, 1866 ; Ebrard, Iroschottische Missionskirche, 1873 ; Merivale, I. c, 82-84. He had a conflict with the Irish missionaries, who worked with success in those regions. 2 These were Teutons, or Franks. Eligius was of Gallo-Roman family. 3 His life by St. Ouen, his disciple, with perhaps later enlargements, will be found in D' Achery, Spicilegium, ii, 76-123, and, in part, in Bouquet, iii, 552- 561. It has been transl. into French, with notes, by Charles Barthelemay in Eludes historiques sur le VH" Sifccle, Paris, 1847. His Officium will also be found in the same work. For some sermons ascribed to him, but of doubtful authorship, see Bibl. Max. Patr., Lyons, 1677, xii, 300-322. His celebrated sermon against the heathen practices and superstitions of the Christians, which really belong to Csesarius of Aries, is translated by Maitland in his Dark Ages, Lond., 6th ed., 1890, pp. 136-147, 178-181, with caustic comments on the ignorant and perverted use of it by W. Robertson, Mosheim, Maclaine, and White in Bampton Lectures. Maitland also gives his life as a layman, pp. 107-126. Various legendary features of his life are given in Jacques le Vasseur, Annales de l'Eglise cathedrale de Noyon, Paris, 1633. For his missionary work see Rettberg, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, ii, 508 ; Merivale, I. c, 79-81 ; THE CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 559 The most romantic efforts for the Christianization of Germany were the result of the overflow of the missionary zeal of the Irish. The Celtic Church of the British Islands was arm to ger- rich in monasteries, literature, and consecrated men. MANT" With flaming zeal the Celtic monks issued out from their cloisters to spread the Gospel and its institutions.1 They were the missiona ries of the seventh century. The headquarters of the Celtic Church was Ireland, a country which had received Christianity with enthu siasm. With an amusing and pardonable exaggeration the liberal Catholic Count de Montalembert speaks thus of the " Island of Saints:" "From the moment that this Green Erin, situated at the extremity of the known world, had seen the sun of faith rise upon her, she had vowed herself to it with an ardent and tender devotion which became her very life. The course of ages has not interrupted this ; the most bloody and implacable of persecutions has not shaken it ; the defection of all northern Europe has not led her astray ; and she maintains still amid the splendors and miseries of modern civilization and Anglo-Saxon supremacy an inextinguishable cen ter of faith, where survives, along with the completest orthodoxy, that admirable purity of manners which no conqueror and no adver sary has ever been able to dispute, to equal, or to diminish." a Columban was born in Leinster (543). He was educated at the monastery at Bangor, on the coast of Down, under the Holy St. Cungall. Finally, he felt the passion of the Scots for pilgrimage,8 and yielded to the call to carry the cross to re gions beyond. With twelve other monks he sailed for France about 585. He traversed the country, preaching and admonishing clergy and bishops. Gondran, the best of the grandsons of Clovis, urged him to settle in his dominions. He settled first at Annegray, now a hamlet of the commune of Faucogney, in Haute-Saone. He was near to nature's heart. His biographer says that he would leave his companions to plunge into the woods, where he would stay for days together. He had that strange power over nature which Thomas Hughes says, in his study of the Manliness of Christ, has been shown by many simple and true-hearted souls, and which might Neander, Memorials of Christian Life in the Middle Ages, pp. 374-385, who gives anecdotes and extracts from his prayers and sermons ; Maclear, Apostles of Mediaeval Europe, pp. 77-86. 1 " In exteras etiam nationes, quasi inundatione facta ilia se sanctorum exam- ina effuderunt" — S. Bernard, Vita S. Malach., v. 2 Monks of the West, ii, 389. 3 " Scottorum quibus consuetudo peregrinandi jam pene in naturam conversa est."— Wal. Strabo, De Mirac. S. Galli, ii, 47. 560 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. be had by everyone who could attain unto something of Christ's cordial attitude toward the lower world. The birds received his caresses and the squirrels hid themselves in the folds of his cloak. The wolves passed him unmolested and the brigands went their way without seeing him.1 He moved to Luxeuil in 590, where he estab lished a larger monastery. It was a wild spot among the defiles of Burgundy. It was made to bloom by the labors of the monks of Columban. He was soon the governor of three monasteries. Labor and prayer went together. He drew up his drastic rule for the severity op government of his monks. All were bound to agricul- columban. ture. No allowance was made for any weakness. Even the sick threshed the wheat. The monk must go to rest so fatigued that he should fall asleep on the way, and must get up before he had slept sufficiently. The obedience required was absolute. It went beyond the rule of St. Benedict and of the Jesuits. All the monks, both the sick and the well, were allowed only meal moist ened with water and a small loaf. Fasting was a daily exercise, and the monks were to eat only in the evening. Corporal punish ment was reduced to a fine art. The rule of St. Benedict reserved beating for the most incorrigible criminals, but the rule of Colum ban prescribed it for the most insignificant omissions. The number of strokes inflicted on delinquents varied from six to two hundred — the maximum penalty being reserved for the unhappy monk who had spoken to a woman without the presence of a third person. But even this penalty, strange to say, could be commuted to two days' fasting on bread and water.'' But in spite of this severity the courageous and uncompromising Irishman saw multitudes of men, rich and poor, gather around columban's him. He had no lack of disciples to the end of his success. iifCi This assured position gave him vantage ground as a sort of spiritual dictator to the whole Church. His intense devotion and piety went hand in hand with a lofty pride and a sense of command. He wrote to bishops, and even to the pope, urging fidelity and zeal. He rebuked the worldly priesthood. He insisted on his own Irish method of tonsure and mode of com puting Easter — not as making it obligatory on the Roman or Gallic Church, but as within his liberty. Columban at length was forced to leave his Burgundian monas teries on account of the enmity of Brunehilde, the grandmother of King Theodoric II. In order to increase her own power in the 1 Jonas, Vit. S. Col., 14-16, 26, 30. 2 See Seebass, Ueber Columba von Luxeuel's Klosterregel und Bussbuch, Dresden. 1883. THE CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 561 court Brunehilde had encouraged her grandson in his evil living. The brave missionary had repeatedly rebuked him for his adulter ies, and neither the threats nor arts of Brunehilde could turn aside his fearless denunciations. He was arrested twice in 610, taken to Besancon, and, with his Irish companions, made his columban and way to the King of Soissons and Neustria, Clotaire II, a"-4"3- and finally determined to take up the purely missionary work of his first love.1 He came to Bregentz, on Lake Constance, and at tempted the conversion of the Sueves and Alemanni, wor shipers of Woden. His principal assistant was Gallus, who could preach in German as well as Latin. But the methods of Colum ban were too impetuous. Sometimes he and his monks broke the boilers in which the pagans prepared beer to offer as a sacrifice to Woden ; sometimes they burned the temples and threw into the lake the gilded idols. They claimed a few converts, but such sum mary methods made their stay there impossible. With a single disciple Columban crossed the Alps and found an asylum on the plains of Lombardy, under the friendly Agilulf and his wife Theodolind. Agilulf gave him Bobbio, in the Apennines, between Milan and Genoa, not far from Trebbia, where Hannibal had vanquished the Romans. Here the indomitable Irishman bent his old shoulders under the weight of the beams of fir, and built his last home. From this monastery he carried on his fight against the Arians and held aloft the torch of knowledge and truth for northern Italy. The monastery of Bobbio became one of the most celebrated in the Middle Ages. Its school and library were excelled by few. Muratori has given a catalogue of seven hundred manuscripts which it possessed in the tenth century. Hither came the famous palimpsest from which Cardinal Mai published the De Republica of Cicero. The monastery was suppressed under the French in 1803. The church still serves as a parish church. Columban wrote a remarkable letter to the pope on the troubles and heresies of the times. He uses more extravagant laudation of the papal seat than he would have done in Gaul or Ireland, C0UJMBAN.8 but it is evident that this is a mere matter of courtesy, letter to the He rebukes and lectures the pope freely. In fact, P0PE- Montalembert acknowledges that " some of the expressions he em ploys would now be regarded as disrespectful and justly rejected. But in those young and vigorous times faith and austerity could be more indulgent."" Columban says that the spiritual leadership of i " Mei voti f uit gentes visitare Evangelium eis a nobis prsedicari : sed f el modo referente eorum teporem, penemeum tulit inde amorem." — Ep. ad Fratres. 2 Monks of the West, ii, 440. 30 562 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the Roman Church exists only so long as " right reason " remains with her, and that nothing she says can stand against the faith of the universal Church.1 He clings tenaciously to his own Irish customs, and is scandalized at the looseness and heresies of the South. He contrasts the harmony and uncorrupted faith of the Irish Church with the divisions and quarrels he sees in Italy. "We Irish," he says, " who inhabit the extremities of the world, are the disciples of St. Peter and St. Paul, and of the other apostles who have writ ten under dictation of the Holy Spirit. We receive nothing more than the apostolic and evangelical doctrine. There has never been either a heretic, a Jew, or a schismatic among us." He says that the labors of St. Peter and St. Paul place Rome at the head of the Churches, except only that of Jerusalem, which stands at the head of universal Christendom in virtue of the resurrection of the Lord. On the relations of Columban to the papal see two extreme views should be avoided. On the one hand is the opinion of Ebrard, Michelet, and others, which represents him as a sort of COLUMBAN'S ' * r relations to Luther of the seventh century, and, on the other, that the papacy. Q£ mo(jern Roman controversialists which represents him as fully accordant with the claims of Rome. Columban had no other thought than that of respecting the Roman Church as in a sense the mistress and spiritual guide of the Church, but he was far from regarding her as the infallible organ of the Holy Ghost, whose will in all things was binding. No one would have rejected such a claim more earnestly than this imperious, impassioned, yet humble and pious leader of the British missionary forces on the continent.2 Columban did not long survive his Bobbio foundation. He died in 615, aged seventy-two. Columban was also a poet. He wrote, mostly in hexameter, pious strains against the vanities of the world. One is in jingling advice against the love of money, in which are many examples of the evil influences of such love taken from ancient mythology. He gives directions as to the composition of this kind of verse, and says it was invented by Sappho : Sed tamen ilia TrojugenarumInclita vates Nomine Sappho Versibus istis Dulce solebat Edere carmen. 1 See Neander, iii, 35. 2 " He cannot be cited," says Kelly, of Maynooth, " as a witness to the ultra montane opinion of the pope's infallibility." Dissertations on Irish Ch. Hist., Dubl., 1864, p. 265. SeeKillen, Eecl. Hist, of Ireland, i, pp. 46-49. THE CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 563 His other works are his Rule, his Penitentiary, his Instructions, his Sermons, and Letters.1 Gallus, the Irish companion of Columban, pressed farther on than his leader into the wilds of the mountains, until he came to the banks of the Steinach, where he and his compan ions built their oratory, about 612. Many interesting legends are told of his encounters with the demons and beasts of the mountains. He labored for the salvation of the heathen around him, and soon acquired such fame for wisdom and holiness that the see of Constance in 612, and the abbacy of the Luxeuil monastery in 625, were offered him. He declined both. He pur sued his evangelistic labors among the Allemanni and Suabians, and earned the title of the "Apostle of Switzerland." His mon astery of St. Gall became one of the most celebrated centers of learning in the Middle Ages. He died 645, at the age of ninety- five.2 Three other Irish monks labored in Germany. Fridolin founded the monastery of Sakingen, on the Rhine, near Bale. Trudbert went to Breisgau, in the Black Forest, where he is said to have been murdered, and where a monastery, south of Freiburg, in Breisgau, ¦Wright, Biographia Britannica Literaria, Anglo-Saxon Period, Lond., 1842, pp. 142-162, gives an account of his life and writings, with a list of editions. The Life of Columban and of his Disciples, by Jonas, Abbot of Bobbio, is found in Mabillon, Acta Sanct., ii. This and his own writings in Migne, Patr. Lat., vol. 80. The less authoritative Lives of Fridolin, Trudbert, and Permin in Mone. Quellensammlung f. d. badischa Landesgeschichte, i, Karlsruhe, 1843. The works of Columban were also edited by Fleming, with Life by Jonas, etc., Collectanea Sacra, Louvain, 1667. His life and some of his works are also in Messingham, Florilegium Insula? Sanctorum, seu Vitse et Actas Sanc torum Hiberniae, Paris, 1624, fol., pp. 403-411. His life is translated in the University of Pennsylvania's Translations and Reprints, vol. ii, No. 7, 1895. On Columban, see Ebrard, Die iroschottische Missions-Kirche, Giiters., 1873 ; Hauck, Kirchengesch. Deutschlands, vol. i, Leipz. , 1887 ; Friedrich, Kirchen gesch. Deutschlands, Hamb., 1867-69, 2 vols. ; O. Seebass, Ueber Columba von Luxeuel's Klosterregel und Bussbuch, Dresd., 1883 ; Maclear, Apostles of Med. Europe, pp. 57-72; Milman, ii, 236-246; Neander, Ch. Hist., iii, 29-35, Me morials of Christian Life in Middle Ages, pp. 434-449 ; Montalembert, Monks of the West, ii, pp. 385-451 ; Killen, Eccles. Hist, of Ireland, i, 40-49 ; Gam- mack and Hone in Smith and Wace, art. Columbanus (I) ; W. Werner, in Herzog-Plitt ; Lanigan, Eccl. Hist, of Ireland, i, 263, ff.; Hertel, Ueber des heil. Columba Leben und Wirken, bes. seine Klosterregel, in Zeitsch. fur hist. Theol. , 1875, 396, ff., and an art. in Brieger's Zeitsch. fiir Kirchengesch., 1879, 145, ff. 2 Walafrid Strabo, Vita St. Galli, A. D. 842-849, in Mabillon, Acta SS. O. S. B., ii, 215, ff.; in Messingham, Flor. Ins. Sanct., 255, ff.; and in Migne, vol. 113. Vita St. Galli hactenus inedita, ex MS. St. Gall, is pub. by Pertz, Mon. Germ. Hist., ii, 1, ff. There are lives and discussions in German, by Greit, Rettberg, Hefele, Haid, and Wartman. See Gammack in Smith and Wace. 564 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. bears his name. Kylian, or Cilian, the apostle of Franconia, with some companions, went to Wiirzburg, where he baptized Duke Gozbert. He was finally murdered (685) by Gozbert's wife on ac count of his stern denunciations of the marriage. Geilana was the widow of Gozbert's brother. An unscriptural Church law was thus responsible for this needless martyrdom. The English entered into this ardent missionary impulse. St. Egbert urged it on. Under his exhortations Willibrord, a native of Northumberland, educated under Sir Wilfrid at Ripon and in Ireland, embarked with seven companions for Frisia, at the mouth of the Rhine, 690. Radbod was the native prince of the Frisians, and an uncompromising heathen. Willibrord began his labors in the part of the country under the protection of Pepin l'Heristal, who had recently broken the power of Radbod. At Pepin's advice he went to Rome, and was invested with the bishopric of Utrecht. He evangelized parts of Frankish Frisia, built several churches and monasteries, appointed presbyters and bishops, and consolidated Christianity throughout his diocese. He visited Denmark on an evangelizing tour, but could make no im pression on the ferocious king, Ongend. After a life of zealous work for the Gospel Willibrord died at Epternae, about 740. Al cuin describes him as " eminent in dignity, symmetrical in stature, honorable in look, attractive in face, happy in heart, wise in coun sel, jocund in speech, composed in manner, and strenuous in all the work of God."1 Other Englishmen followed in the wake of Willibrord. Adel- bert labored in the north of Holland, Werenfrid near Elste, other eng- and Wiro among tne people of Guldres. The brothers lish mission- Hewald (Ewald) were martyred by the Saxons before AR1ES- they could strike a blow for Christ.8 Thomas Smith remarks that it is doubtful if England to-day sends as many mis sionaries into foreign lands as she did in the seventh and eighth centuries into Frisia alone, and adds : " From all our Scottish Churches there do not go forth as many heralds of salvation as went forth from our shores in the beginning of the seventh cen tury." 3 ' Vita S. Will., ch. 23, in Mabillon, Acta Sanctorum O. S. B., sec. iii, pt. 1, 561, ff., and in Migne, vol. 101. Alcuin also wrote an abridgment of this in verse, which is also in the great collections. See St. Boniface's Letter to Pope Stephen, in Migne, vol. 89, 787 ; Bede, H. E., v, 10, 11 ; Diplomata S. Wil- librordi, in Migne, vol. 89, 535, ff. Gammack in Smith and Wace ; Maclear, I. c, ch. vii. 2 Bede, H. E., v, 10 ; Acta Sanct. Boll., Oct., ii, 205-207. 3 Mediaeval Missions, Edinb., 1880, p. 112. THE CONVERSION OF GERMANY. 565 One of the boldest missionaries was Wulfram, Bishop of Sens, in the last quarter of the seventh century. Whether he was an Eng lishman is uncertain. Wulfram wrought among Rad- bod's Frisians, and tried to overcome their diabolical *l'u*il1 practice of sacrificing human victims to the gods. Some of these he rescued. The story is told that after he had convinced Radbod of the truth of Christianity, and had led him down into the font, the duke suddenly asked the dauntless missionary where his ancestors were — in heaven or hell. " In hell, undoubtedly," said Wulfram. " I will join my own people, then," said the king, " rather than sit down in the kingdom of heaven with a handful of beggars."1 Wulfram died in 695, when a monk at Fontanelle. 1 This anecdote, while not improbable, has been discredited by some his torians, as Rettberg, Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands, ii, 514-517. His Life in Mabillon, iii, i, pp. 341-348, is supposed to be interpolated, and the Bolland- ists substituted a shorter one, which omits the story of the duke. Maclear, Apostles of Mediaeval Europe, pp. 104-109, gives some interesting anecdotes. 566 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER XVII. THE LABORS OF BONIFACE. Theough the zeal of the Irish and the English missionaries Ger many was in a fair way to become Christianized after the customs of the Celtic Church. These workers were good preachers and monks, of indomitable perseverance and courage, but they were poor or ganizers. They did not so articulate and bind together their scat tered missions as to impress their method and ideas on the German people. It was left, therefore, for one of themselves, a greater than all, to Romanize their results. But, in spite of the success of Boniface, Germany never forgot that she had received the Gospel from the North, and the Italian yoke never became easy to the muscular Teutonic neck. Winfrid, generally called Boniface, was born at Crediton, or Kirkton, eight miles northwest of Exeter, about 680. He was educated at the convent school of Exeter and at the monastery of Nutsall — perhaps Netley — near Winchester. He was already dis tinguished for his learning and ability when he was ordained, at the age of thirty. England was already converted, and Boniface winfrid, or longed for harder work beyond the North Sea, whither boniface. hig fellows had gone. About 716, with two or three companions, he embarked for Frisia. Radbod was then in war with Charles Martel, and Boniface returned to England. The next year he embarked again, this time going directly to Rome. He was received very cordially by Gregory II, who gave him au thorization to evangelize central Europe. He pressed up again into Frisia, and for three years assisted Willibrord in missionary labors. Then he plunged into the wilds of heathen Hesse, baptized two of the chiefs, and received multitudes in Hesse and on the borders of Saxony into Christianity. He founded a monastery at Amcene- burg, near ths Ohm. Boniface had found that in the complicated relations between Christianity and heathenism in Germany the help and advice of Rome were not to be despised. In 723 he visited Rome again, was made bishop, without a see, and took an oath of fealty to the pope similar to that taken by the Italian bishops. This was a turning point in history. It was now determined that the German Church THE LABORS OF BONIFACE. 567 should not go on in its free development after a purer type, but that it should be swung back into the wake of the Roman system. This may have been the providential plan. The mediaeval civilization, with its turbulent elements, required a strong and compact Church government, and it is doubtful if the Christian fruits of the mis sionaries could have been conserved if religion had been organized among the European tribes in a form less solid. Boniface, having first secured the sanction of Charles Martel, went again to Hesse. The Hessians were an important success in tribe, living between the Franks and the Saxons. HESSE- Their complete conversion was necessary to the plans of Boniface. By a happy stroke he undermined heathenism at a blow. At Geis- mar, near Fritzlar, in Upper Hesse, there was a gigantic oak, sa cred to Thor. This was a sacred shrine and meeting place of the people. With an ax Boniface felled the tree before their eyes. They expected him to be struck dead. The spell was broken. Out of the timbers he constructed a church. Conversions rapidly followed. The people were organized into schools. From England, with which Boniface kept up constant correspondence, he received new recruits — monks and nuns — for service. Monasteries were founded, which became mission stations and training centers ; arts and sciences were introduced ; and books and copyists were brought from England and Rome. To the abbess Eadburga he wrote for the epistles of Peter in gilded letters for use in preaching, and to another he wrote for copies of the gospels written in clear characters suitable for his weak eyes. He also wrote for commentaries, especially those of Bede. Boniface tried to reform the disorders of the clergy. Priests were ignorant. He ordered that no one should be appointed priest who could not repeat the more important offices in the vernacular. He tried to bring the British and Irish priests to the Roman law of celibacy, but he met with bitter opposition, for they reforms of would not renounce their wives.' Some of the priests boniface. neglected their spiritual duties, and were lovers of the chase and of war. Others mixed Christian and pagan customs, and even sacri ficed to idols. Boniface tried to bring them to better ways, but only partially succeeded. There were, however, British and Irish monks of austere and holy life, who were of great influence with the people, and resented the disposition to Romanize Germany. All this made his path full of thorns. In 738, Boniface made his third and last visit to Rome, this time 1 The marriage of priests was allowed in the Celtic Church. The Irish synod, A. D. 456, can. 6, ordered that the wives of the clergy should always be veiled when in public. Wilkin, Concil. Angl., i, 2. 568 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. with a great retinue of monks and converts. He was made arch bishop and legate, and went back with new instructions and author ity. He aimed now at organization. He founded several bishop rics and arranged a synodal system. He held five of these synods, presided over by himself in the name of the pope. Laws, many of them very salutary, were passed providing for the reformation of the clergy and the Church. In 743 Boniface was made Archbishop of Mainz. In 744 he founded the great monastery at Fulda, in the wild forest of Buchenau, between Hesse and Bavaria, destined to become the Monte Casino of Germany. Over this he appointed Sturm, his assistant in Thuringia, and hither, as to a loved retreat, he occasionally resorted for rest and quiet. As Boniface advanced in years his missionary zeal became more intense. Naming Lull as his successor at Mainz, and LAST MISSION ° and death of requesting that after death his body be brought back boniface. tQ Fuldaj he embarked on the Rhine for the northern country with a company of priests and acolytes. Some of the pagans welcomed them, and churches were organized. On June 4, 755, they had reached Dockum, on the river Burde. Here a company of heathen Frisians, enraged at their success, rushed upon them. Some in the bishop's peaceful party were preparing for resistance. He forbade them. " Let us not return evil for evil. The long- expected day is come. Strengthen yourselves in the Lord, and he will redeem your souls. Fear not those who kill the body, but put your trust in God, who will speedily bring you to heaven." He himself laid his head on a volume of the gospels, and stretched it forth for the fatal blow. He and nearly all his band were killed. For centuries after in the monastery at Fulda, whither the remains of Boniface were brought, there was preserved a blood stained copy of St. Ambrose on the Advantage of Death which the holy Boniface had carried with him in that last journey. Boniface does not deserve the severe denunciations of Ebrard.1 character of He represents him simply as a papal emissary, a Roman boniface. spy, not a missionary, but an enslaver of Germany. In reality the Christian zeal of Boniface was unsurpassed. The sim plicity of his aims, his earnest anxiety for the very best things for the German Church, his lifelong interest in his English home, his wide and living sympathies— all these are reflected in his corre spondence.2 In organizing Germany under the Roman see, he not 1 See his Bonifatius der Zerstorer des columb. Kirchenthums auf dem Fest- land, Gutersl., 1882. He replies to the fairer book of Fischer, Bonifatius, der Apostel der Deutschen, 1881. 2 See Hahn, Bonif az und Lul, ihre angelsiichs. Korrespondenten, Leipz. , 1883. THE LABORS OF BONIFACE. 569 only followed the drift of the age, but he was doing the best that he knew to conserve and consolidate a Christian civilization in an age of anarchy and barbarism. He was a scholar, a civilizer, and a statesman. ' ' The works of Boniface have been ed. by J. A. Giles, Lond., 1844, 2 vols. There is an ed. of his epistles by Wurdtwein, Mainz, 1790, and Migne, vol. 89, and Jaffe, Bib. rerum ger. (Mon. Mog.). Hahn has proven that the sermons bearing his name are not genuine. His life was written by Willibald, a com panion and eyewitness, and is in Pertz, Mon., ii, 33, and in the 12th century by Othlo, a monk of Ratisbon, who has interwoven with Willibald's narrative papal briefs, Boniface's letters and other documents. It is found in Mabillon, Acta Sanct. Ord. Bened., Sasc. HI, pt. 2, and in Migne, vol. 89. Of modern au thorities, besides those mentioned in the notes, there are Gieseler, Leben Boni- facius, Erl., 1800 ; Lceffler, Bonifacius, Gotha, 1812 ; Rettberg, Kirchengesch. Deutsehl., Gott., 1846 ; Schmerbauch, Bonifacius, Apostel der Deutschen, Erf., 1827 ; Seiters (R. C), Bonifacius, Apostel der Teutschen, Mainz, 1845 ; Cox, Life of Boniface, Lond., 1853 ; Miiller, Bonifacius, Amst., 1869 ; Hope, Boniface, Lond., 1872 ; Werner, Bonifacius, Leipz., 1875, and art. in Herzog- Plitt ; Hauck, Kirchengeschichte Deutsehl., Leipz., 1887; Pfahler, St. Bonifa cius, Regensb., 1880. In the histories there are excellent discussions by Schmidt, vol. iv ; Neander, iii, 46-72, Memorials of Chr. Life in Middle Ages, 453-470 ; Robertson, ii (8vo ed.), 95-112 ; Schaff, iv, 92-100 ; Moller, 74-83 ; Milman, bk. iv, ch. v. See also Wright, Biogr. Brit. Lit. (Anglo-Saxon), pp. 308-334, where" list of editions is also given ; I. G. Smith in Smith and Wace ; Maelear, Apos tles of Med. Europe, ch. viii ; Trench, Mediaeval Church History, pp. 60-76. 570 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER XVIII. THE CONVERSION OF SCANDINAVIA. The daring of the Northmen, their bold and ceaseless invasion of aggressions new territory in various parts of Europe, are among the of the north- wonders of history. Palgrave says : " Take a map MEN' and color with vermilion the provinces, districts, and shores which the Northmen visited, as the record of each invasion. The coloring will have to be repeated more than ninety times suc cessively before you arrive at the conclusion of the Carlovingian dynasty. Furthermore, mark by the usual symbol of war, two crossed swords, the localities where battles were fought by or against the pirates ; where they were defeated or triumphant, or where they pillaged, burned, destroyed ; and the valleys and banks of the Elbe, Rhine, and Moselle, Scheldt, Meuse, Somme, and Seine, Loire, Garonne, and Adour, the inland Allier, and all the coast and coast- lands between estuary and estuary, and the countries between the river streams, will appear bristling as with chevaux-de-frise. The strongly fenced Roman cities, the venerated abbeys, and their de pendent bourgades, often more flourishing and extensive than the ancient seats of government, the opulent seaports and trading towns, were all equally exposed to the Danish attacks, stunned by the Northmen's approach, subjugated by their fury." * Such were the people whom Anskar and his successors brought under the scepter of Christ. Charles the Great had foreseen the Norse devastations, and had provided against them by fortifying the river banks and ports in northern Europe. But under his feeble successors the ravages were unchecked. The Northmen, unlike the Moslems, did not wage a re ligious war. They went only for plunder and conquest. If they had had a Northern Mohammed to organize them into a great united force no one can tell what the result would have been.2 But the Normans were conquered for Christ, and finally settled down in peaceful occupations in the country they invaded, becom ing Englishmen in England, Frenchmen in France, and Italians in Italy. Willibrord had crossed the Eider in 696. Harold, King of the 1 Normandy and England, vol. i, p. 419. 2 See Milman, iii, 134. THE CONVERSION OF SCANDINAVIA. 571 Jutes, for political reasons sought the protection of the Franks. This formed the opening wedge. Ebo, Archbishop of Rheims, crossed the Eider in 823 at the head of an imperial embassy, and with the blessing of Pope Paschalis I. He baptized some Danes, and returned in a year with several young Jutes whom he intended to educate for missionaries. In 826 Harold received baptism at Mainz. Soon after his return there followed Anskar, the " Apos tle of the North." Anskar was the son of a Frankish nobleman and was of a pro found religious nature. A beautiful vision is recorded - , . . , ANSKAR, THE as one of the turning points of his career. He died apostle of suddenly, and at the moment of his death St. Peter THEN0RTH- and John the Baptist appeared before him. He was conducted by them to purgatory, where he passed three days in such darkness and suffocation that they seemed a thousand years. He passed on to heaven, whose glory he beheld. A voice of the most exquisite sweet ness, but so clear that it seemed to fill the world, spoke to him out of the unapproachable light, " Go, and return hither, crowned with martyrdom." " On this triumphant end," says Milman, " which he gained at last, not by the sword, but by the slow mortification of his life, was thenceforth set the soul of Anskar." ' He entered the monastery of Corbey, near Amiens. When these monks founded a new station on the Weser, east of Paderborn, as an outpost for missionary operations, Anskar was chosen prior of this monastery of New Corbey (822). When volunteers were called for to go north Anskar and his brother monk Autbert offered. On the frontiers of Schleswig they began their work (826), founding a school, buying and educating Danish slaves, redeeming Christian prisoners of war, and preaching. Misfortunes overtook the mission. Harold was driven out by his pagan subjects, and the missionaries had to flee as well. Sweden was now unexpectedly opened. Some ambassadors from Sweden to the court of Louis the Pious had brought first mission the report that there were Christian merchants and pris- T0 3WEDEN- oners in their country who would welcome the visit of missionaries. In 830 Anskar and several companions undertook the mission. They were overtaken by Norse pirates and plundered of everything. They were able, however, to reach land. They came to Birka, on Lake Malar, the center of the northern trade, not far from the an cient capital, Sigtuna. Here they had remarkable success. Hloi- gar, the governor of Birka, was baptized, and built a church at his own expense. After eighteen months Anskar returned to Germany 1 Vita S. Anskarii, in Pertz, ii, 692 ; Milman, iii, 138. 572 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. to seek new recruits. Then Louis made Hamburg the seat of a bish opric for that northern land, and appointed Anskar bishop (834). A cathedral was built. Anskar bought more Danish boys to educate for the priesthood and sent new laborers to the Swedes. Suddenly the sky was darkened. Louis died in 840, Harold went back to heathenism, a pagan uprising drove out the Swedish missionaries, and the Normans descended on Hamburg and burned the city, church, monastery, and library. Anskar was now a home less wanderer. But nothing daunted his faith. Fortune turned again. He was made Bishop of Bremen. In 850 he again ventured into Sweden, with rich presents for the king, Olaf. The king finally consented to leave the decision tothe assembly of the people. The sacred lot was cast, and the decision was in favor of Christian ity. Then in the Folk-thing, after many disputes, an old man arose and said that the God of the Christians had been propitious to him in saving him from shipwreck and from pirates : " It would be much wiser, since our own gods are not so favorable, to have this God also, who is so mighty and so ready a protector." This mercenary argument won the day. The assembly declared for Christianity. The work of conversion, however, proceeded slowly. It was not until over a hundred years afterward that Canute sent English missionaries over to his continental dominions, and thus completed the Christianization of Denmark and Sweden. In Denmark Anskar set up the cross once more. As commis sioner from Louis he gained the confidence of Eric, and his alms giving and reputation as a miracle-worker produced a profound impression on rude minds. He founded a church at Sliasvig, an important trading town, and in 856 he built another at Ripe. The work of conversion went on, and under Eric II (855) toleration was granted to the Christians. This holy and intrepid missionary was a model of ascetic excellence. character of He did not slacken his self-discipline after elevation to anskar. ^he bishopric. He wore a haircloth shirt by night and day. He not only erected a hospital at Bremen for the sick, but distributed the tenth of his income among the poor, and every five years he tithed his income afresh. He would himself wash the feet of the poor and distribute bread to them with his own hands. " One miracle I would ask of the Lord," he said, "and that is that by his grace he would make me a good man." He died in 865, without his coveted crown of martyrdom. : 1 Adam, Gesta hammaburg. ecclesiae Pontificum, rec. Lappenberg, in Monu menta Germ. Script., vol. vii ; Rimbert, Vita Anskerii, accedit vita Rimberti, rec. G. Waitz, in Mon. Ger. Script., vol. ii ; Koppmann, Die altesten Urkunden THE CONVERSION OF SCANDINAVIA. 573 Hacon, son of the great king Harold Haaf ager, the unifier of Nor way, had been brought up in the Anglo-Saxon court, where he had been trained in the Christian faith. He returned to Norway to liber ate his country from the tyranny of his brother Eric, in 934. He tried to introduce Christianity, but the fierce opposition of the chiefs would not allow it. After some tumultuous changes of government Olaf Tryggveson became king (995-1000). He had been a great traveler, and had often come in contact with Christian seers, monks, and others who made a deep impression on him. There were many Norwegians in Ireland, and these had been Christianized by the native monks and priests. In Dublin, having pre- conversion viously been baptized, Olaf married the daughter of ofnorway. Olaf K varan. When he acquired possession of Norway he strove to bring the country into Christianity. The way he did this is told in Snorro-Sturluson's Heimskringla, and makes interesting reading. By craft, by persuasion, by cajoling, by wrath and cruelty, he brought the country to an unwilling obedience to Christ. Olaf, the son of Tryggve, is a picturesque figure in Norwegian history. He was bent on one thing only, the total overthrow of the hor rible Odinism of his fathers. His work was carried on in the same rough and uncompromising spirit of Olaf the Fat (1014-30). At length some of the alienated chiefs called in the aid of Knut of Denmark, and Olaf was slain in battle. But the imperial abruptness with which the old heathen ism was laid low in Norway was followed by long and patient Christian teaching by Norse missionaries from the British islands, some of whom had been brought over by these kings. Hence when the jarls found that Knut's reign was as the sting of scorpions com pared to the lash of Olaf's whip, the conversion of Norway had gone on far enough to bring about a reaction. The late king began to be remembered with affection, then revered, and finally, in 1031, was canonized as a saint. Then came the desire for the old inde pendence. Under Olaf's son, Magnus the Good, Knut was driven out in 1035, and Christianity became the national faith of Norway.1 des Erzbisthums Hamburg-Bremen, Hamb. , 1866 ; Maurer, Die Bekehrung des norwegisch. Stammes zum Christenthum, Miinchen, 1856 ; Tappehorn, Lebend. hi. Anskar, Munster, 1863 ; Maclear, Apost. of Mediaeval Europe, pp. 151-171. 1 The sources of the two Olaf s, the founders of Norwegian Christianity, are : Heimskringla: Chronicle of the Norse Kings, tr. by S. Laing, Lond., 1844, 4 vols., new ed., rev. by R. B. Anderson, Lond., 1889. Also tr. by Morris and Magnusson, Lond., 2 vols., 1891. This is one of the great historical books of the world. It was written by Snorro-Sturluson, 12th cent. A new ed., with In trod. and notes, by York Powell, is in preparation. Olafs Saga, udgivet Mu nich and Unger, Christiana, 1853. Other authorities : Munch, Det Norske 574 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Iceland was also a Norse stronghold. Beginning with 981, Thor- wald and Frederick labored there. A council of the island ordered them to leave in 988. Olaf Tryggveson, however, continued the evangelism. Olaf's old friend and chaplain, the indomitable priest- soldier, Dankbrand, a Saxon, was sent out in 997. Iceland. Christianity made such headway that in 1000 it was recognized as the only public worship of the island, idol worship, the exposure of children, and the eating of horseflesh being still permitted in private. But under Olaf the Fat (1016) this com promise was swept away, and Iceland became entirely Christian.1 The brave Icelander, Eric the Red, had discovered Greenland, and had colonized it in 986. In 1000 Olaf Tryggves6n sent Leif the Fortunate, the son of the discoverer, with an expe dition for its conversion. The people received the faith readily, and the Church flourished there for 400 years. The Norse settlements were at last overthrown by the Eskimo. This great Christian navigator, Leif, discovered Vinland about 1000, and the cross of Christ was planted on the coasts of Massachusetts and Rhode Island five hundred years before Columbus braved the terrors of the Sea of Darkness. Polk's Historic, Christiana, 7 vols., 1852-63 ; Sars, udsight over det Norske Historie, Christ., 1873-77 ; Maurer, Die Bekehrung des norwegisch. Stammes zum Christenthum, Munich, 1855. This last is the best modern work on the Church History of Norway. Carlyle, The Early Kings of Norway [860-1397], Lond., 1875. This is an adaptation of Laing's Heimskringla, with original touches of Carlyle's genius. Boyesen, The Story of Norway, Lond. and N. Y., 1886, new ed., 1890. See also Maclear, Apostl. of Mediaeval Europe, pp. 172-200. 1 See K. Maurer, Island von seiner ersten Entdeckung bis zum Untergang des Freistaats, Munchen, 1874. Full details as to the ecclesiastical history of Iceland in the Middle Ages will be found in the Biskupa Sogar, ed. by Prof. G. Vigfusson, and pub. by the Icelandic Literary Soc, 2 vols., 1858-^61. A part of this collection is the Laurentius Saga ; Life of Laurence, Bishop of Holar, trans, by O. Elton, Lond., 1890. Maccoll, The Story of Iceland, Lond., 1887, contains extracts from the sagas. Burk S MnFttmdge Co Mi Fhila MADE ZXFtiESSLY FOR HURSt'5 U THE BRITISH; ISLES IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY 3. ^ MOWING POLITICAL AND ETHNICAL RELATIONS. FEKMAN1C PEOPLES; -^ J ^_4 J ii i jutes F^ | i^te Vx (ff ^ ^^ftiver, ejltk people s j 8 sl^g?S*= Pilous ; - .-? | r *« *i- PICT5 iTYREf 3K&^=-*f n ! (J ^ 1 1 o wja VA, -H Vf orTME CHRISTIAN CHURCH. THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND. 575 CHAPTEE XIX. THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND. The introduction of Christianity into Britain is a tangled skein. At least ten different agents have received the credit of first preaching the Gospel in Britain. These are : (1) Bran, the father of Caradog ; (2) St. Paul ; (3) St. Peter ; (4) St. Simon Zelotes ; (5) St. Philip ; (6) St. James the Great ; (7) St. John ; (8) Aristo- bulus, the Arwystli Hen of the "Welsh Triads ; (9) Joseph of Ari- mathea ; and (10) Missionaries sent by Eleutherius from uncertain Eome at the request of Lucius, a British king.1 The beginnings. whole list is legendary. There is no written record of any of these supposed apostles of Britain before the sixth century. Wordsworth has thus described the hopeless uncertainty of the beginnings of Christian Britain : " If there be prophets on whose spirits rest Past things, revealed like future, they can tell What Powers, presiding o'er the sacred well Of Christian Faith, this savage island blessed With its first bounty. Wandering through the West, Did holy Paul a while in Britain dwell, And call the fountain forth by miracle, And with dread signs the nascent stream invest ? Or he, whose bonds dropped off, whose prison doors Flew open, by an Angel's voice unbarred ? Or some of humbler name, to these wild shores Storm-driven ; who, having seen the cup of woe Pass from their Master, sojourned here to guard of woe The precious current they had taught to flow ? " 2 The etory runs that Caractacus (Caradog), the brave British chieftain, who was carried to Eome in 51, returned to Britain in 58 with his father Bran and his son, St. Cyllinus, leaving his other son, Linus, to be afterward appointed the first Bishop of Eome. This story is not older than the twelfth century. No his torian mentions the return of Caractacus. He died in Eome.3 St. Clement of Eome says that St. Paul came to the "boundary of 1 Haddon and Stubbs, Concilia 23-26 ; Pryce, Ancient British Church, p. 31, note. 2 Ecclesiastical Sonnets, i, 1. 3 Pryce, 41-13. 576 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the "West," ' by which he probably meant Spain." Eusebius speaks loosely of the disciples "crossing the ocean to the isles called British." 3 Prom these frail notices Usher,4 Stillingneet/ Burgess/ and, later, Soame,7 have argued for the Pauline evangelism of Britain. But when he speaks distinctly of the fields of the apostles Eusebius omits Britain altogether.8 If Paul had visited that island there would have been an earlier mention than that of Vanantius Portunatus in the sixth century." The old British documents are entirely silent.10 About this year 900 Simon Metaphrastes represents Peter as staying for some time in Britain, and thoroughly organizing a Church.11 Cave quotes from the spurious synopsis of Dorotheusto the effect that St. Simon Zelotes was crucified there.12 These sto ries even go to the length of making James, the son of Zebedee, who was put to death by Herod (44), a preacher in Britain.13 The worthless Greek menologies make Aristobulus a Bishop of Britain. The most beautiful legend is that connected with Joseph of Ar- legend of imathea. In the persecution that arose upon the death joseph of 0f Stephen, the Jews sent him afloat on the Mediterra nean without rudder or sail. He drifted to Gaul, where he was received by the apostle Philip, by whom he was sent with twelve companions to preach in Britain. He carried with him the Holy Grail," the cup used by Jesus at the last supper, in which was 1 Ep. ad. Cor., 5 : iirl to rkppa tqc dvaiog iWuv. " Epistles of St. Clement, p. 50. See Horn, xv, 24, 28. 3 Dem. Ev., iii, 5. 4 Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Antiquitates, 1639, c. xi, in Works, v, 20. 5 Origines Britannicae, 1710, new ed., Lond., 1840, pp. 1-49. Stillingneet subjects the other legends to an acute analysis, but he himself accepts this one concerning Paul. 6 In various publications on the Independence of the British Church. 1 The Anglo-Saxon Church, p. 22. s H. E. iii 1. 9 Vita S. Martini, iii, 488-494. This tradition is effectually disposed of by Lingard, The Hist, and Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, i, 317-326, and Pryce, I. c, pp. 43-48. K Ecclesiastical Antiquities of the Cymry, p. 60. 11 Acta Sanct. 29 Jun., v, 416. The ever-refreshing Fuller has some interest ing remarks on this, Church History of Britain, new ed., Lond 1837 i 8 9 12 Hist. Lit., i, 169, Oxf., 1740. iaIsid. de Patr. utrius Test., o. 72 ; Plav. Luc. Dexter, Chron. ad ann. 41. 14 From Low Lat., gradalis, a shallow vessel, or from an older form of the same, cratalis, from cratus, L. Lat. form of crater. The legend of the Holy Grail has many forms. In the Quest version it has been immortalized in English literature by Malory, Tennyson, and others. Alfred Nutt gives a thorough treatment in Studies on the Legend of the Holy Grail, Lond. and an excellent article in the last ed. of Chambers's Encyc. THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND. 577 preserved some of the blood shed on the cross. The king received him well, and he built a church at Glastonbury. This became one of the most celebrated churches in England. It was the " one church of the first rank in England which stood as a ihemorial of British days, the only one which had lived unscathed through the storm of English conquest." 1 Joseph planted his staff on a neigh boring hill, which grew into a Holy Thorn, and blossomed miracu lously every Christmas Eve. The first record of this striking story is given by "William of Malmesbury, in the twelfth century, in his account of the Glastonbury Church.2 The historian Bede, writing about 731, says that in the reign of Antoninus Verus, Lucius, King of the Britons, sent a letter to Eleu- therius, Bishop of Eome, "entreating that by his command he might be made a Christian." 3 Although there is nothing inhe rently improbable in this story, it is, as Lingard says, suspicious, and, as there is no early evidence for it, it cannot be accepted.4 A Eoman Catholic historian draws a large inference from this doubt ful entry of the sixth century : " Tradition speaks infallibly when it says that a British kinglet sent to the pope for instruction in spir itual things, and its full significance is apparent. The pope alone keeps the deposit of the faith, and has it to impart." 6 If there was a British king in the second century who sent abroad for missionaries it was very natural for him to send to the imperial city. All these traditions, however, rest on a basis of fact — that in the second century the Christian religion was known Christianity in Britain. Tertullian, in the beginning of the third "/So'ora "* century, says that places in Britain where the Eoman centurt. 1 See Freeman, Glastonbury British and English, in Macmillan's Mag., Oct., 1880. Alford, in his Ballad of Glastonbury, Poems, i, 16, has gracefully versi fied the legend. 2 Printed in Gale, Scriptores, xv. Fuller, bk. i, cent, i, 11-17, has some caustic remarks upon it, and Stillingfleet's acute and learned discussion is a good example of historical criticism, pp. 6-36. 3 H. E., i, 4. Marcus Antoninus began to reign 161, and died 180. Eleuthe- rius's bishopric was between 176 or 177 and 190. The first account of this is about 530, in an addition made to an early catalogue of the Soman pontiffs. Gildas is silent. There are many later embellishments to this legend. See Bright, Early Eng. Ch. Hist., 2d ed., rev. and enl., pp. 3, 4 ; Pryce, pp. 48-51; Fuller, Ch. Hist, of Britain, i, 18-27. The best modern authorities reject it. 4 Lingard does not, however, reject it. Anglo-Saxon Church, i, 2-4. Bur ton, Eccl. Hist., ii, 206, and Milman, ii, 226, speak of it as fabulous. Had- don and Stubbs, Bright, Pryce, and Maclear, Conversion of the West : the Celts, p. 48, are on the same side. 5 Allies, Hist, of the Church in England, 30-1509, Lond., 1892, p. 4. 37 578 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. arrows could never penetrate were subject to Christ. ' Origen says that the power of the Saviour is as manifest in Britain as in Mau ritania/ and Arnobius speaks of the velocity with which the word has run fro'm the Indians to the Britons.3 There is no doubt that Britain received the Gospel from the Greek churches in Gaul about the time of the persecution at Lyons and Vienna.4 About 303 Britain felt the effects of the Diocletian persecution. Alban, a pagan citizen of Verulam (now St. Albans), gave protec tion to a Christian priest fleeing from persecution. He waB con verted by the priest, and, when the hiding place was found, Alban yielded himself up instead of his guest, and was beheaded. " Self -offered victim, for his friend he died, And for the faith."5 Bede tells of several miracles which were wrought in connection with his martyrdom. A church was built on the site of the mar tyrdom, and in 793 a great Benedictine abbey was founded there by Offa, King of Mercia, and to-day there stands on that far-famed hill the " vastest and sternest " of the early Norman churches, made a cathedral in 1877. 6 British bishops were present at the council of Aries (314), held to settle the dispute between Caecilian, Bishop of Carthage, and the Donatists. It was there determined that (1) Easter Day should be observed at a fixed time throughout the world, to be notified by the Bishop of Eome — a provision which became a dead letter ; (2) bap tism in the name of the Trinity by heretics valid ; (3) marriage in dissoluble during the life of the parties ; (4) three bishops necessary to the validity of a consecration. Eepresentatives from the North were also present at the council of Ariminum (359). Britain disturbed the peace of European Christianity by sending out Pelagius, called " the Briton " by Augustine 7 and Bede/ who quotes against him one of Prosper's fierce epigrams. Pelagius left Britain in early life, and did not return, but Agricola, the son of Bishop Severinus, labored with all his might to propagate his theory. It does not appear that the Church was generally affected, but there was sufficient danger to call in the 1 Adv. Jud., 7. 2 Horn, vi in Luc, c. i. » In Psalm cxlvii. 4 For Eastern influences through the Gallic Church on the British and Irish Churches, see Warren, Liturgy and Eitual of the Celtic Church, pp. 47-57. See also Pryce, pp. 52-66. 5 Wordsworth, Eccl. Sonnets, i, vi. 6 There is no need to question a nucleus of truth in this story. It was be lieved at Verulam in the fifth century, is given by Gildas, Hist., 8, in the sixth, and is produced at length by Bede, i, 7. 'Ep.186, i. 8H. E., i,16. THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND. 579 aid of Gaul. In 429 ' Germanus, Bishop of Auxerre, and Lupus of Troyes, went over to confirm the Church. They preached in the churches, streets, and fields. They then held a council, in which the Pelagians were met and vanquished. Soon after occurred the great Hallelujah victory. An army of Picts and Scots came down on the Britons, many of whom had been recently converted. Ger manus instructed them to cry out " Hallelujah" at the proper time. With an awful voice they made the cry. The echoes sounded through the valley and reverberated from cliff to cliff. The enemy fled, as if the " very skies were crashing over them, and many leaped headlong into the river." The scene of this battle is laid by "Welsh tradition at Maes-Garman, " German's Field," a mile from Mold, in Flintshire.3 Christianity never made much impression in Britain in the Eo man times. Hardly a monument remains. The fierce- few chris- ness of the Saxon invasion is not sufficient to account "J^"^"?^ Ui! la.iL KU.MAA for this. "With one or two exceptions there is not a period. church, or the remains of a church, which can justify its claim to belong to pre- Augustine England. "With one exception there is not a Eomano- British sepulchral monument with a Christian inscrip tion. Among the thousands of portable objects discovered in England which belong to the British period a score or less are all that remain of Christian origin or use. The testimony of archae ology is a question for experts. Allen has thoroughly investigated this branch of the evidence, and his conclusion is that " neither in the structures, the sepulchral remains, nor the portable objects of the Eomano-British period are sufficient traces of Christianity appar ent to justify the belief that any appreciable proportion of the in habitants of the country had been reclaimed from paganism before the end of the fourth century." The late Thomas Wright comes to the same conclusion/ and shows that at all events the legendary sto ries, such as the one about Lucius, King of the Britons, writing to Pope Eleutherius in 156, are entirely at variance with the results arrived at by archaeological research. He thinks also that the sup posed historical statement as to the presence of British bishops at Aries, 314, does not rest on sufficiently reliable authority to be ac cepted without further confirmation, and that the general allusions 1 Bede makes the date 446, but this is now admitted as too late. 2 Bright, pp. 16-21 ; Pryce, pp. 117-125 ; Bede, i, 17-21 ; Lappenberg, Eng land Tinder the Anglo-Saxon Kings, i, 82, 83. 3 The Celt, Eoman and Saxon. Wright was one of the most accomplished antiquaries of the century. He devoted his life to these pursuits, and his works are of great value. 580 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. made by Tertullian, Origen, Jerome, and other early Christian writers as to the existence of a Eomano-British Church, " must evidently be taken as little better than flourishes of rhetoric. With this general conclusion as to the slight hold Christianity had on early Britain Haddon and Stubbs and Bright/ the three great authorities, agree. Nevertheless Christianity was firmly established in various parts of Britain. It was formerly thought that Celtic Christianity was of a far purer type than Eoman. Ebrard has especially emphasized this view, and there is some truth in it. 3 Cut off from the downward development of Eome, the British Church exemplified a religion of a more prim itive and evangelical type. But it was only a question of degree. The old theory that the British Church was Protestant and evan gelical is now abandoned.4 As to its spiritual condition, Gildas, a British historian who wrote about 564, draws a dark picture. He says : " Britain hath priests, but they are unwise ; very old British many that minister, but many of them impudent ; church. derks she hath, but very many of them are deceitful raveners ; pastors, as they are called, but rather wolves prepared for the slaughter of souls, for they provide not for the good of the common people, but covet rather the gluttony of their own bellies ; possessing the houses of the Church, but obtaining them for filthy lucre's sake ; instructing the laity, but showing withal most de praved examples, vices, and evil manners ; seldom sacrificing, and seldom with clean hearts, standing at the altars; not correcting the commonalty for their offenses, while they commit the same sins themselves."6 This old prophet-historian adds one indictment after another to these heavy charges. Even granting that there is exaggeration in his words, Gildas plainly shows that the spiritual life of the old British Church was not stronger or purer than that of the conti nental Church. The Frankish Church was even worse. The pages 1 Allen, Monumental Hist, of the Brit. Ch., Lond., 1889, pp. 41, 42. The author gives a careful study of all the remains. Others yield more to Christian influences. See Grover, Pre- Augustine Christianity in Great Britain, in Journal of the Brit. Archseol. Inst., xxiii, 221, ff., and Brock, Evidences of the Extent of the Anc. Brit. Ch., in the same, xii, 53, ff. 2 Haddon and Stubbs, i, 39, 162 ; Bright, pp. 10-12 ; Haddon, Remains, p. 332. 3 Die iroschottische Missionskirche der 6, 7, 8 Jahrh., Giitersloh, 1873. 4 Loos shows this. Antiquae Britonum Scotorumque Ecclesiee quales fuerint mores, Lips., 1882. 6 Gildas, § 66. See Giles, Six Old English Chronicles, pp. 343, 344 ; Bright, pp. 28, 29. THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND. 581 of Gregory of Tours reveal a condition of moral anarchy far ex ceeding anything ever known in England.1 The constitution of the Celtic Church did not differ substantially from that of the Church at large, except as to the greater power of the abbot. In South Britain and Wales there were bishops with distinct sees — at least seven when Augustine had his conference with them at Aust. The hands of the bishops and priests were anointed and blest, and they were looked upon as the successors of St. Peter. They sat in his seat, and inherited his power of bind ing and loosing. They were to offer sacrifice. The bishops in Ire land seemed to be tribal bishops, often located in groups of seven near each other. Throughout the whole Celtic Church the presby ter-abbot of the monastery was the leading spirit. Under him was the bishop, whom he directed even in the act of ordination.2 The monastic system was thoroughly developed. The Celtic Church might in fact be called a monastic Church. M0NASTICIgM The monastery was the center of all its activities. But in the celtic the monastery was rather a mission institute than a CHCKCH' monastery in the ordinary sense. It was a combination of an agricultural college and a theological seminary for the purpose of training missionaries. St. David, the patron saint of Wales in the sixth century, a man of wonderful holiness, founded twelve monas teries.3 The monks were bound to the ordinary vows of obedience, poverty, and chastity. On the bank of the Dee was the great monastery of Bangor Iscoed, divided into seven sections, says Bede,4 each containing three hundred men, all living by manual labor. It was these monks whom -fEthelfrith destroyed for their prayers in 613, at the battle of Chester. Other monasteries were Bangor Mawr, Clynnog Fahr, Csergybi, Eulli, the burial place of saints, Llanelwy, with 965 monks, Ty-gwyn ar Daf, and three great mo nastic establishments at Llandaff.6 These monasteries were con nected with the clan, and the clergy often threw themselves pas- 1 For an instructive comparison of Bede and Gregory of Tours in this respect, see Bright, Early Eng. Ch. Hist., pp. 447-450. 2 Bede, iii, 5. The great council at lona ordained Aidan, and sent him out to preach. See the able article by Mitchell on the Keltic Church in the Schaff- Herzog Encyc. There is still a dispute among scholars as to the exact status of the bishop in the Scotch and British Churches. But all the facts go to show that the conception of the bishops as jure divino head of the Church and in order higher than the presbyters was unknown. 3 Thus says his life by Ehyddmarch (11th century), which is translated in Cambro-British Saints, pp. 102-116, and in Pryce, Early Brit. Ch., pp. 129- 141. Like all the lives of British saints it is full of miracles. "iii, 2. 5See Pryce, pp. 176-210. 582 HISTORY" OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. sionately into tribal quarrels. Between Wales, Cornwall, Ireland, and Brittany there was a constant ebb and flow of missionaries. The Celtic Church was the greatest missionary Church in history. The British Christians built churches in honor of martyrs, used the Latin service, and in many matters of this kind were like the Continental Church. No vernacular liturgy older than the eighth century has been brought to light. The reason of this is LITURGY OF the British that the earliest converts to Christianity in Britain were church. Eomans or Eomanizing Britons, and Latin was under stood by most of them for a long time. The writings of the British and Scoto-Irish authors of the first six centuries, all the extant gos pels and psalters, and the few liturgical fragments that have sur vived, are in Latin.1 The liturgy of the whole Celtic Church was modeled after the Gallican and Ephesian use, with marked charac teristics of its own.2 The time of observing Easter was a bitter trial to the Eoman Church. This dispute was different from that which divided Eome and the East. The Asiatics celebrated the Paschal Supper on the the easter 14th day of the first Jewish month (Nisan), and three question. dayS iater the Feast of the Eesurrection, on whatever day in the week it might happen to fall. These were called the Quartodecimans, or Fourteeners. The Eoman Church and other Churches celebrated the 14th of Nisan if it fell on a Friday, other wise on the next Friday, and Easter Day on the following Sunday. The British Church followed Eome thus far. But while Eome had discarded the Cycle or Table of measurement of Sulpicius Severus for the more correct Cycle of Victorius Aquitanus, the British Church still kept to the old Cycle.3 The tonsure was another stumbling-block. In the fourth century neither monks nor priests practiced the tonsure. In fact, TON SURF *~*^ y the council of Carthage (398) forbade the cutting of the beard and hair, and Jerome says that Christian priests must not appear with shorn head, lest they be confounded with priests of Isis and Serapis. 4 It was taken up by the monks of the fifth century. The Eoman custom was to shave the head except a circle of hair around the head, like the crown of thorns of the Saviour. The 1 See Remains of A. W. Haddon, Oxf., 1876, a book full of learning by a profound and devout High Church scholar. 2 See F. E. Warren, Liturgy and Eitual of the Celtic Church, Lond., 1881, who gives an interesting account of all the liturgical fragments. * For a clear account see Cutts, Augustine of Canterbury, Lond. and Bost 1895, pp. 132-135 ; Pryce, pp. 90-93. 4 Com. on Ezek. xliv. THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND. 583 Greeks shaved the head completely, and the British tonsure included the whole fore part of the head from ear to ear. Dowden, of Edin burgh, has recently put forth the theory that the British tonsure was the shaving of the fore part of the head except a narrow fringe of hair in front.1 It was characteristic of early mediaeval Chris tianity that the bitterest contests should gather around such ridicu lous trifles as these.2 In baptism the British Church practiced single instead of trine immersion. The marriage of the clergy was a recognized custom until a late date. In Wales, the last stronghold of British Christianity, in the latter part of the tenth century, when the clergy were enjoined not to marry without the consent of the pope, such an excitement was raised that the ancient practice was not interfered with. Marriage was taken as a matter of course. Notices of several eminent eccle siastics have been transmitted under the title of "The marriage of Genealogy of the Saints."3 One of the greatest of the the clergy. bishops of St. Davids had four sons, one of whom succeeded him in the bishopric. Another son was elected in 1115 to the same see, although Henry I, to the great dissatisfaction of both clergy and laity, conferred the office upon a Norman, and the bishop-elect became Archdeacon of Powys.4 Benefices and other appointments passed lineally from father to son. As Pryce says, this usage would have been " too scandalous to be acquiesced in, had the con nection been otherwise than legitimate." It was not until the 1 See Cutts, Augustine of Canterbury, p. 136. 2 See the letter of Abbot Ceolfrid to the King of the Picts, Bede, H. E., v, 21. He calls the British the tonsure of Simon Magus. 3 See Williams ab Ithel, Eccl. Antiquities of the Cymry, p. 230. 4 Jones and Freeman, Hist, of St. Davids, p. 270. * Ancient British Church, p. 204. Lea is in error in attributing the silence of St. Aldhelm (d. 709) on the marriage of the clergy in his letter to the Welsh King Geruntius to the reason that clerical celibacy was now a universal custom in both the English and British Churches. See his Hist, of Sacerdotal Celibacy, 2d ed., enl., Bost., 1884, p. 163. The letter of Aldhelm discussed the points of difference between the two Churches. " Had the Welsh Church been schis matic in this respect, so ardent a celibatarian as Aldhelm would certainly not have omitted all reference to a subject of so much interest to him. The infer ence is therefore justifiable that no difference of this nature existed." But no reference to this matter is made in the conference between Augustine and the British bishops. It was only by Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury (668- 690) that the marriage of the clergy in the Anglo-Saxon Church was forbidden. Rather the silence of Aldhelm must be interpreted as meaning that he knew it was useless to call in question an assured and established custom in the Brit ish Church. See Pryce, pp. 201-205, with notes. Even in Milan, in Italy, 584 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. time of Giraldus Cambrensis (1147-1222) that marriage was defi nitely prohibited to the clergy of Wales. After that lawful mar riage was concealed under the veil of concubinage. The British Churches had a Latin version of the Bible peculiar to themselves, different from the old Latin version and the Vulgate. The Teutonic conquest of England is famous among foreign con quests for the thoroughness and brutality with which THE TEUTONIC , i j_ i * l _c n l conquest of it was carried out and the vast results which followed Britain. j^ j£ wjpe(j tlie Britons from the face of the country. They were either exterminated or compelled to take refuge in Wales. Their Church was blotted out. It henceforth existed only in the West. When the conquest was complete the country was no longer Britain, but England ; a new race, a new language, a new religion, a new civilization (or barbarism). In 410 the last Eoman soldier left Britain forever. In 449, the first of the Teu tonic invaders, the Jutes, made a permanent landing on the English shore. In 613, under the walls of Chester, ^Ithelfrith forced the Britons across the Dee, and thus completed a conquest which had gone on one hundred and fifty years. The new races were the most savage and cruel of all the barbaric conquerors of Eome. Pryce says : " Their gods were Woden, to be propitiated by human sacrifice, Freya, the goddess of unhallowed love, while the attri butes of Thor were set forth under the symbol of a hammer, with which he was supposed to crush the heads of his enemies." l In other countries the heathen invaders in time adopted the religion and civilization of the conquered people. In England it was differ ent. That country presented the only purely Teutonic land in the world. The work of the conversion of the Northern Isle, therefore, had to all the priests were married in the middle of the eleventh century. See Schaff iv, 332 ; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, iv, 794. Elsewhere (pp. 285, 293, 294) Lea fully recognizes the fact that ministerial marriages were a well-established custom in Wales in the later Middle Ages. " We may almost hazard the con clusion," he says, " that notwithstanding the efforts of both ecclesiastical and secular legislators, sacerdotal marriage scarcely became obsolete in Wales be fore it was once more recognized as legitimate under the Reformation. " 1 Early Brit. Ch., p. 213 ; Ozanam, Les Germains avant le Christianisme, pp. 70, 74, 92. It is a matter of dispute how far the English exterminated the British. Gardiner thinks that many of the towns fared no better than Anderida, where every Briton was slain, and that, on the other hand, the pres ence of Celtic words in our language proves that many of the Britons were al lowed to settle as serfs among the conquerors. Student's Hist, of England Lond. and N. Y., 1892, pp. 29, 81. Green holds that the presence of a few slaves here and there does not interfere with the awful thoroughness of the ex termination. Short Hist, of the English People, Lond., 1875, p. 10. THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND. 585 be undertaken anew. We will let Bede tell the picturesque story of the inception of this movement in his own words : " They say that on a certain day, when, some merchants having lately arrived, many things were collected in the mar- venerable ket place [in Eome] for sale, and many persons had bede's story come together to buy, Gregory himself came among version of the rest, and saw, among other things, some boys put up England. for sale, of a white body and fair countenance, and also with hair of remarkable beauty. Whom when he beheld, he asked, as they say, from what region or land they were brought, and it was said that they were brought from the island of Britain, whose inhabitants were of such an aspect. Again he asked whether the same islanders were Christians, or still entangled in the errors of paganism ; and it was said that they were pagans. Then he, drawing deep sighs from the bottom of his heart, said : ' Alas, for grief that the author of Dark ness possesses men of so bright countenance, and that so great grace of aspect bears a mind void of inward grace.' Then again he asked what was the name of that nation. It was answered that they were called Angles. ' It is well/ he said ; ' for they have an an gelic face besides, and such it befits to be coheirs of angels in heaven.' ' What name has that province from which they were brought ? ' It was answered that the people of that province were called Deira. ' Well/ he said, ' Deira, withdrawn from anger, and called to the mercy of Christ.' 'How is the king of that province called ? ' It was answered that he was called Aella ; then he, allud ing to the name, said, 'Alleluia, it behooves that the praise of God, the Creator, should be sung in those parts.' And going to the pon tiff of the Eoman and apostolic see [for he was not himself as yet made pontiff], he asked him to send some ministers of the word into Britain to the nation of the Angles, by whom it might be converted to Christ, saying that he himself was ready to accom plish this work, with the cooperation of the Lord, if the apostolic pope thought fit that it should be done. Which at that time he was not able to accomplish, because, although the pontiff was will ing to grant him his request, the citizens of Eome could not be in duced to consent that he should go so far from the city."1 Gregory himself was made pope in 590. In 596 he carried out his long-cherished plan. He sent to England the Ben- GREG0RY edictine abbot, Augustine, with other monks, interpre- sends augus- ters, letters of recommendation and instruction. With 1 H. E., ii, 1, trans. Gidly, Oxf., 1870. Some think the elaborate play on the words renders this story suspicious. Schaff quotes the proverb, " Se non e vero, e molto ben trovato " — If not true, then well invented. 586 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. him he sent a Bible, a Psalter, a book of the gospels, a Martyr- ology, Apocryphal Lives of the Apostles, and several commenta ries — the beginning of the Library of the English Church. When they reached Lerins their hearts gave way at the news they heard of the barbarous Angles. They wrote to Gregory to absolve his missionaries of their obligation. But he urged them forward. ' They landed in the isle of Thanet, in Kent, in the spring of 597. Their fears were groundless, because Ethelbert, King of the Jutes in Kent, had married Bertha, the Christian daughter of Charibert, King of Paris ; and one of the conditions of the marriage was the free exer cise of her religion. The king would not immediately yield his paganism, saying : " Your words and promises are very fair, but as they are new to us, and of uncertain meaning, I cannot forsake the religion I have so long followed with the whole English nation." 2 But he would allow them freedom of his kingdom for preaching and the winning of converts. After various conferences Ethelbert yielded, and with his court was baptized on Whitsunday, 597. He assigned Canterbury to Augustine, which thus became the ecclesi astical capital of England. Augustine was ordained bishop of the Angles by Vergilius, Archbishop of Aries, on November 16, 597, and in 601 received the pallium of an archbishop from the pope. With a daring faith Gregory had already parceled out heathen England into two archiepiscopal provinces — Canterbury and York — with twelve bishoprics to each. Augustine wrote to the pope, making various inquiries as to points of discipline and teaching. Gregory replied in a tone of monastic and legalistic strictness, but in the main with good sense. In regard to the customs of Churches Gregory says : " If you have found either in the Eoman or Galli- can or any other Church what may be more acceptable to Almighty God, you cheerfully make choice of the same, and sedulously teach the Church of the English, which as yet is new in the faith, what soever you can gather from the several Churches. For things are not to be loved for the sake of places, but places for the sake of good things. Choose therefore from every Church those things that are pious, religious, and upright, and when you have, as it were, made them up into one body, let the minds of the English be accustomed thereto."3 In regard to accommodation to heathen usages Greg ory laid down the rule which has always been followed by the Eoman Church. The heathen temples are to be converted into Christian 1 See his admirable letter to Bede, i, 23. 2 Bede i 25 8 For these very interesting questions and answers, see Bede i 27 See Comments by Schaff, iv, 33, 34; Milman, ii, 180, who refers to Hume's sar- casm. THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND. 587 churches, relics are to be substituted for idols, and on the great festivals cattle can still be killed, not to idols, but to the praise of God. " For he who endeavors to ascend to the highest places rises by degrees or steps, and not by leaps." This rule, as Schaff says, facilitated conversion, but it swept a vast amount of heathen ism into the Church.3 Augustine now tried to form a union with the old British Church. But the imperiousness of the Eoman and the obstinacy of the Britons made all negotiations in vain. The race antipa- latter were required to renounce their time of Easter ™cLAto °B observance, their single immersion, and to unite with the union of the Eomans in the conversion of the English, pro- ™™™E posals which showed how in all essentials the two churches. Churches were at one. The British said they must love and re spect the Bishop of Eome, but they could not give up their ancient customs at his dictation. The commissioners parted in anger, Augustine fiercely calling down upon the British bishops the di vine vengeance. When ^Ethelfrith massacred the British monks at Chester, in 613, Bede saw in it a fulfillment of Augustine's curse, " these perfidious men thus feeling the vengeance of temporal death, also, because they had despised the offer of eternal salva tion." 3 " This," says Schaff, " is a sad picture of the fierce ani mosity of the two races and rival forms of Christianity. Unhappily it continues to the present day, but with a remarkable difference : the Celtic Irish, who, like the Britons, once represented a more independent type of Catholicism, have, since the Norman con quest, and still more since the Eeformation, become intense Eo- manists, while the English, once the dutiful subjects of Eome, have broken with that foreign power altogether, and have vainly endeavored to force Protestantism upon the conquered race. The Irish problem will not be solved until the double curse of national and religious antagonism is removed." 4 But the Britons in Wales have been the strongest Protestants for centuries, the Eoman Church hardly having a footing in the principality, and the Celts in Scotland have long since abandoned Eome. England has really never been a dutiful child of the pope. We pass quickly over the conversion of the other provinces of England. Edwin, the King of Northumbria, had married Ethel- berga, the daughter of Ethelbert, the Christian King of Kent. The peaceable exercise of her religion was assured her. With her there 1 Bede, i, 30. 2 iv, 34, 35. Bright has some excellent remarks on this, Early Eng. Church History, pp. 72-76. 3 H. E., ii, 2. 4 Oh. Hist., iv, 37. 588 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. went Paulinus, who had already been designated as the Archbishop northumbria of York. In a meeting, described with dramatic effect converted. by Bede/ Edwin renounced his gods, and his priests led an onslaught against the idols. For thirty-six days Paulinus was en gaged in catechizing, and in baptizing in the neighboring stream. So great was the transformation of the people, and so benignant yet firm the rule of Edwin, that a woman might pass -uninjured from sea to sea. Christianity in Northumbria suffered a temporary overthrow by the defeat and death of Edwin at Hatfield Chase, near Doncas- ter, 633, at the hands of the ferocious Penda, King of Mercia. It was renewed again by Aidan, the discreet and holy monk from lona, thus bringing the Scottish (Celtic) influence to bear on Eng lish heathenism. Under him Northumbria was thoroughly Chris tianized.3 Wessex was converted by Birinus, who came from Pope Honorius for this purpose. Mercia, the kingdom of the great conqueror, wessex and Penda, was at length brought into the faith by the essex marriage of his daughter to Alchfrid, a Christian over. prince of Bernicia. The son of Penda, Peada, visited his sister, and became enamored of the sister of Alchfrid. Through the influence of this Christian family Peada went back to his father a baptized Christian, with four northern priests. Penda did not oppose the preaching of the faith. But with his well- merited defeat on the banks of the Aire, near Leeds (655), heathen ism went to pieces throughout Mercia. It is interesting to notice the various agencies used in the conversion of England — preaching, marriages, battles. The Scottish missionaries from Lindisfarne converted the East Saxons, and reestablished Christian services where St. Paul's Cathedral stands. Sussex was converted by the famous Bishop Wilfrid (681), who, though an English monk trained at Lindis farne, had become by residence in Eome and foreign travel a thorough Eoman partisan. Of all the English provinces, the Latins converted only the East Angles, Kent, the South Saxons, and Wessex, while the Scottish missionaries converted the great kingdoms of Northumbria and Mercia, also Bernicia and Deira, 1 H. E., ii, 13. See Milman, ii, 187, 188; Maclear, The Conversion of the West : the English, pp. 49-53, who calls this one of the most striking scenes enacted in the whole history of missionary enterprise. 2 On Aidan, besides the ordinary authorities, see the posthumous volume of historical sermons by Lightfoot, Leaders of the Northern Church, Lond., 1891, pp. 37-54, with valuable notes by Harmer. The original authority is Bede, book iii. THE CONVERSION OF ENGLAND. 589 and the old British Christians occupied Wales and West Wales (Cornwall, Devon, and neighboring counties), the Scotch inhabit ing South Strath-Clyde (Cumberland and Lancashire). The conversion of England was the most important event in mediaeval Church history. Thence have sprung the religion and civilization of the greater portion of Christendom. Thence came the unity of the English race and nation.' All the nobler quali ties of modern civilization are the direct product of English Chris tianity.' The work of the Scotch monks over so large a part of England brought up the question again as to whether the Latin or Celtic Church would control the destiny of England. Again Eome won. Wilfrid, the greatest English ecclesiastic of his time, thoroughly imbued with Eoman ideas, conquered the Celts at the synod of synod at Whitby in 664. The leading Scottish monks, whitbt. however, would not yield an inch, and returned to Scotland. Theodore, the seventh Archbishop of Canterbury (668-693), a Greek-Eoman ecclesiastic of imperious temper, reduced the whole English Church to the authority of Eome. He was the organizer of the English Church. And, as the Congregationalism of New Eng land was the type and forerunner of the American democracy, so the Church of Theodore was the prophet of the English State. "The regular subordination of priest to bishop," says Green, "of bishop to primate, in the administration of the Church, supplied a mold on which the civil organization of the State quickly shaped itself ; it was the ecclesiastical synods which by their example led the way to our national Parliament, as it was the canons enacted in such synods which led the way to a national system of law." s 1 Comp. Stubbs, Constitutional History of England, i, 217. 2 The late Dean Church finely develops this thought in his Gifts of Civiliza tion and other Sermons and Lectures, Lond. , 1880. Comp. his On the In fluence of Christianity upon National Character, Lojid., 1873. 3 Short Hist, of the English People, ch. i, sec. i (p. 30, Lond. ed.). Comp. Lane, Early English Church History, Lond., 80th thousand, 1893, p. 94. 590 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITEEATUEE : THE CHUECH OF ENGLAND IN THE MIDDLE AGES. English literature is rich in contemporary materials. In the excellent edi tions of the Master of the Rolls these are nearly all available. The Introduc tions to these various works, written by the ablest historical scholars in Eng land, are of independent value. For complete bibliographical details see Sonnenschein, The Best Books, pp. 406-413 ; Gardiner and Mullinger, Introd. to the Study of English History, pp. 207-301 ; Wright, Biog. Brit. Literaria, 2 vols., 1846, and the same author's Descriptive Catal. of Materials relating to the Hist, of Great Britain and Ireland, 3 vols., Lond., 1862-71, an invaluable critical account ; the bibliographical notes in Green, Hist, of the English People. Many of these authorities are published also in the English Historical Society Publications, Lond., 1838-56, and translations of the most important are given in Bohn's Antiquarian Library. 1. Foxe, John. Acts and Monuments of Christian Martyrs, and Matters Eccle siastical passed in the Church of Christ, from the primitive beginning to these our days. Lond., 1563. A thesaurus of documents and facts. Referred to with respect by Strype and other historians of the seventeenth century. Severely criticised by Maitland (in a series of Pamphlets, 1837-42) and other High Church and Roman Catholic historians, but vindicated by G. Town- send in the Preliminary Dissertation to Cattley's ed., 8 vols., Lond., 1837-41 (vol. i, pp. 1-482). It is incorrect in details, but remains a valu able source. Its errors have been corrected in later editions. Best ed. by J. Pratt and J. Stoughton, 8 vols., Lond., 1877. It was the last book ordered by the King, Parliament, and Convocation to be placed in Churches, Halls, and Colleges of England. Poxe was a fine Latin scholar, and in advance of his age in his tolerant spirit. Mullinger says that comparatively few of his statements have been disproved. (Gardiner and Mullinger, Introd. to Study of Eng. Hist., p. 309.) The first three vols, deal with the pre-Ref ormation times. Foxe was also a pioneer in the study of Anglo-Saxon. The History ends in 1559, with appendix to 1574. 2. Fuller, Thomas. Church History of Britain from the Birth of Christ until 1648. Lond., 1656; ed. by Nichols, 3 vols., Lond., 1837; ed. by Brewer, 6 vols., 1845 (best ed.). Quaintly written, with witty and wise observations. 3. Collier, J. Ecclesiastical History of Great Britain to Death of Charles II. Lond., 1708-14. New ed. by Lathbury, 9 vols., 1840. A learned work by a High Church divine. Warburton used to say that there were only " two genuine histories of our Church of importance, those by Collier the non juror, and Fuller the jester." 4. Rock, D. (R. O). The Church of our Fathers. Lond., 1849-54, new ed 1893, 3 vols. LITERATURE: CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN MIDDLE AGES. 591 5. Hook, W. F. Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury. 12 vols. Lond., 1860-77. 6. Haddon, A. W., and Stubbs, W. Councils and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to Great Britain and Ireland. 3 vols. Lond., 1869-78. An in estimable collection, founded on Spelman and Wilkins, Concilia. 7. Stubbs, W. Constitutional Hist, of England (to 1485). 3 vols. Lond., 1874-78; new ed., 1883. A monumental work. Stubbs's, Hallam's, and May's Constitutional Histories form a connected series. 8. Herford, B. Story of Religion in England. Lond., 1878. A brilliant sketch by a Unitarian. See Crit. Rev., iii, 425. 9. Perry, G. G. Student's Manual of English Church History. 3 vols. Lond., 1878-87. An excellent work from a moderately High Church point of view. 10. Bridgett, T. E. (R. O). Hist, of the Holy Eucharist in Great Britain. 2 vols. Lond., 1881. A scholarly investigation of wider scope than the title would indicate. 11. Lumby, J. R. English Church History. Lond., 1885. 12. Lane, C. A. English Church History. 2 vols., 1886; 80th thousand, rev., 1893. 13. Hunt, W. The English Church in the Middle Ages. Lond., 1889. Valu able. See Presb. Rev., x (1889), 321 ; Church Quar. Rev., xxx, 264. 14. Allies, M. H. (E. O). The Church in England, A. D. 30-1509. Lond., 1892. 15. Ingram, T. D. England and Rome : A History of their Relations. Lond. and N. Y., 1892. An able work by an English layman. Special works in the order of the periods treated are : 1. Ussher, J. Britannicarum ecclesiarum Antiquitates quibus inserta est Pelagians Haereseos historia, 1639. A work of twenty years' labor, and of fine critical penetration. In Works, Dublin Univ. Press, 16 vols., 1842-48. 2. Stillingfleet, E. Origines Britannicae. Lond., 1685, new ed., 1840. Learned discussions. A " surprising mixture of critical and uncritical research." 3. Smith, George. The Religion of Ancient Britain Historically Considered. Lond., 1844; new ed., 1865. Smith was a layman of the Wesleyan Meth odist Church, who in his mansion at Camborne, Cornwall, employed his. learned leisure in writing historical works. His best work is his History of Wesleyan Methodism. 3 vols. Lond., 1859-62 ; new ed., 1865. 4. Haddon, A. W. The Churches of the British Confession. In his Remains, ed. A. P. Forbes. Lond., 1876. 5. Pryce, J. The Ancient British Church. Lond., 1873. An excellent his torical survey. 6. Loofs, Friedrich. De Antiqua Britonum Scotorumque Ecclesia. Leipz., 1882. 7. Newell, E. J. Hist, of the Ancient British Church. Lond., 1887. Schol arly. See Church Quar. Rev., Lond., xxvi, 251. 8. Alexander, W. L. The Ancient British Church. Lond., 1889. 9. Cathcart, W. The Ancient British and Irish Churches. Phila., 1893. Written to portray Baptist anticipations in the history. 10. Soames, H. The Latin Church during the Anglo-Saxon Times. Lond., 1848. The Anglo-Saxon Church : its History, Revenues, and Character. Lond., 1828, new ed., 1856. Corrected by Lingard. 592 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 11. Lingard, J. History and Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church. 2 vols. Lond., 1845. 12. Bright, W. Chapters of Early English Church History. Lond., 1878; rev. ed., 1888. The story told exhaustively and critically. See Church Quar. Rev., vi, 237; xxviii, 228. 13. Lappenberg, J. M. Hist, of England under Anglo-Saxon Kings. 2 vols. Lond., 1845. See the works of Palgrave, Kemble, and others mentioned by Sonnenschein, pp. 407, 408. 14. Giles, J. A. Memorials of King Alfred. Lond., 1863. Thomas Hughes has told the story of Alfred with excellent spirit. Lond., 1870 ; new ed., 1878. Bost., new ed., 1890. The best modern life is Pauli, ed. by B. Thorpe. Lond., 1852. 15. Memorials of St. Dunstan, ed. W. Stubbs. Lond., 1847. 16. Eadmer (12th Cant.). Vita S. Anselmi. Leipz., 1886. 17. Hasse, F. G. Anselm von Canterbury. 2 vols.. 1843-52. Ab'd tr. by W. Turner, Lond., 1850. Thorough and authoritative. 18. Remusat, C. Anselm de Cantorbery. Paris, 1853 ; 2d ed., 1868. 19. Church, R. W. St. Anselm. Lond., 1870; new ed., 1888-92. A faithful and brilliant sketch. 20. Rule, M. Life and Times of St. Anselm. Lond., 1883. See a scathing review of this work by R. L. Poole in Modern Rev., iv, 424-428. " The author's interest is confined to the mean, the trivial, the temporary ; and he is as ignorant of philosophy as he is of history." "In everything there is the same defiance of historical method, the same ignorance of the choice and use of authorities, the same dependence upon irrelevant evi dence and straining of it until the original meaning is entirely destroyed or inverted." Church Quar. Rev., xvi, 476-479, is equally unfavorable, though not so outspoken. An excellent sketch of Anselm is in W. H. D. Adams, Great English Churchmen. Lond., 1879, pp. 1-69. For bibli ography of Becket see below in loco. 21. Perry, G. G. Life of St. Hugh, Bishop of Lincoln. Lond., 1879. Chr. Wordsworth, St. Hugh, in Church Quar. Rev., ix, 39, ff., and in Miscel lanies, vol. iii. Magna Vita S. Hugonis, a contemp. Life, ed. by J. F. Dimock in Rolls Series, 1864. 22. Maurice, C. E. Lives of English Popular Leaders in Middle Ages. 2 vols. Lond. ,1872-75 The secular histories must be consulted throughout. The civil and ecclesi astical currents intermingle constantly. CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES. 593 CHAPTEE XX. THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES. The latter part of the Saxon period — the eighth and ninth cen turies — was the Golden Age of the English Church. ° ° UNION OF The Church was firmly established everywhere, and church and was reverenced by the people. The clergy sat with the STATE- nobles in local and national assemblies. At official gatherings they took precedence of the gentry. Both orders worked together in peace for the Church. The principle of lay representation was rec ognized. The nobles had an equal voice with the clergy in eccle siastical legislation. In the witenagemots laws were enacted for State and Church, as now in the English Parliament. Hunt says: " Bishops were usually appointed, and often elected, in the wite nagemots. Wilfrith was elected by ' common consent ' in a meeting of the Northumbrian witan, and the election of Ealdhelm by the West Saxon assembly is said to have been made by the great men, the clergy, and a multitude of people." ' Even in the distinctively ecclesiastical councils kings and nobles were present and joined in attesting the proceedings. It is sometimes difficult to tell whether an assembly was a council or a witan. Monasteries were frequent, and in Northumbria they were the homes of learning. Their fame was in all the known world. The libraries of Europe were ransacked for treasures for the Anglo-Saxon monasteries. An interesting question is the relation of the Anglo-Saxon Church to Eome. On the one hand, the pope was considered the successor of St. Peter, the spiritual head of Christendom, and the Eoman Church the chief Church of the world.2 No less than eight Eng lish kings are said to have paid their homage in person to the pope. Monastic charters were secured from him.3 Gregory relation of the Great divided England into two provinces. Vita- ^d r°o"m1n°N lian placed all the Anglo-Saxon territory under the churches. jurisdiction of Theodore of Canterbury. Leo I established a second metropolitan at York ; Adrian, a third at Litchfield. Leo III revoked the grant to Litchfield, and confirmed precedence to 1 The English Church in the Middle Ages, p. 29. 8 Bede, ii, i, 4 ; Op. Min., ii, 336. See Lingard, Hist, and Antiquities of the Anglo-Saxon Church, i, 103, ff. » Bede, H. E., iv, 18. 38 594 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Canterbury. The archbishop received his pallium from the pope. About 787 two legates came from Pope Adrian and held councils. On the other hand, this reverence for the Eoman see did not pass into slavish obedience. ' The bishops were appointed without refer ence to Eome. When Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, was ousting all the English bishops he procured the deposition of Wul- stan, Bishop of Worcester. " I know my own insufficiency," said Wulstan, " and in deference to the sentence of this holy synod I will give up my pastoral staff, not to you, however, but to him who gave it to me." He then rose and laid his crozier on the marble tomb of Edward the Confessor. Wulstan's deposition was thereupon abandoned. All details of spiritual oversight were regulated by these assem blies of clergymen and laymen without reference to the papal au thority. When the pope took Wilfrid's side in his celebrated quar rel, even so zealous a Catholic as Benedict Biscop, who had five times visited Eome, paid no attention to the papal requisitions. The most eminent prelates of the English Church at that time sided with the national Church in that quarrel and without the slightest con sciousness of blame." Ingram, who has thoroughly investigated the ecclesiastical relations of England and Eome, says that the " Saxon kings assumed without question, and as a matter of course, an authority in the Church which differed in no respect from the later Tudor supremacy, so called, as if it were peculiar to that family. They carried out a right to correct, to reform, and to legislate in ecclesiastical affairs. They asserted over the Church the same rights which Constantine, who convoked general councils, presided in them, prescribed the subjects of debate, and confirmed their decrees, had exercised over the empire. This is shown by the celebrated ad dress of Edgar the Pacific to the English clergy." Edward the Con fessor, a canonized saint, claimed as king to be the vicar of God, appointed for the high purpose of ruling and defending the Church.4 No subsequent English sovereign made so large a claim." * 1 See Bright, Early Eng. Ch. History, pp. 296, 297. 2 See William of Malmesbury, Gest. Part., 240 (Rolls Series). Comp. the able and thorough book by J. Dunbar Ingram, England and Rome, Lond., 1892, pp. 25-28. ' In Twysden Scriptores, x, 360. 4 Rex autem quivicarius Summi Regis est, ad hoc constitutus est, ut regnum et populum Domini, et super omnia, sanctam ecclesiam regat et def endat ab injuriosis, maleficos autem destruat et evellat. . . . Tllos vocari decet reges qui vigilanter defendunt et regunt ecclesiam Dei et populum ejus.— Reges Ed- wardi. Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes of England, p. 193. These are remarkable words, and fully bear out the statement of Ingram. 6 England and Rome, pp. 12, 13. CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES. 595 The Danish conquest was carried on with wholesale brutalities. The first Northmen landed about the year (MK), and the first Danish king came to the English throne in 1017. In that terrible interval the Church was in some places scourged from the face of the earth. Churches and monasteries were destroyed and the monks and clergy were slain. It was a long and fiercely contested fight. The great name of Alfred now appears as warrior, statesman, scholar, saint, " King to Justice dear, Lord of the harp and liberating spear ; Mirror of princes." Alfred not only conquered the Danes, but, what was better, since they were in England to stay, converted them. Guthrum alfred the and his followers gave up all attempt to conquer Wes- gbe^- sex, and were baptized near Athelney, 878. In the demoralization which came with the Danish incursions learning had been swept away. " Formerly," said Alfred, " foreigners came to this land in search of wisdom and instruction, and we must now get these abroad. There is not south of the Thames a man able to translate Latin into English. When I considered all this I remembered how I saw, be fore it had all been ravaged and burnt, how the Churches through out the whole of England stood filled with treasures and books, and there was also a great multitude of God's servants, and they had very little knowledge of the books, for they could not under stand anything of them, because they were not written in their own language." He says it was wonderful why in former times " good and wise men who were all over England " wrote no translations. Still there were many left who "can read English writing." Ee- membering which " I began among other various and manifold troubles of this kingdom to translate into English the book which is called in Latin Pastoralis, and in English Shepherd's Book [Hir- deboc — Gregory's Pastoral Care], sometimes word for word, and sometimes according to the sense, as I had learnt it from Plegmund, my archbishop, and Asser, my bishop, and Grimbold, my mass- priest, and John, my mass-priest."1 To show the catholicity of Alfred's search after learned men it is interesting to notice that Plegmund was an Anglo-Saxon, Asser a Welshman (Briton), Grim- bold a Frank, and John a Saxon. Asser was to Alfred what Alcuin was to Charles the Great, the founder of schools and literature. In his literary work, as JusseraSd well says, Alfred " chooses books likely to fill up the greatest gaps in the minds of his countrymen, 1 See H. Sweet, King Alfred's West-Saxon version of Gregory's Pastoral Care, with an Eng. transl., Lond., Early Eng. Text Soc, 1871-72, p. 2. 596 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ' books which are most needful for all men to know/ the book of Orosius, which will be for them as a handbook of terest in Universal History ; the Ecclesiastical History of Bede, learning. ttat wil] instruct them concerning their own past. He teaches laymen their duties with the Consolation of Boethius, and ecclesiastics with the Pastoral Eule of St. Gregory."1 Of all these he attached most importance to the last, and sent a copy to each of his bishops. The copy sent to Werferth, Bishop of Worces ter, can still be seen in the Bodleian Library, Oxford." The Anglo- Saxon Chronicle, begun at Alfred's order, is the earliest history which any European nation possesses in its own tongue. But Al fred's greatness, after all, was in himself rather than in what he •did. " No other king ever showed forth so well in his own person the truth of the saying, ' He that would be first among you, let him be the servant of all.' " 3 The Danes and the English were of the same blood. They mingled together, and eventually could not be distinguished. The final conversion of the Danes removed the last barrier from tie complete amalgamation and consolidation of the two peoples. The influence of the Church is illustrated in the history of St. Dunstan, the forerunner of Becket, and the first of the long list of ecclesiastical statesmen. He was born at Glastonbury in 924 or 925. He was educated by Irish monks at Glastonbury, and he excelled in all the arts of the time except those of the warrior. He became Abbot of Glastonbury, and later chief treasurer of the kingdom. When Edwin, the king, 955, left the witan's banquet of coronation, to seek the society of Elgiva, his kinswoman, with whom he was enamored, Dunstan was sent by the witan, to bring him back to the banquet. To separate the two Dunstan had used violence. This so enraged the mother of Elgiva that Dunstan was obliged to flee. But under the reign of Edwin's two successors, Edgar and Edward, Dunstan, now Archbishop of Canterbury, regained his influence. Dunstan was a statesman, rather than an ecclesiastic. He had the statesman's instinct for con ciliation and compromise. The Danes were to be allowed their own laws, and their peaceable assimilation was encouraged. The great ealdormen were to be conciliated, not repressed. The standard of knowledge and morality was to be raised. Foreign teachers were 1 Jusseraud, Literary Hist, of the English people, N. Y., 1895, vol. i, p. 82. 2 All these works of Alfred have been published by the Early English Text Society, with Introductions and Notes by various scholars. The authenticity of the supposed Alfredian translation of Bede is doubtful. See the Introd. by J. Miller, 1890. 3 Gardiner, S. R., Student's Hist, of England, p. 60. CHURCH OF ENGLAND IN THE EARLY MIDDLE AGES. 597 brought in. In the great movement to bring the Cluniac strictness into the monasteries, to supplant the secular clergy at the cathe drals with monks, and to enforce celibacy on the parish priests, Dunstan took a moderate interest. He neither enforced celibacy on his priests nor threw them out of the cathedral to make way for monks. He spent his old age in the government of his diocese and in the pursuits of literature, music, and the finer handicrafts, to which he was always attached. Stubbs well calls him the Gerbert, not the Hildebrand, of the tenth century.1 Three times England had been conquered by pagans. Its fourth and last conquest was by Christians. On October 13, 1066, THE NOrMan Harold, the bravest and most patriotic Englishman of his conquest. time, after one of the most stubbornly contested battles in history, went down before the lances of William the Conqueror. The Nor man conquest had no profound influence on English Christianity. Church development went on very much as before. William, indeed, thrust Norman prelates into nearly all the sees and abbey stalls of England ; but this did not change the ordinary course of affairs. The principal change was the withdrawal of the clergy WILLIAM AND from the witenagemot, and the government of the lanfranc. Church through clerical synods. William's ideal of clerical char acter was high. He appointed only the best men, and held them to their best work. In this he had a helper after his own heart in the great teacher and theologian, Lanfranc, whom he appointed Arch bishop of Canterbury in 1070. This learned Italian, long domi ciled in the Norman monasteries, was one of the. leaders of that reform in ecclesiastical life which sprang from Clugny, and was championed by Hildebrand. The monks were compelled to keep the rules of their order, and to give themselves to learning. The canons of the cathedrals were forced to send away their wives, and in the future no priests should marry. The married olergy in the country, however, were allowed to keep their wives. With the help of Lanfranc, William put new life into the English Church." Perhaps it was William's interest in a pure Church which kept 1 Introd. to Memorials of Dunstan (Rolls Series), Lond., 1874, which gives the beet biography and estimate of Dunstan. There is a suggestive and scholarly treatment in E. W. Robertson, Hist. Essays, Edinb., 1872, essays on Dun- stan's Policy and the Coronation of Edgar. Hume's account, like that in or dinary histories, is worthless. Gardiner is better than Green. Comp. Prof. Tout, in Diet, of Eng. Hist. (Pulling and Low), pp. 394, 395. 8 On the administration of this great ecclesiastic, see Church, St. Anselm, ch. vii ; Freeman, Norman Conquest, iv, 345-450. For the Works ot Lan franc and the Chronicles of Bee, see Giles, Opera Lanfr., Oxf., 1844, 2 vols. The Eccl. Hist, of Odericus Vitalis also contains original materials. 598 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Hildebrand at peace with him. For the Norman-English king was by no means inclined to surrender to the papal autocracy. William appointed bishops and abbots by giving them investiture, as the presenting of the ring and staff was called. He declared that no pope should be obeyed in England who was not acknowledged such by himself, that no papal wills and letters should have any force until he had allowed them, and that the decrees of an ecclesiastical synod should bind no one until he had confirmed them. When, at a later time, Gregory required William to do homage to the see of Eome, William refused, on the ground that homage had never been ren dered by his predecessors. To all this Gregory submitted." ' And william and he submitted because power in the hands of William hildebrand. was USed, not to waste the Church, but to increase its spirituality and effectiveness. "Hubert, your legate," writes Wil liam to the pope, " coming to me on your behalf, admonished me, religious Father, that I should do fealty to you and your successors, and that, touching the money which my predecessors were accus tomed to send to the Eoman Church, I should take better order. The one claim I have admitted, and the other I have not admitted. Fealty I neither have been willing to do, nor will I do it now, for I never promised it ; and I find not that my predecessors did it to yours." In the great conflict between Gregory and Henry, William did not take sides, but the letter of Lanfranc proves that the Eng lish king reserved the right to form his own judgment and take his own course." 1 S. R. Gardiner, Student's Hist, of England, p. 108. See Ingram, England and Rome, pp. 13, 14. a On the ecclesiastical administration of William, see Church, St. Anselm, pp. 146-174. ST. ANSELM. 599 CHAPTEE XXI. ST. ANSELM. Aosta is a gloomy old Piedmontese town lying among the smiling orchards and vineyards near the opening of the great St. Bernard Pass. It abounds in ruins of the Eoman period, and to the modern traveler recalls the story of Calvin while giving wise counsel to the unhappy Queen Eenata of Este. Myers thus sings its natural beauties : " Far off the old snows ever new With silver edges cleft the blue Aloft, alone, divine; The sunny meadows silent slept, Silence the somber armies kept, The vanguard of the pine. " In that thin air the birds are still, No ringdove murmurs on the hill, Nor mating cnshat calls ; But gay cicalas singing sprang, And waters from the forest sang The song of waterfalls." ' Here Anselm was born about 1033. His father was a rough and violent man and a spendthrift. His mother was a devout woman, who brought up her son in the ways of piety. After lanfranc and the death of his mother his father's harshness drove anselm. Anselm from home. He crossed the Alps into France, and fol lowed Lanfranc to the newly founded monastery of Bee, in Nor mandy. This had been founded about 1034 by Herlwin, a noble who became tired of the wild and fierce life led by the barons of that time. The fame of Lanfranc made it one of the most illustrious seats of learning in the Middle Ages. By the " irony of fate," after a Colbert, a Eochefoucault, and a Bourbon Conde had held the abbacy, the last successor of Anselm was M. de Talleyrand. Anselm became monk in 1060, prior in 1063, and abbot from 1078 to 1093. Lanfranc found a ready pupil in his brother Italian, a man after his own heart in zeal for learning, godliness, and all high and noble pursuits. Lanfranc was called to England, and 1 For Aosta, see Anbert's Vallee d' Aoste, and Church, St. Anselm, pp. 9-13. 600 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the pupil stepped into the master's place. Church says: "The man who succeeded him was one who, to childlike singleness and tenderness of heart, joined an originality and power of thought which rank him, even to this day, among the few discoverers of new paths in philosophical speculation. Anselm was one of those devout enthusiasts after exact truth who try the faculties of the human mind to the uttermost, and to whom the investigation of new ideas, pushed to their simplest forms and ultimate grounds, takes the place of the passions and objects of life. He had all that dialectical subtlety and resource which awakening mind in half- barbarous times exacts from and admires in its guides ; but he had anselm's bold also, besides this, which was common enough, the dar- philosopht. jng an(j ^he force to venture by himself into real depths and difficulties of thought, such as have been tried by the greatest of modern thinkers, and in which lie the deepest problems of our times. Fixed at Bee/ the philosophic inquirer settled to his toil, and reverently and religiously, yet fearlessly, gave his reason its range. His biographer records the astonishment caused by his at tempts to ' unravel the darkest, and before his time the unsolved and unusual questions concerning the divine nature and our faith, which lay hid, covered by much darkness, in the divine Scriptures.' ' For/ adds Eadmer, ' he had such confidence in them that with immovable trust of heart he felt convinced that there was nothing in them contrary to solid truth. Therefore he bent his purpose most earnestly to this, that according to his faith it might be vouchsafed to him to perceive by his mind and reason the things which were veiled in them."" Out of these meditations came the Monologion, an attempt, by the reason, without the aid of Scripture, and by plain and simple argument, to elicit the idea of God, as including also a belief in the Word and Spirit, and to justify it. His chief method is by postulating the existence of certain qualities in men and nature which undeniably exist to mount up to the ground of their exist ence in a perfect and transcendent Being. Out of severer and more anselm's painful meditations, as out of birth-pangs, came his works. Proslogion, in which for the first time was laid the foundation of the ontological argument for the existence of God, which was revived by Descartes, and which has had a great fascina tion for deep thinkers, especially in France and Germany. The thought of the Proslogion is this : the idea of God in the human mind necessarily involves the reality of that idea. With mas- 1 Bee is twenty-one miles from Bironne. The best account is Church, ch- "• a St. Anselm, pp. 81, 82. ST. ANSELM. 601 terly boldness and originality this great pioneer develops this argument.' Anselm was more than a thinker. He was an inspiring teacher, of wide sympathies, who drew his pupils to him by his tact, moder ation, and gentleness. He was the confidant of the monks and stu dents, to whom they went for sympathy and help. In the infirmary no nurse could exceed his assiduity and kindness. He anticipated our modern method of school management. He substituted a study of individual needs by seeking to draw out the best that was in each pupil, and this by kindness, gentleness, and firmness, for the com mon method of forcing all into a common mold by brutal anselm as a punishments. What those punishments must have been TEACHER- in that fierce and bloody time need not be told when we remember what they were even in our own boyhood. Eadmer tells of a lesson an abbot received on school training. " What am I to do with the boys in my monastery ? " asked the abbot of Anselm. " Do what we will, they are perverse and incorrigible ; we do not cease beating them day and night, and they only get worse." " And what do they turn into when they grow up ? " said Anselm. " They turn only dull and brutal." " Well, you have had bad luck in the pains you spend on their training," said Anselm, " if you only turn them into beasts." " But what are we to do then ? " said the abbot. " In every kind of way we constrain them to improve, and it's no use." " Constrain them ! Tell me, my lord abbot, if you planted a tree in your garden, and tied it up on all sides so that it could not stretch forth its branches, what sort of a tree would it turn out when, after some years, you gave it room to spread ? Would it not be good for nothing, full of tangled and crooked boughs ? And whose fault would this be but yours, who had put such constant restraint upon it ? And this is just what you do with your boys. ANSELM.S You plant them in the garden of the Church, that they treatment may grow and bear fruit to God. But you so cramp ov T0DTH- them round with terrors and threats and blows that they are ut terly debarred from the enjoyment of any freedom. And thus in judiciously kept down they collect in their minds evil thoughts tangled like thorns ; they cherish and feed them, and with dogged temper elude all that might help to correct them. And hence it comes that they see nothing in you of love, or kindness, or good will ; they cannot believe that you mean any good by them, and put down all you do to dislike and ill nature. Hatred and mistrust 1 Eadmer describes the long, anxious thought which preceded the great joy of the dawn of this idea, which flooded his soul with glory as the sight of a new ocean from a peak in Darien. 602 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. grow with them as they grow ; and they go about with downcast eyes, and cannot look you in the face. But, for the love of God, I wish you would tell me why you are so harsh with them. Are they not human beings ? Would you like, if you were what they are, to be treated as you treat them ? You try by blows and stripes to fashion them to good ; did you ever see a craftsman fashion a fair image out of a plate of gold or silver by blows alone ? Does he not with his tools now gently press and strike it, now with wise art gently raise and shape it ? So, if you mold your boys to good, you must, along with the stripes which are to bow them down, lift them up and assist them by fatherly kindness and gentleness." Anselm continues to argue for tact and consideration in the treat ment of the young — a beautiful plea, the urgent need of which has not yet passed away. William the Conqueror was succeeded by his second son, William Eufus (the Eed), 1087, who had all his father's indomitable will and imperious temper, without his conception of right or obedience william ru- to conscience. He was utterly self-willed, blasphe- pcs, the bed. mons, and restrained by no religious scruples. He was a ruffian, a robber, and a debauchee. Under the terror of an illness he repented and promised amendment. When he arose from his bed, he, however, plunged into his former wickedness. " God shall never see me a good man," he said. " I have suffered too much at his hands." Of all the clerks (clergymen) who did the writing at the court, he advanced Eanulf Flamoard (Ealph the Firebrand) to the highest secular office, that of Justiciar, because he was the coarsest, most unscrupulous, and most cruel. The people groaned under his brutal exactions. In 1089 Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, died, and for four years William Eufus kept the see vacant, as was his wont in such cases, that he might appropriate the resources. Finally, in 1093, supposing himself to be a dying man, he yielded to the persuasions of his bishops, and appointed Anselm as the successor of the anselm's re- Sreat master- Anselm had been an occasional visitor luctant ac- to England, to look after the lands of the monastery of theTsAeeCof°F Bec' vnich_ were situated there, and these visits had canter- endeared him to many of the English clergy for his BURT- courtesy, character, learning, and kindness. But Anselm knew the situation, and, with genuine reluctance, refused the honor. The incident is characteristic of the age. When Anselm refused to go to the bedside to receive the pastoral staff the bishops covered him with reproaches and expostulations. At last they dragged him by force to the room. Still holding out, the ST. ANSELM. 603 bishops and bystanders grew " angry with themselves for their own irresolution. The cry arose, ' A pastoral staff, a pastoral staff ! ' They dragged him to the king's bedside and held out his right arm to receive the staff. But when the king presented it Anselm kept his hand firmly clinched. They tried by main force to wrench it open, and when he cried out with the pain of their vio lence they at last held the staff closely pressed against his still closed hand. Amid the shouts of the crowd, ' Long live the bishop!' with the Te Deum of the bishops and clergy, he was carried rather than led to a neighboring church, still crying out, 'It is naught that ye are doing, it is naught that ye are doing.' " When the farce was over Anselm addressed the bishops, and asked them why they had yoked an old and feeble sheep with a wild bull. He would only be the victim of violence which he would be helpless to prevent. Then, when the conflict came, they would not stand by him. And when he was crushed they too would find themselves under the king's feet.' After William recovered Anselm laid down the conditions under which he would accept. All the possessions of the see as Lanfranc had held them must be restored. In things pertaining to God the king must take him as his counselor and spiritual father as he took the king for his earthly lord and defender. In the quarrel going on between the two popes, Urban and the antipope Clement, who was recognized by the emperor, as Anselm, with the rest of the Norman Church, had acknowledged Urban, he could not swerve from his former position. William gave at least a partial promise, and as Anselm could not endure longer the reproach that he was stand ing in the way of the recovery of the wasted Church of England, the gentle abbot of Bee was consecrated to the see of his departed friend, December 4, 1093, in the presence of nearly all the English bishops. Now the fight began. There were several points of contention : Anselm would not allow the right of the permanent conflict op alienation of Church lands which William had given to ^liam W"H his vassals since the death of Lanfranc ; Anselm wanted rufus. the king's aid in bridling the fearful immorality of the times; the vacant bishoprics and abbacies must be filled up ; a council was desired, "by which Christian religion, which had well-nigh perished in many men might be restored." This was refused in a wrathful manner by the king." Then Anselm desired the permission to go 1 Eadmer, H. N., i, p. 36; Ans. Ep., iii, i; Church, St. Anselm, pp. 217- 222 ; Hasse, Life of Anselm, tr. Turner, pp. 72-78. 2 See the account of the dramatic interview in Church, p. 232. 604 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. to Eome to receive the pallium from Pope Urban. " If you receive in my realm," said William, "Urban or anyone else for pope, without my choice and authority, or if having received him you hold to him, you act against the faith you hold to me, and offend me not less than if you tried to deprive me of my crown. Therefore be assured that in my realm you shall have no part, unless I have the proof by plain declarations that, according to my wish, you refuse all submission and obedience to Urban." Also, Anselm was thoroughly in sympathy with the Gregorian reforms for the puri fication of the Church and its emancipation from the dictation of the State. Thus he stood squarely with the pope, that the right of in vestiture, that is, of conferring the ring and crosier upon bishops, belonged to the Church and not to the State. Unless the pope, therefore, would signify that in the case of England this right might be remitted, Anselm would not surrender to the king. Such were the features of this historic quarrel in which a vener able scholar, one of the mildest and most devout and unworldly of men, was measured against one of the most brutal and godless ty rants in all history. The details will be found in the garrulous pages of old Eadmer and Oderic Vitalis, and in the noble biogra phy by Church. It is a fascinating story, of almost romantic in terest. The quarrel was suspended by the death of the king in the New Forest, August 2, 1100, by a stray or intentional arrow, but it was carried over into Henry I's reign, and was finally settled by a sensible compromise. In the presence of Anselm, the [multitude standing by, the king granted and decreed that from that time forth forever no one should be invested in England with bishopric or abbey by staff and ring, either by the king or any lay hand. Anselm also allowed that no one elected to a prelacy should be re fused consecration on account of homage done to the king. This, anselm akd then, having been settled, fathers were appointed by the henry i. kjngj Dy tlie counsei 0f Anselm and the chief man of the realm, without any investiture of the pastoral staff and ring, in nearly all the Churches in England which had long been deprived of their pastors. The ring and staff, signs of spiritual jurisdiction, were kept in the hands of the Church. The wealth and temporal power of the bishops, who were really barons, were to be at the king's disposal when occasion demanded. The chapters were to elect their bishop and the monks their abbot, but only in the kino-'s presence, thus giving him influence over their choice. The victory was really Anselm's, and it was won, as Church remarks, chiefly by the respect that was rendered to his spotless character and great attainments. Anselm died April 21, 1109. ST. ANSELM. 605 In this age and from our standpoint we sympathize rather with the king than with the archbishop. We know to what that Tibe- rian usurpation grew and on what a basis of fraud and unhistoric pretensions it rested. But the eleventh century did not know that. Anselm and his opponents equally reverenced the pope. William and his time-serving bishops could say nothing when Anselm made his great plea: " You want me to swear, in order that you may feel safe of me, that I will never more appeal to St. Peter or his vicar. This is a demand which as a Christian you ought not to make. For to swear this is to forswear St. Peter, and to forswear St. Peter is to forswear Christ, who made him chief over his Church. When I deny Christ, then I will readily pay the penalty in your court for asking for this license." Anselm appealed to the only recognized court of his time against the lawless violence of the king. Anselm could not foresee that that court would itself become a throne of lawlessness as an instrument of an unscrupulous and unspiritual tyranny. But that spiritual and august tribunal, whom „_ ,a n i itt iit» • i ¦ ANSELM 3 AP- ail men acknowledged as holding its authority directly peal to from God, was the only barrier that the times knew E0MK' against the swellings of that feudal and kingly despotism that trampled upon the sanctions of God and the rights of men. There was no appeal to law in England. But " there was a very real and living law in Christendom, a law, as we know now, of very mixed and questionable growth, yet in those days unsuspected and in its character far more complete, rational, and imposing than any other code which had grown up in that stage of society — equal, impartial, with living and powerful sanctions." The appeal of Anselm was not against the king and constitution of England to a foreign power, as we would now interpret it, but was the " only appeal practicable then from arbitrary rule to law." ' Gardiner says that the temporary truth of one century may cease to be the temporary truth of another, and that, therefore, the " day would come when those who were most bitterly opposed to the Eoman see would be those who most truly maintained the principles of Anselm. His spirit rests with the men who in the seventeenth century passed the Toleration Act and founded the liberty of the press." " 1 Church, St. Anselm, pp. 268, 269 ; see also pp. 266-268, 336-347. 5 In Gardiner and Mullinger, Introd. to Study of English History, pp. 353, 354. 606 LITERATURE: ST. THOMAS BECKET. LITEEATUEE : ST. THOMAS BECKET. The original materials for the life of Becket may be found in Giles, Vita S. Thomas Cantuariensis, Epistolse S. Thorn. Cant, et aliorum, Ep. Gilberti epis. , Lond., Opera Omnia Herberti de Boseham, 8 vols., Oxf., 1845 ; Giles, Joan. Saris, Opera Omnia, Oxf. , 1845 ; and in the better edited collection of J. 0. Rob ertson, Materials for the History of Thos. Becket, Lond., 1875-85, 7 vols., which gives all the contemporary Lives, Epistles, and other sources. More available is the Conspectus of the sources (translated) in W. H. Hutton, St. Thomas of Canterbury, Lond. and N. Y., 1893, in the admirable series, English History from Contemporary Writers, ed. by F. York Powell. 1. Froude, R. H. History of the Contest between Thomas a Becket and Henry II. Chiefly a transl. of Contemporary Letters. Derby, 1839. In Remains, 3 vols. As violently for Thomas as his brother is against him. 2. Giles, J. A. Life and Letters of Thomas a Becket. 2 vols. Lond., 1846. Useful, though without critical appreciation. 3. Stanley, A. P. Hist. Memorials of Canterbury, Lond., 1855, 6th ed., 1872. Describes last scenes in Becket's life, with a valuable history of his shrine. 4. Robertson, J. C. Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury. Lond., 1859. Gen erally accurate as to fact, dry, but bitter in spirit against Becket. 5. Morris, J. (R. C). Life and Martyrdom of St. Thomas Becket. Lond., 1859. 6. Buss, F. F. Der heil. Thomas n. sein Kampf fiir d. Freiheit der Kirche. Mainz, 1856. An elaborate and careful study from a R. C. point of view. 7. Renter, H. Alexander III. 3 vols. Leipz., 1860-64. 8. Magnusson, M. E. Thomas Saga Erkibyskups. 2 vols. Lond., 1875, 1884. An Icelandic Life, with translation. 9. Froude, J. A. Life and Times of Thomas Becket. Lond. andN. Y., 1878. Also in Nineteenth Century for 1877, and in Short Studies, iv, 1-150. Intensely hostile to Becket. Freeman calls Froude's Becket "not his tory, but fiction," and says that Froude's mind is so constituted that he is incapable of writing history. 10. Freeman, E. A. St. Thomas of Canterbury and his Biographers, in Hist. Essays, Series I. Lond. and N. Y., 1871; 4th ed., 1886. Becket and Mr. Froude in Contemporary Rev., 1878 (a series of articles). Freeman takes a statesmanlike and just view of Becket. His calmness and impar tial tone contrast with the feverish spite of Froude's fascinating pen. 11. Wells, N. W. The Becket of Mr. Froude and Lord Tennyson. And. Rev. , Aug., 1885, pp. 113-125. Prefers the poet's estimate to the historian's. 12. Norgate, Kate. England Under the Angevin Kings. 2 vols. Lond; , 1837. An excellent work, written under the direction of J. R. Green. 13. Thompson, R. A. Thomas Becket, Martyr and Patriot. Lond., 1889. 14. Schaff, P. Thomas Becket, in Papers of the American Society of Church HiBtory, iv (1893), pp. 3, ff. An impartial view, with literature. The Church and secular histories should be consulted. Milman has a long and able treatment. See Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors of England, 5th ed. , 1868, vol. i, ch. iii, and Hook's Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury. THOMAS BECKET. 607 CHAPTEE XXII. THOMAS BECKET. The curse of the English Church in the Middle Ages was the despotism of kings and the secularism of bishops. The despotic bishops were little better than fighting barons pos- kings and se6sed of immense lands and numerous retainers. Very bishops. few of them had any conception of the spiritual calling of the min istry. After Anselm's death Henry kept the see vacant for five years. Political or personal considerations governed all matters re lating to the Church. The king secularized the Church in order to make it 6erve the State. Under the troublesome reign of Stephen, 1135-54, the Eoman Church gained more power. The king put forth a charter in which he said that he was " king by the grace of God, elected by the clergy and people, hallowed by Wil liam, archbishop and legate, and confirmed by Innocent, pontiff of the Holy Eoman See," and in which he promised to avoid simony, and that the persons and property of clerks should be under the jurisdiction of their bishops. It was one of the objects of Eome to diminish the power of the English Church by superseding so far as possible the authority of the archbishops of Canterbury by a papal legate. Appeals to Eome became common. When Stephen impris oned the bishops of Salisbury and Lincoln for suspected disloyalty he was made to appear before the papal legate stripped of his royal robes, and humbly received his censure for having " stretched out his hand against the Lord's anointed." Theobald, Archbishop of Canterbury, 1139-61, tried to restore the Church somewhat. He also recommended Thomas of London to Henry II to be appointed to the office of chancellor. He brought over Vacarius from Italy to lecture in civil law in Oxford. This was soon followed by the study of common law. Thus the clergy had their own code. In 1154 Henry II came to the throne. He was harsh, stern, un scrupulous, and imperious. He had the temper of a fiend, but with a rough patriotism. He was a man of ceaseless energy henry ii and both of mind and body. Henry's first work was to re- ™_ S^f" store order in England by crushing the barons and becket. making all the castles his own. In this work of restoration to the customs of Henry I his chief helper was his able chancellor, Thomas 608 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of London/ the son of Gilbert Becket, a wealthy trader. When a young man in business Thomas gained the attention of Archbishop Theobald, who induced him to devote himself to clerical stud ies. He studied at Bologna, Paris, and Auxerre. Theobald made him rector of St. Mary-le-Strand and Oxford in Kent, and preben dary of St. Paul's and Lincoln, and in 1154 archdeacon of Canter bury and Provost of Beverley. The duties of none of these offices were performed by Thomas, but were simply royal digni ties. He carefully appropriated the revenues, however. His mind was thoroughly secular. In his chancellorship he seconded all of Henry's efforts to reform the kingdom and raise money, even to the levying scutage on the Church lands, a measure that was strongly opposed by Theobald. He magnified his high office and lived in great splendor. Everyone remarked the glory of his equipage when he went to France in 1158 to arrange the mar riage of his pupil, the young prince. And underneath all this worldly enthusiasm was a heart as leonine as Henry's own. In the expedition to Toulouse in 1159 he equipped and led a regi ment, and he was in the front of the fight, his brave battle-ax fell ing many a knight. Henry found that to bring all things in England under the royal hand he must deal with the Church. The Conqueror had exempted the Church from supervision of the secular courts in all ecclesias tical cases, and under Stephen they had also secured immunity even in civil cases. The ecclesiastical courts were much more lenient henry n's ^nan *ne secular code. They could not inflict death, scheme to re- and their other punishments were far less brutal than form church. ^ crae] method 0f the civil law. This led many to seek the lower sacred orders in order to be outside the reach of the civil code. Clerks who were murderers, thieves, and robbers were common. This state of things Henry was determined to abolish. He had also other projects for the humiliation of the Church. To carry out these reforms he must have some one in the archbishopric who would thoroughly sympathize with his aims, and with energy enough to carry them out. Who better than his great chancellor ? In vain Thomas tried to beg off. In vain he warned his king that their friendship would cease if he became the head of the English 1 There is no authority for writing the name, Thomas a Becket, and only once in his life was he called Thomas Becket, and then by one of his murderers as an insult. Hereditary surnames had not then come into common use. He was called by his contemporaries Thomas, Thomas of London, Thomas of Canter bury, or with the designation of his office. See Freeman, Essays, First Series p. 82. THOMAS BECKET. 609 Church. Through Henry's influence the monks of Christ Church and the suffragan bishops and clergy of Canterbury elected him archbishop 1162. Hitherto he had been only a deacon, but now he was ordained a priest, and the next day he was consecrated. " No man can serve two masters," said Thomas Becket. The remarkable change which came over this man is not due to any in consistency of character, as Freeman has well pointed out, but rather to the underlying habit of his life. Formerly he served his master the king with all his heart, now he must serve the Church with all his heart. " O my good lord Leicester, The king and I were brothers. All I had I lavished for the glory of the king ; I shone for him, for him, his glory, his Reflection; now the glory of the Church Hath swallowed up the glory of the king ; I am his no more, but hers." ' " The king has wrought a miracle," said Gilbert Foliot, Bishop of London ; " he has turned a soldier and a layman into an arch bishop."" But it was no great miracle. Theobald's archdeacon, who had studied ecclesiastical law under the great canonist Gratian at Bologna, when once intrusted with the highest office in the English Church, could easily throw himself with passionate ardor TH0MAa BECK. into the work of making the Church a power in the land, et as arch- Formerly his life, though worldly and luxurious, had BISH0P- been stainless — no small thing to say of the members of the court in those days. Now it became fiercely ascetic. Without the poise, inner harmony, and sanctification of nature of Anselm, he became as zealously in earnest to realize the monastic ideal of ministerial character. As Milman says, he tried to crowd a whole lifetime of monkhood into a few years, as though to make up for his past re missness. Under his clerical dress he wore a monk's frock, 1 Tennyson, Becket (1884). This poem is founded on a study of the sources, and has admirably caught the spirit of Becket. Newell Woolsey Wells com pares Tennyson's and Froude's conceptions of Thomas, giving the palm of just and sympathetic representation to the poet. See Andover Rev., iv, 113, ff. Aubrey de Vere has also made Thomas the subject of a poem, St. Thomas of Canterbury: a Dramatic Poem, Lond., 1876, which contains many spirited and beautiful lines. De Vere is more of a hero worshiper than Tennyson. 2 Ep., Ed. Dr. Giles, i, 265. Lingard (Hist, of England, 6th ed., Note 3 in App., vol. ii, p. 309) is inclined to regard the letter in which these words oc cur as spurious, after Berington, Hist, of Henry II, Appendix ii. But Milman has well replied to this, Latin Christianity, iv, 323, 324, note. Milman is very full on Becket, but should be read in connection with Freeman. 39 610 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. with haircloth next his skin. His devotions and fasts were long and rigid, and at mass he was frequently melted into tears. Withal he submitted to private flagellations, and his charities were bound less. More than this, he sent to the king his resignation of the chancellorship, a step which dashed all of Henry's hopes to the ground, and indicated that, as now the prelate owed his first obedience to the Church, their paths must lie apart. The first quarrel soon came. It must be remembered that this was the pre-parliamentary era of England, when, although State assemblies were called, the will of the king was almost absolute. The morning of Magna Charta had not yet dawned. The Norman kings were, like the Stuarts, the devotees of absolutism. Henry wished to revive the old tax of Danegeld — two shillings on every hide of land which the sheriffs of the counties had been wont to collect, and which Henry now wanted to come into royal revenue. Thomas, an unconscious Hampden, resisted.1 " Saving your pleas ure, lord king, we will not give it as revenue ; but if the sheriffs and officers of the counties do their duty by us we will FIRST con- j j fuctwon by never refuse them by way of aid. "By the eyes of thomas. God," cried the king, in wrath, "it shall be given as revenue, and entered on the king's books ; and you ought not to oppose me, for I am not oppressing any man of yours against your will. " "By the same eyes you have sworn by, my lord king," said Thomas, " it shall not be levied from any of my lands, and from the lands of the Church not a penny." Strange to say, Henry did not press the claim, and nothing was ever after heard of that tax. Thomas was strenuous in insisting on the recovery of Church lands, and also on the immunity of the clergy from the secular the claren- courts- Henry held here the strong position that the don constitu- Church should not shield murderers and robbers be- TI0NS- cause they were clerks. They must come under the same penalties as laymen. Edward Grim, the biographer of Becket, makes a frank admission of the crimes of the clergy. No less than one hundred clerks were charged with homicide. Henry deter mined to have these things settled. He called a council at Clarendon 1164. Here Thomas's contentions were swept away, and the follow ing, among others, were declared to be the customs of the realm : I. Of the admission and presentation to Churches ; if any dis pute shall arise between laics, or between clerks and laics, let it be tried and decided in the court of our lord the king. 1 This even Robertson allows, Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury : a Biography, Lond., 1859, p. 74. THOMAS BECKET. 611 II. Churches of the king's fee shall not be given in perpetuity without his consent and license. III. Clerks accused of any crime shall be summoned by the king's justice into the king's court to answer for whatever the king's court shall determine they ought to answer there, and in the ecclesiastical court for whatever shall be determined they ought to answer there ; yet so that the king's justice shall send into the court of the holy Church to see in what way the matter shall there be handled ; and if the clerk shall confess or be convicted, the Church for the future shall not protect him. IV. No archbishop, bishop, or other exalted person, shall leave the kingdom without the king's license ; and if they wish to leave it the king shall be empowered, if he please, to take security from them that they will do no harm to the king or kingdom, either in going, remaining, or returning. VIII. No appeals can be carried beyond the archbishop's court without the consent of the king — directed against appeals to the pope. XII. All vacant Church offices belong to the king. When the time comes to appoint a successor it shall be done in the king's chapel, with his consent and advice. XVI. The sons of rustics shall not be ordained without the con sent of their lord, in whose land they are known to have been born — a miserable provision, striking away the last opportunity of edu cation and promotion of the children of the poor. It was an inva- ' sion of popular liberty thoroughly congenial to the temper of the Norman and Angevin kings of England. To these sweeping Constitutions every prelate and noble in the kingdom consented with hand and seal. Under enormous pressure, and perhaps with the understanding that the king required only a nominal consent, Thomas at first signed, and then immediately re called his signature, and utterly refused to attach his seal to the document. Henry then summoned him to his castle at Northamp ton to give an account of all the money which he had received as chancellor — money which he had spent in the king's service. This came in a succession of other demands, all intended to humiliate the archbishop and the Church. "Would you were no longer archbishop," said Bishop Hilary of Chichester, " but plain Thomas. Thou knowest the king better than we do ; he has declared that thou and he cannot remain together in England. Who will be bound for such an amount [as that for which Becket was called to give an account] ? Throw thyself on the king's mercy, or to the eternal disgrace of the Church thou wilt be arrested and impris- 612 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. oned as a debtor to the crown." At this council the bishops and nobles sided with the king, as they did in the case of peals to the Anselm. Thomas alleged that the justiciar had given P0PE- him full acquittance for all the moneys of the chancel lorship ; that it was unlawful for the bishops to thus judge and condemn their archbishop in a lay court ; and he ended by this solemn appeal : " My person and my Church I place under the pro tection of the sovereign pontiff."1 When the Earl of Leicester arose to pronounce the king's sentence upon him Becket inter rupted him. " Thy sentence ! son and earl, hear me first. The king was pleased to promote me against my will to the archbish opric of Canterbury. I was then declared free from all secular obligations. Ye are my children. Presume ye against law and reason to sit in judgment on your spiritual father ? I am to be judged only, under God, by the pope. To him I appeal. Before him I cite you, barons and suffragans, to appear. Under the pro tection of the Catholic Church and the apostolic see I depart." He arose and walked down the hall. Some one uttered the word " Traitor." " Were it not for my order you would rue that word," said Thomas, in great anger. The archbishop made his way to the coast and fled to France. In his rage Henry banished four hundred of the archbishop's kins men and friends, innocent folk who had taken no part in the quarrel. * Thomas laid his case before Alexander III, who was at the time an thomas's ex^e *n France, for then, as in Anselm's time, the em- flight to peror was keeping an antipope on the throne. Alex- france. ander sympathized with Becket, but advised patience, because the pope did not want to break with Henry. Henry also ap pealed to the pope, and for six years the struggle continued. Alex ander's vacillating course did not satisfy Becket, and he wrote : " In the Eoman court Barabbas escapes and Christ is put to death." " This almoner hath tasted Henry's gold, The cardinals have fingered Henry's gold And Rome is venal even to rottenness. " 1 For an account of the dramatic scenes of this trial see the biographers of Becket, and Milman, iv, 343-352. s The king's wrath was uncontrollable. He was subjected to those "parox ysms of fury to which all the earlier Plantagenet princes were subject, and which were believed by themselves to arise from a mixture of demoniacal blood in their race." See the Murder of Becket, in the Quarterly Review, Sept. 1853. A writer describes him, " thwarted in his humor, groveling' like a maniac on the rack, gnawing the wisps of straw, or gnashing his teeth, and groveling like a wild beast, with those frightful blood-spotted orbs glaring with hatred and ferocity." The Reunion Magazine, Lond., i (1879) 220. THOMAS BECKET. 613 The ill health of Henry and the necessity of providing for his suc cessor brought about a kind of reconciliation. The mode of suc cession of the English kings was not then settled, and Henry caught at the French idea of having his son crowned in his own lifetime. The Church must therefore be conciliated, because the king was anointed by her representative. Henry obtained from the pope a commission to the Archbishop of York and the Bishops of London and Salisbury to perform the ceremony on his son. ' When Becket heard this he represented to the pope that it had always been the uncontested right of the Archbishop of Canterbury to crown the kings of England. Alexander then issued a letter of inhibition to the Archbishop of York. This letter was either dis regarded or was not received in time, and the young prince was crowned." With an interdict hanging over his head Henry con sented to a reconciliation with Becket. The conference took place at Fretteville, between Chartres and Tours. Henry promised that Thomas could crown his son again, and also his son's queen. The king seems to have made a general and complete submission, but only in general terms. The Constitutions of Clarendon were not mentioned, and no definite promises seem to have been made. On December 1, 1170, Thomas landed at Sandwich, and rode to Canterbury amid universal shouts and rejoicing. He return of came in his hour of triumph, not to forgive and forget, thomas. but to reassert all his rights with vigor, and to thunder the papal excommunications against the bishops concerned in the late corona tion. Yet he came with chastened heart, because, as he said, his end was near. His first text in his cathedral was, " Here we have no abiding city." On Christmas Day he preached, not in love, but in hatred, and repeated his excommunications against the knights who had robbed and insulted him. Then he spoke of the martyr dom of St. Alphege, and added, " There may soon be a second." 1 Lingard thinks this letter a forgery, ii, 77, note 4. This is hardly likely. Alexander was full of duplicity. 8 J. A. Froude, Life and Times of Thomas Becket, in Short Studies, iv, 79, says that the letter of inhibition was purposely withheld by Becket, for which there is no proof, and which is improbable in itself. The letter was given to the Bishop of Worcester. Gardiner, Student's Hist, of England, p. 149, says that the day before the coronation the Archbishop of York had received notice of the excommunication of all taking part in the ceremony. Hunt, The Church of England in the Middle Ages, p. 120, says that Henry himself prevented the prohibition from being brought into England. Milman, iv, 401, thinks that the king himself suppressed the letter, and that, in any event, no one would have dared to produce such a letter in England, as it would have been con sidered a misdemeanor or treason. 614 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Since he would not withdraw the papal censures the offended prel ates appealed to the king. Then in one of his fierce outbursts of madness the king exclaimed, " Are there no cowards who eat my bread who will rid me of this low-born and turbulent priest ? " Among the fierce warriors of that fierce age such a challenge could not pass unheeded. Eeginald Fitz-Urse, William de Tracy, Hugh de Moreville, and Eeginald Brito departed by separate ways to meet at Canterbury. Fitz-Urse upbraided Thomas with disloyalty in opposing the corona tion of the king's son, and commanded him to absolve the prelates. " On the contrary," said Thomas, "I would have gladly given him three crowns and a kingdom. As for the bishops, they had been suspended by the pope, by whom alone they could be absolved. Besides, they had given no satisfaction." Becket's enemy said: " It is the king's command that you and the rest of your disloyal follow ers leave the kingdom." " It becomes not the king," said Becket, " to utter such command ; henceforth no power on earth shall sep arate me from my flock." " You have presumed to excommuni cate the king's servants and officers, without consulting the king," was said in reply. " Nor will I ever spare the man who violates the canons of Eome or the rights of the Church," added Becket. " From whom do you hold your archbishopric ? " demanded Fitz- Urse. "My spirituals from God and the pope, my temporals from the king." " Do you not hold all from the king ? " " Bender unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are God's." "You speak in peril of your life." "Come ye to murder me ? " answered the haughty prelate, invincible in the consciousness of his own rectitude, and who had never known fear ; " I defy you, and will meet you front to front in the battle of the Lord." Then the knights gnashed their teeth with rage and rushed out for their arms.1 The knights met Becket at the vesper service in the cathedral. As the servitors heard the din of arms in the corridors they closed the doors. " Open the doors," said Thomas ; " no one must be debarred from the house of God, for this is not a castle." They rushed in. With the exception of two or three friends the wor shipers fled in terror. " Where is Thomas, the traitor ? " shouted 1 The best accounts of the closing scenes of this tragic story are found in Milman, Lat. Chris., iv, 412, ff.; Stanley, Memorials of Canterbury ; Lee, His torical Sketches of the Reformation, Lond., 1878, pp. 134, ff. ; Fronde Short Studies, iv, 104, ff., who is partial to the murderers, and says that Thomas "forced destruction on himself" (p. 106); Adams, Becket, in Great English Churchmen, pp. 146-159, whose whole account is full and fair. THOMAS BECKET. 615 one of the knights. To such an inquiry there could be no reply. " Where is the archbishop ? " demanded Fitz-Urse. thomas's " Here I am, Eeginald; no traitor, but your archbishop martyrdom. and a priest of God. What ask you ? " " Absolve those bishops whom you have excommunicated," shouted the knight. " I can and will do no other than I have done," said Thomas. " You shall die, traitor ! Fly at once ! fly, for you are a dead man ! " "I am ready to die for God and his Church, if God wills it ; but I warn you in God's name to let my men escape." Then they tried to drag him from the sacred precincts, not willing to add sacrilege to murder. This angered him, and in his great strength he shook them off like dogs, and called Fitz-Urse by a foul name. Then they shouted, " Strike, strike ! " The archbishop recovered his self- possession, and prepared to receive the blows. " We commend our cause to God, to St. Denys, and St. Alphege," he said, as the blood was pouring down his cheeks. He bent his neck to the smiters, saying, "Into thy hands, 0 Lord, I commend my spirit." A third blow from Tracy brought him to his knees. " I die for the name of Jesus and in defense of his Church," he said as he fell at length upon the altar steps. One of the most exact representations of the martyrdom occurs in an illuminated Psalter in the British Museum.1 There was also an old fresco on the wall of Brereton Church in County Chester." There is a representation in a beautiful manuscript in the library of Marischal College, Aberdeen, belonging to the early part of the fifteenth century. The panel at the head of King Henry IV's tomb at Canterbury contains a picture of this scene." Some relics of Thomas can be seen in St. George's Cathedral in London. James Anthony Froude held that Becket died as an ecclesias tical tyrant, and that he deserved his fate. He represents the struggle between Thomas and Henry as the eternal battle between Church absolutism and freedom. But how then can be explained the boundless popularity of Thomas among the English yeomanry and common people, who looked upon him as representing popular rights against kingly tyranny ? As to the merits of the quarrel be tween him and Henry, the right was with neither. Henry would have had the Church the slave of the State, and would have crushed all self-government and free development. Thomas stood for a great Christian principle in resisting him. " Do you not owe all to the king?" He died because he would not say, Yes, to that, and he died for a great truth. Gardiner says : "In placing him ' Harl. MS., No. 1502. 5 Archaeologia, ix, 3 See Lee, Hist. Sketches of the Reformation, pp. 140, 408, 409. 616 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. in the archbishopric in order that he might betray to the crown views of the liberties of the Church, the king had asked him froude, gar- to perform an act 0f treason as contemptible as that of freeman™ the man who accepts the command of a fortress in order to betray it to the enemy.'" The Church represented laws to which even a king must bend, and the people knew that the force which would override that principle would, as in the case of King John, override all popular rights as well. Therefore Freeman justly says that, judging Thomas by the light and needs of the twelfth cen tury, he is "fairly entitled to a place among the worthies of whom England is proud." " On the other hand, Becket was wrong in in sisting on withdrawing the clergy from the civil courts in the case of heinous crimes. The Constitutions of Clarendon have long since been incorporated, for the most part, into the common law of Eng land. If they had been balanced by those checks to the kingly power which were wrung from reluctant sovereigns only after dreary cen turies of strife, the most of the Clarendon Provisions would have been salutary enough. But here the absolute Church met the absolute king. The Church was, in theory at least, bound to the law of Christ, but this king considered himself bound by no law, human or divine. The time would come when both ecclesiastical and polit ical tyrannies would pass away. But Thomas of Canterbury is not to be blamed if, according to his best light, he resisted unto death a brute force which trampled on laws which all the nobler spirits of the time held sacred and divine. 1 Introd. to Study of English History, p. 60. 2 Hist. Essays, First Series, p. 115. -LITERATURE: BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY IN SCOTLAND. 617 LITEEATUEE: THE BEGINNINGS OF CHEISTIANITY IN SCOTLAND. The original materials on the early Scottish Church will be found in the publi cations of the Bennatyne, Maitland, Wodrow, Spottiswoode, Spalding, and other Clubs and Societies ; the Collectanea de Rebus Albanicis, ed. by Stevenson and Skene, Lond., 1846 ; Forbes, Kalendars of Scottish Saints ; the State Papers re lating to Scotland ; Adamnan's Life of St. Columba, ed. by Reeves ; Lives of SS. Ninian and Kentigernby JElred of Rievaulx and Jocelyn of Furness, ed. by the late Bp. Forbes. Some modern works relating to the pre-Reformation period are: 1. Raine,J. St. Cuthbert. Describes opening of his tomb, 1827. Durham, 1828. 2. Russell, M. Hist, of Church of Scotland. 2 vols. Lond., 1834. Episcopalian. 3. Book of the Universal Kirk. 3 vols. Edinb., 1839-45. Pub. by Banna tyne Club. Valuable. 4. Hetherington, W. M. Hist, of the Church of Scotland from Introd. of Christianity to Disruption. 2 vols. Edinb. , 1841 ; 7th ed. , 1853. Presby terian (Free Church). An able historian. 5. Calderwood, D. (d. 1650). Hist, of the Kirk of Scotland. 8 vols. Edinb., Wodrow Soc, 1842-49. Presbyterian. A source of great value. 6. Spottiswood, J. (d. 1639). Hist, of the Church and State of Scotland. 3 vols. Edinb., 1847-51. Episcopalian. Equally important with Calderwood. 7. Robertson, Jos. Scottish Abbeys and Cathedrals. Quar. Rev. , xxxv (1849), 103, ff. A remarkable essay. A pioneer in accurate research in old Scot. Church history. On the Scholastic Offices of Scot. Ch. in the 12th and 13th Centuries, in Miscellany of Spalding Club, v, pp. 56, ff. Statuta Ecclesiae ScoticanaB, ed. for Bannatyne Club, with Introd., 2 vols., Edinb., 1866. A most important work. See Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii, pp. viii, ix. 8. Reeves, W. Adamnan, Vita S. Columbse, ed. with Introd. and notes. Dubl., 1857. Exhaustive. Opened a new epoch in Scot. Church historiography. Since pub. by Bannatyne Club, Edinb., and also in series, Historians of Scotland, with trans, by Forbes, Edinb., 1874. The Culdees of the Brit. Isles as they Appear in History. Dubl., 1864. Scholarly and thorough. 9. Cunningham, J. The Church of Scotland from Beginning to Present. Edinb., 1859. 2d ed., 2 vols., 1883. Presbyterian. Excellent. 10. Innes, Cosmo. Scotland in the Middle Ages. Edinb., 1860. Important. 11. Grub, Geo. Eccl. Hist, of Scotland from Beginning to Present. 4 vols. Edinb., 1861. Episcopalian. Scholarly and strong. 12. MeLaughlan, T. The Early Scottish Church (1st to 12th cent.). Edinb., 1864. Presbyterian. Able, but needs supplementing by more recent works. 13. Forbes, A. P. Scottish Religious Houses Abroad. Edinb. Rev. , Jan. , 1854. Lives of St. Ninian and St. Kentigern ; compiled in the 12th cent., with transl. and notes. Edinb., 1874. 14. Gordon, J. F. S. Eecl. Chronicle for Scotland. 4 vols. Glasg., 1867. Vols, i and ii are especially important for early and medisaval periods. 15. Stanley, A. P. Lects. oh Hist, of Church of Scotland. Lond. and N.Y., 1872. Free and original way of treating Scottish affairs provoked a reply from Rainy, Three Lects. on Church of Scotland. Edinb. , 1872 ; new ed. , 1884. 618 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 16. Kinloch, M. G. J. Hist, of the Scottish Church. Edinb., 1874. Hist, of Scotland, chiefly in its Eccl. Aspect. 2 vols. Edinb., 1888. See Church Quar. Rev. (Lond.), ix, 448 ; xxviii, 508-512. Miss Kinloch wrote under the guidance of Bishop Forbes, and her histories are well worth attention. 17. Skene, W. F. (Historiographer for Scotland). Celtic Scotland : a History of Ancient Alban. Vol. ii, Church and Culture. Edinb., 1877 ; 2d ed., rev., 1887. Of the first importance. With an unequaled knowledge of the early Scottish chronicles Skene was the first to lay the Sagas under contribution. See J. Raleigh in Crit. Rev., ii (1892), 25-31. 18. Campbell, J. A. (R. O). The Early Scottish Church, Dublin Rev. (Lond.), 1879. For other important articles, see John Campbell (Pres.), of Montreal, Culdee Colonies in the North and West (Iceland and North America), in British and For. Evang. Rev., July, 1881, 455, ff. ; Pond, The Culdees, in Meth. Quar. Rev., N. Y., 1861, 681, ff. ; The Early Celtic Church, in Church Quar. Rev. (Lond.), vii (1878), 149, ff. ; Moffat, Hist, of Early Scottish Church, in Presb. Rev. , i (1880), 631, ff . ; Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church, in Church Quar. Rev., x, 50, ff. ; and the same, xv (Jan., 1883), 291, ff., for Early Christian Remains in Scotland. 19. Anderson, Jos. Scotland in Early Christian Times : Rhind Lects. Edinb., 1879. 2d series, 1881. Indispensable, especially for the monumental and artistic remains. See Church Quar. Rev., xv, 291, ff. 20. Warren, F. E. Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church. Oxf., 1881. Eminent authority. 21. Fryer, A. C. Cuthbert of Lindisfarne. Lond., 1881. 22. Moffat, J. C. The Church in Scotland from Earliest Times to First Assem bly of Ref ormed Church. Phila., 1882. Presbyterian. Founded mainly on Skene. Reliable. See W. G. Craig, in Presb. Rev., 1884, 539-542. 23. Walker, N. L. Scottish Church History. Edinb., 1882. Presb. (Free Church). An admirable manual, compact, comprehensive, scholarly. See Briggs, in Presb. Rev., iii, 781. 24. BeUesheim, A. Hist, of Cath. Church of Scotland, from Beginning to Present. Trans, with notes and additions by O. H. Blair. 4 vols. Edinb. 1887-89. By a Roman Catholic, yet with critical industry, impartiality, and research, making a notable contribution to Church history. See H. M. Scott in Current Discussions in Theology, vi, 213, and in Presb. and Ref. Rev., iii, 561, 566 ; Church Quar. Rev., xxviii, 231-236, xxxiii, 246-248. 25. Blaikie, W. G. The Preachers of Scotland, 6th to 19th Cent. Edinb., 1888. Able and scholarly lectures. Presb. (Free Church). 26. Lightfoot, J. B. Leaders in the Northern Church. Lond., 1890. 27. Mackintosh, J. Scotland from Earliest Times to the Pres. Century. Lond. andN.Y.,1890. In Story of Nations series. Full on hist, of religion Adl mirable. See Salmond in Crit. Rev., i, 219, 220 ; Hist, of Civilization in Scotland, 3 vols., Lond. , 1878-84 ; rev. and rewritten, Edinb , 1892 (vol i) 28. Muir,P.McA. The Church of Scotland. Edinb., 1891. Presb. (Church of Scotl.). Succinct, lucid, scholarly. See Crit. Rev., ii, 96. 29. Archibald, J. The Historic Episcopate in the Colum'ban Church, and other Scottish Ecclesiastical Annals. Edinb., 1893. 30. Dowden, E. The Celtic Church in Scotland! (to death of St. Margaret) Lond., 1894. By (Epis.) Bishop of Edinburgh. PLANTING OF CHRISTIANITY IN SCOTLAND. 619 CHAPTEE XXIII. PLANTING OF CHRISTIANITY IN SCOTLAND. The story of Donald, King of the Scots, making an application to Pope Victor I for the evangelization of Scotland, is a fiction.1 Through intercourse with the South, no doubt, there were individ ual Christians in Scotland. But the first historic name connected with the conversion of North Britain is St. Ninian. ST. NINIAN. Unfortunately for us, his earliest biographer, ^Elred, abbot of the Cistercian monastery of Eievaulx, in Yorkshire, be longs to the twelfth century. The earliest mention is in these general words of Bede: "For the southern Picts who dwelt on this side of those mountains had long before, as they relate, for saken the errors of idolatry and embraced the true faith at the preaching of Ninian, a most reverend bishop and holy man of the nation of the Britons, who at Eome had been regularly instructed in the faith and mysteries of the truth."" Ninian, if we follow ^Elred, was the son of a Pictish chieftain of Galloway, born about 360. He went to Eome under the bishopric of Damasus (366-384), and was thoroughly instructed in Christian ity. " A worthy reward," says iElred, "that he who for love of truth had sacrificed country, riches, and pleasure should be led into the very sanctuary of truth and receive for carnal goods, spir itual ; for earthly, heavenly ; for temporal, eternal." ' He then re turned to Scotland, visiting St. Martin of Tours on the way, by whom he was more thoroughly imbued with the glory of the mo nastic ideal. His field was Strathclyde, in the southwest of Scot land, from the Clyde to the Solway Firth, or even to the Mersey. He brought masons from the abbey of Marmoutier, in France, to erect the first stone church in Scotland. On account of the white stones it was called Candida Casa, Withern or White-house. This was about 402. iElred describes it as situated on a promontory surrounded on three sides by the sea, and connected with the mainland only on the north. " This description," writes a Scotch antiquarian, " may apply to the Isle of Whithorn, where the ruins of a chapel of unknown date are still to be seen, but may equally 1 See Innes, Civil and Eccles. Hist, of Scotland, p. 14. 2 Bede, H. E., iii, 4. ' Vita S. Nin., c. ii. 620 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. apply to the entire peninsula of Wigtown ; and the Candida Casa of St. Ninian would be the town of Whithorn, some miles inland, where the cathedral of Galloway, beautiful in its ruins, still recalls the memory of Scotland's first apostle." ' Ninian converted many of the southern Picts, appointed other missionaries, and erected at Candida Casa the great monastery which became in time a cele brated school for the training of missionaries. Ninian died about 432. In an old Irish Life of St. Ninian he is said to have visited Ireland in the latter part of his life, and founded a church in Leinster." No less than sixty- three Scottish churches were dedi cated to him.3 Some of the early annals are full of the exploits of St. Paladius, and he is even called the Apostle of Scotland, but a careful sifting by Skene, in which he is followed by Bellesheim, has made it very doubtful whether he ever set foot on Scotland.4 In fact we are peculiarly unfortunate in regard to early Scottish records, due partly to the radical reaction of the Eeformation. " The registers of the churches and bibliothecs or libraries," says Thomas Innes, *..„,„„„„ "were cast into the fire, and these were so entirely de- ords de- stroyed that if in Scotland there had happened a de- stroyed. jj^g aDOUt tne consecrations or ordinations of bishops and priests, either before or about the time of the Eeformation, I do not believe that of all our ancient bishops and priests, ordained within the country, there could have been found the register or act of consecration of any one of them, so careful were our first re formers to sweep clean away all that could renew the memory of the religion in which they had been baptized. At St. Andrews, the metropolitan church, besides the archives where were all the records and rights of the kings, all ecclesiastical acts, such as those of national councils, of diocesan synods, of processes of ecclesiastical courts, . . . consecration of bishops, all ordinations, dispensations, etc., were preserved. Since the time of the Eeformation all these original records have no less entirely and universally disappeared (ex cepting some of the chartularies) than if they had never been." s By the middle of the sixth century a large part of southern 1 Campbell, The Early Scottish Church, in Dublin Rev., 1879, p. 260. a An extract from this life is given in Ussher, Brit. Ecc. Ant., and an abstract of it in Bollandus, Acta Sanct. , Sep. 16. 5 Forbes, Life of St. Ninian, in Historians of Scotland, pp. xiii-xvii ; Belles heim, Hist, of Cath. Church in Scotland, i, 4-12. 4 Celtic Scotland, ii, 26-32 ; Bellesheim, i, 20-26. 5 Critical Essays, ed. Grub, p. 312. See also Spottiswood, i, 372 ; Bellesheim, i, 30. PLANTING OF CHRISTIANITY IN SCOTLAND. 621 Scotland was evangelized. But an apostasy had taken place, and a revival of paganism ensued. It needed a stronger woRKormisa arm than that of the ordinary clergy, and a more com- M0NKs. pact and vigorous organization. That was given in the monastic Church of Ireland, to which we are indebted for the second Chris- tianization of Scotland. North Britain was inhabited by two peoples, the Scotch, who had come over from Ireland, Christian, in part at least, and the Picts, who were pagan. Brendan of Clon- fertwas the first missionary. With fourteen of his monks he sailed from Ireland in search of the land of promise of the saints, and spent seven years in the search before he returned home. This became one of the most popular tales of the Middle Ages, and his long wanderings have been associated with the pre-Columbian voy ages to America. There is no truth in these legends. What is true is that Brendan sailed to the Western Isles, that is, the islands northeast of Ireland and west of Scotland, and founded monasteries. In the ancient Acts of St. Brendan he is said to have founded a church in the land of Heth, that is, in the island of Tyree, in Argyleshire, nineteen miles northwest of lona. He must also have labored in Bute, as the people of that island are called Brandanes, and his name comes down to us in Kilbrandan Sound, between Arran and Kintyre. Other places of the Western Isles also bear reminiscences of the holy adventurer. He died in 545.' But the chief apostle of that Irish evangelism was St. Columba. Fortunately, his two biographers succeeded him so soon in the ab bacy of lona, one Cummene, after sixty years, the other Adam- nan, after eighty-two years, that we have a fairly reliable account of his life.' Columba was born at Gartan, Donegal, Ireland, about 521. He was educated at the Irish schools of Moville, Clonard, and Glasnevin. He later founded the monasteries of Derry and ' Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii, 78. ' For the literature of St. Columba, see above, p. 617. The old Irish Life (10th century) is not so reliable, nor is the elaborate Life by Manns O'Donnell, Chief of Tyrconnell, compiled in 1532. A full account of these Lives is given in pref. to Reeves's ed. of Adamnan, Edinb., 1874. This preface is in 184 pages. A later ed. of Adamnan is by Fowler, with Introd., Clarendon Press, Oxf., 1895 ; a useful ed., based on Reeves. See the Nation, N. Y., Apr. 18, 1895, p. 301. A transl. of Adamnan's Life is also published. Proph ecies, miracles, and visions of St. Columba. Lond. and N. Y., 1895. Shairp has a good treatment in Sketches in Hist, and Poetry, Edinb., 1887. The old Irish Life is given in full in an appendix in Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii, 467-507, translated by the eminent Irish scholar, the late W. Maunsell Hennessey. 622 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Durrow. The common account of the cause of his crossing into Caledonia is the improbable story that he incited a war between work of two tribes, and for this was banished, with the com- columba. mand that he win for Christ as many souls as were lost in the battle. Another alleged reason of the departure of Columba for Scotland is the dispute between him and Finnian over a copy of fiie Psalter, which Columba had transcribed without permission of the latter. King Diarmaid decided against Columba, on the principle that, inasmuch as to every cow belongs her calf, so to every monastery belong all copies made from its books. This legend is entirely spurious, as Finnian and Columba were on the best of terms all their lives.1 On the contrary, Adamnan recog nizes only Columba's boundless love of Christ as the reason for his Scottish trip, and the old Irish Life tells us that the " illustrious saint left his home for the love and favor of Christ," and that " this was the resolution which he had determined on from the beginning of his life." * A contemporary draws his picture thus : " A perfect sage, believing in Christ, learned and chaste and charitable ; he was noble, he was gentle, the physician of the heart of every sage, a shelter to the naked, a consolation to the poor : there went not from the world one who was more constant in the remembrance of the cross." ' In 563 Columba set sail for Scotland with twelve companions.* Among these was the son of an Ulster chieftain. In vain Columba tried to persuade him to return to his native land. " Thou art my father," replied the enthusiastic missionary, "the Church is my mother, and my country is wherever I can win souls for Christ." 5 They settled at lona, a little island of the Hebrides, near the large island of Mull, in Argyleshire.6 There he raised that monas tery which shed immortal light on Scotland and England — " that ' These stories rest on the Life of Columba by Manns O'Donnell, 1532. ! Bede confirms this. H. E., iii, 6. 3 Dalian Forghaill, Amra. 4 Twelve was a sacred number with the Irish. Bellesheim notes : 1. Missions undertaken by a leader and twelve companions. 2. Monasteries occupied by a superior and twelve monks. 3. The episcopate of a country consisted of twelve bishops and a metropolitan (Bede, H. E., i, 29). 4. Ecclesiastical col leges, containing twelve capitulars, including prelates. 5. Celebrated teachers, such as Finnian and Aidan, instructing twelve disciples. 6. The consecration of bishops was performed in the presence of twelve bishops (Bede, v, 19). 7. Caravans of pilgrims consisting of twelve members. Vol. i, 62, 63, note. 5 See Moran, Irish Saints in Great Britain. Dublin, 1879, p. 61. e A full description is in Skene, ii, 88-91. See the Duke of Argyle's lona, 1871, new ed., 1889. The ancient name of lona is I, orHy, or Ii, " the island," called also Icolumkill, or Hi-Colum-Kille, " the island of Columba of the Church." PLANTING OF CHRISTIANITY IN SCOTLAND. 623 illustrious island," says Dr. Johnson, "whence savage clans and roving barbarians derived the benefits of knowledge and the blessings of religion." "Far from me and from my friend," he continues, " be such frigid philosophy as may conduct us indifferent and unmoved over any ground which has been dignified by wisdom, bravery, or virtue. That man is little to be envied whose patriotism would not gain force upon the plain of Marathon, or whose piety would not grow warmer among the ruins of lona." * From this center Columba and his monks went out far and near through the Pictish and Scottish tribes. The Picts were rude and barbarous fetich worshipers. The legend is that, when Columba and two of his missionaries visited Brude, one of their kings, at Inverness, the king drew his sword to kill them ; but when one of the missionaries made the sign of the cross the king's hand was suddenly withered, and so remained until the day on which he received baptism at the hands of St. Columba." Once when the saint was chanting vespers not far from the royal resi dence the Pictish priests endeavored to interrupt his devotions. Then, in that marvelously clear and resonant voice which could be heard for miles, Columba began to sing the forty-fourth psalm, " Eructavit cor meum verbum bonum." His voice rang like thunder in their ears, and they fled in terror from the spot.3 Through the missionary labors of the lona monks a large part of Scotland be came Christian before St. Augustine started on his English mission. Columba was a many-sided man. A man of royal blood, a great leader, impetuous, impatient of contradiction, and vindictive, as were all the Irish saints, he yet was a man of simple character w faith and unsurpassed devotion to Christ. A poet columba. himself, he defended the poets at the synod of Drumceatt, and established the rights of the bardic order. He had a passionate love of natural scenery. As from his beloved lona he looked over the sea to Erin, which was just as dear, he gave utterance to his longings : " Delightful would it be to me to be in Uchd Ailium On the pinnacle of a rock, That I might often see The face of • the ocean ; 1 A Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland, 1775, in Works, ed. of 1825, ii, 681, and Works, Minno's ed., 1881, pp. 602, 603. Johnson visited lona in 1773. Boswell was specially anxious to visit the holy island. This is one of the most interesting of Johnson's works, written with more vivacity than was common with him. His best accommodation at night at lona was a haymow, ' Skene, Chronicles of Picts and Scots, Edinb., 1861, p. 67. " Bellesheim, i, 68. 624 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. That I might see its heaving waves Over the wide ocean, SVhen they chant their music to their Father Upon the world's course ; That I might see its level sparkling strand, It would be no cause of sorrow ; That I might hear the song of the wonderful birds, Source of happiness ; That I might hear the thunder of the crowding waves Upon the rocks ; That I might hear the roar by the side of the church Of the surrounding sea ; That I might see its noble flocks Over the watery ocean ; That I might see the sea monsters, The greatest of all wonders ; That I might see its ebb and flood In their career ; That my mystical name might be, I say, Cul vi Erin (Back turned to Ireland) ; That contrition might come upon my heart Upon looking at her ; That I might bewail my evils all, Tho' it were difficult to compute them ; That I might bless the Lord Who conserves all, Heaven with its countless bright orders, Land, strand, and flood ; That I might search the books all, That would be good for any soul ; At times kneeling to beloved heaven ; At times at psalm-singing ; At times contemplating the King of heaven, Holy the chief ; At times at work without compulsion ; This would be delightful. At times plucking duilisc from the rocks ; At times at fishing ; At times giving food to the poor ; At times in a carcair (solitary cell). The best advice in the presence of God To me has been vouchsafed. The King, whose servant I am, will not let Anything deceive me." ' 1 "The original of this interesting poem is in one of the Irish MSS. in the Burgundian Library at Brussels. It was transcribed and translated for the late Dr. Todd by Professor O'Curry, and was kindly given to the author by Reeves, Bishop of Down and Connor, then Dean of Armagh, in 1866." — Skene, Chronicles ii, 91-93. The descriptions of nature remind one of Homer in their force and simple grandeur. An abecedarian hymn on the spiritual history PLANTING OF CHRISTIANITY IN SCOTLAND. 625 Columba was passionately fond of illuminated manuscripts, and we see how legend has connected this passion with his alleged ban ishment from Ireland. This celebrated manuscript had an experi ence something like that of the Jewish ark. It was inclosed in a kind of shrine, and was venerated as a palladium in the clan O'Don- nell, to which Columba belonged, who for more than a thousand years carried it into their battles as a sure pledge of victory. Within recent years this precious relic was placed in the museum of the Eoyal Irish Academy.1 Columba founded numerous churches and monasteries in Scotland. Eeeves gives a list of thirty-two churches either established by Columba among the Scots or dedicated to him, and nineteen among the Picts." He had the true Irishman's love of his native land, and frequently visited it, where he was always received with honor.3 After over thirty years of missionary life in Scotland the veteran missionary felt that his end was approaching. In May, 597, he was carried over the western part of lona. Gathering the brethren around him he said, " During the paschal solemnities in the month of April now past, with desire have I desired to depart death of co- to Christ the Lord, as he had allowed me, if I had pre- LDMBA- f erred it. But lest a joyous festival should be turned for you into mourning I thought it better to put off for a little longer time my departure from the world." So he blessed the island and was carried back to his monastery. On the following Saturday the saint, leaning on his faithful Diarmaid, went out to bless the gran ary. " This day in the Holy Scriptures is called the Sabbath, which means rest." And this day is indeed a Sabbath to me, for it is the of our world, Altus prositor vetustus dierum, et ingenitus, which is furnished in the appendix to the Lyra Sacra Hibernica, Belf., 1879, and in the 3d part of Todd, Liber Hymnorum, is by these authorities and by Duffield, Latin Hymn Writers and their Hymns, N. Y., 1889, p. 357, ascribed to Columba, but in the Presb. Rev., 1884, p. 340, this last writer claims to have proved that the hymn was really written by Rabanus Maurus (died 856), Bishop of Mayence. The Marquess of Bute published an edition of this hymn, " The Altus of St. Columba," with an English transl., in 1882. 1 Reeves, Adamnan, p. xxxvii. Sir William Betham took drawings of this case. It is a brass box 9J in. by 8, 2 in. deep, the top being a silver plate riv eted to one of brass. Betham, Irish Antiq. Research, 1827, i, 109. See Hole in Smith and Wace, i, 604. It is doubtful whether the MS. can be as old as the time of Columba. 2 Ed. of Adamnan, pp. ix, ff.; Bellesheim, i, 79, ff. 3 For his reception in one of his visits, see Adamnan, Vita S. Columbse, i, 3 ; Bellesheim, i, 83, 84. 4 The monastic Church of Ireland, like the Jewish early Church, kept Satur day as a day of rest, with special religious services on Sunday. This was one of the customs opposed by St. Margaret. See note in Bellesheim, i, 86. 40 626 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. last day of my life of toil, and in it I rest after the fatigues of my labors. And this night at midnight, which commenceth the sol emn Lord's day, I shall go the way of our fathers. For already my Lord Jesus Christ deigneth to invite me, and to him, I say, in the middle of this night shall I depart at his invitation." Then he returned to his cell and continued his work in transcribing the Psalter on which he had long been engaged. After he had written the words of the thirty-third psalm, "They who seek the Lord shall want nothing that is good," he stopped, and said, " Here I must end. What follows let Baithene write." At midnight, at the sound of the bell for prayers, he was the first to enter the church. He pros trated himself before the altar, and in prayer, with a smile on his face, he breathed his soul away, on June 9, 597. Adamnan thus describes Columba's character : " From his boy- estimates of hood he had been brought up in Christian training columba. jn the study of wisdom, and by the grace of God had so preserved the integrity of his body and the purity of his soul that, though dwelling on earth, he appeared to live like the saints in heaven. For he was angelic in appearance, graceful in speech, holy in work, with talents of the highest order, and consummate prudence. He lived a soldier of Christ during thirty-four years on an island. He never could spend the space even of one hour with out study, or prayer, or writing, or some other holy occupation. So incessantly was he engaged night and day in the unwearied exercise of fasting and watching that the burden of each of these austeri ties would seem beyond the power of all human endurance. And still, in all these, he was beloved of all ; for a holy joy ever beam ing on his face revealed the joy and gladness with which the Holy Spirit filled his inmost soul."1 Montalembert, following O'Don- nell's later biography, draws a different picture : " He was vindic tive, passionate, bold, a man of strife, born a soldier rather than a monk, and known, praised, and blamed as a soldier, insulanus miles, even upon the island rock from which he rushed forth to preach, convert, enlighten, reconcile, and reprimand both princes and nations, men and women, laymen and clerks. He was at the same time full of contradictions and contrasts — at once tender and irritable, rude and courteous, ironical and compassionate, caressing and imperious, grateful and revengeful — led by pity as well as by worth, ever moved by generous passions, and among all passions fired to the very end of his life by two which his countrymen un derstand the best, the love of poetry and the love of country. Lit tle inclined to melancholy when he had once surmounted the great 1 Adamnan, Prsef . Secunda ; Bellesheim, i, 89. PLANTING OF CHRISTIANITY IN SCOTLAND. 627 sorrow of his life, which was his exile ; little disposed, save toward the end, to contemplation or solitude, but trained by prayer and austerities to triumphs of evangelical exposition ; despising rest, un tiring in mental and manual toil ; born for eloquence, and gifted with a voice so penetrating and sonorous that it was thought of afterward as one of the most miraculous gifts he had received of God ; frank and loyal, original and powerful in his words as in his actions — in cloister and mission and parliament, on land and on sea, in Ireland and in Scotland, always swayed by the love of God, and of his neighbor, whom it was his will and pleasure to serve with an impassioned uprightness. Such was Columba." ¦ Beeves, the learned editor of Adamnan, is inclined to agree with this em phasis on the dark side of Columba. He says that the primitive Irish ecclesiastics, and especially the class known as saints, were im patient of contradiction and resentful. Excommunication, fasting against, and cursing were in frequent employment, and inanimate as well as animate objects were the subjects of their maledictions." But Skene says that these contrasted characteristics are largely im aginary, and the darker features disappear on a critical examina tion. The original sources of his life do not lend sanction to the shadows in Montalembert's picture. Dalian Forgaill, in the ancient tract called the Amra Columicilla, speaks in the same strain with Adamnan, both bearing testimony to a peculiarly lovable and Christlike character.3 1 Monks of the West, iii, 269. Montalembert gives a long and eloquent ac count of Columba. 5 Ed. of Adamnan, p. xxxix. See Gammack in Smith and Wace, i, 604. 3 Skene, ii, 145, 146, where a quotation from Forgaill is given. 628 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTEE XXIV. THE FIRST CHURCH SYSTEM OF SCOTLAND. What then was the character of that Church system which the Irish missionaries introduced into Scotland ? It was not Episco- monastic pal, nor Presbyterian, but monastic. Its like has never ™™^T™ °F been known before nor since. Bede describes it thus : CHURCH (jOY- ernment. " Moreover, the island itself is wont to have always an abbot, who is a presbyter, for its ruler, to whose jurisdiction all the province and the bishops also themselves, after an unusual order, are bound to be subject, according to the example of their famous first teacher, who was not a bishop, but a presbyter and a monk." ; The whole authority centered in the abbot of the monas tery, who might be a layman, or even, as some say, a woman. The monasteries were really colleges, or mission stations. There the missionaries were educated, and thence they were sent out to their field of labor. lona was the model of all the religious houses of Scotland. The bishops had hardly a place in such a system, as the clergy received their mission from the abbot. And yet it would be remarkable if the Celtic Church of the sixth century differed so radically from the Catholic Church that the bishops had no peculiar function as belonging to a higher order. Moffat indeed says that " presbyters could ordain presbyters, and a presbyter could also ad minister the eucharist without an assistant."" But there does not seem sufficient evidence for this. Skene, the most eminent authority on all matters relating to Celtic Scotland, who has gone into the "original sources with great enthusiasm, says distinctly that the bishop existed as a separate order, whose authority was recognized for ordi nation but not for jurisdiction or government. The sacerdotal or canonical functions of the bishops were recognized according to the customs of the universal Church of that time. And yet Skene allows that in the Irish (Scotch) monastic Church the " episcopate was a personal and not an official dignity ; and we find at a later period that inferior functionaries of the monastery, as the scribe and even the anchorite, appear to have united the functions of a bishop with their proper duties."3 1 H. E., iii, 4. 2 The Church in Scotland, pp. 80, 93-95. 3 Celtic Scotland, ii, 44. See pp. 42-44. THE FIRST CHURCH SYSTEM OF SCOTLAND. 629 If this is the case it is evident that the Celtic Church had no idea of the jure divino theory of the episcopate. In fact, S00ttish bish- so eminent authority as Professor Mitchell still holds that 0PS- the facts alleged by certain later writers are not sufficient to show that there were from the first in the monasteries of Scotland, as there undoubtedly were in Ireland, persons bearing the names of bishops. And if there were Ebrard is of the opinion that they were, like the abbots and lectors, simply presbyters appointed to a special work. In fact, Bede says that the monks of lona ordained and sent forth Aidan on his mission.1 In any event the whole sit uation of the early Scottish Church is clearly inconsistent with the sacerdotal theory of the episcopate, namely, that he is by divine ap pointment distinct from the presbyter and superior to him." The whole Church was monastic ; that is, there were no secular clergy. Bede, the " most observant, as he is the most candid of historians," 3 remarks thus: "All the presbyters, with the deacons, cantors, lec tors, and the other ecclesiastical orders, along with the bishop him self, were subject in all things to the monastic rule." * The bishop was simply the servant of the monastery, called in when needed. The monastic college owed nothing to papal, episcopal, or kingly authority, but held directly under Jesus Christ. As to the liturgy of the Celtic Church, an able liturgiologist has shown that it differed but little from the other uses of the time.5 It had the altar services, called the eucha rist a sacrifice, had an unusually large number of collects, gave the kiss of peace after the consecration, practiced prayers for the dead as a recognized custom," sang the communion hymn after the prayer of consecration, and had special priestly vestments and choral 1 H. E., iii, 5, at end. a Mitchell, Keltic Church, in Schaff-Herzog, Encyc, ii, 1236, 1237. Blaikie, Preachers of Scotland, p. 34, and Walker, Scottish Church History, p. 10, ridicule the idea of Skene that the monastic colleges kept a bishop at hand, like a carpenter or a scullion, to perform ordinations for them. " Surely," says Blaikie, " if a bishop is anything he is a supreme ruler, and not a serv ant of presbyters." But such reasoning in the field of history is dangerous. Whether there were such bishops is purely a question of fact. 3 Skene, ii, 44. ¦> Vita S. Cuthberti, xvi. 5 The Liturgy and Ritual of the Celtic Church, in Church Quarterly Rev., April, 1880, p. 50, ff. 6 " Diptychs containing the names of the deceased were brought by the dea con to the celebrant, and their contents were announced by him during the offertory, after the first oblation of the unconsecrated elements, and before the canon. A special penance was assigned at lona to the deacon who forgot this part of his duty," p. 59. This affords >t presumption of the identity of the Gallican and Celtic liturgies. 630 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. services. The Celtic Church made a large use of music, singing, doubtless, Columba's own hymns. Harpers are represented on the most ancient sculptured stones of Ireland, and pipers are introduced in decorations of manuscripts of the eighth century. Organs were largely used. The Irish Church sang not the Gregorian or Eoman chant, but the Eastern hymns and chants. Oblations of bread and wine and offerings of alms were received, unleavened bread was used, water was mingled with wine, according to the universal custom of the primitive Church, and the consecrated elements were reserved for the sick or absent, to whom they were conveyed. In fact, the early Celtic ritual differed in no material respect from the services of the present ritualistic party in the Church of England. It is one of the favorite claims of this party that in their peculiar ways they are not aping Eome, but are reviving the customs of the primitive British and Irish Church. 1 The theological teaching of the ancient Scotch Church was free doctrinal irom tne corrupt elements of later times. The Holy teaching. Scriptures were the great books of the Celtic monks. Of their boundless devotion to the Scriptures we have proof in the fact that Columba with his own hand is said to have transcribed the gospels and the Psalms three hundred times. Columban, who went forth from the Celtic Church, left a volume of Instructions, which are simple, fervent sermons, dwelling mainly on Christ, his love and his work." Principally upon this work Ebrard founded his thesis that the Celtic Church was mainly evangelical in doc trine.3 Burton, the best historian of Scotland, who follows Ebrard in this conception of early Scotch teaching, thus summarizes Ebrard's reconstruction of Celtic doctrine: "It had a full right to be called an evangelical Church, not only because it was free from the power of Eome, and always showed a determination, whenever the Eoman Catholic Church came in contact with it, to appeal from the authority of Eome to the Holy Scriptures as the only supreme authority; but above all because its inner life was penetrated and stimulated by the inner form and substance of the evangelical Church. ... To the Culdees the Holy Scriptures were no text-book containing a list of lawful doctrines, but the living word of Christ. They taught with all sincerity the innate sinfulness of the natural man, the reconciling death of Christ, justification by faith without the aid of works ; above all, the worthlessness of all outward works, and regeneration as life in Him who died for us. The sacraments ' Church Quar. Rev., x, 83,84. 5 Blaikie, The Preachers of Scotland, p. 21. 3 See Ebrard, Iroschotische Missionkirche, Die Heilslehre, pp. 99-134. THE FIRST CHURCH SYSTEM OF SCOTLAND. 631 were to them signs and seals of the one grace through Christ, and as such held only a second place in their teachings. They denied the efficacy of saints, angels, and relics, and urged to a very pure and heavenly life." ' On the other hand, Montalembert says that " au ricular confession, the invocation of saints, the celebration of the mass, the real presence, the sacrament of fasting, prayers for the dead, the celibacy of the clergy, the sign of the cross, and, above all, the duty of the deep and diligent study of the Holy Scriptures, are all proved to have been enjoined by Columba."" The fact is that there is truth in either representation. The Celtic missiona ries were great preachers, and the staple of their preaching was the essential doctrines of the cross. There is abundant evidence that over against the modern Eoman corruptions they had a firm grasp of the simple elements of Scripture truth. On the other hand, in their thought, cultus, and in various practices they were very sim ilar to the continental Church of that day. The members of the community of lona took the vow on bended knees, and were tonsured from ear to ear, that is, the ' ' ' CLASSES IN fore part of the head was made bare. Those of ad- community of vanced years and tried devotedness were called seniors. Their chief duty was reading and copying the Scriptures and at tending religious services. The younger and stronger were called the working brothers. They were agriculturists and cattle-raisers. A third class were the young, who were under instruction, and were called alumni, or pupils. The penitential discipline was severe. They fasted on Wednesday and Friday and during Lent. A strange asceticism was often practiced. It was the complete immersion of the body in water, and in that condition reciting the whole or part of the Psalter. When a monk desired to enter upon a spe cial course of exercises he did so under the direction of a distin guished saint as his soul's friend, or director. Confession of offenses was made before the whole community. In one case, where the sin was very great, Columba imposed as a penance perpetual exile in tears and lamentations among the Britons.3 1 Burton, Hist, of Scotland, i, 404, 405. See also Blaikie, Preachers of Scot land, pp. 16-32. s Les Moines d'Occident, iii, 300. 3 Skene, ii, 102, 103. In Skene and in Reeves, ed. of Adamnan, new ed., Edinb., 1874, will be found a full account of the lona Constitution. Reeves's Introduction is a thorough and elaborate study of the Columban Church. 632 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTEE XXV. THE SCOTCH PERIOD BEFORE THE REFORMATION. As Montalembert has said, Bede has made the character and life aidan the of Aidan " the subject of one of the most eloquent and missionary, attractive pictures ever drawn by the pen of the venera ble historian." 1 Aidan went from lona to convert the southern Scotch and northern English, in the place of a missionary previously sent out but who returned with the confession of failure on account of the stubborn and barbarous spirit of the English. " You did not," said Aidan, "after the apostolic precept, first offer them the milk of more gentle doctrine, till by degrees through the nourish ment of God's word they might have strength to receive and prac tice God's more perfect and exalted counsel." That remark pointed him out as the proper person to undertake the work. He was con secrated bishop in 635, fixed his residence at Lindisfarne, after ward called Holy Island, a little island north of Northumberland, near Berwick-on-Tweed. Here Aidan fixed his see and built his monastery, and hence he and his monks went forth on their mis sion of love. ' ' In Saxon strength that abbey frowned, With massive arches broad and round, That rose alternate, row on row, On ponderous columns, short and low, Built ere the art was known, By pointed aisle and shafted stalk The arcades of our alleyed walk To emulate in stone. On the deep wall the heathen Dane Had poured his impious rage in vain ; And needful was such strength to these, Exposed to the tempestuous seas, Scourged by the winds' eternal sway, Open to rovers fierce as they, Which could twelve hundred years withstand Wind, waves, and northern pirates' hand. Not but the wasting sea breeze keen Had worn the pillar's carving quaint, And moldered in hie niche the saint, 1 Monks of the West, iv, 23. See Bede, iii, 5. THE SCOTCH PERIOD BEFORE THE REFORMATION. 633 And rounded with consuming power The pointed angles of each tower ; Yet still the entire abbey stood, Like veteran, worn, but unsubdued." ' It was the life as much as the preaching of Aidan which converted Northumbria." " He left his clergy," says Bede, " most ,, Ti!l_j.- -i j.- t AIDAN'SWORK. wholesome example of abstinence and continence, and the highest commendation of his teaching was that his own life corresponded with it." 3 He always traveled on foot. His compan ions, whether monks or laymen, were obliged to meditate, that is, either to read the Scripture or learn the Psalter.4 Education was an important feature of his plan. Each church became also a school, where his Scottish monks gave a complete education to all who came. He redeemed many captives and trained large numbers of them for the priesthood. He had a helper after his own heart in Oswald, King of Northumbria, the Alfred of the North. Aidan's dio cese extended from the Humber to the Firth of Forth, a region which he consecrated by his holy example and boundless benevolence. Bede qualifies his high praise in one particular: " His zeal for God was not altogether according to knowledge, for he was wont to keep Easter Day according to the custom of his country, from the four teenth to the twentieth moon." " He died in 651, and was buried in St. Peter's Church, Lindisfarne, beside the altar." Aidan's inde pendence of Eome was characteristic of the Columban Church. It gave to Eome a respect due to an ancient and powerful see, but the Columban Church would not change any of its customs at Eome's dictation. As Bishop Lightfoot says, Aidan is a " true type and symbol of the freedom of the Church of England." 7 On the night that Aidan died, a shepherd boy, watching his flock on the Northumbrian hills north of the Tweed, believed that he saw a convoy of angels bearing to heaven a soul of surpassing bright ness. The next day this boy learned that Bishop Aidan had died on 1 Scott, Marmion, ii, x. Aidan's monastery was merged into the Benedictine priory church, built in 1093, using its materials in part. As Durham grew in importance the island cathedral was allowed to fall into ruins. The castle was not built until 1500, about a dozen years before the year in which the plot of Scott's most stirring and successful poem was laid. In August, 1887, three thousand barefooted pilgrims crossed the sound to Lindisfarne. " Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, i, 200 (newed., Lond., 1880). 3 Bede, H. E., iii, 5. 4 Ibid., iii, 5. 5 Ibid., iii, 3. 6 Bellesheim, Hist, of Cath. Church in Scotland, i, 116-121 ; Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii, 155-159 ; Deedes, in Smith and Wace, s. v. ; Lightfoot, Leaders in the Northern Church, pp. 37-54. The mediaeval biographers add nothing to the statements of Bede. ' Leaders of the Northern Church, p. 52, «34 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the previous night. He went to the monastery of Old Melrose, on the Tweed, founded bv Aidan, and asked for admission. ' st. cuthbert. Thug began the missi"onary life of St. Cuthbert, one of the brightest lights of the northern Church. In 661 he was elected prior of the monastery. He went all over the country preaching, and reclaiming the people from the abject paganism into which many of them had fallen. In 664 he was made prior of Lindisfarne. He had adopted the Eoman views on Easter, and after a long struggle he brought his monks to conform to the southern practice. He now ceased all missionary work and gave himself up to asceticism. In 676 he quitted the Holy Isle and built himself a hut on House Island, one of the Fame group," a few miles south of Lindisfarne. He first reared a wall of turf and stone so high that he could see neither land nor sea. Within this he erected an oratory, in which he lived in utter solitude for nine years. In 684 he was called to the bishopric of Hexham. After the most earnest entreaties of the King of Northumbria and a large party who sailed to Fame, to induce him to accept, he left his re treat. Then his old friend Eata surrendered his own see to Cuth bert in exchange for Hexham ; and thus for two years he became the active and earnest bishop of a familiar territory. He then retired to his rocky eyrie, where he died March 20, 687. 3 St. Cuthbert was buried in Lindisfarne. Eleven years after the the ashes of body was raised and, it was alleged, was found unwasted. st. cuthbert. in 793_794 the Danes ravaged Lindisfarne, but the body was left untouched. In 875 there was another Danish inroad. The monks took with them the body of the saint, and for seven years they wandered here and there, seeking a resting place, but found no per manent rest for the bones until they were given Chester-le-Street, a city six miles from Durham, as the seat of the bishopric of Lindis farne.4 In 990 another Danish invasion compelled the removal of 1 This is not the celebrated Melrose Abbey, which was built two and a half miles farther west in 1136 by David I. The Old Melrose Abbey, founded about 635 by Aidan, was burned by Kenneth MaeAlpine in 839, and finally aban doned. 2 It was from one of these islands, Longstone, that Grace Darling and her father, in the early morning of the 7th of September, 1838, rowed their boat over a tempestuous sea for the rescue of the nine survivors of the wreck of the Forfarshire. 3 The shells on that coast are still called St. Cuthbert's shells, and the sea birds, which breed in multitudes on the islands, are called St. Cuthbert's birds. Blair, note in Bellesheim, i, 163. 4 On July 18, 1883, this church celebrated its millennium, when Bishop Lightfoot, of Durham, preached a sermon on St. Cuthbert, from the text, "A thousand years in thy sight are but as yesterday" (Psalm xc, 4). The sermon THE SCOTCH PERIOD BEFORE THE REFORMATION. 635 the see and the coffin, which, after a few months' stay at Eipon, found a home on a site unequaled for beauty and strength by any other place in England. The wanderers cleared the summit of the hill and began the erection of a church of stone, the predecessor of the present magnificent cathedral of Durham. The church was finished in 999. ' In 1104, after the building of the new cathedral of Durham by William of St. Carileph, Cuthbert's body was trans lated into the new feretory with extraordinary ceremony. The richest gifts came to the cathedral of Durham on account of these relics. The names of many of the benefactors were printed in gold and silver in a book kept for the purpose." Scott repeats an old tradition that the exact place of interment was kept hidden by three members of the Benedictine order, who regularly transmitted the secret to three successors. " There, deep in Durham's Gothic shade, His relics are in secret laid ; But none may know the place, Save of his holiest servants three, Deep sworn to solemn secrecy, Who share that wondrous grace." * This tradition was exploded in 1827 by the examination of the grave. The same relics were discovered as those described by Eeginald, as found in the grave in 1104. Within the first coffin was another, which was supposed to belong to the year 1104, and this inclosed a third, which answered the description of the one made in 698. Within this was found the entire skeleton of Cuthbert, wrapped in five robes of embroidered silk. Fragments of these and other relics found in the coffin are to be seen in the cathedral library at Dur ham.4 Until the Eeformation no woman was suffered to approach is found in one of the volumes published by the trustees of the Lightfoot Fund, Leaders of the Northern Church, Lond. and N. Y., 1890 ; 2d ed., 1891, pp. 71-86, with valuable notes by Harmer. 1 A full history of the bones of Cuthbert is found in the works of Simeon of Durham (in Latin), pub. by the Surtees Society, Durham, 1868. 8 This book has been published by the Surtees Soc, Liber Yital Dunelmen- sis. 3 Marmion, ii, xiv. See the notes of Scott and Loekhart, in Eolfe, ed. of Marmion, Bost., 1885, pp. 266, 267. 4 Full particulars as to the discovery of the relics of Cuthbert are given by Raine, in St. Cuthbert, Durham, 1828, with an account of the state in which his remains were found upon the opening of his tomb in 1827. It has been maintained, without sufficient reason, that the bones discovered were not those of Cuthbert. This view found expression in Remarks on St. Cuthbert, by Raine (Newcastle, 1828), ascribed to Lingard, and more elaborately in the History of St. Cuthbert, by the (R. C.) Archbishop of Glasgow, Eyre, 636 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the shrine. A sacramental cloth supposed to be used by him was carried in battle to give victory to the army which carried it, and one factor leading to the defeat of his countrymen at Flodden was the banner of St. Cuthbert. Several causes led to the decay and final extinction of the Celtic Church in Scotland. There were, first, the bitter feuds cay of celtic over the questions of ritual. Some of the monks were in church. favor of the Eoman custom, others were strenuously attaehed to their own ways. At length, through the influence of Naiton, King of the Picts, the monks at lona adopted the Eoman rite, 716. But the affiliated monasteries refused to give up their ancient traditions. This enraged Naiton, who expelled the stub born monks. Thus passed away the primacy of lona, and with it the undivided and prosperous life of that marvelous Church. ' A second cause of the decay of the Columban Church was the introduction of secular clergy. This probably originated with Wilfrid of York, the champion of the Eoman Easter. Boniface came from Eome, says the legend, with a number of priests and deacons, and, under the patronage of King Nectan, planted a Church which knew not Columba. There is no doubt an historic basis for the legend. It points to the " entrance into Scotland of a strong Italian influence, which was displacing the Irish or Colum ban."" Fourteen churches in the east of Scotland were dedicated to St. Peter. Northumbrian architects began to build churches in the Eoman style. All this indicates clearly the passing of the Iro- Scottish Church. A third cause was the development of the hermit life. It arose from the conviction that the solitary life, or the life of an anchorite, was a higher life than a cenobitical life in a monastery. Jerome who thinks that the body was removed by some Benedictine monks in the resign of Queen Mary, and concealed in another part of the building. " There is a continuous and well-grounded tradition that such was the case, and that the secret as to the spot where the sacred relies lie has been jealously handed down to our own day in the English congregation of the Order of St. Benedict." — Dom Oswald Hunter Blair, note in Bellesheim, i, 170. The best source for Cuthbert's life is his Life by Bede, ed. Smith, pp. 227-264, ed. Stevenson, pp. 45-137. The latest life is by Fryer, Cuthbert of Lindisfarne, Lond., 1880. For notice of new ed. of Eyre, see Church Quar. Rev., Jan., 1888, p. 513. See also Browne, The Venerable Bede, Lond., 1879, pp. 99-117; Low, Histor ical Scenes in Durham Cathedral, Durham, 1887. A full description of the Cuthbert literature is given by Raine in Smith and Wace, s. v., and Wright, Descriptive Catalogue. 1 Skene, ii, 178 ; Bellesheim, i, 147, 148. 2 Gammack, art. Bonifacius Queretinus, in Smith and Wace ; Bellesheim, i, 176-178 ; Forbes, Kal. of Scottish Saints, pp. 281-283. THE SCOTCH PERIOD BEFORE THE REFORMATION. 637 describes three kinds of monks : the cenobites, those living in com mon ; the anchorites, those living apart from men ; and influence of the Eemoboth, the " worst and most neglected." ¦ John her»"t life. Cassian also speaks of the Sarabaites, who joined themselves by two or three in a company, to live after their own humor, not being subject to any man." Bede, a Benedictine monk, regarded the anchorite as at the climax of religion. He describes St. Cuth bert as " advancing in the merits of his devout intention, and pro ceeding even to the adoption of a hermit life of solitary contempla tion and secret silence," so that he was "permitted to ascend to the leisure of divine speculation, and rejoiced that he had now reached the lot of those of whom we sing in the psalm : ' The saints shall go from virtue to virtue, the God of gods shall be seen in Zion.'"3 These anchorites came to be called Deicolm, God- worshipers, or, by inversion, Colidei, Ceile De (in Ireland), Keledei (in Scotland), Culdees.4 Hector Boece, professor in the University of Aberdeen, in the sixteenth century, originated the theory that the Culdees were the Columban monks, who differed radically from the Church of their time in the earnestness of their piety and evangelical tone of their theology.* This was the prevailing theory of Protestant writers until it was completely exploded by Eeeves. The Culdees were the anchorite monks who invaded Scotland in the eighth and ninth centuries in large numbers, but who were finally brought under the rule of secular canons. These monks were not noted either for piety or knowledge. In fact, they were more superstitious and corrupt than their brethren of the ordinary monastic communities. The chief endowments of their monasteries were often held by nobles, who called themselves abbots, but who were laymen, and transmitted their privileges to their children. The Culdees took ' Ep. ad Eustochium, xxii. 5 Collationes, xviii. For full description see Skene, ii, 233, ff, 8H.E, iv, 28; Vit. S. Cuthb., xvii. 4 The history of these names and the monks to whom they applied is given with great clearness and research by Reeves, The Culdees of the British Island, Dublin, 1864, and Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii, 238-277. 'Episcopalian and Catholic writers have charged this theory to the partisan ship of Presbyterian writers, but this charge is entirely unfounded. While the theory springs from Boece it is believed by other old romantic historians of Scotland. It is indorsed by Pond, The Culdees, in Meth. Quar. Rev., Oct., 1861, pp. 628-638. The researches of Irish and Scotch antiquaries, however, have made worthless a good deal of pious historical disquisition. See Mitchell, art. Culdees in Schaff-Herzog, and new ed. of Chambers's Encyc. 638 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the place of the Columban clergy, and were themselves a disinte grating element in the mediasval Scotch Church.1 The invasion of the Danes was also another cause of the collapse of Celtic Scotland. They burned lona in 795 and again in 802, and its "family" of sixty-eight persons was martyred in 806. A second martyrdom in 825 is the subject of a contemporary Latin poem by Walafridus Strabo. On the Christmas evening of 986 the island was again wasted by the relentless Norsemen. Thus the ec clesiastical capital was transferred from lona to Dunkeld, thence in 865 to Abernethy, and finally in 908 to St. Andrews. The reforms of St. Margaret were another feature of the new ec clesiastical life in Scotland. She was a native of Hungary, and was brought up in the court of her great-uncle, Edward the Confessor, with Lanfranc as teacher. In 1068, with her mother and sister and little brother, Edgar the Atheling, she fled from Northum berland to Scotland. Here her beauty, piety, and ST MARCA'FIET and her re- brilliant accomplishments won the heart of the Scotch forms. King, Malcolm Canmore, to whom she was married in 1069. "There is, perhaps," says Skene, "no more beautiful char acter in history than Margaret. For purity of motives, for an earnest desire to benefit the people among whom her lot was cast, for a deep sense of religion and great piety, for the unselfish per formance of whatever duty lay before her, and for entire self-abne gation, she is unsurpassed." " She at once began the reform of the Celtic Church. The customs of the Church she regarded as con trary to the true faith and sacred customs of the universal Church, and at her councils both she and her royal husband contended against the supporters of these strange customs.3 The first point insisted on was the observance of Lent. The Catholic Church commenced the forty days' fast on Ash Wednesday, and so, omitting Sundays, which were never days of fasting, fasted forty days. The Celtic Church began on the Monday of the following week, and if the Sundays of Lent were not observed as fast days, as was probable, the Church fasted only thirty-six days. The representatives of the old order were satisfied with Margaret's rea sonings, and brought their method into conformity with the uni versal Church. Another matter was that of the celebration of the Easter eucha rist. 1 Haddon, in Smith and Cheetham, art. Colidi, speaks of the " combined ignorance and partisanship " which have "perverted the facts " in regard to the Culdees. This is entirely gratuitous. 5 Celtic Scotland, ii, 344. 3 Turgot, Vita S. Margarets, viii. THE SCOTCH PERIOD BEFORE THE REFORMATION. 639 " How is it," said Margaret, " that ye receive not at the festival of Easter the sacrament of the body and blood of it, according to the usage of the holy and apostolic Church ? " "The apostle teaches us," said they, " that those who eat and drink unworthily eat and drink judgment to themselves ; and since we acknowledge ourselves to be sinners we fear to approach that mys tery, lest we should eat and drink judgment to ourselves." " What then ? " answered the queen, " shall no one that is a sinner taste of that holy mystery ? If 60, no one whatsoever dare ap proach it, for no one is sinless, not even the infant that hath lived but one day upon the earth." Then she urged the text, " Except ye shall eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye shall not have life in you," and explained the apostle's warning as applying to those who do not by faith distinguish the sacramental food from corporal food. " It is the man who partakes of the holy mysteries," says the fair the ologian, " carrying with him the defilements of his sins, without confession or penance, that eateth and drinketh damnation to him self. But we who many days before have confessed our sins, have cleansed our souls by penance, and washed away our stains by alms giving and many tears, and then on Easter Day draw near in cath olic faith to the table of the Lord and receive the body of the Lamb without spot, we eat and drink, not to judgment, but to the remis sion of our sins." The queen again prevailed. The people ever after observed the sacrament of salvation, " Knowing the meaning of the Church's practices."1 Margaret was equally successful in regard to Sunday observance. The Scots had kept up the practice of the primitive Jewish Church and the ancient monastic Church of Ireland of observ- The sunday ing Saturday as a day of rest and Sunday as a day of question. religious service, but not of cessation from work. " Let us," said Margaret, "venerate the Lord's day, inasmuch as upon this day our Saviour rose from the dead. Let us do no servile work on that day, whereon we are redeemed from the slavery of the devil." From this time no one dared to carry any burdens on the Lord's day. She also succeeded apparently in breaking up the custom of marry- 1 This is the language of Turgot, the queen's biographer. But Grub, Eocl. Hist, of Scotland, i, 196, note, well says that Turgot leaves something here unexplained. For all that appears to the contrary the Celtic Church had abandoned the reception of the eucharist at other times of the year as well as at Easter. Lord Hailes, Annals, i, 45, infers from this that the " clergy of Scotland had ceased to celebrate the communion of the Lord's Supper." But this could hardly have been the case. 640 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ing a deceased brother's wife or a stepmother, which was a common custom both in Ireland and Scotland. But darker abuses the good queen could not sweep away. One of these was the hereditary possession of abbacies and ecclesiastical posts. If the abbot was not married, or had no concu- ABUSESfirmly in- bines, the tribe or family to which he belonged provided trenched. a fit person in order to fill the office. Thus the eccle siastical offices came in direct succession in the family. Worse still, the abbots, as a next step, did not take orders at all, pro viding some ecclesiastic to perform religious duties, while they re tained all the privileges and emoluments of the abbacy.1 Thus powerful families kept the great ecclesiastical offices for their own use for generations. What did two or three days more or less in Lent amount to in the presence of such a crying evil as that ? But perhaps the queen was restrained by knowing that her royal house owed its origin to the lay abbots of one of the principal monasteries, and was largely endowed with the possession of the Church." She was also silent concerning the abominable Scotch custom of selling their wives, which the great moralist, Gregory VII (1073-86), pointed out to Lanfranc as a custom among the Scots, and which he called upon him rigidly to suppress." Margaret died November 16, 1093, three days after her husband, at the age of forty-six, worn out by the cares and troubles of a turbulent reign. She bore her husband six sons and two daughters." The work of Margaret was continued by her younger son David, Prince of Cumbria (1107, ff.) and King of Scotland (1124-53). He reconstituted the great see of Glasgow, 1115, and erected churches and founded monasteries, which he en dowed with possessions and covered with honors. He found in the whole kingdom of Scotland three or four bishops only, but left nine at his death. He left also monasteries of the Cluniac, Cister cian, Tyronian, Arovensian, Prasmonstratensian, and Belvacensian orders." David's reign put the finishing stroke to the expiring Celtic Church. The old Celtic arrangement of Church government by 1 Skene, ii, 338, ff. , who gives full information on this outrageous abuse. 2 Op. cit., ii, 350. 3 Tuam vero f raternitatem admonemus, quatenus inter omnia et prce omnibus, nefas quod de Scotis audivimus quod plerique videlicet proprias uxores non solum deserunt, sed etiam vendunt, omnibus modis prohibere contendat. See Robertson, Hatata, p. xxiv, note ; Bellesheim, i, 251, note. 4 The Latin Life of St. Margaret by her confessor, Turgot, Bishop of St. Andrews, has been trans, by Forbes-Lei th, Edinb., 1884. s Ailredof Rivaux, in Pinkerton, Vit. Sanct., p. 442 ; Skene, ii, 376. THE SCOTCH PERIOD BEFORE THE REFORMATION. 641 abbots was completely superseded by the division of Scotland into dioceses, the erection of bishoprics, and thence the ordinary diocesan government in subordination to Eome. Along with this was the final suppression of the Keledei (Culdees). David or- dered that the Culdee monks should be received into ance of the the canons regular, and if they refused they were to be CCLDEK3- allowed to retain their possession until their death, after which no more Culdeea were to be appointed, but their revenues appropriated to the use of the canons. In a few years, therefore, this nondescript monastic guild entirely disappeared.1 At the same time their place was taken by the invasion of the monastic establishments of the Catholic Church, thus completing the Eomanizing of Scotland. Nothing could exceed the enterprise and liberality with which the pious and great-hearted King David established the ™ , . r, ., , „ , •. n »n i-i . VIGOROUS Church m Scotland. He restored the fallen bishopric reign of of Glasgow, founded and endowed the bishoprics of Eoss, david. Aberdeen, Caithness, Brechin, and Dunblane, enriched the sees of St. Andrews, Moray, and Dunkeld, and revived the old see of Gal loway (Whithorn). He founded or restored the abbeys at Kelso, Jedburg, Melrose, Newbattle, Holyrood, Cambuskenneth, and Kinloss, as well as a number of minor religious establishments. This enriching process led Bellenden to say that the "crown was left indegent throw ampliation of gret rentis to the Kirk," and James I of Scotland remarked when he stood on David's tomb at Dunfermline that "he was ane sair sanct for the crown." On the other hand, George Buchanan said that " if men were to set them selves to draw the image of a good king they would fall short of what David showed himself throughout the whole course of his life." David organized the judiciary system, established burghs, provided commerce and learning, and sought in every way to advance the State and Church of Scotland.' Though often called St. David, he was never canonized, but his name was inserted in the calendar of Laud's Prayer Book for Scotland, printed in Edin burgh in 1637. " And thus," says Skene, " the old Celtic Church came to an end, leaving no vestiges behind it, save here and there the noble walls of what had once been a church and the numerous old bury ing grounds, to the use of which the people still cling with tenacity, and where occasionally an ancient Celtic cross tells of its former state. 1 Full information as to this is found in Skene and Reeves. 2 Full particulars of David's reign according to best recent light will be found in Robertson, Scotland under her Early Kings, Edinb., 1862, Innes, Scot land in the Middle Ages, 1860, and Skene, Celtic Scotland, new ed., 1887. 41 642 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. All else has disappeared ; and the only records we have of their his tory are the names of the saints by whom they were founded, pre served in old calendars, the fountains near the old churches bearing their name, the village fairs of immemorial antiquity held on their day, and here and there a few lay families holding a small portion of land, as hereditary custodians of the pastoral staff or other relics of the reputed founder of the Church, with some small remains of its jurisdiction."1 1 Celtic Scotland, ii, 418. LEARNING AND LITERATURE OF OLD SCOTCH CHURCH. 643 CHAPTEE XXVI. THE LEARNING AND LITERATURE OF THE OLD SCOTCH CHURCH. The Scotch Church made large provision for the cultivation of learning. This was the special mission of the monasteries. In the parent school at lona, Columba spent much of his time daily in study, prayer, and writing, or some other holy occupation. Here he transcribed the Psalter and compiled or wrote a book of hymns, for the office of every day in the week. " Thrice fifty noble lays the apostle made, Whose miracles are more numerous than grass, Some in Latin, which were beguiling ; Some in Gaelic, fair the tale." ' He was a characteristic product of the Celtic Church in its first and palmiest days, and left us his Eule, letters on im- r J > > columba s portant ecclesiastical affairs of his day, seventeen m- literary structions or sermons addressed to monks, and one or work. two practical works, all written in pure Latin and exhibiting profound knowledge of the Scriptures and of the contemporary history and literature of the Church. He exalts the Bible as the only rule of faith. He declares that his Church receives nothing beyond the teaching of the evangelists and prophets, and, when speaking of one of the doctrines of the Church, says, that, as to the Trinity, we must accept only what the sacred Scriptures themselves say." At the end of the seventh century the Celtic monasteries had a special officer whose business it was to teach, lecture, and transcribe the ancient records. One of the literary monuments of this Church is the Book of Armagh, compiled by the scribe THE book of of the Church of Armagh in 807. It begins with the Armagh. oldest memoirs of St. Patrick, followed by his Confession. Then come St. Jerome's Preface to the New Testament, and then the 1 A quatrain quoted in the Old Irish Life of S. Columba. 2 Migne, Pat. Lat., xxxvii, col. 233. Skene (ii, 422, 423, note) thinks that his remark, " Caaterum disputatio, sen ingenium humanum aut aliqua superba sapientia, quae vel mundi in natione fallitur, de Deo magistra esse non potest, sed sacrilega et impia in Denm praesnmenda est," is intended as a protest against the Athanasian Creed, with its metaphysical subtleties, which was making its appearance about that time. 644 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Four Gospels, St. Paul's Epistles (prefaced by remarks chiefly from Pelagius), the Apocalypse, the Acts of the Apostles, and finally the Life of St. Martin of Tours, written by Sulpicius Severus, and a short litany for the writer. The Epistle to the Laodiceans, found in many ancient Latin manuscripts of the New Testament, is in serted between the Epistle to the Colossians and the First Epistle to Timothy. The celebrated verse on the heavenly witnesses (1 John v, 7) is omitted, as it is also in the oldest copy of the Vulgate.1 The Columban Church gave the northern Picts letters and a writ- the book of ten language. That language was the standard writ- deer. ten Irish, and became the language of the Church, the monastery, and the school. For generations these Scottish monks were the teachers of the Picts. An interesting specimen of their writing is the Book of Deer, a manuscript belonging to the Church of Deer, a village of Buchan, Aberdeenshire. In 1715 a Latin manuscript, a small octavo of eighty-six pages, found its way into the Cambridge University Library. There it lay comparatively unnoticed until 1860, when Henry Bradshaw, the librarian, called the attention of scholars to it. It contains St. John's and parts of the other three Gospels in the Vulgate, the Apostles' Creed, and a fragment of an office for the visitation of the sick, with a Gaelic rubric. On the blank leaves of the manuscript, in the hand writing of the early part of the twelfth century, are several Gaelic entries, written in the Irish character, relating to the endowments of the monastery. These are the oldest specimens of the Scottish Gaelic. The Gaelic ornamentations enriching the manuscript are also interesting. In 1869 this valuable discovery was placed before the public by the Spalding Club." It was left to the Protestant Eenaissance to give to the Scotch a literature in their native Gaelic 3 — a desire never professed by either the Columban or the Eoman Catholic Church. The organization of Scotland under the papal system was both a blessing and a curse. It was a blessing in that it brought Scotland advantages into relation to tne wider currents of culture, and made under the her take part in the highest civilization and art of the papal system. age< This was necessary for the larger development of Scotland, and her strengthening in all elements of national growth and greatness. Scottish students were found in the European uni- 1 See Reeves, Book of Armagh, first pub. in 1861 ; Skene, ii, 423, 424. - Edited by John Stuart, with a valuable preface. See also Anderson, Scot land in Early Christian Times, Edinb., 1881 ; Skene, ii, 458 ; Chambers's Encyc, new ed., iii, 729, 730 (1889). 3 Skene, ii, 463. LEARNING AND LITERATURE OF OLD SCOTCH CHURCH. 045 versifies. Scottish literature received an impetus. Erasmus noted the fact that the Scots had a remarkable affinity for abstract think ing. Michael Scott was the first to introduce the Aristotelian Com mentaries of Averrhoes into the Western schools — an event of great importance in the intellectual history of Europe. To Duns Sco- tus — undoubtedly a Scotsman — belongs the credit of leading, by his remorseless logic, to the emancipation of men's minds from the scholastic philosophy, after it had done its work of discipline in the mind of Europe. The historians John of Fordun (1384-87), Bower, Boece, and Major wrote their country's annals. The Scottish universities were founded late — St. Andrews in 1411, Glasgow in 1451, and Aberdeen in 1494 — but they performed an immense service to the country. It was Scotland's relation to the Continent which gave her the Eeformation. But the Eomanization of Scotland was also her curse. It induced a downward tendency in morals, which seemed to be a universal result of the full-fledged Eoman system wherever it could work without check. This decadence was seen in several ways. First, we see it in morals. Clerical piety had declined. The V J , , ABUSES UNDER clergy lived in unblushing concubinage. Clerical pre- the papal ferments were given by favoritism, or fraud, or force. SYSTEM- Wealthy and unscrupulous laymen possessed Church offices. Bloodshed was an accompaniment of a change of Church offices. Cardinal Beaton was open in his amours, and succeeded in marry ing his oldest daughter to the son of the Earl of Crawford. Hep burn, Bishop of Murray, was equally shameless, but with a coarse ness of bravado against which the cardinal was guarded by his culture and better taste. Even the decorous Gavin Douglas, Bishop of Dunkeld, did not die childless.1 Other sins kept pace with the unbridled licentiousness of the clergy. Profane swearing was so common that "to swear like a Scot" became a proverb throughout Europe. The writings of Bishop Douglas are interlarded with profane oaths. The spirit of the new order attempted to arrest this evil. The Parliament of 1551 turned its attention to the swearing clergy. A prelate of Kirk, earl or lord, was fined twelve pence rapacious for the first offense, and for the fourth offense such prel- priests. ate or lord was banished or imprisoned for a year and a day. The rapacity of the clergy was equal to their depravity. The property of the nobility and commoners had long been sliding into their hands. By the beginning of the sixteenth century they possessed by far the larger part of the landed property of the realm. The 1 Moffat, The Church in Scotland, pp. 274, 275. 646 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. beds of the dying were besieged by importunate priests seeking legacies for their convents. And no sooner had the poor wight breathed his last than the priest came and carried off his " corpse- present," ' and if he died rich heavy charges were made for his clerical purgatory masses. One of the offices of the priest was cursing. cursing, calling down a curse upon the head of an offender. For this office a charge was made. Knox describes this process thus — that is, the ordinary cursing for small offenses : "The priest whose duty and office it is to pray for the people stands up on Sunday and cries. ' Ane has tint a spurtill ' [some one has lost a porridge-stick] ; ' thair is ane flaill stolen from them be yond the burne ; ' 'the guid wife on the other side of the gait has tint a home spune ; ' God's malison [curse] and mine I give to them that knows of this geir and restores it not.'" An unhappy precentor was overheard saying in his sleep, " The deevil tak the priests, for they are a greedy pack."8 For this he was arrested, and would have been put to death had it not been for a timely re cantation. Tithes and other church dues were exacted, and if these were not forthcoming " letters of cursing " were issued, and these letters were the preliminary step of a warrant for arrest and im prisonment and for the impounding and seizure of goods. What with distraining, exactions, and excommunications for property, on the part of the Church, is it any wonder that the eternal Jus tice had sounded the doom of Eoman Catholic Scotland? The decadence was seen also in preaching. The Eoman Scottish Church cared nothing for preaching. It was a lost art on the part of the bishops and secular clergy. Sir David Lindsay reproaches the clergy with their inability to preach : " Great pleesure were to hear one bishop preech, One abbot who could well his convent teach, One person flowing in philosophy ; I tyne [lose] my time what will not be ; Were not the preaching of the begging friars, Tynt were the faith among the secular." When Archbishop Dunbar of Glasgow came to Ayr to stop George Wishart's mouth, who revived preaching, the " bischope prreeched to his jackmen and to some old bosses of the town. The 1 The corpse-present was the priest's perquisite on the death of a parishioner. In the family of a farmer this would usually be one of the cows, and what was called the ' ' upmost cloth," or outer garment of the departed ; ' ' nor does it seem to have been usual to remit the claim if the clothing of the family was already too scant or if the one cow was all the poor man had." Moffat, The Church in Scotland, pp. 283, 284. 2 Knox, Hist., p. 14. 3 Ibid., p. 15 ; MeCrie, Sketches of Scottish Church History, 6th ed., p. 15. LEARNING AND LITERATURE OF OLD SCOTCH CHURCH. 647 sum of all his sermon was, ' They say that we should preech ; why not ? Better late thrive than never thrive ; had us still for your bischop, and we will provide better for the next time.' decay of This was the beginning and the end of the bischop's preaching. sermon, who with haste departed the town, but returned not again to fulfill his promise." ] When the queen regent was trying to coerce the people of Edinburgh into the old religion the Archbishop of St. Andrews, John Hamilton, ascended the pulpit of the abbey church of Holyrood, and " after he had vomited a little of his super stition, he declared that he had not been well exercised in the pro fession [of preaching] : therefore desired the auditors to hold him excused." ' " It is a remarkable fact," says Blaikie, " that two heads of the Church, the Archbishops of Glasgow and St. Andrews, should have earned so unquestionable a title as to be enrolled in the list of ' stikit ministers.' " 3 Lindsay of Pitscottie tells a story character istic of the age. Andrew Forman, Bishop of Moray, who had won the gratitude of the pope for his offices of intercession between the pope and the King of France, was invited to Eome, where he was loaded with honors and made a legate. In return Forman made a dinner for the pope and his cardinals. Being a poor Latin scholar, when he began to say grace he stuck at the word Benedicito, ex pecting his guests to say Dominus. But as they said Dans, he lost his temper, and broke out in Scotch, " To the devil I give you all, false carles, in nomine patris, filii et spiritus sancti." "Amen," quote they. " Then the bishop and his men leugh [laughed]. And the bishop showed the pope the manner, that he was not a good clerk, and his cardinals had put him by his intendment [out of his intention] ; and therefore he gave them all to the devil in good Scotch, and then the pope leugh among the rest."4 In 1560 John Knox mounted the pulpit of St. Giles Church in Edinburgh, and the old order changed, giving place to the new." 1 Knox, Hist., i, 166. 2 Historic of the Estate of Scotland, in Miscellany of the Wodrow Soc, p. 67. 3 The Preachers of Scotland, 6th to 19th centuries, p. 38. 4 Pitscottie, Hist, of Scotland, 3d ed., p. 166 ; Blaikie, Preachers of Scotland, p. 38. 6 The preaching of the Lollards and the sufferings of the protomartyrs of Scotch Protestantism will be treated under the head of the Scotch Reforma tion. 648 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITEEATUEE: ST. PATEICK AND MEDLEVAL IEE- LAND. r. doctjmentaby materials. 1. Colgan, Joann. Acta triadis thaumaturgce, sive divorum Patricii, Colum- bae et Brigidae. (Tom. 2, of the Acta Sanctorum. . . . Seotiae seu Hiber- niae.) Lovan, 1647. This celebrated collection contains seven lives of St. Patrick, dating from the seventh to the tenth centuries. The last is the most important, and is called Trias Thaumaturga, as it treats Saints Col umba and Bridget as well as St. Patrick. See Stokes, in Smith and Wace, iv, 202. The ninth life, that by Jocelyn, a Cistercian monk of the Abbey of Furness in the early part of the 12th century, was transl. by Edmund L. Swift. Dubl., 1809. 2. Ware, J. St. Patricii qui Hibernos ad fidem Christi convertit adscripta Opuscula. Lond., 1856. 3. Villaneuva, J. L. S. Patricii Synodi, Canones, Opuscula et Scriptorum qui supersunt Fragmenta. Dubl., 1835. These books by Ware and Vil laneuva are careful compilations, with notes, of the spurious remains of Patrick. 4. Book of Armagh: edited by Sir W. Betham, in Irish Antiquarian Researches. Dubl., 1826-27. This is the most valuable of all the remains of early Irish literature, and dates, as Graves proved in Proc. of Royal Irish Acad. , iii, 316-324, from 807. It contains Patrick's Confession and other inval uable materials. Betham's ed. was the best for the time, but inaccurate. Reeves was working on a critical ed. when he died, but it was pub lished later. Hogan published in Analecta Bollandiana a fine edition of all the Irish part. Brussels, 1872. Migne also publishes the Confession, with Prolegomena, vol. liii. Paris, 1847. 5. O'Curry, E. Lectures on Manuscript Materials of Ancient Irish History. Dubl., 1861. 6. Gilbert, John. Facsimiles of the National MSS. of Ireland, Part ii. Lond., 1878. Rolls series. A splendid work. 7. Olden, Thos. Epistles and Hymns of St. Patrick, with the Poem of Secundinus, Dubl., 1876 ; new ed., Lond., 1889. The Holy Scriptures in Ireland One Thousand Years Ago ; Selections from the Wiirzburg Glosses. Trans, by T. Olden. See Church Quar. Rev., xxviii, 407-414. 8. Wasserschleben, H. Die irische Canonensammlung. 2d ed., Leipz., 1885. 9. Wright, C. H. H. The Writings of St. Patrick, the Apostle of Ireland. Lond., 1889 ; 2d ed., 1894. English translation of all of Patrick's works. The best ed., with fine literary introduction and notes. 10. Stokes, Whitley. The Tripartite life of St. Patrick, with other documents relating to that saint. Ed. with translations and Indexes. Parts i and ii. Lond., 1887. Critical and exhaustive, by far the best source. Lives LITERATURE: ST. PATRICK AND MEDIAEVAL IRELAND. 649 of the saints from the Book of Lismore. (Anecdota Oxoniensia.) Oxf., 1890. Translations of the Confessions, and other matter, are also to be found in Cusack, Life of Patrick, made by the eminent Irish scholar, W. M. Hennessey ; in De Vinne, as below ; by A. F. Foster, The Confession of St. Patrick, with introduction and appendix, Glasgow, n. d.; by Sir Samuel Ferguson, pres. of R. I. A., on the Patrician Documents, in Trans, of the Royal Irish Academy, xxvii, Dubl., 1885 ; this last into English blank verse. For full information as to the literary materials for early and mediaeval Irish history, see the Introd. by Stokes, Trip. Life ; Joyce, Hist, of Ireland, pp. 1-47 ; Stokes, art. Patrick, in Smith and Wace ; O'Curry, as above ; and in the volumes of Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. II. MODERN WORKS. 1. Lanigan, J. Eccl. Hist, of Ireland. 4 vols. Dubl., 1829. A Roman Cath olic of liberal and candid spirit. 2. Moore, Thomas. History of Ireland. Lond., 1827. 3. Todd, J. H. St. Patrick, with introduction on early usages of the Church in Ireland and its historical position from the establishment of the Eng lish colony to the present. Dubl., 1864. The standard life, able and learned. 4. Greith, C. T. Geschichte der altirischen Kirche und ihrer Verbindung mit Rom, Gallien und Alemannien, als Einleitung in die Geschichte des Stifts St. Gallon. Freib. i. B. , 1867. By the R. C. Bishop of St. Gall. Mis takes pointed out in a review in Church Quar. Rev., Oct., 1885, pp. 89, ff. 5. Nicholson, R. S. St. Patrick, Apostle of Ireland in the Third Century. Dubl., 1868. Gives Lat. texts and translation of Patrick's writings, but his hypothesis that Patrick lived in the third century has been disproved and is completely discredited. 6. De Vinne, D. History of Irish Primitive Church, with a Life of St. Pat rick. N. Y.,1870. The first American to give a correct idea of the begin nings of Irish Church history, written with rare learning and judgment. 7. Cusack, Miss M.J. Life of St. Patrick. Lond. , 1871. The best R. C. Life. Has all the legends, but gives some valuable documents. The author afterward left the R. C. Church. 8. Killen, W. D. Ecclesiastical History of Ireland. 2 vols. Lond., 1875. Ellen is the most learned and able Protestant Church historian of Ire land. 9. Skene, W. F. Celtic Scotland, vol. ii. Church and Culture. Edinb., 1877; 2d ed., 1887. Critical and exact. A large partis taken up with St. Pat rick and the early Irish Church. 10. Sherman, J. F. Loca Patriciana : an identification of localities visited by St. Patrick. Dubl., 1879. 11. Scottish Rev., July, 1884. 12. Zimmern, H. Keltische Studien. 2 vols., 1883-84. Ueber die Bedeutung des irischen Elements fur die mittelalterliche Cultur. (in Preussische Jahrbucher, Jan., 1887, vol. 59). English translation, by Jane L. Ed- mands, The Irish Element in Mediaeval Culture, N. Y. and Lond., 1891. The translation is incorrect, mischievous, and discreditable — bad through out. The original is full of interest, and excellent. 650 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 13. Church Quar. Rev., Lond., Oct., 1885. The Position of the Old Irish Church. 14. Stokes, G. T. Ireland and the Celtic Church. Lond., 1886, 3d ed., 1891. The best history of the first age of Christianity in Ireland, treated in an interesting manner, and illuminated with many side lights by a variously informed scholar. Arts. St. Patrick, in Smith and Wace, and in new ed. (1891) of Chambers. 15. Stokes, Whitley. Introd. to Tripartite Life, as above. 16. Morris, W. B. Life of St. Patrick. Lond., 1888. Ireland and St. Patrick. Lond. and N. Y. , 1892. This is the latest spokesman for the R. C. Church. Of the Life of St. Patrick an accomplished reviewer says : " A volume of 297 pages, which contains not one new fact, not a single new idea, not the least evidence of independent thought ; it would be difficult to match it for mistakes, misrepresentations, and general inaccuracy." Church Quar. Rev., xxviii, 403. 17. Crosthwaite, C. Which Church has Orders from St. Patrick? Dubl., 1889. Written from Protestant point of view. 18. The Origins of Irish Christianity. In Church Quar. Rev., July, 1889, pp. 391, ff. 19. Wells, B. W. The Earlier Life of St. Patrick. In English Historical Rev., July, 1890. 20. Gradwell, Succat. Story of Sixty Years of Life of St. Patrick. Lond. and N. Y., 1892. (R. C.) 21. Malone, S. Chapters Toward a life of St. Patrick. Dubl. and Lond., 1892. 22. Newell, E. J. St. Patrick. Lond. (S. P. C. K.), 1890. Written with fine scholarship, containing complete notes and references to the sources ; the best handy life. 23. Olden, T. The Church of Ireland. Lond., 1892. One of the best of the series on " National Churches," written by a competent and enthusiastic Irish Episcopalian scholar. 24. Joyce, P. W. Short History of Ireland to 1608. Lond. and N. Y., 1893. By an eminent Irish antiquarian and scholar, who, while a R. C, writes from a careful study of the sources, and, in general, in an impartial spirit. 25. Cathcart, W. The Ancient British and Irish Churches, with a Life of St. Patrick. Phila., 1895. 26. Sanderson, Jos. St. Patrick and the Irish Church. N. Y., 1895. See the art. by Scholl in 2d ed. of Herzog-Plitt ; by Stokes in Chambers, last ed., and in Diet, of Ch. Biog. ; by Olden, in Diet, of Nat. Biog. ; and by Sullivan in En eye. Brit., 9th ed. ST. PATRICK. 651 CHAPTEE XXVII. ST. PATRICK. /U'-fl-r^ The first Irishman who meets us in ecclesiastical history is Ccelestius, the friend and follower of the great Welsh heretic, Pelagius. Ccelestius was an irrepressible agi tator. He is one of the most prominent figures in the literary and political world of the early years of the fifth century. He is first found at Eome practicing law. But the law proved for him a road to theology. He became acquainted with Pelagius and embraced his views with ardor. Pelagius was a recluse and student who hated the din of controversy. In Ccelestius he found a man of untiring activity. Before Augustine at Carthage, the pope at Eome, and the patriarch at Constantinople, he expounded his views. Edicts of emperor and pope were directed against him. St. Jerome describes him as an " Alpine cur reared upon Scotch porridge." 1 Until the tenth century and after, the word Scotch always referred to Ire land, which was the Scotland of antiquity. In 416 Ccelestius gained Pope Zosimus to his side. But Augustine and Jerome soon con vinced Zosimus that this was a fatal mistake. The pope then veered, and condemned Ccelestius. In 431 he was at the council of Constantinople, defending Pelagius and Nestorius. He was then condemned, and the undaunted Irish agitator passes out of sight. The life of Ccelestius proves that Irish characteristics were much the same in the fifth as in the nineteenth century, and that Christianity was known in Ireland before the mission of Patrick. The pioneer in Irish evangelism was Palladius, of whom a con temporary, Prosper of Aquitaine, says that in 431 he was " consecrated by Pope Celestine, and sent to the Scots [Irish] believing in Christ as their first bishop." " He was a Gaul, a disciple of Germanus of Auxerre, and sailed for Ireland, landed at Wicklow, preached, possibly founded a church or two, 1 Com. in Jer. Proph., 1 Prolog, and Praef. in lib. iii, Migne, xxiv, col. 682, 758. Marius Mercator, in Commonitorium, gives much information about Ccelestius and Pelagius. See Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, pp. 20-23 ; Gam- mack, in Smith and Wace, i, 588 ; Lanigan, Eccl. Hist, of Ireland, i, 16, 17. 2 Prosper, Chron. , in Migne, Pat. Lat. , li, col. 595. See also Prosper, Lib. cont. Collatorem, cxxi, in Migne, li, col. 271. PALLADIUS. 652 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. was driven out by the natives, went to Britain and died there. These are the chief records of him, and what is beyond this is conflicting. ' Few men have been the subject of more biographies than St. records of Patrick, and yet the authentic materials for his life are st. Patrick, exceedingly scanty. His works consist of his Confes sion, his letter to Coroticus, and his Hymn. Outside of these the earliest historical sources are the Annotations of Tirechan and the Life of Patrick by Muirchu Maccumaetheni, and these are both two hundred years later than the saint, while the eminent Irish antiquaries, Whitley Stokes and the late Bishop Eeeves, think that portions of them are as late as the ninth or tenth centuries. After these are Hymns in praise of Patrick, by St. Fiace and St. Sechnall, which the best authorities place between 700 and 900. Then come the seven lives published by Colgan, in his Trias Thaumaturga/ 1647, ranging from the seventh to the twelfth centuries. The last of these, called the Tripartite Life, from its three sections or divisions, is not later than the ninth century, and forms the basis of the best collection of the Patrician materials, that made by Whitley Stokes for the Master of the Bolls.3 A large part of this mass of materials is worthless. All these Irish lives " too often bid defiance to truth, reason, and decency, and, instead of history, present a specimen of the meanest fiction.'" From them can be culled a few notices out of which a meager and reliable history can be constructed, but they are mostly filled with extravagant legends. The wildness of these fictions leads us to conjecture, with Stokes, that they have been fashioned after the mythology of a heathen Celtic god, the stories being transferred to 1 He is mentioned in the Book of Armagh. Sherman in his Loca Patriciana, Dubl., 1879, has discussed with thorough knowledge all the localities tradition ally connected with Palladius and historically or traditionally connected with Patrick. Ussher, in Eccles. Britann. Antiq. (Works, ed. Elrington, vol. vi), subjected Irish antiquities to a sifting that has left comparatively little to recent research. See Stokes, art. Palladius, in Smith and Wace ; Olden, The Church of Ireland, pp. 10, 11, 406-111. " So called beoause it gives the lives of three wonder workers, St. Patrick, St. Bridget, and St. Columba. 3 The Tripartite Life of St. Patrick, with other Documents relating to that Saint, with Introd., translations, and Indexes, 2 vols., Lond., 1887. Full in formation concerning the sources of Patrick's life may be found in Stokes Ireland and the Celtic Church, notes to chap, ii, and his art. on Patrick, in Smith and Wace ; Stokes, Tripartite Life, Introd.; Wright, Writings of St. Patrick, Introd. ; and in other authorities mentioned in the notes below. 4 Reeves, Adamnan, Vita S. Columbse, in Historians of Scotland, vi, 223. ST. PATRICK. 653 Patrick by a confusion of names.1 In fact, one of the grounds for the authenticity of the Confession and the Epistle to Coroticus is the bald plain story, without miracle or fantastic story, with every mark of genuineness and honesty on its face." He thus confesses: " I, Patrick, a sinner, the rudest and least of all the faithful, and most contemptible to very many, confession of had for my father Calpornius, a deacon, a son of Poti- ST- Patrick. tus, a presbyter, who dwelt in the village of Bannavem Taberniae, for he had a small farm hard by the place where I was taken cap tive. I was then nearly sixteen years of age. I did not know the true God ; and I was taken to Ireland in captivity with so many thousand men, in accordance with our deserts, because we departed from God, and we kept not his precepts, and were not obedient to our priests, who admonished us for our salvation." ' Nearly all recent critics agree that Patrick's birth place was at or near Dumbarton, on the Clyde. The objection urged by De Vinne' that, though Patrick says his father was a deacon, Christianity had not been introduced into Scotland, does not hold, inasmuch as Ninian had built churches in that region as early as 397, and be sides this, through the influence of the Eoman army, Christian teachers were by no means unknown even beyond the pale of estab lished Christendom. Two touches in Patrick's account Patrick's prove his origin in the fourth century. His father was a EAELT LirE- deacon, a town councilor, and a farmer, for it was common in that time for the clergy to combine secular offices and employment with their sacred profession. In Africa, about the year 250, Cyprian tried hard to break up this practice, but did not succeed. Even much later, in the time of Justinian, an inscription on the walls of Assos, in Asia Minor, tells us how the walls were restored by Helladius, a pres byter and chief magistrate of the city. 5 Patrick's father was a decu- rion, which is the same as town councilor. The decurions regulated the social and municipal life of the town, in fact, everything coming 1 Tripartite Life, p. cxxxvii; Newell, St. Patrick, His Life and Teaching, Lond., 1890, pp. 177-179. 2 For a specimen of the historic criticism by which these documents are proved genuine, see Stokes, in Smith and Wace, iv, 201-203. 3 Confession, i. 4 The Irish Primitive Church, N. Y., 1870, p. 20. De Vinne was a pioneer among American scholars in Irish Church history. His book is interesting, of solid learning, and still valuable. For an account of the life of this earnest student and consecrated minister, see Supplement to McClintock and Strong, Cyclopaedia, ii, 272. 5 Boeckh, Cop. Inscr. Grsec, No. 8838; Contemp. Rev., June, 1880, p. 983 ; Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, pp. 42, 43. 654 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. under the view of our town councils. By the end of the fourth cen tury these decurions were found nearly all over the Eoman empire, a part of that wonderful system of administration by which Eome taught the world its best lessons of municipal government. ' The decurions disappeared after the barbarian invasion. Another touch of antiquity and veracity is the mention of the fact as an ordinary matter that his father and grandfather were both clergymen. Cleri cal celibacy was not then the rule, at least in the provinces. It re quired many generations to enforce the new law. As late as 1076 the council of Winchester decreed that married priests living in castles or villages should not be compelled to abandon their wives." In this Eoman town Patrick grew up to the verge of manhood. The example of his parents did not affect him. He looked upon his captivity at the age of sixteen as a reward for his sins. The Irish often made raids on the Eoman camps and Scottish towns on the Solway. Many Eoman coins have been found in the northeast of Ireland, on which the Eomans themselves never set foot. Patrick became the slave of Milchu, King of Dalaradia, the most powerful kingdom in northeastern Ireland. In the center of County Antrim, patrkjk-s at Broughshane, five miles east of Ballymena, he fed through15 Milchu's swine, perhaps in the exact spot where Bally- hardship. ligpatrick, the " town of the hollow of Patrick," com memorates the humble service of the apostle of the Irish. After six years he made his escape to France. His captivity had con verted him, because he speaks of his faith and prayer at this time. It is very difficult to construct an intelligible account of Patrick's life from the time of his escape from captivity to that of his enter ing Ireland as a preacher. His Confession is meager and rhapsod ical, and the later accounts are unreliable. It would appear that he again was taken captive in Gaul, which was even then largely pagan.3 We next find him with his parents in Britain. Many years had now passed. It would appear that they were spent in hardship, pain, and toil — not in study under Germanus at Auxerre, as some think, because his uncouth Latin shows that there was something in the sneer of his enemies against his lack of learning. But during the dreary years of discipline the indomitable Eomano- 1 On decurions see Hubner, vol. vii, Nos. 54 and 189, who proves that they were in Britain ; Mommsen, Handb. der romischen Alterthiimer, iv, 501-516, and Ephen. Epigr., ii, 137, iii, 103 ; Stokes, in Smith and Wace, iv, 201. 2 Wilkins, Concilia, i, 367. 3 See Confession, iii, and note by Stokes in Wright, Writings of St. Patrick, p. 114. Ferguson (on the Patrician Documents, in Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. xxvii, 1885) thinks that Patrick refers to spiritual captiv ity, but this is unnecessary. ST. PATRICK. 655 Scotchman ever kept before him as the goal of his life the conver sion of Ireland. In this he was encouraged by dreams and visions, many of which he reports in his Confession in his broken, incoher ent way. His training in Christianity he received in Gaul and in Ninian's Church in North Britain, and Celtic Christianity, whether in Gaul or Britain, was after the same pattern. It is likely that he was trained for the priesthood at Candida Casa in Galloway.1 But he would not go to Ireland until he was made bishop, to which dig nity he was ordained by Arnatorex. At the age of forty-five he started out on the career of his life." He had been disciplined in a bitter school. Through many a fight of afflictions he kept unsullied his dauntless faith and ,„„,„ * PATRICK'S purpose. Without great learning, but with wisdom mission to derived from long and hard experiences with the world, ikeland. and with the piety and serene confidence in God that came from protracted communion with Christ, he was now ready to carry out his great desire. He landed at Wicklow with several com panions, and was received with a shower of stones. This was somewhere between 430^ and 440. He pressed toward the North, to the place of his former captivity in Antrim. He passed Dublin, then a village beside a ford or bridge of hurdles over the Liffey. He sailed up to Strangf ord Lough, entered the lake, and landed at its northern end. His first convert was Dichu, a local chief, who gave him his barn (sabhall, thence saul) for a church. This is the present church at Saul, which has been used as a church ever since. Patrick then went to Milchu, the King of Antrim, his former master. The king's incantations made him no response, and he gathered up his household goods, set fire to his palace, and perished in the flames. The evangelist went throughout the sur rounding country winning many converts. But something more spectacular and effective must be done be fore it could have any effect on the great mass of Irish people. Patrick, therefore, resolved to strike a blow at the very heart of Irish paganism, at Tara, the ecclesiastical and civil capital of Ire land." When Patrick arrived there the king was celebrating a 1 Art. St. Patrick in Encyc Brit., 9th ed. '' Many of his biographers make sixty the age of his consecration, and this is followed by Stokes, Tripartite Life, p. cxxxviii. But the best computations from Patrick's slender data make forty-five the age. See Todd, Life of St. Patrick, p. 392 ; Haddon and Stubbs, Councils, i, 12 ; Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii, 18, 428, 429 ; Newell, St. Patrick, p. 32. 3 The Irish nation consisted of a number of provinces, each of which had its own king and made its own laws. But the King of Meath, having his seat at Tara, was an overlord, and held assemblies of all the subordinate chiefs. 656 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. pagan feast, and had lighted a fire in his palace. It was a rule that on that night no other fire should shine forth within sight of Tara's palace. Patrick kindled a fire for the celebration of the paschal feast on the opposite hill.1 The king in consternation summoned Patrick's nis council. " This fire which has been lighted before success. the royal fire," said the Druids, " will never be extin guished unless it be extinguished this night. Moreover, it will conquer all the fires of our religion. And he who has lighted it will conquer us all, and will seduce all the subjects, and all king doms will fall before him, and he will fill all things and will reign forever and ever." The king took his magicians and proceeded to visit and punish the bold innovators. The Lives in the Book of Armagh then relate that Patrick was bidden to approach the royal presence. The Druids began to abuse the Christian faith and to blaspheme. One was especially abusive. The saint looked at him sternly, and then cried aloud to God, " 0 Lord, who canst do all things, by whose power all things consist, and who hast sent me hither, let this wretch who blasphemes thy name be forthwith raised aloft, and let him speedily perish." Whereupon the magician was caught up into the air, dashed head foremost against the earth, and thus miserably perished. This enraged the king, and he or dered Patrick to be seized. Then the saint began intoning the sixty-eighth psalm, " Let God arise, and let his enemies be scat tered. Let them also that hate him flee before him." A horror of thick darkness came down upon the Druids, and they began to fight one another. An earthquake added to the terrors. The guards took to flight, and the king and queen stood with two at tendants alone before St. Patrick. Other prodigies followed — miracles upon miracles. Finally the king yielded to the prayers of his chief men, was baptized, and gave the heroic evangelist a safe conduct through Ireland. Patrick then began his missionary journeys through Ireland, attacking paganism in its chief centers. He recognized the Celtic Patrick's polity, the devotion of the tribes to their chiefs, and woArTk m mZ thus always Erected his attention to the kings and land. princes. He knew no fear. He went to Moy Slecht, where stood the great national idol, Crom Cruach, surrounded 1 Eusebius says that Constantine observed Easter Eve with such pomp that " he turned the sacred or mystical vigil into the light of day by means of lamps suspended in every part, and setting up huge waxen tapers as big as columns through the whole city. " Bingham describes this custom at length, Antiquities, bk. xxi, ch. i, sec. 32 ; Smith and Cheetham, Diet, of Chr. Antiquities, i, 595 ; Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, pp. 74, 75, note. ST. PATRICK. 657 by lesser idols. Here he preached and argued, convinced the chief, destroyed the idols, and terminated forever the abomina tions connected with that sanctuary. The Book of Leinster says that here the Irish sacrificed their children to idols. But the Book of Leinster is a late authority, and this horrid custom is not men tioned in any of the mediaeval Lives of Patrick, and some authorities believe that Irish paganism never sunk so low.1 At Croagh Patrick (Patrick's Hill), Mayo, he spent a long time in fasting and prayer, and the mountain has ever been a place of pil grimage. He spent seven years in Connaught, then preached in Ulster, where he founded the metropolitan Church in Armagh, 445, traveled throughout Munster, baptizing large numbers, and finally returned to his first church at Saul, County Down, where he died. According to the Bollandists he died in 460, but accord ing to Joyce in or about 465, in the seventy-eighth year of his age. Ussher and Todd hold he died in 493.' He was buried in Downpatrick, County Down. The old biographers say that he founded three hundred and sixty-five churches, baptized twelve thousand persons, ordained four hundred and fifty bishops and a vast number of priests, and blessed many monks and nuns. His relics were destroyed at the time of the Eeformation. Mention should be made of some of the more picturesque legends connected with St. Patrick — first, the shamrock legend. It is said that at Tara Patrick illustrated the doctrine , „„„„„ „„„ LEGENDS CON- of the Trinity by the three-leaved shamrock growing at nected with his feet. From this time the shamrock was the emblem ST- PATRICK- of Ireland. This legend, however, is not older than 1600. In 1 See Joyce, A Short Hist, of Ireland (to 1608), Lond. and N. Y., Longmans, 1893, p. 141. 2 Joyce, p. 149; Ussher, Antiq., pp. 879-884; Todd, pp. 494-497. The whole chronology of Patrick's life, as given in his mediaeval biographers and followed by many later ones, is fictitious. Newell, who has some excellent re marks on this subject, thinks the date of Patrick's death given by his first biographer, Tirechan (469), as probable as any. As to his age there is observ able in Tirechan and others a determination to mete out his life after the model of Moses. According to the chroniclers the Celtic saints were a long-lived class. All the old writers unite in giving Patrick an age from one hundred and ten to one hundred and fifty-three, St. Cadoc one hundred and twenty, St. David one hundred and forty-seven, and St. Kentigern one hundred and eighty- five. Ussher says that, according to Asclepiades, people were wont to live to the age of one hundred and 'twenty in Britain, and he quotes Trebellius Pollio as saying, " The most learned of the mathematicians judge that one hundred and twenty years are given to man to live, and they repeat that no more is granted to anyone ; " which last assertion Ussher refutes. See Newell, St. Patrick, pp. 147-151. 42 658 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. pagan Ireland the trefoil was held 6acred. The shamrock emblem grew out of this. Many of these pagan practices were Christian ized.1 Patrick is also said to have freed Ireland from snakes and all noxious insects and animals. While fasting during Lent in the magnificent mountain Croagh Patrick, overlooking Clew Bay in Mayo, the demons and venomous reptiles of Ireland assaulted him. He drove them all into the sea. This is the story of Jocelyn, in the twelfth century. But other mediaeval histories relate this story of Joseph of Arimathea, and Solinus, a geographer of the third century, speaks of the immunity of Ireland in regard to reptiles. A celebrated legend is that of St. Patrick's purgatory. This had a large vogue in the Middle Ages. It is still shown — a cave in an island in Lough Derg, near Pettigo, in County Donegal. Pil grimages are often made to it. Giraldis Cambrensis recognized it as only a device of St. Patrick to enforce on the rude people the 6ense of eternal realities." St. Patrick's theology is simple and evangelical. There is not the slightest trace of the later Eoman dogmas. His writings are Patrick's full of Christ and the Scriptures. For the most part theology. there is nothing to offend the most orthodox Protes tant sentiment.3 St. Patrick's hymn, the " Deer's Cry," or " Breastplate," is, like the early creeds, a poetical confession of faith : " I bind myself to-day To a strong power, an invocation of the Trinity, I believe in the Threeness with a confession of a Oneness in the Creator of judgment. " I bind myself to-day To the power of the birth of Christ, with his baptism, To the power of the crucifixion, with his burial, To the power of his resurrection, with his ascension, To the power of his coming to the judgment of doom. " I bind myself to-day To the power of God to guide me, The might of God to uphold me, 1 See Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, p. 78, and the articles in Notes and Queries, 1864-69, by F. R. Davies. 2 Topogr. Hibern., dist. ii, cap. v. Full information is given in Baring- Gould, Curious Myths of the Middle Ages, Lond., 1868, and Wright, St. Patrick's Purgatory, Lond., 1844. See Stokes, in Smith and Wace, iv, 205. 3 In fact, St. Patrick's writings have been published by the Religious Tract Society of London in the admirable edition of Charles H. H. Wright, and the Confession, by the Methodist Book Concern of New York, is edifying read ing for their patrons. ST. PATRICK. 659 The wisdom of God to teach me, The eye of God to watch over me, The ear of God to hear me, The word of God to speak for me, The hand of God to protect me, The way of God to lie before me, The shield of God to shelter me, The host of God to defend me Against the snares of demons, Against the temptations of vices, Against [the lusts] of nature, Against every man who meditates injury to me, Whether far or near, Alone and in a multitude." He had a true Celtic belief in charms and incantations: " I summon to-day around me all these powers Against every hostile merciless power directed against my body and my soul, Against the incantations of false prophets, Against the black laws of heathenism, Against the false laws of heretics, Against the deceit of idolatry, Against the spells of women, and smiths,1 and Druids, Against all knowledge which hath denied man's body and soul." But he had a vivid sense of the nearness of Christ and an abso lute faith in his divinity: " Christ with me, Christ before me, Christ behind me, Christ within me, Christ beneath me, Christ above me, Christ at my right, Christ at my left, Christ in breadth, Christ in length, Christ in height. * Christ in the heart of every man who thinks of me, Christ in the mouth of every man who speaks to me, Christ in the eye of every man who sees me, ^Christ in the ear of every man that hears me. " I bind myself to-day To a strong power, an invocation of the Trinity, I believe in a Threeness with a confession of a Oneness in the Creator of judgment. 1 " Workers in metals were held in the highest estimation ; the smith espe cially was invested with superhuman attributes of intelligence and power. The ordinary smith of common life is to this day regarded by the peasantry as endowed with magical power and influence. In ancient times he was looked on as a sorcerer and an adept in necromancy." — Ulster Journal of Archaeology, No. 35, pp. 219, 220. 660 HISTORY" OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. " Salvation is the Lord's, Salvation is the Lord's, Salvation is Christ's, Let thy salvation, O Lord, be ever with us." ' In his Confession " Patrick gives a statement of his belief. It is a brief Trinitarian confession, fewer in particulars than the Apos tles' Creed, grouping everything around Jesus Christ. His was the theology of the apostolic Fathers, neither sacramental nor Eoman.3 The question of Patrick's relation to the pope has been con^ tested. Even if he were commissioned by the pope as the foremost Patrick's re- bishop of the West, it would mean nothing for the lationto Eoman claims, nor for the obedience of the Irish Church to the Eoman see. The question is of no con troversial importance. But, as a matter of fact, the Eoman mis sion of Patrick rests on no contemporary evidence. In his Con fession, written especially to vindicate his call as the evangelist of Ireland, he makes no mention of such a mission. Nor in any of his writings is there reference to any relation to the pope. This omis sion is inexplicable if Patrick drew his commission from Celestine. But the writers of later legend took all their heroes to Eome. Cadoc, Kentigem, and all the Celtic saints are conducted by their biographers to Eome, and so St. Patrick must be similarly honored.1 The silence of Prosper of Aquitaine, who mentions Palladius's mission from Celestine, and the remarkable fact that Bede makes no mention of St. Patrick whatever — a silence which has led some to hold that Patrick himself is a myth — is very hard to explain on the hypothesis that the Apostle of Ireland went out from under the hands of the Bishop of Eome. Patrick himself, 1 The original of this antiphon is in Latin, the rest of the hymn is in Irish. The form of this hymn reminds us of our own pagan Walt Whitman. a Ch. i, 2. 3 His first biographers, writing two hundred years after, have imputed to him various sayings and sentiments which need to be tested by his own writ- 4 But on this subject the earliest Patrician literature is as silent as Patrick him- ¦ self. It is not mentioned in the Hymn of Secundinus, or the Hymn of Fiace, or by Muirchu. Even Tirechan does not name it in the main narrative, but in the supplementary notes to Tirechan it is said Patrick " is sent as bishop to teach the Scots [Irish] by Bishop Celestine, Pope of Rome." Tirechan lived < over two hundred years after Patrick, and this note is probably two or three (centuries later than Tirechan, for the removal of Columba's bones to Saul, ura County Down, is mentioned in the sentence immediately preceding, an event which happened in 877. Reeves, Antiquities of County Down and Connor p. 224 ; Stokes, in Smith and Wace, iv, 205. ST. PATRICK. 661 like Paul, attributed his mi66ion to the direct call of Christ. In fact, the first Celtic Church was not troubled with too much reverence for the pope. Columba never sought his sanction for the conver sion of the Picts, nor Columban for the conversion of the Germans and Swiss. We clear our minds of much misconception when we cease to transfer later theories and conditions into the earlier eccle siastical history.1 1 For a discussion of St. Patrick's alleged mission from Celestine, see, for the affirmative, Moran, Essays on the Early Irish Church, Dublin, 1864, and his art. in the Dublin Review for April, 1880; and for the negative, see Todd, Life of St. Patrick, Dublin, 1864; Newell, St. Patrick, ch. iv; Stokes, Ire land and the Celtic Church, Lond., 1892 (3d ed.), lect. iii ; Olden, The Church of Ireland, Lond. and N. Y., 1892, appendix i ; The Position of the Old Irish Church, in Church Quar. Rev., Lond., Oct., 1885, pp. 89 ff., and The Origin of Irish Christianity, in the same, July, 1889, pp. 391 ff. 662 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTEE XXVIII. MEDIEVAL IRELAND. The early Irish Church was organized after the fashion of the political organization of the country. When a chief became a government Christian, and bestowed his dune and his lands upon oftheearlt ^ne Church, he at the same time transferred all his church. rights as chief. But these rights still remained with his sept or clan, though subordinate to the uses of the Church.1 At first the ecclesiastical offices were confined to the members of the sept or clan, and were hereditary. This even applied to the office of bishop, and down to a late period. Belonging to the ec clesiastical family were all the tenants, vassals, and slaves connected with the Church land. As a temporal lord the head of these tribal monastic Churches could exact rent and tribute and make war. It was not unusual to find these coheirs, as they were called, making war against one another. The colonies that went out from the original house remained subordinate to it. The monastic king, as he might be called, was the supreme head of the Church — popes, bishops, and all other hierarchs being as nothing before him. Often this abbot-king was a layman, and it never entered the mind of the pre-Catholic Irish Church that there was anything anomalous or inconsistent with Christianity in a layman being the fountain of ecclesiastical authority. This place was some times held by a woman. When St. Bridget was abbess of Kildare, the first monastery in Ireland which included both men and women, she was the chief of the clan. For religious services she employed a bishop, who was completely under her dictation." It is not likely that she ordained, although it is probable that these abbots, some times at least, ordained both presbyters and bishops. The Saxon Chronicle states that there were no bishops at lona/ and Bede tells us that the monks there ordained a missionary bishop for Northum bria." In the Eule of the Abbot Aurelian, a contemporary French monk of Columba, we read : " And whenever the abbot may de- 1 Sullivan, art. Ireland: History, in Enc. Brit., 9th ed. 2 See Olden, The Church in Ireland, pp. 38-44. 3 Ad ann. 565. (E. E., iii, 5. MEDIAEVAL IRELAND. 663 sire, he has the power of ordaining." ' This power was also exer cised in the monasteries of Egypt." The supreme authority in the Church would naturally include the appointment of its ministers. In fact, bishops in the early Irish Church were nothing more than chief presbyters. They swarmed throughout the country. In the time of Patrick there were three hundred and fifty of them, St. Mochta, of Louth, a disciple of Patrick, could rejoice over one hundred bishops in his monastic family : " No poverty had Mochta in the burg of Louth, Three hundred priests, one hundred bishops, together with him, Eighty psalm-singing noble youths ; His household, vastest of courses. Without plowing, without reaping, without kiln-drying, Without work, save only reading." 3 The Irish chroniclers looked upon the time when all the clergy were bishops as their golden period, and one sign of decay was the depression of the other clergy under a few bishops. iR,SHCler- The Catalogue of the Saints of Ireland, in the eighth ical orders. century, says that there were in the order of time as well as of sanctity three orders of Irish saints ; the first most holy, the second very holy, the third holy. "The first order of Catholic saints," says this ancient authority, "was in the time of Patrick. And then they were all bishops, famous and holy and full of the Holy Ghost, three hundred and fifty in number, founders of churches. They had one head, Christ, and one leader, Patrick. They ob served one mass, one celebration, one tonsure from ear to ear. They celebrated one Easter on the fourteenth moon after the vernal equinox, and what was excommunicated by one Church all excom municated. They rejected not the service and society of women, because, founded on the rock of Christ, they feared not the blast of temptation." The second order of saints is spoken of as an order of "Catholic presbyters, in number three hundred." In the third order of saints there were " holy presbyters and a few bishops." * The first Irish monasticism centered in a family. The monastery was an ordinary sept or family whose chief had become M0NA8TICISM a Christian. Sometimes the chief himself was the head. IN upland. The ordinary family life went on as before. Some members ' Et quando abbas voluerit ordinandi habeat potestam. Migne, Ixviii, 392. 5 See a case reported by Cassian, Collatio, iv, i ; Killen, Eccl. Hist, of Ire land, i, 35. 3 The Lebor Brece, in Oengus, cxxxii ; Olden, p. 33. 4 Newell, St. Patrick, pp. 204, 205. 664 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. were celibates and some were not. Some of the monastic clergy lived with their wives. All joined in the various religious exercises of the abbey. The system had, as Sullivan says, many striking analogies to the Shaker communities of the United States. But this earlier system gave way to a stricter type of monastic discipline. Under the influence of Wales and France the anchorite principle was introduced. When once it gained a foothold it propagated itself like wildfire. All over Ireland the hermits lived in solitary cells. The nomenclature of the country shows this. A very common name is Desert, or Disert, as Desertmartin in London derry, Desertserges in Cork, and Killadysert in Clare. It signifies simply the solitary place where the anchorite took up his abode.' Often the anchorites lived near, or in connection with, a monastery,. where there were monks living a more active and sensible life. St.. Donlough's Church, near Dublin, was originally, in the twelfth century, an anchorite's cell. Many of the cathedrals had anchorite cells attached to them. Then there were the beehive cells of Ireland, all inhabited by an chorites. The Irish monastery resembled a village of wattled huts. It was formed entirely after the Eastern or Greek pattern. On Mount Athos, the celebrated mountain of monasteries, .the same system is prevailing to-day. In the Convent of St. Matthew at Mosul and in other celebrated monasteries of the East one will find the model of lona, Clonmacnois, and Glendalough. Stokes has de scribed the monastery of St. Molaise, on the island of Inismurray, seven miles from the western mainland, midway between Sligo Bay and the Bay of Donegal. In the outside inclosure the women lived, with their own chapel. Beyond them was a wall fifteen feet high, built of red sandstone slabs, like a peasant's cottage. This is the cashel or fortification. It is circular, and incloses half an acre. Inside are the famous beehive habitations and the old chapels. Seven of these cells remain. Stokes says: " I entered them all, and had to crawl on hands and feet to do so ; they are circular, or nearly so, inside, and one or two still retain a stone offset about two feet above the floor to serve as a couch for the hermits. The roofing is formed by the slabs gradually overlapping one another, the courses thus drawing closer until they are capped by one central flag ; the builders being entirely ignorant of the principle of the arch, this was the nearest approach they could make to it."* The largest of these very ancient churches is twenty-four feet by fif teen, while the chapel of St. Molaise is only ten feet high, twelve ' Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, p. 178 ff. 5 Ibid., pp. 184-188. MEDIAEVAL IRELAND. 665 feet long, and eight feet broad. They are rectangular in shape, had no chancels, and were of marble masonry. It is interesting to notice that so far west as Donegal Bay one may find an exact re production of the Syrian cells and churches built in conscious imi tation, as Adamnan says, of Eastern models. Indeed, Ireland was indebted to the East for many peculiarities of religion, learning, and architecture.1 Egypt had her share in mediaeval Ireland. Cashels inclosing numerous churches and convents are common to both countries. The roofs of the Egyptian churches are like those of the ancient Irish. Embossed metal covers for manuscripts, hand bells, book satchels, and ecclesiastical fans are common to both the Coptic and Irish Churches. A notable illustration of the common life of these two Churches is found in the wide use in Ireland of the Book of Adam and Eve, written in the fifth or sixth century, in Egypt, and which is known in no other European country except Ireland. It had large vogue in Ireland in the Middle Ages." The round towers are another evidence of the marvelous inter- blending of Greek and Irish Christianity. Various hypotheses have been used to account for these famous buildings. They the round have been, attributed to the fire-worshipers, to the pa- towers. gan inhabitants of Ireland, and to the Danes. Some say they were pillars for Stylite saints, like St. Simeon of the Pillar. If so, the Irish saints had to stand or sit on the apex of a conical roof a hundred feet from the ground, where the merest slip would con sign them to destruction. But the investigations of Petrie in 1830, which have been followed by Lord Dunraven and Miss Stokes, have dissipated any amount of speculation, and have placed the whole subject in scientific light. The conclusions of Petrie, which have been confirmed by later archaeologists, are : 1. The round towers are of Christian origin, erected at various periods between the ninth or tenth century and the thirteenth century. 2. Their use was twofold, as belfries, and also as keeps or places of strength, into 1 De Locis Sanctis, ii, 27, in Migne, Pat. Lat., lxxxviii, col. 801. 2 It is the eleventh or twelfth of the biblical poems and paraphrases which compose the Saltair na Rann, a collection of one hundred and sixty-two medi aeval Irish poems, which have been published in the Anecdota Oxoniensia by Whitley Stokes, Oxford, 1882. The Book of Adam and Eve was translated into JEthiopic, and discovered in ^Ethiopia, and published by E. Trump, of the University of Munich, Munich, 1880. A translation was published by S. Malan, Lond. , 1882. See Hort, in Smith and Wace, i, 34 ; Stokes, Irelandandthe Celtic Church, pp. 188-216, notes. This was a missionary trophy, brought home from Abyssinia by the missionary Krapff. A transl. into German was made by Dillmann, Gbtt., 1853. 666 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. which the sacred utensils, books, relics, and other valuables might be carried in case of danger, and to which their guardians, the ec clesiastics, might take refuge when suddenly attacked. They were the answer of the monks to the Danish incursions. 3. They were probably used also, when occasion required, as beacons or watch towers.1 The elder chroniclers call them bell houses, and it is well known with what superstitious reverence the bells were held in the ancient Church. The first tower was built in 964, and between this date and 1008 a great movement in church building was going on in Ireland. There are one hundred and eighteen of these towers in Ireland, twenty of which remain either nearly or altogether entire. Their average height is from one hundred to one hundred and twenty feet, the average diameter at the base is fifty feet, and the average height of the doorway above the ground is thirteen feet. They are always built near a church, the doorway facing the church. The development of ecclesiastical architecture, from Syria to Ire land, is a study of surpassing interest. The earliest churches were sim ple basilicas. Neither Eoman nor Greek architecture possessed a tower. The Count de Vogue, who was sent out by Napoleon III to study Syrian remains, in his work on Syrian architecture from the first to the seventh century proves that to these ancient Syrian Christians we owe the church tower. They first discovered the use of cupolas and towers built upon pendentives or hemispheres. De Vogue brought to light the first cupola at Omneez Tertoun, built in 282. This method of construction reached its highest develop ment in the Church of St. Sophia, at Constantinople, built in the sixth century by Justinian. As we stand beneath the magnificent dome of St. Paul's, or that of the Capitol at Washington, we should remember the humble Syrian Christians of the third century as the creators of this architectural triumph. It was from the Syrian school of architecture at Antioch that Justinian drew both his architects, Anthemus of Tralles and Isidore of Miletus, for his cathedral in Constantinople." Justinian was a great builder. New 1 Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, p. 236, who has an excellent chapter on this subject. See Petrie, Christian Architecture of Ireland anterior to the Anglo-Norman Invasion, in Transl. of Royal Irish Academy, vol. xx (1834), new ed., Dubl., 1845 ; Dunraven, Memorials of Adare, and Notes on Irish Architec ture, ed. by Margaret M. Stokes, 2 vols., Lond., 1875-77 ; Miss Stokes, Early Christian Architecture in Ireland, Lond., 1878. O'Brien, The Round Towers of Ireland, Dubl., 1834, held to a Phallic origin, but there is no evidence of this. See Anderson, Round Towers, in new ed. of Chambers's Encyc. 2 See Bayet, L'Art Byzantine, in Bibliotheque de rEnseignment des Beaux Arts, Paris, 1883, esp. pp. 309-318. MEDIAEVAL IRELAND. 667 structures and restorations of all kinds were the order of his day. All over the empire could be seen his churches, with their towers and arches and domes. Eavenna was specially favored. To this day among the frescoes of the Church of St. Vitalis, a church which he built soon after St. Sophia, the traveler can see his portrait. Now this church and several other churches of Eavenna are built with round towers, identical in principle and connection construction with the round towers of Ireland.1 From JJ™™™ Eavenna the tower was introduced into western Eu- general ec- rope. Miss Stokes gives such examples as the tower "R^TS™AL of Dinkelsbtihl in Bavaria, the belfries of San Nicola ture. at Pisa, San Paternian in Venice, one at Schcenen in Switzerland, two at the Church of St. Thomas in Strasburg, two at Gemrode in the Hartz, two at Nivelles, and one at St. Maurice Epinal in Lor raine. Then there occurred that shortsighted iconoclastic crusade which exerted previously the same influence on mediaeval Europe as did the intolerance of Louis XIV on Europe in the eighteenth century. One drove the artists, artisans, and skilled workers out of the East to enrich the West, and the other drove the most intel ligent and conscientious workmen of France into Germany and England. This iconoclastic expulsion developed such very various departments as the manufacture of silk, the carving of ivory, and the production of goldsmith's work, while it alone explains the outburst of architectural art which marks the ninth and subsequent centu ries." In the Irish monastery of St. Gall, in Switzerland, there is preserved a plan for the rebuilding of the great church of that place, drawn about 829, in which we see lines for two round towers at the east end of the apse/ while in the Cathedral of Aix-la-Chapelle, ereeted between 796 and 804, there are two round towers at the west end of the church. ' For a description of the Church of St. Vitalis, see Reber, Hist, of Mediaeval Art, pp. 51-56; Vincent, Ravenna, in Presb. Rev., Jan., 1880, p. 119. For connection of Ravenna with Ireland, see works of Dunraven and Miss Stokes, above, and Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, pp. 243-245. There is a dispute as to the date of these campaniles or bell towers of the Ravenna churches. Hulsch considers them of the same date as the churches themselves, or mostly earlier than the close of the sixth century, but Freeman (Hist. Es says, 3d series) maintains that they are all later than the days of Charles the Great (d. 814). 2 Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, p. 247. Stokes here recognizes the labors of Labarte in his Industrial Arts in the Middle Ages, and of Viollet le Due, the greater modern writer on architecture. 3 This plan was published by Keller, of Zurich, and repub. by Willis in Ar chaeological Journal, 1848, p. 85. See Dunraven, Memorials of Adare, p. 325 ; Stokes, p. 248. 668 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Ireland would not be long in learning the arts of Europe. Inter course between the island and the Continent was most IRELAND S RE- „ , , . _. . , T , , lationto eu- frequent. The French king Dagobert 1 was sent to R0PE' Ireland for his education. French coins found in Ireland prove that there was constant commercial contact with the South. Foreign ecclesiastics abounded. Fifty Eoman monks settled in Ire land for the purpose of discipline and study, especially the study of the Scriptures, then much cultivated in Ireland. The Litany of Oen- gus the Culdee commemorates vast numbers of strangers who came to Ireland — Italians, Germans, Frenchmen, and, among others, Egyp tian monks and orientals.1 There was also constant correspond ence between the Irish monasteries and the scholars of the Continent. Eeadily, therefore, could the Church towers of Byzantium be re produced on the green sward of Ireland. The Danish invasions gave the pretext. Irish civilization in the Middle Ages was a curious mixture of barbarism and the highest attainments in literature and MIXTURE OF . O barbarism art. The tribal organization and customs were similar and culture. to thoge of prehistoric Greece. The Book of Eights re minds one of Homer." Tribute in kind was furnished to the kings. Wars and quarrels between the kings and tribes were inter minable. There was no national feeling. Jealousy, anger, and revenge were characteristic of the Christian chieftains of mediae val Ireland. A chief was ready to invite to his rescue or for vengeance a foreign force, although he knew that such an invi tation would be the slavery of his country. Eepeatedly Danish and English conquerors were invited by some discontented or defeated king, who nursed his wrath, like Achilles, in his tent. This fierce spirit of disunion and personal spite has been Ireland's -great est foe, even down to our century. Ireland was, then, sdLJuskrfa, country of sheepfolds. Agriculture was little practiced. Plunder ing expeditions were ordinary diversions. The Book of Eights solemnly lays down among the privileges of the king of Cashel or Munster that of burning Northern Leinster and of plundering the cattle of Croghan, on the rich plains of Eoscommon, while the cuckoo sings.3 In fact, the country was often in a state of anarchy. ' Oengus lived in the time of Charlemagne, although Stokes attributes the Litany to the close of the 10th century. See his pref . to his ed. of the Calen dar of Oengus, pub. in Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy, 1880. 2 The Book of Rights is a mediaeval directory of taxation and customs, of in estimable value for the study of Irish history. It was edited by an eminent archaeologist, John O'Donovan, Dubl., 1847. 3 Stokes, p. 198. MEDIAEVAL IRELAND. 669 The ravaging expeditions were conducted with a barbarous cruelty. The tribesmen " spared neither age nor sex ; they regarded neither monastery nor church. They reverenced their own local priest and their local sanctuaries, but they reverenced none other. Clonmac- nois, Kildare, Clonard, Armagh, fared as badly at the hands of Christian Irishmen as at those of pagan Danes. These venerable shrines, whose history went back to the earliest ages, were often plundered, and finally burnt to the ground." l In the early part of the ninth century the King of Munster was at once abbot and bishop, barbarian and Christian. In his expeditions he plun dered the most sacred places of Ulster, and put clergy and monks to the sword. Scandinavian rule could not be worse. The descrip tion of these things in the romances of Carleton simply recalls the mediaeval chroniclers. In 755 Bishop Entighern, of Kildare, was killed by one of his priests at the very altar of St. Bridget, in his own cathedral. An ancient story about one of these marauders, who had died, says that he appeared before Bishop Corprius, of Clon- macnois, all wretched and filthy on account of the punishment he was enduring in purgatory. The spirit prayed that the good bishop would beseech the mercy of God for himself and his confessor, who was in the same plight. The bishop prayed for half a year, when the spirit came back bright and clean in the upper part of his body, but wretched and filthy as to the lower part. Another six months' prayers were sufficient to cleanse the soul of the sufferer, and he appeared clear and radiant throughout. This mediaeval legend •compares well with Charles Lever's story, in Charles O'Malley, of Mickey Free and his father's sojourn in purgatory." Another evidence of the primitive survivals in Ireland is the ad ministration of law. Every man was a law to himself ; there was no conception of the State, nor of a crime against the State ; there were laws and penalties, but every man was his own avenger. The execution of the law rested entirely with the person aggrieved. The Brehon laws of Ireland, like the Twelve Tables of ancient Eome, and the old Lombard and Teutonic laws, recognized the administra tion of law as a private function." The Irish had a magnificent scheme for the interpretation and exposition of law, law and an- but none for its enforcement, except the impulse of pri- ARCHT' vate revenge. From time immemorial the Irish had brehons, or hereditary judges, whose sole duty it was to explain and apply the law, and act as judges in all cases of dispute. These brehons were 1 Stokes, p. 199. 2 Ibid., pp. 201, 202 ; Salmon, Purgatory and Modern Revelations, in Con temp. Rev., Oct., 1883. 3See Maine, Ancient Law, chap. x. 670 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. held to a high standard of legal attainment and judicial fairness. They must spend all their time in the study of law, and the slight est partiality or injustice was punished. It was said that a divine avenger stood guardian over the right, and every brehon who swerved from it would feel the divine wrath. One legend told how a brehon of the first century wore a collar around his neck, which tightened when he delivered a false judgment and expanded again when he delivered a true one. " When the brehons deviated from the truth of nature there appeared blotches upon their cheeks."1 But the brehons had no power to enforce their own decisions. This primitive and almost anarchic condition of society ex isted in Ireland until the seventeenth century. The Teutonic races in their upward progress threw aside such a primitive system of law. "The Danes in Iceland," says Stokes, "showed their Teu tonic genius for business by developing legislation and institutions more consonant with the wants of civilized society, and by the time of the Norman conquest of Ireland, that is, within three centuries of their settlement in Iceland, they had constructed a very elaborate judicial system with primary, intermediate, and appeal courts, very similar in many respects to those which now exist in these king doms. I do not think the student of comparative jurisprudence could come acrosB a more interesting incident illustrating the vary ing genius of tribes and nations for political development than the very diverse fates which overtook the Brehon Code in Ireland and Iceland. The Celtic race clung to it. It suited their nature. It gave fine scope to their fighting capacities. If the decision suited the defendant he submitted to it; if not, he repudiated it, and fought „„,„„«,•. i* out wilh JUQge and plaintiff alike." " Froude, KKOUDE S . erroneous therefore, is in gross error when he says that " when the Normans took charge of them the Irish were, with the exception of the clergy, scarcely better than a mob of armed sav ages ; they had no settled industry, and no settled habitations, and scarcely a conception of property."3 The fact is, the Irish had set- 1 Brehon Laws, iii, 305 ; Joyce, Hist, of Ireland to 1608, Lond., 1893, pp. 39, ff. The work of editing and translating these laws was given to two of the most eminent Irish scholars, John O'Donovan, professor of Celtic in Queen's College, Belfast, and Eugene O'Curry, professor of Irish Archaeology in the Roman Catholic University of Ireland. The result was pub. by the Master of the Rolls, Lond., 1865-85, 4 vols. To these volumes, with their ample intro ductions and notes, to Maine, Early Hist, of Institutions, Lond., 1875, to the articles by Ferguson in the Encyc. Brit., and to Joyce as above, the reader is referred for full information. 2 Ireland and the Celtic Church, p. 205. 3 The English in Ireland, vol. i, ch. ii. MEDLEVAL IRELAND. 671 tied habitations, though not of stone ; they had settled industries ; their conception of property was most definite, as the numerous provisions of the Brehon Code guarding property rights testify ; they had mills, good roads, and some of the arts, as we shall see, in marvelous state of perfection ; and they were the teachers of Eu rope. But all these things existed by the side of barbaric sim plicity, rudeness, and fierceness. 672 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTEE XXIX. LEARNING AND ART IN MEDLEVAL IRELAND-EXTERNAL HISTORY OF THE IRISH CHURCH. Ireland was the queen of Europe in art and learning. When the barbarians were wandering over Europe, the scholars took ref uge in the Green Isle. Free from all disturbance except IRELAND A O i i • • l refuge for internal feuds, they there pursued their quiet work. scholars. The standard of learning in the Irish monasteries was higher than with Gregory the Great. It was derived from Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine, as from direct fountain heads. Both classical and sacred literature were cultivated. ' The scholars of the Continent corresponded with the learned men of Ireland. Alcuin wrote from the court of Charlemagne to Colcu, senior lecturer at Clonmacnois, in terms which showed his profound reverence for his Irish friend. An interesting illustration of Irish learning came to light in 1812, when Letronne found in the French National Library two Irish manuscripts of the ninth century. It proved a work in geography by an Irish monk, Dicuil, Liber de Mensura Orbis Terras, and is for that age remarkably accurate throughout. It actually quotes Pliny, Solinus, Pomponius Mela, Orosius, Isidore of Seville, and Priscian the grammarian, and is founded on the best information and observation of the time. The pride of Eastern learning, the Chronicle of Malalas, which reflects the highest culture dicuil and °f Antioch, is ridiculous for its mistakes when measured erigena. Dy the side of the Irish monk. Letronne was engaged in Egyptian investigations, and what attracted him to the geography of Dicuil was the fact that this Irishman, a thousand years before, gave as dimensions of the pyramids the exact figures which he had himself found by actual measurement. Dicuil also describes Iceland from the testimony of Irish missionaries who had gone there in the eighth century and established Christian worship." Another learned Irishman was Johannes Scotus Erigena, who went from one of the Irish monasteries to the court of Charles the Bald of France, where he was from 841 head of the court school. He was a subtle and powerful genius, and his daring speculations dis turbed the orthodoxy of the times. Aileran and Augustine, both of 1 Zimmer, Irish Element in Mediaeval Culture, p. 19. 2 Stokes, pp. 213-217. LEARNING AND ART IN MEDIAEVAL IRELAND. 673 the seventh century, were masters of Scripture, and the latter was often confounded with his namesake of Hippo. Virgil was a dis tinguished missionary as well as an able scholar. He had learned from the Greeks the sphericity of the earth, and fearlessly promul gated his theories, some of which were similar to Lytton's in his last novel, The Coming Eace. For this, and for his opposition to the hard and fast ecclesiastical schemes of Boniface, he was com plained of to the pope. But he seems to have been able to keep his see of Salzburg undisturbed from 744 to his death in 784. Sedulius— eighth or ninth century— was an- SEDCLroa- other of these versatile Irish scholars. He was a profound biblical student, and familiar with all the exegetical writers of the Greek and Latin Church. He was also a poet and grammarian. His book on the Duty of Princes is enlivened with Latin verses, grave and gay. His commentary is one of the noblest remains of biblical exposition in the Middle Ages. While Erigena was a bitter opponent of Augustine's predestinarianism, Sedulius was a stanch believer in it. When Greek learning had perished out of Western Europe it was diligently caught up and cultivated in the Irish monasteries.1 There was discovered at Wurzburg an Irish commentary on the Bible, dating from the eighth or ninth century. It reveals an in dependent judgment and extraordinary learning. It frequently quotes Origen, Jerome, Augustine, Pelagius, Gregory the Great, and Isidore of Seville. Pelagius is the favorite, though the commen tary by no means follows all his opinions." There was a rich sacred literature in mediaeval Ireland. The Book of Kells is a Latin copy of the four gospels, written on vellum, and is preserved in Trinity College, Dublin. It belonged probably to the seventh century, and is so called be- the book of cause kept many years- in Kells, Meath. The celebrated kells and OTHFR LITER- Book of Psalms, which Columba copied, and over AKTtreas- which a battle was fought, may be seen in the National "res. Museum of Dublin. The Book of Armagh, one of the most inter esting literary relics of the Middle Ages, which has already been (, V W.described, was published in 807. It is the most precious possession 1 See the interesting chapter, " Greek and Hebrew Learning in Irish Monas teries," in Stokes, Ireland and the Celtic Church, pp. 210 fE., the references there given, and the interesting essay of Heinrich Zimmer, The Irish Ele ment in Mediaeval Culture, transl. by Jane Loring Edmands, N. Y., 1891. This last is a tribute to the scholarly labors of the Irish monks on the Continent. 2 The Holy Scriptures in Ireland One Thousand Years Ago. Selections from the Wurzburg Glosses. Transl. by Rev. Thomas Olden, M.A. In R. I. A., Dubl. and Lond., 1888. Ch. Quar. Rev., July, 1889, pp. 407-414. 43 674 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of which Trinity College Library in Dublin can boast. The libra ries of the British islands and of the Continent abound in Irish lives of the saints, written in Irish and Latin. There were nearly a dozen Lives of Patrick. ' An Irish scholar abroad, John Colgan, published at Louvain, where he resided in the Irish monastery, a volume entitled Acta Sanctorum Hiberniae, 1645. These Lives were all translated by him from ancient Irish manuscripts. Two years later he published another Latin volume, Acta Triadis Thaumaturgas, the Lives of the wonder-working Triad — namely, Saints Patrick, Bridget, and Columba. This contains seven Lives of Patrick, including the Tripartite Life. The industrious monk annotated his text with all kinds of learned information. Mar- tyrologies are frequent, and Festival Lists of the saints, some of them poetical, with prologues and epilogues and prose prefaces, all in Irish." The Book of Hymns, a manuscript of the ninth or tenth century, contains ancient Irish hymns, with commentaries by the mediaeval copyists.3 Early Irish literature is rich in annals, historical works, and gene alogies. They are remarkably accurate. Many of these have been published either in the original or in translation by such enthusiastic Irish scholars as Stokes, Eeeves, Todd, Hennessey, and O'Dono- van." While other European countries were still publishing their books in Latin, Ireland was developing a rich, varied, and learned literature in the vernacular. But the attainments of Ireland in art are more wonderful still. The highest perfection was reached between the ninth and twelfth centuries. Pen ornamentation of a marvelously beautiful and per fect character was peculiar to the country. It was largely the art in pen work of ecclesiastics. It is "interlaced work formed work. Dy banc^ ribbons, and cords, which are curved and twisted and interwoven in the most intricate way, something like basket work infinitely varied in pattern." The designs are all symmetrical, and are used chiefly in the capitals. One capital in 1 Skene, Celtic Scotland, ii, 425-444, gives an excellent account of the Lives of Patrick and the Hagiology of the Irish Church. 2 One of the most interesting of these, the Feilire of Oengus the Culdee, has been published, with translation and notes, by Stokes, Dubl., 1880. 3 This interesting volume has been translated and edited by Todd for the Irish Archaeological and Celtic Society, 2 vols., Dubl., 1865-69. 4 A concise account of all this rich literary material is given by Joyce, Short History of Ireland to 1608, pp. 10-39. The author himself has translated many of the historical and romantic tales of mediaeval Ireland in his Old Celtic Ro mances, Lond., 1879. For a list of recent editions of Irish mediaeval works, see Sonnenschein, The Best Books, pp. 1004, 1005. LEARNING AND ART IN MEDIAEVAL IRELAND. 675 the Book of Kells covers a whole page. Probably that book of the seventh century is the most beautiful one in existence. The pattern is often so minute and complicated that it requires a mag nifying glass to examine it. What is more wonderful, the work by the pen in these old books is often illuminated in brilliant colors, which have faded but little in the lapse of a thousand years.1 Miss Stokes, who carefully examined the Book of Kells, says: "No effort hitherto made to transcribe any one page of this book has the perfection of execution and rich harmony of color which belongs to this wonderful book. ... No single false interlacement or uneven curve in the spirals, nor faint trace of a trembling hand or wandering thought, can be detected. This is the very passion of labor and devotion, and thus did the Irish scribe work to glorify his book."" His work is a miracle of art. Professor J. 0. Westwood, of the University of Oxford, who made a comparative study of all similar works in Europe, calls it the " most astonishing book of the four Gospels which exists in the world," and says that with a magnifying glass he counted, "within the 6pace of three fourths of an inch long by less than one half an inch wide, no less than one hundred and fifty-eight inter lacements of a splendid ribbon pattern, formed by white lines edged with black ones. How men could have had eyes and tools to work such designs out I am sure I, with all the skill and knowl edge of such kind of work which I have been exercising for the last fifty years, cannot conceive. I know pretty well all the libraries of Europe where such books as this occur, but there is no such book in any of them." 3 One of the most perfect works of art in book-making is the Codex Eossanensis, which was discovered in 1880 in southern Italy. It was executed by the imperial artists of Constantinople in the time of the highest development of Byzantine art, the period of Justinian and the Church of St. Sophia. It is written in gold and on purple ground, and enriched with pictures. It is a marvel of beauty and skill, and yet when we compare it with the Book of Kells the work of the Celtic artists proves immeasurably superior 1 Hartley read a paper before the Royal Dublin Society in June, 1885 (pub. in Proceedings), in which he shows that the coloring matter used in the Book of Kells was identical with that of the ancient Egyptians. This is another link between Ireland, Egypt, and the East. See Stokes, p. 207, note. 2 Early Christian Architecture in Ireland, p. 127. 3 The Book of Kells, Dublin, 1887, pp. 5-11. Reproductions of many of these pages of the Old Irish books are given by Gilbert in his magnificent volumes, Facsimiles of the National Manuscripts of Ireland, Dubl., 1874, ff., 5 vols. See Joyce, Short Hist, of Ireland, part i, ch. xii. 676 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. both in design and execution.1 But this work does not stand alone. The Book of Durrow, the Book of Armagh, and other old manuscripts are splendidly ornamented and illustrated. Almost equally fine in its way is the metal work, especially that of the tenth and eleventh centuries. The artists worked METAL WORK. .-, .1 tit i J J in bronze, silver, gold, and enamel, and made crosses, croziers, chalices, bells, brooches, shrines, or boxes to hold books or bells or relics, and book satchels. Specimens of all these, many of them of the most remote antiquity, may be seen in the National Museum in Dublin. Even in sculpture the Irish artists were equal to those of the Con tinent. There are forty-five great stone crosses which still SCULPTURE. .. . iiTliTj-i • l remain in various parts of Ireland. Besides rich orna mentation on thirty-two, they contain groups of sacred history from both the Old and the New Testament. The ornamentation is of the same Celtic character that we find in metal work, and it exhibits the same masterly skill and ease in both design and execution. These sculptures in relief prove that these Irish workers were ac quainted with the Byzantine and Eoman schools of art. But the artistic genius of the Celtic mind improved upon the models." The external history of the mediaeval Irish Church has not much of interest. The Norwegian invasions began in 795, and the Danes came in 851. Everything was disorganized. The Irish monaster ies were plundered, and the clergy were slain. At length, however, the invaders settled down, intermarried, and became one of the best elements of the Irish race. The Danes founded both the kingdom and the see of Dublin. Down to the middle of the eleventh century the Irish Church had been organized after its own fashion. There was no diocesan episcopacy, and the clergy went on in supreme the danes in disregard of the pope. We owe to the Danish kingdom Ireland. 0f Dublin the entering of the Eoman wedge. When De Eossi was digging in Eome he came across a collection of Anglo- Saxon and Danish coins of the tenth and eleventh centuries. They had been sent as the first fruits of Peter's pence. Among them were the coins of Alfred, Althelstan, and Sitric, the Danish king of Dublin. Sitric in his travels had seen the magnificent fabrics of the Eoman Church, and he determined to bring his kingdom into cosmopolitan fellowship. In 1040 he founded a bishopric in Dublin, but determined to seek consecration for his bishops at the ' Stokes, p. 207. 2 Joyce, pp. 107, 108 ; Zimmer, Irish Element in Medieval Culture, p. 50, note ; Neill, Ancient Crosses and Round Towers of Ireland, Lond., 1853-55 ; Stokes, Early Chr. Architecture of Ireland, Lond., 1878. LEARNING AND ART IN MEDLEVAL IRELAND. 677 hands of Anselm, Archbishop of Canterbury. His bishop Dunan was a Celt, for the Danes were too warlike to care for clerical pursuits. Nor could Sitric be content with the small, plain, square, wooden or earthen, or even stone, churches of the Irish, but must have a church such as he had seen on the Continent and in England. Therefore he and his bishop built the Cathedral of the Holy Trin ity, commonly called Christ Church Cathedral, which, after many additions and changes, and Eoe's magnificent restoration in 1878, still stands one of the most beautiful churches in the world. ¦ This was the beginning of the modern Irish Church. The next bishop, Gillpatrick, or Patrick (1038-74), was consecrated by Lanfranc, and in return he completely betrayed the freedom of the see of Dublin. He exacted this oath from the Irishman : " Whoever presides over others ought not to scorn to be subject to others, but rather make it his study to humbly render 'in God's name to his superiors the obedience which he expects from those placed under him. On this account I, Patrick, elected prelate to govern Dublin, the metropolis of Ireland, do, Eever- end Father Lanfranc, Primate of the Britains and Archbishop of the Holy Church of Canterbury, offer to thee this charter of my profession : I promise to obey thee and thy successors in all things pertaining to the Christian religion." " This opened the way for Norman influences, which soon made Dublin, norman in- and thence the east of Ireland, thoroughly Norman fluence. and Eoman. The bishops continued to receive their consecration from Canterbury, and to make their canonical obedience to England. The other Scandinavian towns, like Waterford and Limerick, were also centers of Norman influence. Gilbert, Bishop of the Danes of Limerick, one of the most aggressive and vigorous ecclesiastics of the Middle Ages, hated the Irish ways as intensely as all the Danes and Normans did, and he determined to introduce the Eoman system. For this purpose he, as papal legate, held a synod of the bishops and clergy of Ireland, at Eathbresail, in 1120. At this synod the old monastic system was thrown aside, and Ireland was 1 Dublin possesses two Protestant cathedrals, Christ Church, founded in 1038 or 1040, and St. Patrick's Cathedral, founded in 1190, and restored in 1865 by Benjamin Lee Guinness, at his own cost (£140,000), and under his personal superintendence. Guinness was a member of the largest brewery concern in the world, and if his benefaction was not made under an impulse of justice, that of his son, Sir Edward Cecil Guinness, certainly was when he placed in the hands of trustees in 1889 the immense sum of £250,000 to be spent in pro viding sanitary dwellings for working-men at a low rate. 2 See Ussher, Works, ed. Elrington, iv, 564 ; Stokes, 310 ; Lanigan, Eccl. Hist. of Ireland, vol. i, ch. xxiv. 678 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. divided into twenty dioceses, of which the ancient see of Armagh was chief. On March 9, 1152, the papalization of Ireland was com pleted. On that day Cardinal Paparo held the synod of Kells, Ireland was divided into four provinces, and Armagh, Cashel, and Tuam were raised to the rank of archbishoprics. This severed Dublin from Canterbury, while it brought all Ireland under Eome. St. Lawrence O'Toole was the connecting link between the Celtic and the Norman Church. He was Bishop of Dublin, 1162-80, a learned, pious, generous man, a fine type of an ecclesiastic, one of the glories of the Irish Church. The peaceable conquest of Ireland by Henry II in 1171 may be taken as the end of the mediaeval Church in Ireland. For that con quest Henry had obtained full permission from Adrian IV, the only English pope who ever occupied the papal throne. This fa mous bull has been the subject of so much bitter controversy that we give it here entire : // ff, Bishop Adrian, servant of the servants of God, sends to his dearest son in Christ, the illustrious king of the English, greeting and apostolic the bull or benediction. Laudably and profitably enough thy magnificence thinks of extending thy glorious name on earth, and heaping up rewards of eternal felicity in heaven, inasmuch as, like a good Catholic prince, thou dost endeavor to enlarge the bounds of the Church, to de clare the truth of the Christian faith to ignorant and barbarous nations, and to extirpate the plants of evil from the field of the Lord. And, in order the bet ter to perform this, thou dost ask the advice and favor of the apostolic see. In which work the more lofty the counsel and the better the guidance by which thou dost proceed, so much more do we trust that, by God's help, thou wilt progress favorably in the same ; for the reason that those things which have taken their rise from ardor of faith and love of religion are accustomed always to come to a good end and termination. There is, indeed, no doubt, as thy Highness doth also acknowledge, that Ire land and all the islands which Christ the Sun of righteousness has illuminated, and which have received the doctrines of the Christian faith, belong to the jurisdiction of St. Peter and of the holy Roman Church. Wherefore, so much the more willingly do we grant to them that the right faith and the seed grate ful to God may be planted in them, the more we perceive, by examining more strictly our conscience, that this will be required by us. Thou hast signified to us, indeed, most beloved son in Christ, that thou dost desire to enter into the islands of Ireland, in order to subject the people to the laws and to extirpate the vices that have taken root, and that thou art willing to pay an annual pension to St. Peter of one penny from every house, and to preserve the rights of the churches in that land inviolate and entire [that is, not confiscating their revenues]. We, therefore, seconding with the favor it deserves thy pious and laudable desire, and granting a benignant assent to thy petition, are well pleased that, for the restraint of vice, for the correction of morals and the introduction of virtues, and for the advancement of the Christian religion, thou shouldst enter that island and carry out there the things that LEARNING AND ART IN MEDIAEVAL IRELAND. 679 look to the honor of God and to his own salvation. And may the people of that land receive thee with honor and venerate thee as their master ; provided al ways that the rights of the churches remain inviolate and entire, and saving to St. Peter and to the holy Roman Church the annual pension of one penny from each house. If therefore thou dost see fit to complete what thou hast conceived in thy mind, strive to imbue the people with good morals, and bring it to pass, as well through thyself as through those whom thou dost know from their faith, doctrine, and course of life to be fit for such a work, that the Church may be adorned, the Christian religion planted and made to grow, and the things which pertain to the honor of God and to thy salvation be so ordered that thou mayst merit to obtain an abundant and lasting reward from God, and on earth a name glorious through the ages.1 Some Eoman Catholic writers have doubted this letter, first, be cause it is not found in the papal archives, and, second, because it differs in language from other papal documents of the time. But the Vatican archives have lost many documents through war, care lessness, and plunder. Ussher published several bulls issued on Irish affairs which are not in the Vatican, and the Irish Eeeord Office has published several more. The internal evidence favors the genuine ness of the document. Giraldus Cambrensis, who published this bull, had abundant means during his long residence in Eome to satisfy himself as to the authenticity of the document. Besides, the bull is nothing unusual. The Donation of Constantine, which no one thought of doubting in that age, conferred all islands on the pope. Adrian IV was another Hildebrand. He insisted on the em peror Frederick assisting him to mount his horse. He crushed all as pirations for freedom, and he it was who executed Arnold of Brescia. Besides, " pope after pope, legate after legate, even during Henry II's reign, solemnly proclaimed the papal sanction of the Norman conquest of Ireland. Alexander III confirmed Henry's action. The papal legate renewed the confirmation at a public synod in 1177. Numerous bulls extant with ourselves in Alan's Eegister, the Crede Mihi, the Liber Albus and Liber Niger of Christ Church, and in the documents published by the Vatican itself some twenty years ago, proclaim the same thing."" In fact, Eoman Catholic schol ars now generally admit the genuineness of the bull. Lingard takes it for granted,3 and Joyce says that Adrian was deceived by the 1 Henderson, Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, pp. 10, 11 ; Lyttle- ton, Life of Henry II, v, 371 ; Leges Sax., 319 ; New Rymer, 19 ; Gir. Camb., Expurg. Hibernias, ii, 6. 2 Stokes, Ireland and the Anglo-Norman Church, Lond., 1889, 2d ed., 1892, p. 46 ; Theiner, Vetera Monumenta Hibemorum et Scotorum, Rome, 1864. For further evidence, see Ussher, Works, iv, 546-548, Church Quar. Rev. (Lond.), July, 1889, p. 406, and Olden, The Church of Ireland, Lond. and N. Y., 1892, pp. 242-246. ' Hist, of England, 6th ed., ii, 90. 680 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHUUCH. misrepresentation of Henry's envoys as to the horrible social and religious condition of Ireland. ¦ Henry at once organized the Church and State of Ireland on the English model. A synod at Cashel, in 1172, corrected reorganiza- & y tion under the Celtic irregularities, regulated the mode of catechis- henry n. ^ an(j baptism, abolished the Irish looseness in regard to marriage, established the Eoman table of affinity in that matter, and decreed uniformity of divine worship throughout England and Ireland. And thus the full papal and episcopal constitution was established in Ireland which has remained unchanged to the pres ent day. In sections in the east of Ireland the Celtic Church still survived for centuries, and some of its customs are not yet extinct." The anglicizing and romanizing of Ireland, with all the evils, nevertheless introduced order. The Celtic Church had no organ izing capacity, and the innumerable feuds of the petty princes, which had been the curse of Ireland, now gave way to an estab lished life. 1 Short Hist, of Ireland to 1608, p. 247, 248. Joyce says that Henry did not care much about the bull, would have invaded Ireland anyway, and did not make it public until 1175 at a synod at Waterford. He says also that the evi dence is overwhelming in favor of the bull. Lanigan, an eminently fair R. C. historian, says that "never did there exist a more real or authentic document." Eccl. Hist, of Ireland, iv, 167, note 20. 2 See Stokes, Ireland and the Anglo-Norman Church, chap. xv. No historian has ever told the story of a Church with more knowledge and interest than has Stokes related the fortunes of the Irish Church. THE MONKS OF THE EAST. 681 CHAPTEE XXX. THE MONKS OF THE EAST. Monasticism is one of the most instructive phases of ecclesias tical history. It represents a powerful historical current, monasticism which indeed touched many a land before it mingled it- IN GENEE'iL- self in Christian history. That eminent Wesleyan missionary and scholar, Eobert Spence Hardy, has made us familiar with monastic Buddhism.1 Some think that Buddhism influenced Christianity in this respect, but of this there is no evidence." We need not go so far east to find the preludes to Christian monasticism. Egypt, the prolific mother of religions, where the first Christian monks retired from the world, had a well-defined system of monasticism. Sera pis was worshiped by a group of monks living in the Serapeum.3 It would be very natural for this ancient institution to make an impression upon the Egyptian Christians. The Essenes were a Jewish monastic club, who carried out the strict rules of Talmud- ical Pharisaism to the letter. They prove how congenial to the Jewish spirit was the ascetic ideal. The Therapeutae were the more contemplative and pious of the Hellenistic Jews who in or near Alexandria lived a common life in abstinence and religious exercises, and were scattered all over the empire, although not living, except in Alexandria, in a brotherhood.1 Similar ascetic associations sug- ' Eastern Monachism, Lond., 1850 ; new ed., 1864. 2 Much has been said lately about the debt of early Christianity to Buddhism, but there is absolutely no evidence whatever of any contact between the two systems. It is thought that Buddhism spread as far as Parthia, but the earliest Armenian monasticism presents no resemblance to it. See Hatch, Organiza tion of the Early Christian Churches, p. 158, note 42. Hilgenfeld, in Zeit schrift fiir wissensch. Theol., xxi (1878), 147 ff., is one of those who lay great stress on Buddhist influence. 3 For a full reference to authorities see Hatch, p. 157, note 38. 4 Lucius, Die Therapeuten, Strassb. , 1879, has tried to prove that Philo's De Vita Contemplativa was a Christian forgery of about A. D. 300, and that the Therapeutae were really Christian monks, it being the intention of the writer to recommend monasticism to both Jews and Christians by a name whom both revered — Philo. This view has gained wide acceptance, and has even been re ceived by some as now beyond dispute : e.g., Hilgenfeld, in Zeits. f. wissensch. Theologie, xxiii (1880), 423 ff. , transl. by A. G. Langley, in Baptist Rev. , Jan. , 1882, p. 36 ff.; McGiffert, Eusebius, p. 177, note 2; Schurer, Theol. Literaturzei- tung, 1880, No. 5 ; Ohle, Jahrb. f. Prot. Theol., 1887 ; and Jost, Gesch. des Ju- 682 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. gested themselves to the Christians. The whole Orient, in fact, was full of such suggestions. But no great movement springs from external promptings alone. gnosticism I* must follow an impulse of its own life. Christianity a source of nad principles which, if perverted or exaggerated, i^the1101331 would readily lead to monasticism. The strenuous en- church. deavor after perfection ; the bodily mortification which may be used as a discipline of the soul ; and the surrender of earthly ties in times of emergency, could be readily used to lend sanction to the ascetic life. Then, the heavy taxation, the disordered condi tion of society, the crimes and outrages of a cruel court, the perse cutions, the suspense, the uncertainty, the supposed impending judgments of God and the coming of the Lord, all served as causes of the rise of monasticism and of its rapid growth. The desire of holiness and the revulsion from the sins of society prompted many. In the seething unrest of the world the desire for solitude led many a noble soul to seek peace far from the madding crowd. The whole Montanist movement represented an aspect of Christianity which was not far removed from the finer impulses to monasticism. * Then the old subtle antichrist of Gnosticism, the antithesis between mind and matter, between the flesh and the spirit, though conquered by the Church after a hard battle, was not entirely driven out. As Harnack says, it was an enemy which " may be slain, but never de stroyed. It even found its secret allies in many recognized theo logians who united dualism in subtle manner with belief in God, the Almighty Creator. Under the most varied masks and shapes it has appeared ever and anon in the history of Christianity, though it has been compelled to disguise itself."" Gnosticism was the natural mother of monasticism. denthums u. seiner Secten, i, 214, also H. 2, 3, 1888, H. 2. The older view of Gratz, Gesch. der Juden, iii, 549, refers the De Vita to a Christian source. Others, as Nicolas, Derenbourg, Kuenen, ascribe it to a Jew, but to one later than Philo. On the other hand, Edersheim, art. Philo, in Smith and Wace, and in Life and Times of Jesus the Messiah, vol. i, and appendix ; Masse- bieau, Eevue de l'historie des religions, xvi, Nos. 2 and 3 ; and Conybeare, ed De Vita Cont., Lond., 1895, defend the Philonic authorship. In spite of'the weight of names who have followed the lead of the young Alsatian, Lucius, there seems no sufficient reason to believe that Eusebius, H. E., ii, 17, 'was mis taken in ascribing the work to Philo. " The women that are with them were called Therapeutrides "—a description which was not true of Christian monas ticism at the end of the third century. Several other points are also wide of "the mark. 'Harnack, Das Monchthum, seine Ideale und seine Geschichte, Giessen 188' 3d ed., 1886. Transl. by C. E. Gillett, N. Y., 1895, reprinted from Chr' Lit ' Nov., Dec, 1894, Jan., 1895. 2 in Chr. Lit., Nov., 1894 p 11 '' THE MONKS OF THE EAST. 683 It is interesting to notice the reasons alleged by the monks and their apologists for their retirement from the world, reasons for Antony, one of the first of the monks, pondered over THE monastic the fact that the apostles left all and followed the Sav- famous iour, and over the advice to the rich man, " Sell all that monks. thou hast and give to the poor," and resolved to divest himself of all property and devote himself to self-perfection by the solitary life. It was his method of attaining Christian perfection.1 The feeling of Chrysostom was similar. He was a monk himself at one time, and in several of his treatises he speaks of this mode of life. He says it was absolutely necessary to flee from the cities to preserve one's self from contamination. The blame should fall, not to those who escaped from the city, but to those who made life there intoler able to virtuous men. Only in retirement could pious aspirations find encouragement and the soul be left free to cultivate the heav enly life. There the " true philosophy " could be uninterruptedly studied. According to Chrysostom monasticism is necessary for piety, at least in the present depraved condition of the world." " What then is more blessed," says Basil, " than to imitate in earth the concert of the angels ; than to haste to prayer at the very dawn of day, and to honor the Creator with hymns and songs ; then when the sun shines clearly, turning to work in which prayer is ever present, to spice our labors with hymns as with salt? " Their study of Scripture was supposed to be fruitful and undisturbed. Augustine idealized the monastic life as the most perfect possible, and in his comments on Psalm cxxxiii (Lat. cxxxii) he speaks of the first verse of this beautiful lyric as a sound from God for the monks to come together : " For these same words of the Psalter, this sweet sound, that honeyed melody, as well of the mind as of the hymn, did even beget the monasteries. By this sound were stirred up the brethren who longed to dwell together." He calls this the "summons of God, the summons of the Holy Spirit."3 The fact that this is perfectly fanciful is not to the point. His exposi tion of Psalm xxxvii (Lat. xxxvi), though it does not treat monas ticism directly, yet so influenced St. Fulgentius toward the reli gious life that he renounced the world and assumed the vows.4 In fact, after the rise of monasticism any conception of a true Christian life in the world seemed absolutely impossible. In his long and famous letter to Eustochium, written in 384, Jerome describes the early monks. It is interesting to hear this 1 Athan. , Vita S. Ant. , 2-4. On genuineness of this see below, p. 685, note 2. 2 Adv. Oppug. VitaB Mon., passim. 3 Works, vol. viii, p. 622 (ed. Christian Literature Co.). * Ibid., p. 90. 684 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. contemporary account : " There are in Egypt three classes of monks, the cenobites,1 or men living in a community;" the anchorites,3 who live in the desert ; and the Eemoboth, a very inferior type peculiar to my own province (Pannonia). These last live together in twos and threes, and do exactly as they choose. In most cases they reside in cities and strongholds ; and, as though it were their jerome's de- workmanship which is holy, and not their life, all they scription of geij jg extremeiy dear. They compete in fasting ; they the monks. make what should be a private concern an occasion for a triumph. In everything they study effect ; their sleeves are loose, their boots bulge, their garb is of the coarsest. They are always sneering at the clergy. When a holiday comes they make themselves sick by eating too much." The first principle of the cenobites is to obey superiors. They are divided into bodies of tens and of a hundred, so that each tenth man has authority over nine others, while the hundredth has ten of these officers under him. They live apart in separate cells. No monk may visit another be fore three o'clock, except the deans * above mentioned, whose office it is to comfort those whose thoughts disquiet them. After three o'clock they meet to sing psalms and read the Scriptures. When the prayers are ended one called the father begins to expound the por tion of the day. Silent tears roll down their cheeks, but not a sob escapes their lips. After the meeting each company of ten goes with its father to its own table. No noise is made over the food ; no one talks while eating. Bread, pulse, and greens form their fare ; the only seasoning is salt. When the meal is over they all rise to gether, and after singing a hymn return to their dwellings. Each man keeps vigil in his own chamber. Each day has its allotted task. Every Lord's day they spend their whole time in prayer and read ing. Every day they learn by heart a portion of Scripture. They keep the same fasts all the year round, but in Lent they are allowed to live more strictly. After Whitsuntide they exchange their evening meal for a midday one, both to satisfy the tradition of the Church and to avoid overloading their stomachs with a double sup ply of food. Jerome concludes his description by saying that : " A similar description is given of the Essenes by Philo, Plato's imi tator ; also by Josephus, the Greek Livy, in his narrative of the Jewish captivity." b The first hermit of whom we have record is Paul, a native of the Lower Thebaid, who in the Decian persecution (249-258) fled to 1 Koivbc fiios, a common life. ¦' In commune viventes. 8 From avaxupelv, to withdraw. * Decani, " leaders of ten." '- Jer., Ep. xxii, 34, 35. THE MONKS OF THE EAST. 685 the desert, where he established himself in a cavern by a palm tree and a spring of water. Here he remained until his death, which, ac cording to Jerome, was in his one hundred and thirteenth paul and year. l His chief successor was Anthony, who fixed his anthony. dwelling first in a tomb, and then in a ruined fort near the Nile, where he remained for twenty years. He left this place of retirement in 311, to encourage the Christians of Alexandria during the persecution of Maximin. His last residence was in a small grove of date palms, near the Bed Sea, at Mount Kolzim. In 335 he left his grove at the request of Athanasius to preach against the Arians. " His fame," says Littledale, " drew not only frequent visitors to his cell, but numerous disciples and imitators around him, attracted not alone by his pious austerities, but by his cheerful and courteous manners and shrewd practical judgment. He made the solitary life honorable and popular, fully justifying Jerome's phrase in comparing him with Paul, Hujus vitse auctor Paulus, illustrator etiam Antonius." ' At his death, in 365, aged one hundred and five, the desert was thronged with hermitages, so prepared was the soil for monasticism. 1 See his life in Jerome, pp. 299 ff. (Chr. Lit. ed.). 2 Art. Monachism, in Encyc. Brit. , 9th ed. His life has been written by Athana sius, and has occasioned great controversy. After a study of the evidence we are convinced that there is no sufficient reason for denying this work to Athana sius. On the contrary, as Principal Robertson says, there is no work of Athana sius which has so great weight of external proof in its favor. And, although there are internal difficulties, there are none which cannot be reasonably ex plained. In fact, nearly all the objections arise from a priori prepossessions of what a work by Athanasius should contain. The attack was led by the first Protestant historians, the Magdeburg centuriators, Rivet, Basnage, and has been continued by Weingarten, Ursprung des Monchthuins, Gotha, 1877, and in Herzog and Plitt ; Gass in Zeitsch. fur Kirchengesch. , ii, 274 ; Gwatkin, Studies in Arianism, pp. 98-103 ; Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, i, 335, note 4, and Contemp. Rev., Nov., 1887 ; Kurtz, § 44, i. On the other hand, Keim, Ans dem Urchristenthum, pp. 207 ff. , and Hilgenfeld, in Zeitsch. f . wiss. Theol. , 1878, place the book in the lifetime of Athanasius without deciding positively for the Athanasian authorship, while Noel Alex. ; Montf aucon, in various places in ed. of Athanasius, who critically sifted the whole question ; Cave, Hist. Lit., i, 193 ; Tillemont, Mem., vii ; Hase, Jahrb. f. Prot. Theol., 1880 ; Harnack in Theol. Literaturz., xi, 391 ; Moller, Church Hist., i, 356 ; Bright, in Smith and Wace, i, 161 ; Eichhorn, Athanasii de vita ascetica testimonia, Halle, 1886, a most convincing discussion ; and Robertson, ed. Athanasius, in Schaff and Wace, Post-Nicene Library, iv, 188-193, who gives a fine summary of the evi dence on both sides, agree in upholding Evagrius, Jerome, Ephrem Syrus and other contemporary and ancient authors in assigning the book to Athana sius. An excellent handy ed. of Greek text is that by Maunoury, Paris, 1887, with French notes. 686 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The man who first organized the new departure, and brought it under rules was Pachomius, who established himself at pachomius. Taberma3, an island in the Nile, between Farshoot and Denderah. His rules were substantially those indicated in Je rome's picture of the cenobitic life. A number of cells clustered around each other were called a laura. Handicrafts were intro duced. A community of nuns was founded by the sister of Pa chomius, and at his death, 348 or after, he had no fewer than four teen hundred monks in his own cenobium and seven thousand under his authority. Similar unions were established by Ammon in the Nitrian mountains and by Maccarius in the Scetic desert. Basil the Great and Gregory Nazianzen with great enthusiasm in troduced the monastic life into Cappadocia and Pontus, and very soon it was spread throughout the Eastern world. There were not wanting, however, voices lifted against the mo nastic mania. These came from two sources. First, there were those who heartily responded to the new ideal, but who were too candid and farseeing not to appreciate what Wordsworth has said in our own times : " They who from willful disesteem of life Affront the eye of solitude, shall find That her mild nature can be terrible." Augustine speaks of the terrible revulsion of feeling of some when admitted to monasteries, and finding the same vices and crimes as voices ™ ^e outside world. He compares the retired life to a against the harbor which must be open on one side to the sea, and "on this open side the wind rushes in, and, where there are no rocks, ships dashed together shatter one another." There is safety nowhere, he says, until we enter heaven, " when the gates are shut and the bars of the gates of Jerusalem made fast." He speaks of the novice entering the monastery and saying impa tiently, "I thought that love was here," and leaving in disgust.1 In a powerfully dramatic passage Jerome describes his own bitter temptations in the desert : " I, then, who for fear of hell had con demned myself to such a prison, a comrade only of scorpions and wild beasts, was in imagination among dances of girls." "I used to dread my very cell, as though it knew my thoughts, and, stern and angry with myself, I used to make my way alone into the des ert." " He describes monks whose renunciation of the world con sisted in a change of clothes and a verbal profession. He speaks of their extravagance, pride, and avarice.3 He says : "The depths of forests, the summits of hills, make not a man blessed, if he have 1 Com. on Psa. c. 2Ep. xxii (Fremantle ed., p. 25). 3 Ep. cxxv, 16. THE MONKS OF THE EAST. 687 not with him a solitude of the mind, a Sabbath of the heart, a calm of conscience, and inward aspirations. Without these all solitude is attended by listless despair, vainglory, and perilous storms of temptations." l Another class who protested against the rage for monasticism were those who seemed to have little faith in it, and be- protest of lieved it was at best a perversion of Christianity, vigilantics. Among these was Vigilantius, a presbyter of Barcelona at the open ing of the fifth century, who had formerly been associated with Je rome at Bethlehem. He was a Protestant of his day. In a book which is unfortunately lost he called the Church back to a more spiritual religion. He protested especially, first, against the rever ence paid the relics of holy men by carrying them around the Church in costly vessels or silken wrappings to be kissed, and the prayers offered to the dead ; second, the late watchings at the basil icas of martyrs, with their attendant scandals, the burning of nu merous tapers, and the alleged miracles ; third, the sending of alms to Jerusalem, which, he urged, had better be spent among the poor in each locality ; fourth, the monkish vow of poverty ; and, fifth, the exaggerated estimate of virginity." His book enraged Jerome, who could not endure its calm reasoning. His reply is the weakest and most violent of all Jerome's books, although its vigorous lan guage and spleen make it bright reading. One point made by Vigi lantius was that monasticism is cowardice — the running away from the battle. This Jerome admits. But the odds are too heavy in the world. " I fly that I may not be overcome." " There can be no doubt," says Zockler, " that Jerome wrote no treatise which, both as to the matters which he defended, and, as to its tone of hatred and passion, was more unworthy of him than this immoderately vehe ment apology for a superstitious idolizing of the creature and a ceremonial sanctity, against a man who at least in the main was striving to uphold the standpoint of pure evangelical truth. " Jovinianus, though himself a blameless monk, put forth a treatise to check the monastic development. He asserted that in the sight of God a virgin is no better as such than a wife, and that abstinence is no better than a thankful partaking of food. These were thoroughly radical views, and enough to eradicate monasticism. Jerome replied in a long treatise. No doubt these protests met the ' Ivo de Chartres, Ep. cxcii. 2 Fremantle, ed. Jerome, p. 417, and in Smith and Wace, iv, 1142. 3 Hieronymus, Gotha, 1865, p. 310. Justice has been done to the fame of Vigilantius by Gilly, Canon of Durham, Vigilantius and His Times, Lond., 1844, an accurate and careful study of the Christianity of the fourth century. 688 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. approval of many whose names have not come down to us. We know that Vigilantius was supported by his own bishop, and was not accounted a heretic in his day. There was, indeed, reason for these counter voices. The cruelty, debauchery, avarice, pride, anger, and filthiness of the monks were incontestable. The fifth of the Conferences of Cassian, one of the great authorities on monasticism, is occupied with a treatment of these and other faults of the monks.1 Melancholy and dark de spair also seized upon them. " This anxiety of heart," says Cassian, " which they call by the Greek name acedia, was consid ered by the poor hermits to be the ' demon that walketh in the noonday,' of David's Psalms. It made them callous and apathetic, filling: them with contempt for their brethren, horror the evils of ° r ' the monastic of their abode, and disgust for their cell. It paralyzed LIFE- their souls with despair about themselves, their duty, and their choice of life. It is the dreadful reaction of a nature occu pied with alternate self-conceit and self-disgust, resulting from conditions which God never intended for our human life. " ' In sanity, imagining monsters, hideous sounds, and hypochondria were attendants of the ascetic life. Cassian tells us that terrible crimes were committed under the influence of demoniac delusions, the poor victims thinking that they were performing heroic acts of virtue. Many ended their career in suicide — sometimes in horrible forms, and the heathen taunted them with being self-murderers.* Amelineau, who has gone into the early Egyptian monasticism with great thoroughness, says that the monks were " at heart far from true virtue. The great majority of them were simple fellahin, without education, or artisans of a low class ; all were of nature rude, gross, and of violent passions." The Coptic accounts are full of details of their licentiousness and brutality. They even descended to the depths of sodomy ; and insubordination, abortion, and infanticide were frequent. In fact, Amelineau thinks that the conversion in Egypt was chiefly in name.5 From such a hotbed of fanaticisms it was inevitable that many strange and sporadic products should spring. The Eustathianists, 1 Cassian, Coll., 5 (Chr. Lit. ed., pp. 339-351). 2 Ibid., De Inst. Mon., x. 3 Farrar, Lives of the Fathers, ii, 165. 4 Farrar, Ibid., ii, 166, 167. On the suicide of the monks, see Nilns, Ep. 140 ; Paehom., Vita, 61 ; Ambrose, De Virginibus ad Mareillinam, iii ; Greg. Naz., Carm., xlvii, 100, ff. ; Zockler, Krit. Geschichte der Askese, Frankf 1863, p. 220. 6 Etude historique sur St. Pachome et le cenobitisme primitif dans la Haute Egypte, d'apres les monuments Coptes, Paris, 1887. See H. M. Scott, in Cu'-. Disc, vi, 192-196. THE MONKS OF THE EAST. 689 so called from Eustathius, Bishop of Sebaste, carried out their mo nastic principle to its logical conclusion. They repudiated the Church fasts, ordained their own, the women dressed in men's clothes, servants forsook their masters and wives their husbands to join these monks.1 The Euchites were another of those extravagant bodies whose teachings were as vicious as themselves. The Abelites, who gained disciples around Hippo, married, but lived in absti- PANATI0AL KE_ nence, increasing their numbers by adopting a boy and sults of mo- girl in each family. The Boskoi or Grazers roved NASTIC1SM- about Mesopotamia and Palestine shelterless and nearly naked, groveling on the earth and browsing like cattle on the herbs." Our modern imagination has been impressed more, perhaps, by the Pillar-saints, whose founder, Simeon Stylites, the genius of Tennyson has immortalized : " I, Simeon of the pillar, by surname Stylites, among men ; I, Simeon, The watcher on the column till the end ; I, Simeon, whose brain the sunshine bakes ; I, whose bald brows in silent hours become Unnaturally hoar with rime, do now From my high nest of penance here proclaim That Pontius and Iscariot by my side Showed like fair seraphs." Simeon was a Syrian monk, who after several years in mon asteries, and after having performed the feat of fasting forty days, ascended a pillar to escape the crowds. The pillar was seventy-two feet high and four feet in diameter. Here he spent thirty years. At night he meditated and slept, and in the day he preached to the people and gave them spiritual advice. He sent letters to Theodosius II, Leo III, and Eudoxia, severely reprimanding them, and his exhortations were often followed. He converted thousands of the Saracens, and Arab and Persian princes came to him for advice. He died at Tela- THe pillar- messa, near Antioch, in 459." Simeon found many im- s-"NTS- itators. Alypius spent fifty (some say seventy) years on his pillars, and so late as 1180 Simeon Fulminatus was hurled from a pillar by a thunderbolt. The most heroic pillar-saint was Daniel, who car ried out this mode of life for thirty-three years on the shore of the Bosporus, where he was often almost blown from his pillar by storms, and was for days together covered with snow and ice. The 1 Soz., H. E., iii, 14. 2 Soz., H. E., vi, 33 ; Evag., H. E., i, 21. 3 Theod., H. E., xxvi ; Antonius, in Acta Sane, Jan., tom. i, p. 261. 44 690 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. emperor at last insisted on placing a covering over the top of the pillar. Daniel died in 494. Monasticism easily lent itself, therefore, to immorality on the one hand and the most frightful extravagances on the other. Nor can we be surprised at the law lessness of the monks. At their doors lie two black crimes— the murder of Hypatia in Alexandria and of the patriarch Flavian at the Robber Synod of Ephesus. They worried Basil and assailed Chrysostom. They were the terror of the State, and their wild law lessness forms a dark picture on the page of ecclesiastical history. Littledale states the case very moderately when he says : " Even when the healthier side of monachism as it appeared in Egypt and urri.EDALE's Syria is dwelt upon, and the fullest weight is allowed indictment to the contemporary pictures drawn by great Christian Z 1"°^™" writers of the monasteries as schools of a philosophy CISM IN THE east. truer and purer than that of the Porch and of the Academy, as places where the equality and brotherhood, merely dreamed of as unrealizable fancies in the other world, could be seen in living action, where children deserted by their parents or otherwise orphaned were tenderly reared, where the sick were lov ingly tended, where calmness, piety, and self-forgetfulness were the rule of all — it must be confessed that the complaint of the gov ernment, embodied in the hostile legislation of the emperor Valens irj 373, subjecting monks to the conscription (which drew forth an indignant protest from Chrysostom), that monachism was injurious to society and to the healthy condition of civil life by draining off so large a fraction of the population into the backwater of the cloister, was perfectly well founded. And no small part of the overthrow of Christianity in Egypt and Syria by Islam is due to the practical withdrawal of all the devout from family and public life, leaving no spiritual energy to cope with the Koran in the towns and villages whither the conquering Arabs came to settle and proselytize." ' Eastern monasticism has ever remained that inane, fruitless thing it was in the days of Augustine and Jerome. It neither cultivated lands nor learning, nor preached the Gospel. The most precious literary treasures in the world it has stowed away in the garrets of its monasteries until some Tischendorf or Mrs. Lewis has ferreted them out. What it needed was an organizing spirit, to bring the crowds of idle, vicious, aimless monks into relation to some real work of the world. But in monachism, as in everything else, Rome, doctrinally more corrupt than Constantinople, has had the genius to bring into practical use the wild extravagances of the East, and has therefore conferred infinitely more benefits upon the world. 1 Art. Monachism, in Encyc. Brit., 9th ed. LITERATURE : THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 691 LITERATURE : THE MONASTIC ORDERS. I. GENERAL HISTORY. 1. Miraeus, F. Regulae et constitutiones olericorum in congregationibus viventium. Antv., 1638. 2. Holstenius, L. Codex regularum monasticarum et canonicarnm. 6 vols. Roma, 1661. New ed., August. Vindel., 1759. 3. Henrion. Histoire des ordres religieux. Paris, 1835. 4. Moehler, J. A. Geschichte des Monchthums in der Zeit ihrer Entstehung und ersten Ausbildung. In his Gesammelte Schriften und Aufsatze, edited by J. J. I. Dollinger, vol. ii, p. 165. Regensb, 1840. 5. Biedenfeld, F. L. K. Ursprung, Aufleben . . . und jetzige Zustande sam- mtlicher Monchs-und Klosterfrauen-Orden im Orient und Occident. 3 vols. Weimar, 1857. 6. Helyot, R. P. Histoire des ordres monastiques religieux et militaires. 8 vols. Paris, 1714-19 ; revised ed., 1838. 7. Fosbrooke, T. D. British Monachism ; or, Manners and Customs of the Monks and Nuns of England. Lond., 1803 ; 3d ed., Lond., 1843. 8. Monastic Institutions. Lond., 1846. 9. Dugdale, W. Monasticon Anglicanum. 8 -vols. New ed., Lond., 1849. 10. Ruffner, H. The Fathers of the Desert ; or, An Account of the Origin and Practice of Monkery. 2 vols. N. Y., 1850. 11. Jameson, Anne. Legends of the Monastic Orders. Lond., 1850 ; new ed., Bost., 1880. Last ed., rev. and enl. by Miss Estelle M. Hurll, Bost., 1896. 12. Montalembert, Count de. Les moines de l'Occident. 6 vols. Paris, 1860- 77. Engl, transl., The Monks of the West from St. Benedict to St. Bernard. 7 vols. Edinb., 1861-79. New ed., with introd. on Monastic Constitutions, by F. A. Gasquet. 7 vols. Lond., 1896. 13. Weingarten, H. Ueber den Ursprung des Monchthums im nachconstan- tinischen Zeitalter. Gotha, 1877. Began a new era in the discussion of monasticism. 14. Bornemann, F. W. B. De investiganda Monachatus origine quibus de causis ratio habenda sit Origenis. Gott., 1885. 15. Ebner, A. Klosterliche Gebets-Verbriiderungen bis zum Ausgange des karolingischen Zeitalters. Regensb., 1890. 16. Gasquet, F. A. Henry VIII and the English Monasteries. 2 vols. Lond., 1888-92 ; 5th ed., 1895. A thorough investigation from a Roman Catholic point of view. 17. Gruetzmacher, G. Die Bedentung Benedikts von Nursia und seiner Regel in der Geschichte des Monchthums. Berl., 1892. 18. Harnack, A. Das Monchthum, seine Ideale und seine Geschichte. Gies- sen, 1886; 4th ed., 1895. English translation, by Charles R. Gillett. N. Y., 1895. 19. Smith, I. G. Christian Monasticism from the fourth to the ninth century of the Christian era. Lond., 1892. The best general history in man ageable compass. 692 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 20. Spreitzenhofer, E. Die Entwicklung des alten Monchthums in Italien von seinen ersten Anf angen bis zum Auftreten des heiligen Benedikts. Wien, 1895. 21. Eckenstein, L. Woman under Monasticism, A. D. 500-1500. Lond., 1896. n. SAINT BENEDICT. 1. Waitzmann, J. G. Leben und Wirken des heiligen Benedikt. Augsb., 1835. 2. Rule of our Most Holy Father Benedict. Lond., 1886. 3. Doyle, F. C. The Teaching of St. Benedict. Lond., 1887. 4. Benedicti Regula Monachorum. Lipsise, 1895. 5. Gruetzmacher, G. Die Bedentung Benedikts, etc. See above. m. BENEDICTINES. 1. Mabillon, Joh. Acta sanctorum Ordinis St. Benedicti (500-1100). 9 vols. Lutet. Paris., 1668-1701. 2. . Annales Ordinis St. Benedicti (ad annum 1157). 6 vols. Lutet. Paris., 1703-39. 3. Ziegelbaur and Legipont. Historia rei literariaa Ordinis St. Benedicti. 4 vols. Augsb. , 1654. 4. Tassin, R. P. Histoire litteraire de la Congregation de Saint-Maor. Brux. and Paris, 1770. German translation, Frankf . , 1773. 5. Stephen, Sir J. The French Benedictines. (In his Essays in Ecclesiastical Biography.) 4th edition. Lond., 1860. IV. CISTERCIANS, OR BERNARDINES. 1. Mirseus, Aub. Chronicon Cisterciensis Ordinis. Cologne, 1614. 2. De Burgen, A. M. Annales Cistercienses. 4 vols. Lyons, 1642-59. 3. Sartorius, Augustinus. Cistercium. Prague, 1700. 4. Newman, J. H. (ed). The Cistercian saints of England. Lond., 1844. 5. Newman, J. H. History of the Cistercian Order. Lond., 1852. 6. Winter, Frz. Die Cistercienser des nordostlichen Deutschlands. 3 vols. Gotha, 1868-71. 7. Janauschek, L. Originum cisterciensium : Tom. i. . . . Vienna, 1877. V. CLUNIANS. 1. Bibliotheca Cluniacensis. Paris, 1614. 2. D' Achery, L. Spicilegium. Paris, 1665. 2d edition by Barre, Tom. i, 1733. 3. Herrgott, M. Vetus disciplina Monastica. Paris, 1726. 4. Lorain. Essai historique sur l'Abbaye de Clugny. Dijon, 1839. 5. Champly, H. Histoire de l'Abbaye de Cluny. 1886. 6. Cucherat, F. Cluny au onzieme siecle. 1875. 7. Duckett, G. F. Record evidence of Cluni. 1886. 8. Giseke, P. Ueber den Gegensatz der Cluniaoenser und Cistercienser. Magdeb., 1886. 9. Charters and Records of Cluni. 1888. 10. Sackur, E. Die Cluniaoenser in ihrer kirchlichen und allgemeingeBChioht- lichen Wirksamkeit bis zur Mitte des elften Jahrhnnderts. Vols. i-ii. Halle, 1892-94. THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 693 CHAPTER XXXI. THE MONASTIC ORDERS. The intercourse of Athanasius with Italy and Gaul brought the news of the new monastic fervor to the West, and, once introduced, the impulse was resistless. One of the earliest of the martin op Western monks was St. Martin of Tours, who before 360 TOtms- lived as a hermit near Genoa, and then settled near Poictiers and founded the first French monastery, that at Liguge. In 375 he was elected Bishop of Tours, and, although he performed the duties of his bishopric with energy, he lived as a monk, and founded on the bank of the Loire the famous monastery of Marmoutier. He did much for the extirpation of paganism, and thus became the type of those great monastic missionaries who are the glory of the mediaeval Church. He died in 400.' When Augustine came to Milan in 385 he heard the name of St. Antony mentioned as a widely known and eminent saint," and he adds, " And there was a monastery at Milan, full of good brethren, without the walls of the city, under the fostering care of Ambrose." 3 Before 370 Rufinus had lived in a monastery at Aquileia, which is probably the first institution of the kind in the West. It was there that Jerome became imbued with the ascetic feeling, which led him to subject himself to all the torturing excesses of the anchorites in the Syrian Thebaid. He emerged from this wild asceticism by being made a presbyter in Antioch, where he studied the Greek theology. In 382 he returned to Rome, and placed his intellectual equipment at the service of the bishop, Damasus. He became acquainted with many ladies of rank, whom he tried to inflame with love for the ascetic ideal. At the funeral of Blesilla, whose death was supposed to have been hastened by her overstrictness of life, the cry was raised, " To the Tiber with the monks." Jerome re turned to the East. But nothing could prevent the rising tide. Augustine says that he saw in Rome various cloisters under the guidance of men of learning and piety, their inmates leading a life 1 The Confession attributed to him is, according to Weingarten, spurious. His life was written by his pupil, Sulpicius Severus, and will be found in Roberts's ed., Chr. Lit. Co., 1894, pp. 3-17. ! Conf., viii, 6. 3 He refers to this also in De Mor. Ecel. Cath., § 70. 694 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of love, glory, and freedom, and maintaining themselves by their own hands. He also "found many women, especially widows and maidens, living in a common life, occupied with spinning and weaving, instructed in Christian behavior and knowledge by their presidents (women), and, like men, performing extraordinary feats in fasting." ¦ The islands west of Italy and south of Gaul became the home of innumerable monks. One of the most eminent of the first Western monks was Pauli nus of Nola (353-431). He came from one of the noblest of the paulinus of °ld Roman families in Aquitaine, and was born in nola. Bordeaux. He was the pupil of Ausonius, the poet and rhetorician, and was consul in 379. But he turned aside from all these worldly prospects, and, under the influence of Martin of Tours and Ambrose, became a clergyman, parted from his wife with her consent, was made presbyter of Barcelona in 393, moved to Nola, near Naples, in 394, and about 409 became bishop of that city. In vain Ausonius tried to retain his pupil amid the society and studies that had been so congenial to him. Out of his own means Paulinus built a hospital at Nola, churches at Nola and Faidi, and a great aqueduct at Nola, and bought the freedom of prison ers and relieved debtors. These wide charities brought a vast mul titude of beggars, some of whom came from long distances. Pauli nus was one of the best examples of that type of Western monks. He was a poet and scholar, interested in works of public improve ment, and ever retained a cheerful and loving spirit amid all the squalor and selfishness of his time." John Cassian was thoroughly acquainted with Eastern mona chism, founded a monastery in Gaul, and was the first to lay a literary basis for the institution.3 His books are of great value in understanding the spirit of the early monasticism. His own monastery at Marseilles, and the other foundations of southern Gaul, were centers of spiritual life and light. The most important bishops, like Honoratus, Hilary, and Lupus, came from them. It was left, however, to Benedict of Nursia to be the first to bring the many monastic institutions under one Rule, and unite them for spiritual and missionary purposes. Benedict was born in 480 at Nursia, in the duchy of .Spoleto. J De Mor. Eccl. Cath., 70, 71, A. D. 388; Moller, Ch. Hist., i, 366. 2 His writings are in Migne, and his Life has been written by Buse, Regensb., 1856, and Lagrange, Paris, 1877, Germ, transl., 1882. 3 See his works in Migne, and in Post-Nicene Fathers, ed. by Gibson, N. Y., 1894, with valuable Prolegomena. An excellent abstract in Moller Ch Hist'' i, 368-371. JOHN CASSIAN. THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 695 He was sent as a boy to be educated in Rome, but, shocked by the immorality he saw there, he fled to a cave near Subiaco, which is still pointed out to travelers, not far from the site of Nero's villa of Sublaqueum. Here he was wont, like St. Jerome, to subdue his passions by rolling his naked body among the thorns and rocks. The fame of his sanctity soon spread abroad, and his soli tude was invaded. A neighboring convent of monks chose him for their head, but they could not endure his severities. They attempted to poison him, but the cup broke in his hands, and, after reproving their wickedness, he retired to his cave. Little companies of monks grew up around his retreat and placed them selves under his direction. He thus became, without wishing it, the spiritual director of multitudes. It was probably about 530 that he moved his disciples to Monte Cassino, in order to free himself from the machinations of a dissolute priest. On the top of this mountain was an ancient temple of Apollo, the center of worship by the ignorant peasants. Benedict con- benedict or verted them, destroyed the temple, cut down the grove, nursia. built a monastery, and thus " arose that great model republic, which gave its laws to almost the whole of Western monasticism." ' On the summit of a mountain, still inaccessible to carriages, over looking the peaceful Liris (" taciturnus amnis")," and with the wild crags of Abruzzi as a background, he reared his foundation, and installed his monks within the very walls of the sun god's tem ple. Here for at least twelve years he presided over his followers and composed his famous Rule in the same year in which Justinian promulgated his Code. Here he confronted the ferocious Totila (542) at the head of his victorious Ostrogoths, and here he would console himself at rare intervals with interviews with his sister, Scholastica, herself a recluse near by. He died about 543." ' Milman, Lat. Christianity, ii, 30. 2 Hor., Carm., i, 31, 8, Non rura, quae Liris quieta Mordet aqua, taciturnus amnis. 3 For the Life of Benedict see Gregory the Great, Dial, ii, in Migne, lxvi ; Mabillon, Acta Sanctorum O. S. B., Ssec. i; Acta Sanct., Bolland., 21 Mar., iii ; I. G. Smith, art. in Smith and Wace. " Through mists of years behold him yet 1 The garb severe, the aspect meek, Serene yet firmly set, And lips that seem to speak, With power to draw heaven's lightning down, And stay or raise the tempest's rain. So kings doff robe or crown, Won o'er to swell his train." 696 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Benedict of Nursia is one of the central figures of mediaeval his tory. With subtle insight into human nature, with mild firmness, and with large views, he humanized monasticism, and brought it into living relations with Christian progress and civilization. Com pared with all other monastic rules the Benedictine is noted for its mildness and evangelical tone. His Rule abounds in Scripture, in one place alone quoting seventy passages. It insists on manual labor, and gives due honor to study. Thus it has been that of all the orders of monks the Benedictine has had the most honor able history, not chargeable with the bloodguiltiness of the Domin icans, the craft of the Jesuits, or the fanaticism of the Beggar Friars. Let us look at the three aspects of the order — piety, labor, study. Parts of the Rule of Benedict might be read as a devotional practice. Of prayer he says : " We should supplicate with all rule or bene- devotion and purity God, who is Lord of all. And DICT- let us know that we are heard, not for much speaking, but for purity of heart and compunction of tears. And therefore prayer ought to be brief and pure, unless, perchance, it be prolonged by the influence of the inspiration of the divine grace. When as sembled together, then, let the prayer be altogether brief ; and, the sign being given by the prior, let all rise together." ' The Psalms were a great favorite of Benedict, as of many of the medieval saints. Every week they were to be said or sung throughout. After speaking of the order or arrangement of the Psalter, Bene dict says : " If this distribution of psalms be not pleasing to any one he shall arrange it otherwise if he think best, provided he sees to it under all circumstances that every week the entire Psalter, to the number of one hundred and fifty psalms, is said. And at Sunday at vigils it shall always begin anew. For those monks show a too scanty proof of their devotion who during the course of a week sing less than the Psalter with its customary canticles, in asmuch as we read that our holy Fathers in one day rigidly fulfilled that which we— lukewarm as we are— might perform in an entire week." " The psalms were to be read or sung antiphonaUy or in unison. " Books, moreover, of the Old and New Testament of divine au thority shall be read at the vigils ; but also expositions of them which have been made by the most celebrated orthodox teachers and Catholic Fathers." 3 The brothers must learn how to be silent, ' Rule of St. Benedict, § 20. This Rule is found in Migne, lxvi, cols. 215 ff. It is translated in Henderson's invaluable collection, Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, Lond., 1892, pp. 274 ff. » ibid., § 18. » Ibid., § 9. THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 697 and, of course, all "idle words and those exciting laughter we condemn in all places with a lasting prohibition ; nor do we permit a disciple to open his mouth for such sayings." ' Before others the monk must be with " head inclined, his looks fixed upon the ground, remembering every hour that he is guilty of his sins. Let him think that he is already being presented before the tremendous judgment of God, saying always to himself in his heart what that publican of the gospel, fixing his eyes on the earth, said, ' Lord, I am not worthy, I, a sinner, so much as to lift up mine eyes unto heaven.' " " We may well believe that Thomas Aquinas studied this Rule as a manual of morality. Holiness, love, Christ — these were exalted above all. "As there is an evil zeal of bitterness which separates from God and leads to hell, so there is a good zeal which separates from vice and leads to God and eternal life. Let the monks therefore exercise this zeal with the most fervent love ; let them mutually surpass themselves in honor ; let them not pa tiently tolerate their weakness, whether of body or character ; let them vie with each other in showing obedience ; let no one pursue what he thinks useful for himself, but rather what he thinks useful for another ; let them love the brotherhood with a chaste love ; let them fear God ; let them love their abbot with a sincere and hum ble love ; let them prefer nothing whatever to Christ who leads us alike to eternal life." ' Benedict believed thoroughly what Carlyle calls the "gospel of work." " Idleness is the enemy of the soul. And there- LAB0R AM0NG fore to fixed times the brothers ought to be occupied in the benedic- manual labor."* This wise regulation was the salvation TINES- of monasticism. This made the Benedictine order the pioneer of civilization. The Benedictines were the great road-makers of the Middle Ages. They cleared away the forests, drained, dyked, and filled in the swamps, and reclaimed to fertility valuable lands. They were also the pioneers of agriculture. Theodalf's plow and Dunstan's anvil were far holier relics than decayed rags and pieces of bone. The monks taught the German races how to lay aside the bow and the spear, and how to use the spade and the chisel. In a turbulent and warlike time they were the teachers of the dignity of labor and the fruitful arts of peace. The reclaiming of the river Thames to commerce and history is a notable instance of the triumph of the Benedictines. In barbaric times the Thames was, says Wood, a " mere tidal swamp bounded on either side by ranges of hills, to which the waves reached at high water, and shrinking at low water into a tortuous muddy ditch, with no particular bank, and having 1 Rule of St. Benedict, § 6. s Ibid. , § 7. 8 Ibid. , § 72. * Ibid. , § 48. 698 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. on either side an expanse of pestilential mud." ' This useless and harmful expanse was converted by some directing genius, who en gineered one of the most herculean works of history into an arti ficial river. In doing this he changed the course of history and turned the commercial supremacy of the world into Anglo-Saxon hands. This work was done by the Benedictine monks. Of old their monasteries lined the banks of the Thames. They gave that river to civilization. But study went hand in hand with labor, the day being divided between these two duties. In the summer labor pre- benedict's . r devotion to dominated, and study in the winter. In Lent the study learning. hours were lengthened, and during Sunday all engaged in reading. All books taken from the library must be read entirely through." Study hours were not to be disturbed by idle brothers wandering aimlessly about. This one rule filled the Benedictine order with artists and writers and scholars. In the scriptorium they copied the manuscripts of antiquity and preserved for us the pagan and Christian classics. Others revised the texts of such works as were held in highest esteem. Charles the Great committed to the Bene dictine Alcuin the work of preparing a perfect codex of the Holy Scriptures. The works of Pliny, Sallust, Macrobius, and the Ora tions of Cicero against Verres have been preserved to us by dis covery and copying. The Benedictine Cassiodorus gave rules for the guidance of his brethren in their studies. He had collected, and he enjoins them to read, the Greek and Latin Fathers, the Church historians, the geographers and grammarians whose works were then extant and in repute, with various medical books for the assistance of those monks to whom the care of the infirmary was confided. By this order were laid or preserved the foundations of all the emi nent schools of learning of modern Europe." ¦In Good Words, 1879 ; Libr. Mag., ii, 512, ff. These artificial river banks extend from London Bridge seaward below Gravesend. They are nine or ten feet high and thirty wide. " Put all the pyramids together, and they could scarcely supply material for this vast embankment." 2 Rule, § 48. J Stephen, The French Benedictines, in Essays in Eccl. Biography, p. 240. The Benedictines were the librarians and scholars of mediaeval Europe. In fact, so strenuously did they devote themselves to learning that De Ranee, of the Trap- pist order, wrote a book in 1683 on the Monastic Life, in which he rebuked the devotion for study of the Benedictines, said that they went beyond the simple Rule of their founder in this, and that it was never the intention of St. Benedict that the brothers should cultivate learning as a chief object of pur suit. Mabillon, the great Benedictine scholar, replied to him in 1691, Traite des etudes Monastiques. He proved that there had been a succession of learned monks almost from the beginning of monasticism, and that on the general principles of rehgion and reason they were quite right in learning and teach- THE MONASTIC ORDERS. 699 The mild Rule of Benedict 1 won the day everywhere. It soon absorbed the Columban Rule, which had hitherto domi- nated in Europe. In 788 the council of Aix-la-Chapelle the benedic- ordered the Benedictine Rule only to be observed in the TINES- empire of Carl and his son. In the tenth century it held almost universal sway in Europe, including England. Milman says : " In every rich valley, by the side of every clear and deep stream, rose a Benedictine abbey, and usually the most convenient, fertile, and peaceful spot in any part of England will be found to have been the site of one of them."" Most of the cathedrals and many of the parish churches were in Benedictine hands. So strongly were they rooted in the soil that when they were suppressed at the Reformation they resolved to retain all the old titular dignities, in the hope of better days.3 The mitered abbot of Westminster at this day silently contests the right of the Dean of Westminster to his office. In 1880 the Benedictine order celebrated throughout the world the fourteen hundredth anniversary of the birth of its founder. Monte Cassino was the chief center of attraction. The tragic his tory of that ancient monastery speaks eloquently of the instability of human things. It has been four times destroyed — in 589 by the Lombards, 884 by the Saracens, 1030 by the Normans, and in 1349 by an earthquake. The monastery was dissolved in 1866. A few monks still remain — the solitary tenants of their historic and bee tling cliffs. The legal position of monasticism now needs to be considered. The emperor Valens sought to counteract the monastic THE 1EaAL enthusiasm by forbidding those who had civil duties position of from taking the vows. Later the law recognized the M0NA3TICI3M- monasteries as corporations. In 434 a right to inherit property left by the monks was conceded to the monasteries. In other re spects the monks were subject to the civil law, remained in posses sion of their property and personal and family rights, so far as they had not renounced these, and were in all respects under the obligations of the law. Valentinian III forbade the admission of slaves and colonists to the cloister. At first the monks were not ing as much as they could. But, after all, it is only by a liberal interpreta tion of the Rule that the learned Mabillon could find sanction for this, as it is evident that none of the monastic legislators ever contemplated the formation of academies of learning and science. Maitland, The Dark Ages, 6th ed., 1890, pp. 188-193. 1 Comparatively speaking ; of course there were foolish and arbitrary provi sions in it. 2 Hist, of Latin Christianity, ii, 37. 3 Oxenham, Studies in Ecclesiastical History and Biography, p. 92. 700 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. bound by any ecclesiastical law to their mode of life, and could leave the cloister at any time. But at the council of Chalcedon this was forbidden. They were not to rove about in the cities — an ordinance often disobeyed — nor were they to leave the monastery to take secular offices. The Benedictines made the monastic vow perpetual. At first there was a sharp distinction between the monks and the clergy. It was considered a return to the world for a monk to assume the clerical office. But this soon passed away. Athanasius lent his influence to the change, and the mon asteries soon became nurseries to the ministry. The emperor Ar- cadius (398) told the bishops to go to the monasteries when they wanted priests. The monks themselves were soon ordained, and stood under the jurisdiction of the bishops. Except in the internal affairs of the monastery, and matters coming naturally under the hand of the abbot, the authority of the bishop was supreme in his diocese.1 ' Moller, Church Hist., i, pp. 376, 377. RISE AND DECLINE OF THE LATER ORDERS. 701 CHAPTER XXXII. RISE AND DECLINE OF THE LATER ORDERS. The history of monasticism is the record of the perpetual round of corruption and reform. The sane and moderate benedict op counsels of Benedict of Nursia left loopholes where the aniane. depravity which loves to linger under the shadow of monastic walls might enter. In the latter part of the eighth century arose the " second founder" of monasticism in Europe, Benedict of Aniane. He was born in Languedoc, and his father was Count Aigulfus, cupbearer in the court of Pepin. Like Loyola he was brought up to arms and courtly exercises, and like him a crisis in his life — a narrow escape from drowning ] while serving in the army of Charles the Great in Italy, in 774 — awakened all the slumbering religious elements of his nature. He betook himself to the monastery of St. Seine, in the forest of Burgundy, where his austerities in what he considered the too easy lives of his brother monks made him un popular. They derided his emaciation and dirty habits. However, his holy life made its impression, and on the death of the abbot the monks elected him as their head. But he declined, returned to his native district, and built a cell on the banks of the Aniane. This was the nucleus of one of the most influential monasteries of the Middle Ages. Monk after monk came around him. In 782 he erected a building to accommodate one thousand monks. To this central house were affiliated numerous cellse or priories in the sur rounding country. On the basis of the Rule of his namesake he began to organize thoroughly his monks, and to instruct them in the Rules. His pupils went forth to found new monasteries and revive decaying ones. Louis gave Benedict authority to regulate all the monasteries in his kingdom. When Louis became emperor he built the famous monasteries of Cornelius Mtinster, near Aix-la- Chapelle, where he installed Benedict, and where the great reformer continued on a larger scale the work begun at Aniane. There he died in 821." Cardinal Newman says that if the badge of St. Dominic is Sci- 1 In the river Ticino, in a successful attempt to save his brother's life. 2 S. Benedicti Anianensis Vita, by Ardo or Smaragdus, one of his pupils, in Mabillon, A. A. O. S. B., Venet., 1733, ssec. iv, i ; I. G. Smith, in Smith and Wace, s. v. 702 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ence, and that of St. Ignatius, Practical Sense, then the symbol or badge of the great founder, St. Benedict of Nursia, is Poetry ; and cardinal in a fine passage he longs for a Vergil of the monastic newman on ufg . « jje fn0 jja(j g0 hUge a dislike of cities and great BENEDICT OF . , _ nursia. houses, and high society, and sumptuous banquets, and the canvass for office, and the hard law, and the noisy lawyer, and the statesman's harangue, he who thought the country proprie tor as even too blessed, did he but know his blessedness, and who loved the valley, winding stream, and wood, and the hidden life which they offer, and the deep lessons which they whisper, how could he have illustrated that wonderful union of prayer, penance, toil, and literary work, the true ' otium cum dignitate,' a fruitful leisure and a meek-hearted dignity, which is exemplified in the Bene dictine. That ethereal fire which enabled the prince of Latin poets to take up the sibyl's strain, and to adumbrate the glories of a supernatural future, that serene philosophy which has strewn his poems with sentiments which come home to the heart, that intimate sympathy with the sorrows of human kind and with the action and passion of human nature — how well would they have served to illustrate the patriarchal history and office of the monks in the broad German countries, or the deeds, the words, and the visions of a St. Odilo or a St. ^Elred."1 But the comparatively simple-hearted, free, joyous life of the benedict op Nursian reformer was frozen into more minute and rigid paredEwith regulations by him of Aniane. One historian of mo- weslet. nasticism, I. Gregory Smith, compares the latter with Wesley : " In both there was the same methodical austerity, the same determination to regulate even the most trivial minutiae. In all these features Benedict of Aniane is much nearer to John Wes ley than to his great namesake, Benedict of Nursia. It is no won der that at first Benedict was no favorite at court generally. The- monks as a class resented his interference with their ease and laxity, the nobles his uncomplaining resistance to their encroachments on monastic property. But the single-mindedness of his aim bore down all opposition, and more than one of the Frankish nobility, attracted by Benedict's teaching and example, renounced the world for a, monk's cell and became a munificent benefactor of the order."" There was this difference, however, between Benedict and Wesley i the latter emphasized the immediate relation of every soul to God, and his stern ethical requirements were taken as a matter of course 7 Historical Sketches, ii, 405, also pp. 366-370. 'Christian Monasticism from the Fourth to the Ninth Centuries, Lond., 1892, and in Smith and Wace, i, 306. RISE AND DECLINE OF THE LATER ORDERS. 703 in souls who were filled by divine grace and strength. But Bene dict's stiff and drastic regulations, though prescribed with the no blest motives of checking abuses in consequence of too great laxity or vagueness of rule, proved abortive to counteract the inherent evil of monasticism. The regulations rested on a false theory of the Christian life and on the mechanical theology of the Middle Ages. Therefore degeneracy followed reform. The next restorer of the Benedictine paths was Duke William the Pious of Aquitaine. He founded a new monastery at Clugny, in Burgundy, in 910, and placed the Abbot of Beaume, Count Berno, at its head. The charter of this celebrated monastery is interesting reading. After speaking of his desire to provide for the salvation of his soul by a right use of worldly goods, Duke William says : " Therefore be it known to all who live in the unity of the faith and who await the mercy of Christ, and to those who • . DUKE WILLIAM shall succeed them and who shall continue to exist un- the pious of til the end of the world, that for the love of God and i,m,sl' of our Saviour Jesus Christ, I hand over from my own rule to the holy apostles, Peter and John, the possessions over which I hold sway, the town of Clugny, namely, with the court and demesne manor, and the church in honor of St. Mary, the mother of God, and St. Peter, the prince of the apostles, together with all the things appertaining to it, the villas, the chapels, the serfs of both sexes, the vines, the fields, the meadows, the woods, the waters and their outlets, the mills, the incomes and revenues, what is cultivated and what is not, all in their entirety. ... I give these things, more over, with this understanding, that in Clugny a regular monastery shall be constructed in honor of the holy apostles Peter and Paul, and that there the monks shall congregate and live according to the Rule of St. Benedict, and that they shall possess, hold, have, and order these same things unto all time." Prayers and supplications should perpetually be made there, and works of mercy be performed toward the poor and strangers. Every five years the monks should pay ten shillings to the Church of the Apostles at Rome to supply them with lights. " Through God and all his saints, and by the awful day of judgment, I warn and adjure that no one of the secu lar princes, no count, no bishop whatever, not the pontiff of the aforesaid Roman see, shall invade the property of these servants of God, or alienate it, or diminish it, or exchange it, or give it as a benefice to anyone, or constitute any prelate over them against their will." He then adjures the apostles and the pope to " remove from participation in the holy Church and in eternal life " any in- 704 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. vaders or alienators of these possessions. He curses such a disturber with " eternal torture, and lest it seem to human eyes that he pass through the present world with impunity, let him experience in his own body the torments of future damnation, sharing the double disaster with Heliodorus and Antiochus, of whom one, being coerced with sharp blows, scarcely escaped alive ; and the other, struck down by the divine will, his members putrefying and swarming with ver min, perished most miserably." " The validity of this deed of gift, endowed with all authority, shall always remain inviolate and un shaken, together with the stipulations subjoined. Done publicly in the city of Bourges. I, William, commanded this act to be made and drawn up and confirmed it with my hand." ' Berno (910-927) set out with vigorous hand to restore the Ben edictine Rule to its full rights, and his successor, Odo THE LATER . period at (927-941), was a third Benedict in the masterly way in clugny. which he reformed the corrupt monasteries of France. The Cluniac rules were finally codified and formed a permanent new departure for the Benedictine monasteries." At the beginning of the twelfth century there were four hundred and sixty monks in Clugny itself, and three hundred and fourteen monasteries subordinate to it. Three popes were of this order — Gregory VII, Urban II, and Paschal II. Under Majolus (948-994) and Odilo (994-1048) and later, the Cluniac order became an influential factor in the politico-ecclesiastical life of the time. The monks were advocates for papal privileges and for the supreme power of the Church. They stood boldly for ecclesiastical reform, but only in subordination to the pope. Their church at Clugny was one of the most magnificent built during the Middle Ages, orna mented with mural and glass pictures, embroidered tapestries, and abundant furniture of gold and bronze. This famous order steadily declined in discipline and moral tone, and, after a splen did yet troubled and checkered history, the Constituent Assembly of 1790 confiscated the property and sold the church and the build ings to the city. The church was broken down and the monastery was turned into a museum, now called the Hotel de Clugny. How are the mighty fallen ! Clugny had been the asylum of kings and the nursery of popes. Its abbot took rank above all others, issued his own coinage, and was a power in politics as well as religion. 1 Henderson, Hist. Documents of the Middle Ages, pp. 329-333 ; see also p. 270 ; A. Bruel, Recueil des Chartes de l'Abbaye de Cluny, Paris, 1876 2 These rules are called the Consuetudines Cluniacenses, were first collected in the beginning of the eleventh century, and may be found in D' Achery Spici- legium, vol. i, andPetrus Venerabilis, Biblioth. Cluniacen. , p. 1353 ' RISE AND DECLINE OF THE LATER ORDERS. 705 There were two thousand Cluniac houses in Europe in the zenith of the order. The richest library in France was in the Clugny monastery, and for a time that little town on the Grosne contested with Rome the chief place in mediseval Christendom. A road now runs through the nave of its magnificent church. In England, which was a rich pasture for the monks, the Cluniac order had free course. The first monastery was founded at Lewes in 1077, and the connection of England with Clugny remained active and inti mate until 1457, when the foreign supremacy was abolished.1 The Cistercians were another Benedictine revival. Prior Robert, of the monastery of St. Michel de Tonnerre, and after- THE Cister- ward of Molesme in the diocese of Langres, felt the cians. full tide of the ascetic enthusiasm. He desired to reform the monks on stricter principles and bring in the old passion for poverty and Christlikeness. Finally, two years before the opening of the twelfth century, he obtained permission of the papal legate to retire to Citeaux, near Dijon, where he organized twenty hermits under the strictest observance of the rules of St. Benedict. But no sooner did Citeaux lift up its head than the Bishop of Langres became jeal ous and obtained an order from the pope for Robert to return to Molesme, where he died in 1108. His successor, Alberic, determined to make his monastery independent of Molesme. In 1100 Pope Paschalis II placed the monastery of Citeaux directly under papal authority. Then Alberic issued the Statuta Monachorum Cisterti- ensium, a republication of the rules of St. Benedict intensified and made stricter, and the order at once took its place as the reformed and only true Benedictine order. His successor, Stephen Harding, an Englishman, ruled in the same spirit and stamped upon the order his own austere character. This austerity attracted St. Ber nard. Vogel says : " When he and his thirteen friends determined to renounce the world, and devote their lives to the service of God, they entered Citeaux, and not Clugny. But in St. Bernard ascet icism was represented, not as a penance, but as an enthusiasm, not as a cross, but as a glory ; and the influence produced by this ex traordinary phenomenon was at once instantaneous and overwhelm ing. Such a number of monks crowded to Citeaux that within two years after the admission of St. Bernard (in 1113) Abbot Stephen had to found four new monasteries, La Ferte, Pontigny, Clairvaux, and Morimond." " 1 SirG. F. Duckett has brought to light many interesting facts about the English houses. Record Evidence of Cluni, 1886, and Charters and Records of Cluni, 1888. 2 In Herzog-Plitt, s. v. 45 706 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The order increased rapidly, especially in France, Spain, and England. By the middle of the thirteenth century it woZop theD possessed eighteen hundred houses. The members were cistercians. distinguished from the Cluniacs by their severe rule and more rigid asceticism. They would have no grand churches, no gold or silver crosses. Every kind of display was banished. They also carried on the work of evangelism and agriculture, especially in northeastern Germany. They were harsh churchmen, crushing the heretics, preaching the second crusade, and calling into life the military orders. Their iron entered into the souls of the Cathari, Abelard and Arnold of Brescia. But with riches and fame and power the grand order of Citeaux decay op the entered upon its inevitable path to decay. By 1250 it order. had seen its best days. It became corrupt, like all the others, and lost its historical mission. Martin de Vargas in Spain led a reform movement in 1426, which developed into a separate organization in 1469, and in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries separate congregations arose, like the Feuillans and the Trappists. The French Revolution drove them out of France, whence the last remnant was expelled in 1880. The order was killed by the spirit of selfishness which lies at the root of monasticism. Riches, indolence, vice, secularism, while seeming at first far away, came on in due time. They were all the logical result of the monastic principle.1 1 There are full materials for a complete history of this remarkable order. Manriquez, Annales Cistercienses, 4 vols., Lyons, 1642 ; P. de Nain, Essai sur l'hist. deOrdre de Citeaux, 9 vols., Paris, 1696 ; Sartorius, Cistertium, Prague, 1709 ; Newman, The Cistercian Saints of England, Lond., 1844 ; Hist, of the Cistercian Order, Lond., 1852; Winter, De Cisterziensier des nordostl. Deutsch lands, 3 vols., Gotha, 1868 ; Sharpe, The Architecture of the Cistercians, 1874 (the Order were promoters of Gothic architecture) ; Janauschek, Origines Cis- terciensium, Vienna, 1877 ; Gisecke, Ueber d. Gegensatz der Cluniac. u. Cister cienser, Magd., 1886. THE LESSER ORDERS. 707 CHAPTER XXXIII. THE LESSER ORDERS. A strict and earnest order was that of the Camaldolites. Its founder was Romuald, born at Ravenna in 950. In his twentieth year he entered the monastery of Classe, near Ravenna. THE camaldo- This did not satisfy his hunger for holiness, and he LITES- withdrew into solitude. But monks gathered around him, whom he grouped into associations of hermits, and then left them to themselves. In 1018 he formed an establishment at Campus Mal- doli — Camaldoli — a lofty place amid the inaccessible heights of the Apennines, near Arezzo. This became the center of this hermit movement, which was an intensification of the Benedictine prin ciple, or rather so nearly a return to the original anchorite idea as could be realized in a monastery. The members lived in sepa rate huts, where they ate and slept. Their common diet was bread and water. After the death of the holy Romuald in 1027 Peter Damiani impressed his strong personality on the order. It spread into other countries, but ran the usual stages of relaxation and decay. In 1782 it was abolished in Austria, and afterward in France and Italy. In 1822 it was restored in Naples. Gregory XVI was a Camaldolite. Similar was the order of Vallombrosa, founded by John Gualbert in 1038, situated in the romantic valley of the Apennines, fifteen miles from Florence, and celebrated by Ariosto1 and Milton." order of val- This order introduced the important change of having wmbbosa. a grade of lay brothers to perform the menial work about the house, to secure more time for meditation, prayer, and study on the 1 Orlando Furioso, cant. 22, st. 36: " Vallombrosa, cosi fu nominata una Badia Ricca e bella ne men religiosa E cortese a chiun que vi venia." " To Vallombrosa's fane, an abbey gray, Rich, fair, nor less religious, and besides Courteous to whosoever passed that way." — Transl. of Wm. Stewart Rose, Lond., 1825. " " Thick as the autumnal leaves that strew the brooks In Vallombrosa, where th' Etrurian shades, High overarched, embower." — Paradise Lost, book i. 708 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. part of the monks. The present magnificent buildings were erected in 1673. The order was suppressed in 1869. Another Benedictine offshoot was founded at Hirschau, in the diocese of Spires, in 830. Internal dissensions, the avarice of the counts of Calw, and the the hirschau plague ruined the institution. For half a century monks. the buildings stood empty, until Leo IX in 1049 com pelled the counts of Calw to repair the buildings and institute the monks again. Then the great abbot, William Hirschau (1069-91), took hold of the institution, raised it to great renown, and ex tended the Rule, Constitutiones Hirsaugienses, over other German monasteries. The Hirschau monks were strict disciplinarians, stern and fierce Romanists, and supporters of the pope in the war of investitures.' During the Reformation their monastery was turned into a theological seminary, and in 1692 it was destroyed by the French." The order of Grammont has recently been made the subject of a fascinating study from the original documents.3 It was founded thr order of by Stephen of Tigerno, son of a count of Auvergne. A grammont. number of ascetics gathered around him at his home, whom he formed into a society in 1076, first at Muret, near Li moges, and then at Grammont in Flanders. They acknowledged only the Gospel rule — poverty, humility, and endurance without dispute. They were to possess no lands or churches, receive no money, and were to beg only after fasting several days. The monasteries of the order exercised considerable influence during the Middle Ages, especially the house of Grammont, where the princes of Europe often came together to arbitrate their cause and enjoy the privilege of sanctuary. The order degenerated, disputes often arose on minor questions between the lay and clerical mem bers, and the popes were compelled to interfere in the regulation of its affairs.4 The Order of Fontevraud is of especial interest on account of the large scope it gave to the activities of women. Robert of Arbrisell, in Brittany, in the diocese of Rennes, a priest zealous of good works and of reforming zeal, whom Urban II utilized as a preacher 1 Gisecke, Die Hirschaurer wahrend des Investiturstreites, Gotha, 1883. 2 The old annals of Hirschau were printed at Basle in 1559, and at St. Gall in 1690. The life of the abbot, William, by Kerker, Tub., 1863, and Helms- dorfer, Gott., 1874. 3 Griffin (late U. S. Consul at Limoges, France), Grandmont : Stories of an Old Monastery, N. Y., 1895. This book gives an excellent insight into medi seval ways. 4 Gerard, Vita S. Steph. in Martene and Durrand, Ampliss. Collectio, vi, 1050; Hist. Priorum Grandimontens., in ibid., pp. 117 ff., 126 ff. THE LESSER ORDERS. 709 of a crusade, had lived as a hermit as early as 1094. About this time he founded a community of regular canons, out of which grew the abbey De la Roc. His great power as an itinerant preacher, and the overwhelming impression he made THE order of especially on women, led to the foundation of the great fontevradd. monastery at Fontevraud, near Saumur, in Upper Poitou, about 1100. It comprised a male and a female division. The latter was divided into three parts. The first was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, and contained three hundred virgins and widows; the second was dedicated to St. Lazarus, containing a hundred and twenty lepers ; a third to Magdalene, containing a number of penitents. The whole institution was under the abbess. The separation be tween the sexes was carefully guarded, and the rules of silence and abstinence from flesh and wine were strict. The order could not receive any parish churches or tithes. At the death of Robert in 1117 it numbered three thousand nuns. This beautiful order of Fontevraud, with its compassionateness and ministries to the out- east, was suppressed by the French Revolution. The buildings were transformed into a jail, and the last abbess, Charlotte de Par- daillan, died in poverty in Paris, 1799. ' An illustration of the sagacity of the founder of Fontevraud is the fact that he provided that every new abbess should be taken from women in the world, as possessing more practical sense and administrative ability than those trained in the cloister. One of the worthiest of the lesser orders was the Carthusians, in whose school in London the boy John Wesley was educated. Bruno of Cologne became a famous teacher and chancellor of the chapter of Rheims. Becoming disgusted at the vicious life of his archbishop, despairing both of the Church and learning as means of salvation, he retired to a wild cavern near Grenoble. In 1096 he and a few like-minded followers withdrew to Char- THE CARTHn. treuse, about ten or twelve miles from Grenoble, one SIANS- of the wildest spots in the whole region, shut in by precipitous rocks and surrounded by sterile mountains. Here they built their huts around an oratory, it being the intention of Bruno to combine anchoritism with cenobitism. In these cells the monks were to dwell together two by two in unbroken silence. In an interesting passage Peter the Venerable, Abbot of Clugny, a contemporary witness, describes the life of the first Carthusians : " Warned by the negligence and lukewarmness of many of the older monks, they adopted for themselves and their followers 1 Regies et constit. de l'Ordre de Fontevr., Paris, 1643 ; Niquet, Hist, de l'Ordre de Fontevr., Paris, 1643 ; Pressel, in Herzog-Plitt, s. o. ; Moller, ii, 349. 710 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. greater precaution against the artifices of the evil one. As a remedy against pride and vainglory they chose a dress more poor and contemptible than that of any other religious body, so that it is horrible to look upon these garments, so short, scanty, coarse, and dirty are they. In order to cut up avarice by the roots they inclosed around their cells a certain quantity of land, more or less, according to the fertility of the district, and they would not accept a foot of ground beyond that limit if you were to offer them the whole world. For the same motive they limit the quantity of their cattle, oxen, asses, sheep, and goats. And in order that they might have no motive for augmenting their possessions, either of land or animals, they ordained that in every one of their monas teries there should be no more than twelve monks, with their prior, the thirteenth, eighteen lay brothers, and a few paid serv ants. To mortify the flesh they always wear shirts of the severest kind, and their fasting is well-nigh continuous. They always eat bread of unbolted meal, and take so much water with their wine that it has hardly any flavor of wine left. They never eat meat, whether in health or ill. They never buy fish, but they accept if given to them for charity. They may eat cheese and eggs only on Sundays and Thursdays. On Tuesdays and Saturdays they eat cooked vegetables. On Mondays, Wednesdays, and Fridays they eat only bread and water. They eat once a day only, save on the day of the octaves of Christmas, Easter, Pentecost, Epiphany, and one or two other solemnities. They live in separate little houses, like the ancient monks of Egypt, and they occupy themselves con tinually with reading, prayer, and the labor of their hands, espe cially the writing of books. They recite the prayers for minor canonical hours in their own dwellings, when warned by the bell of the church, but they all assemble in church for matins and vespers. On feast days they eat twice, and sing all the office in the church, and eat in the refectory. They do not say mass save on festivals and Sundays. They boil the vegetables served out to them in their own dwellings, and never drink wine save with their food." The rigor of this rule, especially as to dress, has been modified. Their Rule was composed by Guigo, fifth prior, about forty-five years after the foundation of the first house of the order at Char treuse. The monks were to be shaven six times a year and be bled five times. They were not to receive any charities from usurers and excommunicated persons. They were not to receive money for say ing masses, inasmuch as " we have heard that the majority of priests are very ready to say masses, and to make splendid banquets whenever anyone goes to pay them for praying for the dead— all THE LESSER ORDERS. 711 which destroys abstinence and renders prayers venal, making it depend on the will of whoso gives dinners." The monks were not to wander forth to beg. The early simplicity could not last. By the middle of the thir teenth century we find a regulation that no Charter- THE LATER house should have more than twelve hundred sheep or carthusians. goats, sixty cows, five fattened oxen, and sixteen stallions. The Carthusians built splendid monasteries and churches. But on the whole the Carthusian monks distinguished themselves by their strict living and beneficence. They still make the boast that they are the only order which has never been reformed. They once possessed one hundred and seventy-two monasteries, of which seventy-five were in France. The latter disappeared during the Revolution, and few have been restored. They had numerous houses in England, of which the chief was near Smithfield, London. This was established in 1371, and abolished by Henry VIII. In 1611 Thomas Sutton purchased the site and what buildings re mained, liberally endowed them, and made the place a home for " poor brethren" (bachelor members of the Church of England), a school, and a religious institution. Barrow, Blackstone, Addi son, Steele, Wesley, and Thackeray were educated here. In his "Newcomes" the great novelist has immortalized this an cient foundation. In 1872 the Charterhouse school was trans ferred to Godalming, in Surrey.1 In 1816 the Carthusian monks were allowed to return to their old home buildings. They swell their income by making various druggists' preparations, and maintain various schools, churches, and hospitals in the neigh borhood." The Carmelites first came upon the field of history in the account left by Phocas, a Greek monk of Patmos, who visited THe carmel- the Holy Land in 1185. He relates that a monk came ITES- to Mount Carmel in obedience to a vision given him by Elijah, and established a monastery there at the so-called Cave of Elijah. The monk was from Calabria, his name was Berthold, and at the time that Phocas wrote he had ten companions. In 1209 these monks received a brief, simple rule of sixteen articles from the Patriarch of Jerusalem. The monks were enjoined to labor much with their hands and to practice silence. At first they dwelt in separate 1 For full information see Haig Brown, Charterhouse, Past and Present, Lond., 1879. 2 On the Carthusians see Helyot, Hist, des Ordres Monastiques, Paris, 1714-19 ; Trollope, in Enc. Brit., s. v. For their rule or custom, see Mabil lon, Acta Sanct. Bened., ssec. vi, p. ii. 712 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. little houses, the church being in the center. When the Saracens conquered Palestine they moved to Cyprus, and thence spread into various parts of western Europe. They entered England in 1240. In 1247 they changed into a mendicant order. Thence their descent was sure. Their chief work was the invention of the scapulary. In 1287 Simon Stock, an English Carmelite, received, as he said, from the Virgin, two stripes of gray cloth to be worn on the breast and back connected with each other on the shoulder (scapula). The Virgin promised Stock to go to purgatory on Saturday evenings and relieve all those who wore it. The scapulary cult proved im mediately one of the most popular of the many superstitions of the Roman Catholic Church. It spread far beyond the Carmel ite order. Confraternities were formed of people who, under their ordinary dress, wore the gray stripes and devoted them selves to various prayers and ascetic practices in honor of the Virgin Mary. The device of the scapulary was a happy event for the Carmelites. They leaped into position as one of the most influential of all the orders. Then they made lofty claims. They said they were the oldest order, that they could show an uninterrupted succession of ab bots since Elijah, who was their first abbot. The Virgin herself belonged to the order! These pretentious fables enraged the Jesuits, who, with many growth and faults> Qave never been lacking in common sense. decay op the Their great scholar, Daniel Papebroeck (1628-1714), carmelites. one of tie Bollandistgj set himself to work to pull to pieces the Carmelite legends. The controversy became so bitter that in 1698 the pope ordered both parties to keep silence. Schisms at length rent the order. The congregation of Mantua was formed by Thomas Connecte, who in 1433 was burned in Rome for heresy. That remarkable saint, Teresa, formed the Discalceati, or Bare footed Carmelites, about 1562. At one time there were four inde pendent Carmelite generals. In 1880 the Carmelites, one hundred and seventy-six in number, were expelled from France.1 The Augustinian monks played an important part in the Middle the augustin- Ages. A few men of spiritual minds gathered around Augustine at Tagaste in 388, and formed themselves into a loose monastic brotherhood under the instruction of the great theologian. In the Middle Ages many brotherhoods like the John- Bonites, the Hermits of Tuscany, and the Brittinians, formed themselves on the Augustinian model ; that is, they took the rules ¦Helyot, Hist, des Ordres Monastiques, 8 vols., Paris, 1714-19; Vogel, in Herzog-Plitt. THE LESSER ORDERS. 713 as laid down in Augustine's Letter to the nuns,1 adapted them to their own needs, and modified them by suggestions from the Rule of St. Benedict. These communities were united by a bull of Pope Innocent IV, January 17, 1244, and in 1254 the organization was formally sanctioned. The order spread rapidly. In the beginning of the fifteenth century it numbered forty-two provinces, two thou sand monasteries, and thirty thousand monks, and extended even to India. The order became corrupt, and various reforming off shoots sprang up. Luther himself was an Augustinian, and his pious superior, John Staupitz, had a remarkably evangelical conception of the Christian life. Historically, the Augustinians appear under two forms, the Augustinian canons, who were governed loosely, and the Augustinian hermits, who had a more strict rule. The lat ter came to be one of the mendicant orders, and, with them, proved itself one of the scourges of Europe. In some European countries the order was suppressed after the French Revolution. Although it has been revived it is nevertheless in its dotage. The golden age of monasticism is in the past." The most important of all the great ascetic movements of the Roman Catholic Church were the Franciscan and Dominican orders. 1 Ep. 211 : in Schaff, ed. Works, i, 563, ff . They also took the precepts of Augustine in his sermon on the morals of the priests. sDugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, vi ; Helyot, rev. ed., iii ; Nicol. Cru- senius, Monasticon Augustiniannm, Monai, 1623 ; Torelli, Secoli Agostiniani owero Hist, generale del s. Ord. Eremitano di san Agostino, Bol., 1659, 8 vols. ; Migne, Diet, des Ordres Religieux, Paris, 1859, tom. iv. 714 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE: DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPAL AUTOCRACY. 1. Gosselin, Jean E. Auguste. The Power of the Popes during the Middle Ages. An historical inquiry into the origin of the temporal power of the Holy See. Translated by Matthew Kelley. 2 vols. Lond., 1853. 2. Baxmann, Rudolph. Die Politik der Papste von Gregor I bis auf Gregor VII. 2 vols. Elberfeld, 1868-69. A careful study of the development of papal pohcy. 3. Lea, Henry Charles. Studies in Church History. (Rise of the temporal power, etc.) Philadelphia, 1869 ; 2d ed., revised, 1883. 4. Legge, A. O. Growth of the Temporal Power of the Papacy. Lond., 1860. 5. Reichel, Oswald J. The See of Rome in the Middle Ages. Lond., 1870. 6. Geffcken, Heinr. Church and State : their Relations Historically Devel oped. Translated by Edward F. Taylor. 2 vols. Lond., 1877. 7. Niehues, B. Geschichte des Verhaltnisses zwischen Kaiserthum und Papstthum im Mittelalter. 2 vols., 2d ed., Munster, 1877-87. 8. Racquain, Felix. La PapautS an moyen age. Paris, 1881. 9. Murphy, John Nicolas. The Chair of Peter ; or, The Papacy Considered in its Institution, Development, and Organization. Lond. andN. Y., 1883. 10. Langen, J. Geschichte der romischen Kirche von Nikolaus I bis Gregor VII. Bonn, 1892. From the standpoint of the Old Catholic party. 11. Milman, H. H. Latin Christianity. (See above.) 12. Schuerer, Gnstav. Die Entstehung des Kirchenstaates. Koln, 1894. 13. Greenwood, T. Cathedra Petri : a Political History of the Great Latin Patriarch. 6 vols. Lond., 1856-72, For literature on the mediseval papacy see also Art. Popedom, by Mullinger, inEncyc. Brit., 9th ed., at end ; Schaff, iv, 203 ; Emerton, Mediaeval Europe, pp. 41, 42, 89, 115; Hurst, Literature of Theology, pp. 241-243. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPAL AUTOCRACY. 715 CHAPTER XXXIV. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPAL AUTOCRACY. A most interesting and important historical development is that of the papal government from the vague and tentative claims of the early bishops of Rome to the absolute monarchy of the eleventh eentury, when the pope claimed to be the vicegerent of God on earth, by whom kings ruled and princes decreed justice. From the brotherly expostulation of Clement's letter to the Corinthians to the temporal and spiritual sovereignty of the mediaeval popes is a far journey. Let us trace the various steps by which the ponderous superstructure of the mediaeval papacy was reared on the slender foundation of early times. Of the causes of this development we must first recognize the influence of the legend of Peter. From his alleged littledale's death in Rome, a fact but slenderly attested, there pE^™NS0F came the legend of his bishopric there. There is not rome. one ante-Nicene authority of weight which alleges that Peter exer cised a bishopric in Rome, although several speak of his connection with that city. Littledale has made of the whole ante-Nicene testi mony concerning Peter and Rome a careful analysis. There are nineteen passages ; six mention only Peter's martyrdom at Rome ; three name the legend of his contest with Simon Magus as the only fact of his Roman sojourn ; five speak of Paul in terms of absolute equality with Peter in their relation to Rome but do not define that relation further, while one of these five makes Linus, the first pope, Paul's nominee ; one mentions Peter as having been a worker of miracles and preacher in Rome, which is described as his place (locus Petri) ; three say that he ordained Clement as bishop ; " while there is only one of these three which plainly states in ex press terms his having been himself bishop there, and as having appointed Clement as his heir and successor, clothed with all his own authority. But that one is the apocryphal Clementine Homi lies, condemned by Pope Gelasius in the Roman council of 496, and ever since rejected by the Roman Church as the forgery of heretics. And even it is preceded only a few lines earlier by the dedication professing to be from Pope Clement to the apostle James : ' Clement to James, the lord and bishop of bishops, who rules Jerusalem, the 716 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. holy Church of the Hebrews, and the Churches everywhere excel lently founded by the providence of God, with the elders and dea cons, and the rest of the brethren, peace be always ; ' so that if the authority of the document were satisfactorily proved it would follow that the pope, albeit the successor of St. Peter, was subordinate to the apostle St. James as the head of the Church of the Circum cision, and, in right of his see in Jerusalem, head also of all other Churches throughout the world." ' But, while this is true, Peter's relation to Rome dominated the imagination of the early Church and prefaced the way for the final usurpation. Another element in this growth was the influence of Rome itself. For centuries it had been the eye of the world. It rep- rometheuni- , J .-,• yersal cen- resented absolute rule. It was the Eternal City. As the capital of the Roman republic' and of the Roman empire it stood in the thought of men as the center of the world's gravity, the emporium of nations, the distributing point of all polit ical, intellectual, and religious influences. We cannot understand history unless we remember that, as accounting for historic forces, the imagination has been a mighty cause. There Rome stood on her seven hills — the symbol of eternity and divinity. It was inevita ble that the Christian see, established there, would at length take its place as the most prominent of all the Churches. In fact, it was a recognized principle that the ecclesiastical position of cities de pended upon their civil position. This comes out clearly in the twenty-eighth canon of the ecumenical council of Chalcedon, 451 : " In all respects following the definitions of the holy Fathers and chalcedon acknowledging the canon of the one hundred and fifty and antioch God-beloved bishops which has just been read, we like- roman pri- wise make the same definition and decree concerning MACT- the precedency of the most holy Church of Constanti nople or new Rome. For the Fathers with good reason bestowed precedency on the chair of Old Rome, because it was the imperial city (did to fiaoiXeveiv rrjv rroXiv kiceivnv), and the one hundred and fifty God -beloved bishops, moved by the same view, conferred equal precedence on the most holy throne of New Rome, rightly judging that the city honored with the empire and the senate should enjoy the same precedence as Rome, the old seat of empire, and should be magnified as it was, in ecclesiastical matters also, being second after it." 1 The Petrine Claims at the Bar of History, in Church Quar. Rev. , April, 1879 (vol. viii), p. 31, reprinted with other articles in Petrine Claims, Lond., 1889. The ablest recent investigation of the historical aspects of the Roman question. See also Bright, The Roman See in the Early Church, Lond. and N. Y., 1896. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPAL AUTOCRACY. 717 The Roman legates refused to sanction this canon, and demanded another session to abrogate it, alleging a forged version of the sixth canon of Nicaea, " The Roman see hath always had the primacy." ' But the conciliar judges decided that the alleged sentence from Nicaea was an interpolation, and that their canon must stand. The same principle was recognized in the council of Antioch in 341: "It is fit that the bishops in every province should know that the bishop presiding in the chief city (metropolis) is to have super intendence of the whole province because all people who have busi ness come together from all quarters to the chief city ; for which reason it has seemed good that he should have precedence in honor also, and that the other bishops should do nothing important with out him, but only such things as concern each one's diocese and its dependencies, adhering to the ancient rule of our fathers" (canon ix).a This makes it easy for us to understand the celebrated words of Irenaeus, which are made a great deal of by Roman historians. The words exist only in a Latin translation, the Greek original having been lost : " For it is necessary that every Church should come to gether to this (Roman) Church because of its preferable (or, more powerful) principality." 3 The political supremacy of Rome, as the capital of the empire, made it the center of all commerce, the chief resort of travelers from every land, and the most convenient point of departure for all great missionary laborers.4 Jerusalem, though consecrated to a world-wide primacy by its sacred memories, was of quite insignifi cant rank. It had no political standing, especially after Hadrian, and was under the Metropolitan of Caesarea, himself under the Patriarch of Constantinople. Alexandria, the second city of the Roman empire, ranked second to Rome ecclesiastically, until dis placed by the new capital, Constantinople.5 Antioch, the third city of the empire," was the third see in importance. The fact that it was the mother Church of Asia and Europe, and where Peter himself lived for some time, never could bring it out of the subor dinate rank in which it was held by its civil position. Ephesus 1 This forged sentence was a frequent weapon of the popes in the Middle Ages. s Comp. Cyprian: " Rome ought to precede Carthage on account of its size." Ep. xlix ad Cornel. Pap. 3 "Ad hanc enim ecclesiam, propter potiorem(al., potentiorem) principalita- tem necesse et omnem con venire ecclesiam." — Adv. Hser., m, iii, 2. 4 Ibid., p. ii. 5 See Council of Nicsea, canon vi. " Josephus, Bell. Jud., iii, 3. 718 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. likewise, though honored by the residence of both John and Paul, never rose to high rank.' But when both ecclesiastical and civil honors continued to set Rome apart on a pinnacle by itself — the only apostolic see in the West, and the capital of the Roman world— is it any wonder that by slow and steady steps the Roman Church should have attained its almost universal sway ? Besides all this there were also the steadiness and loyalty of the Roman Church under persecution, her benevolent care for the poorer Christians, the executive wisdom, moderation, and, on the whole, though with lamentable exceptions, her catholic orthodox instinct. ' Let us look now at some of the steps of the growth of this re ligious Caesarism, which, professing to emulate the example of the lowly Nazarene, whose kingdom is not of this world, rose higher and brighter,and reached farther, until it held all Europe in its iron grasp. The Roman bishop Clement (d. 102) addressed a brotherly admo nition, not in his own name, but in the name of the Roman Church, ,„™„,„ „„ to the Church in Corinth. It is a beautiful expostula- LETTER OF clement of tion, written in fine spirit, exhorting the Corinthians to rome. peace and unity. And yet there is a consciousness of authority arising either from the writer's position in Rome or the conviction of the justice of his cause. This comes out especially in the portions discovered in the library of the Holy Sepulcher at Fanari, in Constantinople, and published by Bryennios in 1875 : " If any disobey the word 6poken by God through us, let them know that they will entangle themselves in transgression and no small danger, but we shall be clear from this sin." 3 The epistle, however, gives evidence that the Roman Church was governed, not by a bishop, but by a college of presbyters.* In his epistle to the Romans Ignatius writes to the Church, and not to the bishop, and knows nothing of any official preeminence of Rome over the universal Church. A conference was held in Rome during the bishopric of Anicetus (157-168) 6 over the Easter question. Polycarp of Smyrna tried to persuade Anicetus to adopt the Eastern method, and Anicetus 1 Littledale, ibid., p. 9. ' Schaff, rev. ed., ii, 156. 3 Clem. Rom., Ep. ad Cor., chs. 59, 62, 63. See Lightfoot, Appendix to S. Clement of Rome, Lond., 1877, p. 252 ; Schaff, ii, 158 ; Salmon, in Smith and Wace, i, 558. 4 Lange, Geschichte d. romischen Kirche bis zum Pontificate Leo's I Bonn 1881, p. 81. 5 These are Eusebins's dates. Pearson fixes the dates of Anicetus 142-161, Dodwell, 142-153. See Moberly, in Smith and Wace, i, 116. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPAL AUTOCRACY. 719 labored with Polycarp to bring him to the Western computation. While neither succeeded they both parted the best of friends. Ani cetus never alleged any superior authority to decide the matter, but gave to Polycarp the distinction of celebrating the eucharist. ' But the peaceful spirit of Anicetus by no means dwelt in Victor, Bishop of Rome (189-198, 199). ' He had the harsh intolerance of his African blood, and was determined that the Eastern ' t INTOLERANCE Churches should give way to him, and indicated as op victor of much in a letter on Easter observance. Thereupon K0ME- the Eastern bishops, led by the Bishop of Ephesus, sent him a letter alleging the unbroken apostolic tradition for the quartodeciman celebration, and declaring that they could not change. This en raged the haughty spirit of Victor, and he immediately, as Eusebius says, tried to cut off from the common unity the parishes of Asia as heterodox, and wrote letters declaring the brethren there excom municated.3 On what he based this command is not known. At all events the East paid no attention to him. On the contrary, several bishops even in the West, including Irenaeus, wrote him, sharply rebuking him for his assumption and for his narrow ness in making a test of fellowship a matter of practice which had never before been deemed of great importance. Under' Pope Zephyrinus (199-217) much commotion existed of which the pope was the center, but there was no enlargement of papal power. On the contrary, Tertullian fiercely declaimed against Zephyrinus's relaxation of the disciplinary rules in receiv ing to the communion penitent adulterers. He also accused him (or Victor) of favoring the Montanist heresy and that of Praxeas." The powerful Bishop Hippolytus, saint and martyr, accuses Zephy rinus and Callistus, his successor, of high misdemeanors in both the matter of heresy and moral conduct, and reveals a state of moral disorganization and doctrinal laxity in the Roman Church which we could never believe were it not for these writers. s No doubt we must make allowance for the exaggeration of the intensely conservative Hippolytus. Nevertheless, the incident of Hippolytus and Callistus abundantly proves that in the middle of the third century it was entirely safe to disregard the wishes of the Roman see and take it to task for perversion of doctrine and morals. A remarkable instance of an extension of the Roman claims and 1 Eusebius, H. E., v, 24. 2 These are the dates of Lipsius, Chron. der rom. Bischhofe. Pagi says, 185-197 ; others say, 200, 193-202. The chronology of the early popes is in volved in impenetrable obscurity. 3 Eusebius, H. E., iv, 24. 4 Ter., De Pudicitia, i, xxi ; Adv. Praxeam, i. 5 Hip., Phil., passim. 720 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of their being thwarted from an influential quarter is the case of Stephen (254-257). It arose over the rebaptism of claimof heretics, which the whole African and Asiatic Church pope Stephen. insisted on, but which the Roman Church, here with a larger view, forbade. So strenuous did Pope Stephen feel on this that he excommunicated all the African bishops who held with Cyprian, and alleges his own place as the successor of Peter as making obedience to him obligatory on all. He was the first pope to do this. What was the attitude of the African Church ? Cyprian was zealous in excessively lauding the Roman Church, spoke of it as the chair of Peter and the root of the Catholic Church. But this tropical rhetoric deceived no one. Beneath it all was the principle of the ancient Church, to which Cyprian held tenaciously, that bishops held equal rank and honor under Christ. His principle he laid down at the council of Carthage : " For not one of us sets himself up as a bishop of bishops, or forces his col leagues to compliance by tyrannical threats ; since every bishop has his own liberty and power of action, and can no more be judged by another than he can himself judge." It was this council, consist ing of eighty-seven bishops, with many presbyters and deacons, in 256, which utterly refused to take notice of Stephen's excommuni cation or respect his decrees. In his letter to Pompeius (Ep. 74) Cyprian speaks of the pope's error, his complicity with heretics, his adoption of lies, and his betrayal of truth and faith. So also Firmilian, Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia, in a letter to Cyprian denounces Stephen with many hard words as a virtual apostate and heretic.1 The Bishop of Rome at the time of the conversion of Constan tine, Miltiades (310-314), was made by Constantius one of the four bishops to adjudicate the case of the Donatists. But he did not make nor publish the decision himself, and it depended for its sanction on the emperor, and not on the pope." In fact, the emperor was often called upon to settle disputes which on the Roman theory belonged solely to the pope. 1 Cypr., Epp. 68-75. The Ep. of Firmilian was so little to the taste of the partisans of Rome that it was omitted in the ed. of Cyprian, printed by Paul Manutius in Rome in 1563, though it was printed the following year by Morelli in Paris, who, however, was bitterly censured for it. Roman editors were wont thus to deal capriciously with their authorities. Manutius inserted two interpolations of highly colored Roman passages in Cyprian's works, and left out this indisputable letter. See Barmby, in Smith and Wace, iv, 727-730 • Littledale, Lack of Prescription for Petrine Claims, in Church Quar Rev ' Jan., 1880, 488-495 (Cyprian). 2 Eusebius, H. E., x, 5. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPAL AUTOCRACY. 721 We now come to what might have been an interesting stretch of the papal prerogative — the calling of the council of Nicaea and the presidency over it. This was an excellent opportunity to prove the divine authority of the pope to rule the Church. But Sylvester did not claim primal authority. The council was con- council of vened at the command of Constantine alone. None organized of the early authorities mention the participation of byrome. Sylvester. No doubt he, with the bishops, and especially Hosius of Cordova, Constantine's special adviser, was consulted, although Rufinus says that the emperor summoned the council " at the ad vice of the priests." ' Second, Constantine opened the council, and was acting president until he voluntarily gave way to the clergy. Third, the actual presidency was held by Hosius, Bishop of Cor dova. Hefele, on the strength of the testimony of Gelasius of Cyzicus," claims that Hosius acted in this capacity as legate of the pope.' Gelasius, however, is a very inaccurate writer, Hefele him self frequently rejecting him ; and, in the most authentic list of the signatures of the council, that discovered by Zoega in an an cient Coptic manuscript, the first signature is : " From Spain, Hosius, of the city of Cordova ; I believe this as written above." The second is : " Vito and Innocentius, priests. We have signed for our bishop, who is Bishop of Rome ; he believes thus as written above." This proves that Hosius signed for himself, and for no one else, and accords with Eusebius, who says, " The prelate of the im perial city was absent through old age, but his presbyters were present, and filled his place."4 Further, the official confirmation of the acts of the council was not sought from the pope, but from ' the emperor. All conciliar decisions were, indeed, sent to the ab sent bishops for their ratification, for only thus did these decisions become of practical effect throughout the Church. In this, how ever, the Roman bishop stood on the same platform with others, 'H. E.,i, l. 2 Commentarius actorum Concilii Nicaeni (Greek and Latin in Mansi ii, 759, ff.). 3 Conciliengeschichte, H, ii, 23. 4 Vita Const. , iii, 7. See an excellent discussion in Littledale as above, pp. 504-509, who also remarks that the fact that the legates of the pope were pres byters, and not bishops, shows that he was not a pope in the modern sense, or he would have sent bishops. This he could not do, for " all bishops, how ever obscure their sees or their persons," are " for synodal purposes his col leagues and equals in power, though inferior in rank of precedence and general influence, just as the premier duke and the junior baron are each other's peers in the English House of Lords, whatever dissimilarity may exist in their social consideration." 46 POPE JULIUS. 722 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. except for the additional weight of his name as the head of the great Latin patriarchate.1 Pope Julius (337-352) has a special interest in this history. A synod of ninety-seven Eastern bishops which met in Antioch in 341 was equally fierce against Athanasius and Julius. These prelates sent an epistle to Rome, saying that they were fully equal to the Roman Church in all necessary elements of importance, and that Julius must either receive their decrees or they would have nothing more to do with him." Over against this, however, was the remarkable action of the council of Sardica, now Sofia, in Bulgaria, in 343. This was a Western synod, and appeared to be under the influence of Julius. The Eastern prelates withdrew, at the beginning, and held a counter- council at Philippopolis. This council enacted that a deposed bishop might refer his case to Julius, who could hear the matter himself, or put it into the hands of neighboring bishops, or send delegates. This was a wide extension of power, and completely upset the plans of previous ecumenical councils. However, the canons were permissive and not mandatory ; they were never received by the East, and were purely personal.3 Julius was himself named ; the canons referred to bishops who had been deposed by brother bishops ; the initiative was taken by them and not by the popes ; and they were in the nature of a concession, and not of a divine obligation. So much being said, we must add that some scholars consider these canons spurious.4 primacy of ^ne treatment of Pope Liberius (352-366) by one of rome not the most honored saints of the ancient Church, Hilary MmDLEoT15 of Poitiers, proves that so late as the middle of the fourth cen- fourth century the pope had not succeeded in pro- TDRT- tecting himself with that divinity which ought to hedge around the vicar of Christ. Liberius had signed the Arian 1 Littledale gives an instance, that of the sixth General Council (681), where the reception in Spain of the canons waited upon their ratification by the Span ish synods, even after the pope, Leo II, had given his confirmation. Ch. Quar. Rev., viii, 16 ; ix, 508, 509. Barmby has a fine article on Sylvester in Smith and Wace, iv, 673-677. 2 See this interesting letter in Sozomen, H. E., iii, 8. 3 This is allowed even by Catholic writers like Du Pin and Febronius. See Schaff, iii, 310-315 ; Littledale, Ch. Quar. Rev., viii, 3, 4. 4 Ffoulkes proved their spuriousness in a lengthy paper, and his conclusions were reinforced by Vincenzi. See note by Ffoulkes to Barmby, art. Julius, in Smith and Wace, iii, 530. Prof. Vincenzi's book is entitled De Hebraorum et Christianorum sacra Monarchia, Rome, 1875. In part ii, c. vii, he elabo rately disproves the genuineness of the Sardican canon. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPAL AUTOCRACY. 723 Creed of the second council of Sirmium (358), and anathematized Athanasius. For this Hilary so attacks him, calling him perfid ious, a renegade, an apostate — " I say Anathema to thee, Liberius, and to thy accomplices." 1 Even the Due de Broglie cannot deny the substantial genuineness of this celebrated impeachment, though he thinks the letters of Hilary have been interpolated.2 Under Damasus (366-384) we have the first of a series of secu lar grants to the papacy, which have fortunately come in to rein force the religious claims. On account of the riot and murder by which he acquired the papal chair he desired to be made secure from the partisans of Ursicinus. On being appealed to by a synod the emperor Gratian issued an edict requiring all who had been condemned by the pope or by a synod, and who would not submit, to appear in Rome, or to be tried by judges whom the pope would appoint. This seems, however, to have been a temporary expedient, prompted by the disturbed state of the Roman Church, and was not intended to confer permanent privileges on the pope. Later emperors confirmed the old law which forbade appeals to the pope, and Pope Siricius (392), when appealed to against the decision of a synod of Capua, declared himself incompetent to review the matter already decided by competent judges. But there is grave doubt of the genuineness of this supposed Gratian edict. It is not men tioned by any contemporary writer, it never came to light until it was found among the manuscripts of the Bibliotheque Royale in Paris, and was printed for the first time by Baronius, in 1590. s But the slowly growing autocracy of Rome received a setback in the official career of this same bishop. The second general council was held in 381. This great council, which is of the 1 Hil., Op. Hist. Frag., vi. The authenticity of the letters of Hilary was not denied until the modern discussion of papal infallibility made them embar rassing to the Ultramontane party. Since then Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, bk. v, §81, Stilting, Acta SS. Sept., vol. vi, and two or three writers in Rome have tried, though unsuccessfully, to impugn them. On the other hand, Roman scholars like Ceillier, Montfaucon, Constant, Mohler, Dollinger, and Newman unhesitatingly accept them, as did even Baronius. See Barmby, Liberius, in Smith and Wace, iii, 721 ; La Page Renouf , The Condemnation of Pope Honorius, Lond., 1868; Cheetham, Ch. Hist., Early Period, Lond., 1894, p. 269; and above, pp. 485, 436. 2 L'Eglise et l'Empire Romain au IV' Siecle, vol. iii, ch. 4, note. 3 Ep. ad Bonoso Episoopo, in Hardonin, i, 859 ; Cheetham, Ch. Hist., p. 188. The question cannot be decided positively, but the balance of probability seems against genuineness. See Greenwood, Cathedra Petri, vol. i, pp. 239-242, esp. note c. For the documents see appendix to vol. vi of Godefory, Cod. Theod.; Baronius, Annals, sub anno 381, § i, 2 ; Tillemont, Damase, 10, 11. Hefele does not even mention these documents. 724 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. utmost importance in the history of Christian doctrine, was sum moned by the emperor Theodosius alone, and neither was the pope consulted nor the Western bishops invited. To crown all, one whom Rome had excommunicated in favor of a rival bishop was chosen as president of the council, namely, Meletius, Patriarch synod of con- of Antioch. Besides, this council deposed Alexan- stantinople. dria as second in rank among the sees of Christendom, and put Constantinople in its place, and that purely on civil grounds. The acts of the council were confirmed by Theodosius alone. Leo the Great refused to recognize them, and Felix III omitted this council from the list of general councils. Gelasius I also rejected it. "Every one of the marks of authenticity on modern Roman principles is thus wanting to the Constantinopolitan Synod, and yet it is neither rejected, like the councils of Sirmium and Ariminum, nor just allowed to slide into, as it were, and min gle with the general mass of authoritative conciliar matters, like those of Laodicea and Gangra, but it is reckoned now by both East and West as a true ecumenical council, and was confessed as such by Popes Vigilius (537-555), Pelagius II (578-590), and Gregory the Great (590-604)," the last as to the dogmatic, but not the dis ciplinary canons. The papal rule, therefore, although it rejected this council for nearly two centuries, was not sufficient to hinder it from forcing its way into the highest ranks as a part of the uni versal heritage of the Roman Catholic Church.1 The council also enacted that bishops should not go beyond their own borders, and that the synod of each province should administer the affairs of the province. It thus disallowed appeals to Rome. In this it followed the council of Antioch (341), which forbade appeals to be carried further * than the provincial synod assembled under the metro politan. A most interesting case of the extension of papal influence, but which met a sudden counteracting force, was that under Popes Zosimus (417, 418), Boniface I (418-422), and Celestine (422-432). Apiarius was a priest of Mauritania, who had been deposed by his bishop, Arbanus of Sicca, for immorality. The priest ap pealed to Rome, and Zosimus reinstated him. The pope claimed that he had a right to interfere, on the strength of a Nicene canon. A council of the whole African Church at Carthage (419) an swered that the genuine canons of Nicaea knew of no such pro vision, said they would verify this, and in the meantime enacted a canon forbidding any appeals beyond the sea. Apiarius again appealed to Celestine, who rehabilitated him. Then a council at 1 Littledale, in Ch. Quar. Rev., ix, 515, 516. z mpairipu. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE PAPAL AUTOCRACY. 725 Carthage, 424, made this peremptory answer : "Apiarius was rightly deposed for his crimes, as he has himself at last acknowledged. The pope must not hear complainants who come from Africa to Rome, nor restore those whom we have ex communicated, as the Nicene canon (can. 5) has ordained. The assumption of an appeal to Rome is a trespass on the rights of the African Church, and what has been brought forward, by Zosimus and his legates, as a Nicene ordinance is not Nicene at all, and is not to be found in the genuine copies of the Nicene acts, which have been received from Constantinople and Alexandria. No one can believe that God will inspire a single individual with justice and deny it to a large number of bishops sitting in council. Do not, then, send any more judges to Africa, lest we should seem to be introducing into Christ's Church the smoky pride of this world." ' This was plain language, but Augustine signed the paper, and it reflected the unanimous thought of the ancient African Church. The mistake of the pope, not necessarily willful, was in taking one of the Sardican canons as Nicene. The Sardican rules continued to be quoted thus by later popes, and the fact that they were ap pended to the Nicene in the copy at Rome made the mistake easy.1 1 Cod. Can. Eccl. Afr., ad fin., Gallandi, Boll. Patr., ix, 289 ; Mansi, iii, 829 ; Gieseler, §94, vol. i, pp. 393, 394 (Smith) ; Schaff, iii, 294, 295, 312 ; Greenwood, i, 299-310; Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, ii, 107, ff., 120, 123, f. ; Smith and Wace, i, 548 ; iv, 1224 ; Littledale, as above, viii, 5, 6. 5 Gieseler says that later canons were often cited as Nicene, and gives refer ence, i, 393, note 60. 726 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTER XXXV. THE ROMAN AUTOCRACY COMPLETE UNDER INNOCENT AND LEO. Innocent I (402-417) was the first pope to grasp the idea of a uni- innocent i versal Christendom united under the Roman see. He was universal3 a man °^ daring energJ an(i ceaseless aggressiveness. primacy. Besides, circumstances favored him and his successors. The African Church was broken by the Vandal invasion. The Goths were in Spain and Gaul. The barbarian incursions were em phasizing the need of a center of unity and a rallying point for the disturbed and troubled forces of the Church. The Western em pire was on the wane. In 402 it removed its capital to Ravenna, and in 476 it passed away, leaving the mighty traditions of Rome to the popes, the only individuals who seemed worthy to inherit them. With weak men in the empire and strong men in the Church the evolution of the papacy was a necessity. Innocent replied to a question for further light on some points on discipline from some bishops of Illyria in this stern fashion : " I had previously taken your doubts into consideration, and now I adjudge it to be an insult to the apostolic see that any hesitation should have occurred in a matter referred to and decided by that see, which is the head of all Churches." 2 In writing to the Bishop of Toulouse he says that in all cases of difficulty it is the duty of all Churches to abide by the decision of Rome as the fountain head of genuine tra dition. To the Bishop of Gubbio he manufactured the fictitious tra dition that Peter and his successors alone founded Churches in all the Gauls, Spain, Africa, Sicily, and the neighboring islands ; and said, whatever Rome does, that let Gubbio do. When the African Church sent him the decrees of some of their councils condemning Pelagius they wrote to the pope asking that he, as the representative of the apostolic see, confirm their decision. This request was in accord ance with the universal custom by which conciliar decisions were sent around to the great bishops, whose assent was asked, not as validating their acts, but as giving universal effect to them. But the pope dexterously turned the request into an op portunity for asserting the largest claim for his see : " You have not thought fit to trample under foot those institutions of the 1 Hardouin, i, 1015. THE ROMAN AUTOCRACY COMPLETE. 727 Fathers which you, with your priestly office, decreed by them were not of human but of divine will, and that whatever map be done in provinces, however separate and remote, they should not ac count concluded till it had come to the knowledge of this see, that every righteous finding might be established by its whole authority, and that all other Churches might thence take what they should teach, just as all waters issue from their native fountain." ' The audacity of this unheard-of claim only equals its falsity. These same Churches had by a unanimous vote re- falsity and jected the decree of Stephen of Rome on a question of Scent's01' doctrine and discipline.2 Innocent thus appears as the claim. real founder of papal monarchy, basing the divine right of Rome to rule all Christendom on St. Peter. He did not dare as yet to assert this claim over the East, because when Chrysostom wrote to him, as a friend and not as a judge, concerning his troubles, the pope made no claim to adjudicate himself, nor did he speak of any uni versal sway, but recommended an impartial council as the best re sort of the persecuted saint.1 Of the African canons of 418 it will be remembered that they met the lofty talk of Innocent with a flat negative. It forbade the carrying of all appeals out of Africa. Under Celestine (422-432) the third general council was held at Ephesus, in 431. It was called by the emperor Theodosius II, and was presided over by Cyril of Alexandria, whom, later, Celestine appointed as his legate, though he had already sent as his representatives Arcadius and Projectus, bishops, and Philip, a priest. In Cyril's absence the Patriarch of Jerusalem, and not the Roman legates, pre sided. It is a significant fact that before these arrived the council had condemned Nestorius. After they arrived the council received with joy the news of the event that the year before Celestine and a Roman synod had likewise condemned him : " One Celestine, one Cyril, one faith of the council, one faith of the world." In their letter to the pope the council says that " we commanded that the sentence which your holiness pronounced should remain firm." This necessarily implied their right to decree otherwise. The leg ate Philip tried to prove before the council that it was simply con- 1 Aug., Epp. 181, 182 (al., 90-95) ; Innocent, Epp. 181-183 (Gallandi). 2 See Littledale, The Dawn of the Papal Monarchy, in Church Quar. Rev., xii, 182-184 ; Barmby, in Smith and Wace, iii, 245, 246. 3 For Chrysostom and Innocent, see Littledale, xii, 179-189 ; Barmby, iii, 247, 248 ; Stephens, St. John Chrysostom, 334-352. This author also says, p. 335 : "The interference of Innocent is courted, a certain primacy is accorded him, but at the same time he is not addressed as a supreme arbitrator ; assistance and sympathy are solicited from him as from an elder brother, and two or three prelates of Italy are joint recipients with him of the appeal." 728 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. firming the dicta of St. Peter, " exarch and head of the apostles, pillar and foundation of the Church Catholic, who even in the pres ent time lives and exercises these judicial powers in his successors." But the council, though glad to confirm Celestine's judgment, was evidently not governed by it.1 After Innocent I, Leo the Great must be considered the founder of the papacy. He was the first great teacher to fill the Roman chair. Before him the world looked to Alexandria, Antioch, or Constan tinople for the theologians who should formulate its thought. As leo the a rule *ne popes were echoes, not leaders and theological great. teachers. When they did speak they sometimes needed correction. The development of theology had as yet but little help from Rome. But Leo was a clear-headed theologian, a man of great force of character and of an abounding ambition for his see. With him began the new era. He followed Innocent I in placing the divine right of Rome to rule the Church on St. Peter. He lays thus a dogmatic basis for the loftiest pretension. The mod ern Roman theory can almost lay claim to Leo as its first clear ex ponent.2 He soon carried out his theory. Hilary, Archbishop of Aries, deposed Celidonius, the Bishop of Besancon, for violation of the canons in marrying a widow and in taking part in a trial before his ordination, which ended in a sentence of death, thus having in a sense blood on his hands. Celidonius appealed to Leo, who re versed the decision, and, when Hilary refused to submit, abused him heartily. Unwilling to rest in his divine prerogatives, Leo obtained from the weak and criminal emperor, Valentinian III, an edict to JStius, commander in chief in Gaul, dictated, it is likely, by Leo himself, in 445, which, after saying that the whole world must ac knowledge the authority of the Roman see as ruler, continues : " We decree by this perpetual edict that it shall not be lawful for the bishops of Gaul or of other provinces, contrary to ancient 1 See Mansi, iv ; Labbe, iii ; Bright, Hist, of the Church, A. D. 313-451, p. 336 ; and art. Coelestinus I, in Smith and Wace ; Littledale, in Church Quar. Rev., viii, 6 ; xii, 190-193. Bellarmine and the modern Roman theory deny that the whole government of the Church resides in the entire body of the epis copate. But even Celestine in his letter to the council distinctly recognized the parity of all bishops as teachers and governors of the Church, and their duty to exercise such rights, though claiming himself as first, sitting in the seat of Peter. See his letter in Mansi, iv, 1283 ; Allies, The Church of England Cleared from the Charge of Schism, 2d ed., Lond., 1848, p. 244, where a full discussion of the ecumenical council of Ephesus in reference to the Roman question is given (pp. 231-248). 8 It is not neeessary here to give quotations. See his Epp. x, xi, xii, 13 • xiv, 12 ; civ-cvi. THE ROMAN AUTOCRACY COMPLETE. 729 custom, to do aught without the authority of the venerable pope of the Eternal City; and whatsoever the authority of the apostolic see has enacted or may hereafter enact shall be the law for all." ' This was a most nefarious usurpation, overriding the canons, as Du Pin has shown,2 of six or seven councils. But councils did not count with Leo, who stood on his Petrine privilege as a solid rock. Nevertheless it was in virtue of the power conferred by this edict that the popes began to exercise their power in the West. It must be said, however, that, in spite of his lifelong refusal to accept the pope's disposition of the Celidonius case, Hilary died in honor and glory as a saint and bishop of Christ, and as such was acknowledged by the Roman see. However, Leo's success was only partial. After the Robber Synod of Ephesus (449) he tried to induce the Eastern emperor to summon a council to be held in Italy, which should be presided over by the pope, and under the forms prescribed by him. This was refused. Marcian called for a general council to meet September 1, 451, although the pope had expressed his opposition to it. Not to be outdone, Leo wrote to the councils " to account that I am presiding over the synod in the persons of these brethren, Pascha- sinus and Lucentius, bishops, and Boniface and Basil, fourth gen- priests, who have been commissioned by the apostolic ERAL council. see."5 When the fourth general council met at Chalcedon the imperial commissioners took the first place, the Roman legates the second, and the Patriarch of Constantinople the third. The legates won an important point, and they lost an important one. The council allowed Paschasinus to word their condemnation of Dios- curus, Patriarch of Alexandria, who was chiefly accountable for the crime of the Robber Synod, in these words: " Therefore, Leo, the most holy Archbishop of Rome, doth by our mouths, now in behalf of the most holy synod here present, and in union with the thrice blessed apostle Peter, who is the rock and foundation of the Church universal and the basis of the orthodox faith, declare that [Dioscurus] is deprived of the episcopal dignity and degraded from all sacerdotal rank and office." * Then the legates tried to secure the acceptance of Leo's Tome on 1 For text see Baronius, Ann., 445, ix, x; for trans, see Littledale, Church Quar. Rev., xii, 198, 199. On this edict compare the words of the Gallican his torian Tillemont : " In the eyes of those who have any love for the Church's liberty or any knowledge of her discipline it will bring as little honor to him whom it praises as of injury to him whom it condemns." Meinoires Eccles., tom. xv, art. xx, p. 83. 2 Antiq. Discip. Eccl. Diss., ii, p. 209. 3 Ep. xxii. 4 Ep. xxxi. 730 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the ground of its being issued by the chair of St. Peter. But this the council resolutely refused. On the other hand, it compared the Tome with the decisions of previous councils, with the opinions of eminent theologians especially of Cyril of Alexandria, the most influential theologian of the East ; and it was only because they found it in agreement therewith that they gave their decision. Thus Anatolius, in giving his vote on the Tome, says, and he was fol lowed substantially by all the delegates : " The letter of the holy Archbishop Leo agrees with the Nicene Creed, with that of Con stantinople, and with what was done at the council of Ephesus by the holy Cyril, when Nestorius was deposed. That is why I have assented to it, and I have willingly subscribed it." In fact, many of the legates would not subscribe the Tome until they had exacted minute explanations from the legates concerning cer tain expressions in it, and had satisfied themselves, after several days' examination, that it accorded with the writings of Cyril. This examination and withholding of assent prove conclusively that the council did not consider itself the mouthpiece of Rome, but rather that it had the right to sit in judgment on the latter's decisions. We have already seen how this council, in the twenty-eigth canon, placed the precedence of Rome on secular grounds, and ranked Constantinople next after it. This ordinance was passed voluntarily by a unanimous vote, the Roman legates alone dissent ing. Leo refused to accept this, but the canon was indorsed by the eighth ecumenical council, in 859. " The distinguished personal character of Leo the Great," says littledale Littledale, "his fearless orthodoxy, the eminent patri- on leo the otic services he had twice done to the city of Rome, by averting the attack of Alaric and mitigating that of Genseric, and the absence of any self-seeking, even in his all-em bracing and otherwise unscrupulous ambition on behalf of his see and office, all tended to make the system, of which he was in large measure the creator, durable in the West, and transmissible in his successors. And it may fairly be doubted, entirely as his claims cover logically the largest demands made subsequently by a Hilde brand or an Innocent III, whether he really saw the full meaning of his own statement and policy or how readily the office of supreme guardian and interpreter of the Church's faith, laws, and ordinances, which he arrogated to himself, might glide, as it did glide, into an imperial autocracy, refusing to be bound by the laws it imposed on all others, ceasing to be the first servant of the law and claim ing to be its master, in the terms of those words of Innocent III, THE ROMAN AUTOCRACY COMPLETE. 731 embodied in the Canon Law: 'Secundum plenitudinem potestatis de jure possumus supra jus dispensare.' "l Felix III tried to enforce the universal rule of the pope advo cated by Leo. On an appeal to the pope by a claimant to the see of Alexandria Felix summoned (484) Acacius, the Patriarch of Con stantinople, to stand his trial, in virtue of the power to bind and loose conferred on the apostle Peter and his successors. It seemed as if the dreams of the Roman bishops for centuries were about to be realized. But the East had been the guardians of the primitive traditions, and, although honoring Rome as the great apostolic see of the West, and chief of all the churches, it could not respect her while usurping authority which belonged only to a general council. Acacius did not obey the summons. Each excommunicated the other, and the pope thus precipitated the first great schism which divided the East and West for thirty-five years.2 Gelasius I (492-496) strove with Constantinople, yet without suc cess. He held to the monarchical claims of his predecessors. Some of the propositions in his epistle to the bishop in Illyricum leave the papacy at the close of the fifth century occupying exactly the ground taken by Gregory VII and Innocent III. The later mediaeval de velopment simply records the struggle to make the papal theory a practical governing force in all the affairs of the West. Gelasius says that the Roman primacy is divine, antecedent to councils and legislation, and rests on the word of Christ to Peter ; that, there fore, the pope has a right to try all cases of heresy himself, to reverse, if necessary, all ecclesiastical sentences, and sit in final judgment on all Churches ; that councils can only give publicity to decisions which rest on papal authority alone ; that no power on earth can give rank to a Church unless such as is acknowledged by the pope ; and that the pope may use any means necessary to sup press assumptions in derogation of the Holy See.3 Yet Gelasius fell short of the mediaeval ideal. The absolutist popes made the secular realm dependent upon the spiritual, and the popes and their representatives were supreme over both. But Gelasius I distin guishes the two realms in a clear and satisfactory manner, each being ruled by the proper authorities without dictation from either. 1 The Dawn of the Papal Monarchy, in Church Quar. Rev., Jan., 1882, p. 366. See also Perthel, P. Leo's I Leben und Lehren, Jena, 1843, pp. 226, ff. ; Gore, Leo the Great, Lond., 1880, pp. 98-129 ; Schaff, iii, 317, ff. 2 For full particulars see the Church Histories of Evagrius and Scholas- ticus : Barmby, in Smith and Wace, ii, 482-485 ; Littledale, as above, xiii, 369-373; Milman, i, 324-331; Greenwood, Cathedra Petri, vol. ii, pp. 1-63, who gives a full, clear, and impartial account of the development of the papal power. "Hardouin, ii, 905-916 ; Littledale, xiii, 375 ; Barmby, ii, 618, 619. 732 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : GREGORY THE GREAT. I. SOURCES. 1. GregorU M. Opera, ed. Benedic, Paris, 1705, 4 vols., fol.; reprinted, Ven ice, 1768-76, 17 vols., and Migne, tom. 75-79 (1849). The first four books of the Eps., admirably edited by Paul Ewald, Berlin, 1887. The Pastoral Rule, translated, with text, by H. R. Bramley, Oxf. and Lond., 1874, and the Rule and two hundred and seventy-four of the eight hun dred and fifty letters, by Barmby for the Schaff-Wace ed. of the Post- Nicene Fathers. N. Y. and Lond., 1895. The Anglo-Saxon version of the Rule was edited, with an English tr., by Henry Sweet for the early English Text Society, Lond., 1871. Biographies of Gregory in Liber Pontificalis, by Paulus Diaconus (d. 797), by Johannes Diaeonus (9th cen tury), and one selected from his writings, all prefixed to Migne' led. of Gregory's works. See also the historians, Gregory of Tours, Bede, and others. H. MODERN WORKS. 1. Lau, G. Gregor I, nach seinem Leben und nach seiner Lehre. Leipz., 1845. 2. Pf abler, G. Gregor der Grosse und seine Zeit. Franf. ». M., 1852. 3. Baxmann, N. Die Politik der Papste von Gregor I bis Gregory Vii. El- berf.,1867. 4. Barmby, J. Gregory the Great. Lond., 1879. Art. Gregorius I, in Smith and Wace, ii (1880). 5. Langen, J. (Old Cath.) Geschichte der romischen Kirche. 2 vols. Bonn, 1885. 6. Littledale, R. F. The Gregorian Papacy, in Church Quar. Rev., xvii (Jan., 1884), 379, ff. 7. Church, R. W. The Epistles of Gregory the Great, in the same, April, 1881, and in Miscellaneous Essays. Lond. and N. Y., 1888; New ed., 1891. 8. Kellett, F. W. Gregory the Great and his Relation with Gaul. Cambr. and Lond., 1889. App. H contains a full bibliography of Gregory's Epis tles (pp. 110-116). 9. Snow, A. (R. C.) Life and Times of Gregory the Great. Lond., 1894. A full treatment is found in Milman, bk. iii, chap, vii ; Greenwood, bk. iii, chaps, vi and vii ; Montalembert, Monks of West, ii, 69, ff. ; Zopffel, in Herzog- Plitt ; and Newman, Hist. Sketches, iii, 142, ff. EUR OPE AT THE COMMENCEMENT OF THE CRUSADES I a 1095 A.D THE WESTERN EMPIRE THE EASTERN EMPIRE BJR. S M(FETftlOSE CO. UTH. PHIL MADE EXPRESSLY FOR Mil r THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. GREGORY THE GREAT. 733 OHAPTEE XXXVI. GREGORY THE GREAT. Four really great men have sat in the papal chair — Leo I, Gregory I, Gregory VII, and Innocent III. Of these Gregory the Great was not surpassed by any in the ethical quality of his life, the loftiness of his aim, and the sincerity of his devotion to what he considered the best interests of mankind. That in his hands the papacy received new strength may well be accounted for by the chaotic condition of Europe, the breaking up of all the old national landmarks by the barbaric irruptions, and the removal of the seat of the empire to Constantinople, which left the pope in the pbpular mind the real ruler of the West. The historical conditions of the time made the papal power a necessity and, in view of the envi ronment, an advantage. A close observer of mediaeval times has re marked that the virtues of Gregory, the " disorders of ° •" THE PAPAL the times, when the old powers of the world were failing power a and the new had not yet come, made such an authority necessity. as his, if it was to be had, like a heaven-sent compensation for all that had perished in the wreck of the empire. Why should we doubt that it was a heaven-sent compensation ; that it was ordered by God's providence, in mercy to men, in times of confusion and change ? The power which Gregory had and left grew naturally out of the necessities of the times. But when power has been grandly and beneficently used men are apt to think it has established a title to continuance. And so it passed in time, strengthened by his example, and increasing its demands as it was worse used, to the nominees of the counts of Tusculum and to the popes of Avignon and the Great Schism. It was held to warrant the victory of Canossa, the humiliation of John of England, and the Bulls of In dulgences. It grew up as is the way of institutions to grow up; it served its time as we see in the case of other institutions. The use which Gregory made of it and the conditions of his time more than justified all that it was then. His own use of it, his own ex ample, and the changed conditions of later centuries, to say noth ing of its intervening history, are amply sufficient to justify us in believing that its use has passed away." ' 1 E. W. Church, The Letters of Pope Gregory I, in Miscellaneous Essays, p. 278. 734 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Gregory's early life trained him at once as the statesman and the saint of the papacy. He came of an old wealthy senatorial family of Rome, and all the ancient traditions of the city of the seven hills were born again in him. In 574, while still young, he was made prefect of the city, the highest civil office in Eome. From his mother he had inherited a profound religious temperament, and through her influence he gave up his civil position and changed his father's palace into a monastery. But a man of his practical ability could not be allowed to waste his life in monastic seclusion. He was made deacon by Pope Pelagius II, and in 579 was sent to Constantinople as the pope's ambassador. His six years here gave him a rich training in diplomacy. On his training for return he reentered his monastery, where his strict the papacy, asceticism, his talents, and his fame as a preacher gained him wide renown. In February, 590, the plague carried off Pelagius, and senate, clergy, and people elected Gregory without a dissenting voice. His sense of unfitness made him flee from Rome. But he was brought back and ordained in September, 590. His epistles reveal the unfeigned reluctance with" which he assumed the office and his longing for the quiet of the monastery : " I have fallen into fears and tremors, since, even though I have no fears for myself, I am greatly afraid for those who have been committed to me. On every side I am tossed by the waves of business and sunk by storms, so that I may truly say, ' I am come into the depth of the sea, and the storm hath overwhelmed me.' I have longed to sit at the feet of the Lord with Mary, to take in the word of his mouth ; and, lo, I am compelled to serve with Martha in external things, to be careful and troubled about many things." ' " With tears I remember how I have lost the placid shore of my rest, and with sighs I behold the land which still, with the winds of affairs blowing against me, I cannot reach." 2 In regard to the papacy two aspects of Gregory's testimony are to be noticed : first, his censure of the Patriarch of Constantinople for assuming the title of Universal Bishop. Gregory raves thus : "To consent to that abominable word is to lose the faith."3 " Far from all Christian hearts be that blasphemous name [Uni versal], whereby the honor of all priests is taken away, when madly claimed as his by one only." 4 He calls on the emperor to compel the patriarch to give up the title. In writing to the patriarch himself he says : " Who is your pattern in the use of this perverse word save he who saith, ' I will ascend into heaven, I will exalt my 1 Ep. i, 5. s Ep. i, 43. Comp. i, 31 ; vii, 4, et al. 3 Ep. v, 19. " Ep. v, 20. GREGORY THE GREAT. 735 throne above the stars of God ; I will sit also upon the mount of the congregation, in the side of the North ; I will ascend above the heights of the clouds ; I will be like the Most ° , ,' CENSURE OF High ?' " ' He rejects the title as earnestly for himself, universal for in writing to the Patriarch of Alexandria he says : episcopacy. " In the preface of your letter which you sent to me, the very man who uttered the prohibition, you took pains to use that word of haughty style, calling me Universal Pope, which I beg your holi ness, my very dear friend, not to do any more. I account that no honor in which I perceive that my brethren lose their honor. My honor is the honor of the Church universal. My honor is the un impaired position (solidus vigor) of my brethren. I am then truly honored when their rightful honor is not withheld from any of them."' In fact, Gregory places the other two Petrine sees as standing on a level with his own. The three make one see : " For whereas there are many apostles, yet in respect to the primacy only the see of the prince of the apostles, which is his simply in three places, has prevailed as authoritative. Fer he dignified that see [Rome] in which he was pleased also to rest and to end his life. He adorned the see [Alexandria] to which he sent his disciple the evangelist [St. Mark]. He established the see [Antioch] wherein he sat seven years, though about to quit it. Seeing then that the see in which three bishops now preside by divine authority is one and belongs to one, whatever good I hear of you I count as my own.'" Nevertheless, there is a second aspect of Gregory's testimony. He was not the man to abate one jot of the papal claims. In writing to John of Syracuse he defends himself from the charge of adopting Greek ways in the mass : " With regard to the Church of Constantinople, who doubts that it is subject to the apostolic see ?"* To the same prelate he says again: "As for his [the Bishop of Byzacene, in North Africa] saying that he is subject to the apostolic see, I know not what bishop is not subject to it, if there be any faultiness in bishops. Where faultiness does not raise the question, all are equal, in accordance with the rule of humil ity." 5 " The apostolic see is the head of all Churches." ° The person of Gregory himself tended to a consolidation of papal power. After Leo he was the first theologian in the papal chair. Through their ignorance of theology the popes had often em broiled themselves in great difficulties. But Gregory was the strongest man of his age. The deference due to his official 1 Ep. v, 18. s Ep. viii, 30. 3 Ep. viii, 40. 4 Ep. ix, 12. 6 Ep. ix, 59. 6 Ep. xiii, 45. 736 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. position enabled him to rehabilitate the papacy in popular esteem, and to make it practically far more powerful than it had been even under his predecessors. He said comparatively little person tend- about his own rights, while dispatching promptly, and ins toward on the whole wisely and justly, the enormous mass of cases spontaneously referred from all parts of the West to his decision. He thus established a vast number of precedents, nearly all due to voluntary consent of the parties concerned, and scarcely any extorted by pressure from Rome. In this way no re sistance or protest was aroused, and accordingly it appeared to the next generation and to many later ones that the authority which was really due to Gregory's personal character was a privilege immemorial and divinely annexed to the great office which he held.1 Gregory had great respect to the civil authority. Certain Istrian bishops had laid themselves open to his interference. They re- gregory'sre- ferred their case to the emperor, who wrote to the civil author- P°Pe : " ^e command your holiness to give no further ity. trouble to these bishops." Gregory obeyed. He also interfered in the case of Maximus, who was consecrated to the see of Salona, in Dalmatia, and was forbidden by the pope to take his office on account of alleged simony. Maximus treated the pope's inhibition with contempt, was confirmed in his see by the emperor, and at the order of the latter Gregory withdrew his de mand that Maximus should be tried in Rome, Maximus having shown that it was contrary to the canons to take appeals to Rome.' Another interesting incident reveals the great distance between the spirit of Gregory and Hildebrand, even if in substance their claims were identical. Maurice put forth an edict forbidding soldiers to adopt the monastic life until their terms of military service had ex pired. He also directed the pope to publish it throughout the West. This touched Gregory keenly. But he thus humbly wrote to the emperor, beseeching him to modify the force of the law : "He is guilty before Almighty God who is not pure of offense toward our most serene lord in all he does and says." "I, in deed, being subject to your command, have caused the law to be transmitted through various parts of the world ; and inasmuch as the law itself is by no means agreeable to Almighty God, so I have declared this to my most serene lord. On both sides, then, I have discharged my duty, having both yielded obedience to the emperor and not kept silence as to what I feel in behalf of God." 3 Even here he says that it seems "exceedingly hard that the emperor 1 Littledale, The Gregorian Papacy, in Church Quar. Rev., Jan., 1884 pp. 389, 390. * Greg., Ep. iv, 10. 3 Ep_ m> 6g GREGORY THE GREAT. 737 should debar his soldiers from the service of Him who both gave him all and granted him to rule not only over soldiers but even over priests."1 We are still a long way from Hildebrand. Perhaps it was these reminders of his supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs that so incensed Gregory against Maurice that, in spite of his effusive protestations of loyalty and love to him when living, he sent to his successor, the murderer Phocas, a blasphemous and indecent letter of congratula tion, vilifying the dead, and praising the deformed and vulgar up start who had not only slain Maurice but his whole family — a wife, six sons, and three daughters. Gibbon speaks modestly when he says that "the joyful applause with which the pope saluted the fortune of the assassin has sullied with indelible disgrace the char acter of the saint."2 By the side of the sanguinary reign of Phocas that of Maurice had been liberal and just. A similar dark blot was Gregory's fulsome adulation of Brunhild of Austrasia, a second Jezebel,3 whom a recent scholar calls " perhaps the worst queen that ever lived." ' But Gregory was a statesman as well as a priest, and he was not loath to use political methods to advance the interests of the Church and religion. Gregory's zeal in establishing missions, his continual corre spondence with the Churches of Gaul in attempting to heal their abuses and bring order to their chaos,6 and his ardent patronage of monachism, as well as his theological and pastoral activity, served to bring the Roman Church to the head and front of Chris tendom. In 601 he exempted the monks from episcopal jurisdic tion, and the Curia had ever after no more zealous advocates. But it was not until 607 that Boniface III procured from the usurper, Phocas, the decree that the " see of Rome and of the apostolic Church should be the head of all Churches, whereas the Church of Constantinople had been wont to style itself first of all Churches."6 His work for the Church was manifold. He revived preach ing ; organized the public worship ; protected Rome against the Lombards ; administered the estates of the pope, already immense, including territory or properties in Calabria, Sardinia, Sicily, Dal- 1 Ep. xiii, 81. 2 Decline and Fall, ed. Smith, iv, 593 (ch. 46). 3 Fredegar, Chron., xxxvi, 612 (in Migne, tom. 71). 4 Kellett, Pope Gregory the Great and his Eolation to Gaul, p. 41. 5 Kellett, in his Pope Gregory, has given an admirable and thorough investi gation of this phase of Gregory's activity. The Appendix continues the ac count of the relation of the papacy to the Franks down to the coronation of Charles the Great. 6 Paul. Diac, De Gest. Longobard., iv, 7. 47 738 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. matia, and even in Gaul and Africa. He advised missionaries, sending the pallium to metropolitans in Italy, Gaul, Spain, and Britain ; deposed bishops for simony and other sins ; exhorted the clergy to a faithful and holy life; corresponded with princes in both East and West, and kept an eye on all the events of the time. Besides all this he found time to write books. His Magna Mora- lia is an elaborate exposition of the Book of Job according to its historic, its allegorical, and its moral significance. His only quali fication as an expositor was his spiritual insight and moral strenu- ousness. While he knew neither Hebrew nor Greek nor oriental customs, his twenty-two Homilies on Ezekiel and his forty Homilies on the Gospels abound in useful reflections and are full of contem porary allusions. His Dialogues reveal a childish credulity and superstition, for he relates wild and impossible stories of St. Bene dict of Nursia and other Italian saints. They are the fountain of many a mediseval myth. His Pastoral Rule is his most impor- gregory's *an* religi°us book and one of the most precious re- varied mains of the Middle Ages. For it is one of the best writings. works on pastoral theology, and can be read with profit even to this day. "It was held in the highest esteem in the Middle Ages, translated into Greek by order of the emperor Maurice, and into Anglo-Saxon by King Alfred, and given to the bishops of France at their ordination, together with a book of canons as a guide in the discharge of their duties." It is full fit golden thoughts and sage advice. Like Leo, Gregory was a volu minous letter writer, and his epistles are a mirror of the age. They are a priceless historical source. He revised the Sacramen- tary, made a collection of antiphons for mass, wrote some hymns, founded a school of singers, and brought in a more simple mode of chanting instead of the artistic Ambrosian chant. Take him for all in all and abating much, Gregory was one of the greatest men of the Middle Ages, and his fruitful life in a stormy, rude, and barbarous age reflects great glory on the Church of his times. " As Luther in his last will calls himself an advocate of God, whose name was well known in heaven and on earth and in hell, the epitaph says of Gregory I that he ruled as the consul Dei." * He was the second founder of the papacy, " because he gave as a foundation to the increasing grandeur of the Holy See the renown of his virtue, the candor of his innocence, and the humble and in exhaustible tenderness of his heart."2 1 Baxmann, Politik der Papste, i, 44. 2 Montalembert, The Monks of the West, ii, 175. For a collection of esti mates of Gregory see Schaff, iv, 216-218. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE PAPACY. 739 CHAPTER XXXVII. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE PAPACY AND THE NIGHT OF THE ROMAN CHURCH. The Middle Ages may be summed up in one word, Rome. All the , currents of mediaeval history flow from Rome and lead back again to Rome. Gregorovius calls her the lofty watchtower from which we can survey the movements of the mediaeval world, and adds that this marvelous historical evolution of Rome is one of the mysteries of history. " Christianity," he continues, " which sprang up within the narrow confines of Jewish nationality, though cosmopolitan in its essence, was drawn to Rome, the capital of the world, as to a seat already prepared for it by history, where, from out the ruins of a political monarchy, it was destined to raise up a moral monarchy in the giant form of the Church."1 When the Roman empire passed to the Germans the Roman Church was the mediator of the gift, and she herself in a sense passed gregorovius over with it to become the ruler of the new age. The 0N K0ME- Germans " retained the deepest reverence for the Roman Church as well as for the Roman ideal of the State, their traditions having become the political dogma of the world. The Church itself, in its essence the guardian of the unity of thought, or of the Christian republic, inculcated these Latin ideas, and sought to Romanize mankind. The religious creed of the Germans, their hierarchy, the language of their religion, their festivals, their apostles, their saints, were all Roman, or derived from a Roman source. Thus eventu ally it came to pass that the Germans, the rulers of the Latin race, with which they became intermingled on a classic soil, restored the empire which they had previously destroyed. But this restoration was essentially the work of the Roman Church, which required the reestablishment of her prototype as a necessary element of her in ternational character and a guarantee of the universal religion."2 Freeman declares that Rome is the determining center FKEEMan on of history, the center of our studies and the goal of our bome. thoughts. He thus impatiently flings aside the thought that the year 476 saw the end of Rome's magic sway ! " He who ends his work in 476, and he who begins his work in 476, can neither of them 1 Hist, of Rome in the Middle Ages, i, 5. s Ibid., p. 13. 740 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. understand in its fullness the abiding life of Rome ; neither can fully grasp the depth and power of that truest of proverbial sayings which fpeaks of Rome as the Eternal City." He says that the most nota ble historic feature of our present age is the Romeless feature of it and that the most natural division of European history is that into three great and marked periods, the old Romeless Europe, Europe under the lead of Rome, and the modern Romeless Europe.1 The historical problems symbolized by the phrase, the "Eternal City," reappear to-day in the "Eternal Eastern Question "—the conflict between civilization and barbarism, between Christianity and heathenism." The greatest mediaeval ecclesiastical force after Gregory the Great is Hildebrand. Five hundred years intervene between them. Under Boniface III (606-607) the title of bishop, which Gregory had repudiated as an impiety, was given by the emperor boniface in. phocastothepope. Boniface had been employed by his predecessor in some official capacity at Constantinople, and had suc ceeded in ingratiating himself with the emperor, who also wished to punish the patriarch of that city for his humanity in protecting the wife and daughters of Maurice from his murderous hands. Under Boniface also a salutary law was passed providing that no one should form a party for the succession to a bishopric; three days were to elapse before the election, and all bribery and simoniacal bargaining were strictly forbidden. The election must be made by the clergy and people, and ratified by the prince. Visitors to Rome find at once the most ancient church when they go to the Pantheon, which, on account of its beauty, sanctity, and antiquity is esteemed the most precious ornament of Rome. It was built by Vipsanius Agrippa, the liberal-minded general and son-in-law to Augustus, B. C. 27, and for six centuries had with stood the inundations of the Tiber and the rains of the winter. Boniface IV, in 608, received the permission of Phocas to take pos session of this temple, which he did with his chanting priests, sprinkling its walls with holy water, and dedicating it to the "new tutelar deities," the Virgin Mary and the martyrs. Few popes have left so honorable a ground for remembrance. This finest architectural monument of ancient Rome owes its preservation to this transformation.3 1 Chief Periods of European History, pp. 3, 4. 3 Freeman's well-known views reappear here. It were well if European pol iticians would study them. The exterminating massacres of 1895 in Armenia, the second cradle of the world, have no counterpart in the age of Augustus. 3 Gregorovius, Hist, of the City of Rome in the Middle Ages, ii, 105-113. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE PAPACY. 741 Pope Honorius (625-638) was a great builder. He gained per mission of the emperor Heraclius to spoil one of the finest monuments of antiquity, Hadrian's Temple, and transferred its gilt bronze tiles to the Church of St. Peter's. He erected a basilica within the walls of the ancient curia or senate, where under Gothic rule a semblance of parliament had been held. Many of the historic structures of pagan Rome were thus in part, or in outline, preserved by being turned to Christian uses.' The successors of Honorius bravely compensated for his leaning toward the one-will doctrine. Martin I (649-655) became a martyr to the orthodox idea. The emperor Constans (641-668) had attempted to pacify the contending parties by publishing the Type, which assumed a noncommittal attitude on the main question, and pro hibited by severe penalties the use of the phrase of either " the single or double will or energy in Christ." Such a compromise would not satisfy the valiant Martin, who summoned a council in the Lateran in 649, which pronounced the Type impious, and excom municated the Patriarch of Constantinople. The subsequent ar rest of the pope, his transfer to the imperial city, his cruel impris onment there, and his banishment to the inhospitable Chersonesus, where he died, constitute a romantic history of the first and the only time when the despotic Byzantinism which ruled and ruined the Eastern Church for a thousand years stretched out its hand to pull the Roman bishop from his throne. It is instructive, however, in showing how little at this time the East was affected by the grow ing pretensions of Rome. But Martin's heroic conduct and pious spirit shed unwonted light on a gloomy epoch.3 No doubt it was the memory of this outrage which made the popes look the more eagerly toward the North for political alliance. In 663 Constans visited Rome, was received with every token of respect, so different from the attitude assumed by the popes in later times, and repaid the hospitality by robbing the churches of their bronze ornaments. These, however, fell into the hands of the Saracens, and Constans himself was murdered in his bath in Syracuse by his slave. In the sixth general council, which met in the Trullus or Hall of the Cupola, in the imperial palace, Constantinople, November 7, 680 — September 16, 681, the legates of the pope, Agatho the trulla:j (678-682), were the most influential factors in deter- council. mining the theological result, and this not through any reverence 1 Gregorovius, ii, 118-133. 8 See Mansi, Con. Coll., x, 790, 1170 ; Muratori, Eev. Ital. Script., iii, pt. i ; Milman, ii, 276-281 ; Barmby, in Smith and Wace, ii, 848-857 ; Gregorovius, ii, 144-149 ; Greenwood, ii, 426-433. 742 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. for an alleged Petrine infallibility, but solely through the weightier arguments advanced by them. This appears in the speech of George, the Patriarch of Constantinople, the determining voice in the coun cil, who, in the seventh session, arose and declared that having carefully examined the passage from the Fathers cited on the one hand by the Western bishops (two wills) and on the other by Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch, the great champion of the one will, he had become convinced of the righteousness of the Roman con tention, and " to them accordingly," he said, " I offer my adhesion, theirs is my confession and belief." His example was followed by the bishops of the great Eastern sees. A dramatic incident at this council reveals the spirit of the age. Polychronius, a fanatical Monothelite monk, challenged the coun cil to put the truthfulness of his opinion to ,the test of a miracle. He promised to lay his creed on a dead body ; the dead would arise, as a supernatural sign of the orthodoxy of the one will. A body was procured and in the presence of the whole assembly the test was made.1 For hours the council awaited the issue, Polychronius sitting at the head of the corpse whispering in its ear, the paper containing his creed lying on its breast. But God refused to inter fere. A unanimous anathema condemned Polychronius as a de ceiver, and he was degraded from all his functions.2 Pope Leo II (682-683) accepted the decision of this council, in cluding its formal anathema of his predecessor Honorius as a here tic in these memorable words : " After due examination we pro nounce this sixth general council of the Church to be in strict conformity with the five preceding councils. We also received with pleasure the [confirmatory] edict of your majesty [he is writing to the emperor]; because in conjunction with the decree of the council we are thus put in possession of a two-edged sword for the extirpation of all manner of heresy. We therefore give an entire consent to the definitions of this holy sixth general council, and receive it as of equal authority with the five preceding councils of the universal Church, and we do hereby anathematize the invent ors of the new heresy, to wit, Theodore of Pharan, . . . and lastly Honorius, who, instead of maintaining the bright purity of the apostolic see, did conspire and make common cause with heretics for the overthrow of the true faith." 3 A rising sense of Italian nationality seems to be indicated in 1 Hardouin, Concilia, iii, 1063-1644. Abridged details in Baronius, Ann , 679, 680, 681, as Fleury, ix, 25-65. 8 Baronius, Ann., 681, § 36. "idem., 683, §§xiii-xv; Greenwood, ii, 437-442. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE PAPACY. 743 the abortive attempt of the emperor to punish the pope for his re fusal to accept the canons of the Quinisextan synod.1 QUINISEXTAN This synod (691)a attempted to supplement the last two synod. general councils on the disciplinary side. Although strict in en forcing abstinence from marriage on the part of the clergy, it did not forbid the ordination of men previously married. For this lack of thoroughness in its ascetic requirements Pope Sergius (687-701) denounced it. For this the emperor Justinian II tried to repeat the act of Martin I by ordering the arrest and transportation of the pope to Constantinople. But the soldiers in Italy interfered, and the pope was saved. Pope Constantine (708-716) went to Constan tinople at the request of Justinian, but was received with great honor, returning within a year. Whether he ratified the Quinisex tan decrees does not appear. With Gregory II (712-731) a new era arose in the history of the world. The West assumed a new attitude toward the East. Impe rial Rome lived once more, and her voice was heard again. „ ' ... NEW ERA UN- When the Eastern emperor entered upon his iconoclastic der Gregory crusade he received a peremptory refusal from the "" Roman bishop, and in a tone not too respectful. His successor, Gregory III (731-741), was equally free in his rebuke of the East and decided in his refusal to heed the emperor's edict against im ages.3 Yet the pope did not assume political independence. What with the Lombards threatening on the North and the Church patrimonies in the Neapolitan and Sicilian provinces at the mercy of the emperor, it was obviously to the pope's advantage to keep up a nominal connection with the East. But the middle of this century saw the looming up of a great power which came just in time to save the papacy, and thus mediaeval civilization. By the end of the century that power was firmly installed on the ruins of the Eastern empire in the West, and the holy Roman empire suc ceeded to the traditions which had been a living force since 476,4 and Charles the Great became the Romulus of the Church. It was the intention of Thomas Arnold to carry on his great His tory of Rome to the coronation of Charles the Great. That proved ] So called because it was convened to fill up the gaps left by the fifth and sixth general councils in matters of discipline ; sometimes also called the Trul- lan, from the room in the imperial palace where it was held. 2 Date uncertain. 3 See Gregory's letter to Leo, in Greenwood, ii, 476-479. 4 Freeman insists that after all it is only a fiction which represents the Eoman empire as ceasing when the boy Romulus Augustulus was sent to end his days among the gardens and fish ponds of Lueullus's villa near Naples. 744 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the philosophic insight of the great historian. In a real sense the coronation of Charles was the beginning of modern history. It was a turning point in the history of the world, of far more freeman ON ,-, ,1 -n -i -i-e.Li.-n> the roman importance than the so-called end ot the Koman em- empire. ^ in 476_ jn outwar(j form jt « restored Old Rome," as Freeman says, " to her old position. She again became, if not the dwelling place, at least the crowning place, of emperors. For a thousand years longer the titles of her empire went on ; for seven hundred years longer they could be won only before the altar of the Vatican basilica. For full five hundred years longer the Ro man empire of the West was, as such, a living thing, a thing that influenced the minds and acts of men, a mighty fact, a still might ier theory. But in the West the emperor of the Romans had less and less to do with Old Rome. To this imperial capital he gradu ally became a stranger, and his capital became a city of strangers to him. In short, the Roman power in the West altogether passed away, not only from the Roman city, but from the artificial Roman nation. When Rome again asserted her right to choose her sover eign, she chose — she could not fail to choose — a man who was not a Roman, even by adoption. She chose the Frankish king. Pepin had been a patrician ; so had Ricimer ; so had Odoacer. But the son of Pepin bore a loftier style. The long-abiding tradition had broken through ; a barbarian received a diadem ; the Roman pontiff spoke the words, and the Roman people echoed them — 'Karolo Augusto, a Deo coronato, magno et paciflco Romanorum Impera- tori, vita et victoria.' The German was the last Augustus. No greater witness could there be to the moral conquest which each race had won over the other. The empire now in form received its greatest territorial enlargement. Gaul was won back and Ger many was added. Wherever the Frankish king had ruled before as king he now ruled as emperor. Terminus advanced to the Elbe and the Eider ; he was ready to advance to the Oder and the Vistula, or, if need should be, to the world's end. All unreal, all nominal, some objector will cry ; an advance, not of Rome, but of Germany; an advance, not of the Roman Augustus, but of the Frankish king. And truly the empire of Charles, much more the empire of the Henrys and the Fredericks, was unreal in this, that it was assuredly a very different thing from the empire of Trajan or of Diocletian. It was assuredly not Roman in the sense in which the empire even of Theodosius was Roman. But here lies the greatest proof of the influence of Rome, of her magic power over the minds of men, that a power which had practically ceased to be Roman should still be Roman in men's eyes, and, as Roman, FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE PAPACY. 745 should command a reverence, a devotion, a bowing down, as it were, of the whole soul, which could be called forth by no other name. A name may have lost its first meaning ; but as long as men will fight and die for the name the name is a fact indeed." ' The greatest pope of this half of a millennium was Nicholas I (858-867). He asserted the papal prerogative to the utmost, and had the Forged Decretals to help him. His first opportunity was the case of Photius. In that he held these high words : "We, by the power committed to us by our Lord through St. Peter, restore our brother Ignatius to his former station, to his see [Constantinople], to his dignity as patriarch, and to all the honors of his office. Whoever after the promulgation of this decree shall presume to disturb him in the exercise of his office, separate from his communion, or dare to judge him anew, without the consent of the apostolic see, if a clerk, shall have the eternal punishment of the traitor Judas ; if a layman, he has in curred the malediction of Canaan : he is excommunicate, and will suffer the same fearful sentence from the eternal Judge. " When the Emperor of the East demanded the surrender of the monk, Theognetus, the messenger of Ignatius, the pope replied : " Many thousands come to Rome every year and place themselves devoutly under the protection of St. Peter. We have the power of summoning monks, and even clergy, from every part of the world ; you, 0 emperor, have no such power. You have nothing to do with monks, but humbly to entreat their prayers." 2 He also humbled the great Archbishop of Ravenna. Robbed of residence in the imperial city, he desired to emancipate himself from the papal jurisdiction. But his pride and harshness took from him the support of his own city, and after humiliating him the pope received him back into communion on these terms : that he should present himself yearly at Rome ; that he should eonsecrate no bishop except by the sanction of the pope ; to allow appeals to Rome ; and to surrender all contested property. " So ended this opposition to the papal supremacy in Italy." 3 Nicholas entered with undaunted nerve into a battle with Lothaire II, King of Lorraine, over his divorce from his wife, and this in volved him in conflicts with the strongest bishops of Gaul. The result was, the papal power was raised higher than ever. Over both kings and bishops Nicholas came off victorious. He joined issue with the great Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims, whom he also humbled, and first used that powerful agency for papal aggression, 1 Chief Periods of European History, Lond., 1886, pp. 104-108. 2 Baronius, Ann., 863. 3 See Milman, iii, 38-40. 746 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the sending out of the legates, which virtually makes the pope ubiquitous. Of him could an old chronicler say : " Since the days of Gregory I to our time sat no high priest on the throne of St. Peter to be compared to Nicholas. He tamed kings and tyrants, and ruled the world like a sovereign. To holy bishops and clergy he was mild and gentle ; to the wicked and unconverted a terror ; so that we might truly say a new Elias arose in him."1 So far no popes, though possessing a certain temporal dominion themselves, had ever dared to interfere with the temporal affairs of others, or dictate as to kingdoms and thrones. Their keeping to their spiritual claims had given them an immense vantage ground. But this could not last. If God had given into the hands of one man supreme spiritual jurisdiction, that must eventually include secular things, as the greater includes the less. The popes must in time press forward to this logical position, as the churchmen of the apostolic succession must eventually accept the logic of Newman. They did press forward to it, and against it they perished. The first who interfered in the temporal arena was Pope Adrian (Hadrian) II (867-872). In a territorial dispute between Charles the Bald and the emperor Louis II, Adrian took the side of the emperor. It was really a question of the independence of France from Italy. Hincmar of Rheims, still undaunted in spite of his temporary defeat by Nicholas I, thus expressed the rising senti ment of French nationality in an appeal of Charles and his nobles to the French bishops : " You contribute your prayers only against .™t.„Tt ^e Normans and other invaders ; if you would have ADRIAN II. _ ¦? •/ the support of our army as we of your prayers, demand of the apostolic Father that as he cannot be both king and bishop, and as his predecessors ruled the Church, which is their own, not the State, which is the king's, he impose not on us a distant king, who cannot defend us against the sudden and frequent attacks of the pagans, nor command us Franks to be slaves. His ancestors laid not their yoke on our ancestors, nor will we bear it, for it is written in the Scriptures that we should fight for our liberty and our in heritance to the death."2 But in this and other quarrels over French affairs the^ pope was foiled in each instance, and the new role of his Holiness in awarding crowns was deferred to a more con venient season. Between Leo IV and Benedict III (855) comes the famous story 1 See an excellent account in Milman, iii, 21-66. 2 Hincmar, Opera, ii, 695 ; Milman, iii, 72. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE PAPACY. 747 of the female pope Joanna. We give it in the words of Platina : ' "John, of English extraction, but born at Mentz, is the pope jo- said to have arrived at the popedom by evil arts. For ANNA- disguising herself like a man, whereas she was a woman, she went when young with her paramour, a learned man, to Athens, and made such progress in learning under the professors there that, coming to Rome, she met with few that could equal, much less go beyond her, even in the knowledge of Scriptures ; and by her learned and ingenious readings and disputations she acquired so great respect and authority that upon the death of Leo (as Martin says),3 by common consent, she was chosen pope in his room. As she was going to the Lateran Church between the Colossean theater (so-called from Nero's Colossus) and St. Clement's, her travail came upon her, and she died upon the place, having sat two years, one month, and four days, and was buried there without any pomp. This story is vulgarly told, but by very uncertain and obscure authors, and therefore I have related it barely and in short, lest I should seem obstinate and pertinacious if I had omitted what is so generally talked. I had better mistake, with the rest of the world, though it is certain that what I have related may be thought not altogether incredible." 3 This remarkable story had wide vogue, like many a mediseval legend. It was almost universally believed until the learned Prot estant, David Blondel, in 1647, subjecting it to a critical examina tion, proved it to be without basis. For this, however, he was much censured by his Protestant contemporaries.4 It arose from the play of the imagination about such circumstances as the sin gular circuit made in papal processions in which a street in which stood a statue representing a woman and a child was avoided ; a peculiar inscription on this statue, " Papa pater patrum peperit papiesa papellum;" and the use of a pierced seat to enthrone the pope. The following facts discredit the legend : 1. It is not men tioned until four hundred years after the supposed occurrence. Why are the mediseval chroniclers before Stephen de Bourbon (d. 1261) entirely silent ? 2. The promulgation of the myth is chiefly due to the historical hornbook of the later Middle Ages, 1 History of the Popes, pub. in "Vienna, 1479. 2 He alludes to Martinus Polanus (d. 1278), whose Chronicle was one of the great text-books in the Middle Ages. It is a " dry, mechanical, and utterly uncritical collection of biographical notes," and is "stuffed with fables." See Dollinger, Fables and Prophecies of the Middle Ages, ed. H. B. Smith, p. 16. 3 Platina, sub John VHI (ed. Benham, Lond., n. d., p. 224). 4 Blondel, Familier eclaircissement de le question si une f emme a ete assise an eiege papal de Eome, Amsterdam, 1647-49. 748 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the Chronicle of Martinus Polanus, a Roman penitentiary, in which it is inserted, not in the earlier but in the later editions be tween 1278 and 1312. 3. The legends differ. 4. Its insertion in the Liber Pontificalis, which misled very many, is the later addition. 5. It is indisputably proved by contemporary testimony of the clearest nature that Benedict III immediately succeeded Leo IV. 6. None of the Easterns in their fierce disputes with Rome ever bring forth the scandal.1 We cannot go into the details of the dark history from John VIII (872) to Hildebrand (1073). It is the night of the papacy. The Carolingian line had passed away, and the empire CORRUPTION ° r , ii of the was frequently transferred from one dynasty to another. church. Then the dukes and counts of Italy arose and reduced the popes to the position of slaves of contending factions. The popes were the footballs of the dukes of Tusculum on the one hand and the barons of Rome on the other. They were elected, deposed, imprisoned, murdered. The times were turbulent, and, instead of the head of the Church arising out of the turmoil and moral wreckage like a beacon light to guide men to the peace and holi ness of Christ, he himself descended to the level of the times. He was as " fierce and licentious as the petty princes who surrounded him, out of whose stock he sprang, and whose habits he did not break off when raised to the papal throne."2 At times adulter esses ruled the Church, and the papal palace was like the old pagan imperial palace, the center of debauchery, lying, intrigue, and murder. The brilliant young Roman Catholic, Mohler, called Sergius III, John X, John XI, and John XII "horrible popes," and says that crimes alone secured the papal dignity.3 Abandoned women, such as Marozia and Theodora, filled the papal chair, the crimes of the seat of the vicar of Christ, with their paramours and popes. bastards." A synod charged against one of these popes, John XII (955-963), that he always appeared armed, that he neglected prayers and all religious observances, that he was fond of hunting, that he had made a boy of ten a bishop, ordained bish ops in a stable, mutilated a priest, violated virgins and widows high and low, lived with his father's mistress, converted the pontifical palace into a brothel, drank to the health of the devil, and invoked at the gambling table the help of Jupiter and Venus and other 1 See Dollinger, Fables and Prophecies of the Middle Ages, pp. 3-74, 427- 437 ; the Church Histories of Schroeckh, xxii, 75-110 ; J. E. C. Schmidt, iv, 274-295 ; Kurtz, 10th ed., § 82, 6 ; Alzog, tr., ii, 266-269 ; Bower, Lives of the Popes, iv, 246-260 ; Gieseler, ii, 30, 31 (Smith). 2 Milman, iii, 81. 3 Kirchengesch., ed. Gams., ii, 183. 4Luitprand, in Migne, tom. 136. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE PAPACY. 749 heathen deities. A fitting climax of such a life was his murder by the husband of one of his paramours while in the act of adultery.1 It is interesting to hear a voice from that age rebuking the iniq uity, and questioning whether men were to reverence an institu tion which had sold itself to antichrist. In a Gallican synod (991) Arnulf, Bishop of Orleans, inspired perhaps by Gerbert, the secre tary of the council and afterward Pope Sylvester II, reviews some contemporary matters in this trenchant language : " Looking at the actual state of the papacy what do we behold ? John [XII], called Octavian, wallowing in a sty of filthy concupis cence, conspiring against the sovereign whom he had himself recently crowned; then Leo [VIII], the neophyte," chased from the city by this Octavian ; and that monster himself, after the com mission of many murders and cruelties, dying by the hand of an assassin. Next we see the deacon, Benedict, though freely elected by the Romans, carried away captive into the wilds of Germany by the new Caesar [Otho I] and his Pope Leo. Then ARNirLF0N a second Caesar [Otho II], greater in arts and arms the guilt of than the first, succeeds ; and in his absence Boniface, a THE CHDR0H- very monster of iniquity, reeking with the blood of his predecessor, mounts the throne of Peter. True, he is expelled and condemned, but only to return again and redden his hands with the holy bishop [John XIV]. Are there any indeed bold enough to maintain that the priests of the Lord over all the world are to take their law from monsters of guilt like these — men branded with ignominy, illiterate men, and ignorant alike of things human and divine? If, holy fathers, we be bound to weigh in the balance the lives, the morals, the attainments of the meanest candidate for the sacerdotal office, how much more ought we to look to the fitness of him who aspires to be the lord and master of all priests? Yet how would it fare with us if it should happen that the man the most deficient in all these virtues, one so abject as to fill the lowest place among the priesthood, should be chosen to fill the highest place of all ? What would you say of such an one when you beheld him sitting upon the throne glittering in purple and gold ? Must he not be the ' Antichrist sitting in the temple of God, and showing himself as God ?' Verily, such an one lacketh both wisdom and charity ; he standeth in the temple as an image, as an idol, from which as from dead marble you would seek counsel." 1 Luitprand, in Migne, tom. 136, 898-910. 9 So called because he was a layman when elected pope, and was hurried through the various ministerial orders. 750 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. A word like this from out of the very heart of the Church of the time is of infinite value. It proves that even then there were thousands who had not bowed the knee to Baal, and that the infamies of the papacy were weakening its hold on mankind. There must come a Hil debrand to drive the guilty out of the house of God. For in this same speech the best conscience of the Gallican Church speaks again: " But the Church of God is not subject to a wicked pope, nor even absolutely, on all occasions, to a good one. Let us rather i-n our difficulties resort to our brethren of Belgium and Germany than to that city, where all things are venal, where judgment and justice are bartered for gold. Let us imitate the great Church of Africa, which, in reply to the pretensions of the Roman pontiff, deemed it inconceivable that the Lord should have invested any one person with his own plenary prerogative of judicature and yet have denied it to the great congregation of his priests assembled in eouncil in different parts of the world. If it be true, as we are in formed by common report, that there is in Rome scarcely a man acquainted with letters — without which, as it is written, one may scarcely be a doorkeeper in the house of God — with what face may he who hath himself learnt nothing set himself up for a teacher of others ? In the simple priest ignorance is bad enough ; but in the high priest of Rome, in him to whom it is given to pass in review the faith, the lives, the morals, the discipline of the whole body of the priesthood, yea, of the universal Church, ignorance is in nowise to be tolerated. Why should he not be subject in judgment to those who, though lowest in place, are his superiors in virtue and wisdom ? Yea, not even he, the prince of apostles, declined the rebuke of Paul, through him inferior in place ; and saith the great Pope Gregory, ' If a bishop be in fault, I know not any such who is not subject to the holy see ; but if faultless, let everyone under stand that he is the equal of the Roman pontiff himself, and as well qualified as he to give judgment in any matter.'" He refers to Rome having lost her prestige— the "mistress of Churches and nations deserted by God and man." The East has fallen away from jier, and even the "people of inner Spain take no heed to her de crees." "By all this it is manifest that the power of Rome is shaken ; religion hath taken flight from her, and the name of God is dishonored and insulted with impunity. For a supreme pontiff [John XII] hath openly defied God and deserted his worship. Who then shall adhere to Rome when Rome deserts herself— when she will neither accept counsel nor impart it to others ? " ' 'Mansi, Cone, xix, 107; Pertz, Mon. Ger., v, 658; Schaff, iv, 290-292- Greenwood, Cathedra Petri, iii, 540-546. FIVE HUNDRED YEARS OF THE PAPACY. 751 We must remember that it was a visit to Rome which disen chanted Martin Luther. But God had yet more work for Rome. A phase of this disreputable history has been pressed home against Rome by Littledale. He quotes the canon law concerning simony, force, and other crimes as invalidating ecclesiastical rela tions, and he draws the conclusion that during the terrible years of the Pornocracy not one pope was rightly constituted, not one of their acts was canonical, and that the whole Petrine succession and privilege, if they ever existed, lapsed. There is not the least doubt that on Roman Catholic principles his contention is perfectly sound. Popes were murdered by one faction, and others were in truded into their places, often at the bidding of a set of unscrupulous courtesans. Baronius himself declares that a whole series of these popes down to 963, when the emperor Otho I interfered to save the Church, were false pontiffs, and a canonist must draw the con clusion that at the end of this sixty years' anarchy not a single clerical elector in Rome was qualified to vote. Another series of intruded popes were those who reigned from 1012 to 1046. In 1046 Gregory Vl was deposed for simony by the council of Sutri. The Germans charged the local Roman clergy as being almost to a man either illiterate, or simoniac, or immoral. In 1059 a great change was introduced in the mode of election, the right of voting being transferred to a college of cardinals. In 1179 it was enacted that two thirds were sufficient for an election, although it was not until 1181 that the new regulation was carried out.1 The Catholics reply to Littledale that the Church is greater than the canon law, and that she lives not in virtue of her obedience to the canons, but in virtue of her divine life and calling. But until the rise of Hil debrand it seemed as if St. Peter had abandoned the ship, and that the pirates were in full charge. 1 Legal Flaws in the Later Papacy, in Ch. Quar. Rev., July, 1884, 453-457. 752 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : HILDEBRAND. Gregory VII's Epistles. Paris, 1877. The early biographies by Benno, Bru- 'no, and others will be found in the Monumenta Germanica. See Andrews, In stitutes of General Hist., p. 158. 1. Voigt, J. Hildebrand als Papst Gregor VH und sein Zeitalter. 1815, 2d ed. rev., 1846. Transl. into French, with Introd. and notes by Jager, 1834 ; 4th ed., 1854. 2. Bowden, J. W. The Life and Pontificate of Gregory VH. Lond., 1840. Founded on Voigt. On Bowden, see Newman, Essays, ii, 318, 319. 3. Soltl, J. M. Gregor der Siebente. Leipz., 1847. 4. Stephen, Sir James. Hildebrand, in Essays in Ecch Biography. Lond., 1849 ; 2d ed., 1850 ; 4th ed., 1860 ; 5th ed., 1891. 5. Floto, H. Kaiser Heinrich der Vierte und sein Zeitalter. 2 vols., 1855-56. 6. Helfenstein, Jac. Gregors VII, Bestrebungen nach den Streitsschriften seiner Zeit. Frankf., 1856. 7. Gfrbrer, A. F. Papst Gregor VII und sein Zeitalter. 7 vols. Schaffh., 1859-61. 8. Greenwood, T. Cathedra Petri, vol. iv, pp. 139-609. Lond., 1861. 9. Baxmann, E. Die Politik der Papste von Gregor I auf Gregor Vii. El bert., 1868-9. 10. Newman, J. H. The Eeformation of the Seventh Century, in Essays, Critical and Hist., vol. ii, pp. 249-335. 2 vols. Lond., 1871 ; 8th ed., 1888. Founded on Bowden, originally written in 1841. 11. Villemain, A. F. Hist, de Gregoire VII. Paris, 1873 ; transl. by J. B. Brockley, Lond., 1874, 2 vols. 12. Langeron, Edouard. Gregoire VII et les origines de la politique ultra montane. 1874. 13. Meltzer, O. Gregor VII und die Bischofswahlen. Dresden, 1876. 14. Giesebrecht, W. Gesch. der deutschen Kaiserzeit. 4th ed., Braunschw., 1876 (vol. iii). 15. Martens, W. Die Besetzung des papstlichen Stuhls unter den Kaisern Hein rich III und Heinrich IV. Freiburg i. B., 1887. 16. Stephens, W. R. W. Hildebrand and his Times. Lond. and N. Y., 1888. See Starbuck, in Andover Rev., Dec, 1889, p. 673. 17. Mirbt, C. Die Wahl Gregors Vn. Marburg, 1892. Also other valuable monographs by Mirbt : Die Absetzung Heinrich IV durch Gregor VII, in der Publicistik der gregorianischen Kirchenstreits. Leipz., 1888. 18. Langen, J. Gesch. der romischen Kirche von Gregor VH bis Dmocenz in. Bonn, 1893. 19. Vincent, M. E. The Age of Hildebrand. N. Y., 1896. See J. W. Thomp son in the Dial, May 16, 1896, p. 309. This latest and admirable history gives a full bibliography, pp. xv-xxii. HILDEBRAND. 753 CHAPTER XXXVIII. HILDEBRAND. To cleanse the Augean stables of the Church needed a reformer of heroic mold. He was provided in Hildebrand. But he Leo ix as had forerunners. One of these was Leo IX, who ruled reformer. from 1049 to 1054. When offered the papacy by the emperor Henry III he declined to receive the honor, except on the condition of his election by the Roman people.1 When Bruno of Toul was on his way to Rome he visited the monastery of Cluny, and took with him from there the monk Hildebrand, who became his right- hand man in all his struggles. Leo sought to fill up the ideal of Nicholas I and restore the Church to its pure foundations. He first called for a synod at Rheims, where he boldly attacked the crime of simony, and tried to bring the French clergy to some reali zation of their duties. He then passed over into Germany, and at Mainz summoned the German bishops, to be chastised for their immoralities. Italy came next. The reforming zeal of Leo was making him immensely popular with the people and the Cluniac monks. It was the monastery of Cluny that furnished the source for all the regenerating influences which visited the Roman Church at that dark time. Emerton says : " Already we discern traces of that alliance of the papacy with great popular movements which is the clew to its policy for centuries. Its enemies were kings and secular prelates, its friends were the struggling masses of the cities now first beginning to feel themselves aroused to a sense of polit ical unity and a consciousness of undeveloped strength." Q Leo was a pope of great energy. He traveled widely, convening synods, rebuking vice, and awakening in the people an interest in all the movements of the Church. At one time he thought of de posing every priest and bishop who had obtained his benefice by simony. But this he had to abandon, as it would have struck more than two thirds of the officers of the Church. His last days were troubled. The Normans had taken possession of Benevento, 1 The tradition that Leo declined to receive the papacy except his election was confirmed by the clergy and people of Rome has been called in question by Martens, Die Besetzung des papstlichen Stuhles unter den Kaisern Heinrich m und TV. Freiburg in B., 1887. 2 Medieval Europe, pp. 208, 209. 48 754 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and, as the emperor refused to march against them, this brave pope, daunted at nothing, raised an army and tried to drive them out. But he was defeated, taken prisoner, and held captive at Benevento, from June 23, 1053, to March 12, 1054. On his death a few days after his release the people desired to elect his great deacon, Hilde brand, but this the latter declined. During the reigns of the successors of Leo the most powerful man in Rome was Hildebrand. But it was not until THE POWER- ,-,. , , - -i • i,i ful hilde- 1073 that the people succeeded m getting him elected, brand. an(j ^en onjy a^ the tumultuous demand of the mob. Gregory VII, the son of a carpenter, was born at Siena, about 1015. He was educated in monasteries at Rome and Cluny. After leaving Cluny he became the leading spirit in ecclesiastical affairs, going on important embassies, securing the election of popes whom he favored, and stimulating the whole life of the Church. His own election was canonically invalid. This was recognized by many even at the time. The emperor charged him with being an invader of the Church ; the bishops accused him of having seized the government of the Church against law and order ; and Egilbert, in 1080, denied the pope's authority on the ground that he invaded the apostolic chair. Later writers expanded and defined these charges. In 1892 Mirbt sifted all the evidence and reached the following conclusions: ' 1. On the charges of corruption, intimida tion, and unscrupulous ambition Gregory must be acquitted. And if the assent of the emperor was wanting before the election, it was given before the consecration. 2. The electoral law of 1059, how ever, was disregarded; the cardinals were excluded, and the proceed ings were tumultuous. The election, therefore, was illegal and void. But if Gregory was not by law a pope, no one was in fact more pope than he. Providence does not care for legal technicalities. Gregory bent himself to effect two things — the moral reformation of the clergy and the independence of the Church. There was, first, the determination to enforce and enlarge the law respecting clerical celibacy. As early as the fourth century the popes had tried to bring the three higher orders of clergy under the rules of celibacy, but always with poor succesB. Even when legal marriages were no longer allowed, the clergy kept women in their houses, as do Italian priests to-day. A tax called colligium was really a license to keep concubines. By the laws of France and Castile the sons of priests were empowered to inherit. In Milan, in the middle of the eleventh century, all priests and deacons were married. Hadrian II 1 Die Wahl Gregors VH, Marburg, 1892. See C. A. Scott, in Crit. Rev., iv, 305. i.i HILDEBRAND. 755 was married before he became pope, and Benedict IX resigned the papal chair in order to marry.1 Rutherius, an Italian bishop in 966, said that all his clergy were married, and that ' iii GREGORY EN- if he were to enforce the law only boys would be left in forcing cel- the Church, and even they would be ejected under the IBACT- rule that bastards were ineligible to sacred offices.' Gregory deter mined so far as possible to purify the priesthood from adultery as well as to make it independent of all earthly ties. In this no doubt he was led by the loftiest motives. To him it seemed necessary for the very salvation of the Church. The legalizing of marriage would bring in the hereditary transmission of benefices, and that would transform the Church into a close corporation, a separate caste of individual proprietors. Hence there could be no fresh infusion of life and vigor from the ranks of the common people, whence he him self sprang. The Church was the only career open to the peasant. The clergy must be kept close to the Church and separate from the world. Lea says: "It is easy to see how the churchman could have selected matrimonial alliances of the most politic and aggrandizing character ; and as possession of property and hereditary transmis sion of benefices would have necessarily followed in the permis sion to marry, an ecclesiastical caste, combining temporal and spir itual power in the most dangerous excess, would have repeated in Europe the distinctions between the Brahman and Sudra of India. The perpetual admission of self-made men into the hierarchy, which distinguished the Church even in times of the most aristocratic feudalism, was for ages the only practical recognition of the equality of man, and was one of the most powerful causes at work during the Middle Ages to render national liberty eventually possible with advancing civilization. Looking therefore upon the Church as an instrumentality to effect certain beneficent results in the cause of human improvement, we may regard celibacy as a necessary element of sacerdotalism, the abolition of which would have required the entire destruction of the papal system and the fundamental recon struction of ecclesiastical institutions." 3 In March, 1074, Gregory held his first synod, which ordered that henceforth no one should be admitted to orders without a vow of celibacy, and renewed the legislation of Nicholas II that people must not attend the ministrations of those whose lives were a violation of this rule. The only difference here between Gregory 1 Vincent, The Age of Hildebrand, N. Y., 1896, pp. 25, 26. 'Ibid., -p. 27. 3 Hist, of Sacerdotal Celibacy in the Christian Church, 2d ed., rev. and enl., p. 226. 756 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and previous popes was his determination that these laws should no longer remain a dead letter. He sent the canons to all the bishops of Europe, with instructions to see that they were obeyed, and he dispatched legates in every direction to see that the rules were carried out. Infinite suffering, confusion, and hardship were the result. Many of the clergy utterly refused to comply. Then Gregory called on the princes and laymen to expel the clergy from their positions and to yield them no obedience. Many of the princes were only too glad to obey this decree to the letter. Con temporary writers describe the scene of anguish that followed. Society seemed dissolved ; friend betrayed friend ; faith and truth were despised ; of the married priests some wandered off in hope less exile ; others were mutilated, and were carried around to ex hibit their shame and misery ; others were murdered. Meanwhile the offices of religion were neglected, and the land was virtually under the horrors of an interdict. ¦ The princes and laymen were glad to escape the jurisdiction of their priests, and to seize their property. Sometimes the conflict raged with bloodshed and mur der, complicated as it was with the internal dissensions of the em pire and the revolt of the princes against the emperor. With this simony pun- war against concubinage was waged also one against ished. simony. The clergy were guilty of both, and it must be confessed that although Hildebrand did not entirely succeed in his moral reforms he accomplished large results in enforcing celibacy as a universal law and in checking some outrageous abuses. At any rate the whole machinery of the Church was turned with relentless moral earnestness upon the real or imaginary sins of the clergy. Gregory's next work was to free the Church from all bondage to the State, or rather to bring the State into bondage to the Church. The great law promulgated by Christ, " Render unto Caesar the things that are Caasar's, and unto God the things that are God's," in which for the first time in history spiritual things are relegated to the spiritual society and temporal things to the State, each to do its own work in mutual friendliness but in entire independence, was unknown in the Middle Ages. Church and State were one in the Roman empire, and in the Christian Roman empire the same condition of things largely prevailed. It came to pass that bishops were feudal lords ruling over men and territories of their own, and the State could not entirely lose its hold upon them. So large were the temporal possessions of the clergy that one fifth of France and one third of Germany were in their hands. They had become 1 Martene et Durand, Thesaur., i, 230, 231 ; Sigebert, Gemblac, ann. 1074- Lea, pp. 234, 235. HILDEBRAND. 757 invested with the rights of duke and count, and, subject only to the kings, were suzerains over the people dwelling on their lands.' One of the symbols of their loyalty to the king was the receiving from him on their installation into their spiritual office a pastoral staff or crosier and a ring placed upon the finger. INVESTITURE. This, called investiture, occasioned bitter controversy in the Middle Ages. The suzerains claimed that in this they did not grant any spiritual powers, but simply possession of the tem poralities of the office, and, since the clergy were often temporal lords, it would not be fair or safe to leave them without responsi bility to the State. But Gregory was determined to do away with this custom, as interfering with the independence and spirituality of the Church, and also as often leading to simony. In 1075 he held a synod in Rome which determined that any ecclesiastic who should accept office from the hands of a layman incurred the penalty of deposition, while the layman should be excommunicated. Now began that celebrated contest between the emperor and the pope which forms one of the most thrilling incidents of history. It was inevitable that between the two absolutisms a contest be- conflict should arise. In fact, it is not yet ended. ™T ^S°EE " The Syllabus of 1864 is a document after Hildebrand'6 henry iv. own heart. The divine right of kings is a chimera of yesterday, and the secular governments have long since adopted, though un willingly, popular representation and constitutional safeguards. But the divine right of the pope is a living tradition, and the supremacy of the Church over all human governments is a funda mental principle of Roman Catholicism. This supremacy found its germ in Augustine's City of God, and was unfolded and ex panded to their hearts' content by the popes and canonists of the Middle Ages. Innocent III, who ruled from 1198 to 1216, sums up this magnificent conception in these words : " The Creator has fixed in the firmament of the Church universal two dignities. The greater, the papacy, governs souls as the sun by day. The less, the empire, governs bodies as the moon by night." Gregory himself had a true democratic contempt of kings. "Who can deny," says Gregory, "that kings and dukes came into existence because that, knowing not God, by robberies and perfidy and murder, in a word, by the commission of every crime under the inspiration of the devil, the prince of this world, they dared, in their blind passion and intolerable pride, to set up as masters over men who were created their equals ? And when they seek to make the priests of God bow down to them, to whom can 1 See Andrews, Institutes of General History, p. 159. 758 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. they better be compared than to the devil himself, the father of all the children of pride, who, when he tried to tempt the Sovereign Pontiff, the Chief of all priests, the Son of God himself, said, when he showed him all the kingdoms of the earth, ' All these things will I give thee, if thou wilt fall down and worship me?' Can there be any doubt that the priests of Jesus Christ are the fathers and masters of kings and princes and of all the faithful ? Shall not a dignity created by men, in an age when they knew not God, be under submission to that which the providence of Almighty God himself has created for his glory and bestowed on the world in his mercy ? His Son, whom we believe with undoubting faith to be God and man, who is also the Sovereign Priest, the head of all priests, seated at the right hand of his Father, ever making in tercession for us, despised that worldly royalty on account of which those of our day are so puffed up, and took upon him of his own will the priesthood of the cross ! " ¦ Hildebrand entered upon this controversy with the prestige of his long association with popes, having been secretary of state to five different popes. He had behind him the glorious memories of Leo the Great, Gregory the Great, Nicholas I, as well as the new life brought to the papacy by the German popes under the emperor, Henry III. Besides, Italy hated the empire, and the pope was favored by the Norman and Tuscan principalities, and Henry had to face disunion and rebellion among his own princes. But, more important still, Hildebrand was upheld by zeal, ignorant though it was, for Christ and his Church, and he appealed to great universal principles, which met a response in the conscience of the most de vout and learned spirits of his time.' On the other hand, Henry had with him the anti-reform party among the clergy, including many of the great bishops of Germany and many of the powerful nobles of Rome and Lombardy. " The same great Roman families who had cursed Henry III allied themselves ardently with his son to annihilate Hildebrand." The initiative was taken by Gregory. When Henry IV appointed a bishop to a vacant see of Milan in 1071 Gregory appointed an other. In 1075 the pope sent his decree concerning investitures to Henry, in which also he excommunicated some of Henry's sup posed simoniac bishops. The emperor paid no attention to this. Then Gregory summoned Henry to answer before him in a synod to be held at Rome February 22, 1076, for his crimes and mis demeanors. The king answered this with a counter synod at 1 Quoted by Villemain, Gregory VH, ii, 64. 2 Andrews, Institutes, p. 157. HILDEBRAND. 759 Worms, January 24, 1076, which solemnly deposed the pope : " Let another ascend the chair of St. Peter, who will not cloak violence with religion, for I, Henry, king by the grace of God, with all my bishops, say unto you, Get down, get down." The dauntless pope paid the king in his own coin. He simply placed Henry under an interdict, and absolved his subjects from their allegiance until he should repent : " Trusting to this [the mediatorship, or binding and loosing power intrusted to him by God], I, in the name of Almighty God, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, interdict to King Henry, son of Emperor Henry, the government of the entire German and Italian realm. Because with unheard-of pride he hath lifted himself against the Church, I absolve all Christians from the bond of their oath to him, and forbid them to serve him any longer as king." ' Unfortunately for Henry, some of the chief princes of his realm were in conflict with him, and they at once withdrew their allegiance, and told Henry he must await the decision of the diet of Augsburg, February 2, 1077, to which the whole matter was referred. They did not wait for „„„„„ . „„„, * HENRY A PKMI" this, but at the diet of Tribur, October, 1076, they tent at ca- suspended him from all kingly functions and told him N0SSA- that he would be deposed by February 25 unless he had previously been absolved by the pope. This stunned Henry for the moment. He feared to trust himself to a diet of the empire, and resolved to go to the pope personally and, with his wife and young son, to throw himself on his mercy. He passed Mount Cenis in a most terrible winter. The queen and her lady companions and the children were placed in skins, and so drawn down the mountain by the guides.2 He found the pope the guest of Princess Mathilde at her castle of Canossa. There he waited in penitent's garb for three days, January 25-27, 1077, 3 when he was received and given a conditional absolu tion, all the points contended for by the pope being conceded. Concerning this celebrated humiliation at Canossa the common representation gives a picture of a half -naked man " standing in the snow, fasting and shivering in the icy wind until evening," and this for three days, a " spectacle to move all hearts save that of the representative of Jesus Christ." * " The rising sun,' 1 See anathema in full in Andrews, p. 162. Many of the documents in this famous controversy, and in similar contests later, are translated in full in Henderson, Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, pp. 351-437. 3 Vincent, The Age of Hildebrand, p. 93. 3 In January, 1877, the Protestant press throughout the world made fitting reference to this incident. 4 Vincent, p. 95. See Duruy, p. 242 ; Milman, iii, 456 ; Bryce, p. 159. 760 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Stephen, "found him there fasting ; and there the setting sun left him stiff and cold, faint and hungry, and drowned with shame and ill-suppressed resentment." ' This lasted three days. Villemain, who writes in a spirit friendly to Gregory, and with large quotations from contemporary documents, gives a similar picture." But these brutal accessories are chiefly the creations of a vivid imagination. The real facts are that Henry did not wait three days and nights, but for a few hours each day, not in the snow, but under cover, not shivering, but warmly clad under his penitent's garb, which was simply thrown over his clothing, and that the pope's reluctance to absolve Henry was due to the fact that the matter had been referred to the diet of Augsburg. As to the penance, that was not unusual with kings, as, for instance, Otho I, Henry II, Otho III. Henry III, and St. Louis were publicly flogged.3 But whatever the path, the end reached was the same — Henry's humiliation was complete. In his letter to the German princes, 1077, the pope him self gives the following account, which may have been unconsciously exaggerated in order to show the completeness of his triumph : " The king also before entering Italy sent on to us suppliant the pope's legates, offering in all things to render satisfaction to nffftvtv-f God, to St. Peter, and to us. And he renewed his ON J I r..i K 1 £> humiliation, promise that, besides amending his life, he would observe all obedience if only he might merit to obtain from us the favor of absolution and the apostolic benediction. When, after long defer ring this and holding frequent consultations, we had, through all the envoys who passed, severally taken him to task for his excesses, he came at length of his own accord with a few followers, showing nothing of hostility or boldness, to the town of Canossa, where we were tarrying. And there, having laid aside all belongings of roy alty, wretchedly, with bare feet and clad in wool, he continued for three days to stand before the gate of the castle. Nor did he desist from imploring with many tears the aid and consolation of the apostolic mercy until he had moved all of those who were present there, and whom the report of it reached, to such pity and depth of compassion that interceding for him with many prayers and tears all wondered indeed at the unaccustomed hardness of our heart, while some actually cried out that we were exercising, not the grav ity of apostolic severity, but the cruelty, as it were, of a tyrannical ferocity." So far Gregory was victor, and this substantially he remained, 1 Essays in Eecl. Biography, p. 40. » Gregory Vn, ii, 112. 3 Hefele, in Tiibinger Quartalschrift, 1861 ; Andrews, Institutes, p. 163 ; J. W. Thompson, in the Dial (Chicago), May 16, 1896, p. 309. HILDEBRAND. 761 as did his successors, until a new age readjusted the relation of Church and State. Henry came out of this experience a new man, sober and resolute. The German nobles had elected Rudolph in his stead. Henry defeated them. Gregory again put him under a ban. Henry again came into Italy, not as a penitent, but as a war rior, besieged Rome four years in succession, and established Gui- bert of Ravenna on the pontifical throne (1080). 1 On the approach of Robert Guiscard, the Norman Duke of Apulia, Henry returned to Germany. Gregory had fled to Salerno, where he died, May 25, 1085, with the confession of the utter sincerity of his life, moved unselfishly by profound convictions of right : " I have loved justice and hated iniquity ; therefore I die in exile." In a fine passage Sir James Stephen expresses the aim, if not in all cases the actual result, of Hildebrand's life : "He found the papacy dependent on the empire ; he sustained her by alliances almost commensurate with the Italian peninsula. He found the papacy electoral by the Roman people and clergy ; he left it electoral by a college of papal nomination. He found the emperor the virtual patron of the holy see; he wrested that STEPHEN.SPIC. power from his hand. He found the secular clergy the tureof greg- allies and dependents of the secular power ; he converted 0RT- them into the inalienable auxiliaries of his own. He found the higher ecclesiastics in servitude to the temporal sovereigns ; he de livered them from their yoke to subjugate them to the Roman tiara. He found the patronage of the Church the mere desecrated spoil and merchandise of princes ; he reduced it within the dominion of the supreme pontiff. He is celebrated as a reformer of the impure and profane abuses of his age ; he is more justly entitled to the praise of having left the impress of his gigantic character on the history of all the ages which have succeeded him."a While we cannot refuse the meed of our admiration to Gregory's stern moral enthusiasm, we must remember at the same time that he was fighting against Providence and against the divine order of society. Both his ideal and that of Henry were far from the Christian thought, and the means by which each sought to com- ' This Guibert has been made the subject of an exhaustive study by Kohncke, Wibert of Eavenna, Leipz., 1888. He maintained his part of the fight with indomitable vigor and perseverance. He kept up his contention under the popes who succeeded Gregory Vll ; and sometimes he was successful in holding his place in Borne against them. He died in 1100, and miracles were claimed to be wrought at his tomb. These inconvenient manifestations of Heaven's favor to an antipope were arrested by Paschal n, who dug up his body and threw it into the Tiber. 5 Essays in Eccl. Biography, pp. 56, 57. 762 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. pass his object were selfish, tyrannical, and cruel. Gregory was right in insisting on the holiness of priests, though wrong in his ascetic conceptions of what that holiness meant. Henry was right in insisting on the civil allegiance of the clergy and of their render ing to him homage for their estates. Both were wrong in anathe matizing and deposing each other and fighting each other with carnal weapons. Henry's absolutism was tempered by fear of the German princes and of the diet of the empire, and so was less dangerous to mankind than that of the pope, which, resting on an alleged divine revelation and checked by no human restraints, would have brought the world under the paralyzing fear of a per petual reign of terror, glimpses of which we have actually seen in the sufferings of the French and German clergy and their families on the publication of Gregory's edict concerning celibacy.' 1 See some excellent remarks on both aspects of the papal theocracy, in Mil- man, iii, 497-499. LATER CONFLICTS BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE. 763 CHAPTER XXXIX. FREDERICK BARBAROSSA-FREDERICK II-INNOCENT III-LATER CONFLICTS BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE. The controversy over investiture reached the usual end of a compromise. The Concordat of Worms in 1122 made the following provisions : The emperor to give up investiture with the ring and pastoral staff, to grant to the clergy the right of free elections, and to restore all the possessions of the Church of Rome which had been seized by himself or his father ; on the other hand, the elections should be held in the presence of the emperor or his representative, investiture as to temporal rights might be given by the emperor by the touch of the scepter, and the bishops and other Church digni taries should faithfully discharge all the feudal duties belonging to their place. The conflict between Church and State was continued through the Hohenstaufen emperors. Frederick Barbarossa, em- THE stirrup peror 1152-90, one of the greatest names of the Middle IN history. Ages, carried on a long and fruitless conflict with Alexander III, pope from 1159 to 1181. He was also in controversy at times with Hadrian IV, an energetic and able pope (1154—59). In this connec tion occurred the incident of the stirrup. To show their reverence for the apostolic see it had been customary for princes when visit ing Rome to act as squires to the pope. Frederick refused this service to Hadrian. This enraged the pope, who refused him the kiss of peace after the emperor had prostrated himself and kissed his foot. " Thou hast deprived me of the homage which, out of reverence for the apostles, thy predecessors paid to mine up to our days, nor will I bestow on thee the kiss of peace until thou hast satisfied me." For two days the dispute continued. But Fred erick did not wish to put any unnecessary obstacles in the way of his coronation by the pope, whose firmness carried the day. When they met again the king in the presence of the whole army led the pope's horse a little way, and then held his stirrup when he dis mounted.1 This picturesque though menial homage rendered by the holy Roman emperor to the pope — a characteristic act of the Middle Ages — no doubt meant much to the pope. But, after all, 1 Balzani, The Pope and the Hohenstaufen, pp. 35, 36. 764 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Frederick was not inclined to yield everything. When the pope in one of his letters to him referred to his " conferring upon him the distinction of the imperial crown" and receiving " benefices " from the pope's hand— as though the crown was a feudal gift— the emperor replied in brave Teutonic style, in 1157 : " The kingdom and the empire are ours by the election of the princes from God alone, who by the passion of his Son Christ subjected the (piiii POPE! .-¦.— Tpii" world to the rule of the two necessary swords [the spir- yielding for the moment. itual and the temporaij ; and since the apostle Peter informed the world with his teaching, ' Fear God, honor the king,' whoever shall say that we received the imperial crown as a benefice from the lord pope contradicts the divine institutions and teaching of Peter, and shall be guilty of a lie." Rather than have such an imputation cast upon him he " would rather incur danger of death." i The pope hastened to assure the emperor that the offen sive words, " benefice " and " we confer," were by no means to be taken in any feudal sense, but simply as implying a good deed per formed on the emperor by the pope. The conflict between Frederick and Alexander lasted from 1160 to 1177, and was the longest war ever waged between an emperor and a pope. Frederick espoused the cause of Victor IV, the anti- pope, but his contest was complicated by his enforcement of the imperial claims in Italy over against the new nationalities, repub lics, and municipalities which were now beginning to arise. In this conflict with the Italian cities he was beaten in the great battle of Legnano, May 29, 1176. He had to make his peace with the pope, who, as we may well suppose, was victor in the struggle." We come now to Innocent III, one of the greatest popes who has occupied the pontifical chair. In him the Hildebrandine theory reached its perfect embodiment and complete fulfillment. He, however, only carried out the work of Gregory VII, and built on culmination his foundations. He was born at Anagni in 1160, with 2I.HJI£E™, princely blood on both sides. His father belonged to BKAriD 8 POL"* t l-' icy. the great family of Conti, which has given nine popes to the Roman Church. He was educated in Rome, Paris, and 1 Henderson, Documents of the Middle Ages, pp. 411-414. 5 Freeman has thoroughly discussed the Italian wars of Frederick, and has shown how different they were from the Italian wars of Louis Napoleon and Austria. This historian caUs Barbarossa the " greatest German who ever set foot on Italian soil " since Charles the Great, and says that, German as he was, he " was the elected, crowned, and anointed [by the pope] King of Italy and Em peror of the Romans, a king whose sovereignty was acknowledged in theory by all Italy, and was zealously asserted in act by a large portion of the Italian nation." Frederick the First, King of Italy, in Essays, first series, p. 257, ff. LATER CONFLICTS BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE. 765 Bologna. His promotion was rapid, though under the ascendency of the house of Orsini he was kept in the background. It was dur ing this interval of retirement that he wrote his De Contemptu Mundi, a classic of that age, full of learning, breathing profound piety and the spirit of gloom and severity. On the death of the Orsini pope, Celestine III, he was at once and unanimously elected pope, February 22, 1 198. He immediately began to make his hand felt throughout every State in Europe. He established his own power in Rome by lessening that of the prefect, who, nominated by the emperor, had represented good government, and thus the pope be came the temporal ruler of Rome. Various German princes were driven from Italian soil. As guardian of the young emperor Fred erick II he became the real ruler of the kingdom of Naples and Sicily. He interfered with the succession to the imperial crown, though his dealings with the emperor were not his most successful undertakings. He compelled the licentious Philip Augustus of France to take back his lawful wife, Ingeburga, though to do this he had to lay the country under an interdict for nine months. In Spain and other countries Innocent interfered with equal suc cess. He sent out the fifth Crusade, which took Constantinople, and so brought the eternal dream of a universal papal dominion perilously near to a waking reality. The Latin kingdom of Jerusalem was reestablished, and the Eastern rivals of his claims were reduced for a time to a nullity. He sent his soldiers against the Albigenses, and 60 on all hands the ground was cleared for the universal domin ion of holy Church. In England it seemed as if this dominion was to become a terrible reality. At the time of a dispute over the suc cession to the archbishopric of Canterbury, Innocent had Stephen Langton elected — an English cardinal at Rome of great piety and learning. John would not receive him. Innocent placed the king dom under an interdict ' in 1208. The next year the king was ex communicated, and in 1212 the pope went to the daring length of issuing a bull deposing him from the kingdom, absolving his sub jects from their allegiance, and calling upon Philip to see that these fearful sentences were carried into effect. In 1213 John resigned his crown to the pope's envoy at Dover, and agreed to hold the kingdom of England and lordship of Ireland as fiefs of the pope, to whom he promised to pay a thousand marks yearly : 1 A word must be said concerning this horrible weapon of papal warfare. All the public services of religion were forbidden. The sacraments could be administered only privately and in cases of extreme necessity. The dead were thrown into ditches or buried in the field. To a superstitious age it was the last effort of ecclesiastical terrorism. 766 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. "We do offer and fully concede to God and his holy apostles, Peter and Paul, and to our mother, the holy Roman Church, and to our lord Pope Innocent and to his Catholic successors the whole kingdom of England and the whole kingdom of Ireland, with all their rights and appurtenances, for the remission of our own sins and of those of our whole race, as well for the living as for the dead ; and now receiving and holding them as it were a vassal from God and the Roman Church." l The papacy stood at the pinnacle of its power. Professing boundless allegiance to Christ, it seemed also to have shared king john op Satan's promise of all the kingdoms of the world. At England at ^e same tjme lnn0cent exerted his immense authority TTTTP POPE'S t » feet. as the "guardian of public and private morality— a steady protector of the weak, and zealous in the repression of simony and the abuses of the time. He prohibited the arbitrary multiplication of the religious orders, but lent all the force of his power and influence to the remarkable spiritual movement in which the two great orders, the Franciscan and Dominican, had their origin." Milman refers to him as a "high and blameless, and in some respects wise and gentle, character, who seems to ap proach more nearly than any one of the whole succession of Roman bishops to the ideal light of a supreme pontiff, and in whom, if ever, may seem to be realized the churchman's highest conception of a vicar of Christ." ' Innocent died in July, 1216. His success, after all, was largely on the surface. There were deep undercurrents modifying and nullifying his acts. The Middle Age was far along, although, as Sabatier says, he insisted on " treating it as if it were only fifteen years old."- In some matters, however, Innocent's efforts were entirely unsuccessful. This is proven by the supreme indifference to papal censures on the part of his pupil, Frederick II. Frederick II, emperor 1196-1250, was the marvel of his age, an enigma of history. He was the most enlightened, progressive, theversatile anQ liberal man of his times, tolerating Jews and Mo- frederick n. hammedans, emancipating commerce, anticipating in this the modern principle of free trade, establishing representative government, advancing learning — himself an accomplished linguist 1 See this interesting document in full in Stubbs, Select Charters, p. 284, and Henderson, Hist. Documents, p. 430. 2 Hist, of Latin Christianity, v, 275. Milman devotes nearly a volume to Innocent, and he has been made the subject of elaborate monographs, as those of Hurter, 4 vols., 1834-1842 ; Jorry, 1853 ; Deutsch, 1876 ; Schoemer, 1882 ; Brischar, 1883. LATER CONFLICTS BETWEEN CHURCH AND STATE. 767 and philosopher — endowing medical schools, introducing Aristotle and other Greek and Arabic philosophers into Latin literature, fostering sculpture and painting, encouraging letters, himself a pioneer in Italian poetry, forming an immense collection of ani mals, and himself writing a scientific treatise on falconry. He was a legislator, a connoisseur, a poet, a warrior. The popes quarreled with him. They excommunicated him. They excommunicated him because he did not go on a crusade. They excommunicated him when he did go. When he was successful and returned they excommunicated him again. But their fulminations did not make him move from his course. In one of his replies to these curses he says that the pope's temporal pretensions menace the whole of Christendom with an " unheard-of tyranny," and that instead of rolling in wealth and aspiring to secular dominion the popes ought to cultivate the simplicity and self-denial of the early Christians. His quarrels with the papacy were forced upon him by the popes, whose unerring instinct told them that he represented ideas irrecon cilably opposed to theirs. Unfortunately, reverses to his arms and civil war broke his strength, already undermined by the excesses of the harem which he had established in the south of Italy, and premature death took him away before the result of his struggle with the popes was determined. ' 1 M. Huillard-Breholles published a magnificent collection of sources for Frederick H, 12 vols., Paris, 1852-61. Freeman has an interesting essay, The Emperor Frederick II, in Hist. Essays, 1st series, p. 29, ff. He gives a discussion of his religious position and a fine general estimate. 768 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : BONIFACE VIII. 1. Rubeus, Joan. Bonifacius VHI . . . opus in duos partes diviaum, altera vitam et res ab eo gestas illustrat, altera defendit. Roma, 1651. Praises Boniface as an ideal pope. 2. Baillet, Adrien. Histoire des demeles du pape Boniface VHI avec Phil ippe le Bel, roi de France. Paris, 1717-18 ; 2d ed., 1718. 3. Hoefler, Const. Riickblicke an Papst Bonifacius VTH und die Litteratur seiner Geschichte. In Abhandlungen der bayer. Akad. der Wissen- schaften. Miinchen, 1843. 4. Tosti, Luigi. Storia di Bonifazio V1L1 e de suoi tempi. 2 vols. Monte Casino, 1846. A glorification of Boniface. 5. Jorry, Abbe. Histoire du pape Boniface VTH (1217-1303). Plancy, 1850. 6. Drumann, Wilh. Geschichte Bonifacius VTH. 2 vols. Konigsburg, 1852. Critical ; from anti-Roman standpoint. 7. Christophe, J. B. Histoire de la Papaute pendant le XTVe si<3cle. 3 vols. Paris, 1853. Translated into German the same year. 8. Gregorovius, Ferd. Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter : vom V bis zum XVI Jahrhundert. 8 vols. 1859-72; 4th ed., 4 vols., Leipz., 1886-92. English translation, History of the City of Eome in the Middle Ages, by Annie Hamilton, 3 vols., Lond., 1894-96. Not yet complete. 9. Bontaric, Edg. La France sous Philippe le Bel. Paris, 1861. Impor tant. 10. Chantrel, J. Boniface VHI et son temps. Paris, 1862 ; 2d ed., 1866. 11. Hergenroether, J. Katholische Kirche und christlicher Staat. 2d ed., Freiburg i. B., 1873. Abtheilung ii, p. 319, ff. An apology for Boni face's treatment of Philip IV. 12. Digard, G. Faucon, G. and Thomas. Les Eegistres de Boniface VTH apres des manuscrits originaux. Paris, 1884. 13. Campbell, A. D. Causes of the Failure of the Papal Assumptions of Boni face VTH. In Presbyterian and Reformed Review, July, 1893, pp. 429, ff. 14. On the bull Unam Sanctam, see Berchtold, Die Bulle Unam Sanctam, Munchen, 1887, and Funk, in Theol. Quartalschrift, xiii, 640, ff. ^-$^£S^s£ v L .'j / *» jjH: ~~ eITrope I AT THE CLOSE OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY. it, l'ta\ a | HOUSE OF ANJOU ... - f== HOUSE OF ARAGON ^^ HOUSE OF HABSBURG L*^, HOUSE OF LUXEMBURG 1 THE HEAVY RED LINE SHOWS THE BOUNDARY OF THE EMPIRE THE ELECTORATES OF THE EMPIRE ARE UNDERLINED THUS Burk&MnFatndgn Co IM FMi. MADE EXPRESS1Y P i^V Vs>^?% J ^ J \ V . _. L-.J1 ' t\Th '-'"> % 1 i >- ^ Vf AmER>A N E !-.' OFTHEOHRISTIAK CHURCH. BONIFACE VIII. 769 CHAPTER XL. BONIFACE VIII-THE LAST GREAT POPE OF THE MIDDLE AGES AND THE COLLAPSE OF HIS COLOSSAL SCHEME. The chief feature of the history of the papacy from the death of Innocent III, 1216, to the succession of Boniface VIII, 1294, was the breaking of the power of the empire. The great Frederick went down, says Creighton, before the inflexible determination and consummate political ability of Gregory IV and Innocent IV. The spiritual ideal was lost. The popes emulated the r61e of kings, and strained every nerve to become arbiters in matters secu lar. To break the empire they introduced Charles of Anjou as King of Sicily. But sweet are the revenges of history. The "Angevin influence became superior to that of the papacy, and French popes were elected that they might carry out the wishes of the Sicilian king." ' The end was the enslavement of the Eoman Church to France. Then the taxation necessary to keep up the papal court, the remorseless abandonment of popular rights, of the rights of the clergy, of the rights of the cities, anything in order to keep up this role of universal sway, alienated both the clergy and the people from the papal government, and all tended toward that loosening the bonds of the old order which is characteristic of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and which was the prelude to the new birth of the Church at the Eeformation. The abdication of poor Celestine V, 1294, was the symbol of the complete passing of the religious idea of the papacy. Henceforth the papacy must take its place as a political institution. Celestine was an aged monk of Abruzzi, who had finally been chosen to con ciliate the factions. But it was soon evident that piety was a poor substitute for statecraft in those seething waters. Good Peter of Murrone, therefore, was induced to abdicate, and Benedetto Gaetani of Anagni (Boniface VIII), an able, astute, wane of re cruel, and ambitious politician, arose in his place. He signalized his accession by two needless acts of oppres- ct. sion — the imprisonment of the late pope, which soon caused his death, and the destruction, so far as he could accomplish it, of the powerful family of the Colonnas. This was done with a cruelty 1 History of the Papacy during the Eeformation, i, 25. 49 LIGIOTJS IDEA OF THE PAPA- 770 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and lack of good faith characteristic of a man thoroughly bent on accomplishing his own purposes. But the last act rebounded to his hurt. Boniface mounted at once to the full conception of the Hilde- brandine papacy. With all his astuteness he could not see the drift of the times, but with a boundless self-confidence he threw himself against the tide. He had the boldness to attempt to carry out thoroughly the media2val Eoman Catholic doctrine of Church and State as defined by St. Thomas Aquinas. ' There was nothing pe culiar in Boniface's notions. He stood squarely on the platform of the best theologians of his time.3 They all made the State sub- boniface de- ordinate to the Church, over both of which the pope lanTand1" ruled as God's vicegerent on earth, and to whom the france. obedience of every living soul was due. Boniface had the courage to make the Hildebrandine ideal a living force in the national and international complications of his time. He first in terfered in the war between Edward I of England and Philip IV of France, two of the most rapacious, ambitious, and unscrupulous sovereigns in all history. He commanded a truce. The kings paid no attention to him. The financial necessities created by this and other wars made increased taxation necessary. Both kings lived on the vast clerical wealth of their kingdoms. This sacrilegious infraction of the wealth of God's treasury, as Boniface deemed it, could not be tolerated. He therefore issued his bull, Clericis laicos, February 25, 1296, in which he decreed that who ever should levy a tax of any kind on clerical persons, or whoever of the clergy should pay a tax, would be excommunicated.3 To this declaration Edward made answer, " JSTo taxation, no protection." The English clergy were in a desperate strait. Finally, they pro posed this compromise : Let a fifth part of their revenue be set apart in some sanctuary or privileged place, to be drawn forth when required by the necessities of the Church or the kingdom. " In this way," says Milman, " the papal prohibition was eluded, and the king remaining judge of the necessity cared not, provided he obtained the money.'" Then the war was at hand, and Edward could not afford to alienate an influential portion of his subjects. He confirmed the Great Charter, which acknowledged that the > See St. Thomas Aq., Regimine principum ; Bamnann, Die Staatslehre des heil. Thomas von Aquino, Leipz., 1872 , Creighton, i, 29 30 2 Alzog, ii, 624, 625. ' 3 See this bull in Rymer, Fcedera, 2d ed., 1816, vol. i, pt. ii, p. 836 ; Hen derson, Hist. Documents, p. 432. 4 Hist. Latin Chris., vi, 262. BONIFACE VIII. 771 subject could not be taxed without his consent. Thus the clergy sheltered themselves under the common provision of justice, and took their place with all the people on the platform of general right. In the end this was a victory neither for kingly absolutism nor for clerical immunities. In France Boniface was also thwarted. Even under the pious king St. Louis an ordinance was passed (1268) securing freedom of election and appointment to churches, and forbidding any tax levied by the popes without the consent of the king and the French clergy. ' In this case the haughty Philip the Fair replied (1296) by forbidding the exportation of gold and silver in any form or of any article of value, and forbidding also any foreign trading in the land. The pope replied in a long letter, expostulating, conceding, and flattering, yet maintaining inviolate his own ground. The king answered in a document of great power. The laity were as much " the Church " as the clergy. The " liberty " of which the pope spoke so much belonged to the layman as well as the ecclesi astic. " Did Christ die and rise again for the clergy alone ? " The liberties which had been granted to the pope " could not take away the rights of kings to provide with the advice of their parliament all things necessary for the defense of the realm, according to the eternal rule : Bender unto Caasar the things that are Caesar's. All alike, clerks and laymen, nobles and subjects, are bound to a com mon defense." Besides, the clergy have unbounded license to "lavish any expenditure on their dress, their horses, their as semblies, their banquets, their stage players, and all other pomps and pleasures. What sane man would forbid, under the sen tence of anathema, that the clergy, crammed, fattened, swollen by the devotion of princes, should assist the same princes by aid and subsidies against the persecution of their foes ? " This is treason. " We, like our forefathers, have ever paid due reverence to God, to his Catholic Church, toward his ministers, but we fear not the unjust and immeasurable threats of man."" This document is a high-water mark in history. It gives notice of a new profession, the lawyers, who were able to contest the su premacy of the clergy on their own ground. It begins with the far- reaching proposition that the temporal power, standing by itself as by divine right, is more ancient than the spiritual, and that " be fore there were ecclesiastics in the world the kings of France had supreme guardianship of the realm." But the withdrawal of Boni face in this quarrel must not be considered an abandonment of his 1 Traitez des Droits et Libertez de l'Eglise Gallicane, i, 46. 2 See Milman, vi, 266-275. 772 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. principles. He issued another bull, in which he virtually conceded the full right of the king to tax his ecclesiastical feudatories, pro vided " there was no exaction, only a friendly and gentle requisi tion from the king's courts." He also showed his friendship to France by canonizing Louis IX. At the close of the war between England and France the matter in dispute was referred to the medi ation of Boniface, but only as a private man, not as pope. So far the lofty scheme of Boniface — the kingdoms of this world as the suzerainty of the pope — did not seem to carry BONIFACE S ignorance of well. Great forces, which he did not have the pene tration to measure, were working against him. One of these was the idea of the nation. France, England, Germany, were arising to a national consciousness. They were becoming powerful. The birth of parliaments, the discussion of civil questions, and the exigency of national and political affairs, were releasing the hold of the Church on the State. Then there was the coming of the lawyer to the front. This class opposed law to law, the decree of the em peror to the decree of the pope. It also cited precedent, canons, and laws, and showed how, under both the pagan and Christian em perors, the ecclesiastical power was never allowed to interfere with state affairs. Their influence was most weighty in these conflicts. Boniface did not understand his age, and so he broke himself against it. He was king as well as pope. At his installation two kings led his horse by the bridle, and waited upon him at the table, and in his great centennial festival of 1300 he appeared on one day with the pontifical robe and tiara and on the next day with the imperial mantle and crown. The vaulting ambition of Edward was intent on attaching Scot land to his crown. The Scots appealed to the pope as their ac knowledged liege lord. Scotland, they said, is a fief of the Church kino edward of Rome- Boniface responded favorably, and forbade and soot- Edward to invade the northern kingdom. His bull, June 27, 1299, is a clear exposition of the full right of the pope to the disposal of Scotland, and contains a peremptory demand upon Edward to surrender his hold there. To meet this Hdward summoned a parliament at Lincoln (1301). It was one of the most important assemblies ever held on English soil. It gave the formal answer of the English nation to the lofty claims of Eome. It said the pretensions advanced by the pope were unheard of ; that' England had always the overlordship of Scotland ; that Scotland was never under feudal bonds to the Church ; that the King of England is in no way amenable to the pope for his rights over Scot land ; that he cannot plead before the court of Eome ; that to do so BONIFACE VIII. 773 would be an infringement on the ancient liberties and land of the realm, "tothe maintenance of which we are bound by a solemn oath, and which by God's grace we will maintain to the utmost of our power, and with our whole strength." ' Nothing came of this controversy. Edward proceeded, when ready, to the conquest of Scotland. We come now to the most famous controversy between Church and State known in the history of the world. It was the last time that these two powers ever met in the open field to fight to a finish. " It was the strife," says Milman, " of the two proudest, hardest, and least conciliatory of men in defense of the two most stubbornly irreconcilable principles which could be brought into collision, with everything to exasperate, nothing to avert, to break, or to mitigate the shock."' The result of such an unnatural conflict on the eve of the modern era could not be otherwise than it was. The pope had various grievances because of Philip's intrusion into the affairs of the Church, his sequestration of Church revenues, and other high-handed acts. He sent his legate to demand justice, but Philip imprisoned him. This led to the issue of bull after bull — several the same year. These were summed up in a famous brief (1300) drawn up probably by some papal ecclesiastic to give to the French peo ple a concise statement of the papal claims. It reads as follows : " Fear God and observe his commandments. We wish you to know that in temporals and spirituals you are subject to us. The collation of benefices and prebends nowise belongs to you, and if you have the custody of any vacancies you must reserve the fruits of those for the successors. We revoke and declare null any colla tion or appointment you have made. Whoever believes otherwise is a heretic." 3 In the larger bull, Ausculta fili, he gave a full list of grievances of the French people and Church against the tyrannies THebull,aus- of Philip, and a declaration of the absolute supremacy cnLTA FILI- of the pope in all matters : " God has placed us, unworthy though we be, over kings and kingdoms, in order that we shall root out, destroy, disperse, edify, and plant in his name and by his doctrine. Do not allow yourself to think that you have no superior, that you are not subject to the hierarch of the celestial hierarchy. Who- 1 See this answer in Rymer, Foedera, under February 12, 1301. ' Hist. Latin Chris., vi, 300. 3 Drumann, in his Geschichte des Bonifacius, Konigsb., 1852, and other his torians have examined the genuineness of this short bull, Ileum time. They are of the opinion that it is not from the pen of the pope, but a contemporary doc ument, a condensation for popular purposes of the many bulls of that prolific year in papal documents. 774 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ever thinks this is a madman ; whoever supports him in this belief is a heretic." It is unfortunate that the pope's perfectly just ar raignment of Philip for his oppressive administration was mixed up with his claims to be the universal arbiter of the destinies of men and nations. It robbed that arraignment of its tremendous moral power. The king answered in an assembly of the States General held in the Church of Notre Dame, April 10, 1302, in which, THE BULL . r , . • . .1 unam sanc- for the first time in France, representatives from the TAM' common people sat in parliament. This first truly na tional expression of the French mind gave a decided negative to the papal claim : " To you, most noble princes, to you, our lord Philip, the people of your kingdom present this entreaty and demand, that you shall preserve the sovereign freedom of this State, which will not permit you to recognize as your sovereign on earth, in your tem poral affairs, any other than God." 1 The pope met the charge by summoning the French clergy to a council in Eome. The king threatened them with confiscation of goods and imprisonment if they obeyed. Forty-five prelates, however, went to Eome. From this consistory emanated the most famous bull which ever bore the signature of the Pope of Eome — the bull Unam Sanctam, No vember 18, 1302. Much in this bull was old ; it nevertheless for the first time defines with unmistakable precision the absolute su premacy of the pope over all human things. After defining the unity of the Church under the one Lord and Peter and his succes sors, it says : " Both swords, the spiritual and the material, therefore, are in the power of the Church ; the one indeed to be wielded for the Church, the other by the Church ; the one by the hand of the priest, the other by the hand of kings and knights, but at the will and sufferance of the priest. One sword, moreover, ought to be under the other, and the temporal authority to be subjected to the spiritual. Spiritual things excel temporal. The prophecy of Jere miah is verified : See, I have set thee over the nation and over the kingdoms. Therefore if the earthly power err it shall be judged by the spiritual power ; but if the lesser spiritual power err, by the greater. But if the greatest it can be judged by God alone, not by man, the apostle bearing witness : A spiritual man judges all things, but himself is judged by no one. This authority rests back on 1 See Duruy, Middle Ages, pp. 375-379. It is sometimes said (Dupuy, Preuves, p. 59, Milman, vi, 318) that Philip had the bull Ausculta Fili pub licly burned in Paris, thus anticipating Luther. But some recent historians now consider this doubtful. See note by G. B. Adams, in Duruy, p. 377. BONIFACE VIH. 775 Christ's word to Peter, ' Whatsoever thou shalt bind.' Whoever re sists this power thus ordained of God resists the ordination of God unless he makes believe, like the Manichsean, that there are two be ginnings. This we consider false and heretical, since by the testi mony of Moses, not 'in the beginnings,' but 'in the beginning,' God created the heavens and the earth.1 Indeed, we declare an nounce, and define, that it is altogether necessary to salvation for every human creature to be subject to the Eoman pontiff." ' Eecent controversies over papal infallibility have made this bull assume a place of vast importance. Berchtold has made it the subject of a careful study.' He says that every good Catholic must receive it as an article of faith. It is throughout a dogmatic state ment, and hence all hope of a permanent peace between the modern State and the Catholic Church must be given up. On the princi ples which govern infallible decisions, however, this bull takes its place among ordinary papal utterances, such as letters, bulls, en cyclicals, and the like. The pope did not represent the universal Church in this decision. It emanated from a consistory of a few French prelates, nor was any attempt made to canvass the universal episcopate to get their witness to apostolic tradition in their sees. And, as Alzog says/ it was intended only for France. The bull in this respect differed in no wise from the numerous papal letters which this French controversy called out. Further, it made no pretense to be given under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost to sol emnly define and set at rest any disputed dogma. In fact, there was no difference of opinion among mediseval Catholic theologians on the points mentioned in the bull. The absolute supremacy of the spiritual over the temporal was the first principle of their faith. The bull itself contains quotations and verbal echoes o'f statements by eminent theologians like St. Bernard, Hugo of St. Victor, and St. Thomas Aquinas, who were held in the highest reverence by all parties in France. 5 The bull is simply the logical reductio ad absurdum of Catholicism. From such a height great is the fall. Philip again called the States General. William of Nogaret, professor of law at Toulouse, accused the pope of simony, heresy, and other infamous vices. Another lawyer proposed a general council, 1 This short bull contains two or three specimens of fanciful exegesis thor oughly characteristic of the Middle Ages. 3 Latest revision of text, Revue des Questions historiques, July, 1889, p. 255. Trans, in full in Henderson, Documents of Middle Ages, p. 435. Text also in Dupuy, Preuves, p. 54. 3 Die Bulle Unam Sanctam, Munich, 1887. 4 Church History, ii, 626. 5 See Alzog, ii, 624-626, notes. BONIFACE in DANGER. 776 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and summoned Boniface to appear before it. This proposition was accepted. William of Nogaret went to Italy, and with the help of Sciarra Colonna entered the pope's palace at Anagni, where he was staying. It seemed as though the Becket tragedy would be reen- acted. The soldiers entered the palace with loud cries, " Death to the pope ! Long live the King of France ! " Boniface, though eighty-six, was yet active. He clothed himself in his pontifical garments, and, with tiara, cross, and keys, awaited his murderers. "Abdicate," said Colonna ; "give up the tiara you have usurped." Boniface, with calm fearlessness, replied, " Here is my head, here my neck ; betrayed like Jesus Christ, if I must die like him, at least I will die as a pope." Colonna dragged him from his throne, struck him with his iron glove, and would have killed him if No garet had not prevented. " 0 wretched pope," said Nogaret, " con sider and see the kindness of my lord the King of France, who in spite of the distance of his kingdom, preserves and defends you through me." ' The Italians rallied, however, rescued the pope, and conveyed him to Eome, where he soon died, October 11, 1303, in the infinite shame and mortification of wounded pride and a broken heart. Boniface was the first pope to institute a jubilee. On the first jubilee of day °f January, 1300, immense crowds gathered in boniface. Rome on the strength of a rumor that on that day the pope would absolve all who came. When he heard of this Boniface issued a bull, April 22, 1300, inviting all to come to Eome and receive absolution. Two million pilgrims availed themselves of the privilege. People were trampled down in the streets. For the protection of pilgrims a barrier was erected along the middle of the bridge of St. Angelo, thus dividing those going toward St. Peter's and those returning. Dante used this scene to illustrate the two bands of sinners moving in oppo site directions in the first circle of Malebolge.2 Countless money was swept into the pope's coffers. Day and night two priests stood at the altar of St. Paul, with rakes in their hands, raking in the treasure.3 In 1343 the interval of the jubilee was shortened to fifty years ; in 1389, to thirty-three years ; and in 1470, to twenty-five years. Opinions have been much divided as to the character of Boniface. His contemporary, Ptolemaeus de Fiadonibio, describes him as 1 Duruy, pp. 378, 379. Milman devotes over one hundred and fifty pages to his epochal reign. a Inf-; xviii 3 See Vincent, The Age of Hildebrand, pp. 415, 416 ; Plitt in Herzog : Mil- man, vi, 282-286. BONIFACE VIII. 777 scornful and arrogant. Dante, who had seen the liberties of Florence extinguished by the pope's protege, Charles of Valois, and who had himself been driven into exile, calls Boniface ions on boni- " the prince of modern Pharisees," ' the " high priest FACE" whom may evil overtake," * the usurper of St. Peter's place who makes the apostle's burying place run with blood and stench, whose crimes make Heaven blush,3 and represents him as being buried in hell for his guilt of simony 4 — yes, buried head downward, with a ruddier flame than usual licking his feet. 6 This cruel transfixing of a living man is quite within the possibilities of Dante's remorse less pen. Wiseman, on the other hand, goes too far when he says that in no writer, however hostile to Boniface, do we find any in sinuation against his moral character or conduct, and that there is no sign that he was cruel or revengeful.6 His treatment of Celes tine and of Colonna, however, proves that he was cruel and re vengeful. At the same time, while strong exceptions must be taken to individual acts, there can be no doubt, in general, of the purity of his motives, the personal integrity of his conduct, and the conscientiousness of his devotion, according to his light, to the best interests of the Church and the world. 1 Inf., xxvii, 85. 2 Ibid., 68. 3 Ibid., 22-30. 4 Parad., xiv, 52. 5 Inf., xix, 313. 6 Pope Boniface VTH, in Essays on Various Subjects, vel. iii. 778 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. CHAPTEE XLI. THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY OF THE PAPACY. It was left for Benedict XI, 1303-4, to completely annul the pro ceedings of his great predecessor, restore Philip to all his ecclesias tical rights, revoke the censures on the prelates who did not go to Rome, cancel the bulls of the recent conflicts, restore the Colonna family to their former positions, and reconcile the papacy to the princes. But just as he was preparing for an energetic stroke at the participants of the fray at Anagni he was poisoned. Poisoning was a fine art among those followers of the vicar of Christ. It was arranged how the life of John II was to be taken by poison, as well as that of his successors, Hadrian VI and Clement VII. State poisons were kept in an official box in Venice.1 The successor of Benedict was Clement V, 1305-14, who bought the tiara by a number of concessions to Philip. Villani clement v. describes a dark scene in the depths of the forest of St. Jean d'Angely between Philip and Clement, in which the latter made various degrading promises." But recent research has thrown doubt on this scene, although none on the reality of Clement's serfdom to Philip. He was crowned at Lyons, and resided first at Bordeaux, where he was archbishop, and then at Poitiers, and finally, 1309, settled at Avignon. Here the pope resided for seventy years, or, more exactly, sixty-eight— from 1309 to 1377. This period of painful and humiliating memories has so impressed itself on the papal historians that they have called it The Babylonian Captivity of the Church.3 Philip made Clement begin a process against Boniface, but this went no further than a withdrawal of his bulls and acts of excommunication. He held a general council at Vienne, 1311, in which it became apparent that the civil power was getting the upper hand.4 At Avignon Clement lived a brilliant but scan- 1 Lamansky, Secrets d'Etat de Venise, a la fin du XV et au XVI Siecle, St. Petersb., 1884. The registers of Benedict's reign are well edited by Grandjean from the manuscripts recently opened to scholars in the Vatican, Registers de Benoit XI, Paris, 1884. 2 Hist. Fiorent. 3 " L'empia Babilonia " is the phrase of Petrarch. 4 Ehrle has discovered the acts of this council, and has published them in THE BABYLONIAN CAPTIVITY OF THE PAPACY. 779 dalous life, gathering riches and wasting them on his lusts. Ehrle has investigated his will, and has given an interesting picture of the wealth of the papal court. Clement left 814,000 gulden. A gul den was worth two dollars. Of this sum 300,000 gulden were for a crusade, 314,000 for his servants and relatives, and 200,000 for the poor, for churches, monasteries, and other purposes. He had loaned 313,000 gulden to the kings of France andEngland, and he left 70,000 gulden to his successor. It cost him 100,000 gulden a year to live, but his income was fully double that amount. Hence he left a for tune of over two million dollars. Ehrle shows that the usual state ment that John XXII left an estate of fifty millions is absurd. ' No wonder that the papacy was sinking into hopeless disintegration ! After Clement V the papal see was vacant for two years. John XXII, 1316-34, tried to reenact with the empire the role of Boni face. For this he was deposed by Louis of Bavaria, and an anti- pope elected in his place. This was the pope whom Michael Cesara charged with heresy. William of Occam gave powerful support to his charge, and reinforced his bitter assaults on papal abuses.3 It was under his successor, Benedict XII, in 1336, that the vast papal palace, one of the largest buildings in the world, waB begun. The building proceeded for sixty years. It covers one and a quarter acres. Valuable paintings at one time adorned its interiors. In recent years this great pile has been restored for ecclesiastical and civil purposes. Clement VI, 1342-52, continued the papal debauch. He robbed the Church in all directions. With his enormous reve- INFAM0US nues he supported an establishment of brilliant infamy, papal court What with a sumptuous table, fine horses, splendid pa geantries, and beautiful women, the court of Clement rivaled that of Louis XIV and XV in its voluptuous abandonment. Avignon itself he purchased from Joanna of Sicily for eighty thousand florins; and thus, although the pope owned the whole city, it became one vast brothel. The great Petrarch lived in Avignon for some time during Clement's reign, and his letters give a photograph of what he saw." Arehiv. f . Lit. u. Kirchengeschichte d. Mittelalters, Bd. iv, H. 4, 1888. H. M. Scott gives complaints laid before the council in Cur. Dis., vii, 196. 1 Ehrle in ibid., Bd. v, H. 1, 1889, and H. 4 ; Scott in Cur. Dis., vii, 197. On the suppression of the Templars, see below. 2 See Mailer, Zeitsch. fiir Kirchengesch., vi, 80, ff. 3 " Tarn calidi, tamque prsecipites in Venerem senes sunt, tanta eos setatis et status et virium cepit oblivio, sic in libidines inardescunt, sic in omne ruunt dedecus, quasi omnes eorum gloria, non in cruce Christi sit, sed in commessa- tionibus, et ebriatatibus, et quae hsec sequuntur in cubilibus, impudentiis. " — Petrarch, Ep., ed. Bas., p. 730. 780 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. He says that Satan himself is amazed to see the papal people exceed his instruction with their rapes, incests, adulteries, and lascivious games. To the pope's relatives were given fat offices, and the women of the court handed out the benefices. Under Innocent VI (1352-62) a halt was called in this carnival of hell. Albert, Bishop of Ostia, a learned and pious man, began the reform. He recalled unlawful grants, sent the clergy who had flocked to Avignon back to their charges, and rebuked the cardinals for their luxurious living. He also sought to influence political affairs to noble ends. Urban V (1362-70) walked in the footsteps of Innocent. Amid a multitude of distressing political complica tions he resolutely endeavored to advance the interests of the Church. In spite of the remonstrances of his cardinals he resolved to return to Eome, and actually took up his residence there in 1367. As an apparent reward for this he soon had the pleasure of receiving the emperor John Paleologus into the Church. But amid the raging sea of Italian politics he felt ill at ease, and finally consented to re turn to Avignon, in 1370. Two months later he died. Gregory XI (1370-78) was the last pope of the Captivity. The papacv seemed hastening toward the rocks. Kings BREAKING OF , f ,.,.,., . T, , . , . -, . the papal held it m disdain. Italy was m a seething discontent. spell. Gregory saw that he must either rule in Italy or not at all. The holy Catherine of Siena appeared at Avignon and implored the pope to return. Another saint, Brigitta of Sweden, had warn ing visions. Gregory determined to obey the heavenly voices. The cardinals opposed him, and six of them remained at Avignon. After a tempestuous voyage Gregory landed at Corneto, and in the spring of 1377 he arrived at Eome. No peace, however, came to the pope. The neighboring cities and states were in revolt, and he died broken hearted, in 1378, even then meditating a return to Avignon. The seventy years' captivity was one of the causes which broke the spell of the papacy. The tools of the French, and living in licentious abandonment and for worldly ends, popes could no longer be considered divine leaders. Their insatiable rapacity and ingenu ity in devising means of extortion created disgust. Students of Aristotle and of civil law were protesting against their abuse of power, and religious enthusiasts were denouncing their crimes. The civil power became more independent. England, France, Germany, and even Italy disregarded the papal mandates. Ominous mutter- ings, growing louder for fifty years, declared that the vast usurpa tion, used by Providence for the civilization of the West, must be broken up. Its crimes, its tyrannies, its grievous failure in its stewardship of the nations, were hurrying it to judgment. THE PAPAL DISRUPTION AND THE HEALING COUNCILS. 781 CHAPTEE XLII. THE PAPAL DISRUPTION AND THE HEALING COUNCILS. It was fitting that the seventy years' captivity should be followed by the forty years' disruption — from 1378 to 1417." Slavery to a French king might well be followed by slavery to faction. The moral disruption which the Avignonese residence so well marked was simply revealed and accentuated by the great schism. That it was still a hundred years before it grew into a permanent cleavage of the Church, proved that God's time was not yet, that He still had work for Eome. When Gregory XI died the Italians were determined that an Italian should be elected pope, and that he should reside in Eome. Under the influence of their threats the cardinals, the most of whom were French, elected the stern archbishop Brignano of Bari, a Neapolitan. If the new pope, Urban VI, had been conciliatory a schism might have been avoided. But his passionate and domi neering behavior intensified the already profound dissatisfaction of the cardinals. They proceeded to a place of safety, and, on the pre text that the former election was not free, they elected Eobert, Bishop of Cambray, who took the name of Clement VII. It may be truly said that the ill manners of a pope were a cause of one of the most momentous evolutions of history. "Hold your tongue ! " " You have talked long enough ! " were common exclamations with him. The controversy between the two popes has produced a large liter ature. The consensus of opinion of most modern scholars, Protes tant and Eoman Catholic, is that the thirteen protesting cardinals had not sufficient reason for their action. As Creighton says, the " formal plea of the dissatisfied cardinals was a mere cloak to polit ical "and personal motives.3 At any rate the Church was hope- 1 Or forty-six years, counting to the death of Benedict XHI, in 1424. * Hist, of the Papacy during the Reformation, i, 64. The Abbe Gayet is the most recent R. C. partisan of Clement. But his contentions have been seri ously invalidated by a fresh study of the documents by M. Valois in Revue des Questions historiques, October, 1890. Brann has proven a fresh defense of Urban's validity : The Schism of the "West and the Freedom of Papal Elections, N. Y., 1891. " Twice they elected him, unanimously crowned him pope, were silent for several months after his coronation, and only when they found 782 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. lessly divided, and largely through the political affiliations of the nations. On Urban's side were England, Italy, Bohemia, Germany, Eussia, Poland, and Scandinavia ; for Clement were France, Scot land, Spain, Lorraine, Sicily, and Cyprus. ' Many remained neu tral. Among the nonpartisans was the University of Paris, which issued many manifestoes looking toward peace. In the meantime the Church sank lower and lower. The next Nicholas on P°Pe was a shameless miser, and on account of the ne- the moral cessity of keeping up two establishments the Church depth. taxes became still more oppressive. Many noble voices were raised against this descensus Averno. One of the most re markable of these was the book of Nicholas of Clemengis, on the Euin of the Church, in 1401. Let us hear his voice from out of the center of this period of moral collapse : " Who does not know that this frightful pest of schism was first introduced into the Church by the wickedness of the cardinals, that by them it has been promoted, propagated, and enabled to strike its roots deep ? If all kingdoms have been prostrated by injustice and pride, how knowest thou, 0 Church, when thou hast cast far from thee the rock of humility on which thou wast founded, and hast lifted thy horn on high, that such a fabric of pride, erected by thyself, will not be overthrown? Already has thy pride, which could not sustain itself, begun slowly and gradually to fall, and on this account its fall was not perceived by the majority. But now thou art wholly plunged in the gulf, and especially since the breaking out of this abominable schism. Most surely has the anger of God permitted this to come upon thee as a check to thy intolerable wickedness, that thy domination, so displeas ing to God, so odious to the nations, may, by being divided within itself, come to naught." This author gives a faithful picture of the times. He speaks of the pride of the cardinals, suddenly raised, as some of them were, from the humblest conditions ; he speaks of their luxury, their avarice, simony, ignorance, idleness, and scandalous living. The people looked upon them with contempt. The clergy would neither preach nor study the Scriptures. Every pious man was a butt of ridicule to the rest, and looked upon as insane or a hypocrite. Many voices united in demanding a general council to heal the intolerable sore of the Church. Among these voices the University of Paris took the lead. that he would not be their dupe did they begin to question the legitimacy of his title " (p. 14). Creighton gives a full conspectus of the original authorities in App. i : The Election of Pope Urban VI (pp. 423-425). 1 For political reasons, see Milman, vii, 244. THE PAPAL DISRUPTION AND THE HEALING COUNCILS. 783 After great pressure the majority of the two sets of cardinals consented to call a council. The pope had usually the THE comciL power of summons. But this did not apply to an ex- at pisa. traordinary case of urgency. The law of the Church had failed to produce peace, and the wider equity of a council must interpret the law. So argued the University of Paris, and the cardinals ac cepted this opinion as a justification of their procedure. On March 25, 1409, the council opened at Pisa. The popes were sum moned to appear before it. They refused. Charges of contumacy were preferred against them, and after a full hearing these charges were declared true and notorious, and on June 5 both popes were deposed. The cardinals then went into conclave and elected Peter Philargi, a native Crete, who took the name of Alexander V. They had promised to attend also to a thorough reform of the Church, but this work was not undertaken. The pope's health was feeble, and the prelates promised to take up the matter of reform in a future council. The council dissolved on August 5. " The council of Pisa," says Creighton, " was not successful in its great object; — the restoration of the unity of the Church. Instead of get ting rid of the contending pope it added a third. Gregory XII and Benedict XIII might have few adherents, but so long as they had any the council of Pisa was a failure. This was recognized by the council of Constance, which negotiated afresh for the abdica tion of Gregory and Benedict. According to the rules of canonists the council of Pisa was not a true council, because it was not summoned by a pope. It was regarded, soon after its dissolution, as of doubtful authority. This was greatly due to its want of success. It did not act wisely or discreetly. From the beginning it overrode the popes, and did not try to conciliate them. Its im portance lies in the fact that it was the expression of the reforming ideas which the schism had brought into prominence. It was the first fruits of the conciliar movement, which was the chief feature of the ecclesiastical history of the fifteenth century." * On the death of Alexander V, in 1410, the Pisan cardinals elected Balthasar Cossa, who took the name of John XXIII. council of Nicholas de Clemenges calls him " Balthasar perfidis- constance. simus ; " and the pope well deserved the epithet. He was a dissipated and unprincipled man, but inexhaustible in shifts and intrigues.2 It was found that the work of the Pisan council must be done over 1 Council of Pisa, in Schaff -Herzog, iii, p. 1844, and in Hist, of the Papacy during the Reformation, i, 222, 223. Mansi has Acts of the Council, vols, xxvi, xxvii. Lenf ant gives History, Utrecht, 1712; Amst., 1724. Hefele (vol. vi) gives R. C. view. 2 Voight in Herzog-Plitt. 784 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. again. Things were going from bad to worse. A real general council must be called. John consented to issue the call, with the emperor Sigismund, hoping the council would confirm him on the throne. It met at Constance, November 5, 1414, to April 22, 1418, and was one of the longest and most imposing religious assemblies ever held. When the next great council met at Trent a large part of the Christian world had fallen away from Eome forever. At Constance the deliberations were conducted by twenty-nine cardi nals, three patriarchs, thirty-three archbishops, one hundred and fifty bishops, one hundred abbots, five hundred monks, and more than five hundred professors and doctors of theology and common law. Thousands of the common clergy were also in attendance, and had a voice in the proceedings, as was also true, except on matters of doctrine, of princes and ambassadors of Christian States. It was estimated that eighteen thousand ecclesiastics were in attendance.1 It was the noble contention of the University of Paris that doctors of law and theology must be introduced into the councils, and the great cardinal Peter d'Ailly had also advocated the rights of the clergy. The illiteracy of the prelates gave point to the petition of the uni versities.3 The council brought with it countless numbers of vag abonds, actors, money-lenders, and four hundred public women.3 Fortunately it was resolved that the delegates should vote by nations, thus giving all parts of the Church equal voice. The council then proceeded to do radical work. D'Ailly carried through a motion that all three popes should abdicate and that a new election should take place. John was deposed, Gregory abdi cated, Benedict was deposed, and on November 11, 1417, Cardinal Odo Colonna was elected pope, who took the name of Martin V. Of the three quondam popes John XXIII, the last of the name, was imprisoned, but escaped, fell at the feet of Martin, was made cardinal-bishop of Tusculum, and died in 1419 ; Gregory XII died in 1417 as cardinal-bishop of Porto ; and Benedict XIII lived on his estate at Peniscola, in Aragon, and on that rock he still continued to declare, " Here is the only true Church," until in 1424 he died. In the reformation of morals, however, the coun cil proved abortive. The lower clergy and the monks and pro fessors loudly demanded reforms, and the German nation made a solemn protestation before the council that the Church must be 1 Dollinger, Ch. Hist., iv, 155. !Bull3eus, Hist. Univ. Paris., iv, 690. "Quia plures eorum proh pudor ! hodie satis iiliterati sunt. " 3 See the statistical account of an eyewitness in von der Hardt, Concil. Con stant. , vol. v, pt. ii, pp. 10, ff. THE PAPAL DISRUPTION AND THE HEALING COUNCILS. 785 purified. ' But the abuses, says Voight, "in which the reforms were necessary, such as appeals to the pope and the papal procedure, the administration of vacant benefices, and result of the thecommendation of simony, dispensations, indulgences, C0TOCIL- and the like, were the very sources from which the popes, the car dinals, and the huge swarm of ecclesiastical officials in Eome drew their principal revenues. In fighting against reforms the cardinals fought pro aris et focis, and they proved unconquerable." A few decrees were published against simony, but the scantiness of the moral result of this great council in meeting the crying needs of the time made a profound impression, shook the faith of thousands, and helped largely to prepare the way for the Eeformation. A famous decree was passed in its fifth session, April 6, 1415, to the effect that an ecumenical council legally called has its power direct from Christ, and that its decrees are binding on all, even on the pope.3 As this decree directly contradicts the dogma of the Vatican council papal historians have in various ways tried to min imize or destroy its force. But none of their objections has any validity. They claim, first, that the council was not ecumenical. But, we reply, the council represented the whole Church, and was called by the pope in due form. Hefele acknowledgesthe ecumenicity of the council. Further, it is held that the decree is limited to the object of ending the schism. To this we answer that no such limita tion is expressed. Again, it is said that when Martin V ratified the decrees he excepted, or meant to except, this one. But, TVe say, there is no evidence whatever for this claim. He ratified whatever had been done by the council as such as opposed to what had been done by committees, nations, and partial meetings. The decree was passed by the entire session, and all" modifying considerations like the above are afterthoughts. And when the council of Basel reen- acted this decree Pope Eugenius IV gave to the doings of the coun cil his solemn approval. ' And, as a matter of fact, the Eoman Cath- 1 For this great challenge, see von der Hardt, iv, 1424. 2 " Haec sancta synodus in Spiritu S. legitime congregata, generale concilium f aciens, ecclesiam catholicam militantem reprsesentans, potestatem a Christo immediate habet ; cui quilibet cujuscumque status vel dignitatis, etiamsi papa- lis existat, obedire tenetur in his quae pertinent ad fidem, et extirpationem dicti schismatis, et generalem reformationem ecclesise Dei in capite et membris." — Von der Hardt, iv, 88. 3 Fisher conclusively replies to Hefele. See his Discussions in History and Theology, N. Y., 1880, pp. 105-109 (Essay on the Council of Constance). See also Creighton, vol. i, app. 15. The decrees of the council had an early defender in Emmanuel Schelstrate, a canon of Antwerp, in his Acta Cone. Oonstantiensis, 1683, and Tractatus de Sensu et Auctoritate Decretorum Con- stantiensis Concilii, 1686. 50 786 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTLAN CHURCH. olic Church, by accepting the results of the council — namely, the deposition of the three popes and the electing of another — has given this decree all needful validity. The supremacy of the council over popes, and even its independence of them, was implied in the whole situation. This, too, the Church accepted. Indeed, it had no alternative. And thus the disruption was externally healed. But the cor ruptions which were eating at the heart of the Church had not yet been touched. To abate these the Western prelates met at Basel, on July 23, 1431. But they had a stormy and unsatisfactory ses sion. The pope and the curia eyed them with alarm. The council reaffirmed the decrees of Constance subordinating all ecclesiastical authority to that of a general council, and made other lofty claims. At one time Pope Eugenius acknowledged those claims, but at an other time he repudiated them. Finally, he called a counter coun cil at Ferrara, September 18, 1437. Then Basel deposed him. But the cause of reform was hopelessly doomed. Eugenius bribed the chancellor of the emperor, and his secretary as well, iEneas Syl vius, and Germany declared for the pope. When Eugenius died, in 1447, the council recognized his successor, Nicholas V, and adjourned on April 25, 1449. It left the pope supreme, the old abuses still untouched, and the glorious war-cry of many a saint and eccle siastical statesman and religious teacher, " The reformation of the Church in head and members," was postponed to a more favored age. Those who proposed the only real means of such a reforma tion, in a return to the purity of the Gospel in life and doctrine, were condemned to death even by these reformatory councils.1 1 For proceedings of council of Basel, see Mansi, xxix-xxxi. The original journal of the proceedings of the council of Basel has recently been discovered, and a series of texts and studies, Concilium Baseliense : Studien und Quellen zur Geschich. des Concils von Basil, vol. i, edited by J. Haller (1431-7), Basel, 1896, is being issued under the auspices of the Hist, and Antiq. Gesellsch. of Basel. LITERATURE: THE CRUSADES, THE MILITARY ORDERS. 787 LITEEATUEE : THE CEUSADES, THE MILITAEY OEDEES. I. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CRUSADES. 1. Spalding, K. A. W. Geschichte des christlichen Konigreichs Jerusalem. 2 vols. Berl., 1803. 2. Heeren, A. H. L. Essai sur l'influence des croisades. Paris, 1808. 3. Versuch einer Entwicklung der Kreuzziige fiir Europa. (In his Ver- mischte historische Schriften. 3 vols. Gotting., 1821-24.) Heeren was the first to give a philosophical treatment of the Crusades. 4. Mills, C. The History of the Crusades for the Recovery and Possession of the Holy Land. 2 vols. 4th ed., Lond., 1828. 5. Haken, J. C. L. Gemalde der Kreuzziige nach Palastina zur Befreyung des heiligen Grabes. 3 vols. Frankfurt a 0., 1808-20. 6. Michaud, J. F. Bibliotheque des Croisades, 4 vols. Paris, 1829. 7. Histoire des Croisades. 6 vols. Paris, 1825-29 ; 9th ed., Paris, 1856, 4 vols. Translated by W. Robson, Lond., 1854; N. Y., 1881, 3 vols. Badly translated. To be used with caution. 8. Wilken, F. Geschichte der Kreuzziige. 7 vols. Leipz., 1807-26. An elaborate and impartial history. 9. Keightley, T. The Crusades. 2 vols. Lond., 1847. 10. Chronicles of the Crusades. (Bohn Library.) Lond., 1848. Contains translations of contemporary accounts. 11. Proctor, G. History of the Crusades. Reprinted, Phila., 1854. 12. Neale, J. M. Stories of the Crusades. New ed., Lond., 1860. 13. Sybel, H. v. History and Literature of the Crusades. Edited by Lady Duff Gordon. Lond., 1861. An excellent historical sketch, and an account of the preceding literature. 14. Perry, G. G. History of the Crusades. Lond., 1865; new ed., 1872. Popular. 15. Dutton, W. E. History of the Crusades. Lond., 1877. 16. Roehricht, R. Beitrage zur Geschichte der Kreuzzuge. 2 vols. Berl., 1874-78. 17. Gibbon, Edward. History of the Crusades (1095-1261). (Chandos Library.) Lond., 1880. 18. Laporte, A. de. Les croisades et le pays Latin de Jerusalem. Paris, 1881. 19. Prutz, H. Kulturgeschichte der Kreuzziige. Berl., 1883. Important; makes use of Arab and other sources. 20. Henne-Am-Rhyn, O. Die Kreuzzuge und die Kultur ihrer Zeit. Leipz., 1883-84- 31. Oman, C- W. C. The Art of War in the Middle Ages (378-1515). Lond., 1885. 22. Cox, George W. The Crusades. (Epochs of History series.) Lond., 1874; 7th ed., 1887. An interesting and fairly accurate book, but without critical value and philosophical insight. 788 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 23. Hagenmeyer, H. Anonyma gesta Francorum et aliorum Hierosolymitano- rum. Mit Erlauterungen. 2 vols. Heidelb., 1890. 24. Boehricht, R. Kleine Studien zur Geschichte der Kreuzzuge. Berl. , 1890. 25. Kugler, B. Geschichte der Kreuzziige. (Oncken's Allgemeine Ge schichte in Einzeldarstellungen.) Berl., 1880; 2ded., 1891. 26. Gottlob, A. Die papstliche Kreuzzugssteuern des 13 Jahrhunderts. Heil- igenstadt, 1892. 37. Archer, T. A., and Kingsf ord, C. L. The Crusades : the Story of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. (Stories of the Nations series.) Lond. and N. Y., 1894. See Ludlow in Christian Literature, July, 1895, p. 160. Archer was a diligent worker among the historical materials for the Cru sades, and this is an admirable work, so far as it goes ; but it is a frag ment at best. 28. Mombert, J. I. A Short History of the Crusades. N. Y., 1894. 29. Ludlow, J. M. TheCrusades. (Epochs of Church History.) N. Y., 1897. One of the best of the short histories, by one of the ablest and most pic turesque writers of the day. II. TEMPLARS AND HOSPITALERS. 1. Verbot. Histoire des chevaliers de S. Jean de Jerusalem. Amst., 1732. 2. Wilcke, W. F. Geschichte des Tempelherrenordens. Berl., 1826-35. 3. Michelet, J. Le proces des Templiers. 2 vols. Paris, 1841-51. 4. Porter, W. A History of the Knights of Malta, or the Order of St. John of Jerusalem. Revised ed., Lond., 1883. 5. Schlottmueller, K. Der Untergang des Tempelordens. 2 vols. Berl., 1887. A defense of the order. Contains much documentary material. 6. Prutz, H. Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens. Berl., 1888. A reply to Schlottmann. 7. Salles, F. de. Annales de l'Ordre de Malte. Paris, 1889. 8. Gmelin, J. Schuld oder Unschuld des Tempelordens. Stuttg., 1893. An able work, containing a good resume of the subject. 9. Dollinger, J. J. von. The Suppression of the Knights Templars, in Ad dresses on Historical Subjects. Lond., 1894. A thorough defense. This was a work of love on the part of Dollinger ; he expressed much satisfac tion in being able to vindicate the Templars. 10. Delaville le Roulx, J. Cartulaire generale des hospitaliers de Saint-Jean de Jerusalem (1100-1310). I. Paris, 1895. m. CRUSADES IN ORDER. The First Crusade. 1. Bongars, J. Gesta Dei per Francos, sive oriental, expeditionum et Regni Francorum hierosolymitani scriptores varii. Hanov., 1611. 2. Matthew of Edessa. Recit de la premiere croisade. Trans, from the Ar menian into French by Edouard Delaurier. Paris, 1850. 3. Receuil des Historiens des Croisades (published by the French Academy). 2 vols. Paris, 1841-66. 4. Sybel, H. v. Essays, in his Kleine historische Schrif ten. 2 vols. Miinchen, 1869. ' 5. Hagenmeyer, H. Peter der Eremite. Leipz., 1879. The first scientific biography of Peter. LITERATURE: THE CRUSADES, THE MILITARY ORDERS. 789 6. Sybel, H. v. Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzuges. Leipz., 1841 ; 2d ed 1881. 7. Klein, C. Raimund von Aquilers. Quellenstudien zur Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzuges. Berl., 1892. 8. Marquardt, G. Die historia hierosolymitana des Robertas monachus ; ein quellenkritischer Beitrag zur Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzuges. Konigsb., 1893. 9. Wolf, T. Die Bauernkreuzzvige des Jahres 1096. Ein Beitrag zur Ge schichte des ersten Kreuzzuges. Tubing. , 1893. 10. Michaud, J. F. Histoire de la premiere croisade (edited by E. L. Naftel). Paris, 1893. 11. Roehricht, R. Regesta Regni Hierosolymitani (1097-1391). Innsbruck, 1893. 12. Munro, D. C. Urban and the Crusaders, in University of Pennsylvania's Translations and Reprints, vol. i, No. 2. Contains original documents. Letters of the Crusaders, ibid., i, No. 4, 1894 (first and other Crusades). Both of them contain bibliographical notes. An admirable attempt to publish in handy form the sources of European history. The Second Crusade. Kugler, B. Geschichte des zweiten Kreuzzuges. Stuttg., 1866. (See also biographies of St. Bernard of Clairvaux.) The Third Crusade. 1. Thayeno. De expedicione Asiatica Frederiei I. in Freber's Scriptores re rum Germanicarum, i, Append. 3. Chronicles and Memorials of Richard I, edited by W. Stubbs. Lond., 1864. See also Chronicles of the Crusades : containing contemporary narratives by Richard of Devizes and Geoffrey de Vinsauf . Lond. (Bohn), 1848. 3. Archer, T. A. (ed.) The Crusade of Richard I (1189-92). Lond., 1888. Contains extracts from original sources. The Fourth Crusade. 1. Villehardouin, G. de. Histoire de la conqueste de Constantinople. Paris, 1585. Later edition by Paul Paris. Paris, 1838. 3. Streit, L. Beitrage zur Geschichte des vierten Kreuzzuges. I. Venedig und die Wendung des vierten Kreuzzuges gegen Konstantinopel. An- klam, 1877. 3. Pears, E. The Fall of Constantinople, being the Story of the Fourth Cru sade. Lond. and N. Y., 1885. 4. Tessier, J. Quatrieme Croisade : la diversion sur Zara et Constantinople. Paris, 1885. 5. Munro, D. C. The Fourth Crusade, in Trans, and Reprints from Original Sources of European History, vol. iii, No. 1, 1896. Pub. by Dept. of History of Univ. of Pennsylvania. The Children's Crusade. Gray, G. Z. The Crusade of the Children in the Thirteenth Century. N. Y., 1870 ; 11th ed., 1896. 790 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The Fifth Crusade. Roehricht, R. Studien zur Geschichte des f iinften Kreuzzuges. Innsbruck, 1891. The Seventh Crusade. Joinville, J. Sire de. Histoire de St. Louys IX (edited by Ch. du Frense). Paris, 1668. Later edition, by Natalis de Wailly, for the Socie'te de Hist. de France, containing the text and French translation, 1868 and 1874. An English translation also appeared in Chronicles of the Crusaders (Bohn Library), Lond., 1848. In 1887, Extraits de le Chronique de Joinville, were published, with introduction and glossary, Paris. Crusade of 1383. Wrong, G. M. The Crusade of 1383, known as that of the Bishop of Nor wich. Lond. and Oxf., 1893. THE CRUSADES. 791 CHAPTEE XLIII. THE CRUSADES. Nothing was more foreign to the temper of early Christianity than reverence for sacred places. Nowhere in the apostolic writ ings is there a trace of consciousness of regard for the places asso ciated with the life of our Lord. In fact, Christ himself forbade all such superstition by his famous charter of spiritual worship.' Nevertheless, as time went on, it became natural to journey " In those holy fields O'er whose acres walked thos9 blessed feet, Which fourteen hundred years ago were nailed For our advantage on the bitter cross." 2 One of the earliest manifestations of that natural longing to visit the Holy Land was shown by Constantine and his mother, Helena, who built splendid churches over the natal cave of Christ in Beth lehem and over his sepulcher in Jerusalem. Subsequently pil grimages became frequent, the pilgrims being lionized on the way, and looked upon as heroes on their return. The first break in this peaceful movement was the Persian conquest of Palestine in 611, which was followed by the Arab conquest under Omar, in 637. The Mohammedans mingled some toleration, however, in their hard terms. The Christians were to build no new churches, nor exhibit the cross on buildings or in processions, nor possess weap ons. But they were to be safe in their persons and fortunes, and undisturbed in the exercise of their religion and the use of their churches. And for four centuries the flow of pilgrims went on under the reluctant toleration of Islam. But the ruthless incursion of the Turks, a new horde on the field of history, changed all that. They had, indeed, been converted to Islam, but that left them what they have ever since remained — barbarians, the polygamists of the ages, an essentially alien element in the civilization of western Asia and Europe. In 1076 they were masters of Palestine, and soon afterward of all Asia Minor. Then began those falsehoods, exactions, robberies, murders, which from that day to this have been an invariable accompaniment of Turk ish rule. It required men of the bravest heart even to attempt a 1 John iv, 20-24. s Shakespeare, Henry IV, pt. i, act i, sc. i. 792 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. pilgrimage, and the indignities and cruelties practiced upon the pilgrims and the insults offered to the holy place sent wave after wave of horror and indignation over Europe. The idea of a crusade for religion was familiar to Europe by the attempts made to drive the Moors from Spain. The Duke of Burgogne and the Duke of Chalon went over to Spain, Z^l™ urged by Hildebrand, and in 1079 Chalon fell in the crusades. crusade. " We find the knightly romance, the selling all to go on a crusade, the vows, the adventures, filling the early part of the eleventh century with holy wars against Spanish infi dels "—all the characteristics with which the Holy Wars of Pales tine have made us familiar. This Spanish Crusade went on until the end of the thirteenth century parallel with the crusade proper.1 As far back as the beginning of the eleventh century the lofty mind of Gerbert— Sylvester II (999-1002)— conceived the idea of Europe uniting to restore the Sepulcher to Christian hands.'" Hildebrand (1073-85) urged the same scheme, though unsuccessfully. It was left to Urban II to set in motion those invasions of the East which form so characteristic a feature of mediaeval history, and which, largely futile in their immediate purpose, nevertheless left perma nent marks on the civilization of the world. At the council of Clermont, on November 26, 1095, he delivered an address which, though equaled by many in eloquence and fire, has, as Wilken says, surpassed all other orations in its wonderful results : 3 " You must show the strength of your righteousness in a pre cious work which is not less your concern than the Lord's. For it behooves you to hasten to carry to your brethren dwelling in the East the aid so often promised and so urgently needed. For the Turks and the Arabs have attacked them, as many of you know, and have advanced into the territory of Eomania as far as that part of the Mediterranean which is called the Arm of St. George [the Hellespont] ; and, having penetrated farther and farther into the country of those Christians, have already seven times conquered them in battle, have killed and captured many, have destroyed the churches and devastated the kingdom. If you permit them to re main for a time unmolested they will extend their sway more widely over many faithful servants of the Lord. 1 See Petit Croisades Bourguignonnes contre les Sarrazins d'Espagne au Xle Siecle, in Revue Historique, 1886, p. 11 ; Cur. Dis., iv, 179, 180. ' Ep. 219, quoted in Emerton, Mediseval Europe, p. 158. 3 Geschichte der Kreuzzuge, 7 vols., Leipz., 1807-33. The eighth centen nial of the preaching of the first crusade was celebrated with appropriate ceremonies and speeches at Clermont in May, 1895. THE CRUSADES. 793 " Wherefore I pray and exhort, nay, not I, but the Lord prays and exhorts you, as heralds of Christ, at all times to urge men of all ranks, peasants and knights, the poor equally with the rich, to hasten to exterminate this vile race from the land ruled by our brethren, and to bear timely aid to the worshipers of Christ. I speak to those who are present, I shall proclaim it to the absent, but it is Christ who commands. Moreover, if those who set out thither lose their lives on the journey, by land or sea, or in fight ing against the heathen, their sins shall be remitted in that hour ; this I grant through the power of God vested in me." ' Among those who fanned popular enthusiasm was Peter of Amiens, a little monk who went through the south of France preaching a crusade. He has usually been represented peter op as the originator of the first crusade, the fiery preacher amiens. whose eloquence stirred all Europe, and that it was his represen tations to the pope and the force of his personal appeals which gave life to the whole movement. But this popular idea is now completely abandoned. It is founded on the fiction of William of Tyre, who wrote one hundred years after the time. Contem porary accounts know nothing of • Peter as the chief agent of the crusade. Von Sybel was the first to throw doubt on the tradition concerning Peter the Hermit, and Hagenmeyer, by an exhaustive investigation, pulverized that fine tradition. Peter was never in Palestine before the crusades, he did not incite Urban, did not speak at Clermont, did not stir Europe by his preaching, which was limited to a few months and a small part of southern France, and he was not the immediate cause of the crusade.2 Yet as he rode through the country on an ass carrying with him a great cru cifix, and dramatically appealed to the feelings of the people, there can be no doubt that Peter's part was not small in imparting an impetus which carried the French warriors to the Levant. 1 Munro, Urban and the Crusades, in Original Sources of European History, i, 3, pp. 4, 5. The speech quoted above is Urban's at the council, as quoted by Fulcher, a contemporary, and is reprinted in Bougars, Gesta Dei par Francos, i, 383, 383. The promise of remission of sin made by the enthusiastic pope went far beyond his province, according to Roman theology. But that promise wrought havoc, as the sequel shows. 5 Von Sybel, Geschichte des ersten Kreuzzuges, 1841 ; Hagenmeyer, Peter der Ermite, Leipz., 1879 ; Munro, in Original Sources (Univer. of Pa.), i, 2, 2 ; Schaff, in Presb. Rev., i, 181 ; Archer and Kingsf ord, The Crusades, Lond. and N. Y., 1895, p. 26. Cox gives the traditional view. Although his book was written before the appearance of Hagenmeyer's, and so may be excused for misrepresenting the Hermit, yet it does not appear to be founded on any crit ical study of the sources. 794 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Many favors were granted the crusaders. The journey to the Holy Land itself stood for them in place of penance. Their familv and their property were under the protection EXEMPTIONSopthbcru- of the Church. No lawsuit should put their posses sions, sions in danger. Those in debt were to pay no inter est. If away more than a year they were to pay no taxes. " We grant to all who undergo the difficulties in their own person and at their own expense full remission of the sins of which they have truly repented with contrite hearts and which they have confessed with their mouths, and at the retribution of the just we promise an increase of salvation." ' For those who were left behind the truce of God suspended all hostilities for four days of the week, and the women, the clergy, and others whose occupations prevented them from bearing arms were placed under the special protection of the Church. Anyone who molested them incurred the special curse of the pope. But motives were not lacking to the crusaders. For the devout there was the consciousness of a service nobly done for the Master ; for the warlike there was a fierce pastime in which all his baser passions could find full scope without the loss of his soul ; there was also the prospect of "permanent conquest and new do minions for those who loved to rule ; and for the sinful there was an easy method by which they could atone for the vices of a life time.3 We must leave the secular historians to give an adequate account of these wars of religion. Some reckon nine crusades, others seven or eight. But reckoning of this kind is largely artificial. The crusades were a continuous effort to rescue the Holy Land from the Saracen. Between the special expeditions fitted out under impos ing auspices there was a " continuous ebb and flow of European enthusiasm and courage to and from the East." 3 Of these greater efforts we present a survey. The first crusade (1096-99) was the greatest and, in some re spects, the most successful. The old chroniclers said in their enthusiasm that six million people were in motion toward Pales tine. Probably two hundred and seventy-five thousand would be nRSTCRu- nearer the truth — that is, for the first great current. sade. « The most distant islands and savage countries," says William of Malmesbury, " were inspired with this ardent passion. 1 Privileges granted by the Fourth Lateran Council, 1215, in Mansi, xxii, 1057, ff., and Wilken, vi, Beilage ii, Transl. in Munro, 1. c, p. 13. Innocent HI is not so nearly universal in his grant of remission as Urban. 2 Cox, The Crusades, p. 33. 3 Emerton has called attention to this: Mediseval Europe, p. 358. THE CRUSADES. 795 The Welshman left his hunting, the Scotchman his fellowship with vermin, the Dane his drinking party, the Norwegian his raw fish. There was no regard to relationship; patriotism was held in light esteem; God alone was placed before their eyes." ' The first who set out were two or three sections of rabble — a motley crowd of men, women, and children, under Walter the Penniless, Peter the Hermit, and the priest Gottschalk. After infinite sufferings these were easily cut to pieces before the plains of Nicaea. Then came the real crusaders — six armies, marching separately, and at considera ble intervals of time. These, perhaps six hundred thousand men, were under the command of some of the noblest knights of the time. After many reverses, under which this magnificent army melted away, Antioch was taken on June 3, 1098, and put to the sword, and the next year the miserable remnant set siege to Jerusalem. On the 15th of July, 1099, Jerusalem surrendered, the inhabitants were ruthlessly massacred, and Latin kingdoms were set up at Edessa, at Antioch, and at Jerusalem. After fifty years these kingdoms were threatened with destruc tion. Then, under the preaching of Bernard of Clairvaux, the second crusade set out. Two enormous armies, under Louis VII of France and Conrad III of Germany, marched for the Holy Land in 1147. This promising expedition proved a total failure. Through treachery Conrad's army was destroyed by the Turks near Iconium, while Louis's was wrecked in the Pisidian defiles. In October, 1187, the brilliant young Kurdish chief, Salah-Eddin (Saladin), captured Jerusalem. Then the three greatest kings of the West — Frederick Barbarossa, Philip Augustus, and Eichard the Lion-Hearted — united in the third crusade, in 1189-92. The story of this crusade is one of the most romantic in history. It resulted in a complete victory for neither Turk nor Christian. But all Christians were to have the right to make their pilgrimages untaxed and unmolested. The fourth crusade (1197), under the banner of Emperor Henry VI, was a failure. The fifth crusade, sometimes called the fourth, in 1203-4, turned aside to Constantinople and fought against Chris tians instead of infidels. It was successful. Constantinople sur rendered to Baldwin of Flanders, April, 1204, and all kinds of profanities and excesses were committed by the intoxicated soldiers. This forms one of the darkest blots in the history of Latin Chris tendom. " How," ask the popes, " shall the Greek Church return to ecclesiastical unity and to respect for the apostolic see when 1 De Gestis Regum, iv, 3. Commentators note the Englishman's prejudice in his contemptuous reference to the Scots. 796 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. they have seen in the Latins only examples of wickedness and works of darkness, for which they might justly loathe them worse than dogs ? " Innocent III put the matter very mildly. Pears, the excellent historian of this crusade, justly held that the seizure of Constantinople by the Latins was the greatest crime of the Mid dle Ages, for it was the first step toward the overthrow of the Greek and the introduction of the Turkish power in Europe.1 The sixth crusade (1228), conducted single-handed by the liberal- minded emperor Frederick II, terminated without a blow by a treaty, in which Jerusalem, Jaffa, Bethlehem, and Nazareth were ceded to the Latins, the Mosque of Omar alone remaining in the hands of the Moslems. But this magnificent result could not atone for the emperor's breadth of view, worthy of the nineteenth cen tury ; and as the pope, Gregory IX, had excommunicated him for his tardiness in embarking in this crusade, so now he cursed him for the treaty and for his return. The seventh crusade (1240) was led by Eichard of Cornwall, brother of Henry III, who trod in the footsteps of Frederick, and sought by negotiations to do what the sword had failed to achieve. He succeeded. Palestine was virtually in the hands of the Chris tians. But unfortunately the hordes whom Genghis Khan was driving before him swept down on the unhappy country in 1242, and, after a brief holocaust of blood, undid the work of centuries. The eighth and ninth crusades (1248-50, 1270-91) were the efforts of Louis IX of France and Prince Edward of England to win the vantage ground once more. But everybody had lost heart. Town after town capitulated. The Templars and other military orders were glad to leave the country, and the Saracens were at the end, as at the beginning, masters of the country. Certain characteristics marked all the crusading movements. One was the ferocity and the cruelty with which the Christians, and, of course, the Moslems, carried on the wars. The unspeakable barbarity of the conquering party seems incredible. The selfishness, jealousy, and disunion among the Christians were another charac teristic. For instance, the Templars and the Hospitalers came to a pitched battle in 1259, from which scarcely a Templar escaped alive. The crusaders frequently demonstrated themselves un worthy of their success. Then, there were no statesmanship, no grappling with the real problem of the situation, no attempt at a permanent standing ground for the Christian and Moslem settlers of Palestine. The whole movement was, finally, a prolific breeding 'Pears, The Fall of Constantinople: The Story of the Fourth Crusade, N. Y., 1886. THE CRUSADES. 797 ground for fanaticisms. The Pastoreaux, or shepherds, thought they had a divine call to liberate Louis IX when he was a prisoner in Egypt, in 1251. But when they began to maltreat the priests, the monks, and the Jews, the military had to cut them down. More pathetic was the Children's Crusade, 1215, organized as a protest against the lust and cruelty of the crusaders. "A little child shall lead them " — but in the ways of gentleness and love, not of war and hate. Gray has told the sad story of failure.1 The boy Stephen led thirty thousand children, who were encamped around Vendome. As many as ten thousand were lost or strayed before they had reached Marseilles, and the five thousand who sailed, meanwhile chanting the hymn " Veni, Creator Spiritus," found themselves in the slave markets of Algiers and Alexandria. More fortunate were the two hundred thousand German boys and girls who left Cologne. Those who sailed for Palestine were never heard of, but the larger number returned home or settled in or around Genoa, where many of them founded families of distinction.2 Guizot has finely stated the results of the crusades.' Eecent his torians have not added to his discriminations. Speak- results of ing now of the religious influence, there was, on the one THE crusades. hand, an increase in the power of the pope, who loomed up as the one central authority who alone could call forth those vast arma ments and invest them with sacred sanctions, and there was, on the other hand, an undermining of his power and a neutralizing of the .papal spell, by vthe broadening of mind and widening of interests. Men'cam'e'in- contact with civilization i,n. spme respects superior to their pwn, and with men equal to themselves in chivalry, generosity^ and' charity. • 'A Remarkable illustration of this .catholic tendency is seen in the difference between the tone of the reference to the Moslems in the earliest chronicles of the crusadps. and that of {he later chronicles. In the first the Moslems are spoken of with un mitigated hatred, in the last with appreciation and sometimes with eulogy. The later historians "sometimes even go the length of placing the manners and sentiments of the Mussulmans in opposi tion to those of the Christians ; they adopt the manners and senti ments of the Mussulmans in order to satirize the Christians, in the 1 Gray, The Children's Crusade, Boston, 1872 ; 11th ed., N. Y. 5 An instructive comparison of the insanity of some of these crusading move ments with the blind impulses toward war which sometimes seize modern nations is carefully drawn by the Nation, N. Y., February 13, 1896, in an editorial on " National Insanity." 3 Hist, of Civilization in Modern Europe, i, 180-188 (ed. Hazlitt and Henry) ; Emerton, pp. 388-397 ; and Adams, Mediseval Civilization, N. Y., 1894, pp. 258-278, give excellent views of results. 798 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. same manner as Tacitus delineated the manners of the Germans in contrast with those of Eome." * There can be no doubt that the crusades worked indirectly and silently but powerfully toward the emancipation of the mind. Then, the crusades were the opportunity of the layman. Though started by clerical zeal, they were kept up by lay resources and brought to an issue by lay generalship. These laymen founded a kingdom in Jerusalem, with laws more liberal and just than any hitherto known in history. And this kingdom enjoyed a peace and prosperity for ninety years exceeding that of any contem porary nation. Through travel men became familiar also with Eome and her corrupt court, and all this intercommunication of ideas and first-hand knowledge of the world tended to make men restive under the clerical yoke and in the end helped to bring in the modern era. The death of feudalism, the growth of nationalities, the creation of modern commerce, a glimpse of Arabic and Greek learning, to all of which the crusades ministered, furthered mightily the same result.1 'Guizot, ibid., p. 182. 2 In an editorial, " The Centennial of the Crusades," in the Nation, May 25, 1895, p. 396, a parallel is drawn between the condition of Palestine under the crusades and that condition to-day. One difference between the two ages is that " in the earlier Europe received more from Syria than she gave, the learn ing of the East, its arts and sciences. Now she is paying the debt. She has given it a literature, by translation of the Bible and other works into Arabic, while Western civilization, with its potent adjuncts of steam and electricity, is already changing the face of the land." THE MILITARY ORDERS. 799 CHAPTEE XLIV. THE MILITARY ORDERS. A most characteristic feature of the Middle Ages is the career of the military orders. There were three : The Templars, the Hospi talers, and the Teutonic Knights. In 1119, two comrades of God frey de Bouillon — Hugues de Payen and Geoffroi de Saint-Nohimar — with seven other French knights, bound themselves to protect pilgrims on their journeys in the Holy Land. For this purpose they took before the Patriarch of Jerusalem the vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience. It was a consecration of militarism to Christ, the reception of the soldier as such into a monastic brotherhood. King Baldwin II gave them quarters in his own palace, which was built on the site of the temple of Solomon, near the Church of the Holy Sepulcher. Hence they took their names of Templars, Pauperes commilitares Christi templique Salmonici — Poor fellow-soldiers of Christ and of Solomon's temple. Their houses were called the Tem ple. In London, their celebrated church, the Temple Church, con secrated in 1185, was restored in 1839-42 by the lawyers of the Middle and Inner Temple ' at a cost of £70,000. The knights took their vows either for life or for a certain period. Their discipline was austere, forbidding all worldly pleasures, and enjoining simplicity in food and dress. The eight-pointed red cross on a white mantle was worn over the shoulder. On their glorious war banner, bauseant, half white, half black, were the words, " Non nobis, non nobis, domine, sed nomini tuo da gloriam " — " Not to us, but unto thy name, 0 Lord, give the glory ! " They always carried about with them an altar and a portable chapel. Like the Jesuits they were devotees of the Church, sworn to defend the defenseless from the Moslem, and were never known to fear in battle or fail before a foe. From the beginning to the end of their two centuries of history they were never charged with cowardice. In 1172 the Templars were made independent of bishops, and brought under the authority of the pope alone. They were allowed to have chaplains in their own ranks, to whom they might confess, 1 So called because these lawyers and law-students occupied the old Tem plar quarters in London, and worshiped in their church. 800 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and they enjoyed exemption from all taxes and tithes and inter dict. They enjoyed the right of sanctuary, and often fIiTLT acted as a safe deposit company for kings and princes.' clement v. j£ js n0 wonder that wealth poured in on them, that many nobles joined them, and that at last, when their work was done and they had outlived their usefulness, they excited the cu pidity of one of the most unscrupulous and cruel kings known to history, Philip the Fair of France. He had in Clement V a creature of his own, and ready to do his bidding. Philip had ex hausted every means of obtaining more money, and the riches of the Templars offered a temptation too strong to resist. Dollinger says : " It was the general opinion of the time that a covetous de sire for the property of the order formed the king's chief motive, as all the contemporary chronicles in Germany, in Italy, and espe cially in France itself, openly and covertly express this conviction, which is confirmed by the whole course of events." ' The same historian shows also from recent documents that Philip's continual demand upon Clement to condemn Boniface VIII was bought off by the pope consenting to unite with him in the suppression of the Templars. "As often," he says, "as Clement showed signs of hesitation or delay in the matter of the destruction of the Templars, as often as he betrayed any scruples, or showed even an inclination to grant the Templars a hearing, so often did Philip and his legal advisers apply this special means of pressure, and always with un failing result." 3 The charges preferred against them were such infamies as denial of Christ, spitting upon the cross, the worship of hideous images, sorceries, unnatural lusts, and similar indecencies. By the hor rible methods of the Inquisition, to whom the judicial process was turned over, whatever the judges desired the prisoners to confess was extorted from them. Eenegades from the order, or those ex pelled for crime, or even good Templars under the tortures of the rack, made the necessary confessions. Such confessions could not be retracted under the penalty of burning to death — such was the infinite refinement of the cruelty and the perversion of justice which were guaranteed by the Holy Inquisition. Un der this act on May 12, 1310, fifty-four knights were slowly burned to death, refusing in the midst of the most awful agonies to perjure themselves by false confessions. In 1312 the pope 1 See a full and scholarly treatment in the last edition of Chambers's Encyc. , s. v., Edinb., 1893. 2 The Suppression of the Knights Templar, in Historical and Literary Ad dresses, p. 207. 8 Ibid., p. 218. THE MILITARY ORDERS. 801 formally suppressed the order. On March 19, 1314, Jacques de Moloy, the Grand Master, and the " gray-haired Geoffrey de Chamey, Master of Normandy, were brought from suppression prison to receive judgment, when, to the dismay of the op the order. churchmen and the astonishment of all, they rose and solemnly de clared their innocence and the blamelessness of the order. That same day on the Isle des Juifs, in the Seine, they were slowly roasted to death, declaring with their last breath that the confession formerly wrung from them by torture was untrue. A strange tra dition asserts that from the stake the grand master summoned both the pope and the king to meet him at the bar of Almighty God within a year, and history tells us that within the year both went to their account." The property of the order for the most part was given to the Hospitalers, and even in France the king was forced by public opinion to forego a part of his prey. * In 1308 a bull from the pope ordered the arrest of all the Tem plars in England. This was instantly obeyed, but without the hor rible circumstances connected with the affair in France. Various examinations were held, but nothing was elicited. Finally, under torture," some preposterous admissions were made which gave the pretext for the suppression of the order. All who confessed were set at liberty, and those who maintained the innocence of the order were imprisoned in monasteries for life.3 In Spain, Portugal, Ger many, and in all Italy except in the case of six at Florence, the charges broke down and the order was found innocent.4 1 It must not be supposed that the kings were not enriched from the spoil of the Templars. The Hospitalers were compelled to redeem the Templars' prop erty from the kings with large sums of money. The effect was that the Order of St. John was impoverished instead of enriched by these enforced benefactions. In fact, as Sismondi says . "Before giving up these goods to the religious orders the sovereigns universally enriched themselves by sequestering them." Hist. Repub. Ital., iii, 181. 2 The king at first would not permit torture to be used, but at last, under direct pressure from the pope, it was permitted. 3 The Suppression of the Templars in England, in Church Quar. Rev., April, 1880, pp. 84, ff. * One of the charges was that, although laymen, the Templars gave absolu tion. In reply to this the Grand Master of England, William de la More, ex plained that in receiving again a sinning brother the form was to strike him three times with a scourge, and then say to him, " Brother, pray to God to remit thy sins." He had never used the form, "I absolve thee." Lea has given a thorough investigation of this in his article, The Absolution Formula of the Templars, in Papers of the American Society of Church History, vol. v (N. Y. , 1893), pp. 37, ff . He shows that, with the entire consent of the Church, the Templars for a long time confessed to the whole chapter, and received ab solution in the ordinary terms from the master. It was not until 1260 that the 51 802 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The question of the guilt or innocence of the Templars is one of the vexed questions of history. It must be confessed, however, that an impartial judgment of the fierce Inquisitional trial by tor ture allows no weight to its findings. This is steadily coming to be the final judgment of historians. It is true, indeed, that Hans Prutz,' Eanke,' though halting and cautious, Hammer- Purgstall,3 Weber,* Michelet,6 Dareste, Vim," and others have received the almost universal opinion of contemporaries that the order was cor rupt either in life or doctrine or both, and to a greater or less de gree. On the other hand, those who have made the Templars the sub ject of earnest investigation, like Conrad Schottmilller, ' who went into the matter with great thoroughness, Dollinger,8 who studied the subject many years, the French historians— many of the earlier 9 and nearly all the later — like Vaisette, Villaret, Le Jeune, who wrote a detailed work, Eaynouard,10 who wrote a brilliant defense, Mignet, Guizot, Eenan, Boutaric,11 Lavocat, Bonnechose and H. de Curzon,12 Fumagalli — a Cistercian, and therefore a notable witness — formula, Ego te absolvo, was introduced into the Church. After 1163 the order was allowed by Alexander ni to receive priests. Lea proves that this charge concerning absolution was a brutum fulmen. " It betrays a consciousness of the flimsiness of the graver accusations in the eagerness with which one was brought forward based upon the theological subtilties that at the same time were still under debate by the schoolmen." P. 58. 1 Entwicklung und Untergang des Tempelherrenordens, Berlin, 1888. Prutz also wrote Geheimlehren und Geheimstatuten des Tempelherrenordens, Ber lin, 1879. 2 Weltgeschichte, 8th part, 1887, pp. 621, ff. s Die Schuld der Templer, 1855. Ranke follows this author in thinking that the order had adopted a body of secret and heretical doctrines from the East. * Weltgeschichte, Leipz., 15 vols., 1859-81. 6 Proces de Templiers, 1841-51. 6 Dei Tempieri e del loro processo in Toscana, in Atte dell' Academia Luc- chese, vol. xiii (1843). Even this piece Dollinger examined. It appears from Vini that the rack was employed in the examination in Florence. 7 Der Untergang des Templer-ordens, 2 vols., Berlin, 1887. 8 The Suppression of the Knights Templars, in Historical and Literary Ad dresses, transl. by Warre, Lond., 1894. 9 Under the strict supervision of the press it was with difficulty the earlier French writers expressed an opinion at variance with what might be considered the voice of the French Church, ratified by the pope, at the Council of Sens, 1310. 10 Monumens Historiques relatif a la Condemnation des Chevaliers du Tem ple, Toulouse, 1813. 11 La France sous Philippe le Bel, Paris, 1861. This unanimity of experts in the only country where the order was condemned by the so-called confessions is remarkable. 12 La Regie du Temple, Paris, 1886. THE MILITARY ORDERS. 803 Cantu and Cibrario, ' Froude," and Lea,3 whose scholarly re searches are entitled to great weight, are convinced of the innocence of the order. It is noticeable that the order was never conclusion formally condemned, and in his bull of suppression, onthemor- April 13, 1312, the pope alleges only the public scandal orders. caused by the charges, and, pending more definite results, dissolves the order provisionally. The truth seems to be that the Templars, like all the monastic brotherhoods, had become more or less corrupt, and as they had long outlived their usefulness their suppression in any event was only a matter of time." But of the unnatural and graver charges preferred against the Templars — resting on the pop ular gossip of an ignorant and superstitious age, or on the perjured evidence of criminals and renegades, or on the involuntary utterances of the victims of horrible tortures — these charges are not only im probable in themselves, but absolutely disproved by the steady denial of the most honorable and saintly knights when facing the stake and in the very article of death.6 The Teutonic Knights, formed of German merchants and others, started as a hospital order in 1190, were confirmed by the pope in 1191, and seven years later were converted into a military order. In addition to duties to the sick and the usual monastic teutonic vows, the order made a special vow to wage war against knights. the heathen. This designation gave it its chief mission. In the 1 Cibrario undertakes to turn Michelet's unfavorable Proces even into a wit ness for the innocence of the order. 2 The Knights Templars, N. Y., 1886 ; also in Spanish Story of the Armada and other Essays, Lond. and N. Y., 1892. 8 Hist, of the Inquisition, N. Y. and Lond., 1888 (vol. iii). Lea calls the treatment of the Templars the " great crime of the Middle Ages " (iii, 238). 4 Wealth and luxury in a time of peace inevitably led to immorality. A curi ous illustration of this is a collection of amatory poems in Greek addressed by the Knights Hospitalers to the ladies of Rhodes ; see Torr, Rhodes in Modern Times (3rd cent, to Turkish occupation), Cambridge, 1887. This is a point on which the rule of these orders is especially strict. 5 Cox speaks of these slanders as an illustration of what might be done by maligant lies uttered boldly under the plea of maintaining the truth and right eousness of God (Hist, of the Crusades, p. 221). The connection of the Order of the Temple with the Freemasons in their higher degrees is purely imaginary, not historical. 1. The Templars were not strictly a secret order, but a monas tic brotherhood, whose rules and regulations were well known to the Church. In the English examinations the knights denied calmly and specifically that the chapters and reception of members were held in secret. 2. The order was not for speculative or social or fraternal purposes, but purely for placing their arms at the disposal of pilgrims. 3. The knights were in complete subordina tion to the pope, confessing the faith of the Roman Church, and ready at any time to die for that faith. 804 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. thirteenth and fourteenth centuries it did much fighting in Prussia and Lithuania. In 1525 it was secularized, and in 1809 it was entirely suppressed by Napoleon, except in Austria and Utrecht, where it still exists as, in a way, an aristocratic club. The Knights were cruel converters, but they were civilizers. The Hospitalers, or Hospital Knights, whose chief duty was the waiting upon the sick, existed in many of the older orders or in separate associations. But the chief was the Order of the Knights of St. John, commonly called Hospitalers. In 1048 as Benedictines they established a chapel and hospital in Jerusalem, and, later, hospitals at the seaports. In 1118 they were made a fighting order, and they won great renown by the valor with which they fought the battles of the crusaders. In 1309 they captured the island of Ehodes, and held it for two hundred years as a bulwark against Turkish aggression. In 1523 they sur rendered it to Solyman after one of the most stubbornly contested sieges in history. They then removed to the island of Malta, where they stood as the advance guard of Christendom against the further western extension of the Moslem. In 1565 Solyman the Magnifi cent determined to conquer this last stronghold of the Christians. He sent against it the finest fleet and the strongest army which had ever faced a Christian foe. By marvelous valor and endurance the Knights drove back the Turks, and thus helped to save Europe from barbarism.1 At the close of the eighteenth century the Knights dis persed, breaking up their organization. They have since organized in various countries with a more or less direct suggestion of the old order.' 1 For an account of this siege, see Prescott, Philip H, book iv, ch. iv. 'Woodhouse, in his excellent book, The Military Religious Orders, Lond., 1879, gives a list (pp. 199-203) of the houses and officers in England. LITERATURE: FRANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS. 805 LITEEATUEE: FEANCISCANS AND DOMINICANS. FRANCIS OP ASSISI. 1. Hase, Karl. Franz von Assisi. Ein Heiligenbild. Leipz., 1856. Able and careful. 2. Oliphant, Mrs. M. O. Francis of Assisi. Lond., 1870; new ed., 1877. Inter esting ; written from the three main sources, but the story slightly ideal ized, with a womanly enthusiasm. 3. Bonaventura. Life of St. Francis, translated by Lockhart. 1868 ; 3d ed., 1890. The third source — less valuable than the first two, viz. : the Lives by Thomas of Celano and the Three Companions. Bonaventura's is the official orthodox life ; too much of miracle, too little of human nature. 4. Bournet, A. St. Francois d1 Assise. Etude sociale et medicale. Lyon and Paris, 1893. 5. Le Monnier, L. Histoire de St. Frangois d' Assise. 2 vols. 3d ed., Lyon, 1890. English translation : History of St. Francis of Assisi. Lond., 1895. A valuable critical life from a Catholic standpoint. 6. Sabatier, P. Vie de St. Frangois d' Assise. Paris, 1894. English transl. by Louise S. Houghton. N. Y., 1894. By far the best life. A work of both genius and learned research, yet leaving the existence of God an open ques tion. FRANCISCANS. 1. Wadding, L. Annales Minorum sive trium ordinum a S. Francisco institu- tornm. 17 vols. To 1540. Rome, 1731-41. Continued to 1553 by I. de Luce. 3d ed., 24 vols., Naples, 1731-1860. 2. Henrion-Fehr. St. Frangois et les Franciscains. Paris, 1853. 3. Morin, F. St. Frangois et les Franciscains. Paris, 1853. 4. Leon. L'aureole sferaphique, vie de saints et bienheureux des trois ordreB de St. Frangois. 4 vols. Paris, 1883. 5. Mueller, Karl. Die Anf ange des Minoritenordens und der Bussbruderschaf- ten. Freiburg, 1885. 6. Huettebraeuker, A. Der Minoritenorden zur Zeit des grossen Schisma. Berl., 1893. DOMINIC. 1. Acta Sanctorum. Augusti, tom. i, p. 358. Antv., 1733. 2. Caro. St. Dominique et les Dominicains. Paris, 1853. 3. Lacordaire, J. B. H. Vie de St. Dominique. Paris, 1840-44 ; 7th ed., 1871. English transl., Lond., 1883. 4. Drane, Augusta T. History of St. Dominic, Founder of the Friar Preachers. Lond., 1891. Translated into German, Dusseldorf, 1891, and into French, Paris, 1893. Best life ; work done carefully and with the loving sympathy of a disciple. But Dominic yet waits for his Sabatier. DOMINICANS OB PREACHING FRIARS. 1. Quetif and Echard. Scriptores Ordinis Preedicatorum. Lutet, Paris., 1719. 2. Annales Ordinis Prsedicatorum. Rome, 1746. k 806 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 3. Lacordaire, J. B. H. St. Dominique et les Dominicains. Paris, 1853. His torical sketch of the Order of St.Dominic. N. Y., 1869. 4. Bernard, Eugene. Les Dominicains dans I'Universite de Paris. Paris, 1883. An interesting monograph. 5. Denifle, Heinr. Die Constitutionen des Prediger-Ordens vom Jahre 1228, (In Denifle and Ehrle's Archiv. I, Berl., 1885.) 6. Kleinermanns, Jos. Der dritte Orden von der Busse des heiligen Domini ons. Quellenmassige Darstellung. Diilmen, 1885. 7. Jessopp, Augustus. The Coming of the Friars, and other Historical Essays. N. Y., 1889. The first essay treats specially the introduction and settle ment of the Franciscans and Dominicans in England. , FRANCIS AND HIS ORDER. 807 CHAPTEE XLV. FRANCIS AND HIS ORDER. ( The Catholic Church of the Middle Ages was saved by the Men dicant Orders — the Franciscans, the Dominicans, the Augustinians, and the Carmelites. When everything bade fair for a complete disintegration of the Church on account of its corruptions,1 St. Francis and St. Dominic arose as the great reformers, the heralds of a better age, and the saviours of the papacy. Francis of Assisi ought to be first in the affections of the Eoman Church. No sooner did he die than the process of his canonization was set on foot.2 Never did a man blend more perfectly the most simple-hearted enthusiasm for the imitation of Christ with ardent devotion to the holy see. Utterly free from worldliness, enamored with the ideal of poverty and peace set forth by Christ, going forth with the faith of a child to preach penitence, with a charity and zeal that never flagged, this one son of an obscure town in central Italy, this root out of a dry ground, has shed more charm upon the Catholic Church and kept more people within her fold than all her cardinals and theologians. "With every fresh investigation the saintly features of this apostle of the thirteenth century appear more radiant than ever. Giovanno Francesco Bernardone was the son of a rich merchant of Assisi, a town which sits proudly on the hills of Umbria, four teen miles from its old enemy, Perugia. As a youth he was care less, gay, handsome, leading the young aristocratic set of his town in all their wild escapades. Mrs. Oliphant implies that there was nothing vicious in all this; 3 but Sabatier, with a franker and less * An excellent picture of the destructive forces at work when Francis arose is given by Sabatier in his Life of St. Francis of Assisi, pp. 28, ff. After Hase and de Malan and Mrs. Oliphant and Bernardin had gone over the documents, Paul Sabatier, after ten years' study of all the sources, ransacking the garrets of the Italian monasteries, subjecting all the materials to a fresh criticism, writes once more the story of the Little Poor Man (Poverello) of Assisi, and finds more and more in him to love and to admire. 5 Died 1226, canonized 1228. 3 Francis of Assisi, p. 5 : " Among all the details that are given us we find no record of any disgraceful or painful episode." 808 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. idealistic attitude toward the sources, represents things as they are.1 But two serious illnesses interrupted this worldly life, and affliction revolution proved a schoolmaster to bring him, as it did Loyola, in prancis. t0 Christ. He boldly left all his old ways, and went passionately into the path of self-denial. This was in his twenty- sixth year, 1208. He waited on the lepers, rebuilt with his own hand the decayed churches of Assisi, one of which he called his Portiun- cula, or " little inheritance," and as the final act of self -surrender he discarded his wallet, his staff, and his shoes, and arrayed himself in a rough brown tunic of coarse woolen cloth, girt with a hempen cord. One day mass was being celebrated at the Portiuncula. The priest read the daring words of Christ : " Wherever ye go, preach, saying, The kingdom of heaven is at hand. Heal the sick, cleanse the lepers, cast out devils. Freely ye have received, freely give. Provide neither silver, nor gold, nor brass in your purses, neither scrip, nor two coats, nor shoes, nor staff, for the laborer is worthy of his hire." These strong words penetrated him like a revelation. "This is what I want," he cried, "this is what I was seeking; from this day forth I shall set myself with all my strength to put it in practice." "Before the shabby altars of the Portiuncula," says Sabatier, "he had perceived the banner of poverty, sacrifice, and love ; he would carry it to the assault of every fortress of sin ; under its shadow a true knight of Christ, he would marshal all the valiant warriors of a spiritual strife."2 Francis did not set out to found a brotherhood. At first he simply intended to preach repentance to the people. But others came to him and begged to be enrolled with him in this literal imi tation of the first apostles. These he received. They were put under no vows excepting poverty and preaching. These men were not mendicants. They were to labor with their hands where work could be obtained ; where it failed they were to ask simply for the necessaries of life. Francis found that a sanction from the pope was necessary. This he sought in 1210 from Innocent III, who gave it to him orally and informally in a cordial interview. Francis 1 Life of Francis of Assisi, p. 8 : " Thomas of Celano and the Three Compan ions agree in picturing him as going to the worst excesses. Later biographers speak with more circumspection of his worldly career. A too widely credited story gathered from Celano's narrative was modified by the Chapter General of 1260, and the frankness of the early biographers was, no doubt, one of the causes which most effectually contributed to their definitive condemnation three years later." Thomas of Celano and the Three Companions were his earliest and best biographers. Bonaventura came later, and wrote his official biography, which gives us a miracle-worker rather than a man. s Sabatier, p. 70. FRANCIS AND HIS ORDER. 809 saw the monastic orders, though vowed to poverty, rolling in wealth. The inconsistency he could not tolerate. ,,0D,,DINQ ms Neither in their personal or corporate capacity could order. the Brothers of his order hold property. In fact, they were not to be a monastic body, with house and lands, but a band of itinerant evangelists, taking upon themselves the vows of Christ's first com mission to his apostles. Nor was preaching their great object. The corner stone of Francis's scheme was love. " Go out," said he to his companions, " and show the people what love will do, what purity and self-denial will accomplish, and preach not so much by your words as by your lives." With this beautiful scheme he sent his followers out to regenerate the Church. Even the name of the Brothers proved that all worldly ambitions had been cut up by the roots, and that Francis went forth as the "patriarch of religious democracy," as his compatriot, Cristofani, calls him.1 They were called Minorites, the Lesser Brethren, from the lower order of the populace. The numbers rapidly increased. In 1219, at the first general assembly, five thousand members were present. The Brothers went out over Europe, and even into the East, preaching Christ by the simplicity of their faith, by self-sacrifice, prayer, and holiness. Some historians call them the Methodists of mediaeval times.5 But the freshness and beauty of this morning could not last. 1 Storia d' Assisi, i, 70. ' Compare the interesting essay of Jessopp, The Coming of the Friars, Lond. and N. Y., 1889. He says in italics, " Sk Francis was the John Wesley of the thirteenth century whom the Church did not cast out. Rome has never been afraid of fanaticism. She has always known how to utilize her enthusiasts fired by a new idea. [Not always. She did not utilize Peter Waldo, who came to her in as sincere faith and on as holy a mission as Francis.] The Church of England has never known how to deal with a man of genius. From Wiclif to Frederick Robertson, from Bishop Peacock to Dr. Row land Williams, the clergyman who has been in danger of impressing his per sonality on Anglicanism, where he has not been the object of relentless perse cution, has at least been regarded with timid suspicion, has been shunned by the prudent men of low degree, and hy those of high degree has been forgot ten. In the Church of England there has seldom been a time when the en thusiast has not been treated as a very unsafe man. Rome has found a place for the dreamiest mystic or the noisiest ranter— found a place and found a sphere dSsuseful labor. We, with our insular prejudices, have been sticklers for the narrowest uniformity, and yet we have accepted as a useful addition to the creed of Christendom one article— surtout pas trop de zele .'" — " above all, not too much zeal " (pp. 47, 48). Jessopp says again that when John Wesley offered to the Church of England precisely the successors of Francis's preaching Brothers, "we would have no commerce with them; we did our best to turn them into a hostile and invading force " (p. 49). 810 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. When the Brothers received formal ratification from Honorius III in 1223 the Eule which was then presented to the pope was a com promise between Francis's apostolic ideal and the prac- THF. FAILURE r, , .,-¦<-., i * • J. n • j. of francis's tical sense of the Church. An intense conflict was ideal. going on in the order, and great pressure was exerted without the order, which Francis, with his humility and pious def erence to superiors, could not resist. At first the Eule was simply the short, sharp sentences from the Gospel,1 or, as Sabatier well says, the "true Eule was Francis himself."2 But the Eule which was finally ratified by the pope in 1223 made of the Brothers an order under the direction of the Eoman Curia, took out all the spontaneity of free movement, toned down the first requirements of Francis, and converted the order into a close corporation under the pope. Yet even through this Eule there breathes the true spirit of Francis, with its emphasis on poverty, love, and the following of Christ.' Poor Francis tried to stem the tide, but he was overborne by numbers and weight. He saw the eclipse of his sweet ideal. This may account in part for his early death, October 4, 1226, when only forty-two years of age. Francis, in his Will, held up before the Brothers the first idea of the movement, without denying the validity of the later qualifica tions. He says : " We loved to live in poor and abandoned churches, and we were ignorant and submissive to all. I worked with my hands and would continue to do, and I will also that all friars work at some honorable trade. Let those who have none learn one, not for the will of purpose of receiving the price of their toil, but for their francis. good example and to flee idleness. And when they do not give us the price of the work, let us resort to the table of the Lord, begging bread from door to door. The Lord revealed to me the salu tation we ought to give : ' God give you peace.' Let the Brothers take care not to receive churches, habitations, and all that men build for them, except as all is in accordance with the holy poverty which we have vowed in the Eule, and let them not receive hospitality in them except as strangers and pilgrims. I absolutely interdict all the Brothers, in whatever place they may be found, from asking any bull from the court of Eome, whether directly or indirectly, under pretext of church or convent or under pretext of preaching, nor for their personal protection. If they are not received any- ' Matt, xix, 21 ; xvi, 34-36 ; Luke ix, 1-6. 8 Sabatier, p. 76. 2 See this Rule in Henderson, Historical Documents of the Middle Ases, pp. 344-349. FRANCIS AND HIS ORDER. 811 where let them go elsewhere, thus doing penance with the benedic tion of God." ' Francis interdicted all glosses in the Eule or in the Will, but enjoined that both should always be observed in the " clear and simple manner, without commentary," in which they were given. But neither the Eule nor the sacred memory of the Poverello's life could keep the Franciscans from going down the Avernus. Near the end of Francis's life, on September 17, 1224, while rapt in prayer on the summit of Mount Verna, and in the ecstasy of agonizing desire to be conformed to the image of Christ's death, he received the Stigmata — the marks of the wounds received by the Lord. All the earliest biographers describe this, and the event rests on such abundant documentary evidence that Sabatier, though he totally rejects the very idea of miracles as immoral," receives it. He explains it on psychological laws. Hase, on the other hand, subjects the story to a critical analysis which destroys all its value. * The Stig mata, according to the first Lives, were simply fleshly IV J.-U 4! J 1 f It. -1 tub STIGMATA. excrescences recalling the form and color of the nails of the cross. The flow of blood is a later invention. There is no event in Francis's life more thoroughly proven than this, and as Sabatier says, " psychological agreement between the external cir cumstances and the event is so close that an invention of this char acter would be as inexplicable as the fact itself." There are several well-authenticated cases of stigmatization, but the phe nomenon rests on pathological conditions which are entirely ex plicable on physical and mental conditions." The order which Francis thus founded in spite of himself * 1 See the Will given in full in Sabatier, pp. 337-339. 5 Pp. 433-435. See his excellent review of the evidence in an Appendix, pp. 433, ff . Sabatier says that God's law of impartiality excludes miracles (p. 433). 3 Franz von Assisi, Leipz., 1856. A history of the miracle, founded on Hase, is given in Good Words, 1867, p. 38, ff. Hase devotes sixty pages (143-303) to a study of the Stigmata. 4 " We must not lay any stress upon such cases. They are no more a sign of divine favor than the shattered constitution and disordered brain which pro duce it."— The Schaff-Herzog Encyc, iii, 3248. 8 There is a difference among scholars as to this. Muller, Die Anfange des Minoritenordens, Freib., 1885, agrees with Sabatier in the opinion I have ex pressed above, that Francis was at the beginning an unconscious founder of a monastic institute, while Father Ehrle holds that the formation of monasteries, as opposed to the free itinerant life of the first Franciscan evangelists, and the regular organization of the order, were entirely in conformity with the original idea. See his Controversen iiber Die Anfange des Minoritenordens, in Zeitsch. f . Katholisehe Theologie, 1887, H. ii. No unbiased reader of the Will, or even of the Rule of 1223, can agree with Ehrle in this view. 812 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. proved one of the most useful in the Eoman Church. One of its best features was its adoption of the Tertiaries, or Third the order. 0rder of gt_ Francig< an idea not new to the Fran ciscans. It is the enrollment of members who continue to live in the " world," without the vow of celibacy, and bound only by the spirit and not by the letter of the Eule. Tertiaries must eschew all ornaments, all doubtful diversions, like the theater, must restore all ill-gotten gains, and attend faithfully to the duties of religion and charity. This extension of the monastic influence reminds us of Wesley's General Eules, and especially his Bands, and the High Church Guilds and Brotherhoods of the present day. The Tertiaries in their various forms exercised, and generally for good, a powerful influence on mediesval society. Both Weingarten and Denifle emphasize also the influence of the Franciscan Order on German mysticism. Weingarten says that German Pietism and the Moravian Brethren are the " last fruit of that piety of the heart, proceeding from inmost personal communion with Christ, which sprang from the original Franciscan system." 1 A most interesting line of religious development this opens up — Francis and his band of workers preaching penitence and love, the Mystics, the Pietists and Moravians, and then Wesley and evangelical Protestantism.2 There were many followers of the humble Assisian who would not see his order completely transformed without a struggle. The fight between the Spirituals or Observants, as the stricter party were called, and the Conventuals, or liberal party, was one of the most bitter ever known in ecclesiastical history. The Spirituals were cruelly persecuted, tortured, and even burned. This interest ing controversy resulted in a permanent split in the order and a schism in the Church. Francis could not bow to the spirit of the thirteenth century in its reverence for learning. The orders soon contended with each other, like college fraternities, as to who should get the brightest and most learned men in their ranks. But Francis would not put aside his ideal — love and goodness. " The Brethren shall not take trouble," he says, " to teach those ignorant of letters, but shall pay heed to this — that they desire to have the Spirit of God and its holy workings."8 "Suppose," he says again, "that you had nobility and learning enough to know all things, that you were acquainted with all languages, the course of the stars, and all the rest, 1 Zeittafeln and Ueberlicke zur Kirchengeschichte, 3d ed., enl., Rudolstadt, 1888. 2 See H. M. Scott, in Cur. Dis. in Theol., vi, 325. 3 Rule of 1223, c. 10. FRANCIS AND HIS ORDER. 813 what is there in that to be proud of ? A single demon knows more on those subjects than all the men in this world put together. But there is one thing that the demon is incapable of, and which is the glory of man — to be faithful to God." ' Like Paul, Francis was an enthusiast for one thing, and he would have relished Wesley's im patient strenuousness for the salvation of men : " I would throw by all the libraries in the world rather than be guilty of the loss of one soul."3 But this could not last. Soon the Franciscans and Dominicans were rivals in the race for getting the most men into the universi ties. Francis's dreaded change of emphasis — from holiness to the ology — came in good time. Bonaventura, the Francis- OJ S ' . RIVALRTOF can, was lecturing m one room of the University of the two Paris, and Thomas Aquinas, the Dominican, was lee- obosbs. turing against him in another room. If the Franciscan taught one thing, the Dominican taught its opposite. The Franciscans, however, stood on solid ground. They were Eealists, and with their great friar, John Duns Scotus, repudiated predestination. The practical bent toward life and the love which they received from their founder made itself felt in their theology. They could boast a long list of immortals — five popes, Hales, Ockham, Ximenes, and that marvel of mediaeval times, Eoger Bacon, and the historian Wadding, an Irishman, who, like most celebrated Irishmen, lived and wrought outside of Ireland. In all the contrasts of history there is not one which surpasses the amazing development of the simple band of threadbare preachers of Penitence who flocked to the standard of Francis into the learned and masterful company of brilliant authors and wise leaders who bore his magic name and did world-wide service in his honor. On Francis and the fundamental change which his institute un derwent, it is only fair to view him as he really was, and as he went calmly on in his chosen career, without taking into account the legendary marvels which his later admiring devotees attributed to him. He himself held miracles in comparative disdain, and his first biographers, Celano and the Companions, are wonderfully free from them. His age was one in which cold unbelief on the one hand, and all approach to high moral standards on the other, lay in one common grave.3 Moral and doctrinal rectitude had long been passing through hopeless disintegration. His aspiration was to retrace the steps of ecclesiastical and ethical vagary ; to lead the 1 See Sabatier, I. c, p. 281, and note 1 on p. 282. ' Wesley, Works, viii, 334 (last London ed.). 3 Comp. C. Anderson Scott, in Critical Review, iv (1894), p. 355. 814 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Church back to Christ as Teacher, Eedeemer, and Example ; to hold up the Sermon on the Mount as the only creed for pure living ; to make the Church itself the embodiment of Christ's life and power ; and to overcome the violence and waywardness of sinful passion by making supreme the truth and spirit of the whole Gospel. The ideal of Francis was sublime, and his labors to make it real belong to the higher realm of human greatness. His life was a protest against wrongdoing and vicious living. To the honor of Eome be it said, that he was permitted to speak and act in harmony with his deepest convictions. But the reformer was weaker than the organi zation which he sought to reform. His work was transmuted by the strong arm of Eome into a force for advancing her own ends, for substituting the shadow for the substance, for augmenting the popular faith in alleged miracles, and for making Francis the mere pretext for measures and beliefs which would have been abhorrent to him had he ever gone so far, in his wildest fancy, as to suppose them possible. No human organization has ever been so skillful and mighty as Eome in utilizing the achievements of its honest rev olutionists for schemes of which the heroes had never dreamed and for which they had never toiled. The Eoman acid has always been strong enough to dissolve and absorb into its general mass the purest crystals which it has deposited. The individuality was gone, but the elements were used for wider purposes. Francis was no more Francis, but it was an historical necessity which Eome eagerly seized upon to call the order by his name. But who would recognize Francis the practical and the real in the typical Franciscan of his tory, who revels in his world of ecstasies, visions, dreams, and miracles? DOMINIC AND HIS ORDER. 815 CHAPTEE XLVI. DOMINIC AND HIS ORDER. In the year 1218 Dominic and Francis met at the Portiuncula. The former had always been powerfully impressed at the success of the Minorites, and it was from them that he borrowed the idea of poverty to reinforce the popularity of his own flagging order. This was wise, for after the new vow the Dominicans also rapidly increased. Between the two men there was a difference. " Francis is the man of inspiration, Dominic is that of obedience to orders." One is the Hammer of Heretics, the other is the Father of the Poor.1 Domi nic was equally conscientious, sincere, devout, and with an equal devotion to the Church. He had a wider outlook and a more calculating spirit. He was not averse to learning, and touched the fountains of power. That the Church should have given birth to two such men at that time proves that the Spirit of God had not entirely left her. Dominic's youth was far different from that of Francis. The best blood of Castile flowed in his veins, but he was early taught to walk in the* paths of piety, from which he never departed. This scion of the ancient and honorable house of the Guzmans — a family of saints — was born at Calaroga, near Osma, in Old Castile, in 1170. All kinds of legends surround his life, to many of which Drane, the most critical of his biographers, gives full ere- youth of dom- dence. He was educated from an early age by his uncle, 1NIC- an archpresbyter, and at the age of fourteen he went to the Uni versity of Palencia, afterward transferred to Salamanca. He ap plied himself intensely to his studies, but not more so than to the pursuits of religion. He was saintly from his boyhood. In the ter rible famine of 1191 he gave away everything of value, even his parchments, annotated with his own hands. When his fellow- students expostulated with him the enthusiast replied, " Would you have me study off these dead skins, when men are dying of 1 Sabatier, Life of St. Francis of Assisi, p. 215. There is no Sabatier for Dominic. Augusta Theodosia Drane has written an elaborate History of St. Dominic, Lond. and N. Y., 1891, from a careful study of all the original au thorities, but from the standpoint of a devout believer, and therefore with too much credence in the legends. Her work has had the rare honor of translation into both French and German. 816 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. hunger ? " He was ten years at the university. In 1194 he was made canon, and afterward subprior of the monastery at Osma. In 1203 he accompanied his bishop on a diplomatic mission to labors in France. It proved the turning point in his life. His languedoc journey lay through Languedoc. He saw those beauti ful plains given over to what he believed to be heresy, and on his devout mind this made a fearful impression. Some of the heretics were antichristian, thoroughly indoctrinated with Man- ichseism, others were more evangelical, but all were estranged from the Church by its manifold corruptions and wicked clergy. While Dominic saw this, he also saw that the papal legates were in competent for the work of conversion, on account of the pomp and state in which they carried on their work. He therefore asked the privilege of converting the heretics of Languedoc, which he did with self-denying simplicity, going among them in a spirit of love, and convincing them out of Holy Scripture. Drane says that his eloquence " conquered the obstinacy of vast numbers whom he won to the obedience of the Church." * His mission, however, on the whole, was a failure, although alleged miracles attended him on every path. It was a stubborn generation, and Innocent III had lost confidence in Christian means of conversion. After his legate, Cardinal Castelnau, was slain, the dogs of war were let loose upon the Albigenses, and under the bloodthirsty Montfort the despised heretics were well-nigh exterminated. Dominic, therefore, had the unenviable notoriety of being asso ciated with this war against heresy, and from the fact that he was the first Inquisitor it has commonly been supposed that one of his duties was to turn over the heretics to death after their examina tion. Many of the early Dominican biographers and other Eoman Catholic authorities earnestly affirm it, but this tradition is now exploded. The learned Dominican Echard proved that prior to the council of the Lateran in 1215, when Dominic ceased his labors in Languedoc, the office of Inquisitor did not exist, and that even then it was not so named.2 The only evidence for the tradition is certain documents which simply refer to the penances which were exacted of heretics on being received back into the Church.3 Lea shows that it was in fact ten years after Dominic's 1 History of St. Dominic, p. 41. 2 The decrees of that council require bishops to appoint three men of good character who shall assist him in visiting those parts of his diocese infested by heretics that they may seek them out and bring them to justice. See Echard, Scriptores ordinis Prsedicatorum, Paris, 1719-21, 2 vols., fol. 3 These documents are given in full by Drane, pp. 109-112. DOMINIC AND HIS ORDER.. 817 death before the Inquisition could be said to have existed at all,1 and he classes this legend with the enthusiastic declaration of an historian of the order that more than a hundred thousand heretics had been converted by Dominic's teachings, merits, and miracles." In fact, the common association of the Inquisition with the Do minican order rests on a misconception. The Inquisition was not formally confided to their hands, but any of the orders or the sec ular clergy could be used whenever convenient. There is no doubt that Dominic shared the belief of the Church of his time that the burning of incorrigible heretics was an act of piety and necessity, but his own method of conversion was by persuasion, and not by the sword.3 In 1216 Dominic received the papal sanction for his order, the Friar Preachers, who were to go out over the world papal sanc- carrying the banner of salvation. In 1220, influenced TI0N F0E THE by the Franciscans, the order embraced the vow of order. poverty, which, however, was interpreted as not excluding col lective property. Their numbers rapidly increased. Dominic had a larger mind than Francis, and he encouraged learning. Everywhere his schools and churches could be seen. The ablest minds in the Church donned the white gown with the black hood — Albert the Great, Aquinas, Eckhart, Tauler, Suso, Savon arola, Las Casas, and Vincent Ferrier. Four popes came from them, and they had bishops without number. They were pro found students of theology, and it is due to their preaching and that of the Franciscans that the light of faith was kept burning on the candlestick of the Church during the later Middle Ages. The whole constitution and thought of the Preaching Order revolved around the idea of making learned preachers of the faith and effi cient converters of heretics. Pastoral work and manual labor were largely omitted, that everything might bend to study and prayer. Fixed dwellings were a matter of course, and higher education was a requisition.4 In their earliest seat, Toulouse, their course of 1 History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, i, 300. 2 See references in Lea, p. 300, note. Both Lacordaire, Vie de S. Dominique, Paris, 1840, and Drane, ch. ix, vindicate Dominic from complicity in blood- guiltiness which the tradition implies, but the Abbe Douais does not hesitate to affirm the legend on the authority of the bull of Sixtus V (Sources de l'His- toire de ITnquisition, in Revue des Quest. Histor., Oct. 1, 1881, p. 400). But this is a case wheTe papal bulls cannot be deemed infallible. Even the in- fallibilists would exclude historical points from the range of divine guidance. 3 Tulloch, art. Dominic in Encyc. Brit., 9th ed., needs correction here. 4 Denifle, Die Constitution des Prediger-Ordens vom Jahre 1228, inArchiv. f. Litt. und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters, 1885, H. ii. 52 818 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. study was most rigid, including Greek, Hebrew, and, for Eastern missionaries, Arabic. The student was required to understand apologetics and homiletics. To show the efficiency of their train- dominican ing, a brilliant pupil of theirs, Bernard de Gaillac learning. (a. 1331), mastered Greek so thoroughly that he could preach in it readily, then translated Aquinas into that language, and went to Constantinople to win the Greek Church to the papacy.1 The Dominican would not have been frightened at the ordinary curriculum leading to the Protestant ministry, for his course was even more protracted : three years in the preparatory department, three years in the arts course (studium artium), three years in the scientific department (studium naturalium), three years in theology, and a postgraduate course for teachers (studium solemne).2 Is it any wonder that these acute and richly furnished intellects checked the advance of dissent in Europe, and brought thousands into Christianity in India, China, and Japan? Their range of literary activity was encyclopedic, exhausting the learning of the times. Even in the thirteenth century, before 1258, a catalogue of Dominican " Masters of Theology " embraced twenty teachers who "lectured and debated two and two in the presence of scholars and monks and many prelates of the Churches."3 Let Protestant ism remember that if it will master the world, while receiving all the larger truth which has broken forth out of the Word in these later centuries, it must emulate the Dominican in his emphasis on the intellect and the Franciscan in his emphasis on the heart. 'Molinier, G. Bernard de Gaillac et l'enseigement chez lez Dominicains a, la fin du Xin siecle, in Revue Historique, xxv (1884), 2. 2 Douais, Essai sur l'organisation des etudes dans l'ordre des freres precheurs an Xni et au XIV siecle, Paris, 1884. Scott, Cur. Dis., iii, 176. 3 Denifle, Quellen zur Gelehrtengeschichte des Predigerordens, im 13 u. 14 Jahrhundert, in Archiv. f . Litt. u. Kirchengesch. des Mittelalters, 1886, Bd. 2. LITERATURE: WALDENSES AND MEDLEVAL DISSENTERS. 819 LITEEATUEE: WALDENSES AND MEDLEVAL DIS- SENTEES. I. GENERAL WORKS. 1. Walch, C. W. F. Entwurf einer vollstandigen Historie der Ketzereyen, Spaltungen und Religionsstreitigkeiten bis auf die Zeiten der Ref orma- toren. 11 parts. Leipz., 1762-85. 2. Halm, C. U. Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittelalter, besonders in den 11, 13, und 13 Jahrhunderten. 3 vols. Stuttgart, 1845-50. 3. ULlmann, C. Reformers before the Reformation. English transl. 2 vols., Edinb., 1855. 4. Jundt, Auguste. Histoire du Pantheisme populaire an moyen age et au 16me siecle. Paris, 1875. 5. Tocco, Felice. L'Eresia nel medio Evo. Florence, 1884. 6. Doellinger,J. J.I. Beitrage zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters. Miinchen, 1890. The first volume contains a history of the Gn»stic-Manichaean sects ; the second, and much the more valuable, furnishes documents bearing on the Waldenses and Cathari. See Newman in Chr. Lit., ii, 55-59, and Schaff in Presb. and Ref. Rev., i, 319-321. n. WALDENSES OR VAUDOIS. 1. Keller, Andreas. Geschichte der wurtembergischen Waldenser. Tubingen, 1796. 2. Perrin, J. P. Histoire des Vaudois. Geneva, 1619. English transl., Luther's Forerunners. Lond., 1634. 3. Dieterici, W. Die Waldenser und ihre Verhaltnisse zu dem Brandenburg- Preussischen Staate. Berl., 1831. 4. Gilly, W. S. Narrative of an Excursion to the Mountains of Piedmont, and Waldensian Researches. 2 vols. Lond., 1835 and 1831. 5. Faber, G. S. Inquiry into the History and Theology of the Ancient Val- lenses and Albigenses. Lond., 1838. 6. Monastier, Antoine. Histoire de l'eglise vaudoise. 3 vols., Lausanne, 1847. English transl., A History of the Vaudois Church from its Origin. Lond. 1848; N.Y.,1849. 7. Dieckhoff, A. G. Die Waldenser im Mittelalter. Zwei historische Unter- suchungen. Gottingen, 1851. A fundamental work ; destroys old leg ends ; began the newer and truer historical construction. 8. Muston, Alexis. L'Israel des Alpes. 4 vols. Paris, 1851. Two English translations : The Israel of the Alps. History of the Persecutions of the Waldenses. Translated by Wm. Hazlitt. Lond., 1853. A better trans lation, The Israel of the Alps. A complete history of the Waldenses and their Colonies. 2 vols. Glasgow, 1875. Muston also wrote Hist, des Vaudois. Paris, 1834. 820 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 9. Herzog, J. J. Die Romanischen Waldenser, ihre vorref ormatische Zustande und Lehren, ihre Reformation im 16 Jahrhundert, und Die Riickwirkungen derselben. Halle, 1853. 10. Wilhelm, August. Die Waldenser im Mittelalter. Gottingen, 1851. 11. Maitland, S. R. Facts and Documents Illustrative of the Ancient Albi- genses and Waldenses. Lond., 1832; again, 1862. 13. Cantu, Cesare. Gli Eretici d'ltalia. 3 vols. Turin, 1865-66. 13. Todd, J. H. Books of the Vaudois : MSS. in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin. Oxf. and Cambr., 1865. Discourses on the Prophecies relating to Antichrist. Dubl., 1840. 14. Palacky, Frantisek. Die Beziehungen und die Verhaltnisse der Waldenser zu den ehemaligen Sekten in Bohmen. Prag, 1869. 15. Melia, Pius. Origin, Persecution, and Doctrines of the Waldenses. Lond., 1870. 16. Worsfold, Jn. The Vaudois of Piedmont. A visit to their valleys, and a sketch of their history. Lond., 1873. 17. Preger, W. Beitrage zur Geschichte der Waldenser im Mittelalter : in the Abhandlungen der kgl. bayer. Akad. der Wissenschaften. Miinchen, 1875 : 13, 1. Ueber das Verhaltniss dor Taboriten zu den Waldensern : in the same, 1887 : 18, 1. Ueber die Verfassung der franzosichen Wal denser in der alteren zeit : in same, 1890 : 19, 3. All printed separately. " No sounder critic has ever busied himself with the literature of mediae val sects." See Newman, in Papers of Am. Soc. of Ch. Hist., iv, 167, 168. 18. Vailleumier, A. Les apologistes vaudois au XVIHe siecle. Lausanne, 1876. 19. Macduff, J. R. The Exiles of Lucerne. Lond., 1854 ; new ed., 1877. 30. Goll, Jaroslav. Verkehr der bohmischen Briider mit den Waldensern. Prag, 1878. (Part I of his Quellen und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der bohmischen Briider.) 31. Arnaud, Henri. The Glorious Recovery by the Vaudois of their Valleys, with a, compendious History of that people, previous and subsequent to that event. Lond., 1827. New French ed., Geneva, 1879. 23. Tron, B. Pierre Valdo et les Pauvres de Lyon. Pignerol, 1879. 23. Willyam, Jane L. A Short History of the Waldensian Church. Lond., 1855. 3d ed., by Mrs. Matheson, 1879. Popular. 24. Comba, Emilio. Waldo and the Waldenses before the Reformation. Transl. by T. E. Comba, N. Y., 1880. Storia della Riforma in Italia. Florence, 1881. Hist, of Waldenses of Italy from Origin to the Refor mation. 2 vols. Trans, by T. E. Comba. Lond., 1888. Henri Arnaud, sa vie et ses lettres. La Tour, 1889. Storia dei Valdesi. Turin, 1893. Comba is professor in the Waldensian College in Florence, and his works are not only of great interest, but also of scientific completeness and ac curacy. See Wilson in Presb. Rev., 1881, 605, and Briggs, ibid., 1888, 329. 25. Klaiber, K. H. Henri Arnaud, Pfarrer und Kriegsoberster der Waldenser. Ein Lebensbild. Stuttgart, 1880. 26. Rochas d'Aiglun, Albert de. Les Valines Vaudoises. Paris, 1880. 27. Wylie, J. A. History of the Waldenses. Lond., 1880. Popular; reprinted from his History of Protestantism. 28. Nielsen, F. Die Waldenser in Italien. Gotha, 1880. Translated from the Danish. LITERATURE: WALDENSES AND MEDIAEVAL DISSENTERS. 821 29. Gilles, Pierre. Histoire ecclesiastique des . . . eglises vaudoises de l'an 1160 . . . au 1643. 2 vols. Pignerol, 1881. 30. Ochsenbein, G. F. Der Inquisitionsprozess wider die Waldenser zu Frei- burg-im-Unstrut im Jahre 1430, nach den Akten dargestellt. Bern, 1881. 81. Montet, E. Histoire litteraire des Vaudois du Piemont. Geneva and Paris, 1885. Valuable. 33. MueUer, K. Die Waldenser und ihre einzelnen Gruppen bis zum Anfang des 14 Jahrhunderts. Gotha, 1886. See Newman in Papers of Am. Soc. of Ch. Hist., iv, 169. 33. Foerster, W. Review of "La noble le<;on," published by Ed. Montet in the Gottinger Gelehrte Anzeigen, 1888, No. 30. 34. Brunei, Louis. Les Vaudois des Alpes Francaises. Paris, 1890. 3d ed. 35. Chevalier, Jules. Memoire historique sur les Heresies en Dauphine. Valence, 1890. 36. Haupt, Hermann. Waldenserthum und Inquisition in sud-6stl. Deutsch- land. Freiburg, 1890. See Newman in Papers of Am. Soc. Ch. Hist., iv, 169-170. 37. Berard, Alex. Les Vaudois, leur histoire sur les deux versants des Alpes du TV au XVm siecle. Lyon, 1893. 38. Strong, C. H. Brief Sketch of the Waldenses. Lawrence, Kan., 1893. m. CATHARI AND ALBIGENSES. 1. Allix, Pierre. Remarks upon the Ecclesiastical History of the Albigenses. Lond., 1692; new ed., Oxf., 1821. 2. Sismondi, J. C. L. S. History of the Crusades against the Albigenses in the Thirteenth Century. Lond., 1826. 3. Maitland, S. R. Facts and Documents Hlustrative of the Ancient Albigenses and Waldenses. Lond. , 1832. 4. Fauriel, C. C. Histoire de la Croisade contre les heretiques Albigeois. Paris, 1835. 5. Barrau, J. J. , et Darrogan, B. Histoire des Croisades eontre les Albigeois. (Nouveaux documents sur I'histoire de France aux Xle, XHe, et XHIe siecles.) 2 vols. Paris, 1840. 6. Luebkert, J. H. B. De haeresi Priscillianistarum f ontibus. Copenhagen, 1840. 7. Schmidt, Ch. Histoire et Doctrines de la Secte des Cathares ou Albigeois. 2 vols. Paris, 1849. 8. Euthymius Zigabanus. Panoplia. Edited by Gieseler. Gottingen, 1852. An exposition of the doctrines of the Bogomiles. 9. Razki. Bogomili i Catareni. Agram, 1869. 10. Hareau, B. Bernard Delicieux et l'inquisition Albigeois. Paris, 1877. 11. Lombard, A. Paulicians. Geneva, 1879. 12. Meyer, Paul. La Chanson de la Croisade contre les Albigeois, commence par Guillaume de Tudela et continuee par une poete anonyme. Paris, 1879. 13. Peyrat, N. Histoire des Albigeois. 2 vols. Paris, 1880-82. 14. Breede, Ernst. Geschichte des Begriffes der Katharsis. 2 parts. Riga, 1880-83. 15. Douais, C. L'Albigeisme et les Freres PrScheurs a Norbonne au 13e siecle. Paris, 1894. 822 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. IV. BOHEMIAN BRETHREN. 1. Gindely, Ant. Geschichte der bomischen Briider. 2 vols. Prag, 1862. 2. Kruemmel, L. Utraquisten und Taboriten. Gotha, 1872. For an excellent summary of recent investigations on mediseval sects, see the chapters by Newman in Papers of Am. Soc. of Ch. Hist., iv, 167-221. See also the literature cited under John Hub. THE WALDENSES AND THE MEDLEVAL DISSENTERS. 823 CHAPTER XLVII. THE WALDENSES AND THE MEDIJEVAL DISSENTERS. Those who speak of the Middle Ages as a Dead Sea of Eeligious Calm — no life, no dissenting voices, no great currents of spiritual enthusiasm, no profound movements counter to the ruling Church, have a narrow view of that epoch. This is especially true of the latter part of the mediseval period, especially since the twelfth cen tury, when Europe was swarming with sects and stirring with either healthy or fanatical excitement. The movements may be divided into two classes — the heretical and the evangelical, or the Manichaean and the Catholic. The persistence of the old Hindu and Persian dualism is one of the marvels of history. The problem of evil has staggered the human mind. There is only one solution — that offered oriental by the theology of the free will, which explains sin dualism. as the abuse of freedom, the possibility of which is inevitable in a moral world made for men and not for machines. But that solution could not be grasped by those trained under the shadow of fatalism which spread its gloomy darkness over the whole East and some sections of Christendom. To these the only solution was that of Mani, that there are two beings, one infinitely good, the Creator of the soul of man and everything good, and the other evil, the creator of matter, sin, and evil. It is a striking testi mony to the persistence of this conception that nearly every sect of the Middle Ages was infected with it, that it explains the oppro brium cast upon the body by many in the Catholic Church, and that it has been recently revived in part by the so-called " Chris tian Science," which has had large vogue in the United States. One general name covers all these mediaeval Manichaean-Christian sects — namely, Cathari, "the Pure." From a document first edited by Dollinger we get an excellent description of the tenets of one of them, the Albanenses, so called from the country of their origin or activity, Albania : " You teach and believe that there are two Creators from eternity, and that they are contrary, and that there is a great- conflict between them, and that the one fights against the other, and destroys the other, according as either is more potent, publicly and privately. If this is true each is lord of 824 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. his own account, and lord over his own kingdom, and the creatures and sons of each ought to be subject to him. ... 0 Albanenses, you preach two gods, two peoples, and two kingdoms without beginning, and that each of these will be of perpetual duration. 0 Albanenses, you preach that the evil god sent his messenger, or his messengers, into the kingdom of the good God, and that a great battle took place there, and that not being able to resist Michael the archangel they were thrust out of heaven ; but yet they fell into a multitude of the souls of the good God, whom the evil god himself imprisoned in human bodies, for restoring whom the good God sent his Son into the world, who died, was crucified, suffered martyrdom in this world."1 The Carcoricii of Bulgaria and Italy and the Bogomiles of Thrace differed from the Albanenses by holding to a derived and sub ordinate dualism. There were some minor differences between the different sects or branches of the Cathari, but they all agreed as to the dualism, emphasis on asceticism and the necessity of crucifying the flesh to attain the perfect life, a denial of the magical effect of Church ordinances, a denial of the sacredness of Church buildings and ceremonies, especially when ministered by a corrupt priesthood, and an absurdly strict moral standard based on the opposition be tween spirit and matter. To hold property, to keep intercourse with worldly men, to lie, to steal, to swear, to wage war, to kill animals, except those that creep, to eat flesh, except that of fishes, and to marry, were deadly sins. The severity of these require ments was mitigated by the distinction between the Perfect and the Believers ; only the Perfect were required to fulfill all the rules, while the Believers were exhorted to enter the higher circle in their last illness, at which time they received a spiritual baptism, the consolamentum. Some Roman Catholic writers have excused the fierce persecutions waged against the Cathari by the assertion that they were outra geously immoral. Ryder, the associate of Newman, calls the medise val heretic, as a rule, " a very loathsome combination of the scamp and the ruffian."2 This is a slander. There were ruffians in the Middle Ages — such as the Cotereaux and Brabancons — men tossed up on the surface of the raging sea of those troublous times, with- 1 Salons Burce, a nobleman of Piacenza, in his Supra Stella, A. D. 1235, printed the 2d vol. of Diillinger's Beitrage zur Sektengeschichte des Mittelalters, Miinchen, 1890. This tract is one of the most valuable sources for a knowledge of the mediaeval sects. It is written by a layman, and is a straightforward and moderate account. 2 Catholic Controversy, 3d ed., p. 209 (Am. ed.). THE WALDENSES AND THE MEDIAEVAL DISSENTERS. 825 out religion, without mercy, organized banditti, returned cru saders, discharged soldiers, escaped criminals, and C0OTXjCTING worthless ecclesiastics and monks. But these were not estimate of the Cathari, much less the Waldenses.1 Drane, more THECATHARI- moderately, says that the " facts of history fully justify a contem porary writer, who was perfectly well informed in the matters of which he speaks, when he declares the actions perpetrated by the followers of the Albigensian heresy to have been too loathsome and- horrible for description."2 Dollinger is also inclined to give credit, without special investigation, to the testimony of their enemies as to the immorality of certain of the Cathari.3 On the other hand, the monstrous charges of the enemies of the Cathari impute to them deeds which were fundamentally opposed to their principles, and for these principles they were ready to suffer torture and death. Besides, the writers of the documents which mention these deeds do not pretend to have sufficient evidence whereon to base their insinuations, but throw them out for what they are worth, as resting on mere rumor.* Karl Schmidt, who investi gated the documents in a more judicial spirit, discredits the charges,6 which rest in fact on no better foundation than do the wild stories told of the early Christians. Indeed, no surer way lay open to a Roman Catholic Christian to vindicate himself against the charge of Catharism than to swear that he was addicted to the practices and vices of our ordinary humanity. When summoned before the tribunal of Toulouse, Jean Teisseire defended himself by exclaiming : "I am not a heretic, for I have a wife and children, and I eat flesh, and lie and swear, and am a faithful Christian." ' Lea agrees with Schmidt that many of the ethical precepts of the Cathari were admirable, and that they were reasonably obeyed. In spite of the horrible tales, invented perhaps to frighten the people from heresy, the candid and intelligent inquisitors, who had the best means of knowing the truth, make no mention of crimes, and in the hundreds of excom- ] Lea, Hist, of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, i, 125. 2 Qua? ipsi faciunt in abscondito non est modo necesse in medium proferre, qui sunt foetida et horribilia. Alberic Trium, Font. Gallia, Rer. Scrip. Col lection of Dom Martin Bouquet, t. xxi, p. 524. See Drane, Hist, of St. Dominic, pp. 27, 28. 3 Sektengeschichte, i, 174, ff. The treatment in this volume is meager, and does not add materially to our knowledge. 4 See Newman, in Chr. Lit., April, 1890, vol ii, p. 57. s Hist, et Doctrine de la secte des Catharee, Paris, 1849, 2 vols., and art. in Herzog-Plitt. 6 Guil. Pelisso, Chron., ed. Molinier, Anicii, p. 17. 826 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. munications and sentences which Lea read there is no allusion to anything of the kind except in some proceedings in the Alpine valleys in 1387. ' St. Bernard bears the same testimony. "If you interrogate the heretics," he says, " nothing can be more Christian ; as to their conversation, nothing can be less reprehen sible, and what they speak they prove by their deeds. As for the morals of the heretic, he cheats no one, he oppresses no one, he strikes no one, his cheek6 are pale with fasting, he eats not the bread of idleness, his hands labor for his livelihood." a The abbot Joachim bears the same testimony.3 After making a careful study of the original authorities Lea sums up the whole matter in a few comprehensive words. The Cathari were " mostly simple folks, industrious peasants and me chanics, who felt the evils around them and welcomed any change. The theologians who combated them ridiculed them as ignorant churls, and in France they were popularly known by the name of Texerant (Tisserands, weavers), on account of the prevalence of the heresy among the weavers, whose monotonous occupation doubtless gave ample opportunity for thought. Rude and ignorant they might be for the most part, but they had skilled theologians for teachers and an extensive popular literature, which has utterly perished, saving a Catharin version of the New Testament in Romance and a book of ritual. Their familiarity with Scripture is vouched for by the warning of Lucas, Bishop of Tuy, that the Christian should dread their conversation as he would a tempest, unless he is skilled in the law of God so that he can overcome them in argument. Their strict morality was never corrupted, and a hundred years after St. Bernard the same testimony is rendered to the virtue of those who were persecuted in France in the middle of the thirteenth century. In fact, the formula of confession used in their assemblies shows a strict guard was maintained over every idle thought and careless word." * The guilt of immorality lay on other shoulders, and the Church knew it, and many of her teachers bitterly confessed it. This in part explains the rise and vast extent of the Catharist here sies. They honeycombed all central and southern Europe. Medi aeval Christianity had met its most formidable enemy, and it seemed at one time as if the Church would be supplanted by a Christian Manichaeism over all its fairest territories. It is a matter of congratulation that the Catharists did not sup plant it. For although they shone favorably in morality beside the 1 Lea, i, 101. ! Serm. in Cantica, xv, 5 ; xvi, 1. 3 See the admirable work by Toceo, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo., p. 403. 4 Lea, I. c, pp. 101, 102. THE WALDENSES AND THE MEDIAEVAL DISSENTERS. 827 Catholics, their system was not only a negation of Christianity, but also a strong denial of progress and civilization. If matter is the creation of the devil, and nature the vesture of a demon, all science becomes an impossibility, and all the magnificent growth of man in art and labor and the ameliorations of charity is a deadly snare. For this reason we may be thankful that the Church triumphed in that conflict. We cannot excuse her weapons. She tried destruction persuasion, reason, truth, and in Francis she tried love. 0F d^a"sm. But all these failed. Then she used force, and the dragoons of Montfort, the tribunals of the Inquisition, the torture, and the stake accomplished the work. But the pulverization of dualism was a most beneficent result, even if the means used were barbarous aad devilish. If the Church had been faithful to the spirit and truth of her Lord she would not have had occasion to imbrue her hands in blood and burden her conscience with the awful memories of her inquisitional butcheries. But it was the just retribution for her sins. Of the numerous wings of the Catharist school the Bogomiles of Thrace lived on through the Middle Ages, in spite of fire and sword, until they were finally absorbed or forced into Mohammedanism. Even to-day in Bosnia-Herzegovina their tenets "still lurk as a secret and sacred tradition among some families," and the vestiges of an ancient Christian ritual can be traced in their services. On their sixty thousand tombs the crescent and the cross are often to be found sculptured.1 The Patarini3 of Italy were widely spread, and had churches, and, at last, even dioceses, in the principal cities and in the Papal States. Both the conflicts of the popes with the Hohen staufen and the political condition of Italy favored them, and many powerful nobles supported them. For centuries they withstood the fires of the Inquisition, and late in the fourteenth cen- L0NG LIFE 0P tury the Holy Office was busily persecuting them. After the patarini. that, however, they disappeared. It is a singular illustration of their strength and influence in Italy that so late as the last years of the thirteenth century one of their number in Ferrara, Armanno Pangilovo, was very near being canonized by the pope. Some go so far as to say that Dante was a preacher among them,3 but Schmidt 1 See Munro, Rambles and Studies in Bosnia-Herzegovina and Dalmatia, Edinb., 1896 ; The Nation, N. Y., Aug. 13, 1896, p. 128. 2 Or ragpickers, so called from the section of the city of Milan where the rag collectors made their rendezvous, and where the Catharists under their great leader ArialdVus were wont to gather. " Patari 1 " is still the cry of the ' ragpickers in the small towns of Provence. 3Aroax, Dante Heretique, Revolutionaire et Socialiste, Paris, 1854, and the same author's Clef de la Comedie anti-Catholique de Dante Alighieri, Paris, 1856. 828 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. justly characterizes such a statement as an " exaggeration of sickly criticism." ' The Albigenses of the south of France felt the iron the most keenly. Here the intolerable papal corruption had made a deep impression, and the spread of Catharism was rapid and exten sive. In many places they almost entirely supplanted the Roman Catholic Church. In vain the holy St. Bernard, in 1147, and St. Dominic, in 1205-15, and numerous other Catholic workers, tried to bring them over to the faith. The more they argued the more the heresy grew. Then the murder of the papal legate Castelnau gave Innocent III his pretext for arguments of another sort. He called for a holy crusade against the heretics of Languedoc, and was met by prompt responses enough. With fire, sword, torture, and wholesale massacres, all augmented by the Inquisition, the heretics were either converted or exterminated. For twenty years, 1208-29, the holocaust went on. The savagery with which the Holy War of Innocent was carried on was well illustrated by the famous response of the papal legate at the sack of Beziers, in 1209. When asked what to do with the inhabitants of the captured city the answer came: "Kill them all; God will know his own." The religious effect of the Albigensian war was to leave the miserable the holt remnant of Cathari in the hands of the Inquisition, crusade. while its political effect was to leave the country in the hands of the King of France. The war itself is one of the infamous spots on the fame of the Roman Church which will not out, though washed by a thousand seas. This war left the richest and fairest country a desert, burned its heterodox inhabitants, and many even of its orthodox were chained together and sent to the Moslem slave market.2 In Germany a few burnings and the decisive treatment 1 Modern biblicalcritieismaffordsmany parallels to suchfantastic exaggeration. 2 The name Albigenses comes from Albi (Albiga), capital of department Tarn, one of their principal seats. Before the crusade they were spoken of as Poblicants, or Publicani, a name probably from the Paulicians, although they called themselves the Bos Homes (Boni Homines, Bons Hommes), a name which they gave to the perfecti. It used to be the popular Protestant conception that the Albigenses were practically identical with the Waldenses, and that they were evangelical, if not almost Protestants of the pre-Ref ormation The works of Allix, Hist, of the Albigenses, Oxf. , 1821, Faber, Theol. of the Vallenses and Albigenses, Lond., 1838, Baird, Hist, of the Albigenses, Vaudois, etc., N. Y,. 1830, helped to spread this idea. In this they had the illustrious examples of Basnage, Abbadie, and Beausobre, the celebrated author of the Hist, of Manichsaism, and the Vaudois historians of the seventeenth century, Perrin and Leger. The learned Arminian Limborch was one of the first to change Protestant sentiment. In preparing his Hist, of the Inquisition (1692) he edited the records of the Inquisition of Toulouse, and confesses its perusal had changed his opinion, and convinced him of the Manichsean character of the THE WALDENSES AND THE MEDIAEVAL DISSENTERS. 829 of Konrad of Marburg (1231) sufficed to crush the Cathari, and in England they made no mark. The second group of heretics may be called evangelical and catholic, not because they reached at once the full assurance of faith, but because they stood, for the most part at least, on the Scriptures, and in their doctrines never went beyond the limits of belief as held by the Church Catholic. While not Protestants be fore the Reformation, they anticipated in important particulars Luther's message. That there were all through the Middle Ages select souls here and there who kept the faith, cannot be doubted, but these men of purer thought had no connection one with another, and were in no separate organization, but simply existed BVANQELI0 in the Church. The idea that the Waldenses and the and catholic Anabaptists can trace their life as communities back to the GROnp- apostolic times, that groups of men existed here and there which had received from their predecessors and handed down to their successors a purer faith, and that thus the lamp of the Gospel was kept burning at a definite center or centers from the apostolic times to the Ref orma- tion, rests on no sufficient foundation whatever, and is now abandoned by scholars. If there were such evangelical groups, such heralds of the pure Gospel, it may at least be said they have left no trace. One of the earliest of these reformers was Peter of Bruys, who went through the south of France preaching against images, cruci fixes, ceremonies, and church buildings, and calling men peter op back to the simple teachings of Christ. He rejected in- bruys. fant baptism and all sacramental significance in the Lord's Supper. Much that was crude and ill-advised was in his message, but he was working back to the original Gospel, though without the training or balance to do justice to institutional Christianity. Most of the practices and tenets of the Church he repudiated, but without sub stituting a well-considered scheme of Christian doctrine. Dollinger insists on identifying him andHenry of Lausanne with the Catharists, but without any reason.1 His great opponent, Peter the Venerable, theology of the Albigenses. Mosheim followed him, and this view has been so confirmed by every study of the documents of the time that Neander, Gies eler, Hahn, Schmidt, Herzog, and since them all scholars, have adopted this view. For a scholarly treatment see Lond. Quar. Rev. (Wesl. Meth.), iv, 1, ff. An admirable account of the crusade is given by Moffat in Presb. Rev., 1886, 657-689. Maitland, Facts and Documents Illustrative of the Albigenses and Waldenses, Lond., 1832, was one of the first to bring Englishmen to the right view. A simple way to come to a solution of the matter is to ask the opinion of the Waldenses concerning their brother heretics, the Cathari and Albi genses. The later Waldenses abhorred them and wrote against them. 1 Dollinger, I. c, i, ch. vi. 830 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. never attributes to him any of the distinguishing marks of the Manichaeans, or calls him one. This he would have done had there been occasion.1 The bishops and priests, with the help of a mob, burned him at St. Gilles in 1126. Henry of Lausanne, a contemporary, and a monk of Clugny, stood closer by the Church. He held a cross before him, and went forth preaching penitence, attacking the depravity of the clergy and creating intense excitement wherever he went. He laid hold of men's hearts with great power, brought them face to face with the Gospel, and caused thousands to renounce their sins. He read ily proved that the Church, both in doctrine and life, had left the New Testament standard, and his work in southern France pro duced a profound impression. Bernard of Clairvaux, who preached henry of and wrote against him, thought that all the people were lausanne. leaving the Church for him. "How great are the evils," he says, "which I have heard, and know, that the heretic Henry has done and is daily doing in the churches of God ! A ravening wolf in sheep's clothing is busy in your land. The churches are without congregations, congregations without priests, priests without their due reverence, and, worst of all, Christians without Christ. Churches are regarded as synagogues, the sanctuary of God is said to have no sanctity, the sacraments are not thought to be sacred, and feast days are deprived of their wonted solemni ties. Men are dying in their sins." ' The Church was thoroughly alarmed, and sent the holy Bernard to call the people back. Ber nard had little success, however. His auditors interrupted him with passages of Scripture and confounded him. Finally, Henry was seized and imprisoned about 1148, and kept in prison until he died.3 We ought not to pass over that brave and high-minded republi- arnoldof can, Arnold of Brescia, who, if he did not protest brescia. strongly against corrupt doctrine, worked mightily for evangelical reform. He was a native of Brescia, in L»mbardy, 1 The best treatment of Peter of Bruys is by Newman in Papers of Am. Soc. of Church History, iv, 183, fE. See also Neander, iv, 595, ff. The only source is Peter the Venerable's Adversus Petribrusianos hsereticos, in Migne, vol. 189. ' Ep. 341 (ed. Eales, ii, 707). In this epistle Bernard seeks to blacken his character — a favorite method of dealing with heretics — but his charges are un founded. 3 Dollinger classes Henry also with the Catharists, but without evidence, purely an insufficient and presumptive reasoning. Neither Hildebert nor Ber nard hints at this, which they would have been only too glad to do if the slightest pretext had been afforded them. THE WALDENSES AND THE MEDIAEVAL DISSENTERS. 831 where a statue of him was unveiled in 1882. He had been a pupil of Abelard, in Paris. He was deeply agitated by the corrup tions of the Church, and called it back to the simplicity of the apostolic model. In Lombardy, in France, and finally in Rome, he lifted up his voice, though relentlessly pursued, however, by the great hunter of heresy, Bernard of Clairvaux. His scheme was the Voluntaryism of the Protestant Churches, that priests and prelates should give up their riches, live in the simple style of the apostles, and depend upon the freewill offerings of the faithful. He was nine hundred years in advance of his time. In Rome he led a revolu tionary movement for the restoration of the greatness of the city under the senators and people, dependent neither on the corrupt papal court nor on the empire. In 1155 the new constitution was adopted, but on the approach of Frederick Barbarossa, into whose hands he fell,1 he was surrendered to the pope, was hung, his body burned, and his ashes thrown into the Tiber, in 1155. There has been much dispute as to Arnold's doctrinal position, Giesebrecht claiming that his work was political and within the Church," and others holding that his protest went farther. ' There is no doubt that the latter opinion is correct. Bernard says he was unsound in doc trine as well as a schismatic.'1 Otto of Frisingen says that he was a " man of affected singularity and sought after novelty, one of those dispositions ever ready to manufacture heresies and to stir up divisions."6 He also complains that he "is said to have been astray in reference to the sacrament of the altar and the baptism of infants." Arnold founded, directly or indirectly, the Arnoldists, a sect which had large vogue in Lombardy, and led a reaction against the superstitious value of rites in favor of a purer Chris tianity.' The most influential of these evangelical reformers was Peter Waldo, of Lyons, who founded the only mediaeval reformatory 1 Frederick wanted to conciliate the pope in order to facilitate his crowning. The surrender of his real ally in his contests with the papal absolutism is a dark stain on Frederick. ' Arnold von Brescia, Munchen, 1873. 3 This is the opinion of the best authorities on mediseval sects, including Leger, Fiiesslin, Muratori, Dieckhoff, Toco, Keller, Breyer (Arnold von Bres cia, in Maurenbrecher's Hist. Taschenbuch, 1889, and Die Arnoldisten, in Brie- ger's Zeitsch. f. Kirchengesch., xii, 1891), and Newman, pp. 199 ff. There are four primary authorities for Arnold's life : the letters of St. Bernard, the anon ymous poet of Bergamo, John of Salisbury, and Otto of Freising. 4 Ep. 195. 5 De Gestis Friderici, ii, 30. 8 Perhaps the best monograph on Arnold of Brescia is by Hausrath, Arnold von Brescia, Leipz., 1891. Picturesque and trustworthy. 832 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. community that has come down to the present day. He was a wealthy merchant, but, becoming enamored with Christ's ideal of poverty and cross-bearing, he parted with his goods (1173) and embarked on a voyage, the issue of which he knew not. His first thought was to study the Bible. He knew little of Latin, and there were no translations in the dialect of the country. He therefore hired two priests, who translated the New Testament for him, which he soon committed to memory. People came to his house to hear him. Without knowing it, he soon be came the preacher. Disciples gathered around him. He instructed them in reading the Scriptures. " Then they went out into the public places and the workshops, and visited the people from house to house, and what they had to say was summed up for the time be ing in the words : ' Blessed are the poor in spirit : for theirs is the kingdom of heaven.' " J Such was the rise of the Waldenses. It was a movement at first entirely within the Church. Al though Waldo and his followers went out everywhere preaching, or rather talking, the Gospel, reading and explaining the Scriptures and scattering over southern France, Switzerland, and Italy the seeds of truth, they did so in simple-hearted confidence as good Catholics.3 Their aim was to spread the knowledge of the Scrip tures, to conform more strictly to the primitive ideal. To do this they had to maintain the liberty of preaching, that any Christian who knew the word could expound it in private or in public. But this they did in no spirit of schism, but as loving children of the Church. In 1179 Pope Alexander III received them at Rome with favor, but forbade their preaching. That was the parting of the ways. " We must obey God rather than men," said Waldo, and in saying that he gave a banner for Protestantism. But this challenge the pope met by an anathema, in 1183: " We include under a per- the wal- petual anathema all those who in spite of our interdic- denses. tion, and without being sent by us, shall dare to preach, whether in private or public, contrary to the authority represented by the apostolic see and the bishops." s This anathema was re peated at the fourth Lateran council of 1215, and thus closed the purely Catholic period of the Waldenses. 1 Comba, Hist, of the Waldenses of Italy, tr. by T. E. Comba, Lond., p. 26. B Montet, in his excellent work, Hist. Litteraire des Vaudois du Piemont, Paris, 1887, divides the history of the Waldensian Church into three parts, (1) Catholic, (2) Hussite, and (3) Protestant, and there is no doubt of the sub stantial accuracy of this representation. 3 Mansi, xxiv. THE WALDENSES AND THE MEDIAEVAL DISSENTERS. 833 Organization followed. Two by two they went forth carrying with them parts of the Bible translated into the vernacular, devo tional extracts from the Fathers, and hymns, gathering the faithful in secluded places, visiting them in their homes, preaching, hearing their confessions, and granting absolution. In some congregations contrition of heart and silent prayer were the only penance necessary. In morals they were very austere. They took the Sermon on the Mount literally : nonresistance, no homicide, even in judicial sen tences. Every holy man had the power to ordain and to administer the sacraments, although in some places the Waldenses had a regu lar ministry. They rejected purgatory. Their views changed with time, becoming more and more scriptural, while in different coun tries various aspects of teaching appeared. But their whole and inevitable tendency was to widen the breach between them and the Church. Their principles logically cut the ground from under sac erdotalism, indulgences, and the whole machinery of the Church. ' They were saturated with the Bible. They frequently knew whole books by heart. Various councils forbade Bible reading. Then these earnest folk unfolded its truths to the people. There is no sublimer picture in history than these humble Bible students, holding with the Church in some things, attending her services in many cases, going forth in love to bring the power and love of the Gospel to the people, seeking the lazar-houses to minister to the lepers, ceaseless in learning and teaching, swimming rivers on their mission tours, working with their own hands to support themselves, despised, persecuted, tormented, whose only sign was, as their Nobla Leyczon says, and for which they were deemed worthy of death, that they followed Christ, and sought to obey the com mandments of God. The Poor Men of Lyons spread with great rapidity. On the plains of Lombardy they were the Poor Men of Lombardy, where, partly in descent from the Arnoldists,. they differed in some re spects from the Lyons brethren, the Italians being more radical re formers.' In the valleys of the Alps they flourished, and in those valleys they endured until the Reformation. It was the age of martyrs — three hundred years of cunning, force, torture, dun geons, and fires on the part of the Roman Church against as inof fensive and pious Christians as the world has ever seen. They 1 Lea gives an excellent survey, Hist, of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, i, 76-88. ' These differences form the subject of a conference between the two schools, fall particulars of which are in the Rescriptum Heresiarcharum LombardiaB ad Leonistas in Alemannia, about 1250, first published by Preger, Miinchen, 1875, and repub. by Dollinger in his Sektengeschichte, 1890. 53 834 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. were the fathers of the idea of the vernacular translation of the Bible for the common people, and of the right of every man to read the book for himself. They were emphatically Bible Christians. Since the time of Hildebrand the Church had repeatedly, in vari ous local synods, prohibited the reading of the Bible in the vernacu lar, and Innocent III had given authoritative expression to these decisions. It was the Waldenses and their colaborers to whom the common people of the Middle Ages owed their sight of the written word, and the message of its salvation, in their mother tongue. A number of Romance Waldensian versions have been klimesch's known constantly, but it was not until 1881 that discovery. Klimesch discovered in the monastery of Tepl in Bohe mia a manuscript German Bible, which, in the opinion of many scholars, is Waldensian, and surprised the world with the question whether to those outcast heretics the German people do not owe their first introduction to the Bible in their own language. This Codex Teplensis, as the discoverer calls it, belongs to the four teenth century, agrees strikingly with the Romance Waldensian versions in points where they differ from the Vulgate, and experts in Waldensiana, like Keller, Haupt, and Mtiller, have almost dem onstrated the Waldensian origin of the version.1 The Waldenses also exerted a great influence on Hus and the Husite Reformation, and they everywhere paved the way for Luther. The best historical investigator of the sixteenth century, stimulate Matthias Flacius Illyricus, confesses that the Husite other move- and Taborite movements, the Unitas Fratrum, and other reformatory movements were deeply indebted to the Waldenses. They not only created an atmosphere of reform throughout the south of Europe, but they produced influences of a more positive kind. In 1318 and 1335 there were inquisitions for Waldensian heresies in Bohemia, and the synodical decrees of 1 Keller, Die Reformation und die alteren Reformparteien, Leipz., 1885, and Die Waldenser und die deutschen Bibelubersetzungen, 1886 ; Haupt, Die deutsche Bibeliibersetzung der mittelal. Waldenser, Wiirzb., 1885, and Der wal- densische Ursprung des Codex Teplensis und der vorlutherischen deutschen Bi- beldriicke, 1886 ; Newman, Papers of Amer. Soc. of Ch. Hist., iv, 215, ff. ; Schaff, in Presb. Rev., 1887, 355-357. Klimesch was the librarian of the Bohemian (Catholic) convent at Tepl, and published the Codex under the title, Der Codex Teplensis enthaltend die Schrift des neuen Gezeuges., Augsb. and Munich, 1881-84. Klimesch and Jostes (R. C), Die Waldenser und die vorlutherischen Bibeliibersetzung, eine Kritik des neusten Hypothese, Minister, 1885, and other scholars believe in the Catholic origin of the Teplensis. Berger, the best French authority on mediseval Bibles, is fully convinced of the Waldensian ori gin of the pre-Lutheran German Bibles. See his essays in Revue Historique, 1886, p. 32. THE WALDENSES AND THE MEDIAEVAL DISSENTERS. 835 Prague, going back to 1335, made frequent mention of the Wal denses, but scarcely refer to any other sect. In the fourteenth century Waldensian heretics had penetrated into Bohemia, Austria, Pome- rania, Brandenburg, and, belonging to the more radical and anti- Roman branch, the Poor Men of Lombardy, and being less com mitted to nonresistance, powerfully stimulated the working of the Protestant leaven, and were the forerunners of Hus and the Bohe mian Brethren. In all these countries there existed a thoroughly evangelical type of Waldensianism during the thirteenth and four teenth centuries.1 The college of the Waldenses was located at Milan, which sent out pastors and evangelists through southern Europe. One of their teachers and pastors, Morel, greeted the light which arose at Witten berg. " When the sun of the Reformation arose," says Comba, " the Waldensian light was shining still, if not as brightly, at least as purely as in the past ; but in the presence of the new sun it might well appear to grow paler. Morel testifies to this with child like simplicity and an ingenuous joyful expectation which recalls that of the prophets of old. 'Welcome ! blessed be thou, my Lord,' he writes to the Basel reformers, ' we come to thee from a far-off country, with hearts full of joy, in the hope and assurance that through thee the Spirit of the Almighty will enlighten us.' That is the last word of the history of the Waldenses before the Ref ormation. The cry of the navigator who, at the early dawn, saw the New World appear was neither more sincere nor more joyous nor yet of better omen. It was as if from the valleys there reechoed the voice of Simeon welcoming again the Saviour of the Israel of the Alps."3 The Waldenses continued to hold their own simple and secret services until about 1530, though occasionally receiving baptism and the Lord's Supper at the hands of the regular priests. They 1 Wattenbach shows this in his Ueber die Inquisition der Waldenser in Pom- mem und der Mark Brandenburg, Berl., 1886, based on recently discovered MSS. For influence of Waldenses on Taborites, see Preger, Ueber das Ver- haltniss der Taboriten zu den Waldensern des 14 Jahrhunderts, Miinchen, 1887, and Haupt, Waldenserthum und Inquisition in sudostl. Deutschland, Freib., 1890. The only denial of this has sprung from those who, like Loserth and Gindely, are impressed by the fact no less true of the vast influence of Wiclif on Hus and the Husite reform. Loserth has demonstrated this influence by abundant evidence. But one fact need not destroy the other. Newman gives an excellent resume of the evidence of the connection of the Taborites with the Waldenses and a comparison of their doctrines in ch. vi (pp. 306, ff.) of his treatise, Recent Researches concerning Mediseval Sects, printed in Am. Soc. of Church History Papers, iv, 1893. 8 Hist, of the Waldenses of Italy, p. 159. 836 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. maintained, however, their own body of ministers, whom they called barbas — guides. These ministers were inducted ratio/from into office through the imposition of the hands of the roman the entire ministerial assembly, after a meager course of instruction carried on through three or four winters in the intervals of rest from the manual toil of the flock and the Eoil. In 1532 at a synod held at Chanforans the Waldenses openly allied themselves with the Swiss Reformers, cut themselves entirely aloof from the Roman Church, and declared their meetings, hitherto conducted as private assemblies, to be public gatherings for the worship of God. LITERATURE: THE USE OF PERSECUTION: INQUISITION. 837 LITERATURE: THE USE OF PERSECUTION: INQUI SITION. I. INQUISITION ; GENERAL WORKS. 1. Paramo. De origine et progressu officii sancte Inquisitionis. Madrid, 1589. Among the best of the older Roman Catholic works. 2. Eymericus, Nicolaus. Directorium Inquisitorum. Rome, 1587 ; Venice, 1607. 3. Sarpi, Paul. Storia della sacra Inquisizione. Serravalle, 1638. 4. Limborch, P. a. Historia inquisitionis. Amsterd., 1692. English trans., abridged, History of the Inquisition. N. Y., 1838. 5. Reuss. Sammlung der Instrnctionen des spanischen Inquisitionsgerichts. Hanover, 1788. 6. Carnicero. La inquisition justamente restablecida. Madrid, 1816. 7. Balmes, J. The Inquisition: chapter 38 of his European Civilization. Lond., 1855. The author was a Jesuit. 8. Buckle, H. T. In his History of Civilization. 3 vols. Lond., 1867. Con tains a vigorous denunciation. 9. Gordon, Janet. The Spanish Inquisition : its Heroes and Martyrs. Lond., 1870. Popular. 10. Rule, W. H. The History of the Inquisition from its Establishment in the 12th Century to its Extinction in the 19th. New ed., Lond., 1874. 11. Rodrigo, F. J. Historia verdadara de la Inquisicion. 3 vols. Madrid, 1876. Romish. 12. Orti, y Lara. La inquisicion. Madrid, 1877. Roman Catholic. 13. Mocatta, F. D. Jews in Spain and Portugal, and the Inquisition. Lond., 1877. 14. Hoffmann, Fridolin. Geschichte der Inquisition. 2 vols. Bonn, 1878. 15. Maurenbrecher, Wilh. Geschichte der katholischen Reformation. I. Nordlingen, 1880. 16. . Studien und Skizzen zur Geschichte der Reformationszeit. Leipz., 1874. 17. Fereal, V. de. Les mysteres de la inquisition. Paris, 1880. 18. Ficker, J. Die getetzliche Einf iihrung der Todesstrafe fiir Ketzerei. In the Mittheilungen des Instituts fur osterreich. Geschichtsforschung, 1880, i, 177, ff. 19. Havet, J. L'heresie et le bras seculier au moyen-age jusqu' au XHIe siecle. Paris, 1881. 20. Guido, Bernard. Practica inquisitionis heretice pravitatis, auetore Ber nardo Guidonis. Document publie pour la premiere f ois, par C. Douais. Paris, 1886. 21. Lea, H. C. History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages. 3 vols. N. Y., 1888. 22. . Superstition and Force. Phila., 1870 ; 4th ed., 1892. 838 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 23. Henner, C. Beitrage zur Organisation und Kompetenz der papstl. Ketzer- gerichte. Leipz., 1890. 24. Sassenbach, J. Die heilige Inquisition. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der christlichen Religion. Berl., 1893. Popular only. H. THE INQUISITION IN SPECIAL COUNTRIES. 1. Llorente, Juan Ant. Histoire critique de l'Inquisition d'Espagne. 4 vols. Paris, 1817. German trans, by Hock, 4 vols. Gmund, 1819. English trans., History of the Inquisition in Spain from the Time of the Establishment to the Reign of Ferdinand VII. Lond., 1826 ; Phila., 1843. The author was secretary of the Inquisition. His work, while a strong indictment of the Inquisition, is confused and unreliable. 2. Maistre, J. de. Lettre a un gentilhomme russe sur l'inquisition espagnole. Lyons, 1822 ; trans., Lond., 1851. 3. M'Crie, Thomas. History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reforma tion in Spain in the 16th Century. Edinb. , 1829. History of the Progress and Suppression of the Reformation in Italy. New ed., Edinb., 1856. 4. Hefele, C. J. Die spanische Staatsinquisition : in Wetzer and Welte's En- cyclopadie. Freib. i. B., 1850 ; 2d ed., 1880. Life of Ximenes. Transl. byDalton. Lond., 1860: 2d German ed., 1851. 5. Albanese. L'Inquis. relig. nella Republ. de Venezia. Venice, 1875. 6. Molinier, Charles. L'Inquisition dans le midi de la France au 13e et 14e siecle. Paris, 1880. De fratre Guilelmo Pelisso veterrimo inquisitionis historico. Paris, 1880. L'heresie et la persecution en Xle siecle. In the Revue de Pyrenees, 1893, pp. 26-38. 7. Douais, C. Les sources de I'histoire de l'inquisition dans le midi de la France au 13e et au 14e siecle. In the Revue des Questions historiques, xxx, Paris, 1881. 8. Fereal, V. de. Storia della tremenda Inquisizione di Spagna. Florence, 1881. 9. Hoefler, C. R. v. Monumenta hispanica. I. Correspondenz des Guberna- dors von Castilien, Grossinquisitors in Spanien. Prag, 1881. 10. Ochsenbein, G. F. Das Inquisitionsprozess wider die Waldenser zu Frie- burg-im-Unstrut im Jahre 1430. Bern, 1881. 11. Fredericq, Paul. Corpus documentorum Inquisitionis hereticse pravitatis Neerlandicse. 1 : 1025-1520. Gent, 1889. Geschiedenis der Inquisitie in de Nederlanden tot aan hare Herinrichting onder Keizer Karel V. (1025- 1520.) Part I. Ghent and Haag, 1892. 12. Foerster, P. Der Einfluss der Inquisition auf das Leben und die Littera- tur der Spanier. Leipz., 1890. 13. Haupt, H. Waldenserthum und Inquisition im siidostlichen Deutschland. In the Deutsche Zeitsch. fiir Geschichtsforschung, Freib. i. B., 1890. Also published separately. 14. Lea, H. C. Chapters from the Religious History of Spain connected with the Inquisition. Phila., 1890. The Spanish Inquisition as an alienist. Popular Science Monthly, July, 1893. 15. Tanon, L. L'histoire des tribunaux de l'inquisition en France. Paris, 1893. 16. Hens, A. Histoire populaire de l'intolerance, de l'inquisition et la liberie en Belgique. Paris, 1895. THE USE OF PERSECUTION. 839 CHAPTER XLVIII. THE USE OF PERSECUTION. The Christian law of tolerance, as definitely fixed by our Lord himself,' was cordially embraced by the Church during its own trial by fire. Tertullian nobly vindicates it in his Apology tertullian and in his great treatise to Scapula : " Let one man 0N "bertt. worship God, another Jupiter ; let one lift suppliant hands to the heavens, another to the altar of Fides. . . . For see that you do not give a further ground for the charge of irreligion by taking away religious liberty, and forbidding free choice of Deity, so that I may no longer worship according to my inclination, but am com pelled to worship against it. Not even a human being would care to have unwilling homage rendered him." ' "It is a funda mental human right, a privilege of nature, that every man should worship according to his own convictions ; one man's religion nei ther harms nor helps another man. It is assuredly no part of reli gion to compel religion, to which free will and not force should lead us, even the sacrificial victims being required of a willing mind. You will render no real service to your God by compelling us to sacrifice. For they can have no desire for offerings from the un willing." ' Cyprian also has golden words : " It is for us to do our utmost that we may be vessels of gold or of silver ; to God only is it given to break the vessels of clay. The servant cannot be greater than his lord. No one may take upon himself what the Father has given to the Son only. No one may undertake to purge the threshing- floor or sever the wheat from the tares by human judgment. This is proud obstinacy and sacrilegious presumption springing from ' See Luke ix, 54-56, and the remarks on the passage by Creighton, Persecu tion and Tolerance, Lond. and N. Y., 1895, pp. 13, ff. 8 Apol., xxiv. 3 Ad. Scap., ii. In writing against the Gentiles he seems to indicate a place for compulsion: " It is proper that heretics be driven to duty, not enticed. Obstinacy must be conquered, not coaxed." But it is a question whether this is not to be interpreted figuratively. If otherwise, Tertullian is a remarkable, though not exceptional, case of inconsistency— claiming toleration for one's self, but not willing to grant it to others. 840 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. wicked anger." ' " Belief cannot be enforced," says Lactantius, "for he who lacks piety is useless to God." * But this Christian sentiment of the first three hundred years was ruthlessly sacrificed to a supposed necessary uniformity in the State when Christianity became a State religion. There ha6 been a wide difference of opinion as to the rationale of the leckt's par- persecution of heretics by the ruling Church. Lecky tial view. attributes it to the doctrine of exclusive salvation; that is, that only in the Church and in orthodoxy is there salvation. He says that no doctrine has had greater influence on the history of mankind, and he compares the somber and baleful shadow it cast upon the human mind with the cheerful serenity with which Socrates looked upon death and the hereafter." Thi6 writer also says that if men hold their own faith intensely, and with equal firmness believe that all dissidents are doomed to eternal misery, they must inevitably persecute to the full extent of their power. 4 But the judgment of Lecky is an afterthought. When persecution is once well under way it may be defended by the grim necessity of saving men's souls by punishing their bodies, and by terror keeping in the ranks those not infected by heresy. But this is evidently not the reason for beginning it. If it was, why did not the Church use this weapon against heathenism ? Here were multitudes in the bonds of iniquity, but the Church proceeded against them with mis sionaries and not with soldiers.' On the other hand, Creighton con tends that the use of persecution by the Church arose by the exten sion of the idea of the State into the domain of the Church, the Church herself becoming, after Constantine, a civil institution, the guardian of society, and the sponsor for unity. The funda mental conception of the Greek and Roman State was uniformity plato's of religion. Plato says: " Let this then be the law: opinion. No one shall possess shrines of the gods in private houses, and he who is found to possess them, and perform any sacred rites not publicly authorized, shall be informed against to the guardians of the law ; and let them issue orders that he shall carry his private rites to the public temples, and if he do not obey, let them inflict a penalty until he comply. And if a person be 1 Ep. 1 (al. Iiv), 3, Chr. Lit. ed., p. 327 ; li ( (al. Iv), 25, Chr. Lit. ed., p. 334. 9 Div. Inst.,v, 29. s The Rise and Influence of Rationalism in Europe, i, 415, 416. See this whole chapter, i, 386, ff., ii, 1-105. This is one of the most interesting books of the century ; but its brilliant generalizations must not all be received at their face value. 4 Ibid., ii, 1, 2. 6 Both Creighton, p. 5, and Lea, History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, i, 242, call attention to this. THE USE OF PERSECUTION. 841 proven guilty of impiety, not merely from childish levity, but such as grown-up men may be guilty of, let him be punished with death." ' On this principle the Greek and Roman world was gov erned. Rome indeed allowed her conquered nations to retain their faiths, supremely indifferent to the claims of clashing religions. But this indifference was on the surface. Rome had her illicitm reli- giones — prohibited faiths — and these she persecuted to the death. A religion which she deemed anticivic, irreconcilably opposed to the pagan State, she could not abide. For this reason she cremhton's looked upon Christianity as abhorrent. This reference conclusions. to the traditional policy of the State explains, in Creighton 's opinion, the use of persecution by the Church. He sums up his conclusion, which is entirely at variance with the ordinary judgments, in these words: Persecution or punishment for erroneous opinion, though all along condemned by the Christian conscience, was "adopted by the Church from the system of the world, when the Church accepted the responsibility of maintaining order in the community ; it was exercised for political rather than religious ends ; it was felt by those who used it to throw them into contradictions ; it neither orig inated in any misunderstanding of the Scriptures nor was removed by the progress of intellectual enlightenment ; it disappeared be cause the State became conscious that there was an adequate basis for the maintenance of political society in those principles of right and wrong which were universally recognized by its citizens, apart from their position or beliefs as members of any religious or ganization." * No doubt the influence of the idea of the unity of the State went for much. But it does not explain everything. In the first place, the ancient and mediaeval mind could not conceive the innocent ex istence side by side of variant faiths. The idea of toleration is a modern growth. There was something in the ancient world which made the realization of that idea impossible. It was rather due to a limited intellectual outlook and a one-sided spiritual culture. The growth of man is a slow process, and Christ's ideal, even to-day, is far in advance of his followers. This explains why the modern idea of the essentials and nonessentials in religion, and of the moral innocence of mistaken beliefs, was incapable of being grasped by the ancient Church. These things to us are axioms, but they were 1 Laws, 908-910 (Jowett). 5 Persecution and Tolerance, pp. 2, 3. It is to be hoped that the proofs of such important conclusions will be elaborated. These Hulsean Lectures are far too slight, and on important points the evidence adduced is meager. The case is really more complicated. 842 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. inconceivable even to the mediaeval mind. It was rather the awful guilt of heresy before God, and the exposure of the soul of the heretic to punishment in hell, than his menace to the State, which moved the Church to cut him off. Chrysostom compares heretics to the devil's tares. They must therefore be checked, their mouths stopped, and their assemblies broken up ; but they must not be put to death, for in doing this some saints might perish also. Besides, an implacable war would be brought into the world, and some heretics who are not incura bles might be slain before they have a chance to amend.' Augustine also shrank from blood. The laws against the Don atists must be strictly enforced, and any hardship short of death must be meted out to them ; but all this solely to deliver them from their error, that they " may be preserved from falling under the penalty of eternal judgment." J " He is aware, indeed, that the bar ring of the death penalty may have somewhat the aspect of weak ness and dereliction of duty," but so much is due to the reputation of Catholic clemency and to the forbearance which is due to her enemies.3 In his answer to the letters of Petilian the Donatist — a sharp book written with dialectical incisiveness — Augustine is com pelled to meet the question of toleration. Petilian pleads for toleration in almost a modern spirit, but he of Hippo never meets him on the same plane. He always ignores the real question, and by hard words, skillful fencing, and the convenient use of the Cir- cumcelliones he keeps away from his opponent's ground. But throughout there is the assumption that schism is a crime of the deepest dye, and if not punished by death it is not be cause the crime is not intrinsically worthy of it, but because of forbearance or a desire not to proceed to such lengths. He refers to Christ's driving the money changers out of the tem ple as full justification for persecution, and insists that it is not perse cution to persecute the unrighteous, that is, heretics and schismatics. ' The same principles are laid down in the City of God. * The Church is supreme over the State, and to its wishes the latter must defer ; heresy is a crime ; compulsion is not only right in itself, but most salutary, because it brings fanatics to their senses and awakens the indolent. And so to the holy St. Augustine we must assign the honor of not only laying over Europe the dark pall of the horrible 1 Horn, in Matt., xlvi. ' Ep. c. 3 Ibid., cxxxix. 4 See Aug., Contra Litt. Petil., chaps. 79-92. He also quotes Psalm ei, 5, as justifying persecution, and he calls schism a " criminal sacrilege." 5 For Augustine's doctrine on this matter, see GefEcken, Church and State, i, 124-126. THE USE OF PERSECUTION. 843 decree which Calvin handed over to Protestantism, but also of fully asserting the doctrine of religious intolerance and fortifying it with his sanctity, his genius, his flimsy arguments, and his per verted exegesis. Augustine does not advocate persecution for State reasons or for the bearing of heresy on morality, but on account of the inherent detestability of heresy itself. Besides, the Church was a divine institution, and if men will not come into it themselves they must be forced into it. ' We need not be surprised, then, if, with or without the regnant influence of St. Augustine, a doctrine so congenial to human nature as that of religious intolerance found free scope in the Middle Ages. The Gnostics, the Priscillianists, the of intoler- Donatists, and later the Catharists, the Waldenses, the AN0E' Husites, the Lollards — all felt the iron heel. The first case of death for heresy was in 385, when the Gnostic and pantheistic Christian Priscillian, with six of his adherents, was condemned to death by the emperor Maximus at the instance of two bishops. This first formal murder for heresy made a profound impression on the Church, and elicited from Bishop Martin of Tours, a more Christ like man than his brother of Hippo, a passionate remonstrance. Martin refused to communicate with the persecuting bishops, and Ambrose excommunicated the emperor. But the protest of Martin was soon forgotten, and we find Leo the Great (died 461) indors ing the Theodosian Code in 438, which outlawed heretics and con demned them to death.* The Church did not recede from this ground. There were individual cases of clemency and pleas for toleration, but nothing to break the force of the great Latin teach ers of Christendom in their contention that the salutary surgery of death was sometimes necessary in healing the body of Christ of the disease of heresy. Bernard of Clairvaux was a good representative of the more tolerant persecutors. When the populace of Cologne, in 1145, seized the Catharists and burned them, he remonstrated with them, saying that reason and not force should be used in con verting heretics, and that faith cannot be spread by persecution but by persuasion. But he admitted that the secular arm could wield the sword against the misbelievers, and quoted Paul 3 to prove that it may sometimes be the duty of the State to use that 1 Comp. Allen, Continuity of Christian Thought, pp. 152, 153. In Ep. xciii, chaps. 1-5, Augustine -offers an elaborate argument against religious liberty. In this epistle he says that he was at first in favor of toleration, but, seeing in a certain town the practical benefits of persecution in bringing the Donatists into the Church, he had changed his mind. 4 Theod. Code, bk. xvi, tit. 5 : De Hsereticis. 3 Rom. xiii, 4. 844 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. weapon. ' The first positive law assigning burning as the punish ment of heresy was enacted by Pedro II of Aragon in 1197. Spain has been sufficiently faithful to the precedent. Germany was somewhat more merciful. Otho IV in 1210 ordered the property of heretics confiscated and their houses torn down. Frederick II in 1220 made the heretic an outlaw, which placed his life at the mercy of anyone who desired to take it. But the progress of this liberal Voltairean prince in cruelty recalls the ten- intolerancb der mercies of the infidels of the French Revolution. in Germany. Tn ^24 he decreed the loss of the tongue or death by fire, at the discretion of the judge. In 1231 he made the punish ment by fire absolute, that is, for Sicily, and in 1238 by the edict of Cremona he made the fagot the recognized punishment for heresy throughout the empire, as we find it subsequently embodied in both the Sachsenspiegel and the Schwabenspiegel, or municipal laws of northern and southern Germany. The stake was universal in France in the thirteenth century, though it was not until 1270 that the recognized custom was made the law of the land. Eng land, freer from heresy than other countries, was also later in punishing it, the stake not being assigned as the recognized penalty until the famous law De hmretico comburendo in 1401. ' Lea calls attention to the fact that the horrible climax of cruelty to which men were led by their zeal for Christ — the burning of heretics — was not the product of law, but the spontaneous action of the people. The law simply embodied the popular will. The custom found abundant sanction from the ignorant literalism then in vogue in the exegesis of Scripture. The words of Jesus concerning the rejected branch a were taken as giving divine au thority to the practice. It is this text which Pope Lucius III quotes in 1184 in his edict concerning persecution. This popular demand for burning suggests another reason for the prevalence of persecu tion, or, at least, for the ease with which it was carried on and the absence of protests against it — that is, the savagery, callousness, and semibarbarism of the European mind of mediseval times. What would to-day excite indescribable horror and indignation was considered then a matter of course. It was a military age, and cruelty is the invariable concomitant of militarism.4 Force was used instead of persuasion. Men were accustomed to endure hard- 1 Serm. in Cantica, lxiv, chap. 8, lxvi, chap. 2 ; Lea, 1, 330, 221. 2 Lea, Hist, of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, i, 221. All the works of this eminent scholar are specially strong on the legal side. 3 John xv, 6. 4 Even to-day in Germany, on account of the cruel army discipline, the number of suicides among soldiers is phenomenal. THE USE OF PERSECUTION. 845 ship and pain, and ascetics to inflict severe punishments on them selves. The criminal code was atrocious and of un speakable barbarity. In fact, the Middle Ages can be a popular understood only by remembering that in many aspects WI3H' of individual and social life the people were barbarians. We are misled by the churches and theologians and philosophers, and think that an age which could produce these must be far advanced in civilization. But these plants grew in rough soil. Burning people alive for simple felonies was characteristic of the age. Can we wonder, then, that, impelled by a vicious teaching based on an honest but mistaken exegesis of Scripture,1 and by the principle of the criminality of mistaken opinions and the doctrine of exclusive salvation, an age essentially barbaric and cruel beyond imagination would try to rid itself of heresy by the prison, the sword, or the stake ? * Thomas Aquinas echoed the sentiments of Augustine, and reduced the theory of persecution to a dogma.3 The wonder is that no more blood was shed. Catholic apologists emphasize the fact that persecution was not the direct work of the Church, but invariably the ac- TaE CHURCH tion of the civil arm. But this exculpation of the teaching Catholic Church to the prejudice of the Catholic *™a™*™»- State is purely fictitious. It is true that the heretic was turned over by the Church to the civil officers, and that the canon law for bade a clergyman to imbrue his hands in blood. On the other hand, what are the facts? In Catholic theory the State was simply the executive of the Church. Aquinas and almost every eminent spokesman for the Church insisted on the headship of the Church. They also taught intolerance as a first principle of the Gospel, and the right of persecution of religious error as inherent in the nature of Church and State. If the civil authorities were remiss in their sacred duty of burning people for reading the Bible or refusing to invoke the saints, the Church soon prodded the drooping secular 1 " Compel them to come in." Luke xiv, 23. ' See the excellent treatment in Lea, chap. v. He does justice to all the elements in the case, and, for a full view of the rationale of ecclesiastical per secution, he should be read to supplement Creighton. On the criminal code, see pp. 234-236. 3 Summa Sec, Sec. 2, Q. x, arts, iii, vi ; Q. xi, arts, iii, iv. Aquinas held the supremacy of the Church over the State in an absolute form. A king must see to it that no heresy is allowed in his dominions, and if he himself becomes heretical he must be deposed. See his De regimine principum, of which the first two books are by him and the last two by Ptolemseus of Lucca (probably). Creighton, Hist, of Papacy during Reformation, i, 29, 30 ; Lea, i, 229, 230, 236. 84C HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. arm. The second Lateran council, 1139, ordered all kings to coerce heretics, and Pope Lucius III, in 1184, gave a similar order, and any refusal or neglect was to be punished by excommunication. Because of Raymond's reluctance to force these bloody requisitions among his peaceful folk the terrible Albigensian Crusade was preached against him. When the pope handed the emperor the ring and the sword the emperor was instructed that these were the symbols of his authority to strike down heresies and the enemies of the Church. The atrocious decrees of Frederick II were not only taught in the famous law school at Bologna, but were embodied in the canon law itself. " In the bull of Clement VI," says Lea, "recognizing Charles IV, the first named of the imperial duties are the extension of the faith and the extirpation of heretics ; and the neglect of the emperor Wenceslas to suppress Wiclifism was regarded as a satisfac tory reason for his deposition. In fact, according to High Church men the only reason of the transfer of the empire from the Greeks to the Germans was that the Church might have an efficient agent. The principles applied to Raymond of Toulouse were embodied in the canon law, and every prince and noble was made to under stand that his land would be exposed to the spoiler if after due notice he hesitated in trampling out heresy. Minor officials were subjected to the same discipline. . . . Anyone holding temporal jurisdiction who delayed in exterminating heretics was guilty of fautorship of heresy, became an accomplice of heretics, and thus was subjected to the penalties of heresy. . . . From the emperor to the meanest peasant the duty of persecution was enforced with all the sanctions, spiritual and temporal, which the Church could command. ... In view of this earnestness to embody in the stat ute books the sharpest laws for the extermination of heretics, and to oblige the secular officials to execute those laws under the alter native of being themselves condemned and punished as heretics, the adjuration for mercy with which the Inquisition handed over their victims to be burned was evidently a mere technical formula to avoid the ' irregularity ' of being concerned in judgments of blood. In process of time the moral responsibility was freely admitted, as when in February, 1418, the council of Constance decreed that all who should defend Husitism or regard Hus or Je rome of Prague as holy men should be treated as relapsed heretics and be punished with Rre—puniantur ad ignem. It is altogether a modern perversion of history to assume, as apologists do, that the request for mercy was sincere and that the secular magistrate, and not the Inquisition, was responsible for the death of the heretic. THE USE OF PERSECUTION. 847 We can imagine the smile of amused surprise with which Gregory IX or Gregory XI would have listened to the dialectics with which the Comte Joseph de Maistre proves that it is an error to suppose, or much more to assert, that Catholic priests can in any manner be instrumental in encompassing the death of a fellow-creature." ' The Church, however, did not hesitate to organize the forces of persecution under its own hands, and give those forces an effec tiveness which for diabolical ingenuity and disregard for both the forms and substance of right is unparalleled in history. The In quisition was not a sudden creation ; it was a growth. The thought of appointing special persons to second the tardy inquisition a efforts of bishops in hunting heretics came first to the growth. mind of Innocent III — ever ready in schemes for the advancement of the Church. By the fourth Lateran council, 1215, every bishop was instructed to visit his see in person or to appoint diligent per sons to do it, and, where necessary, to take an oath of the inhab itants to inform against heretics. For many years afterward the process of perfecting some system of visitation, delation, trial, and conviction went on, all the time, however, the inquisitors already appointed doing their work all too perfectly. In 1233 Gregory IX appointed the Dominicans special inquisitors, though this by no means confined the honors of the Inquisition to that order.3 More will be said of the Inquisition hereafter, in treating the Church history of modern Spain. 1 History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, i, 224-228. He refers to De Maistre, Lettres sur l'inquisition Espagnole, 1864, pp. 17, 18, 28, 34. The alleviation of the blood-guiltiness of the Church by throwing it over on the State is a favorite method of Roman historians and controversialists. An ear lier apologist is blunter : ' ' Our pope does not kill, nor does he order another to be killed ; but the law kills those whom the pope permits to be killed, and they kill themselves who make themselves liable to be kiUed." — Greg. Fanens, (13th cent.), Disputatio Oath, et Patar. (Martene Thesaur., v, 1741). This frank placing of the responsibility on the pope is met by the equally frank de fense of the Inquisition by an enthusiastic Dominican in 1782, who goes back to Deut. xiii, 6-10, and attempts to prove from Scripture that fire is the pecul iar delight of God and the best means of purifying the wheat from the tares. See Lea, i, 228, note. 2 His bull is addressed " to the Priors and Friars of the Order of Preachers, Inquisitors," and after alluding to the sons of perdition who defend heresy it proceeds : " Therefore you, or any of you, wherever you may happen to preach, are empowered, unless they desist from such defense (of heretics), on monition, to deprive clerks of their benefices forever, and to proceed against them and all others, without appeal, calling in the aid of the secular arm, if nec essary, and coercing opposition, if requisite, with the censure of the Church, without appeal." — Lea, i, 329. 848 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The methods by which the Inquisition became the apotheosis of persecution, and by which it acquired its ghastly effectiveness, are interesting. We follow Dollingeris summary of its statutes : 1. The names of witnesses before the tribunal of the Holy Office ' are not to be mentioned in the presence of the accused. 2. Witnesses may be of any kind — criminals, perjured, excommunicate, in fact, methods op the basest villains. 3. As soon as any testimony has procedure, been obtained which the accused disavows the rack is to be applied to him, repeatedly if necessary, and with increasing severity. 4. Whosoever attempts to render legal assistance or to give any sort of counsel to the accused is liable to excommunica tion. 5. Everything that savors of the fautaria, that is, favoring or supporting the accused, will be visited with the severest canon ical penalties. 6. Those of the accused who recant and declare themselves willing to do penance are sentenced to imprisonment for life. 7. Whoever recalls his confession will be treated as a back slider and burnt." When we add to this horrible sevenfold scale of injustice the fact that the proceedings were secret, we may have some conception of the supernatural terror which seized a town on the approach of the inquisitors, or a family when it became known that one of its members hitherto orthodox had been arrested on the suspicion of heresy. Neither publicity nor formalities of law re strained the Office, whose procedure was, as Zanghino says,3 purely arbitrary.* We need not be surprised that with this weapon Philip the Fair soon accomplished his purpose against the Knights Tem plars, and that any public manifestation of heresy in any district covered by the Inquisition soon became impossible. " The inqui sitional process," says Lea, " as thus perfected was sure of its victim. No one whom a judge wished to condemn could escape. The form in which it became naturalized in secular jurisprudence was less ar bitrary and effective, yet Sir John Fortescue, the chancellor of Henry VI, who in his exile had ample opportunity to observe its 1 Sanctum Offlcium is the official name of the Court of Inquisition. 2 Dollinger, Hist. Essays, pp. 209, 210. 8 Tract, de Hseret., chap. ix. 4 Lea, i, 406. Hefele in his Life of Cardinal Ximenes, tr. Dalton, Lond., 1860, pp. 323, ff. , says that the methods of the Inquisition were fairer than those of the secular courts of the time. Lea (i, 407, note), on the other hand, quotes from the charter given by Alphonse of Poitiers to Auvergne about 1260, which provides that anyone accused of crime by common report could clear himself by his own oath, and that for a single legal con jurator, unless there was a legitimate plaintiff or accuser ; and no one could be tried by the inquisitional process without his own consent. No doubt after the Inquisition became a permanent department of the Spanish Church and State efforts were made to infuse a spirit of justice into its operations. THE USE OF PERSECUTION. 849 working, declares that it placed every man's life and limb at the mercy of any enemy who could suborn two unknown witnesses to swear against him." ' Finally, it is an important question, in speaking of the use of per secution in the Middle Ages, to inquire whether there • • -• •j_,i i FEEBLE PRO-* were not voices raised agamst it, men who remained test against true to the plan of the Gospel and sought to stay the PERSECUTI0N- tide of death. There were such voices, and Creighton is encouraged by them to think that the Church always felt that persecution was against the Christian ideal. But these protests were so few and stood in such isolation, never representing the dominant opinion, and being absolutely opposed to both the civil and canon law and to the authoritative judgments of popes and councils and theolo gians, that they unfortunately do not bear out such a favorable in ference. In his great work, Defensor Pads, in 1327, Marsiglio of Padua anticipates the modern idea of religious liberty. Priests can have no authority except what is given by Christ ; and the question is, not what power Christ might have given them, but what he ac tually gave. He exercised no coercive power, and so far from con ferring it on the apostles he warned them by example and precept to abstain from it. " It is vain and of none effect to compel any man unto the observing of God's laws. For to him that should ob serve them only on compulsion they should be nothing available unto eternal health. ... I say it is not lawful for any man to judge a heretic or misbeliever, or compel him to any pain or punish ment in the state of this life." * This is indeed, an epoch-making book, and if we could have had such utterances from Aquinas it might be taken as representing the Church. But what heretic was shielded under the noble pleas of the Paduan lawyer, and wherein did he affect the steady policy of the Catholic Church ? Much later, in the dawn of the modern era, we have another voice for toleration — More's Utopia, 1516. But it too was a voice in the wilderness. Sir Thomas himself held another language when he came to speak with authority, as representing the Church and State of his time.3 1 Vol. i, 439. He refers to Fort9scue, De Laudibus Legum Angliae, c. xxvii. ! For further from this able and farsighted jurist see Creighton, Persecution and Tolerance, pp. 94-97, and the same author's Hist, of the Papacy during the Period of the Reformation, i, 36-41. 3 See Creighton, Persecution and Tolerance, pp. 104-108. His treatment of More is excellent. But when he says (p. 97) that " men never thought persecu tion right," how can he account for its systematic defense by the theologians, its enthusiastic adoption by the holiest teachers, and its constant use by the Church? 54 850 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : THE MYSTICS. I. MYSTICISM. 1. Heinroth, J. C. A. Geschichte und Kritik des Mystizismus aller bekannten Volker und Zeiten. Leipz., 1830. 2. Goerres, J. J. v. Die christliche Mystik. 4 vols. Regensburg, 1836-42. 3. Helfferich, A. Die christliche Mystik in ihrer Entwicklung und in ihren Denkmalern. 2 vols. Hamb., 1842. 4. Noack, L. Die christliche Mystik nach ihren geschichtlichen Entwick- lungsgange im Mittelalter und in der neueren Zeit dargestellt. Konigsb., 1853. 5. Jundt, Auguste. Histoire du pantheisme populaire au 16e siecle. Paris, 1875. 6. Seth, Andrew. " Mysticism," in the Encyclopaedia Britannica, Edinb., 1884. 7. Du Prel, Carl. The Philosophy of Mysticism. Trans, from the German by C. C. Massey. 2 vols. Lond. 1888. 8. Adam, J. L. Le mysticisme a la Renaissance. Constance, 1893. 9. Preger, W. Geschichte der deutschen Mystik im Mittelalter. 3 vols. Leipz., 1881-93. n. THE MYSTICS. 1. Arnold, G. Kirchen-und Ketzer-historie. Schaffhausen, 1742. 2. Delprat. Verhandeling over de Broederschap van G. Groote. Utrecht, 1830. 3. Dalgairns, John D. The German Mystics of the Fourteenth Century. Lond., 1850. 4. Ullmann, Carl. Reformers before the Reformation. (HI. German Mys tics.) 2 vols. Edinb., 1855. 5. Hamberger, Jul. Stimmen aus dem Heiligthum der christlichen Mystik und Theosophie. 2 parts. Stuttgart, 1857. 6. Jocham, M. Lichtstrahlen aus den Schriften katholischer Mystik. Miinchen, 1876. 7. Kettlewell, S. Thomas a Kempis and the Brothers of the Common Life. 2 vols. Lond. and N. Y., 1882. 8. Herrick, S. E. Some Heretics of Yesterday. Bost., 1885. 9. Bevan, Mrs. Frances. Three Friends of God : Records from Lives of John Tauler, Nicholas of Basle, and Henry Suso. Lond., n. d. [1887]; 3d ed., 1893. 10. Perrelet, L. Essai sur le mysticisme en Italie au XVe siecle. Geneva, 1890. 11. Gebhardt, Emile. L'ltalie mystique. Histoire de la renaissance religieuse au moyen age. Paris, 1893. 12. Vaughan, R. A. Hours with the Mystic. 2 vols. Lond., 1856. 6th ed., 1893. Most charming of all works on the subject. 13. Hoening, G. Die Briider des gemeinsamen Lebens und ihre Bedeutung fiir ihre Zeit. Giitersloh, 1894. THE MYSTICS AND OTHER PROPHETS. 851 CHAPTER XLIX. THE MYSTICS AND OTHER PROPHETS OF THE BETTER DAY. The story of Mysticism in the Christian Church is the romance of a reaction. When the mediaeval Church had for- mysticism dk- mulated its doctrines with the precision of a scientific FINED- catalogue, and when scholasticism had evaporated all the heat out of religion by its profitless dialectics, holy men arose who threw aside the theological conventionalities and boldly strode by the direct path of the mystic vision into the temple of God. Mysti cism, so far as we have to do with it in the Church, was an attempt to find truth and life by the direct revelation of God in the soul, either with or apart from his revelation in the Bible and the community. So far as this attempt was made in conformity with the laws of mind and the integrity of the human personality, and so far as it was both inspired and modified by the historic revelation, it was a healthy development, essential to the progress and triumph of the Church and to the soundness and fullness of the Christian life. So far as the attempt sought the vision of God by ecstasy, by rapt, but not rational, contemplation, and by cessation of the bodily and mental functions, it was mischievous and extravagant and the par ent of vagaries and fanaticisms. This Mysticism, now true and now false, had a wide vogue in the Church. If the Latin Church had not overlaid the simple scriptural conceptions with its arid rites and infinitesimal refine ments and additions, perverting spiritual union with God by faith and prayer into a material union by the sacraments, and perverting ethical union with God by a submission of the will and moral har mony of the whole life into a mechanical union by penance and the performance of the "commands of the Church," we might never have heard of Christian Mysticism. At all events, it would not have played an important part. Mysticism is the penalty of both sacerdotalism and that orthodox or heterodox rationalism which, both in Catholicism and Protestantism, crush the spontaneous move ment of the soul toward God and look with unfriendly eye on all manifestations of the Spirit not in conformity with the formulas, the dogmas, and the stereotyped methods. John Scotus Erigena is usually accounted the first of the Latin 852 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Mystics. He was both a mystic and a rationalist. This Irish scholar came to the court of Charles the Bald about the VRTfiFN A middle of the ninth century. Although it was a sluggish age the daring and original speculations of this thinker startled men into thinking. Erigena is the father of the idea of the immanence of God, which has played so important a part in recent theology. Creation is an eternal and necessary self-unfold ing of the divine nature. God is the inner life, the vital founda tion of the universe. As all things are now God, self-unfolded, so, in the final restitution, all things will be resolved into God, self-withdrawn. Evil and sin are not in the order of nature. They are negatives, have no real existence, and are a falling away from unity." They must also cease and God be all in all. The fire of hell is figurative — a principle to which both the good and evil are subject, the latter to their torment, the former to their blessing, just as light is painful to a diseased eye and grateful to a sound one. On the Lord's Supper Erigena stood with Ratramnus — the bread and wine are symbols of Christ only. On the great predestinarian controversy then raging Erigena entered with the zeal of a gladiator, eager to attempt to prove the falsity of Gottschalk's theory of election. Man is free. That is his highest gift. It is impossible in God to predestinate any person to evil. Man is made for God, and into God he must finally return. Even now by willing to know God man can to a certain extent commence his union with him, which will be com pleted at the end of all things, when he may hope to penetrate into the divine essence. Erigena had the Johannine ambition "to know thee, the only true God and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent." To know God is to become one with him. Thus he cries out, " 0 Lord Jesus ! no other reward, no other beatitude I desire from thee, but to understand purely and free from all error of fal lacious theory thy words which were inspired by the Holy Spirit." It is remarkable that, so far as we know, the Church did not perse cute this Christian pantheist for his lofty and splendid conceptions. But the Rome of the ninth century was less sharp in its detection of heresy than the Rome of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. In 1225 Honorius III described the De Divisione Naturae, written in 854, as "swarming with worms of heretical perversity," but it was not until 1685 that it was put on the Index of Prohibited Books.3 1 This speculation has had great attraction for some minds, and is the funda mental principle of the sect of "Christian Science." 2 Erigena's pioneer service for speculative Mysticism was his translation of the works of the pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite and of the Greek theologian, THE MYSTICS AND OTHER PROPHETS. 853 Bernard of Clairvaux's (1091-1153) Mysticism is of a more mod erate and evangelical type. He had no faith in contemplative sloth, but believed in transmuting all experiences into life, and when he speaks of his highest experiences, which he does with hesitation and humility, he has no visions to relate, but only the joy which possessed him and the new facility with which he brought forth the fruits of the Spirit. Thus he speaks : " As the little water-drop poured into a large measure of wine seems to lose its own nature entirely and to take on both the taste and color of wine, or as iron heated red-hot loses its mM'-" >¦ own appearance and glows like fire, or as air filled with sunlight is transformed into the same brightness so that it does not so much appear to be illuminated as to be itself light, so must all human feeling toward the Holy One be self-dissolved in unspeakable love, and wholly transfused into the will of God. . Eor how shall God be all in all if anything of man remains in man ? The substance will, indeed, remain, but in another form, another glory, another power." ' But this highest experience of the transfiguring love comes only seldom — happy is the man who has it. " To lose thy^ self utterly as if thou wert not, not to think of thyself, to empty thee of thyself, and almost annihilate it — this is the part of heav enly converse, not of mere human affection." "In the spiritual immortal body the soul may hope to attain this fourth state of the fullness of love, or rather to be lifted into it, since it will not so much follow a human endeavor as be given by the power of God to whomsoever he will." But all Christian experience, according to Bernard, is for holiness, and here he reminds us of Wesley. " Of his theology, as of his heart, it might truly be said that its home was in the heavens. His ethereal system could hardly escape being frozen into a frightful scheme of carnal sacraments, purchased ab solutions, and external salvation, when men of an earthly and frigid spirit put it into the forms of thought most congenial to their minds. But out of that theology came always to him self immense and lovely inspiration. It loosened him from the earth, and made him partaker, as he deeply felt, of thoughts, ex periences, belonging by nature to higher realms. It gave him a strange supremacy among men. What power on earth could Maximus. There are excellent monographs by Tailander, Paris, 1843, and Christlieb, Gotha, 1860. See writings and life of Scotus Erigena, in Church Quar. Rev. (Lond.), July, 1882, 390, ff. Storrs, Bernard of Clairvaux, 286-288, 348-350, contains copious extracts from his writings. 1 De diligendo Deo, x. Vaughan, Hours with the Mystics, 5th ed., i, 150, 151, gives several pertinent quotations from Bernard's writings. 854 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. frighten him affined through Christ to the Majesty in the heavens ? What presence on earth could daunt or allure him to whom the stars were only the diamond dust of his immortal habitation ? Every force of his will was exalted and energized by the touch of this theology upon him, and its ethereal sovereign power lived for long in other minds. Indeed, it never was lost, or will be, from the consciousness of the Church." ' The Augustinian monastery of St. Victor in the suburbs of Paris was the home of piety and learning. Hence issued forth the text books of Mysticism. The head of the mystical school of St. Victor was Hugo (1096-1141). He was the teacher of Aquinas and Vincent of Beauvais, and his ponderous tomes gained for him the name of the second Augustine. He wedded scholasticism and Mysticism, and in his loftiest flights tried never to part with common sense. For the knowledge of God and spirit ual realities there are three stages or faculties — cogitation ; medita tion, reflection, or investigation; and contemplation. In this last stage faith becomes so strong, the soul's eye so clear, that truth pervades the nature, God is in the heart, self is gone, and love is all in all. Man reaches this stage by the faith, the feeling, and the ascetic practice of religion. But even here man must exercise his critical faculty, that he be not deceived as to the nature of the light that comes to him. Satan can assume the garb of an angel of light, and we must try the spirits. Hugo was one of the best theologians of the Middle Ages, and he largely influenced Bernard.3 His pupil, Richard of St. Victor, was more of a reformer than his quiet, studious, valetudinarian master. He strongly rebuked the avarice of prelates and the empty disputation of schoolmen — men who blush more for a false quantity than for a sin, and stand more in awe of Priscian than of Christ. " How many come to the cloister to seek Christ, and find lying in that sepulcher the linen clothes of your formalism ! How many mask their cowardice under the name of love, and let every abuse rim riot on the plea of peace ! How many others call their hatred of individuals hatred of iniquity, and think to be righteous cheaply by mere outcry against other men's sins !" 3 Divinely ' Storrs, Bernard of Clairvaux, pp. 342, 343. 2 Leibner has given an elaborate investigation in his Hugo von St. Victor und die theologischen Richtungen seiner Zeit, 1832. A critical edition of Hugo's works is a desideratum. See the learned monograph of Haureau, Les CEuvres de Hugue de St. Victor ; Essai Critique, Paris, 1886 — a work more admirable for its scholarship than its theology. 8 De Preparatione animi ad contemplationem, c. xii ; Vaughan, Hours, i, 160. THE MYSTICS AND OTHER PROPHETS. 855 illumined intelligence is to search first the deeps of our own nature and then ascend into the heights of the divine. The highest intui tion few are able to obtain. In this all earthly things fade away and the soul joins itself to God. Not only a holy heart, but self- knowledge, self-simplification, and self -concentration are essential to the ascent of the soul.1 A third member of this famous school, Walter of St. Victor, threw all his soul against the scholastic method, but when it came to any constructive work he had not the eagle's wings of his teachers. He sank into a slavish de pendence on the Church. Bonaventura (1221-74) followed in the footsteps of the Victorins. An interesting heretical development appeared in the Brethren of the Eree Spirit, who flourished in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. They taught an undisguised pantheism and BRETHREN OP a union with God which dispensed with the help of the fkee moral precepts. They showed the extravagance which SPIKIT- is so near the heart of Mysticism. This widely diffused sect of heretics withstood all the efforts of the Church and Inquisition to crush them. It is remarkable that while in mediseval times evan gelical conceptions had a poor soil for growth Europe swarmed with wild heretics. Whether the Brethren of the Free Spirit were identical with the Beghards is hard to determine. Haupt has shown that at least in their later developments and in Germany the people of the Free Spirit differed from the Beghards. The most of the latter were orthodox, and in begging and other pecul iarities were very like the Franciscans.3 But the earliest manu script sources attribute pantheism and other errors to the Beg hards, no doubt with entire justice. More interesting still is the mystical overflow among German women. They came out in public with their visions, their preach ings, and their insistence on reform and on holiness of women as heart and life, and made quite a ripple on the calm mystics. surface of the mediaeval Church. Among them was St. Elizabeth of Hungary (1207-31), who during her married life was a model of Christian charity and activity, but after the death of her husband, in 1227, became the victim of barbarous austerities under the in fluence of her confessor, Conrad of Marburg. He set himself to 1 Best ed. of works, Rouen, 1650. Full information by Engelhardt, Richard von St. Victor, ed. 1838, and Leibner, Richard in doctrina, 1837-39. Large quotations are in the copious notes of Vaughan, i, 171-173. In Richard, Scot land taught all Europe. * Haupt, Die Sekte von Freien Geistern und die Begharden, in Zeitschrift fur Kirchengeschichte, 150, Bd. vii, H. iv (1885). 656 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the task of destroying every natural affection in the hope of making a saint. Elizabeth separated from her three children, bared her back while her brother flagellated it, and Conrad sang the Miserere as an accompaniment — a ghastly spectacle, surely, but one perfectly in accord with the degraded religious conceptions of the time.1 Mechthild of Magdeburg (1214-77) gave a terminology to German Mysticism fifty years before Eckhart's time.3 We now come to the best school of the Mystics, those German lovers of God who kept the seeds of piety alive until the Reforma tion. The most daring of these was John Eckhart (1260-1329), "Master," as he was called by his loving disciples. He was a Dominican, a pupil of Albert the Great, became a master in Paris in 1302, and preached and taught in Paris, Strasburg, and Cologne. The archbishop of this latter city could not endure his lofty speculations, and in 1325 proceeded against him for heresy. He was first acquitted and then condemned. On February ECKHART 13, 1329, he made solemn declaration of innocence from the pulpit of the cloister-chapel of Cologne, but said that he would gladly recant any error into which he might have fallen. After Eckhart's death Pope John XXII pointed out seventeen propositions drawn from his writings which were erroneous, but de clared that his conditional recantation cleared him from all heresy. Eckhart was the Hegel of the Middle Ages. No bolder thinker ever appeared in the Church. He did not stop at God, but went beyond to the Godhead that was behind God. He taught the starkest pantheism, or monism, and yet underneath all these ethereal speculations and antinomies he held the Christian faith in a life of singular purity and devotion. His speculative thought seemed a castle which his mind had built for his theology, and un derneath that .he abode content in the house of the Church. " Creation is an eternal necessity of the divine nature. I am as necessary to God as God is to me. In my knowledge and love God knows and loves himself." " The eye with which I see God is the- same eye with which God sees me. My eye and God's eye are one eye — one vision, one recognition, one love." "Couldst thou an nihilate thyself for a moment, thou couldst possess all that God is in himself." There is an uncreated attribute of the soul which will be satisfied with nothing less than its source in the eternal essence behind God. Of this something in the soul "I am wont," he says, " to speak in my sermons, and sometimes I have called it 1 Herzog, art. in Herzog-Plitt. 2 For an account of these women see Preger, Geschichte der deutschen Mystik, vol. i, 1875. THE MYSTICS AND OTHER PROPHETS. 857 a Power, sometimes an uncreated Light, sometimes a divine Spark. It is absolute and free from all names and forms, as God is free and absolute in himself. It is higher than knowledge, love, or grace. For between all these there is still distinction. In this power doth bloom and flourish God, with all his Godhead, and the Spirit flourisheth in God. In this power doth the Father bring forth his only begotten Son, as essentially as in himself, and in this light ariseth the Holy Ghost. This Spark rejects all creatures, and will have only God, simply as he is in himself. It rests satisfied with neither the Father, nor the Son, nor the Holy Ghost, nor with the three Persons, so far as each exists with its respective attributes. I will say what will sound more marvelous yet. This Light is satisfied only with the superessential essence. It is bent on entering into the simple Ground, the still Water, wherein is no distinction, neither Father, Son, nor Holy Ghost — into the unity where no man dwelleth. There is it satisfied in the light ; there it is one ; there it is in itself, as this Ground is a sim ple stillness in itself, immovable ; and yet by this Immobility are all things moved." * Formerly our only knowledge of Eckhart was from his few Ger man writings, which have reached us, but in 1886 Denifle dis covered and published his Latin writings, which reveal a closer approach to Thomas Aquinas,5 and even Weingarten says that his speculative system is much less peculiar and important than was his psychological deepening of personal piety and making it more inward.3 All the later German philosophers seem but to stand upon the shoulders of the holy Dominican preacher — Meister Eckhart. " Raise thyself to the height of religion," says Fichte, " and all veils are removed ; the world and its dead principle pass away from thee, and the very Godhead enters into thee anew 1 Vaughan, Hours, i, 190, 191 ; Martensen, Meister Eckhart, Hamb., 1842, pp. 26, 27 ; Schmidt, in Studien u. Kritiken, 1839, 3, 707, 709. 2 Denifle, Meister Eckhart, lateinische Schriften u. die Grundauschauung seiner Lehre, in Archiv f . Lit. und Kirchengesch. des Mittelalters, Bd. ii, 1886. 3 Zeittafeln und Ueberblick zur Kirchengesch., 3d ed., Rudolstadt, 1888, p. 121. Vaughan, i, 188-199, gives copious extracts from the writings of Eckhart, and an excellent discussion of his thought, pp. 204-212 ; Seth, a profound anal ysis, in his art. on Mysticism in the Encyc. Brit., 9th ed. (xvii, 140) ; one of the best monographs is by Lasson, Meister Eckhart, Berlin, 1868. The work of Vaughan on the Mystics is a marvel of genius and learning. It is remarkable how its judgments have been confirmed by more recent scholarship. For in stance, when Seth says that Eckhart approaches more nearly to Schelling at some points than to Hegel it is no more than Vaughan says (p. 212, note). How like the infinite prodigality of God to let this rare and brilliant mind cease from its earthly work at the age of thirty-four 1 858 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. in its first and original form, as life, as thine own life, which thou shalt and oughtest to live." ' The master's great pupil, John Tauler (c. 1300-1361), brought down Eckhart's philosophy from the clouds, humanized it, and made it a living power among men. As Uhland says : To long, and weave a woof of dreams, Is sweet unto the feeble soul, But nobler is stout-hearted striving, That makes the dream reality.2 Tauler was the son of a Strasburg burgher, educated at the Do minican convent at Strasburg and at Cologne, entered the Domini can Order, preached at Strasburg, Cologne, and other places, remained at Strasburg during the scourge of the Black Death, 1348 and after, corresponded with the Friends of God, and leavened all southwestern Germany with the principles of the Gospel. Tauler stood squarely on the platform of Eckhart in all his speculative ideas. A recent historian and fellow-countryman of Tauler has summed up his whole position and work in a few admirably terse and comprehensive words. Moeller furnishes a fine analysis of Tauler's central thought : " Tauler follows in the line of Eckhart's mysticism — the idea of the divine abyss, in which God and all things rest in perfect unity ; of the eternal issuing of God into the distinction of persons and of his eternal return ; of the nature of God, who alone is life and nature in all things ; of the formation of man according to the eternal type in his Son, and the transformed image or spark of God in the depth of the soul from which the created image of God in man is so fashioned that it produces his Son in man also. But these speculative elements, in the interest of pious government of souls, in close attachment to the doctrine and saving ordinances of the Church, are here developed with great warmth and impressive- ness, with the apprehension of the divine grace in word and sacra ment on the basis of repentance ; that is, aversion from everything that is not God, and turning toward the unmixed good, which is God. The apprehension of the divine forgiveness of sins brings great peace and trust in God's promise, and kindles the flame of love which seeks to serve God eternally. As we begin naked and empty of all things, the inspiration of the divine communication of grace 1 Anweisung zum sel. Leben, p. 470 (quoted by Vaughan, i, 212). 2 Die Sehnsucht und Traiime Weben Sie sind der weichen Seele suss, Doch edler ist ein starkes Streben Und macht den schonen Traume gewiss. THE MYSTICS AND OTHER PROPHETS. 859 advances upon the different degrees of the beginning, increasing and perfecting man on to the mystical end of being raised in and up to the divine nature in which man becomes one life and nature with God. With all the ascetic ideas which influence him, his cordial liberal spirit and pastoral tact preserve Tauler from a narrow legalistic conception, and, on the other hand, from losing himself in Quietism. The dying away of the personal will is ac companied side by side by the sober fulfillment of the duty of lov ing one's neighbor, which is more important. His sermons, for the most part but not exclusively preached before monastic con gregations, explain the high esteem in which he was held as a pastor among the pious and even in wider popular circles." ' Tauler's intensely spiritual conceptions and moral earnestness made him in a real sense a Reformer before the Reformation, a John the Baptist of Luther, although neither he nor any other of the German Mystics set themselves against the doctrines of the Church. In and of the old Church, they unconsciously worked powerfully for the New Age. Hence Luther says : " If you would be pleased to make acquaintance with a solid theology of the good old sort in the Ger man tongue, get John Tauler's sermons. For neither in Latin nor in our own language have I ever seen a theology more sound or more in harmony with the Gospel." a He represented the purest type of Mysticism, and in insisting on personal responsibility to God, free dom from the thraldom of authority, and the worthlessness of good works without the renewal of the inward life, he anticipated the message which sounded forth from that Wittenberg Church two hundred years later, and in 1521 said : " A heart that has laid Christ at the foundation of his hopes will find in Tauler such a light for improvement, for worship, for purity, for sanctification to God, for God's fear, for spiritual wisdom, that he will rejoice in the faithful and precious results to his soul." The Roman Catholic Alzog calls him the " sweet, the amiable, and the profound John Tauler" — Doctor Sublimis et Illuminatus.3 Tauler's supposed conversion is involved in obscurity. On the basis of the Meisterbuch, or the History of the Life of Dr. John Tauler, it is commonly assumed that in the first period of his career as a preacher he simply reproduced the sentiments of Eckhart, but with no spiritual power or fruits. Then he was visited by the "Friend of God in the Oberland," Nicholas of Basel, who so im pressed him with a sense of his personal need of pardon and peace that for two years he refrained from preaching, until he should be 1 Church Hist., Middle Ages (1893), pp. 470, 471. 2 Ep. to Spalatin. 3 Church Hist., ii, 994. 860 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. endued with power from on high. Then he stepped into the pul pit again, and there followed his marvelous triumphs as a preacher. This is the theory accepted by Professor C. Schmidt ' of Strasburg, by Miss Winkworth/ by Keller,3 and by Mrs. Frances Bevan.4 But Denifle has subjected this theory to a most searching criticism,6 and if he does not completely explode it he yet makes it no longer ten able as an explanation of Tauler's life. Denifle shows that the Meisterbuch is not historical, that the Meister was not Tauler, that the stranger from the Oberland was not Nicholas of Basel, and that instead of history we have a writing in the interest of a tendency. Preger, who has given us the latest and best account of Tauler, agrees with Denifle in the main, but holds to the fact of the con version, and so far to the genuineness of the Meisterbuch, standing, however, with Denifle in striking Nicholas out of the account." Henry Suso (the Amandus, 1291-1365) was one of the brilliant Mystics of this time. He, too, was a Dominican, educated at the Dominican convent at Constance and at Cologne under Eckhart, and afterward became rector and prior at Constance. He was more enthusiastic and poetical than Eckhart or Tauler in his adoration of the eternal Wisdom. His formula was, " Man should completely divest himself of the 1 Johann Tauler von Strassburg, Hamb., 1841. 2 Transl. of Meisterbuch and the Sermons of Tauler, Lond., 1857 ; N. Y., ed. by R. D. Hitchcock, 1858. 3 Die Reformation und die alteren Reformparteien, Leipz., 1885. 4 Three Friends of God : Records from the Lives of John Tauler, Nicholas of Basel, and Henry Suso, Lond., n. d. [1887], 3d ed., 1893. 6 Tauler's Bekehrung, Strassb., 1879. See Jackson in Presb. Rev., 1881, 606, 607. 6 Gesch. der deutschen Mystik in Mittelalter, Leipz., 1893, vol. iii. The common tradition is expressed in the 1st ed. of Herzog and in McClin tock and Strong. Both Kurtz, 10th ed., ii, 175, 176, and Moller, ii, 473, 474, agree with Denifle in ascribing the Meisterbuch to Rulman Merswin. Moller says that Schmidt himself afterward gave up the identification of the Friend of God from the Uplands with Nicholas of Basel. Equal obscurity rests on Tauler's works. All acknowledge the eighty sermons, but Denifle and Preger reject the Book of Spiritual Poverty (or the Imitation of the Poverty of Jesus Christ), while Schmidt and Kurtz admit this latter, Schmidt calling it Tau ler's masterpiece. The Meditation on the Life and Passion of Jesus Christ, transl. Lond., 1889, and the Institutiones Divinse, also called Medulla Animse, aTe not by Tauler. A selection from his writings, Golden Thoughts on the Higher Life, transl. by M. A. O, with introd. by Prof. T. M. Lindsay, was pub lished in Glasgow in 1896. Gow, John Tauler, in Bapt. Rev., iv (1882), 143, ff., and Bennett, John Tauler and his Theology, in Meth. Quar. Rev.,li (1869), 45, are excellent, though written before the new light of Denifle. The latter gives an excellent conspectus of Tauler's theology. THE MYSTICS AND OTHER PROPHETS. 861 carnal nature by imitating Christ's sufferings, and, thus trans formed, sink into the depths of the divine essence. To reach this three steps are to be passed through: Purification, or the deadening of carnal desire ; Illumination, or the filling the soul with forms of divine truth ; Perfection, or the fullest enjoyment of heavenly bliss." He joined his master Eckhart against the Breth ren of the Free Spirit, but he himself fell under suspicion, and was deposed from his priorate in 1333. But this was all that was done. His books enjoyed wide vogue, and he was one of the most influential spirits of this rich time. " John of Ruysbroek (1293-1381) spent his life in and around Brus sels, a part of the time priest in the city and later an J0HN 0P Augustinian monk in the neighboring village, Gronen- rctsbroek. dal. He made Eckhart's Mysticism popular in the North. Fallen man can only be restored through grace, which elevates him above the conditions of nature. Three stages of the Christian life are to be distinguished : The operative, which proceeds to conquer sin and draw near to God through good works. Then comes the subjec tive or emotional, in which the ascetic practices come to the aid of the soul. The soul becomes indifferent to all but God, and is pen etrated by the Spirit of God, and revels in visions and ecstasies. Highest of all is the contemplative state — the vita vitalis, which is an immediate knowing and possessing of God, leaving no remains of individuality in the consciousness, and concentrating every energy on the contemplation of God. The soul is led on from glory to glory, until it becomes conscious of its essential unity with God. In this, Ruysbroek does not desire to deny personality, but simply to assert the giving up of all thought and desire independently of God. He claimed to write under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit, and his daring flights into the empyrean excited the strong opposi tion of Gerson." These and other German mystics of the fourteenth century formed an undesigned association — not a sect, nor a so- fkiends op ciety, nor a brotherhood — the Friends of God, which G0D- consisted of monks, nuns, priests, laymen, who had all been touched 1 His works are On the Eternal Wisdom, 1338, On the Eternal Truth, and his Life, Augsb., 1482. Best ed. of theological writings by Denifle, Miinchen, 1876-80, 3 vols. ; best ed. of Life by Diepenbrock, Ratisb. ,1829, 3d ed. , Regensb. , 1854. Schmidt, Henry Suso, in Studien und Krit., 1843, No. 4 ; Bevan, Three Friends of God, Lond., 1887. The book On the Nine Rocks (Von den neun Felsen), long attributed to Suso, was written by Rulman Merswin in 1392. 5 Two excellent monographs are by Engelhardt, Richard v. St. Victor and J. Ruysbroek, Erl., 1838, and Schmidt, Eftide sur Jean Ruysbroch, Strasb., 1863, and art. in Herzog by same. 862 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. by the new piety. Their relation to each other, entirely free, was kept up by personal intercourse, by correspondence, and by the communion of the Spirit. Many women in the convents of north ern Germany, by their earnest piety and fine literary gifts, were prominent members of this band. A rich banker of Strasburg, Rulman Merswin (1307-82), became enamored of the mystical life, retired from business, devoted his money to benevolence, bought the island of the Green Wort, on the 111, near Strasburg, and estab lished there a house of God, a retreat for the Friends of God, and retired there himself for prayer, study, and writing. Among his books are the Master Book, printed as a history of the venerable Doctor Tauler, which is in part history and in part fiction ; On the Nine Rocks, and The Little Banner Book. ' It was formerly thought * that Nicholas of Basel, who was burned for heterodoxy in Vienna about 1395, was a chief teacher among the Mystics and the instructor of Tauler. But it has now been shown that Nicholas was, rather, of the sect of the Free Spirit.8 This religious revival under the Mystics found expression in an „™„„,,„ ™ organization more closely knit than the Friends of God BRETHREN OF the common — the Brethren of the Common Life.* The founder was LIFE- Gerhard Groot (1340-84), of Deventer, a pupil of Ruysbroek. He went about the diocese of Utrecht preaching right eousness and self-denial, and finally about 1394, at Deventer, he formed the idea of associating like-minded spirits of both sexes in a free community, in which, without vows, they would devote them selves to chastity and obedience, to the study of the Bible, to copy ing sacred books, to manual toil, and to a life of Christian service to others. A community of goods and ordinary monastic routine prevailed, but the whole rested on a purely voluntary principle. Love was the only constraining bond. These "brother and sister houses" spread everywhere through the Netherlands and North Germany. The brothers heard confessions, received children to educate, preached in a simple and earnest way, copied and circulated good books, engaged in works of mercy, and were everywhere cen ters of piety and intelligence. It was to this community that Thomas a Kempis (d. 1417) belonged. He was canon of their mon- 1 This last ed. by Jundt, 1879, the Rock Book by Schmidt, 1859. 2 Schmidt, Gottesfreunde, 1854. 3 See authorities mentioned in note, p. 860. Also Haupt, On the Sect of the Free Spirit and the Beghards, in Zeitsft. fiir Kircheng., vii, iv, 1885. On the Friends of God, see Jundt, Les amis de Dieu, Paris, 1879, and Preger, Ge schichte der deutschen Mystik, vol. iii, Leipz., 1893. 4 Fratres communis vit» ; Fratres devoti ; Fratres bonae voluntatis ; Fratres collationarii. THE MYSTICS AND OTHER PROPHETS. 863 astery on the Agnetenberg, near Zwolle, and lived here a long life* of ascetic contemplation, writing books of devotion, " a thomas a child of peace, of the love of God, and of the discipline kempis. of the inner life." It was here he wrote that classic of the religious. life, On the Imitation of Christ, which has been printed in more editions than any other book except the Bible, and has expressed the longings of innumerable souls of all creeds and nations— a book which Wesley published for his societies, and which George Eliot held in her hand when dying. The Imitation is the flower of Mys ticism. It fairly quivers with the heart-beats of one to whom the love of Christ is a passion. It expresses one side of the holy life so perfectly that it can never die. Yet it is a book of the fourteenth century, its ideal is ascetic, miraculously free indeed from the- errors of Rome, speaking to the universal heart of the Church, but moving entirely within the monastic grooves, a product, not of the faith that overcometh the world, but of the love which seeks God in self-renunciation and meditation. ' Out of that same atmosphere by which the Friends of God and the Brethren of the Common Life prepared for the Reformation came another famous hand-book of mystical devotion, A German 1 Stalker has excellently criticised this one-sidedness (pp. 15-39), and has sought to provide a larger De Imitatione Christi in his fine work, Imago Christi, Lond. and N. Y., 1889. For further discussion of defects of Kempis's hook, see Milman, Latin Christianity, viii, 209-301. It is hardly fair to say that the book is absolutely selfish in its aims and acts. The love of man, the service of man, is rather taken for granted than inculcated. The very idea of the Brothers of the Common Life was sacrifice for others ; theirs was a piety that communicated itself. A facsimile of the earliest MSS. (1425) of theDe Im itatione Christi was published in Lond. , 1879, with Introd. by Ruelens. About 1873 Hirsche, of Hamburg, discovered the fact that in its original form the book was written in rhythmical cadences, rhyme, and balanced sentences, and he published an edition restoring the text to its first form, Berlin, 1874, andi an Eng lish translation according to this restoration was published in Lond., 1889, with preface by Liddon. See Hirsche, Prolegomena zur einer neuen Ausgabe der Imitatio Christi, 2 vols. , Berl. , 1873-83. The age-long debate on the authorship of the Imitation — whether by Kempis or Gerson, has settled down on the former, scholars generally agreeing to this. It has been demonstrated with almost absolute certainty by Amort and Malon, Recherche historique et cri tique sur le veritable auteur, etc., Tourney, 3d ed., 1858 ; by Spitzen, Thorn, a K. als Sehriver der Nachfolging, Utrecht, 1880 ; and Kettlewell, The Author ship of the De Imit. O, Lond. and N. Y., 1877, and his Thomas a Kempis and the Brothers of the Common Life, 2 vols., 1882. These books of Kettlewell are loving tributes by a patient and enthusiastic investigator, who searched the monasteries of Belgium for materials for his book on Thomas as earnestly as Sabatier did those of Italy for his book on Francis. On the Imitation, see Faulkner in Chr. Adv., N. Y., May 5, 1887. 864 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Theology, written by an inmate of the house of the Teutonic Order a german a* Frankfort-on-the-Main some time in the fifteenth theology. century. The oldest manuscript of this work dates from 1497. Like many mystical writings, it is anonymous. It was first published by Luther in an incomplete form in 1516, and in full in 1518, and the great Reformer praises it highly as a " spir itually noble little book on the right difference and understanding of what are the old and the new man, and how Adam must die away and Christ arise in us." Though the best product of medi aeval Catholicism, it was placed in the Index in 1621, perhaps on account of its vast vogue among Protestants, who found much to admire in its simple heartfelt piety and evangelical concep tions, yet pervaded by the noblest principles of Mysticism. The fact that the book was put into Luther's hand by Staupitz, the vicar-general of the Augustinian Order, shows that Luther's high estimate of it was shared by the best spirits in the Old Church. In its searching and profound apprehension of the nature of sin it is differentiated from Catholicism, but stands in close relation to Protestantism.1 Were the German Mystics of the fourteenth and fifteenth cen turies the precursors of Protestantism ? Yes and No. They were not Protestants. They did not consciously deviate from the beaten path of the Church's dogmatic system, which was held as a neces sary framework under their airy superstructures. They did not preach against any of the ordinary practices or teachings of the Church, as did the Waldenses and Reformers, nor did they appeal, as these did, to the Bible as the final and perennial source of truth. The old method of speaking of these men as " Reformers before the Reformation " is no longer tenable. In fact, the Mystic could worship the Bible as little as he could worship the Church. The Interior Revelation was his altar. On the other hand, the Mystics worked powerfully, though uncon- sethon sciously, for the better day. The traditional system mysticism. was not attacked. It was simply dissolved. As Seth strikingly says : " Mysticism instinctively recedes from formulas that have become stereotyped and mechanical into the peren nially fresh experience of the individual. In the first place, therefore, it brings into prominence only these broad and universal > 1 Best ed. by Pfeiffer, Stuttg., 1851, 3d ed., Giitersloh, 1855. Trans, by Miss Winkworth, with pref. by C. Kingsley, Introd. by C. E. Stowe, Andover, 1856, new ed., Phila., 1887. See Lisco, Die Heilslehre der Theologia Deutsche, Stuttg., 1859 ; Ashwell, Theologia Gernianica, in Companions to Devout Life, Lond. and N. Y., new ed., 1877, pp. 167-180. THE MYSTICS AND OTHER PROPHETS. 865 doctrines which it finds to be of vital and present moment for the inward life, while others, though they may have an important place in the churchly system, are (unconsciously) allowed to slip into temporary forgetfulness. It is thus we must explain that almost total absence of distinctively Roman doctrine in Thomas a Kempis which makes the Imitation as acceptable to a Protestant as to a de vout Catholic. In the second place, Mysticism accustoms men to deal with their experience for themselves at first hand, and to test the doctrines presented to them by that standard. Thus the growth of spiritual freedom is especially to be marked in the Ger man Mystics. It is to be noted, however, that Mysticism affords in itself no foundation for a religious community. Its principle is pure inwardness, but it possesses no norm by which the extrava gances of the individual may be controlled. Thus, when the Re formers appeared to do their work, the Mystics were found oppos ing the new authority of Scripture to the full as bitterly as they had opposed the old authority of the Church. To the thorough going Mystic individualist the one standard is as external as the other. When Cellarius was called upon by Luther to substantiate his positions by reference to Scripture he struck the table with his fist and declared it an insult to speak so to a man of God. A germ of reason may be discerned in this indignation, but none the less we must recognize that, while Mysticism showed itself capable at the Reformation of dissolving society into anarchy and atomism, it showed itself perfectly destitute of a reconstructive power. The same people who would claim the pre-Reformation Mystics as Prot estants in disguise are indignant at the way in which the later Mystics oppose, or hold aloof from, the Reformation movement. But the truth seems to be that, in both cases, Mysticism was true to its principle. Without some fixed letter to attach itself to, it sinks away into utter formlessness ; but its relation to the system is always more or less one of opposition to what it regards as ex ternal." ' The Mystic looked to God, and not to the Church ; he turned his gaze upon himself, and not upon his priest. His whole attitude presaged a revolt. His life was fed not by sacraments, but by com munion with God, by study, by meditation. The ecclesiastical organization was not a necessity to him, but God in Christ was. Traditionalism and ecclesiasticism were not his emphasis, but holiness and rapt communion. The necessary intermediaries of a thousand years were thrown aside. All Germany was sowed deep with the seed of truth and piety, which bore fruit in later years, 1 Mysticism, Encyc. Brit., 9th ed. 55 866 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and Eckhart, Tauler, Gerhard Groot, and a Kempis were the John the Baptists of the Reformation. The glowing truths for which Mysticism stood have found their true home in Protestantism, where, through reverence for the Scriptures as the supreme authority both in faith and morals, they are guarded from becoming the fuel of fanaticism. 1 On the relation of Mysticism to Methodism, see Faulkner in South. Meth. Rev., Jan., 1886, 72, ff. LITERATURE: SCHOLASTICISM AND MEDLEVAL THEOLOGY. 867 LITERATURE: SCHOLASTICISM AND MEDLEVAL THEOLOGY. 1. Hampden, R. D. The Scholastic Philosophy Considered in its Relations to Christian Theology. Lond., 1832 ; 3d ed., 1838. Life of Thomas Aqui nas. A dissertation of the Scholastic Philosophy of the Middle Ages. Lond., 1848. 2. Cousin, Victor. Fragmens philosophiques du moyen-age : Philosophic scholastique. Paris, 1840 and 1850. 3. Rousselot. Etudes sur la philosophic dans le moyen-age. Paris, 1840-42. 4. Bitter, Heinrich. Geschichte der Philosophie. 15 vols. Hamburg, 1836- 53. (Vols, v-viii, Christliche Philosophie.) 5. Morin, Frederic. Dictionnaire de Philosophie et de Theologie scholas tique. 2 vols. Paris, 1856. 6. Maurice, F. D. Mediseval Philosophy from the Fifth to the Fourteenth Cen tury. 2d ed. , Lond. , 1859. Moral and Metaphysical Philosophy. 2 vols. , Lond. 1873. (I. First to thirteenth century.) 7. Kaulich, W. Geschichte der scholastischen Philosophie. Part i. Prag, 1863. 8. Renan, E. Averroes et l'Averroieme. Paris, 1866. 9. Stoeckl, Alb. Geschichte der Philosophie des Mittelalters. 3 vols. Mainz, 1864-66. 10. De Cupely. Esprit de la Philosophie scholastique. Paris, 1868. 11. Prantl, E. Geschichte der Logik im Abendlande. 4 vols. Leipz., 1855- 70. 12. Ueberweg, Frederick. History of Philosophy. Translated from the 4th German ed. by George S. Morris, New York, 1872-74 (vol. i, pp. 355- 484). 13. Loewe, J. H. Der Kampf zwischen dem Realismus und Nominalismus im Mittelalter. Prag, 1876. 14. Renter, H. Geschichte der religiosen Aufklarung im Mittelalter. 2 vols. Berl., 1875-77. 15. Bach, R. C. Die Dogmengeschichte des Mittelalters vom christologischen Standpunkte, oder die mittelalterliche Christologie vom 8-16 Jahrhun- dert. 2 vols. Wien, 1873-75. 16. Harper, Thomas. The Metaphysics of the School. Lond., 1880. 17. Haureau, Barthelemy. Histoire de la Philosophie seolastique. 3 vols. Paris, 1872-80. 18. Owen, John. Evenings with the Sceptics. (Vol. ii.) Lond. and N. Y., 1881. 19. Townsend, W. J. The Great Schoolmen of the Middle Ages. Lond., 1881. See an adverse treatment of this by R. L. Poole, in Modern Rev., 1882, 419, ff. , 20. Werner, Karl. Der Averroismus in der christlich-peripatetischen Psychol- ogie des spateren Mittelalters. Wien, 1881. Alcuin und sein Jahrhundert. 868 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ein Beitrag zur christlich-theologischen Literaturgeschichte. New ed., Wien, 1881. Die nominalisirende Psychologie der Scholastik des spate ren Mittelalters. 3 vols. Wien, 1882. Die Scholastik des spateren Mit telalters. 3 vols. Wien, 1881-83. 21. Nitzsch, Friedrich. " Scholastische Theologie," in Herzog-Plitt, Ency- klop., xiii, 650, ff., 1884. A very valuable account ; contains also refer ences to the literature. 22. Poole, Reg. Lane. Hlustrations of the History of Medieval Thought. Lond., 1884. 23. Denifle, H. Die Sentenzen Abalards und die Bearbeitungen seiner Theol ogie vor Mitte des 12 Jahrhunderts. (In Denifle and Ehrle's Arohiv., i, 402, ff., 1885.) 24. Seth, Andrew. "Scholasticism," in Encyc. Brit., xxi, 417, ff., Edinb., 1886. An excellent summary. 25. Eicken, H.v. Geschichte und System der mittelalterlichen Weltanschauung. Stuttgart, 1887. A philosophical discussion of the principles of mediae val thought. 26. Erdmann, J. E. A History of Philosophy. Translated by Hough. 3 vols. Lond. and N. Y., 1890. (Vol. ii, Mediasval Philosophy.) See also the accounts given in the general Church Histories, and in the Histories of Dogma, general or special^ as by Thomasius, Hagenbach, Schwane (Dogmeng.. des Mittelalters, Freib. i. B., 1882), Dorner (Person of Christ, 5 vols., Edinb.. 1861-63), Ritschl (Justification, Edinb., 1872), and Harnack. MEDIAEVAL THEOLOGY. 869 CHAPTER L. MEDLBVAL THEOLOGY. It is one of the strangest ironies of history that the favorite Fa ther among the Protestant Reformers, the teacher of Calvin and of Luther, should be the true founder of Catholic theology. And yet that is the undoubted position of Augustine. History, like human life, is full of inconsistencies, not ordered on primary considerations, but leaving a large margin for caprice and free will. The Reformers before the day of Luther — Wiclif, Hus, Wessel, and others — fed on Augustine, and the Reformers saluted him as one of themselves. Schaff J well says : "No Church teacher did so much to mold Luther and Calvin ; none furnished them so powerful weapons against the dominant Pelagianism and formalism ; none is so often quoted by them with esteem and love." Luther calls him the most pious, grave, and sincere of the Fathers, the patron of divines, who taught a pure doctrine, and submitted it in Christian humility to the Holy Scriptures. The Reformer thinks that if Augustine had lived in the sixteenth century he would have been a Protestant.' The Protestant elements in Augustine are his emphasis on grace and on the depravity of man and our absolute dependence on God for any good thing ; his love of the Holy Scriptures ; and his free dom from many of the later corruptions of Rome, such as transub- stantiation, papal infallibility, mariolatry, and indulgences. Calvin was fashioned on his predestinarianism, and this gave rise to the famous sentence and most characteristic judgment of Gibbon : " The rigid system of Christianity which he [Augustine] framed and restored has been entertained with public applause and with secret reluctance by the Latin Church. The Church of Rome has canonized Augustine and reprobated Calvin. Yet as augustine the real difference between them is invisible even to a AIiD calvin. theological microscope, the Molinists are oppressed with the author ity of the saint, and the Jansenists are disgraced by their resem blance to a heretic. In the meanwhile the Protestant Arminians 1 Augustine's Life and Work, in Post-Nicene Fathers, Series I, vol. i, p. 27. 5 See his judgments on the Fathers in his Colloquia, ed. H. E. Bindseil, 1863, iii, 149. 870 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. stand aloof and deride the mutual perplexity of the disputants." ' A Roman Catholic scholar, Gongauf, concedes that Luther and Calvin built their doctrinal system mainly on Augustine, but with only partial right.' Yes, verily with only partial right. For a deeper view shows the wide chasm between Augustinianism and Protestantism, and reveals Augustine as the real father of Catholi cism. Luther himself saw this, for in one place he says : " Augus tine often erred ; he cannot be trusted ; though he was good and holy, yet he, as well as other Fathers, was wanting in the true faith." For what is the essence of Roman Catholic theology ? It is this: the Church of Christ, having its center in Rome, dispensing divine grace through the sacraments by a valid ministry constituted in an episcopate having succession from the apostles. And thus we have a vast ecclesiasticism, resting its head at Rome, and ordained by God as the saviour of the nation, without which there can be no salva tion. It is to Augustine that we are indebted for this conception, systematized, enriched, and irradiated with his genius and piety, and this he handed on to the Middle Ages, thus making the Roman Catholic Church what it is. Allen says : " For a thousand years those who came after him did little more than reaffirm his teach ing, and so deep is the hold which his long supremacy has left upon the Church that his opinions have become identified with divine revelation and are all that the majority of the Christian world yet know of the religion of Christ." ' The biographer of the great theologian of the Middle Ages says that as the "Angelical pro fessor [Aquinas] professed St. Augustine's Rule, so also he imbibed his spirit. St. Augustine forms the pedestal upon which stands the peaceful figure of the Summa Theologica ; " 4 and Cardinal Norris sums up the debt of Catholicism to Augustine in the preg nant words : Ad Augustinum non itur nisi per Thomam.5 Cathol- ' Gibbon adds : " Perhaps a reasoner still more independent may smile in his turn while he peruses an Arminian commentary on the Ep. to the Romans." Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, iii, 508, note (ch. xxxiii). For an Ar minian deriding the mutual perplexity of the disputants he refers to Le Clerc, Bibliotheque Universelle, xix, 144-398. 8 Des heil. August. Lehre von Gott dem dreieinigen, Augs., 1866, p. 28. 3 Continuity of Christian Thought, p. 170. 4 R. B. Vaughan, St. Thomas Aquinas : His Life and Times, ii, 529. This is the most prodigious monument ever reared in English to the life of an ancient or mediseval saint or father — 2 vols, of 1,000 pp. each. It is full of learning and breathes the spirit of piety, and wends its leisurely way along by many a pleasant discussion. An abridged edition was published in one volume in 1875. * You can reach Augustine only by the way of Thomas Aquinas. MEDLEVAL THEOLOGY. 871 icism, whether Roman or Anglican, is summed up in Augustine's oft-quoted dictum: "I would not believe the Gospel unless the authority of the Catholic Church had moved me." This one dec laration is a microcosm. In it is comprised a whole world of the ological development and controversy. It was this sentence which made the Middle Ages. The Protestant counterpart to Augustine's palladium of Cathol icism is this : I would not believe the Gospel unless the authority of truth moved me. The authority that the Roman Church gives to organization is given to conscience by the Protestant Church. The consciousness of the affinity of the Catholic mind with Augus tine and other Fathers is forcibly expressed by Cardinal Newman : " I recollect well what an outcast I seemed to myself when I took down from the shelves of my library the volumes of St. Athanasius or St. Basil, and set myself to study them ; and how, on the con trary, when at length I was brought into Catholic communion, I kissed them with delight, with a feeling that in them I had more than all I had lost, and, as though I were directly addressing the glorious saints who bequeathed them to the Church, I said to the inanimate pages, ' You are now mine, and I am yours, beyond any mistake.' " * On this Schaff makes the following excellent comment : " With the same right might the Jews lay exclusive claim to the writings of Moses and the prophets. The Fathers were living men, repre senting the onward progress and conflicts of Christianity in their time, unfolding and defending great truths, but not unmixed with many errors and imperfections which subsequent times have cor rected. Those are the true children of the Fathers, who, standing on the foundation of Christ and the apostles, and kissing the New Testament rather than any human writings, follow them only as far as they followed Christ, and who carry forward their work in the onward march of evangelical catholic Christianity." ' We shall indicate the thought of the Middle Ages concerning a few theological topics. To meet the Mohammedan objections to the Sonship of Christ two Spanish theologians, Elipan- divinity of dus of Toledo and Felix of Urgel, about 785, adopted CHKIST- the theory that only in his divine nature was Christ the Son of God, but that in his human nature he was adopted, being in this relation a servant of God like all of us. Alcuin and others strongly resisted this tendency to divide the unity of Christ's personality, and, although the explanation of Elipandus prevailed widely, yet by 1 Difficulties felt by Anglicans in Catholic Teaching, ii, 3. 5 Post-Nicene Fathers, Series I, vol. i, p. 19, note. 872 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. argument and by Church pressure and persecution the Spanish theories at length disappeared. The Mystics, who were the fore runners of much modern speculation, emphasized the oneness of Christ with humanity and with God — the restored Prototype of hu manity. "As truly as God became man," says Tauler, "so truly has man become God by grace, and this human nature is changed into what it has become, the divine image." So also says Ruys broek, " Christ had his divinity and humanity by nature, but we have it when we are united to him in love by grace." But that marvelous book, The German Theology, went even farther : "When God and man are so united that truth itself must confess that there is One who is verily perfect God and perfect man, and when man is so devoted to God that God is there man himself, and that he acts and suffers without any I, or My, or to-Me, behold there is verily Christ and nowhere else." "Where the life of Christ is, there is Christ himself ; and where his life is not, there he is not." There were no Unitarians in the Middle Ages. What would their pale negations have done with the Northern bar barians ? The dogma of the divinity of Jesus Christ was a neces sity of history ; it was the essential preparation for the conversion of Europe. The legal conception of the atonement, which was the only one possible in a Roman world, and which since Anselm has dominated the atone- the mind of the Church, was unknown in the early ment. Church. The incarnation itself was atonement, the Lord working out the salvation of man by instruction (Clement of Alexandria), by his solidarity with our race (Irenaeus), by the invin cible moral power of his death (Origen), and by a victory over Satan (Irenaeus and others). There is no hint of the finely wrought out scheme of Anselm. The nearest approach is the idea of Athanasius : as God threatened death as a consequence of sin he must exact it ; but it would be unworthy of the divine goodness to allow man to die, to whom he had imparted his own Spirit ; therefore the Word, who could not die, assumed a mortal body, and, offering his human nature a sacrifice for all, fulfilled the law by his death. Anselm satisfied the mediaeval mind completely. With the pre cision and balanced checks of a legal document he applied the principles of justice to unravel the mystery of salvation. In brief est form his theory is : man owes a perfect obedience to the divine law ; no one has rendered it ; this throws man into the infinite debt of God, and dooms him to eternal misery, since sin against an infinite being calls for infinite penalty. But the divine goodness MEDIAEVAL THEOLOGY. 873 cannot allow that all should endlessly perish. How then can both goodness and justice be satisfied ? Only an infinite being can pay an infinite debt, and yet man must pay it, for man incurred it. Therefore God himself becomes man and thus renders full satisfaction. The obedience of Christ even unto death possesses an infinite value, and is more than an equivalent for what the race would have suffered if punished forever. Thus the debt is paid, justice is satisfied, goodness is triumphant, and God can pardon sinners. This scheme was a long step in advance of a theory which had wide vogue in the ancient Church, that the atonement was a ransom paid to Satan. But Anselm's theory did not at first find universal acceptance. Hugo of St. Victor empha sized the moral effects of Christ's work in making man worthy to be free. Abelard definitely rejected Anselm's scheme, and so did Peter Lombard, that prince of orthodoxy of the twelfth century. These all worked toward a less mechanical conception. But An selm's view was too consonant with the ideas of mediaeval society not to win the day. It is a theory of feudalism, of monarchical governments — God a mighty sovereign exacting perfect obedience from his subjects, and exacting for his injured honor an awful reparation.1 The theory of Anselm contained a great truth, but was conceived in terms of Roman legalism. As to the extent of the atonement, there was never a breath of suspicion that it did not avail for the whole human race until the dark reasonings of Augustine threw a cloud over the divine purposes. In fact, the only question was whether it did not also avail in some sense for the whole intelligent creation. But if Augustine gave the theory of a limited atone ment to Calvinism, Leo the Great met him with the magnificent challenge, that, so precious is the shedding of Christ's blood for the unjust, if the " whole universe of captives would believe in their Redeemer, no chain of the devil could hold them." Augustine, however, was not without representatives in the matter of predestination in the Middle Ages. Gottschalk, a Saxon monk, threw himself passionately into the study of pbedestina- Augustine, and came therefrom with the firm convic- TI0N- tion of the truth of his view. He wandered through Italy, Dalma- tia, and Pannonia, asserting predestination, and even accusing his opponent at the synod of Mayence, in 847, of semi-Pelagianism. He was a predestinarian in no half-hearted or illogical way, for he taught the predestination of sinners (reprobation) as well as of saints, in a most uncompromising manner. With all its reverence for 1 See the remarks of Allen, I. c, p. 202. 874 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Augustine the Church could not follow Gottschalk in this, and there fore proceeded to silence him. He was deprived of his priestly rank, his treatise was burned, and he was immured for life in the monastery of Hautvilliers, in the diocese Rheims. Predestinarian- ism has never fared well in the Catholic Church. Jansen did not meet with better success. The mediseval conception of the Church was that it is a theocracy whose head was Christ, whose earthly head was the pope, author ized to bring men into its fold by baptism, and out of THE ('HU ttPH • • which there was no salvation. This divine society was commissioned both to teach and rule the world. It was one, holy, and Catholic, and to belong to it was absolutely necessary to salva tion. This magnificent conception, like Anselm's theory of the atonement, was perfectly intelligible, and it had the merit of offer ing to a barbaric and disorganized world a common center and bond of unity, a general rallying point, which stood as an immov able and unchangeable Gibraltar amid the revolutions of history. The theory of the Catholic Church was a perversion and exaggera tion of a great truth ; but may it not have been permitted, in the order of Providence, for the purpose of receiving the pagan nations of Europe, and handing them over, measurably Christianized and civilized, to the modern and better Church ? The mediseval doc trine of the Church served, in a way, as a schoolmaster for guiding to Christ. It was enforced with vast injustice and covered at one time or another a world of iniquity, but it served its day well in leading to the salvation of the nations. By and by it gave way to a more spiritual idea, which found heralds in Hus (d. 1415) and Wessel (d. 1489), who taught that the Church was the brotherhood of the elect, all who are united to Christ, whether united to the pope or not, by one faith, one hope, one love. But the idea of the Church as a close corporation, the guardian of truth, and to which all souls are delivered, is the most characteristic and influential doc trine of the Middle Ages. The mechanical and formal theology of the ancient and mediae val Church is well illustrated by the doctrines of the Lord's Supper and baptism. Baptism is the literal laver of regeneration, the sacra ment of salvation. " None can ascend into the kingdom of heaven except by the sacrament of baptism," says Ambrose ; " indeed, it ex cepts none, neither infants nor him that is prevented by any neces sity." It washes away the guilt of original sin and opens the gates of heaven to the soul. The mediaeval mind could not BAPTISM conceive of man made in the image of God, and through the incarnation and work of Christ divinely constituted as a child MEDIAEVAL THEOLOGY. 875 of God, and sure of salvation until this gift is forfeited by actual and willful transgression. And so the Greek, Roman Catholic, and Anglican Churches teach baptismal regeneration, meaning by this, not a symbolical representation of what has been done in or for the soul, but that the water, through the grace of God, actually remits the stain of original sin and renews the soul. The child unbap- tized, in case of death, is shut out from the vision of God, and goes to hell, but suffers there not necessarily the ordinary punish ments of the damned, but a levissima damnatio, a deprivation of positive bliss in the limbo of infants — a neutral state of neither complete blessedness nor complete misery. The mediseval Church practiced baptism by immersion almost universally until the thirteenth century, when pouring or sprinkling came into gen eral use. The Eastern Church has always employed the mode of immersion. The ancient Church used almost any language it pleased in speaking of the Lord's Supper. But with all the exaggerated ex travagance of Eastern imagery it never occurred to the Fathers that there was a literal change in the elements of bread and lord's sup- wine into the very substance of the body and blood of PEK- Christ. Such a crass and utterly heathenish conception — worthy of fetichism— was left to the darkest night of the darkest winter of the Dark Ages. The first to formally bring forward this doctrine was Paschasius Radbert, a monk of Corby, in his treatise On the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of our Lord, in 831. He was answered by a monk of the same monastery, Ratramnus (Ber tram), in a clear and able work, 844, whose spirited protest against the magic materialism of Radbert made his book a great favorite with the Protestants, who first printed it at Cologne, in 1527. In fact, the later Roman Catholics could not persuade themselves that such an heretical book could proceed from so orthodox a source, and the synod of Vercelli, in 1050, condemned and burned it as a work of John Scotus Erigena. The view that it was unauthentically as cribed to Bertram prevailed in Roman Catholic circles until Sainte- Beuve, in 1655, and Jacques Boileau, in 1712, completely vindicated its genuineness. Ratramnus held that the body of Christ is pres ent spiritually and in power, and Erigena, Herigar, Rabanus Maurus, and others defended this view. This fact furnishes one of those pleasant commentaries on the dogma of infallibility which we have met before in the progress of this history— men in the odor of sanctity and orthodoxy holding views which were afterward pronounced false, and the Church pro nouncing that to have been always the doctrine of Christians which 876 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. multitudes of doctors had rejected and of which many believers had never heard. But, as Cardinal Manning says, " the Church is the judge of history." After two hundred years another noble plea was made for a spiritual view of the Supper by a true successor of Ber tram. Berengar of Tours, in his On the Holy Supper, between 1040-50, attacked transubstantiation as contrary to reason, to the Scriptures, and to the Fathers. But the grosser doctrine was now too deeply intrenched, too thoroughly consonant with the tend encies of the times, and too convenient for the Church's purposes ' to be displaced. The engines of the Church were turned against this great teacher, and although he was acquitted at the synod of Tours, in 1054, he was condemned at Rome in 1078, compelled to retract and to hide himself in obscurity.' Lanfranc was the leader of the Church forces in support of the new dogma. In 1215, at the Fourth Lateran council, transubstantiation was made an article of faith. The elevation and worship of the host, now so promi nent a part in every Roman Catholic service, necessarily followed, being instituted in 1217 by Pope Honorius III. The worship of the Virgin, which has practically displaced the worship of God in popular Roman Catholic devotion, began in germ in the fifth century, though it is only in modern times that it has grown to enormous proportions. It did not play a great part in the Middle Ages. The mediaeval theologians distinguished between higher and lower worship : latria, worship due to God alone ; dulia, service due the saints ; hyperdulia, due to the mother of Christ. The worship of the saints, similar to the local cults of the pagan religions, went on step by step with the worship of the Virgin, the childishness of the time assigning to each saint a special work or the protection of a special place, such as sending up prayers to St. Barbara, to avert war ; to St. Roch, to avert the plague ; to St. German, against the ague ; to St. Catherine, as the patron of scholars ; to St. Crispin, as the patron of shoemakers ; to St. Eloy, as the guardian of horses ; to St. Anthony, as the protector of pigs ; and to St. Gertrude, to drive away rats. The Church of the Middle Ages had a vivid idea of hell and pur- 1 How it exalted the awful prerogative of the Church that to her was com mitted the tremendous power by a word of the priest to change bread and wine into the actual body and blood of Christ I 2 There are recent studies of Berengar — by Brocking in Zeitsch. f . Kirchen geschichte, 1892, 2, 3, and by Schwitzer in a monograph on his life and doc trine, Stuttg., 1892. The De Sacra Coena (On the Holy Supper) was edited by Vischer, Berl., 1834. MEDIAEVAL THEOLOGY. 877 gatory. Augustine started the fruitful idea of purgatory on its way, and Gregory the Great established it, while the great theologians, Aquinas, Bonaventura,and Bellarmine, materialized it, ignempurga- torii esse corporeum. Only those who die reconciled to hell and pur- the Church and not in mortal sin, or whom a priest " has gatory. special reason for believing to have died in a state of grace," are assigned to purgatory, all others being consigned to hell, whose pun ishments are everlasting. The hopeful view of eternal punishment held by many of the most eminent Fathers of the ancient Church was destroyed by Augustine, although the daring thinker Erigena re turned to the view of Origen, which looked to the ultimate restoration of all things in God. Dante's Inferno is a witness of the grotesque- ness and horror of the popular views as to future punishment. The Mystics who stood in close relation to the Church did not vary from the orthodox conception, and it is to Henry Suso we owe the illustra tion of eternity repeated in so many pulpits since — the bird that car ries away the earth by removing one grain of sand in a thousand years. The doctrine of purgatory was useful to the penal and financial Bystem of the Roman Church. The penalties attached to absolution in the sacrament of penance were often commuted by the payment of money or other gifts into the treasury of the Church, and these indulgences were available in purgatory for the imperfect dead. An indulgence is simply a commutation of these temporal penalties due to sins which remain within the purview of the Church after the sin has been absolved in the ordinary manner. The Church stands as the custodian and trustee of that vast accumulation of merits which has been heaped up by the infinite value of Christ's sufferings and by the sufferings and often martyrdoms of eminent saints; and upon this storehouse it is authorized by God to draw through the pope, and to place to the credit of those penitents who seek release from such temporal disabilities for sin as justly remain even after pardon. And as purgatory is in time, and not in eternity, the alms and other benevolent offerings made to procure an indulgence may be placed to the credit of souls suffering there, although the Church has never dogmatically decided that such benefit will absolutely accrue to those waiting in the underworld, nor, if the benefit does so accrue, how or when it takes effect. It will be readily seen that this doctrine of indulgence, especially as attached to the fears and hopes of souls looking into the awful uncertainties of the other life, was a mighty engine for corruption, and that the Church must have been preternaturally saved from temptation to have avoided the chance of using this doctrine for her own purposes. That she did not avoid the temptation, but that indulgences became a 878 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. universal source of the most shameless trafficking is a matter of history. The protest against the trade was the first note of the Reformation.' 1 Henry Charles Lea, of Philadelphia, is the first historian to thoroughly elucidate the history of Indulgences, which he does in a work of remarkable research and chastened judgments — the third volume of his History of Auricu lar Confession and Indulgences in the Latin Church, Phila., 1896. For schol arly reviews, see The Nation, July 9 and Sept. 17, 1896 (lxiii, 35, 216). THOMAS AQUINAS. g79 LITERATURE : THOMAS AQUINAS. I. BIOGRAPHICAL. 1. Carle, P. S. Histoire de la Vie et des Merits de Thomas d'Aquin. 1846. 2. Hcertel, H. Thomas von Aquino und seine Zeit. Augsb., 1846. 3. Hampden, R. D. Life of Thomas Aquinas. Lond., 1848. 4. Werner, Karl. Der heilige Thomas von Aquino. 3 vols. Regensb 1858-59. 5. Didiot, J. S. Thomas d'Aquin et les actes du Pape Leon XIH. Arras, 1880. Thomas d'Aquin, le Docteur angelique, sa Vie, ses CEuvres. Bruges, 1895. 6. Lieohty, Reinhard le. Albert le Grand et S. Thomas d'Aquin. Paris,. 1880. 7. Cicognani. Life of Thomas Aquinas. Lond., 1882. A translation of his Sulla Vita di S. Tommaso, 1874. 8. Vaughan, R. B. Life and Labors of St. Thomas of Aquin. 2 vols. Lond., 1871-72. Abridged ed., 1 vol., 1875 ; 2d ed., 1890. H. WORKS OF THOMAS AQUINAS. Thorns Aquinatis Opera omnia jussu impensaque Leonis x in Fol., 7 vols. Freib. Not completed. m. PHTLOSOPHT OP THOMAS AQUINAS. 1. Tholuck, A. Disputatio de Thoma Aquinate atque Abselardo Diterpreti- bus Novi Testamenti. Halle, 1842. 2. Oischinger, J. N. P. Die speculative Theologie des Thomas von Aquino. Munich, 1858. 3. Jourdain, C. B. La Philosophie de S. Thomas d'Aquin. 2 vols. Paris, 1858-61. 4. Delitzsch, J. Die Gotteslehre des Thomas von Aquino kritisch dargestellt. Leipz., 1870. 5. Morgott, F. Die Mariologie des heiligen Thomas von Aquino. Freib. i. B., 1878. 6. Schneemann, G. Die Entstehung der thomistisch-molinistisohen Contro- verse. Dogmengeschichtliche Studie. Freib. i. B., 1879. Also, Weitere Entwicklung des . . . Controverse. Ibid., 1880. 7. Harper, Thomas. The Metaphysics of the Schools. Lond., 1880. 8. Knoodt, P. Die Thomas-Encyclica Leo's XHI vom 4 Aug., 1879. Bonn, 1880. 9. Feldner, F. G. Die Lehre des heiligen Thomas iiber den Einfluss Gottes auf die Handlungen des verniinftigen Geschopfe. Dargelegt von Jos. Pecci. Kritisch beleuchtet. Graz, 1889. Die Lehre des heiligen Thomas von Aquino iiber die Willensfreiheit der verniinftigen "Wesen. Eine philosophische Studie. Graz, 1890. 880 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 10. Frohsohammer, J. Die Philosophie des Thomas von Aquin. Leipz., 11. Lipperheide, V. Thomas von Aquino und die platonische Ideenlehre. Eine kritische Abhandlung. Miinchen, 1890. 12. Gayraud, H. St. Thomas et le Predeterminisme. Paris, 1895. 13. Crolet, C. Doctrine philosophique de Saint Thomas d'Aquin. Besancon, 1890. 14. Schuetz, L. Thomas-Lexicon Paderborn, 1881 ; 2d ed., 1895. Con tains explanations of technical terms used by Thomas. See also Literature under Scholasticism and Mediseval Theology. THOMAS AQUINAS. 881 CHAPTER LI. THOMAS AQUINAS. Abelard's historical position is that of the premature hero for independence. In the acute thinker and impulsive Briton the twelfth century brought forward a divine who in the breadth of his vision and the freshness of his method anticipated the seven teenth century. In fact, in almost no writings of the Middle Ages do we breathe the modern spirit as we do in those of Peter Abelard. He was half a millennium in advance of his time. With a magnifi cent independence he challenged reason on the one hand and the dogmas of the Church on the other, and sought to find a secure basis for truth. With a truly Protestant spirit he went bravely about his work. This was his thought : All science must be brought in defense of the faith. All the arts are God's gifts, and they must be used to advance his glory, even if they are at times perverted by bad men. The towering influence of Paul and of Augustine in the Church as compared, for instance, with Peter and Martin of Tours, was due to their larger intellectual equipment. Nor must we de spise the ancient philosophers, who sought the truth according to their light, nor say that the Spirit could not speak to abelard's them. They also had a measure of God, and proph- system. esied of the coming of the Messiah. The pure life of those heathen seers contrasts favorably with the vile life of the prelates of the present day. Plato even banished poets from his republic, while bishops now, on high festivals, instead of spending the time in praising God, invite jesters, dancers, and singers of libidinous songs to their tables, entertaining themselves for a whole day and night with such company, and then rewarding them with money intended for the poor. The critical reason must be used upon the Church and her doctrines. How otherwise can error be refuted ? If we cannot reason upon matters of faith, what right have we " to attack others upon a matter with regard to which we think that we ought to be ourselves unassailed?" But, while vindicating and using reason and knowledge to the utmost, we must not think that faith reveals the beauty of the Lord only to those intellectually equipped for the vision. There is no aristocracy of knowledge or 56 882 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. of anything else in Christianity. The Spirit reveals himself to the childlike, and God is seen by the pure in heart. The heart is the center of theology. A holy life is more important than intellectual talents, and the feelings are an organ of God as well as the intel lect. " The more we feel of God the more we love him ; and with progress in the knowledge of him the flame of love grows brighter." Many ignorant people have fervid piety, and want only the ability to express the knowledge which inspiration bestows upon them. But out upon those teachers of theology who do not reform their lives ! Nothing shows more the modernness of Abelard's mind than his doctrine of the Scriptures. At a time when the views of the Church were utterly mechanical this great teacher had a truly living doctrine of inspiration. All Scripture is inspired. But there are degrees. All parts are not equally important for the same purpose. Errors and mistakes on unimportant matters are en tirely consistent with absolute truth in matters of faith and morals. The sum of the Gospel is faith, hope, and charity. These suffice for salvation. We must always distinguish between things essen tial and things comparatively trivial.1 Nor must the Church ele vate the Fathers practically above the Scriptures or the conscience. The Fathers have no more authority than the truth gives them, and they frequently erred and contradicted one another.2 If the Fathers were so frequently out of harmony with one another, why try to bring all men under the yoke of an artificial sameness of opinion ? Why not leave room for search and inquiry, and what right has one man to judge another ? God is the only judge of the conscience. With such a new note as this is it any wonder that this brilliant lecturer should draw thousands to the school of Notre Dame in Paris, and, when sins and misfortunes and cruelties and persecu tions had driven him into the wilderness, that innumerable stu dents flocked to him in the desert and covered the ground with their tents and huts ? No man in the twelfth century exercised a more quickening influence than Abelard, and if he had not in an evil moment thrown away his personal integrity in his sin with 1 This is his golden word : Sufficere saluti fortasse poterant ea, quae evange- lium de fide et spe et caritate tradiderat. s One of his most incisive works was his Sic et Non, in which he set forth the contradictions of the Fathers upon important matters of doctrine under rubrics. It was an epoch-making book, the prelude to the Reformation, of the time when men dared to appeal from tradition to reason, from names to facts. THOMAS AQUINAS. 883 Heloise it would have been hard to counteract his influence. Though he repented in sackcloth and ashes, and did all in his power to make reparation, yet that tragedy shadowed his life with an awful cloud and broke at once its unity, peace, and power. His opinions were condemned at the council of Soissons in 1121, and at the council of Sens in 1140. At this latter council the great prosecutor was St. Bernard of Clairvaux, who could neither under stand nor appreciate the position of Abelard. The pope indorsed the condemnation, though he afterward in a measure retracted the censure, and allowed the sad, disappointed scholar to end his days as the honored guest of Peter the Venerable, abbot of the monas tery at Clugny. There his life, now holy and beautiful, made a remarkable impression on Peter, who gave a striking account of his last days in a letter to Heloise, and who, for the benefit of his health, sent him to the priory of St. Marcel, near Chalons on the Saone, one of the most delightful situations in Burgundy. Here he died on April 21, 1142, in the sixty-fourth year of his age. Twenty years later the body of Heloise was laid beside his own, and in November, 1817, the coffin which contained their mingled dust was laid in the cemetery of Pere-la-Chaise in Paris. Abelard is often represented as a rationalist, in the modern sense, and Bernard is looked upon as a defender of precious truth against a reckless innovator. Cousin is in part responsible for this,1 and Remusat in his great monograph is always inclined to exaggerate the new elements of his subject's teaching, and even compares him to Voltaire." But nothing can be farther from the 1 Cousin calls Abelard the " father of modern rationalism." — Hist. Gen. de la Philos., Paris, 1837, p. 227. In his ed. of Abelard's writings Cousin places him side by side with Descartes and characterizes both thus: " With their native originality one finds a disposition to admire but moderately what had been done before them or was being done by others in their time, an inde pendence pushed often into a quarrelsome spirit, confidence of their own powers and contempt of their adversaries, more of consistency than of solidity in their opinions, more of acuteness than breadth, more of energy in the spirit and character than of elevation or profoundness of thought, more of ingenious contrivance than of common sense ; they abound in individual opinions, in stead of rising to the level of universal reason ; are obstinate, venturesome, innovating, revolutionary." — Ouvrages inedits d' Abelard, pp. cxcix, cc. 5 Vie d' Abelard, 2 vols., Paris, 1845, i, 270-273. Storrs, in his admirable Bernard of Clairvaux, N. Y, 1895, in the interest of an idealizing treatment of the monk— for his work is more a eulogy than a history— is disposed to disparage Abelard. Michelet's summary of Abelard's doctrines is an atro cious parody, and its effect is entirely false. See Michelet, Hist, de France, ii, 283-286 (Paris, 1835). Neander. iv, 373, ff., gives a reliable and objective summary. 884 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. truth than these gross representations. Although Abelard was in a true and noble sense an advocate of reason, that is, he held a place for reason and conscience in the investigation of ABELARD S r >....-. place of truth, he stood solidly on the Christian faith, and reason. vindicated it as revealed in the Scriptures, approved by the mind, and as verifying itself in the heart. He was never con scious of the slightest variation from the main doctrines of the Christian faith, though his principles did indeed contain the seeds of Protestantism. He never retracted nor explained away a line of his writings, and yet he was absolved by the pope, received as a saint and hero of the Church by one of the most orthodox of his contemporaries, Peter the Venerable, and all his writings show that the thought of taking any antagonistic attitude to the Church in its true and historic teaching, and in its moments of exalta tion, never entered his mind. It was rather as her defender that he loved to be considered. No doubt there were at times crudeness and extravagance of thought, and no doubt also the holy and hum ble Bernard, who could understand nothing except the stereotyped dogmas defended in a stereotyped way, was right in believing that Abelard's ideas, if carried out farther than Abelard was willing to carry them, were the earnest of a revolution. The two men occu pied different points of view, though both were equally zealous for truth. One represented tradition, the other reality ; the one found authority in the organization, the other found it in the reason. The greatest theologian of the Middle Ages, and, after Augus tine, the father of Roman Catholic theology, was Thomas of thomas Aquino, who was born of a noble family at Aquino, aquinas. near Naples, in 1225 or 1227, and died in the Cistercian convent of Fossa Nuova, near Terracina, on March 6, 1274. He entered the Dominican order much against the wishes of his parents.1 His life was spent entirely in teaching and study. At the universities of Cologne and Paris and at Naples, where he spent his last years, he was constantly engaged in lecturing on theology and related themes. He refused all ecclesiastical prefer ment, not wishing to be turned aside from his precious studies. " As rector of the university," says Neander, " during a very active life, and often traveling, he wrote in twenty years the greater part of his works, which treat a vast variety of subjects. It is said that he could dictate compositions on different subjects at the same 1 "We hear much nowadays from Roman Catholic writers about the sacred rights of parents, but the great Roman Catholic saints had supreme unconcern for their wishes even on matters affecting salvation. THOMAS AQUINAS. 885 time. It characterizes his theological speculations that he read daily some edifying books, for, as he expressed it, we should take care that nothing one-sided arise in our speculations. He used to begin his lectures and writings with prayer, and when in any in quiry he could find no solution he would fall on his knees and pray for illumination. While the originality and deep philosophy of his lectures brought a great multitude of hearers to him at Paris and Naples his sermons were so simple that the most uneducated could understand them. King Louis IX of France used to ask his advice in affairs of state. On one occasion he invited him against his will to dinner, when he was occupied with a very diffi cult inquiry. During the meal he became quite abstracted, and all at once cried out, ' Now at last I have found it ! ' His prior re minded him that he was seated at the king's table ; but the king immediately allowed his secretary to come and write down his thoughts." * In 1323 Thomas was canonized by John XXII, and no man ever more deserved the honor. In 1567 he was made doctor of the Church by Pius V, a dignity often misunderstood. It LE0 Im 0!t does not mean that the Church vouches for all the senti- st. thomas. ments of the man so honored, but that Bimply there is nothing specifically heretical in his writings, and that he stands forth as an eminent defender and expounder of the faith. In an encyclical dated August 4, 1879, Leo XIII recommended his works to the study of all Roman Catholic academies and theologians as the best antidote for false theories, and he mentions as his " chiefest and special honor, and one he shares not in common with any of the Catholic doctors, that the Tridentine Fathers in the midst of their conclave, for order's sake, desired to place the sermons of the Aquinate on the altar beside the books of sacred Scripture and the decrees of the sovereign pontiff, that they might seek therein counsel, guidance, and light." ' Leo requires that in all Catholic schools the study of philosophy and theology should be based on St. Thomas. It is the glory of Thomas, Doctor Angelicus, that by prayer, by the study of Holy Scripture, by a deference by no means slavish to previous theologians— for he frequently criticises them, and refers to Scripture texts more frequently than to them— he sought to establish the doctrine of the Roman Church on a rational and philosophical basis. The doctrinal creed of the 1 History of Dogma, ii, 543. • See this Encyclical in full in Talbot, Leo XIH : His Life and Letters, Bost., 1886, pp. 135-157. 886 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Church, so far as then established, Aquinas considers of absolute opinions or truth, though the arguments of Church teachers are aquinas. 0f oniv probable authority.1 His exegetical methods are good, and he emphasizes the fact that it is the literal sense of Scripture which must guide us in the first instance. Everything must be built upon that.2 But this devotion to the Scriptures does not help him, because they must be used in deference to the teadh- ing of the Church. We must distinguish between those doctrines which may be worked out by the reason and those which are only known by revelation. Reason can prove that God exists, but it cannot find out his attributes. Anselm's ontological argument is rejected, but various teleological and cosmological arguments are offered instead. As to the Trinity, it is absolutely impossible to arrive at it by the road of the reason, and he who attempts it dero gates from faith.3 He differs from his great teacher Albertus Magnus in holding that the world is not an emanation from God, but that it had its origin in God's will, although that will may have worked from eternity. He is not much better off, therefore, than Albertus. In fact, he inclines to believe that the world is eter nal, and his final word is : " It is credible that the world had a beginning, but it is neither demonstrable nor knowable." * As to the work of Christ, Aquinas holds that it was relatively, not absolutely, necessary. God might have found out another way. But since God chose this method it must be considered by far the most suitable, and we might say, from man's standpoint, necessary as well. In the doctrine of atonement he did not differ from Anselm. As to predestination, he held with Augustine, and thus we find the connecting link between the Catholic bishop of the fifth century and the Genevan Protestant of the sixteenth. In this he could have satisfied even the third chapter of the West minster Confession, for he held that not only are the elect and reprobate unchangeably designated from eternity, but that their number is also fixed, so that they can be neither increased nor diminished. But there is a merciful method in God's predetermin ing millions of souls to hell before they are born. He does not actually induce or influence them to sin, but simply withholds his grace, and man falls by his own will. Grace is absolutely neces sary to salvation. As to justification, he held with Augustine and 1 Summa Theol., i, quest, i, art. 8. 2 Omnes sensus Scriptures fundantur super unum sensum literalem ex quo solo potest trahi argumentum. — Ibid., art. 10. 3 Qui probare nititur Trinitatem personarum naturali ratione, fidei dero- gat.— Ibid., i, q. 32, art. 1. 4Ibid., i, 46, 2. THOMAS AQUINAS. 887 Catholic theology, that it is the infusion of divine grace inducing sanctification, and that man is justified by faith in the sense that in the act of faith is contained the admission that man is made righteous by the redemption of Christ. As to the merits of good works, he puts the matter with his usual clearness and discrimina tion, the mental processes of Aquinas working with all the precision of geometry : " A meritorious work of man may be considered in two aspects : first, as proceeding from the free will of man, and, secondly, as proceeding from the grace of the Holy Spirit. If it be considered from the first point of view there can be in it no merit of dignity or absolute desert, because of the inequality between man and God, whereby it is impossible for the creature to bring the Creator under absolute obligation. But if it be considered from the second point of view, as proceeding from the Holy Ghost, the work of man may have the merit of congruity or fitness, because it is fitting that God should reward his own grace as a thing excel lent in itself."1 Aquinas proved the necessity of the seven sacraments, and the immanence in them of the supernatural elements, and on all these doctrines, as well as on indulgences, intercession of saints, purga tory, and other tenets, he held the ordinary Roman Catholic teach ing. He had a very materialistic conception of the resurrection, the body in glory being the same as now, even to the hair and nails, all the senses in perfect activity, the whole somewhat etherealized, yet altogether tangible. It was a fundamental position of Aquinas that the truths of reason are essentially one with divine truth, be cause reason is itself from God. Both science and faith, therefore, have their inalienable rights. There is nothing in Christianity contradictory to reason, although it was necessary to the salvation of men that God should reveal certain things transcending the grasp of reason." Aquina's great opponent was Johannes Duns Scotus, born proba bly at Duns, Berwickshire, Scotland,3 in 1260 or 1274, and died at Cologne in the splendor of his popularity in 1308. He entered the Franciscan Order, lectured on philosophy 1 See Shedd, Hist, of Doctrine, ii, 330. 'Tennemann, Hist, of Philosophy, p. 266. The last complete ed. of the works of Aquinas was pub. at Parma, 1852-71, 25 vols., 4to. In 1882 a fine edition began in Rome under the patronage of Leo X1TI, edited by Zigliara. The elaborate Life by Vaughan, 2 vols., 1871, 1872, was abridged in 1 vol., Lond., 1875. 3 Some say at Dunstane, Northumberland, others at Dun (Down), in the north of Ireland. 888 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. and theology at Merton College, Oxford, to thirty thousand stu dents, so say the exaggerated reports of the times, and went to Paris in 1304. In 1308 he was sent to Cologne to preach against the Beghards, where his brilliant career was soon cut off by apoplexy. In Scotus, Aquinas had an opponent worthy of his steel. Equally devoted to the orthodoxy of the Church, he differed radically from many of the fundamental conceptions of the Italian. He said that Aquinas sought in speculation, instead of in practice, the foundation of theology. Theology rests on faith, and faith is not speculative, but practical, an act of the will. " Will," he says, " is the mover in the whole kingdom of mind, and all things are subject to it." All truth rests on the absolute will of God, that is, true or good because he commands it, and for no other reason. Duns really dis paraged reason, referring men to the absolute will of God, and thus he threw men back on the Church even more than did Aquinas, for only in the authority of the Church can we know the will of God.1 As God freely wills, so God intended that man should freely will. The will is entirely self-determined, and man can will against both reason and motive. Aquinas held that the Virgin inherited with all mankind the stain of original sin, but Duns contended against this so ably in Paris that in the enthusiastic imagination of his pupils her statue bowed to him as he passed through the hall to the cathedra. So consum mate was his criticism that he has been called the Subtle Doctor. The Jesuits took up the theories of Scotus and became the deter mined advocates of his doctrines on freedom and on the immacu late conception. In a superficial view Scotus may seem the more hopeful thinker, but the fine emphasis of Thomas on the sweet reasonableness of truth contains the larger promise. " The aim of the present occupant of the papal see to reinstate Aquinas in his former prestige," says Allen, "if it has any significance at all, indicates a purpose to overcome Jesuit influence, and to put the Church, as far as is allowable, in harmony with reason. For this purpose it may be that no better instrument could have been chosen than the revival of the study of Aquinas."2 1 The influence of the two contrary conceptions on history is well shown by Allen, in Continuity of Christian Thought, pp. 233, ff . 2 Continuity of Christian Thought, pp. 236, 237. Davidson rightly argues in Fort. Rev., N. Y., 1882, that Aquinas is hopelessly out of sympathy with mod ern thought. But thie is due to his system, his adherence to the Roman tradi tions, whereas in various implications he is inconsistent with this, and these noble inconsistencies, as Allen remarks, are what may render his renewed study a means of advance for Rome. LITERATURE: DANTE. LITERATURE : DANTE. I. BIBLIOGBAPHT. British Museum Catalogue. An entire section is devoted to Dante. n. BIOGRAPHICAL. 1. Balbo. Vita di Dante. 2 vols. Turin, 1839. 2. Aroux, Eugene. Dante heretiqne, revolutionnarie et Bocialiste. Paris, 1854. Clef de la comedie anti-catholique de Dante Alighieri. Paris, 1856. 3. Wegele, F. X. Dante's Leben und Werke, kulturgeschichtlich dargestellt. Jena, 1852. 4. Fraticelli, P. Storia della Vita di Dante. Florence, 1861. 5. Paur, T. Ueber die Quellen zur Lebensgeschichte Dantes. Gorlitz, 1862. 6. Scaitazzini, G. A. Dante e il suo seculo. Florence, 1865. Dante Alighi eri, seine Zeit, sein Leben, und seine Werke. Biel, 1869. 7. Ward, May Alden. Dante : a Sketch of his Life and Works. Bost., 1887. 8. Moore, Edward. Dante and his Early Biographers. Lond., 1890. m. EDITIONS OF THE DIVINA COMMEDIA. Lombardi, Baldassarre. 5 vols. Padua, 1822 ; Witte, Carl. Berlin, 1862 ; Bianchi, Brunone. Florence, 1863 ; Fiorente, Antonio. Bologna, 1866 ; Fraticelli, P. Florence, 1873 ; Camerini, Eugenio. Fol., Milan, 1880. IV. TRANSLATIONS OF THE DIVINA COMMEDIA. Boyd, Henry, 1785-1802; Wright, Ichabod, Lond., 1843; Carlyle, J. A. (In ferno, in prose), Lond. and N. Y., 1848; Cayley, C. B., Lond., 1851-55 ; Carey, Henry Francis, Lond., 1814, new ed., 1844 ; again, N. Y., 1865 ; new ed., rev. and enl. by Kuhns, N. Y., 1897 ; Parsons, T. W. (Inferno and Purgatorio), Bost., 1843, 1867 ; Longfellow, H. W., 3 vols., Bost., 1867 ; Norton, C. E. (Vita Nuova), Bost., 1867; (Divina Commedia), Bost., 1893-96, 3 vols. V. INTRODUCTIONS AND OTHER WORKS. 1. Witte, Carl. Ueber Dante. Breslau, 1831. Quando e da chi sia composto l'ottimo commento a Dante. Leipz., 1847. Dante und die italienische Frage. (Vortrag.) Halle, 1861. Dante Forschungen. Altes und Neues. Halle, 1869. 2. Ozanam, F. Dante et la philosophie catholique au triezieme siecle. Paris, 1845 ; Louvain, 1847. 3. Ruth, Emil. Studien iiber Dante Alighieri. Ein Beitrag zum Verstiindnisa der gottlichen Komodie. Tubingen, 1853. 4. Schlosser, F. C. Dante. Studien. Leipz., 1855. 5. Barlow, H. C. Critical Contributions to the Study of the Divina Com media. Lond., 1864. 6. Rossetti, Maria. A Shadow of Dante. Bost., 1872. 7. Lowell, James Russell. Essay on Dante, in his Among My Books, 2d series. Bost., 1876. 890 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 8. Botta, Vincenzio. Dante as Philosopher, Patriot, and Poet, with an Analy sis of the Divina Commedia. New York, 1865. 2d ed., Lond., 1887, un der the title, Introduction to the Study of Dante. 9. Hettinger, F. Dante's Divina Commedia, its Scope and Value. Trans, by H. S. Bowden, Lond., 1887. A useful compendium of Dante's opinions, illustrated with ample quotations. Roman Catholic standpoint. 10. Scartazzini, G. A. Abhandlungen iiber Dante Alighieri. Frankfort-a-M., 1880. Handbook to Dante. Bost., 1887. Transl., with notes, by Thomas Davidson. Dante-Handbuch. Einfuhrung in das Studium des Lebens und der Schrif ten Dante Alighieris. Leipz. , 1892. Trans. : A Companion Dante. Lond., 1893. 11. Church, R. W. Dante : an Essay. Lond., 1888. First pub. 1S50 ; later eds., 1854, 1878. 12. Blow, Susan E. A Study of Dante, with Introduction by W. T. Harris. 2d ed., N. Y., 1889. 13. Moore, Edward. Contributions to the Textual Criticism of the Divina Commedia. Cambridge, 1889. Contains results of collation of seventeen manuscripts of the Liferno, together with discussions of disputed read ings. 14. Oliphant, Margaret. The Makers of Florence. Lond., 1876; new ed., 1889. 15. Symonds, J. A. An Introduction to the Study of Dante. Lond., 1872; new ed., 1890. 16. Vernon, W. W. Readings in the Purgatorio of Dante, with Introduction by Dean R. W. Church. 2 vols. Lond., 1890. 17. Liddon, Henry P. Essays and Addresses. Lond., 1892. 18. Harris, W. T. Spiritual Sense of the Divine Comedy. New ed., Bost., 1896. The Italian Dante Society will issue, 1897, ff., in about twenty parts, H Codice Diplimatico Dantesco, — photographic facsimiles of all documents bear ing on the life and writings of Dante, with notes by Biagiand Passerini. The edition is limited to 300 copies, and is published by Hoepli, Milan. One of the largest collection of Dante books in the world is in Cornell University, Ithaca, N. Y. It was founded by the beneficence of Professor Willard Fiske. In 1897 a large addition was made to this magnificent collection, so that now the Fiske Dante Library numbers 6,000 volumes. It contains the Nido-Beatino edition of Dante, Milan, 1477-78, of which there is only one other copy in the United States. DANTE. 891 CHAPTER LII. DANTE. Hail poet, who for mortal men dost pour Strong wine of words that burn and sense that sears, Drawn from thy bleeding bosom's fiery core, And tempered with the bitter fount of tears. — Ennius. The Middle Ages are summed in Dante's Divine Comedy. Its life, its passion, its sin, its virtue, its ethics, the various phases of its history, its theology, and its learning, are all mirrored in Dante's immortal poem. The Commedia is a microcosm — a world within a world. To understand it is to understand the thirteenth century. Dante Alighieri, " that singular splendor of the Italian race," as Boccaccio, his first biographer, calls him, was born in May, 1265, in a house which is still shown in the Piazza di San Martino, Florence. The name Alighieri was from his father's great-grandmother. His father was a lawyer, and the poet's idealism and vivid imagination and his intense interest in affairs of state, came by nature. He became a pupil of Brunetto Latini, studied diligently the ancient authors, and Boccaccio tells us that, " taken by the sweetness of knowing the truth of the things concealed in heaven, and finding no other pleasure dearer to him in life, he left all other worldly care and gave himself to this alone ; and that no part of philosophy might remain unseen by him he plunged with acute intellect into the deepest recesses of theology, and so far succeeded in his design that, caring nothing for heat or cold, or watchings, or fastings, or any other bodily discomforts, by assiduous study he came to know of the divine essence and of the other separate intelligences all that the human intellect can comprehend." Another early biographer speaks of his "study of philosophy, of theology, astrology, arithmetic, his reading of history, the turning over many curious books, watch ing and sweating in his studies ;" and says that in this way he " ac quired the science which he was to adorn and explain in his verses." The old historian of Florence, Giovanni Villani, has left a picture of Dante's teacher in these words : "He was a great philosopher and consummate master of rhetoric, not only knowing how to speak veil but how to write well. He it was who explained the rhetoric of Tully and made the good and useful book called The Treasury, and The Little Treasury, and The Key of the Treasury, and other works 892 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. in philosophy and of vices and virtues, and he was secretary of our commune. He was a worldly man ; ' but we have made mention of him because he both began and directed the growth of the Floren tines, both in making them ready in speaking well and in know ing how to guide and direct our republic according to the rule of politics." Dante became thoroughly saturated with all the learning of the day, besides attaining some proficiency in music and painting. The eminent Dante scholar, Scartazzini, appeals to the best document we have as evidence of the- thoroughness of his training, " the man himself, as he appears in his works. There we see a man of information no less vast than profound ; a man possessing all the science of his time, accurate, and scrupulously exact in small dante's wide things as well as in great. There we find a proud-spir- learning. ited. man, nourishing in his soul the most overweening contempt for all that degrades or disgraces a man, not only in the eyes of his fellow-men, but also before his own internal judge. Here is a man of noble haughtiness, who renounces his dearest and sweetest hopes rather than humble himself before overbearing in justice. Here is a man who, being no ' timid friend of the truth,' openly manifests what ' to many is a savor of strong bitterness,' in order not to lose life among posterity." a " Here is a man," says Scartazzini, " who loves his own fame, indeed, but still more the good of his fellow-men, and who writes his immortal works in order to help them by withdrawing them from the state of misery and directing them toward the state of bliss. This man, we say, could not have been what he was if in his tender years anything had been neglected in his education. A field in which such fruits ripen must needs have been cultivated early with the greatest care and with the most tender and anxious solicitude." s Like all the great poets, Dante was a man of wide information and culture, in this respect most resembling Milton." ' With fine justice Dante, in spite of his affection for him, banishes him to hell. See Inf., xv, 22, ff., where there are some touching lines concerning his old teacher. Butler, in his edition of the Inferno, p. 174, note 30, says that the idea that Brunetto was Dante's teacher is a myth, "for which there is no evi dence." But in Inf., xv, 85, Dante expressly refers to him as his teacher of ethics, and Scartazzini is more reliable when, in his notes on the text and in his Dante Handbook, p. 26, he upholds the " myth." 2 Parad., xvi, 116-120. 3 Dante Handbook, pp. 28, 29. In the beginning of his Quaestio de Aqua et Terra Dante tells us that " from childhood up he was continually nurtured in the love of the truth." 4 Even Burns is no exception. The popular idea that he was an untutored DANTE. 893 When Dante was nine years of age he first set eyes on the "glorious lady of his heart, Beatrice," for whom he conceived an unquenchable Platonic affection, which he describes with exquisite beauty and pathos in his Vita Nuova, bkatrioe. and which he carried with him through life. It is Boccaccio, and not Dante, who tells us that Beatrice was the daughter of Folco Portinari, that she married de Bardi, and died in 1290, in her twenty-fourth year. Dante idealized her and made her the per sonification of divine wisdom, and as such she leads him through the glades of paradise. He himself married Gemma Donati, a member of one of the most powerful Guelph families of Florence, by whom he had six sons and one daughter. He took active part in the disturbed political world of Florence, though we cannot go into the details of the keen life and those bitter strifes which were characteristic of Florence for many years. After many honors and reverses he was banished, in January, 1302, and never after saw his native city. His final refuge was Ravenna, where, under the protection of Guido Novello da Polenta, he died, September 14, 1321. So late as May 27, 1865, his bones were accidentally dis covered in the wall of the Church of St. Francis, Ravenna, were identified beyond all doubt, and reburied there. Various efforts were made by Florence to recover the bones of the poet whom liv ing she had cast out. In 1864 the municipality of Florence made a final but noble and sad request " to obtain as a fraternal gift the restitution of the remains of Dante, and to be allowed to place on the spot where they had been preserved an inscription record ing the generosity of Ravenna and the gratitude of Florence." Ravenna again declined, and there the matter rests.1 It was not until 1830 that Florence raised a monument to her most illustrious son, completing the honor by a statue on the six hundredth anni versary of his birth. Dante's family became extinct in the six teenth century. To the Church historian perhaps the two works of Dante most plowman is no longer held. He was an enthusiastic student of the poets and of all the books he could get. As to Dante's wide reading, it is said that the Vulgate is quoted or referred to more than three hundred times, Vergil about two hundred, Ovid about one hundred, Cicero and Lucian about fifty each, Statins and Boethius between thirty and forty each, Horace, Livy, and Orosius between ten and twenty each, with a few scattered references, probably not exceeding ten in the case of anyone author, to Plato, Homer, Juvenal, Seneca, Ptolemy, JEsop, and St. Augustine. See Classical Studies of Dante, in Edin burgh Rev., April, 1895. 1 For the documents see the excellent book by Del Lungo, Dell' Esiho dio Dante, Florence, 1881. 894 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. interesting are the De Monarchia1 and the Commedia." The De Monarchia is an elaborate exposition of the true theory of Church and State. It is divided into three books : Whether a temporal the de mo- monarchy is essential for the well-being of the world ? narchia. Whether the Roman people assumed to itself by right the dignity of empire ? and Whether the authority of the monarch comes directly from God or from the vicar of God ? Dante an swers all these questions in the affirmative. The empire is the work of God as well as the Church, supreme in its own sphere, and Christ sanctioned it by being born in it and in suffering its sen tence through Pontius Pilate. The assertion of the Decretalists, that the Church is above the empire, is not to be received. These traditions came after the Church, and could not confer on the Church any rights not previously possessed. " If the Church had power to bestow authority on the Roman prince she would have it either from God, or from herself, or from some emperor, or from the universal consent of mankind, or at least of the majority of mankind. There is no other crevice by which this power could flow down to the Church. But she has it not from any of these sources." Dante proceeds to prove this declaration at length, and adds, "therefore she has it not at all."3 After fully vindicating the independence of the empire from the Church in the largest sense the author concedes that the emperor is still under spiritual obedience to the pope as a son to a father. The truth of the fact that the authority of the monarch springs immediately from God, says Dante, " must not be received so narrowly as to deny that in certain matters the Roman prince is subject to the Roman pontiff. For that happiness which is subject to mortality in a sense is ordered with a view to the happiness which shall not taste of death. Let, therefore, Csesar be reverent to Peter, as the firstborn son should be reverent to his father, that he may be illuminated with the light of his Father's grace, and so may be stronger to lighten the world over which he has been placed by him alone who is the Ruler of all things spiritual as well as temporal."4 This noble treatise is a landmark in history, for it founds a political theory on the basis of reason and historical fact. Some of its arguments are 1 Best ed. by Witte, 1863, 1867. 2 Best ed. by Scartazzini, 4 vols., Leipz., 1874, 1882, 1890. The best one-vol. ed., perhaps, is also by Scartazzini, Milan, 1894, rev. and enl., 1896. See The Nation, April 16, 1896, pp. 310, 311, and (for 4th vol. of larger ed.— Prole gomena), Church Quar. Rev., Lond., July, 1891, 358, ff. 3 De Mon., iii, 14 (transl. F. J. Church, Lond., 1879, pp. 118, 119). 4 Ibid., iii, 16 (p. 128). DANTE. 895 scholastic and obscure; its form is mediaeval, but, as Creighton says, a modern spirit of political dignity breathes through its pages.1 Dante's reward was to have his book condemned to the flames as containing heresies, and his bones came very near sharing the same fate." "The Divine Comedy lies before us," says Symonds, "let us uncover our heads, therefore, and cry in the great words of En- nius : ' Dantes poeta salve qui mortalibus Versus propinas flammeos medullitus.' This is the proper salutation for the man who fed his poem with the lifeblood and the marrow of his soul through years which made him gray and gaunt." 3 In some respects this is the greatest work of human genius. In the Middle Ages it stands in its grim and sad loneliness, gathering into itself all the burning THe divine significance of an epoch. Its force, its originality, its comedy. obscurity, its fullness of contemporary reference, its boldness in transfixing men still living, its terrible ethical judgments antici pating the day of doom and giving men their awards with all possible impartiality, the magnificent sweep of its imagination, its strange mixture of history and allegory, its sometime quiet beauty and its awful descriptions, like an Alpine rhododendron bloom ing on a glacier — this great and mighty work stands out by itself among all the creations of time. It created the Italian language, and still abides in its unchallenged supremacy over all other pro ducts of that poetic tongue. Church says : " It is the first Chris tian poem, and it opens European literature, as the Iliad did that of Greece and Rome. Like the Iliad, it has never become out of date; it accompanies in undiminished freshness the literature which it began."4 Like Paradise Lost, it is a work which could not have been produced except on Christian ground, and out of a 1 Hist, of Papacy During the Reformation, i, 31. ' The Monarchia was written during the descent of Henry VII into Italy, 1310-13. It was first printed at Basel by John Oporinus in 1559. See Scar tazzini, Dante Handbook, pp. 247-255. 3 Introduction to the Study of Dante, Lond., 1872, 3d ed., rev., 1893, p. 95. A work admirably done. The lines of Ennius are paraphrased by Sy monds, and stand at the head of this chapter. 4 Dante, and Other Essays, Lond. and N. Y., 1891, p. 2. See also p. 139. This is one of the noblest and finest essays in the English language. It was first pub. in The Christian Remembrancer, in Jan., 1850, was pub. separately in 1878, and in 1888 repub. with essays on Wordsworth and Sordello. Among all the so-called Introductions to Dante none is better than this classic essay by Dean Church. 896 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. heart essentially pure, which loved righteousness and hated in iquity.' It is born also out of sorrows, and, like a great nation, emerges from battles and cataclysms into the light.2 There have been three interpretations of the theological leanings of the Commedia. Some think that Dante was the forerunner of rationalism, out of sympathy with the Church, in league with wide spread anti-Catholic societies, a socialist and revolutionist. Gabrielle Rossetti, an Italian social reformer, broached this view in 1826, 3 and it has been ventilated in France, as we have seen,4 by Aroux, a Roman Catholic and a translator of the Commedia. So far as this view brings out the immense political importance of Dante's conceptions and his profound interest in political affairs there is much truth in it; but as an explanation of Dante's real relation to the Church it is a wild perversion of the facts. A second view has more apparent truth, but also does great injustice to the Florentine poet. This represents him as a Protestant of the dante's the- thirteenth century who boldly grappled with the errors ology. 0f the papacy and was the herald of the reform move ments of the sixteenth century. Matthias Flacius, the first 1 On account of the thoughtless slanders of some of the fierce enemies of Dante in that stormy age some modern scholars have constructed a theory of Dante's life entirely false and psychologically impossible. Davidson is a recent one of these in his notes to Scartazzini's Dante Handbook, pp. 225, ff., notes, although Scartazzini himself repudiates these gratuitous misinterpretations, pp. 222, ff. But Davidson destroys his own reasoning in saying of Carlyle that " he was of all modern men the most like to Dante," than which there could not be, in some qualities of mind and genius, a juster comparison. 3 Not of personal participation in sins and vices, but in sorrows, disappoint ments, exiles, political and social conflicts. And so Carlyle says in words which Davidson has strangely misapplied : " The Divine Comedy is at bottom the sincerest of aU poems ; sincerity we here, too, find to be the measure of worth. It came out of the author's heart of hearts ; and it goes deep, and through long generations, into ours. The people of Verona, when they saw him on the streets, used to say, ' Eccovi l'uom ch' e stato all' Inf ero ' — See, there is the man that was in hell ! Ah, yes, he had been in hell — in hell enough, in long, severe sorrow and struggle, as the like of him is pretty sure to have been. Commedias that come out divine are not accomplished other wise. Thought, true labor of any kind, highest virtue itself, is it not the daughter of Pain ? Born as out of a black whirlwind ; true effort, in fact, as of a captive struggling to free himself ; that is Thought. In all ways we are ' to become perfect through suffering.' " Heroes and Hero- Worship, Lecture iii (Works, E. & L. ed., Bost., 1885, vol. i, pp. 319, 320). 3 Commento Analitico to the Comedy. He defended his theory in Sullo Spirito antipapale che produsse la Reforma e sulla Influenza che esercito nella Letteratura di tutta l'Europa, e principalmente d'ltalia, 1830. On Bos- setti's Dante studies, see Karl Witte, Rossetti's Dante-Erklarung, in Dante- Forschungen, i, 96-133. * Above, p. 889. DANTE. 897 Lutheran Church historian, places him among the noble Four Hundred and Twenty Witnesses of Evangelical Truth in the Dark Ages, and quotes some passages from the Commedia and the Mo narchia which he thinks bear out his view. This use of the Commedia as a controversial weapon for Protes tantism is one of the striking features of Church history. It was by this means that a French nobleman, Francois Perot de Mezieres, endeavored to win the Italians to the Reformation, and the great Huguenot diplomat and theologian, Philippe de Mornay du Plessy Marly, brought Dante to the front as a witness against popery.' In our own century Goeschel and Karl Graul have defended the same thesis. Some have interpreted the Greyhound (Veltro), whom Dante prophesied as a future reformer, as an anagram for the name of Luther (Lutero), although it is likely that by this he meant his friend and patron, Can Grande della Scala of Verona, the head of the Ghibelline party in Lombardy, and vicar of the German emperor, Henry VII." It is true that no bolder voice was ever raised against papal corruptions than Dante's, and as an ethical reformer and protester against the abuse of authority on the part of the pope his words have a true Protestant ring. He meets the popes in hell, and lets them accuse themselves out of their own mouths. Nicholas III testifies of the guilt of simony, and says there were around him numerous " predecessors " in the same corruption. The great Pope Boniface VIII is overwhelmed with Dante's heavy indignation, because he used the papacy as a means of political tyranny, and thus brought himself under the poet's especial wrath. He calls him "wolf," "chief of the New Pharisees," "he who sits and swerves," and in a noble passage he strikes his and all baseness in high places. Let us read this in the fine prose-poem translation of Carlyle : " Ah ! Now tell me how much treasure our Lord required of St. Peter before he put the keys into his keeping ? Surely he de manded naught but ' Follow Me ! ' Nor did Peter, nor the others, ask of Matthias gold or silver when he was chosen for the office which the guilty soul had lost. Therefore stay thou here, for thou art justly punished; and keep well the ill-got money, which against Charles made thee be bold. And were it not that reverence for the great keys thou heldest in the glad life yet hin ders me, I should use still heavier words ; for your avarice grieves the world, trampling on the good and raising up the wicked. Shepherds such as ye the evangelist perceived when she that sitteth 1 See his Mystery of Diiquity, pub. in 1611. ! Schaff, Dante's Theology, in Papers of Amer. Soc. of Ch. Hist., ii, 54. 57 898 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. on the waters was seen by him committing fornication with the kings ; she that was born with seven heads, and in her ten horns had a witness so long as virtue pleased her spouse. Ye made a god of gold and silver ; and wherein did ye differ from the idolater, save that he worships one, and ye a hundred?" ' This magnificent denunciation is paralleled by another shaft of glorious anger in which Peter himself flames out against the guilty pope and the whole heavens redden with shame at the memory of his crimes. Standing in the ninth sphere of paradise, above the fixed stars, St. Peter, flaming with a sudden redness, cries : "He who usurps on earth below my place — My place, my place, the which is void and empty Before the presence of the Son of God — Hath made my sepulcher a sink Of blood and stench ; whence comes it that the rebel Who fell from hence is glad in hell and triumphs ? Even such color as the smiting sun Doth paint on clouds of evening or of noon, I then beheld the whole of heaven o'erspread ; And as a pure-souled lady who remains Whole in her virtue, for another's fault, Only to hear of it, is ta'en with fear ; So Beatrice changed semblance where she stood. Eclipse like this, methinks, was once in heaven When the supreme Power suffered." ' It must be confessed that Dante handles ecclesiastics and monks without gloves. On the door of a sepulchral monument in hell he notices the inscription : ' ' I have in charge Pope Anastasius, whom Photinus drew From the right path." ' And near him lay the Lord Cardinal Ubaldini, who said, " If there is such a thing as a human soul, I have lost mine." The special favorites of the pope, the friars, are in dolorous grief in hell: " There in the depths we saw a painted tribe, Who paced with tardy steps around, and wept, Faint in appearance, and o'ercome with toil. Caps they had on, with hood that fell low down Before their eyes, in fashion like to those 1 Inf., xix, 90-114 ; transl. by J. A. Carlyle, M.D., Lond., 1849. This is one of the best translations of Dante, and it is matter of regret that the author did not receive encouragement enough to proceed with the other parts of the poem. 5 Paradiso, xxvii, 23-36 ; trans, by J. A. Symonds, in Intrpd. to Study of Dante, pp. 146-148. 3Inf.,xi, 8, 9. DANTE. 899 Worn by the monks in Cologne. Their outside Was overlaid with gold, dazzling to view, But leaden all within, and of such weight That Frederick's, compared to these, were straw. 0 everlasting wearisome attire ! " ' When he asked his guide concerning a large group of shaven heads he answered : " To the Church Were separate those, that with no hairy cowls Are crowned popes and cardinals, o'er whom Avarice dominion absolute maintains." He bewails the temporal power in the hands of the papacy, as in his oft-quoted line on " Constantine's Donation," a and in these plain terms : " The Church of Rome, Mixing two governments that ill assort, Hath missed her footing, fallen into the mire, And there herself and burden much defiled." And he bursts out in bitter grief over Italy's fate under such leader ship : " Ah, slavish Italy 1 Thou inn of grief 1 Vessel without pilot in a loud storm I Lady no longer of fair provinces, But brothel house impure. Ah, people ! Thou obedient still shouldst live, If well thou markedst that which God commands I " 3 But it was only in the matter of the worldly dominion of the pope that Dante departed from mediaeval Catholicism. In most other respects he was a loving child of the Church. There are no 'Inf., xxiii, 58-67. 2 " Ah, Constantine ! of how much ill was mother, Not thy conversion, but that marriage-dower Which the first rich Father took from thee I "—Inf., xix, 115-117. Longfellow quotes from Gower, Confessio Amantis, Prologus : " The patrimonie and the richesse Which to Silvester, in pure almesse, The firste Constantinus lefte." In the De Monarchia, iii, x, Dante argues, assuming, of course, the genuineness of the supposed " Donation," that if the cession of land to the Church impaired in any way the unity and strength of the empire, such gift was null and void. Besides, it is impossible for the Church to receive temporal power. But things that did not impair " his supreme lordship " the emperor could bestow and the Church could receive, but she could receive them only as a steward to dispense the fruits of them to the poor of Christ. Milton quotes the lines of Dante above in Of Reformation in England, and also has no doubt about the genuineness of the Donation. Laurentius Valla had already exploded the fiction in 1440. 3 Purg-, vi, 76-78, 93. 900 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. distinctive Protestant principles in his writings, such as the Bible as the only rule of faith, justification by faith, private judgment, and the priesthood of the laity. Against these and other essential Protestant principles he stands on the Roman Cath olic side. That view, therefore, of Dante's theology which looks upon him as the devout Roman Catholic poet of the Middle Ages, standing fast within the pale of the current dogma, but within those lines representing rare freedom of judgment and breadth of view and in some points anticipating the latter day, is the correct one. This is the opinion of most Dante scholars, both Roman Catholic and Protestant — Giuliani, Ozanam, Artaud, de Montor, Boissard, Phi- lalethes, Wegele, Gietmann, Hettinger, Scartazzini. As Schaff well says : " Dante is the poet of mediaeval Catholicism. His poetry reflects the theology of St. Thomas Aquinas and St. Ber nard — that is, orthodox scholasticism and orthodox mysticism com bined. The Commedia is a poetic transfiguration of mediseval theology and piety. He worked into it all the subtilties of scho lastic speculation and all the warmth of mystic devotion to the very height of the beatific vision. He is a strong believer in the fundamental doctrines of the Trinity and incarnation, and in all the articles of the ecumenical faith from creation to life everlast ing. He clothes these truths in the shining garb of poetic beauty, and impresses them all the more deeply on the mind. To a devout student the Divina Commedia is a powerful sermon accompanied by solemn organ music. Neither Milton, nor Klopstock, nor any other poet, Roman Catholic or Protestant, can equal him in the poetic vindication and glorification of our common Christian faith."1 Dante holds strongly to the doctrines of purgatory, wor ship of saints, the divinity of the papacy/ and other special Roman tenets. The unbaptized are excluded from heaven, Peter is exalted as the founder of the Roman Church, and heretics are sent to the sixth circle of hell. 1 Dante's Theology, in Proc. Amer. Soc. of Ch. Hist., ii, 55-56. See some excellent remarks by Church, pp. 127-130. 2 With all his scorn of Boniface he cannot bear to see him maltreated, as when he was captured by Nogaret and the Colonnas. It is an indignity to Christ himself. " I see the flower-de-luce Alagna enter, And Christ in his own vicar captive made. I see him yet another time derided ; I see renewed the vinegar and gall, And between living thieves I see him slain.'' — Purg., xx, 86-90 (Longfellow's transl.). DANTE. 90i A supreme religious intent pervades the Commedia. It was in deed a glorious offering to the Church for the salvation of men. It is an overwhelming sermon. The author sought to draw men's minds from the engrossing occupations of earth, from its sins and crimes, to make them see for themselves the retributions of eter nity, to show them the beauty of Christian love and the rewards which God gives to faithful merit, and to foreshadow a regener ated commonwealth and a transfigured Church. In the admirable words of Scartazzini, the Commedia is the " great epopsea of the civil and political regeneration of the nations and of the redemp tion of sinful man." ' It is the grandest legacy of the Middle Ages. Although he was an exile from his own state, Dante has redeemed his epoch for later generations, and treasured up all its best in eth ics and theology and learning and civil polity for the use of man kind in all the following ages. Reader, open the book for thyself^ and follow the intrepid poet on his matchless way through all the spheres. ¦Dante Handbook, p. 280. On the practical intent of the Comedy, see Church, Dante, pp. 126, 127. 902 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : THE JEWS DURING THE MIDDLE AGES. I. GENERAL WORKS. 1. Jost, J. M. Geschichte der Israeliten seit der Maccabaer bis auf unsere Tage. 10 vols. Berl., 1820-47. Geschichte des Judenthums und seiner Sekten. 3 parts. Leipz., 1857-59. 2. Kalkar, C. H. Israel und die Kirche. Geschichtlicher Ueberblick der Bekehrungen der Juden zum Christenthum in alien Jahrhunderten. (German trans.) Hamb., 1869. 3. Milman, H. H. History of the Jews. 3 vols. Lond., 1829 ; 4th ed., rev., 1866. N. Y., 1875. 4. Gratz, Hirsch. Geschichte der Juden von den altesten Zeiten bis auf die Gegenwart. 12 vols. Berl., 1854-75. New ed. now appearing, to be completed in 100 parts. English transl. now appearing, 6 vols. , Phila, 5. Magnus, Lady. Outline of Jewish History B.C. 586 to C.E. 1885. Lond.,1886. 6. Zunz, L. Die Synagogal-Poesie des Mittelalters. 2 parts. Berl., 1855-59. n. THE JEWS IN EUROPEAN LANDS. 1. Beugnot, A. A Des Juifs d'Occident. Paris, 1824. 2. Lindo, H. History of the Jews of Spain and Portugal from the Earliest Times to their Expulsion. Lond., 1848. 3. Bedarride, Jasuda. Les Juifs en France, en Italie, et en Espagne. Paris, 1859 ; 3d ed., 1867. 4. Kayserling, M. Geschichte der Juden in Portugal. Leipz., 1867. 5. Mocatta, F. D. Jews in Spain and Portugal and the Inquisition. Lond., 1877. 6. Lowe, W. H. The Memorbuch of Niirnberg. Camb., 1881. Relates to the persecution of the Jews in 1349. 7. Abrahams, B. L. Expulsion of the Jews from England in 1290. Oxf., 1895. 8. Berliner, A. Aus den letzten Tagen des romischen Ghetto. Berl., 1886. 9. Goldschmidt, S. Geschichte der Juden in England von den altesten Zeiten bis zu ihrer Verbannung. (Part i, 11-12 Century.) Berl., 1886. 10. Maulde-la-Claviere, R. de. Les Juifs dans les etats francais du Saint-Siege au moyen-age : documents pour servir a I'histoire des Israelites et de la Papaute. Paris, 1886. 11. Simon, Joseph. Histoire des Juifs de Nimes au moyen-age. Nimes, 1886. 12. Mediasval Jewish Chronicles and Chronological Notes. Ed. by Ad. Neu- bauer. (Anecdota Oxoniensia.) Oxf. , 1887. 13. Rodocanachi, E. Le Saint-Siege et les Juif s : le Ghetto de Rome. Paris, 1891. 14. Hebraisehe Berichte iiber die Judenverf olgungen wahrend der Kreuzzuge . . . herausgegeben von A. Neubauer und M. Stern, ins Deutsche iiber setzt von S. Baer. Berl., 1892. 15. Jacobs, Jos. The Jews of Angevin England. Documents and records from Latin and Hebrew sources . Lond., 1893. An interesting and val uable work, taking the history down to 1206 A. D. 16. Stern, M. Urkundl. Beitrage ii. d. Stellungd. Papste zud. Juden. Kiel, 1893. 17. Philipson, D. Old European Jewries. Phila., 1894. THE JEWS. 903 CHAPTER LIII. THE JEWS. The Fathers of the ancient Church breathe a tolerant spirit to ward the Jews. They taught that the crime of the crucifixion of Christ, for which the elders and a part of the population of Jerusa lem were guilty, was not one which should burden the Jewish race forever, but that Christ's prayer for forgiveness restored them in a sense to the favor of God ; that Peter, like his Master, excused their sin by their ignorance ; that Israel remains the chosen people, be cause God does not recall his election ; and that when the fullness of the Gentiles shall arrive, the then believing Israel shall also come in to form one united community. Origen, whom Dollinger calls the " best informed and most intellectual of the earlier Fathers," has this hopeful word for the Jews : " They are, and ever will remain, our brethren, and will in due time be united to us, whenever we, through our faith and life, shall have roused them to emulation to us." Even Augustine spoke in a similar strain. But that early promise was not kept by the riper Church ; for, after the nominal conversion of Europe, the Jews began to feel the iron of Christian persecution, and entered upon the long and bitter era which forms one of the darkest stains upon the escutcheon of Christian history. Ambrose pronounced the burning of a Jewish synagogue in Rome a deed well pleasing to God, and charged the emperor Maximus with being a Jew because he commanded the synagogue to be rebuilt. Theodosius II, in 439, excluded the Jews from all offices, even municipal, and this code was adopted by Justinian, and thus be came a law for the Eastern as well as the Western empire. How ever, the governing power protected them more or less, and it was not until the close of the eleventh century that the darkest page in the history begins. This era of religious wars naturally brought the Jews within the scope of the crusading fanaticism, which the first crusaders well illustrated by their wholesale murders and robberies, and which the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem exemplified by celebrat ing its inauguration by burning the Jewish inhabitants, together with their synagogues. Stephen VI (885-891) departed from the spirit of his supposed predecessor, St. Peter, in his letter to the Archbishop of Narbonne. He was scandalized by the report that the Jews, those enemies of God, were possessed, by the grant of the king, of 904 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. freehold estates (allodium), and that Christians had social and com mercial intercourse with those dogs from whom God himself, in punishment for the death of Christ, had withdrawn all his favors and promises. The direct contradiction of this to the teachings of Christ and the apostles did not seem to trouble his holiness. In POPES FAVOR- r ing persecu- spite of occasional prohibitions on the part of popes tion. against baptizing the Jews by force, robbing and mur dering them, these crimes went forward, very often with the papal consent. Kings and nobles oppressed and spoiled them to their hearts' content, without any objection from the popes. In fact, when Philip Augustus carried out his cruel measures against the Jews, Celestine III praised him as acting out of godly zeal.' As Dollinger well says : " The declaration of Innocent III that the entire nation was destined by God on account of its sins to perpetual slavery was the Magna Charta continually appealed to by those who coveted the possessions of the Jews and the earnings of their industry ; both princes and people acted upon it. The impression which it made was not mitigated by the circumstances that the popes grounded their occasional letters of protection solely on the prophecy that a remnant would remain who would be converted in the latter days. Such a fragment of Judaism would certainly, it was supposed, never fail to be found, if not in Europe, yet at any rate in Asia. The succeeding popes took their stand upon the maxims and be hests of Innocent III. If the Jews built themselves a synagogue it was to be pulled down ; they might only repair the old ones. No Jew might appear as a witness against a Christian. The bishops were charged to enforce the wearing of the distinctive badge — the hat or the yellow garment — by all the means in their power. The wearing of the badge was particularly cruel and oppressive, for in the frequent tumults and risings in the towns the Jews, being thus recognizable at a glance, fell all the more easily into the hands of the excited mob ; and if a Jew undertook a journey he inevitably became a prey to the numerous bandits and adventurers, who natu rally considered him as an outlaw. In Spain the Jews had conse quently gained permission to dress as they pleased upon a journey, but the permission was very soon withdrawn." a Both popes and councils, to say nothing of kings, made it almost impossible for the Jews to carry on their wretched existence. A Christian was forbidden to let or sell a house to a Jew or to buy wine 1 Revue des etudes Juives, i, 118 (Paris, 1880). 5 The Jews in Europe, in Studies in European Hist., Lond., 1890, p. 219. Amedor de los Rios, Hist, de los Judios de Espafia, iii, 412 (Dollinger). THE JEWS. 905 from him. All copies of the Talmud and commentaries upon it, the greatest part of Jewish literature, were ordered to be burned, and in 1244 twenty-four cartsful of the Talmud were publicly burned in Paris. The Jews were treated as serfs, and in 1223 Louis VII of France remitted to his subjects all their debts to the Jews. Thomas Aquinas laid down the doctrine that, inasmuch as the persecution Jews were condemned by God to perpetual bondage, BY balers. princes could dispose of their property as though it were their own.' Is it any wonder that unscrupulous princes in a rapacious age should eagerly avail themselves of such an abominable teaching by claiming both the property and persons of the Jews ? Conrad IV called them " bond servants of our treasury," and said that the em peror Titus had made a present of them to the imperial treasury, and certain poor Jews themselves once addressed a letter to the council of Ratisbon, urging their relation to the emperor as slaves in order that he might prevent total extermination by the Chris tians and preserve them in remembrance of the passion of Christ. "You yourselves," said the emperor, Charles IV, to the Jews, " your bodies and your possessions, belong to us and to the empire. We may act, make, and do with you what we will and please." ' In return for this the emperor guaranteed them certain privileges, and at the expiration of the time for which these privileges were granted a renewal of the right to live could only be bought at an exorbi tant price. The council of Vienna in 1267 decreed that no Jew could be tol erated in a bath house, tavern, or inn, and that no Christian could buy meat of a Jew, since the Jew might poison him. The synod of Salamanca (1335) warned the people against Jewish physicians, who offered their services with the crafty design of exterminating the Christians. It was a widespread mediseval fable that the Jews needed Christian blood either for their paschal feast or for other reasons, and that to secure it they murdered a boy every year. Many believed that a Christian was yearly crucified in mockery of the Redeemer. Under this awful load of prejudice, bigotry, selfish ness, misrepresentation, and dark imaginings, is it any wonder that the mediseval period was the age of the Reign of Terror to the Jews? The whole history of the persecution of the Jews is a terrible in dictment of the Roman Catholic Church and of medi- Dollinger's aaval civilization, those " Ages of Faith " to which the testimony. longing of many devout souls, perplexed by the doubts of modern times, goes back. " For nearly a thousand years," says Dollinger, 1 De regimine Judceorum ad Ducissam Brabantiie, in Opp., xvi, 192. ¦ Hegel, Chroniken der deutschen Stadte, i, 26. 906 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. " the outward history of the Jews is a concatenation of refined op pression, of degrading and demoralizing tortures, of coercion and persecution, of wholesale massacre, and of alternate banishment and recall. European nations seem to have emulated one another in seeking to verify the delusion that to the end of time the Jews were destined by the counsels of Heaven to endure the fate of Helots, and that the sons of the Gentiles were called upon to act the part of jailers and executioners toward God's chosen people. They were felt to be indispensable, they were found useful in many ways, and yet none would tolerate them. The very sight of them was an irri tation to the sight of an assured believer, to whom the persistence of a Jew in the creed of his fathers against the light of the Gospel seemed to proceed from malicious obstinacy.'" It is pleasant to notice some bright aspects to this dark history. It seems that in the papal province of Avignon the Jews had not only no annoyance from their Christian neighbors, but that the papal legislature was most liberal toward them, allowing them ab solute liberty of worship and the management of schools, while the Jews returned this respect for their rights by a loyal devotion to the papal government.2 Even here, however, they had to wear a distinctive dress. Under the Moorish government in Spain, also, the condition of the Jews was tolerable. Their synagogues elected their own judges to represent them before the authorities, their schools flourished, and in the practice of medicine they obtained renown. Under the Christian kings of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries they rose to influence as financial advisers, treasurers, astronomers, and physicians. But in the fourteenth century this hardly bought toleration was swept away, and darkness came again. The Jews were attacked, mur- persecution dered, their synagogues burned, the alternative, "bap- in fourteenth tism or exile, " was placed before them, thousands ac- centurt. cepting one and thousands the other, and finally an edict was issued banishing all the Jews from Spain. Of the exiles, vari ously reckoned from one hundred and seventy thousand to four hundred thousand, the greater part perished from pestilence, star vation, or shipwreck. In this glorious Spain, where, Ranke says, the doctrine of justice was so assiduously studied, the right to strip the outcast Jews of their possessions was proved out of the teaching of Innocent III, who echoed the divine voice to the effect that the Jews were in a state of slavery ; out of the decretals of Alexander ' The Jews in Europe, p. 238. ¦ This is shown by M. de Maulde in Revue des Etudes Juives, No. 14, Jan., 1884. THE JEWS. 907 III forbidding converted Jews to be despoiled, whence it fol lowed that the unconverted might be plundered ; and by the de cretals of Clement III forbidding the confiscation of their property except by the permission of the governing powers, which permis sion, gladly given, rendered the act legal.' A charge by which it was sought to justify the hatred of the Christians toward the Jews was that they were usurers, loaning money on interest. The charge was true, and yet the inference drawn from it was false. On a misinterpretation of Luke vi, 35, 3 popes and cardinals had, since the eighth century, with in creasing vehemence condemned anyone who should lend capital at interest, though in the early Church only ecclesiastics were forbidden by ecclesiastical penalties to receive interest. The Fathers, however, united in bitterly denouncing anyone, layman or clergyman, guilty of a practice strictly forbidden, as they said, by both Moses and Christ, and against the Christian law of love.' Alexander III, 1179, declared that the prohibition of interest could never be suspended by dispensation, and at the coun cil of Vienna, in 1311, Clement V said that to assert that the taking of interest was not sinful was heresy. " In this way," says Dollinger, " the Church had placed herself in opposition to natural laws, to the exigencies of civil life, and to the general intercourse of mankind. But it was one thing to prohibit, it was quite an other to insist that her subjects should advance their money without interest. With the general deficiency of ready money at a time when no remedy existed for the steady decrease in the supply of gold and silver, everyone, from the highest to the lowest, was fre quently in the predicament of being required to borrow money, and since money-dealing was strictly forbidden to Christians, and could only be carried on by them under cover of many formalities and in roundabout ways, the Jews, who were debarred from all other lines of industry and situations in life, here stepped in."4 This greatly enraged the Church, and Innocent III decreed that the Jews should return the interest they had received, and that, if they refused, they should be boycotted by the Christians, that is, 1 Paramo, de Origin, off. s. Inquisitionis, 164 ; Dollinger, I. c, p. 232, note. a Notice the Revised Version, "Lend, never despairing," with the margin, " some ancient authorities read, despairing of no man." 3 See Mullinger, Usury, in Smith and Cheetham. Buskin stands with the early Church as to this. 4 Jews in Europe, p. 225. The Jews were not allowed to own land, the guilds and labor societies kept them out of trade, and thus they were shut in to mer cantile life, in which the law of necessity working through many centuries has made them the experts of the world. 908 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. be given over to starvation. But how could the Christians them selves be saved from guilt? If it was wrong to receive interest it was equally wrong to give it ; and yet popes, cardinals, and bishops were compelled to borrow money, and the whole organization of the curia was so constituted that it was absolutely necessary to have re course to the Jews. Here the casuists came in to give relief to the conscience; they said that the Jews were lost anyway, and therefore it makes no difference what additions are made to their sins ; and the Christians who borrow are excused on the plea of necessity. But these prohibitions availed nothing. The Christians themselves loaned money on interest and often on worse terms than the Jews. The Cahorsines, the Lombards, and the Italian bankers carried on financial operations throughout Europe ; nor did they shine in their unselfishness by the 6ide of the oppressed Jews. In 1352 Ludwig, the Brandenburger, son of the emperor Ludwig, publicly invited the Jews to settle in the country, free of taxation, because, " since the time of the destruction of the Jews," that is, since the massacre of 1348, " there prevails a scarcity of money amongst the rich and poor throughout the land." ' On matters of general morality, excepting, of course, the conven ient charges of avarice and usury, the Jews of the Middle Ages were patterns to the Christian. Among all the fierce denuncia tions of mediseval Christian literature no impeachment of their morals appears. They were temperate, pure in their domestic and social relations, and kept their faith in contracts. They never tried to proselyte. In fact, the Talmud discouraged this when it said that proselytes were as injurious to Judaism as ulcers to a healthy body. The history of the Jew in the Middle Ages entirely justifies the assertion of Dollinger, that "thirteen centuries cry to us with a thousand tongues, ' The Christian has made the Jew what he is. ' " It also justifies the sad remark of a rabbi to a Christian when the Jews of Spain were to be uprooted and expelled : " We are a blessed and an accursed race at the same time. You Christians now seek to exterminate us, but you will not succeed, for we are blessed; the time will come when you will endeavor to raise us up, but neither in that will you succeed, for we are accursed." s 1 Dollinger, Jews in Europe, pp. 228, 229. 2 Ibid., p. 239 ; H. Thiersch, Ueber den christlichen Staat, Berl., 1875, p. 69. In his article on the "Judenhass in History," in Studies in Eccl. History, Lond., 1884, pp. 228, ff., Oxenham (R. C.) tells of the atrocities of his Church with the coldness of a medical lecturer, and has no word of compassion for the victims. How different from the Old Catholic scholar of Munich! LITERATURE: HYMNOLOGY. 909 LITERATURE : HYMNOLOGY. I. GENERAL WORKS: DICTIONARIES, AND OTHER WORKS OF REFERENCE. 1. Fischer, A. F. W. Kirchenlieder-Lexicon. Gotha, 1878. 2. Kuemmerle, S. Encyklopadie der evangelischen Kirchenmusik. 4 vols. Gutersloh, 1888-95. 3. Julian, John. A Dictionary of Hymnology, setting forth the origin and history of Christian Hymns of all ages and nations. Lond. andN. Y., 1892. n. GENERAL WORKS : HISTORIES OF HTHNOLOGT. 1. Cunz, F. A. Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenlieds. 2 vols. Leipz., 1855. 2. Wackernagel, Philipp. Bibliographic zur Geschichte des deutschen Kirch enlieds in xvi Jahrhundert. Frankf., 1855. Das deutsche Kirchenlied von der altesten Zeit bis zum Anfang des xvii Jahrhundert. 5 vols. Leipz., 1864-77. 3. Kuebler, Theo. Historical Notes to the Lyra Germanica. Lond., 1865. 4. Neale, J. M. Ecclesiastical Latin Poetry, in Thompson's History of Roman Literature. 5. Winkworth, Cath. Christian Singers of Germany. Lond., 1869. 6. Bovet, Felix. Histoire du Psautier des Eglises reforme*es. Neuchatel, 1872. 7. Koch, E. E. Geschichte des Kirchenlieds und Kirchengesangs. 3d ed., 8 vols. Stuttg., 1866-76. 8. Douen, 0. Clement Marot et le Psautier huguenot. 2 vols. Paris, 1878, 1879. 9. Duffield, S. W. Latin Hymn Writers and their Hymns. Edited by B. E. Thomson. N. Y., 1890. 10. Wolfram, Ph. Die Entstehung und erste Entwicklung des deutschen evangelischen Kirchenlieds in musikalischer Beziehnng. Leipz., 1890. 11. Selborne, Earl of. Hymns : their History and Development in the Greek and Latin Churches, Germany, and Great Britain. Lond., 1892. En larged from art. Hymns, in Encyc. Brit., 9th ed. Edinb., 1881. 12. Gourmont, Remy de. Le Latin mystique. Les poetes de I'Antiphonaire et la Symbolique au moyen-age. Paris, 1893. 13. Nutter, Charles S. Historic Hymnists. Bost., 1893. m. COLLECTIONS OF HYMNS. 1. Williams, Isaac. Hymns from the Parisian Breviary. Lond., 1839. 2. Caswall, Edward. Lyra Catholica. Lond., 1849. 3. Stevenson, J. Latin Hymns of the Anglo-Saxon Church. (Surtees Soc.) Lond., 1851. 4. Mone, F. J. Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters. 3 vols. Freib. i. B., 1853. 910 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 5. Daniel, H. A. Thesaurus Hymnologicus. 5 vols. Leipz., 1841-56. 6. Massie, Richard. Lyra Domestica. Lond., 1860. Again, with additional selections, by F. D. Huntington. Bost., 1866. 7. Cox, Frances E. Sacred Hymns from the German. Lond., 1841 ; 2d ed., 1864. 8. Trench, R. C. Sacred Latin Poetry, chiefly Lyrical, with notes and intro duction. Lond., 1849 ; 2d ed., 1864 ; new ed., 1874. 9. Neale, J. M. Hymni Ecclesiae. Oxf., 1851 ; new ed., 1865. Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences. Lond., 1851 ; 3d ed., 1867. 10. Chambers, John David. Lauda Syon. Ancient Latin Hymns of the Eng lish and other Churches, translated. Lond. , 1866. 11. Coles, Abraham. Old Gems in New Settings ; comprising the choicest of mediaeval hymns, with original translations. N. Y., 1867. Latin Hymns, with original translations. 3 vols. N. Y., 1882. 12. Todd, J. H. Books of Hymns of the Ancient Church of Ireland, with translations. (Irish Archaeological Society.) 2 parts. Dubl., 1865-69. 13. Seven Great Hymns of the Mediaeval Church. 5th ed., N. Y., 1868. 14. Schaff, Philip. Christ in Song. N. Y., 1870. (And A. Gilman,) Library of Religious Poetry. N. Y., 1885. 15. Mant, Richard. Ancient Hymns from the Roman Breviary. New ed., Lond., 1871. 16. March, F. A. Latin Hymns (in Harper's Series of Christian Greek and Latin Writers). N. Y., 1874. 17. Winkworth, Cath. Lyra Germanica. 2 vols. Lond., 1855-58; new ed., 1879. 18. Morgan, D. T. Hymns and Other Poefry of the Latin Church. Oxf., 1880. 19. (Borthwick and Findlater.) Hymns from the Land of Luther. 4th series. Edinb., 1862; Lond., 1884. 20. Roth, F. W. E. Lateinische Hymnen des Mittelalters. Augsb., 1888. 21. Manitius, M. Geschichte der ehristlich-lateinischen Poesie bis zur Mitte des 8 Jahrhunderts. Stuttg. , 1891 . 22. Dreves, Guido Maria. Analecta hymnica medii aevi. 13 vols. Leipz., 1886-92. IV. WORKS OF INDIVIDUAL HYMN WRITERS. 1. Benedict, E. C. The Hymn of Hildebert, and other Mediseval Hymns, with translations by . N. Y. , 1867. 2. Prime, Wm. C. O Mother Dear, Jerusalem. The old hymn, its origin and genealogy. N. Y., 1867. 3. Wrangham, D. S. The Liturgical Poetry of Adam St. Victor. 3 vols. Lond., 1881. 4. Johnson, Franklin. Dies Irae. An English version in double rhymes. Cambr., 1883. 5. Stryker, M. W. Dies Irae. The great dirge of Thomas de Celano. The Latin text, with prose translation and three new versions in rhyme. Chic, 1892. HYMNOLOGY. 911 CHAPTER LIV. HYMNOLOGY. St. Hilary of Poitiers, who died in 366, the champion of Ni csea, and one of the noblest of the Fathers, was the father of Latin hymnology. In 356 the Arians banished him to Phrygia, where he entered enthusiastically into the study of the Greek language and literature, became acquainted with both the theology and sacred poetry of the Greek Church, aud thus was fitted for his later splendid service to the Latins. Isidore of Seville, who died in 636, speaks of him as the first Latin hymn writer, and yet unfortunately we have little that can with safety be ascribed to him. Much an cient tradition attributed to him the Hymnum dicat turba fratrum, hymnum cantus personet (Band of brethren, raise the hymn, let your song the hymn resound), which is a brief narrative of the whole Gospel history, and perhaps the earliest example of a strictly didactic hymn. Some think the only hymn indisputably his is that beautiful Morning Hymn, Lucis largitor splendide Thou splendid Giver of the light, Cujus sereno lumine By whose serene and lovely ray Post lapsa noctis tempora Beyond the gloomy shades of night Dies refusus panditur. Is opened wide another day.1 Seven other hymns are attributed to him, and very likely with justice. St. Ambrose of Milan, who died in 397, was another founder. We have some interesting contemporary accounts from St. Augus tine concerning his relation to Church music. When the Arians were determined to remove Ambrose from his church many devout people, including women, of whom Augustine's mother was one, came together in the church, to protect him and keep him from being taken into exile. " Then," says Augustine, " it was first appointed that, after the manner of the Eastern Churches, hymns and psalms should be sung, lest the people should grow weary and faint through sorrow ; which custom has ever since been retained, and has been followed by almost all congregations in other parts of the world." He describes the remarkable effect of these hymns 1 Given in full in Duffield, Latin Hymns, p. 32. 912 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. upon his own mind : "I was moved to tears by the sweetness of these hymns and canticles." "The voices flowed into my ears; the truth distilled into my heart ; I overflowed with devout affec tions and was happy. " When his mother died nothing could comfort him except one of the Ambrosian hymns. " Then I slept, and woke up again and found my grief not a little softened ; and as I was alone in my bed I remembered those true verses of thy Am brose, ' Eor thou art the Maker of all, the Lord And Ruler of the height, Who, robing day in light, hast poured Soft slumbers o'er the night, That to our limbs the power Of toil may be renewed, And hearts be raised that sink and cower, And sorrows be subdued.' " There are probably a hundred hymns which Ambrose wrote for congregational use, and Lord Selborne calls attention to the fact that they are admirably adapted for this purpose, being, as he says, short and complete in themselves, easy and at the same time elevated in their expression and rhythm, terse and masculine in thought and language ; and, though sometimes criticised as deficient in theological precision, simple, pure, and not technical of their rendering of the great facts and doctrines of Christianity, which they present in an objective manner.1 Neale and Trench, who made profound studies in Latin hymnology, think that the Ambrosian hymns are not sufficiently warm and ecstatic, " there is a certain coldness in them, an aloofness of the author from his subject." Simcox, on the other hand, with more justice says that " they all have the character of deep spontaneous feeling flowing in a clear rhythmical current, and show a more genuine feeling than the prose works." 2 Prudentius, who died about 415, was a Spanish layman and gov ernor, who after a gay life was converted to Christianity, and became one of the most original and fertile of the elder Christian poets of the West. He was a voluminous poet, and the Mozarabic, or ancient Spanish, ritual embodies several of his long pieces to be sung or re cited. He was one of the most popular singers of the Middle Ages, and it is a remarkable fact concerning his poems that no work but the Bible appears with so many glosses in High German.3 He has been called the " Latin Dr. Watts." It is interesting to note how 1 Art. Hymns, in Enc. Brit., 9th ed., xii, 616. 2 Latin Literature, ii, 405 ; Duffield, 54, 55. s Milman, Lat. Christianity, viii, 309, note. HYMNOLOGY. 913 the famous printers loved to spend their skill on Prudentius, an Elzevir with introductions by Heinsius appearing in Amsterdam in 1667, an Aldine at Venice in 1501, and later costly editions, as by Teoli at Parma in 1788, and by Arevalus, who has the bad reputation, which many moderns share with him, of being a hymn- tinker.' Perhaps the most celebrated hymn of the early Middle Ages is the Veni, Creator Spiritus, which was constantly sung throughout Western Christendom as part of the appointed office for the corona tion of kings, the consecration of bishops, the assembling of synods, and other great ecclesiastical solemnities, and has been retained in the ordination services of the Anglican and Methodist Churches." Unfortunately the author is not known. The most ancient testi mony, and one which has every internal evidence of probability, is that of Ekkehard, in his life of Notker, written in the beginning of the twelfth century. He lived in the monastery of St. Gall, and had access to all its records, and his work therefore is likely to be reliable. He says that Notker, monk of St. Gall, who died 912, wrote his sequence on the Holy Spirit, Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia (Present with us ever be the Holy Spirit's grace), and sent it as a present to Charles,3 who sent him back by the same messenger the hymn, Veni, Creator Spiritus, which the " same Spirit had inspired him to write." Others attribute the hymn to Rabanus Maurus, Archbishop of Mainz from 847 to 856, on the strength of the fact that it is found among his writings, and that it is a paraphrase of his chapter on the Holy Spirit." We give • ' Wesley adjured compilers to leave his hymn3 as they found them, and yet he often altered the verses of others to great advantage. See some caustic re marks by Robinson, in Cent. Mag., Apr., 1886, p. 858. Later eds. of Prudentius are by Migne, vols, lix and lx, and Dressel, Leipz., 1860. See the monograph by Brockhaus, Leipz., 1872. A transl. of selection of his works by T. D. ap peared in Blackwood's Mag., ix (1821), and in a vol. by Thackeray, with in troduction and notes, Lond., 1891. 2 But in a form much abbreviated, the poor version of Bishop Cosin, 1677. 'Charles the Bald. Some ignorant copyist later interpolated the title " Great" after " Charles" in this history, and therefore many have assigned the Veni, Creator Spiritus, to Charles the Great. But his authorship is out of the question. 4 So the Jesuit antiquarian, Brower, in the appendix to his edition of For- tunatus, Cologne, 1617, where he prints the poems of Rabanus ; Duffield, Latin Hymns, pp. 118, ff.; Clement, Carmina e poetis Christianis excerpta, Paris, 1854. p. 379. 58 914 HISTORY OF THE ( CHRISTIAN CHURCH. here the original of this grand poem, with one of the best and most literal translations, that of the late Samuel W. Duffield : ' Veni, Creator Spiritus, 0 Holy Ghost, Creator, come ! Mentes tuorum visita, Thy people's mind pervade ; Imple superna gratia And fill with thy supernal grace Quae tu creasti pectora. The souls which thou hast made. Qui Paraclitus diceris, Thou who art called the Paraclete, Deique donum altissimi, The gift of God most high ; Fons vivus, ignis, caritas, Thdu living fount, and fire, and love, Et spiritalis unctio. Our spirits' pure ally. Tu septif ormis munere, Thou sevenfold Giver of all good ; DextraB Dei tu digitus, Finger of God's right hand ; Tu rite promisso Patris Thou promise of the Father, rich Sermone ditans guttura. Da words for every land ; Accende lumen sensibus, Kindle our senses to a flame, Infunde amorem cordibus, And fill our hearts with love, Tnfirma nostri corporis And thro' our bodies' weakness still Virtute firmans perpeti. Pour valor from above ! Hostem repellas longius, Drive farther off our enemy, Pacemque dones protinus, And straightway give us peace ; Ductore sic te praevio That with thyself as such a guide Vitemus omne noxium. We may from evil cease. Per te sciamus, da, Patrem, Thro' thee may we the Father know, Noscamus atque Filium, And thus confess the Son ; Te utriusque Spiritum, For thee (from both the Holy Ghost) Credamus omni tempore. We praise while time shall run. Notker's Sequences have played a large part in Christian hymnol- ogy, and are still a portion of the service of the Church. They are rhythmical proses, and are so called because they were sung after (sequor, I follow) the epistle and before the gospel in the Church service. Notker was a monk of St. Gall, in Switzer land, and died about 912. His famous sequence, Sancti Spiritus adsit nobis gratia,' was much used in the Middle Ages. The rhythm was suggested to him by the turning of the mill-wheel. "I well remember a mill," says Duffield, "by which I used often to pause in the stillness of the night, listening to the wailing protracted cadences of the huge wheel which slowly turned in its bed as the buckets successively filled from the shut, but leaky, gates. Hearing this, and comparing it with 'sequence' of the Catholic service, or with the long-drawn tones of a German choral, it is impossible not to be struck by the resemblance."3 More 1 This hymn has been often translated. Schaff, Ch. Hist., iv, 422, note 5, mentions fourteen English versions, and Odenheimer and Bird, Songs of the Spirit, N. Y., 1871, pp. 167-180, print nine of these translations. 2 See Neale, Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences, Lond., 1862, 3d ed., 1867, p. 32. « Latin Hymns, p. 137. HYMNOLOGY. 915 familiar to us are the solemn sentences which in modern times have been prefixed to the burial service of the Anglican and Meth odist Churches, but which were originally suggested to Notker as he saw some workmen swinging down over a precipice in making a bridge over the chasm in the Martinstobe. Media vita in morte sumus : Da the midst of life in death we be : Quern querimus adiutorum nisi Of whom can we seek for succor but te, Domine, > of thee, O Lord, Qui pro peceatiB nostris juste Who for our sins art justly moved ? irasceris ? Sancte Dens, sancte f ortis, O holy God, O holy and mighty, Sancte et misericors Salvator ; O holy and merciful Saviour, Amarae morti ne tradas nos. Deliver us not into the bitter death. Luther translated this for a funeral hymn, and it is said to have been sung by troops on going into battle.1 In the " Golden Sequence " the Veni, sancte Spiritus, is a kind of hymn which has gone into the metrical form. This exquisite hymn, called by Trench the " loveliest of all the hymns in the whole circle of Latin sacred poetry," is ascribed by tradition to the pious king Robert II (d. 1031), son of Hugh Capet ; but what weight attaches to the tradition cannot be known. Robert was deeply re ligious, and he loved music and poetry, but Duffield, who, as he says, " investigated every bypath and blind alley " of history in reference to this hymn and its possible authors, ascribes it to Her mann Contractus of St. Gall, the learned cripple, who in the mid dle of the eleventh century was writing hymns and histories in his Swiss retreat and experimenting with mathematical instruments.3 The greatest hymn of the Middle Ages, if not the greatest in all time, is the Dies Irse, commonly ascribed to Thomas of Celano 1 Notice the rhythm of our translation above. The version in the Methodist Bitual is taken from the First Prayer Book of Edward VT, 1549 (see ed. of Morgan Dix, N. Y., 1881, p. 268), except that in that book the third line reads : ' O Lord, which for our sins justly art moved.' Da subsequent revisions the line as we are familiar with it was substituted. 8 For a list of translators, see Schaff, Church Hist., iv, 428, 429, note, who quotes there the versions of MacGiU and Washburn. The Hymnal of the Methodist Episcopal Church, N. Y., 1878, gives the version of Ray Palmer, 1858. All versions are dilutions ; they miss the quivering, concise, bell-toned words of the original, which has 93 words, while MacGill's version— one of the most literal and one of the best— has 170. On Hermann, Duffield, pp. 147, ff . , has a specially rich chapter. He also gives an exact and literal translation of the hymn, p. 163. The first to attribute the Veni, sancte Spiritus, to Robert is Durandus (d. 1296), in the fourth book of his Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, Mayence, 1453, the third book ever printed. There is a fine copy of Duran- dus's book on vellum in the Astor Library. 916 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. (fl. 1230),' companion and biographer of St. Francis of Assisi. It rests on the " Apparebit repentina," of the seventh century, first mentioned by Bede, which, though it lacks the intense force and poetic perfection of the Dies Irse, is echoed and re-echoed in the greater hymn. We give the first lines of the Apparebit repentina, according to the version of Neale, that the student may compare it with the Dies Irse. That great Day of wrath and terror, That last Day of woe and doom, Like a thief that comes at midnight, On the sons of men shall come ; When the pride and pomp of ages All shall utterly have passed, And they stand in anguish, owning That the end is here at last ; And the trumpet's pealing clangor, Thro' the earth's four quarters spread, Waxing loud and ever louder, Shall convoke the quick and dead, And the King of heavenly glory Shall assume his throne on high, And the cohorts of his angels Shall be near him in the sky ; And the sun shaU turn to sackcloth, And the moon be red as blood, And the stars shall fall from heaven, Whelm'd beneath destruction's flood. Flame and fire and desolation At the Judge's feet shall go : Earth and sea and all abysses Shall his mighty sentence know.2 This hymn is a paraphrase of Matt, xxv, 31-36. The Dies Irse is based on this Scripture, and also Zeph. i, 15 (Vulgate), Psalm xcvi, 13, xcvii, 3, cii, 26, and other passages. Of this terrible lyric, every line of which strikes the soul as might the bells of eternity summoning men to the last judgment, Schaff well says : " The secret of the irresistible power of the Dies Irse lies in the awful grandeur of the theme, the intense earnestness and pathos of the poet, the simple majesty and solemn music of its language, the stately meter, the triple rhyme, and the vowel assonances chosen in striking adaptation to the sense, all combining to produce an 1 Bartholomew Albizzi of Pisa is the first who mentions Thomas as the author, in Liber Conformitatum, 1385. 2 Besides this trans, by Neale in his Mediaeval Hymns and Sequences, this hymn has also been trans, by Mrs. Charles and E. C. Benedict. The original is in Daniel, Thesaurus Hymnologious, 5 vol., Leipz., 1841-56, vol. i, p. 194. HYMNOLOGY. 917 overwhelming effect, as if we heard the final crash of the universe, the commotion of the opening graves, the trumpet of the archangel that summons the quick and the dead, and as if we saw the ' King of tremendous majesty ' seated on the throne of justice and mercy, and ready to dispense everlasting life and everlasting woe." ' This regal hymn has impressed itself on the world as has no other utter ance of the same kind by uninspired man. Sir Walter Scott intro duces it into the Lay of the Last Minstrel, Dies irae, dies ilia And far the echoing aisles prolong Solvet saeelum in f avilla, The awful burthen of the song, and gives in the last canto ' a free paraphrase. On his deathbed, in the wanderings of his unconscious utterances, he would repeat verses from the Bible or from the old litanies, and " we very often heard distinctly," says Lockhart, " the cadences of the Dies Irse." The Earl of Roscommon, in the century previous, who himself translated the poem (1717), died repeating his own version of the seventeenth stanza : Prostrate, my contrite heart I rend ; My God, my Father, and my Friend, Do not forsake me in my end. It is said that Samuel Johnson could never repeat the tenth stanza without being moved to tears.' Quaerens me sedisti lassus, Seeking me thy love outwore thee, Bedemisti cruce passus : And the cross, my ransom, bore thee ; Tantus labor non sit cassus. Let not this seem light before thee.4 In " Faust " Margaret hears with horror and dismay this great funeral hymn of the Roman Catholic Church sung, and " from that moment of salutary pain she becomes another woman." " Meinhold in his " Amber- Witch " — Die Bernsteinhexe— makes a similar use of it, and Carlyle shows us Werner, the tragedian, quoting the eighth stanza in his strange " last testament " as his reason for having written neither a defense nor an accusation of his life : " With trembling I reflect that I myself shall first learn in its whole terrific compass what I properly was, when these lines shall be read by men ; that is to say, in a point of time which 1 Christ in Song, Lond. ed., 1870, p. 290 ; and Library of Eeligious Poetry, N. Y., 1885, p. 899. 2 Cantos xxx, xxxi. 3 See Stanley, Sinai and Palestine, newed., N. Y., 1882, p. 308. 4 Duffield, transl. Latin Hymns, p. 254. 1 Goethe, Faust, lines 3453, ff... 4324-30. 918 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. shall be for me no time, in a condition in which all experience sh,all be for me too late : " Rex tremendaB majestatis, King of majesty tremendous, Qui salvandos salvas gratis, Who dost free salvation send us, Salva me, fons pietatis ! ! " Fount of pity, then befriend us.1 Its power in awakening hardened sinners is depicted by Justus Ker- ner in his Wahnsinnige Brtider, and the great hymnologist, Daniel, compares it to the picture of the day of judgment, which was the means of converting the king of the Bulgarians to Christianity.3 It has been translated more often than any other hymn, there being more than a hundred versions in German and at least one hundred and fifty-four in English, of which ninety-six are by Americans.3 Next in power and majesty to the Dies Irse, and superior to all other mediseval hymns in its pathos and passionate tenderness, is the Stabat Mater Dolorosa. It is the production of Jacopone, or Jacobus de Benedictis, an intense ascetic of the Franciscan Order, who died at Todi, in Umbria, in 1306. While it is marred by many expressions of the mariolatry of its time, its beauty and force made it a leading lyric of the Church, and it still commands the universal admiration of Protestants as well as of Roman Catholics. As a work of art it rivals, if it does not surpass, all paintings in its exquisite voicing of human sympathy, both with the Divine Suf ferer of Calvary and with the pierced mother-heart of her who stood near the cross. Of its ten stanzas, the following is the first, from the translation of Coles, and well illustrates the rhythmic flow of this whole imperishable hymn : Stood the afflicted mother weeping, Near the cross her station keeping, Whereon hung her Son and Lord ; Through whose spirit sympathizing, Sorrowing and agonizing, Also passed the cruel sword.4 1 Trans. W. T. Irons, Lond., 1848. See Carlyle, Crit. and Misc. Essays, i, 136 (Works, Bost. ed., xiii, 136). 2 Duffield, Latin Hymns, 249, 250. 3 For a partial list, see Duffield, 250-252. On the Dies Irse, see Duffield, ch. xxiii ; Lisco, Dies Irse, Berl., 1840 ; Daniel, ii, 103-131, v, 110-116 ; Coles, Dies fcae in 13 Original Versions, N.Y., 1859, 5th ed., 1868 ; [C. C. Nott,] The Seven Great Hymns of the Mediaeval Church, N Y., 1886, 7th ed., enl., 1883 ; Anke- tell in Am. Church Rev., 1873 ; Shipley in Dubl. Rev., 1883. 4 Stabat Mater dolorosa, Juxta crucem lacrymosa, Dum pendebat Filius ; Cujus animam gementem, Contristatam ac dolentem, Pertransivit gladius. HYMNOLOGY. 919 No one can listen to the sweet notes of Adam of St. Victor, Ber nard of Clairvaux, and many other hymnists of the time without being borne aloft into the holier spheres. Sacred music knows no limitations, and the harp notes of the great singers of the Middle Ages were no small compensation for the superstition and ecclesi astical misdoings of that period. But while the notes of sacred song were heard throughout the Middle Ages, we must remember that it was a priestly period, and the people had no part except to say Amen at the close, or to respond "Kyrie eleison" at the ap propriate places. It was left to Protestantism to take the immor tal hymns of that time and to give them into the hands of the wor shiping congregation, in order that in their sublime strains praise may be rendered to God. Even to-day some Roman Catholics have sought in vain to promote congregational singing. All sacer dotal dogmas kill the voice of praise. 920 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : SACRED DRAMA. 1. Hone, William. Ancient Mysteries Described. Lond., 1823. 2. Le Roy, Onesime. Etudes sur les Mysteres. Paris, 1837. 3. Marriott, W. A CoUection of English Miracle-Plays or Mysteries. Basel, 1838. 4. Wright, Thomas. Early Mysteries and Latin Poems of the 12th and 13th Centuries. (In Latin.) Lond. , 1838. 5. Alt, Heinrich. Theater und Kirche in ihrem gegenseitigen Verhaltniss historisch. dargestellt. Berl., 1846. 6. Mone, F. J. Sohauspiele des Mittelalters. Aus Handschrif ten herausge- geben und erklart. 2 vols. Mannheim, 1852. 7. Migne, J. P. Dictionnaire des Mysteres. Paris, 1854. A collection of mysteries, moral, etc. 8. Hase, K. A. Das geistliche Schauspiel. Leipz., 1858. English transl., Miracle Plays and Sacred Dramas : an historical survey. Lond., 1880. 9. WUken, E. Geschichte der geistlichen Spiele in Deutschland. Gottin gen, 1872. 10. Sepet, Marius. Le Drame chretien au Moyen Age. Paris, 1878. Les pro- phetes du Christ, etude sur les origines du theatre au moyen age. Paris, 1878. 11. Stroehlin, E. " Drame Religieux," in Lichtenberger'B Encyclope'die des Sciences Religieuses, (9 62-81). Paris, 1878. Contains much biblio graphical material. 12. Julleville, L. Petit de. Les Mysteres. Paris, 1880. 13. Wirth, L. Die Oster- und Passionsspiele bis zum 16 Jahrhundert. Halle, 1889. 14. Pollard, A. W. English Miracle Plays, Moralities, and Interludes. Oxf., 1890. 15. Jeanroy, A., et Teulie, H. Mysteres provencaux du XV siecle. Toulouse, 1893. THE SACRED DRAMA. 921 CHAPTER LV. THE SACRED DRAMA. The instinct of the Christian Church has always condemned the theater. This arose, first, because it is against the dignity of the Chris tian character and inconsistent with the high calling of men made in the image of God, who is a God of truth, that human beings should devote their lives to acting a part, and, second, the whole history of the theater proves it to be of irreligious, not to say of immoral, tend ency. Many noble minds, Lessing among the chief, have endeav ored to give to the theater a moral environment, and to prove that it does not essentially tend toward the weakening of the moral forces. But the trend of the public acting of the drama is against all the beautiful theories and kindly advice. It is not a matter of sur prise that the entire early Church put the profession of the actor and all theatrical performances under the ban. The theater then, as it has in a less degree ever since, reveled in a world of immoral suggestion, and it could not be countenanced except at the cost of the noblest principles for which Christianity stood.1 But the darker side of human nature was too strong for the Church, and long after the empire was nominally con- EAKLT P'R0_ verted the theater was doing its work of insidious im- tests. morality, to the great disgust of the Church Fathers. John Chrysostom attacks the exhibitions with untiring indignation, and warns the Christians against these seductions. He says that at An tioch his audience brought into the Church the habits acquired in theater-going, and, instead of laying exhortations of the preacher silently to heart, watched for opportunities of indulging in theat rical applause.3 In his first homily on John he says that many Christians, after listening to the words of Scripture and the Holy Spirit speaking therein, go away to witness lewd women, " saying obscene things and representing still more obscene actions, and effeminate men indulging in buffoonery one with another." Sal- vian, who died in 495, when describing the recklessness of the pop ulation of Carthage during the invasion of the Vandals, says that 1 See Plumptre, Actors and Actresses, in Smith and Cheetham, Diet, of Chr. Antiquities, i, 15, and Mullinger, Theater, in the same, ii, 1952, with references there given. 2 Op. (Migne), ix, 227 ; Neander, Der heil. Chrysos., i, 118. S22 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. "the Church of Carthage indulged in the wild excitement of the cir cus and the softer delights of the theater, and while the victims of the one were butchered without the city the victims of the other were debauched within.1 In the seventh century Isidorus testifies to the still triumphant strife of the stage, and he warns Christians against sharing the " mad excitement of the circus, the impurity of the theater, the cruelty of the amphitheater, the barbarity of the arena, and the luxury of the play." * Augustine associates theatrical performances with paganism,3 and as most of the plays represented the escapades of the gods Christians could not, in fact, participate in them without becoming accomplices in idolatry. The popularity of the theater, however, and the need of diversion forced upon the Church the endeavor to minister to the craving of man for the spectacular. The service of the mass itself became a dramatic performance, where the priest changed the elements of the sacrament into the body of Christ, and acted over again the pas sion of Calvary.4 But as the mass was celebrated in Latin, a lan guage of which the most of the people were ignorant, it became nec essary to provide pictures which they could understand. Tableaux vivants, representing in dumb show the story of the lesson of the day, were first introduced. In the fifth century the clergy represented living pictures of the Adoration of the Magi, the Marriage at Cana, the Death of the Saviour, and other subjects. Dramatic possibilities here were infinite, and the priests gradually availed themselves of them to the full. In the tenth century it was customary, as a part of the regular Church service and at the appropriate season of the year, to perform the office of the Shepherds, varied with the Star, the Massa cre of the Innocents, or the Sepulcher. In these offices the priests spoke the texts and the congregation gave the responses. " The music steadily grew more dramatic," says Binns, " and sometimes the Roman Church, in its zeal for producing edification by any law ful means, and by means of sweet sounds in particular, has gone very far. At present in the chapel of the Vatican on Good Friday, afterthe Old Testament Psalmsand Prophecies, the Passion of Christ, from John's gospel, is sung, arranged as oratorio. Christ is tenor, Pilate bass, and there are choruses for the priests, soldiers, and people, interspersed with evangelical narrative in recitative."5 A solemn dance is still performed at Easter before the high altar of the cathe dral of Seville, which recalls the movements of the Greek chorus.6 1 De Gub. Dei, vi, 12 (A. D. 451). » Etym., xix, 59 ; Migne, lxxxii, 409. 3 De Civit. Dei, i, 32. « Ward, Dramatic Literature, i, 18. 6 The Eeligious Drama, in Modern Rev., i, 801 (Oct., 1880). ¦' Oxenham, Miracle Plays, in Essays in Eccl. Hist., p. 202. THE SACRED DRAMA. 923 The next step was to take the drama under the wings of the Church as an ordinary means of religious instruction, and com paratively early in the Middle Ages, at least in the East, this was done. .The intercourse of nations occasioned by the Crusades in troduced the sacred drama into the West. The plays were of three kinds : 1. Mysteries, representation of the great doctrines of the Christian redemption ; 2. Miracle Plays, representation of the Scripture narrative ; and, 3. Moralities, representation by allegor ical personification of virtues, vices, and abstract qualities. The oldest extant Mysteries are French, and belong to the eleventh cen tury ; the oldest German play, the Rise and Fall of Antichrist, found in the convent of Tegern See, belongs to the twelfth cen tury, and by the middle of the thirteenth century the popularity of the Mysteries and Miracle Plays was at its zenith. They were first held in the Church, but partly on account of the incongruities and abuses which crept in, and partly on account of the lack of space to accommodate the crowds, Innocent II in 1210 forbade the representation of plays in the Church and taking any part in them by the clergy. When the drama was celebrated in the open air scope was given for more elaborate presentation, a huge stage being erected in three tiers, the highest representing heaven ; the lowest, hell ; and the middle, the earth. The daring imagination of the medieval mind stopped at nothing in its desire to show forth the sacred history of man from the creation to the judgment day. One of the favorite plays was the Harrowing of Hell, in which Christ goes into the underworld and delivers the patriarchs who have been awaiting his coming. The awful history as out lined in the Apocalypse is represented on the stage— the terrors of the judgment being strongly pictured, so as to make a vivid im pression on the spectators. Popes, emperors, kings, queens, magis trates, and merchants in turn confess their guilt and the justness of the eternal agony which is their doom. A condemned pope thus exclaims : " Now bootless it is to ask mercie, For, living, highest in earth was I ; Also silver and simony Made me a pope unworthy." A wicked queen piteously cries out : " Where is my beauty that was so bright 1 Where is the baron, where is the knight, Where in the world is any wight, That for my fairness now will fight ? " 924 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Christ is represented sitting on a cloud with the instruments of his passion — the cross, the crown of thorns, the nails, the spear, but exhibiting his body more marred and wounded by the sins of man than by the tortures of his Jewish murderers, and pronounces sentence of final doom. To the saved he says : " Come hither to me, my darlings deare ; While I was on the earth here Ye gave me meet in good manere, . . . Yes, forsooth, my friendes dear, Such as poor and naked were, Ye clad and fed them both in fear, And harbored them alsoe." Turning to the wicked, he says : " Nay, when ye saw the least of mine That on earth suffered pine, To help them ye did naught incline ; Therefore go to the fire. And tho' my sweet mother deare, And all the saints that ever were, Prayed for you right now here, Alas, it were too late I " ' There is no doubt that the influence of these plays on the rough, semicivilized inhabitants of Europe was salutary, especially when enacted with gravity and in a religious spirit. But the religious drama was no exception to the common fate of all spectacular artificial representations in their inevitable descent to buffoonery and license. In the Miracle play of the Deluge Noah's wife refuses to go into the ark unless she takes her gossips with her. She has drunk many a quart of ale with them, and will not abandon them now : " Yea, Syr, set up ye sayle And rowe forth with evil hele (health), For, without any fayle, I will not out of this towne, But I have my gossips every one ; One f oote further I will not gone : They shall not drowne, by St. John ! An [if] I may save their lyfe, They loved me full well, by Christ I But thou wilt let them in thy chist, Else rowe forth, Noe, whither thou list, And get thee a new wife." 1 See Withrow, The Early English Drama, in Methodist Rev., July, 1894, pp. 545, fE. THE SACRED DRAMA. 925 Noah complains that women are crabbed always, and tells Shem to bring her in by main force. When this is done she gives her hus band a slap in the face. " There, take that ! " she says. Noah answers, " Ah, marry, this is hot ! It is good to be still." An interesting illustration of the irreverence and fantastic ex travagance of these plays under the auspices of the Church is given by Vitet. To commemorate the capture of the English fortress of Dieppe, on August 14, 1443, there was celebrated in that city for two centuries at every anniversary of the battle a series of Mystery plays. A special confraternity was formed, " which arranged the program and marshaled the huge procession, and toward its close eleven of their number, dressed as apostles and headed by a priest who represented St. Peter, carried in a bower of foliage a beautiful girl intended to personate the blessed Virgin. After MTStery plat a march of several hours through the streets the ofdieppe. phalanx reached the portals of St. Jacques, along whose crowded aisles and amidst incredible disorder a way was with difficulty made for the Virgin by the sturdy blows from the sticks and hal berds of her attendants. At the end of the choir a lofty stage was erected, and over it a venerable graybeard, in royal robes, crowned with a tiara, and seated upon clouds, amidst which a dazzling sun of gold shone over his head and a host of angels surrounded his throne, personated the eternal Father. By ingenious mechanism the angels were made to ascend and descend, to flap their wings and wave their censers and lift their trumpets, like the modern Italian fantoccini. At the commencement of the mass two angels came down, and taking the sacred Virgin bore her upward as she lay upon her dying bed before the high altar in a kind of garden of Gethsemane made of flowers and fruit of painted wax. Her as cension was so graduated that she reached the throne at the exact moment of the adoration of the host. Then the Father thrice gave her his blessing, an angel crowned her, and the clouds of heaven seemed to close beneath her feet and shut her out from the spectators' eyes. Meanwhile the choir below presented a yet stranger blending of comedy and devotion. On one side St. Peter administered the holy communion to the apostles, who were bound to do his bidding under penalty of a fine ; on the other a buffoon, called Grimpesulais, or Gingalet, performed a thousand antics, now pretending to be dead, now coming to life again, and now apostro phizing the Virgin and the Deity, to the unspeakable delight of the mob. On the two following days the mysteries of the nativity and the annunciation were the scene of yet stranger comedies and more grotesque saturnalia. Such was the passion of the Dieppois for 026 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. their Mystery play that it lasted until the middle of the seventeenth century, despite the earnest desire of the magistrates to banish it from the Church. But in 1647 Louis XIV and the queen dowager, being present at it, were so offended at its profanity that it was forthwith suppressed by royal edict."1 This fragment of munici pal French history, with its mingled piety and brutality, is thor oughly characteristic of the Middle Ages. The religious drama lingered on until the Reformation and after, and was employed by the contestants in that great strife to satirize one another. John Heywood's "Four P's," 1562, the Morality " Everyman," 1531, Sir David Lindsay's famous " Satyre of Three Estates," and Bishop Bale's " King John," are some of these controversial interludes in which, with rude and extravagant descriptions and denunciations, the fight was carried on between Roman Catholic and Protestant. Lindsay's piece is one of the most powerful satires ever written — an unsparing exposure of the corruption in all classes of the community, and it formed one of the chief means by which the way was paved for the Reformation. An illustration of the realism of these plays is afforded by the Tragedy of the Ten Virgins, which was performed at Eisenach in 1332 to celebrate the restoration of peace. The Landgrave Fred erick, the Joyful, was present, and was greatly angered and alarmed at the close of the drama, where the Foolish Virgins appeal in vain to the intercession of the blessed Virgin, and are finally thrust down to hell, notwithstanding her entreaties to her Son to pardon them. "What means this, if God will not pity us even when Mary and the saints intercede ? " The fright and indignation of Frederick threw him into a fit of apoplexy, from which he never recovered. He died two years afterward. In a Passion play at Metz, in 1437, the priest who took the part of Christ nearly died of exhaustion on the cross, and another priest, who represented Judas, narrowly escaped hanging himself, so ter ribly vivid and real were the emotions of the performers.' The crucifixion scene is still very trying to the chief performer at Ober- Ammergau, who has to remain some twenty minutes on the cross. But the Mysteries and Miracle plays gradually merged into the literary drama of modern times, which has borne such splendid fruitage ; although still in the little hamlet of the Tyrolese valley true-hearted peasants show forth in the spirit of the humblest and 1 Dieppe, in Church Quar. Rev., viii, 387, 388 (July, 1879); M. L. Vitet, Hist, des Anciennes Villes de France. Premiere serie. Haute-Normandie, Dieppe, 2 vols, Paris, 1835. 2 Oxenham, op. cit., p. 205. THE SACRED DRAMA. 92T sincerest piety and with marvelous dramatic intensity and truth the immortal story of God's love in Jesus Christ — the solitary rep resentative in modern times of one of the most interesting devel opments in mediaeval Church history.1 1 On the Passion Play at Ober-Ammergau, see Binns, The Religious Drama, in Mod. Rev., Oct., 1880, i 801; and John P. Jackson's magnificent work, pub lished in quarto in London and Munich, 1873, which contains very rich illus trations and strong descriptions. 928 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. LITERATURE : ART IN THE MIDDLE AGES. I. CHRISTIAN ART. 1. Walcott, M. E. C. Sacred Archaeology. A popular dictionary of ecclesi astical art and institutions from primitive to modern times. Lond., 1868, 2. Thode, H. Franz von Assisi und die Anfange der Kunst der Renaissance in Italien. Berl., 1885. 3. Pater, Walter. The Renaissance : Studies in Art and Poetry. New ed., Oxf., 1888. 4. Weber, Paul. Geistliches Schauspiel und kirchliche Kunst in ihrem Ver- haltniss erlautert an einer Iconographie der Kirche und Synagoge. Eine kunsthistorische Studie. Stuttg., 1894. 5. Hemans, Charles I. A History of Ancient Christianity and Sacred Art in Italy. Florence, 1866. A History of Mediaeval Christianity and Art in Italy. 2 vols. Lond., 1872. 6. Luebke, Wilhelm. Ecclesiastical Art in Germany during the Middle Ages. Transl. from the 5th German ed. Ed. by L. A. Wheatley. Lond., 1870. 7. Jameson, Mrs. Anna. The History of our Lord as Exemplified in Works of Art : with that of his types : St. John and other persons of the 0. and N. Test. 2 vols. Lond., 1872. Legends of the Madonna. New ed., Lond., 1879. Sacred and Legendary Art. New ed., 2 vols. Lond., 1886. 8. Didron, A. N. Christian Iconography ; or, Hist, of Christian Art in Mid dle Ages. Trans, from the French. Ed. by M. Stokes. New ed., Lond., 1886. 9. Reber, F. v. History of Mediaeval Art. Trans, by J. T. Clarke. N. Y. ,1887. 10. Lacroix, Paul. The Arts in the Middle Ages (trans.). New ed., Lond., 1888. 11. Clement, Clara E. Handbook of Christian Symbols and Stories of the Saints as Dlustrated in Art. New ed., Bost., 1891. 12. Hulme, F. Edward. The History, Principles, and Practice of Symbolism in Christian Art. Lond., 1891. 13. Muentz, Eugene. Histoire de l'art pendant la Renaissance. II. ARCHITECTURE. 1. King, T. H. Study-book of Mediaeval Architecture and Art. 4 vols. Lond., 1858-60. 2. Turner, T. Hudson. Domestic Architecture of the Middle Ages. 4 vols. Lond., 1859. 3. Eastlake, 0. L., Sir. History of Revival Architecture. Lond., 1871. 4. Palustre, Leon. L'architecture de la Renaissance. 5. Norton, C. E. Historical Studies of Church Building in the Middle Ages : Venice, Siena, Florence. N. Y., 1880. 6. Scott, G. G. Lectures on the Rise and Development of Mediaeval Archi tecture. 2 vols. Lond. , 1879. 7. Bloxam, M. H. The Principles of Gothic Ecclesiastical Architecture, with an explanation of technical terms and a centenary of ancient terms. 11th ed., Lond., 1882. 8. Smith, T. R. Architecture, Gothic and Renaissance. Lond., 1884 CHRISTIAN ART. B29 CHAPTER LVI. CHRISTIAN ART. The beginnings of Christian art were humble, in keeping with the character of the first professors of Christianity. Not many rich, not many mighty, were called. No fine artistic development, therefore, could be expected. Even when beginnings were made they followed the ordinary pagan modes. " Christian art followed the technical rules of the period, and adopted whatever processes were in use among the artists of the day, and were most suited to the particular work in hand, whether fresco, tempora, or encaustic." The subjects followed the same order. The Christians conformed to the practice of the age in which they lived. " Christian art," says Venables, " was no more than the continua- venables on tion of the art Christianity found already existing as ART IN rome. the exponent of the ideas of the age, with such modifications as its purer faith and higher morality rendered necessary. The artists employed were not necessarily Christians ; indeed, in most cases, especially in the earliest times, they would probably be pagans, working in the style and depicting the subjects to which they were accustomed, only restricted by the watchful care of their employers that no devices were introduced that could offend the moral tone of the Christians. In the earliest examples there is absolutely noth ing distinctive of the religion professed. 'At first/ says Burgon,1 ' they even used many of the same devices for mural decorations as the pagans had used, always excepting anything that was immoral ot idolatrous ; introducing, however, every here and there, as the ideas occurred to them, something more significant of their own creed, until by and by the whole was exclusively Christian.' " ' The deep-rooted aversion of the Jews to all representations of the Deity made its impress on the early Church, and at first the Chris tian artist contented himself with the simple naturalism of the decoration already common. The earliest Christian frescoes are simply the ordinary subjects of the times, vines, grapes, birds, but terflies, winged genii, gracefully draped female figures, and other objects still to be seen in museums from Pompeii. But gradually these familiar objects became invested in the devout 1 Letters from Rome, p. 250. 2 Fresco, in Smith and Cheetham, Diet, of Chr. Antiquities, i, 691. 59 930 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. imagination of the Christians with suggestions of their Master, and nature became a sacrament full of intimations of its Creator. The vine is one of the earliest subjects chosen, the THE VINE AND other em- words of the Lord, " I am the vine, ye are the branches," busms. dwelling in the minds of the disciples and producing an artistic representation of rare beauty. In the very earliest catacomb, that of DomitiUa, dating from the end of the first or be ginning of the second century, we have the vine trailing over the vaulted roof with all the freedom of nature, in which birds are pecking and winged boys are gathering the grapes. Mommsen says that no decorative artist of the Augustan period need beashamed of the effect.1 The vine did not exist longer than the sixth century as an emblem, after that being idly decorative.3 In connection with the vine, as well as apart from it, the symbol of the Good Shepherd was frequent in the early centuries, that also being discarded after the fourth or fifth century. The fish symbol is prominent in the catacombs, representing at once the Saviour himself — the ana- grammatic 'IXOTS s and the human object of his salvation — the Christian deriving his life from the waters of baptism,4 while the fisherman spoke of him who by the Gospel hook had taken men for life, not for death.5 This image is developed in the Orphic hymn attributed to Clement of Alexandria, thus graphically rendered by W. L. Alexander : " Fisher of men whom thou to life dost bring ; From evil sea of sin, And from the billowy strife, Gathering pure fishes in Caught with sweet bait of life." 6 Clement recommends the use of this symbol as one well known, and he also commends those of the dove, ship, lyre, and anchor. In times of persecution the symbol of the cross was disguised, but no danger could attach to the use of the fish. In the Callixtine cat acomb the agapae are universally set forth under the symbols of bread and fish. The billets given to the newly baptized were frequently in the form of the symbolical fish, as pledges or tokens of the rights given in baptism. After the conversion of Constantine the symbol of the fish gave way to that of the cross. Even pagan subjects were 1 In Contemp. Rev., May, 1871, p. 170. 2 For full information see art. Vine (in Art), by Tyrwhitt, in Smith and Cheetham. 3 As is well known, this symbol is derived from the initials of the words, 'I^tTof j- XpiGToc Oeoij Tide 2ur^p. 4 Tertullian, de Bap. , c. i. 6 Venables, I. c. ' Ante-Nicene Fathers (Edinb. ed.), i, 344. CHRISTIAN ART. 931 pressed into the service of the Church. Orpheus, captivating the wild beasts with the sound of his lyre, was adopted as the symbol of Christ subduing the savage passions of men by the music of the Gospel, and Ulysses, deaf to the alluring voices of the sirens, repre sented the believer triumphing over the seductions of worldly and sensual pleasure.1 It is strange how the pagan symbols were so freely retained without any thought of their incongruity. Jordan is represented as a river god, a mountain by a mountain god, a city by a goddess with a mural crown, and night by a female figure with a torch and star-bespangled robe.2 It must be said, however, that some of the stern moralists, like Tertullian,3 condemned all repre sentations of religious subjects, and even Clement of Alexandria, and Origen, two of the men of widest outlook in the pre-Nicene age, looked askance at artistic development in the Church.' But as soon as Christian art became free enough to range through historical scenes, instead of confining itself to allegorical representa tions, a brighter future began. It is most fortunate that no au thentic portrait of Christ exists. That such is the fact is plainly implied in the words of Irenaeus and Augustine/ and Martigny well observes that the controversy, from the second century onward, over the question as to the comeliness of our Lord's personal ap pearance makes it perfectly certain that no authentic picture of him ever existed. Therefore the portraits that prevail are all the more interesting as evidences of how different minds represented to themselves the face of the historic Jesus. Perhaps the earliest of these likenesses, now lost, is that of the chapel of the Callixtine cat acomb, of the second century, and which admirably forms the model of that traditional face of Christ which, through Leonardo da Vinci, has passed into all Christian painting, although Lord Lindsay thinks that the traditional head was not known until the fourth century, when it was sent to Constantia, sister of Constan tine, by Eusebius of Cassarea.1' Unfortunately, the growth of the ascetic spirit gave a false con ception to that beautiful and engaging form in which dwelt the divine Son, and around which little children loved to gather ;-and it may be true, also, as Tyrwhitt remarks, that manly beauty came to be associated in the eyes of the monastic Church only with the 1 Venables, I. c; Martigny, Diet, des Ant. Chret., pp. 447, 643 ; De Rossi, Bulletino, 1863, p. 35. 2 Kugler, Handbook of Painting, pt. i, p. 9. s Adv. Hermog., i ; De Idolatr., v. 4 Protrep., iv.; Cont. Cels., iv, 31. 5 Iren., Contra Haeres., i, 25 ; Aug., De Trinitate, viii, 4, 5. 6 Tyrwhitt, Jesus Christ, Representations of, in Smith and Cheetham, l, 875. 932 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. eagerness and fierceness of barbarian soldiers. The pictures of Christ, if not hideous, were ill-favored. Under the influence of the bar baric invasions he was regarded as a divine deliverer. " The Christian assembly on earth, under the hands of Alaric and Gen- seric, Attila and Alboin, was utterly hopeless of any good on earth. The eastern end of the Byzantine or Romanesque church from the sixth century begins accordingly to be adorned as a mystical repre sentation of heaven, beyond the wilderness of earth, with the por trait of Christ at its center. The Lord whom all seek so piteously shall suddenly come to his temple ; and the eyes of distressed con gregations are allowed a vision in symbol of his presence breaking in on the distresses of later days. One of the earliest examples of churches thus ornamented is that of SS. Cosma and Damians at Rome. Here the figure of our Lord, coming with clouds and standing on the firmament, is grand and sublime in the highest de gree, and is perhaps the earliest and greatest instance of very early date in which passionate conception, supported by powerful color, tyrwhitt on forces itself, without any other advantage, into the tions of foremost ranks of creation in art. The towering and all- christ. commanding form of the Lord must have seemed to fill the whole temple, with the symbolic hand of the First Person of the Trinity above his head and the dove on his right hand. The mystic Jordan, or river of death, is at his feet, and on its other side, with small rocks and trees to indicate the wilderness of this world, are the twelve sheep of his flock, with the houses of Jerusalem and Bethlehem, he himself appearing again in the center on earth as the Lamb of the elder dispensation."1 It is instructive to notice the breadth and boldness of these magnificent artistic creations in the ancient and mediaeval Church. A part of the pictures is fre quently inlaid in white and gold mosaic. But we must not assume from the thin, tall, ascetic Christ of mediaeval art that the first painters had a like gloomy conception. On the contrary, they shared the cheerfulness, buoyancy, and hopefulness which even Lecky has remarked in the early Church, and they represented Jesus after the classic manner as comely and beautiful. Lord Lindsay has depreciated the earliest artistic expression of the Church as shown in the innumerable frescoes of the catacombs. He calls them "poor productions," " where the meagerness of in vention is only equaled by the feebleness of execution, inferior, generally speaking, to the worst specimens of contemporary heathen art." 2 But this is a hasty and superficial judgment. On the con trary, many of these remains are fully equal to the best pagan work 1 Tyrwhitt, p. 876. s Hist, of Chr. Art, i, 39. CHRISTIAN ART. 938 of the time. With juster appreciation Kugler speaks of the " grandeur of arrangement of the earliest paintings, their peculiar solemnity and dignity of style," though there were, of course, tech nical defects which are accounted for in part by the haste with which the work was done in a time of danger and uncertainty." It is interesting to notice how these frescoes were made. According to Crowe and Cavalcaselle, the artists boldly stained the rough- coated walls with light water-colors of a lively tint, and rapidly defined the outlines of their figures with strong dark lines. The eyes, nose, and mouth were similarly defined with black lines. A dash of warm yellow-red tone was thrown over the flesh portions of the figure, the shadows being worked in in broad masses with a deeper tint of the same warm hue. The details were almost en tirely left to the imagination of the beholder. The draperies were colored primary rays, indicating a tolerable acquaintance with the laws of harmony. These critics also claim that the " attitudes are not without grandeur, nor the masses of light and shade without breadth, nor the drapery without simplicity."2 The free use of painting by the mediaeval Church found an ex ample in the fearless application by Paulinus of Nola (354-431) of the principle afterward enunciated by John of Damascus, that pic tures are the books of the unlearned. The festival of St. Felix gathered together an immense concourse of country folk, whose feasting usually ended in a debauch. To beguile them from their baser pleasures, to fix their minds on higher things, and to instruct them in sacred history, Paulinus resolved to try the ministry of art, with a lavishness which would have pleased the heart of the lamented William Morris. He embellished the ceiling and walls of both the old and new basilica with a series of scriptural paintings. He tells all about these pictures, and gives a catalogue of them in his own poems. The whole Scripture history was also painted on the walls of Charlemagne's palace at Ingelheim. The same hesitation with regard to painting which we have noted in the early Church applied also to sculpture and the plastic arts. The first centuries were exceedingly sterile in any distinctly Chris- tian.works of sculpture. D'Agincourt searched through Italy for fifty years, and could discover only three or four well-authenticated cases of Christian statues. For seven or eight centuries the art of sculpture was extinct, except on works in relief on sarcophagi and ivories.' The chief piece of sculpture from the ancient Church is 1 See Kugler, Handbook of Painting, p. 14. ' Crowe and Cavalcaselle, Hist, of Painting, i, 3. 8 Venables, Sculpture, Christian, in Smith and Cheetham, ii, 1863. 934 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. the famous bronze figure of St. Peter in the Vatican basilica, placed by Appell, Perkins, Ltibke, and Venables in the fifth century, although J. H. Parker regards it as a work of the thirteenth. It is in every respect a close imitation of the ancient Roman statues, and displays great care and technical skill.1 The statue of Hippoly tus, in the Lateran Museum, belongs, perhaps, to the sixth century/ and is pronounced by Winckelmann and others to be the best known example of early Christian sculpture. 1 Lubke, Hist, of Sculpture, i, 337. 2 Reber, Hist, of Mediseval Art, p. 106, places the Hippolytus statue at 235. LITERATURE: MEDIAEVAL UNIVERSITIES. 935 LITERATURE: MEDIEVAL UNIVERSITIES AND HISTORY OF EDUCATION. I. GENERAL WORKS ON THE BISTORT OF UNIVERSITIES. 1. Maitre, Leon. Les Ecoles episcopates et monastiques de l'Occident depuia Charlemagne jusqu'k Philippe Auguste (768-1180). Paris, 1868. 2. Denifle, Heinr. Die Entstehung der Universitaten des Mittelalters bis 1400. (Vol. i of his work : Die Universitaten des Mittelalters.) Berl., 1885. Characterized by profound and extensive learning and presenting generally sound conclusions. A colossal undertaking, to be completed in five vols. 3. Laurie S. S. Lectures on the Rise and Early Constitution of Universities, with a survey of mediaeval education. Lond., 1886, new ed., 1891. Brilliant, but not free from inaccuracies and misconceptions. 4. Comparye, Gabriel. Abelard and the Origin and Early History of Univer sities. (Great Educator series.) Lond. andN. Y., 1893. 5. Rashdall, Hastings. The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages. 2 vols, in 3. Oxf., 1895. Fully equal to Denifle in learning ; a work of great value and interest. H. UNIVERSITIES IN VARIOUS COUNTRIES. 1. Wood, Anthony. Athenae Oxonienses. 2 vols. Oxon., 1674 ; and Lond., 1721. Survey of Antiquities of Oxford. Ed., A. Clark, vols, i-iii, Oxf., 1886-89. 2. MuUinger, J. B. The University of Cambridge. Cambr., 1873. A Short Hist, of the same, in Epochs of Church History series. N. Y., 1888. The Schools of Charles the Great, and the restoration of education in the ninth century. Lond., 1877. Art. Universities in Encyc. Brit., Edinb., 1888. The first tolerably correct account in English. 3. Werner, Karl. Alcuin und sein Jahrhundert. Ein Beitrag zur christlich- theologischen Literaturgeschichte. New ed., Wien, 1881. 4. Grant, Alexander, Sir. Story of the University of Edinburgh during its First Three Hundred Years. 2 vols. Lond., 1884. 5. Parker, James. The Early History of Oxford. (Oxford Hist. Soc.) Oxf., 1884. 6. Conrad, J. German Universities. Glasgow, 1885. 7. Lyte, H. C. Maxwell. A History of the University of Oxford down to 1530. Lond., 1886. The first critical history of the University and gen erally accurate. 8. Brodrick, G. C. A History of the University of Oxford. Epochs of Church History series. Lond. and N. Y., 1887. 9. Kaufmann, George. Die Geschichte der deutschen Universitaten. Stuttg., 1888. Contains references to the literature bearing upon the educa tion of the period. Treats mediaeval universities in general ; is weJ written and interesting. Directed against Denifle (see above). 936 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 10. The Colleges of Oxford : their history and traditions. Twenty-one chapters contributed by members of the colleges. Edited by Andrew Clark. (Ox ford Hist. Soc.) Oxf., 1891. 11. Cardon, G. La Fondation de I'Universite de Douai. Paris, 1892. 12. West, A. F. Alcuin and the Rise of the Christian Schools. N. Y., 1892. 13. Edgar, John. History of Early Scotch Education. Edinb., 1893. A valu able and highly interesting account. 14. Fowler, Thomas. The History of Corpus Christi College. Oxf., 1893. 15. Paulsen, F. Die Griindung der deutschen Universitaten im Mittelalter. (Historische Zeitschrift, xlv, Miinchen, 1881.) Also Die deutschen Uni versitaten. Berl., 1893. Engl, transl. by E. D. Perry. Character and His torical Development of the Universities of Germany. Lond. and N. Y, 1894. 16. Cartularium Universitatis Parisiensis. Edited by H. Denifle. Paris, 1893-94. in. GENERAL EDUCATION IN THE MIDDLE AGES. 1. Heppe, H. Das Schulwesen des Mittelalters und dessen Reform im xvi Jahrhundert. Marburg, 1860. 2. Dollinger, I. J. v. Die Universitaten sonst und jetzt. Miinchen, 1867. Engl, transl. by Appleton. Oxf., 1867. 3. Michaud, E. Guillaume de Champeaux et les Ecolesde Paris au 12e siecle. Paris, 1867. 4. Kaufmann, G. Rhetorenschulen und Klosterschulen, oder heidnische und christliche Kultur in Gallien wahrend des 5 und 6 Jahrhunderts. (His- tor. Taschenbuch, 1869.) 5. Just, K. S. Zur Padagogik des Mittelalters. Eisenach, 1876. 6. Drane, Augusta T. Christian Schools and Scholars. 2d ed., Lond., 1881. Popular. 7. Kammel, H. J. Geschichte des deutschen Schulwesens im Uebergang vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit. Leipz. , 1882. 8. Poole, R. L. Illustrations of the History of Mediaeval Thought. Lond., 1884. 9. Specht, F. A. Geschichte des Unterrichtswesens in Deutschland von den altesten Zeiten bis zur Mitte des 13 Jahrhunderts. Stuttg., 1885. Crowned by the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. 10. Lacroix, Paul. In his Science and Literature of the Middle Ages. 2d ed., Lond., 1887. 11. Lorenz, S. VoBiserziehung im spaten Mittelalter. Paderbom, 1887. RELIGIOUS EDUCATION AND RISE OF UNIVERSITIES. 937 CHAPTER LVII. RELIGIOUS EDUCATION AND THE RISE OF UNIVERSITIES. In the beginning of the Christian Church religious education was very simple. It was confined to the main facts of the Gospel history and the more important principles of Chris tian truth. Later it became more elaborate, and the early educa- interpolation of question and answer in Acts viii, 37, TI0N' shows an uneasy consciousness of the difference between the sim plicity of the apostolic practice and the more careful training given in the second and third centuries. That training in the hands, not of special teachers, but of the ordinary Church officers — bishops, deacons, presbyters, and readers — included systematic instruction in a wide range of doctrinal instruction. From the great works of Saint Augustine — De Catechizandis Rudibus — and Cyril of Jerusalem — Catecheses — on religious education we learn that the range of subjects includes the sacred history of the world from the creation downward, the allegorical meaning of the Old Testament and the types of the law, the Gospel narratives and the law of Christ, and the whole scope of theology : God, Christ, the birth from the Virgin, the cross, the burial, the resurrection, the ascension, the Holy Spirit, the soul, the body, the Holy Scriptures, meats, the general resurrection, and judgment to come. Augustine also drew around him in his episcopal house the more promising of the younger clergy, and instructed them in the Scriptures, and from those who had been thus privileged it was customary to select candidates for the offices of the Church in Africa.1 Special schools were established, as those at Alexandria, Cassarea in Palestine founded by Origen, and Jerusalem founded by Clement of Alex andria, while that at Alexandria became the most famous in the ancient Church. But what about instruction in secular knowledge and the rela tion of the Church to pagan culture ? It is an evidence of the breadth of view of the Church that, in spite of the CHRISTIAtfS attempts of some recent writers to represent ancient using pagan r . , n J.' ¦ • 4-X.r. SCHOOLS. Christianity as intolerably narrow and anticivic, tne Christians sent their children constantly to the pagan schools, 1 Possidius, Vita Aug., xi. 338 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. where they were instructed in the whole course of the ordinary Ro man curriculum. The wonderful familiarity of the Fathers with pagan literature attests the wisdom of the Church in this respect, and her noble faith that those who possessed the wisdom of Christ would be enlarged in mind, but not corrupted in heart, by con tact with the great masters of Greece and Rome. On the benches of that university, if it might be so called, which Marcus Aurelius founded in Athens, Diodorus of Tarsus, Gregory Nazianzen, and St. Basil sat side by side with Julian, the later emperor, and with the most ambitious youths of paganism. Of the school life there Gregory Nazianzen has given us an ex cellent picture/ not omitting the hazing and rough horseplay of the initiation exercises into the college fraternities, from which it appears that in this respect the American school is far more bar baric than the Greek." He says that there were two roads which they were very familiar with in Athens — one leading to the Chris tian "buildings and the teachers there/' the other to "secular in structors." " Feasts, theaters, meetings, banquets " they left to those who desired them, but as for themselves they " had but one great business and name — to be, and to be called, Christians." " Hurtful as Athens was," he says, "to others in spiritual things — and this is of no slight consequence to the pious, for the eity is richer in those evil riches, idols, than the rest of Greece, and it is hard to avoid being carried along with their devotees and adher ents — yet we, our minds being closed up and fortified against this, suffered no injury. On the contrary, strange as it the pagan may seem, we were thus the more confirmed in the schools. faith by our perception of their trickery and unreality, which led us to despise these divinities in the very home of their worship. And if there is, or is believed to be, a river flowing with fresh water through the sea/ or an animal which can dance in fire,4 the consumer of all things, such were we among our com rades."* He speaks of the intense devotion of the pagan students to rhetoric, of which noble art, says the author of the Greek Life of Gregory, he and Basil culled the flower, while avoiding the falsity. The same authority states that their studies included 1 See his Oration xliii (Panegyric on St. Basil), 15, ff. a From these rough exercises Basil was excused through the influence of Gregory, as Stanley was at Rugby. 3 The Alpheus, a river of Arcadia. * The salamander, a lizard said to be impervious to the action of fire. See Pliny, Hist. Nat., x, 67. 6 Greg. Naz., Orat. xliii, 21 (Post-Nicene Fathers, vii, 402). See Jackson, St. Basil, in same series, p. xv. RELIGIOUS EDUCATION AND RISE OF UNIVERSITIES. 939 grammar, philosophy, music, geometry, and astronomy.1 Tertul lian, indeed, expressly interdicts Christians from teaching in these schools, because of their necessity of commending the pagan cults • but even he allows the lawfulness of learning from heathen teachers,' and indorses the plea that if we repudiate secular studies divine studies are impossible." " Hence it was," says Newman, " that in the early ages the Church allowed her children to attend the heathen schools for the acquisition of secular accomplishments, where, as no one can doubt, evils existed, at least as great evils as can attend a mixed education now. The gravest newman's Fathers recommended for Christian youth the use of testimony. pagan masters ; the most saintly bishops and most authoritative doctors had been sent in their adolescence by Christian parents to pagan lecture halls. " 3 In spite of the debates in the ancient Church concerning the desirability of studying the productions of pagan genius, all the more eminent of the Christian Fathers for five hun dred years received their intellectual training in pagan schools, or in schools which followed the traditions of pagan culture.4 This practice was warmly defended, especially in Alexandria, "not with the notion," as Newman says, " that the cultivation which litera ture gives was any substantial improvement of our moral nature, but as thereby opening the mind and rendering it susceptible to an appeal. Nor as if the heathen literature itself had any direct con nection with the matter of Christianity, but because it contained in it the scattered fragments of those original traditions which might be made the means of introducing a student to the Christian system, being the ore in which the true metal was found." 6 The great Fathers were formed by many teachers, pagan and Christian, and they might refer to Chrysostom as an example, for he was educated in religious knowledge by his Christian mother, in rhetoric by Libanius, and in philosophy by Andragathias, two 1 Migne, Pat. Graec, xxxv, 256. See Mullinger, Schools, in Smith and Cheetham, Diet, of Chr. Antiquities, ii, 1847. 8 Deldol., x. 3 Idea of a University, 8th ed., p. 9. Newman says this in partial excuse of the Dish (Catholic) bishops in " suffering the introduction " into Ireland of a " system of Mixed Education in the schools called National." But this suf- feranee, he claims, is only temporary for expedience' sake. Even at the date of his writing both the bishops and the pope had decreed that for university culture the mixed principle was no longer tenable for Irish Catholics. But, alas ! the ill-fated Catholic University at Dublin did not long afford them a chanee for the enforcement of this decree. 4 For a partial list see Mullinger, I. c, p. 1848. * The Church of Alexandria, in Arians of the Fourth Century, 5th ed., p. 86. 940 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. heathen teachers, and finally in Christian doctrine by Miletius and Diodorus.1 But the incursions of the barbarians and the growth of the mo nastic spirit led to a new disposition of the whole subject. The monastic schools at first were strongly inclined to pro- and the clas- hibit the study of pagan literature, but this was only sic studies. a temporary narrowness. The founders of the Bene dictines neither commanded nor forbade the study of secular au thors, although Gregory the Great exerted his powerful influonce on the side of obscurantism. He expressly forbade bishops to study pagan literature, and strongly censured Didier, Bishop of Vienne, for instructing some of his clergy in classical literature — an em ployment of time which he declared to be unbecoming even in a pious layman.2 At any rate the monasteries became fountains of learning sacred and profane, and they were supplemented by the episcopal schools. Charles the Great organized learning through out his dominions under the inspiring direction of Alcuin, who, although well read in the Latin classics, and with an earnest intention to improve the schools of the empire, was too defer ential toward Gregory's ideal. An interesting document has come down to us — the Capitulary of Charles the Great or of Alcuin concerning studies. The tone is altogether religious. Learning is insisted upon chiefly for its value in elucidating the hidden meanings of Scripture, and one of the Capitularies directs that in connection with every episcopal see and monastery there shall be a school where boys must be taught the psalms, notation (notas), singing, the use of the Computus, and the Latin tongue. It was required that the pupils shall be supplied with accurately transcribed text-books. The East and the Celtic monasteries exemplified a wider culture. The text-book of Martianus Capella, which for its free speculative tendency was reprobated by the Latin clergy, had a wide vogue celtic and among the Celtic monasteries. In the time of Gregory irish monas- of Tours it seemed to be a common manual for those of tehies. His countrymen who made any profession of learning. It was rich in its suggestions of heresies ; it contained an anticipa tion of the Copernican astronomy in the statement that Mercury and Venus revolved around the sun ; it taught the existence of the antipodes ; and it referred to the triune God of Christianity as in 1 Kihn, Aeltere christlichen Schulen, p. 60. sJohn, Vita Greg. HI, 33; Greg., Ep. xi, 54. Gregory's great work, Magna Moralia, an Exposition of the Book of Job, although it abounds in the most ex travagant allegory, is singularly deficient in either oriental or classical learning. RELIGIOUS EDUCATION AND RISE OF UNIVERSITIES. 941 the same category with the gods of paganism. It was from these page6, says Mullinger, that Virgilius, the Irish bishop of Salzburg, derived his theory of an antipodes, for which horrible heresy he incurred the enmity of Boniface and the anathema of Pope Zacharias.1 Besides, when John Scotus Erigena came out with his liberal views he was accused of imbibing them at the same foun tain.' The Irish scholars were superior in classical culture. They constantly affected Greek modes of expression, and were familiar with the Greek Fathers. Clement the Scott, when at the court of Carloman in 742, showed himself familiar with the writings of Origen, and refused to be bound by the opinions of Jerome, Au gustine, and Gregory.3 The Scotch (Irish) also indulged in specu lative arguments and syllogistic reasoning, much to the disgust of some of the continental theologians, one of whom warned the Church that the faith must be defended, not by sophistic trick eries, but by the plain statements of Scripture.4 But the Greek and Celtic love for dialectics proved too strong, and in the great schoolmen of the Middle Ages it was revived and used with rare subtility and power, and education itself entered upon a new career.6 In speaking of the mediaeval universities we must not forget the terms in use. The tenth century makes us familiar with the Trivium (grammar, rhetoric, and dialectics) and the university Quadrivium (music, arithmetic, geometry, and astron- terminology. omy), constituting the so-called Seven Arts. But the student must not be deceived by these high-sounding names. Arithmetic and astronomy were of value chiefly because they taught the means of finding Easter. " Music included little but the half-mystical doctrine of numbers and the rule of the plain song ; under geom etry Boethius gives little but a selection of propositions without 1 Lib. cit., p. 1858, who refers to Jafii, Mon. Mogunt., p. 191. * As by Prudentius of Troyes, Migne, cxv, 1294. Martianus Capella was a rhetorician of Carthage in the fifth century, and the title of his work was, De Nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii, et de Septem Artibus Liberahbus, Libri No- vem. It was eSted by Grotius when a boy, probably with th e assistanc^ , of Joseph Scaliger, Leyden, 1599, and (best ed.) by Kopp, Franef 1836^ It was copied and recopied by the monks. See Ramsay, in Smith, Diet, of Greek and Roman Biog. and Mythology, i, 598. 3 Haddon, Remains, pp. 274, 286. «„„+„„ 4 Benedict of Aniane: Apud modernos scholasticos, maxime apud Scotos^ iste syllogismus delusion! (Baluze, Misc., v, 54); Prudentius: £eqi«quam sophisticis illusionibus, sed Scripturarum sanctarum evidentissimis allega- tionibus (Migne, cxv, 1013). .. » See the fine art. by Mullinger, in Smith and Cheetham, ii, 1858. 942 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. demonstrations."1 Under grammar we have a more promising field, for it included not only the ordinary rules, but all classical and philological studies — the systematic interpretation of the clas sical writers of Greece and Rome. But logic was the richest field, and in that the mediaeval mind reveled. Meager at the best, how ever, as these studies were, they contained the germ of the bet ter fruitage of later times. The word university meant a school in which were gathered persons considered in the aggregate as forming one whole. It is a word commonly used of legal corpo rations, and long after the use of the word educationally it was used absolutely of town corporations and guilds. Even when ap plied to scholastic guilds it was used interchangeably with such words as " community," or " college," and in its earliest period it is never used absolutely, but always in such places as " university of scholars," "university of masters and scholars," "university of study," and the like. In the mediaeval times the word university. j ' was applied to the scholastic body, whether of teach ers or scholars. Our word university had for its equivalent, then, not Universitas, but Studium. Studium Generale means not a place where all subjects are studied, but a place where students from all parts are received. As a matter of fact, very few medi aeval studies possessed all the faculties. Even Paris, in the days of her highest renown, possessed no faculty of civil law ; while throughout the thirteenth century graduation in theology was in practice the almost exclusive privilege of Paris and the English universities.3 At the beginning of the thirteenth century the term Studium Generale became common to designate an educa tional institution, and, although used very vaguely, the words seem to have implied three characteristics : that the school at tracted, or at least invited, students from all parts, and not merely those of a particular country or district ; that it was a place of higher education, that is to say, that one at least of the higher faculties — theology, law, medicine — was taught there; and that such subjects were taught by a considerable number, at least by a plu rality, of masters.3 The universities of the Middle Ages developed, as a rule, out of 1 Rashdall, The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, 2 vols, in 3, Oxf., 1895, i, 35. This is a thoroughly scientific work of immense research and of fine literary interest, one of the best products of the modern school of history. See reviews in The Dial (by B. A. Hinsdale), Feb. 1, 1896, pp. 96, ff.; The Nation, April 16 and 23, 1896, pp. 309, ff., 327, ff. ; Amer. Hist. Rev. (by G. B. Adams), i, 520-523 (April, 1896). 2 Ibid., i, 8. 3 Ibid., i, 9. RELIGIOUS EDUCATION AND RISE OF UNIVERSITIES. 943 the cathedral schools, and not directly, at least, out of the monas tic schools. ' They were a response to the general intellectual quick ening of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and not to any new zeal of the monks or clergy for education. At first there was nothing to prevent any school from assuming the title, Studium Generale, which belonged preeminently to Bologna and Paris. But gradually the right of constituting Studia Generalia was confined to the pope and the emperor, so far as conferring on the universities thus hon ored the right of their masters to teach in other studia without examination." Rashdall has dissipated various misconceptions con cerning mediaeval schools in a passage of unusual interest : " "We have often had occasion to notice that the features of the mediaeval university system which have constantly been appealed to as binding precedents were really less universal and less invaria ble than has been supposed. The University of London, after be ing empowered by royal charter to do all things that could be done by any university, was legally advised that it could not grant de grees to women without a fresh charter, because no university had ever granted such degrees : we have seen that there were women doctors at Salerno. We have been told that the medi- RASHDALL 0N asval university gave a religious education : we have seen idea of dni- that to the majority of students it gave none. We TEBSITT- have been told that a university must embrace all faculties : we have seen that many very famous mediaeval universities did nothing of the kind. That it eventually came to be considered necessary, or at least usual, that they should do so is due to the eventual pre dominance of the Parisian type of university organization, minus the very peculiar and exceptional absence of a faculty of civil law. We have been told that the collegiate system is peculiar to England: we have seen that colleges were found in nearly all universities, and that over a great part of Europe university teaching was more or less superseded by college teaching before the close of the medi aeval period. We have been told that the great business of a uni versity was considered to be liberal as distinct from professional education : we have seen that many universities were almost exclu sively occupied with professional education. We have been assured, on the other hand, that the course in arts was looked upon as a 1 Both Denifle, Die Entstehung der Universitaten des Mittelalters bis 1400, Berl., 1885, i, 656, and Rashdall, i, 278, 279, agree as to this. • On the controversy between Denifle and Kaufmann, Die Gesch. d. Deutschen Universitaten, i, 3-409, as to the independent right of kings to found Studia Generalia without the permission of pope or emperor, see Rashdall, i, Id, 14, notes. 944 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. mere preparatory discipline for the higher faculties : we have seen that the majority of students never entered a higher faculty at all." ¦ The history of education destroys other popular ideas concerning the Middle Ages. The common assumption of the lethargy of the mediaeval intellect is shown to be altogether baseless when we re member that the universities were the centers of attraction of stu dents from all parts of Europe in number unparalleled in our boasted modern civilization. The fact that the courses were open to the number of public, that the lectures were given freely to all classes students. without distinction — men and youth, native and for eigners, favored this. It was only in the sixteenth century that public courses in philosophy ceased at the University of Paris, and Ramus (d. 1572), the reformer of that school, complains of it, and says, "It is not long ago that the last public lecturer in philosophy died." The mediaeval statistics of students must certainly be ex aggerated, and there is no method of verification, as the great uni versities kept no official record of students' names. The Italian historians speak of ten thousand students in the thirteenth cen tury and of fifteen thousand in the fifteenth. Abelard, who was in a real sense the founder of the University of Paris, and the most vi talizing thinker of the Middle Ages, was attended by such throngs of students from all parts of Europe that any statement of their number is but a guess. He says himself that the inns were not sufficient to contain them, nor the earth to feed them; and it is safe to conclude with Campayre that there were more than five thou sand pupils in his school at Paris.3 A chronicler of the time says that the number of students in some of the university towns ex ceeded that of the citizens.3 Rashdall sifts the figures of the medi aeval chroniclers, and reaches the conclusion that the student pop ulation in Oxford could at no time have exceeded three thousand, that at Paris ten thousand, and that probably no other university, except perhaps Bologna in the course of the thirteenth century, ever reached an attendance of five thousand.4 At any rate these figures show that the mediaeval period was by no means a Dead Sea of intellectual calm, but a seething tumultuous life, kept at a high pitch by a mental curiosity and alertness not surpassed in later times. On the other hand, we must guard ourselves against too sanguine conclusions as to the real equipment of the university men of the 1 Ibid., ii, 712, 713. 5 Compayre, Abelard and the Origin and Early Hist, of Universities, p. 17. 3 Cartularium Univer. Paris, i, 20 ; Compayre, p. 99. 4 Rashdall, ii, 581-590. RELIGIOUS EDUCATION AND RISE OF UNIVERSITIES. 945 thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. Take religious education as a test. Rashdall shows that this was very meager, that even the priest had most slender attainments in theology, and that his scanty re- studies at the university, aside from being taught to con- LIGIons EBTJ- strue the breviary and to read Latin, had no relation to middle ages. his work as a clergyman. "A student in arts would have been as lit tle likely to read the Bible," says Rashdall, "as he would be to dip into Justinian or Hippocrates. ¦ Much astonishment has sometimes been expressed at Luther's discovery of the Bible at the Convent Library of Erfurt. The real explanation of his previous ignorance of its contents is that Luther entered the order a master of arts who had never studied in a theological faculty. Even the highly edu cated secular priest, who was not a theologian, or at least a canon ist, was not supposed to know anything of the Bible but what was contained in his missal and his breviary. We do occasionally hear of the canonist attending lectures upon the Bible, as it was one of the sources of canon law, though the faculties do not appear to have required such attendance. But he wanted little more than a knowledge of texts to introduce into pious preambles of legal doc uments. Till he became a friar Luther had some difficulty in even getting access to a copy of the whole Bible, and a doctor of divin ity might be grossly ignorant of the New Testament. The ' reli gious education' of a 'bygone Oxford/ in so far as it had any exist ence, was an inheritance, not from the Middle Ages, but from the Reformation. In Catholic Europe it was the product of the coun ter-reformation. Until that time the Church provided as little professional education for the future priest as it did ' religious in struction' for the ordinary layman." ' The seminary system for clergymen is a modern development. So far as any learning at all was required for the clergy in the later Middle Ages it was mainly secular learning. From one college charter we learn that its founder desired priests to know physics, metaphysics, and logic, and also the first or philosophical part of Aquinas's Sum of Theology. " A bishop," says Rashdall, " is said to have been degraded for being ignorant of Donatus : it may be doubted whether anyone in mediaeval times was ever refused ordi nation—much less degraded when already ordained— for any degree of religious or theological ignorance which was not incompat ible with ability to say mass." There were, however, theological 1 A good illustration of this occurs in a Franciscan constitution of circa 1292 : "No brother shall have a Bible or Testament as a favor, unless he be apt in his studies or capable of preaching."— Cartul. Univ. Paris, ii, No. 580. 2 ii, 701-703. 60 946 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. departments at some of the universities, and the course was cer tainly long enough — fifteen or sixteen years. For six years the stu dent was a simple auditor : for four years he attended lectures on the Bible, for two years on the Sentences of Peter the Lombard. At the end of these six years, provided he had attained the age of twenty-five, the student might appear before the faculty with his certificates of due attendance on the prescribed lectures, and sup plicate for his first course. If he passed the examination he could be formally admitted to the reading of his " first course," that is, be made a Bachelor.1 The university played an important part in mediaeval history. It was the press of the times, an organ of public opinion of the most influential character. On the course of politics and State affairs it often interfered with marked results, sometimes for the democracy, at others for the king or aristocracy. The university is a great leveler, however, and its main influence is on the side of a constitutional democracy. It was the intellectual emporium of the universi- the period, the clearing house of ideas. So far as such ty in history. a thing was possible in the Middle Ages, the university stood for truth and the liberty of teaching it ; and although it would necessarily assume an autocracy and censorship of ideas this rule would always be open to the influence of public opinion, and always favorable within certain limits to "free discussion and the ological ingenuity and without motive for unnecessary or malig nant persecution." Both Lea and Rashdall call attention to the noble work of the University of Paris in saving northern France from the ravages of the Inquisition.3 Within the walls of the schools it is a fact that classical and biblical learning was preserved, and thus from them came the Renaissance and the Reformation. By the organization of the students as Nations, according to their country, the universities became a truly international institution — a pledge and prophecy of the brotherhood of man. 1 For full information as to the theological course, which, after all, left the student almost destitute of any scientific knowledge of the Bible, see the same, i, 462, ff. * Lea, Hist, of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, ii, 135-137 ; Rashdall, Uni versities of Europe in the Middle Ages, i, 526. GAIN AND LOSS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 947 CHAPTER LVIII. GAIN AND LOSS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. In the providence of God the Middle Ages play an important part in the history of the world. They effected for all after ages the following beneficent results : The Conversion of Europe. When the Middle Ages began all northern Europe was pagan ; when they ended it was all Chris tian. By the labors of some of the most heroic, intrepid, and de voted missionaries whom the world has ever known the continent of Europe emerged from pagan night into Christian light. That light, indeed, was not the pure light of the Gospel, but it possessed many essential elements of the Gospel, and it was infinitely better than the heathen cults which it supplanted. The Civilization of Europe. Christianity is the greatest civil izing force in history. Even its corrupt forms contain the germs of reconstruction of the State in the interests of humanity. The monks taught Europe agriculture and the first elements of material progress. Barbarian Europe had no cities. Cities and schools and farms and manufactories and bridges and roads came into being after the missionary had led the way and taught the lesson. The Restoration of Culture. In spite of the darkness of the so-called Dark Ages, to these we owe the classic culture of Greece and Rome. The monks were the copyists and editors of the time, and most faithfully did they fulfill their trust. In the Scriptorium of each monastery literary workers were transcribing or writing books, generally with the greatest care, and often with marvel ous artistic beauty. The many variant readings in mediaeval and ancient manuscripts must not mislead us as to the care actually be stowed on the work. At the end of some manuscripts we find this adjuration : " I adjure you who shall transcribe this book, by the Lord Jesus Christ and by his glorious coming, who will come to judge the quick and the dead, that you compare what you tran scribe and diligently correct it by the copy from which you tran scribe it— this adjuration also— and insert it in your copy." ' Even 1 Pref. to iElfric, Homilis MS. Lansdowne, No. 373, vol. iv, in British Mu seum. See the rare and interesting little book, by F. Somner Merryweather, Bibliomania in the Middle Ages, Lond., 1849, p. 22. 948 HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. to-day the long lists of errata show us that printers err as frequently as the ancient hand-writers. An old manuscript has this anecdote: "Dr. Usher, Bishop of Armath, being to preach at Paules Crosse, and passing hastily by one of the stationers, called for a Bible, and had a little one of the London edition given him out, but when he came to look for the text that very verse was omitted in the print: which gave the first occasion of complaint to the king of the in sufferable negligence and insufficience of the London printers and presse, and bredde that great contest that followed betwixt the uni versity of Cambridge and the London stationers about printing of the Bible." * We can hardly afford to cast stones at the mediaeval scribes. The book production and book trade of the Middle Ages are most interesting themes, but we must not be tempted into that rich field.3 Suffice it to say that the students of that time have fur nished us with innumerable manuscript editions of the Greek and Latin classics, of the Christian Fathers, and of the Holy Scriptures. The Consolidation of Nationalities. Protestantism would never have existed, humanly speaking, without the sense of nationality. The German war with the pope under the Hohenstaufen was the death knell of Roman ecclesiastical absolutism. The Roman Church aimed to absorb the State, which was also divine and made by God for independence, and, as a compensation, the divine provi dence evoked in part out of the sense of nationality which first awoke in the Middle Ages that religious revolt which issued in the national Protestant Churches. On the other hand, the Middle Ages left many problems for the modern Church. It did much of good and much of evil, and left many problems unsolved. Among the achievements which it could not bring to pass, and which it left for the future, were the following: The Restoration of Liberty. There were, as we have seen, large tracts of speculation in which considerable freedom was allowed. But, after all, the mediaeval mind conceived the Church as the guardian of true doctrine, with the right to enforce conformity of opinion for her own sake, for the sake of the souls of men, and for the State's sake. The Protestants inherited that tradition also, and it was not immediately that the Christian Church, loosed from the bonds of Rome, could really address itself to the great problem of realizing for mankind freedom of conscience with stability and loyalty in the State. The modern Church and State have not yet completely solved the problem. 1 MS. Harleian 6395, Anecdote 348 ; Merryweather, ibid., pp. 23, 24. 2 See Merryweather, as above, and Putnam, Books and their Makers in the Middle Ages, 2 vols., N. Y., 1890-97. GAIN AND LOSS OF THE MIDDLE AGES. 949 The Restoration of Love. The mediaeval Church did not grasp the doctrine of the Fatherhood of God, and therefore did not preach or practice the magnificent truth of human brotherhood. There were innumerable instances of the ameliorating influence of Christianity, but there was no passion for humanity, no conception of love as the great dominating force in the world, no mighty currents of phil anthropic life to reform prisons, uplift the poor, and rescue the per ishing. What there was of kindly succor to the unfortunate was in obedience to a noble Christian instinct, but was out of relation to a wise and large plan for permanent relief. The great problem of charity the Middle Ages left to the modern world. The Restoration of the Bible. One of the chief crimes of the mediaeval Church was to thrust itself and its dogmas between the Christian and the Scriptures. It never in any ecumenical council forbade the reading of the Bible, but in various local synods it did forbid it, and, what is more to the purpose, its whole attitude, its entire conception of doctrine and of the Church itself as the teach ing Church, thrust the Bible into the background, and substituted for it only innumerable traditions, rules, and doctrines. There is an historic justice in the birth of Protestantism in the new light and peace that came to Luther and the Reformers in the study of the Scriptures. Even to-day in Roman Catholic countries the Bible is a comparatively unknown book. The restoration of the Bible to the world is the work of Protestantism. The Roman Catholic Church can have in the nature of things not the slightest interest in popular enthusiasm for Bible study. The Restoration of Christ. " They have taken away my Lord, and I know not where they have laid him," might have been the exclamation of a Christian at every footstep in all the weary paths of the mediaeval times. The Church took the place of Christ, Mary and various cults took the place of Christ, and the priests took the place of Christ. Single heralds there were, crying m the wilderness— such as a Kempis and a Tauler. But they produced no powerful impress on the dull mass. How to restore him to the people as a personal Saviour, and Friend, and Guide, as the Way, the Truth, and the Life, was a problem that was left to the modern Church. End of Volume I. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 05325 8027