& imrnnini i iiiiiiiinn"vrTr'tT"Tit*W"'^-""-m" DIVINITY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY THE AGE OF THE FATHERS VOL. I. WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR LESSONS FROM THE LIVES OF THREE GREAT FATHERS : St. Athanasius, St. Chrysostom, and St. Augustine. With Appendices. Crown 8vo. 6s. SOME ASPECTS OF PRIMITIVE CHURCH LIFE. Crown 8vo. 6s. THE ROMAN SEE IN THE EARLY CHURCH : AND other Studies in Church History. Crown 8vo. 71. bd. THE INCARNATION AS A MOTIVE POWER. Crown 8vo. bs. MORALITY IN DOCTRINE. Crown 8vo. 71. bd. HYMNS AND OTHER VERSES. Fcp. Svo. 5!. LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. LONDON, NEW YORK, AND BOMBAY THE AGE OF THE FATHERS BEING CHAPTERS IN THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH DURING THE FOURTH AND FIFTH CENTURIES BY THE LATE WILLIAM BRIGHT, D.D. REGIUS PROFESSOR OF ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD AND CANON OF CHRIST CHURCH IN TWO VOLUMES VOL. I. ..) I 1 lV- ... J ^ Tj Votary of tj-ie LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 1903 All rights reserved PREFACE The ground covered in these volumes is almost exactly the same as that traversed by Dr. Bright in his earliest work, The History of the Church from A.D. 313 to A.D. 451. But the treatment is very different : that book was written for students, and it was the work of an annalist aiming at completeness and verifying each statement by reference to the authority for it : this is intended to be more popular ; the interest of the reader is not distracted by notes, the less important details are omitted, and attention is concentrated on the lives of the great fathers and on the great doctrinal con troversies ; it is the work of an historian and a theologian, writing with a more perfect mastery of his materials, with a truer sense of their relative importance, and with a greater freedom and richness of style. But, though more popular, it is also more learned. It is enriched by a wide and varied reading of thirty-five additional years ; and those who have been privileged to see Dr. Bright's note books — his " Sylva " as he called them, amounting to more than sixty volumes — will know with what thoroughness and with what freshness of interest he was wont to digest his reading and make it available for future use. It is also illuminated by the experience of later travel in the countries of which he writes, and many of the scenes described— in Milan, in Rome, and elsewhere — gain a new force from the mind of one who has looked upon them, and looked upon them with the eyes of a vivid imagination, able to bridge the gulf between the scene as it was and as it now is. Above all, the form of the book is affected by the fact that it repro duces the lectures with which he charmed and stimulated and inspired generations of Oxford students. They, at least, as they read the book, and, to a certain extent, all readers with them, will not picture to themselves an historian writing in his study, but vi Preface. will see and hear a lecturer : they will see the merry smile break ing over his face if any event has its ludicrous aspect, the fire lighting up the eyes at the mention of the courage of witnesses for the truth ; they will hear a voice ringing through the room as it recalled the bold denunciations of passion or of cowardice even in a Christian Emperor, or hushed into a solemn quiet at the mention of the Sacred Name : they will recall a personality lifted by con stant friendship with the great personalities of St. Athanasius, St. Ambrose, St. Augustine, St. Chrysostom ; and seeing with his eyes, they will therefore see with the eyes of the actors themselves the events which he portrays. It must be acknowledged that Dr. Bright was not well acquainted with German, and it is possible that some modern con tributions to our knowledge even of the original materials for the history of the period may have escaped him. On the other hand, few, if any, scholars of our generation have moved with such ease among the primary Latin and Greek contemporaneous writers and among the eighteenth-century literature of the subject, and it may well be that an intimate familiarity with the editions of the Benedictines of St. Maur, with Mansi's Concilia, and with Tille- mont's Memoirzs, is still the best equipment for an author who would communicate to his readers a real and intelligent under standing of " The Age of the Fathers." In the treatment of the narrative there will be found all those marked characteristics which we have long been accustomed to associate with Dr. Blight's work, an enthusiasm for great characters, a picturesque and almost poetic power of painting the chief episodes, and above all that delicate sureness of touch in handling questions of doctrine, that fear of exaggeration, that sense of balance, which springs only from a loyal reverence for truth, developed through years of mature reflection. It is in keeping with this that we who have had occasion to examine Dr. Bright's manuscript and to note the successive changes made in it, have come to realize how there grew up in his mind a greater tenderness and charitableness of judgment towards those who opposed the orthodox view, and a greater effort to credit them with those aspects of truth for which they were, however onesidedly and wrongly, yet honestly contending. At the same time, his indignation against the unfairness of some recent Roman controversialists has perhaps led him to adopt an unduly suspicious and hostile attitude towards the occupants of the Roman see. Preface. vii Dr. Bright's lectures — on which the present work is based — were carefully written out (although in delivering them he never adhered strictly to the text) in a series of ten note-books, of which the first is dated in 1870 and the eighth in 1873 ; the ninth and tenth bear no date, but internal evidence shows that the ninth was not completed before 1880 at the earliest. In all of them the narrative occupies the right-hand page, while the left-hand page is devoted to references and to quotations from original documents. In all of them new matter was from time to time incorporated in the narrative or added on the opposite page: but in the earlier there are abundant traces of a further and systematic revision, which was apparently undertaken in direct preparation for the printing of these volumes ; and the discrepancy between the proofs as we received them and even the later note-books shows that a somewhat similar though less drastic revision must have been continued on the type-written sheets. The last note-book ends with the close of Chapter XLVII. : and for the two concluding chapters we have had at our disposal no other material than the printed slips. It is possible that the account of the Council of Chalcedon was only put on paper for the purpose of the present book. Before Dr. Bright's death the whole work had been type written ; and pp. 1-320 of the first volume had received his final corrections and had been printed off. When therefore Dr. Bright asked me on his death-bed to be responsible for the publication, it seemed an easy task ; but when we came to read over the pages already printed, we were compelled to recognize, as the list of errata will prove, that it had been with a rather failing eye and hand that Dr. Bright had worked at the end. Consequently it has been necessary — and this must be our excuse for the delay in publication — to examine the rest of the work carefully ; to check statements by reference to the original manuscript and (occasionally) to the authorities on which they were based ; to remove certain inconsistencies which had been caused by additions made at the last moment ; at times to re-arrange the order of the material. The greater part of this task has been undertaken by Mr. C. H. Turner of Magdalen College, Assistant Lecturer to Dr. Bright during the years 1888-1901, whom I cannot ad equately thank for the care with which he has executed it ; but we have also been greatly helped by the Rev. 11. G. Fookes, of Lea Rectory, Gainsborough, who has undertaken the laborious viii Preface. task of preparing the Index out of affectionate devotion to his friend and teacher. In one of his later poems, Dr. Bright gave touching expression to the dread which all must fear of the limitations of old age — " of the inward change On mind and will and feelings wrought ; The narrowing of affection's range, The stiffness that impedes the thought : The lapse of joy from less to less, The daily deepening loneliness." But to his despondent mood the answer seemed to come from the Psalmist's words, " They also shall bring forth more fruit in their age ; " " A voice responds : It need not be : Refuse to grow at all points old ; Keep fresh the stream of sympathy, On no pure interest loose thy hold ; His own true self he ne'er survives Who strikes a root in other lives." These words have found a fulfilment already in the painstaking and unselfish efforts which others have made to render this book worthy of him and of its subject ; and they will find a fuller response yet in many who will read it and catch some of the writer's enthusiasm for the Church and its Truth. WALTER LOCK. Keble College, August 16, 1902. CONTENTS CHAPTER PAGE I. The Toleration of Christianity 1 II. DONATISM AND THE COUNCIL OF ARLES 12 III. The Councils of Ancyba and Neoc^sarea . . . . . 34 IV. LlCINIUS AND CONSTANTINE .... 41 V. The Beginnings of Arianism .... 53 VI. The Nicene Council. — Part I .... 71 VII. The Nicene Council. — Part II. . . . 99 VIII. The Short Internal Peace Ill IX. The First Troubles of St. Athanasius .... ... 136 X. Prom Treves to Sardica 156 XI. The Church after the Sardican Councii .191 XII. The Second Arian Persecution 215 XIII. The Variations of Arianism 246 XIV. Arimesum and Seleucia 264 XV. Results of the Council of Ariminum 283 XVI. Julian 294 XVII. Internal Church Affairs under Julian 323 XVIII. After the Pagan Reaction 337 XIX. The Episcopate of St. Basil .... 367 XX. GrRATIAN AND THEODOS1US . ... 394 XXI. The Catholic Revival at Constantinople . . ... 40S XXII. The "Second General Council" ... 425 XXIII. The West in the Last Years of Damasus 462 XXIV. St. Ambrose and Justina 483 XXV. St. Ambrose and Theodosius 503 XXVI. The Last Years of Theodosius 520 ERRATA Page 27, line 7, for " urbis," read "orbis." ,, 28, line 1, add inverted commas after "Londinensi. „ 28, line 17, for "Adelphius," read " Adelfius," as in line 2. „ 54, line 11, for "pursuit," read "dispute." „ 68, line 38, for "Alexandria and Arius," read " Alexander and Arius." „ 77, line 1, for "much altered," read " must attend." ,, 78, line 26, for "Heracles," read " Heraclea." ,, 80, line 20, for " retain it for," read " retain for it." „ 81, line 26, for " we," read "he." ,, 82, line 9, for "discipline," read "discussion." ,, 105, line 29, for " subicarise," read " urbicarise." „ 119, line 3, for "For," read "For." „ 124, line 31, for " Tiberius," read " Tiberias." „ 127, line 11, for "began," read "begun." „ 129, line 30, for "finish," read "furnish." „ 130, line 1, for " 1457," read " 1453." ,, 136, line 26, for "althongh," read "although." ,, 152, line 11, for "were ready," read ''was ready." ,, 170, line 9, for "of anti-Alexandrian prejudice," read "or anti-Alexan drian prejudice." „ 174, line 5, for "safeguards the (1)," read " (1) safeguards the." „ 174, line 22, omit " new." ,, 184, line 8, for " Gaudentius of Narcissus," read " Gaudentius of Naissus," ,, 184, line 26, dele comma after "before." ,, 184, line 29, for "formerly," read "formally." „ 195, line 40, for " Constantine," read " Constantius." „ 201, lines 16, 17, for "two priests of Alexandria, and a layman without," read " two priests of Alexandria and a layman, without." „ 203, line 21, for "Constantine," read "Constantius." „ 205, lines 2, 3, for " the second Sunday of the second week," read " the Sunday of the second week." ,, 207, lines 9, 10, for "illustrating, as we may say with such tragical vivid ness, " read "illustrating, as we may say, with such tragical vividness." ,, 212, line 17, for " omissiom," read " omission." „ 216, lines 38, 39, for " Constantine," read " Constantius." „ 228, line 36, for " thought it their duty," read " thought it his duty . " „ 242, line 33, for " Oxyrinchos," read " Oxyrhynchus." „ 249, lines 10-12, read "This was the ' Homoean' theory, called 'Acacian ' from Acacius, bishop of Csesarea, its chief representative." „ 252, line 20, for " as," read " so." „ 260, line 15, for " Homoousion," read "the Homoousion." ,, 274, line 3, for " contumacious," read " contumacious." „ 277, line 39, for " fruitful to," read " fruitful in." ,, 280, line 16,, for "the library of the Louvre," read "the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris." „ 280, line 22, for "this," read "thus." „ 291, line 15, for "these orthodox," read " those orthodox." ,, 301, line 33, for "grotesque," read "grotesque." ,, 306, line 6, for " campaign," read " campaigns." „ 811, line 21, for " Dorotorum," read " Dorostorum." „ 318, lines 39, 40, for " on one hand," read "on the one hand." THE ADDITIONAL ERRATA Vol. I.— Page 217, line 24, for " Council of 343 " read " Council of 345." Vol. II.— Page 118, line 34, for " in the spring of 404 " read " in the spnng of 402.' 247, line 3, for " assembly in 354 " read " assembly in 353." " 517, line 18, for " Maximin " read " Maximus." j_ ~ „-., ^^^jj.vx^u.^j u± reaauu over impulse, was long reluctant to inaugurate a new persecution against a large body of his subjects, whose religion had for more than forty years been formally recognised as lieita, that is, as permissible under Roman law, and whose traditional " pertinacity " had been proved in its previous collisions with the government. At last, indeed, he yielded to the urgency of Galerius, the savage-minded ex-herdsman whose domineering temper had begun to overawe him, and whose pagan superstition was an incentive to the worst barbarity against Christians ; and having taken his resolve, he showed himself bent on suppressing the Church's worship not only by destroying buildings and annulling rights, but by crowd ing the prisons with all its ministers, and endeavouring by torture to make them apostatize. But he did not retain the Imperial power for more than two years and some two months / VOL. I. B ERRATA Page 27, line 7, for " urbis," read "orbis." „ 28, line 1, add inverted commas after " LondinenBi. ,, 28, line 17, for "Adelphius," read "Adelfius," as in line 2. ,, 54, line 11, for "pursuit," read "dispute." „ 68, line 38, for "Alexandria and Arius," read. " Alexander and Arius." „ 77, line 1, for "much altered," read " must attend." „ 78, line 26, for "Heracles," read " Heraclea." ,, 80, line 20, for " retain it for," read " retain for it." ness," read "illustrating, as we may say, with such tragical vividness." 212, line 17, for "omissiom," read "omission." 216, lines 38, 39, for " Constantine," read " Constantius." 228, line 36, for " thought it their duty," read " thought it his duty. " 242, line 33, for " Oxyrinchos," read " Oxyrhynchus." 249, lines 10-12, read "This was the ' Homcean' theory, called 'Acacian ' from Aeacius, bishop of Caesarea, its chief representative." 252, line 20, for " as," read " so." 260, line 15, for " Homoousion," read "the Homoousion." 274, line 3, for " contumacious," read " contumacious." 277, line 39, for " fruitful to," read " fruitful in." 280, line 16, for "the library of the Louvre," read "the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris." 280, line 22, for "this," read " thus." 291, line 15, for "these orthodox," read " those orthodox." 301, line 33, for "grotesqne," read "grotesque." 306, line 6, for "campaign," read "campaigns." 311, line 21, for "Dorotorum," read " Dorostorum." 318, line6 39, 40, for " on one hand," read " on the one hand." THE AGE OF THE FATHERS CHAPTER I. THE TOLERATION OF CHRISTIANITY. The close of the last great Heathen persecution is naturally called the close of the primitive period of Church history. It is not without a deep moral significance that the supreme effort of the pagan world-power to trample out the life of the Kingdom that is not of this world should bear the name of Diocletian, rather than of its true originator Galerius. The able and far-sighted founder of a new Imperial system, affecting as he did on all occasions, in Gibbon's phrase, " the calm dignity " of a " Jove-like " ruler, in whom was represented the ascendency of reason over impulse, was long reluctant to inaugurate a new persecution against a large body of his subjects, whose religion had for more than forty years been formally recognised as licita, that is, as permissible under Roman law, and whose traditional " pertinacity " had been proved in its previous collisions with the government. At last, indeed, he yielded to the urgency of Galerius, the savage-minded ex-herdsman whose domineering temper had begun to overawe him, and whose pagan superstition was an incentive to the worst barbarity against Christians; and having taken his resolve, he showed himself bent on suppressing the Church's worship not only by destroying buildings and annulling rights, but by crowd ing the prisons with all its ministers, and endeavouring by torture to make them apostatize. But he did not retain the Imperial power for more than two years and some two months f VOL. I. b 2 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap- from the 23rd of February, 303, the day on which the work was begun by destroying the great church at Mcomedia ; and Galerius — who kept up the persecution until a horrible and pro longed disease had broken his spirit in the end of April, 311 — and his nephew, the ferocious Daza, called Maximin, the " worst of all " the persecutors, as he is described by Eusebius, and whose character was a blend of odious qualities, were beyond comparison more active than Diocletian in the attempt to stamp out Christianity. But still he, with whom rested the ultimate shaping of the Imperial policy, did give — with whatever unwillingness — the first impulse to that desperate undertaking; and history is so far not unjust when she casts over his memory the whole gloom of a tragedy of which the largest and most hideous portion was enacted by men far worse than himself, when he had long retired to his Dalmatian privacy. It was "under Pontius Pilate," who had repeatedly " sought to release Him," that Christ " suffered ; " and the final warfare of the Wild Beast against His servants was " Diocletian's persecution " after all. The event which finally put an end to it, and actually brought in a new era, was the victory of Constantine over Maxentius, " the tyrant rather than the sovereign " of Rome, at the " Red Rocks," nine miles north-west of Rome, on October 28, in 312 : it is usually, indeed, associated with the Milvian bridge, the " Ponte MoUe," where Maxentius was drowned as he attempted, in his flight, to cross the Tiber and gain the city. It was a battle, says the historian of " Italy and her Invaders," which " ensured the triumph of Christianity throughout the whole Roman world : " a victory which the Senate, three years later, commemorated by the erection of the Arch of Constantine near the Colosseum, and attributed, in studiously vague terms, to " an impulse from the Divinity." And when senate and people thronged to welcome the Augustus of Gaul, Spain, and Britain (whose reign had practi cally begun at York in 306), to thank him as a deliverer, and to hail him as a monarch, the Roman Christians, from Pope Mel- chiades, as Eusebius calls him, or rather Miltiades, downwards, had reason enough to share in the general joy. They, indeed, and their brethren through the West, had for some time been sub stantially free from persecution : in this memorable October of 312, more than seven years had elapsed since the compulsory abdication of their old enemy Maximian; and even when he, for a time, resumed the purple as the associate of his son Maxentius, he does L] The Toleration of Christianity. 3 not seem to have interfered with that policy of conciliation which Maxentius found it prudent to observe towards the Church, in the interests of his unsettled throne. But no permanent reliance could be placed on the humanity of a prince enslaved to the vilest licentiousness, and to that foul craft of the magicians which, in the preceding century, had greatly contributed to produce the persecution under Valerian. The Christians of Rome, therefore, could not regret Maxentius, and could not but look with hope and good will on the true heir of that kind-hearted Constantius, who had at least drawn near to the true religion, and even while he was subordinate as a " Caesar," had done as little as he could against its professors, although he had been obliged to publish the first two edicts. This hope and good will would be increased by the growing rumour that Constantine, on his march south ward, had been warned by a mysterious vision, — or, as perhaps one form of the story was even then circulated in Rome, by a marvellous appearance in the sky, visible to his soldiers as well as himself, — to advance in confidence of victory under the " ensign " of the Cross. And when the Christians saw a statue of the conqueror rising up in the midst of the city, with a cross-like staff in its hand, and an inscription referring to "this saving sign," they may be supposed to have given full play to their most sanguine expectations of brilliant triumph as the fruit of so eminent a conversion. Yet Constantine was not yet, in any true sense, converted. He had been greatly impressed by the tragical fate of several conspicuous enemies of Christianity : he had given up the " secularism " which, as he frankly told a Western Council two years later, had once led him to think that " no supreme power could see into the secret of his bosom," had learned to assimilate his father's faith in One God, and had prayed for help to that God whom his father had worshipped : something had happened to impress him profoundly with a conviction that safety and prosperity would be found in identifying that God with the object of the Christian faith and devotion ; and so he was led to recognise in the Christ of the Church, not indeed as yet a Saviour and Cleanser of the soul, but, at any rate, an invincible Patron and Protector. He was still far off from the faith which works by love, from the sense of sin that craves for moral renewal ; he had but reached the position of believing that " power belonged to " the Christians' " God," and it may be doubted whether for several years after this date he had formed 4 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. any convictions which could commit him to a real adoption of Christianity. In fact, it was but by degrees that his policy advanced even as far as to an absolute religious toleration. Some time in 312 — -pro bably before the overthrow of Maxentius — he had put forth an edict which conceded to Christians freedom of worship, but under certain restrictions which afterwards seemed to him less than just. He was at present on good terms with Licrnius, who five years before had been invested by his old comrade Galerius with the full imperial dignity : the provinces of Illyricum were his prin cipal domain, and from, thence he passed over into Italy, in order to cement his alliance with the conqueror of the West by espousing his sister Constantia. There is not a little confusion of accounts and theories as to the order of events which followed ; but on the whole we may suppose that it was in the early part of 313 that the two princes met at Milan, and there promulgated the famous edict which ensured liberty of worship — in its terse energetic Latin, liberam atque absolutam colendas religionis suse facultatem, to Christians and to all others alike, on the ground that this was accordant with right reason — expressly cancelled the re strictions of the former edict, and intimated a hope that this grant would be rewarded with the favour of " the Supreme Divinity." Maximin, the " half-barbarian " protege of Galerius, who had raised him to Caesarship, and ultimately had conceded to him. the dignity of Augustus, was now sharing the Eastern 'part of the empire with Licinius. He had a bitter animosity against Chris tianity, stimulated by a clique which, like Julian in after-days, aimed at establishing a mystic Platonized Paganism. And accord ingly he had in divers ways harassed the Asiatic churchmen. But now he felt that policy required an alteration of his pro gramme ; and in a letter to Sabinus, his praetorian prefect, in which, to save his own dignity, he ignored the Western edict, he pretended that he had always desired to use persuasion rather than coercion in order to reclaim Christians to the worship of the gods ; that he had indeed yielded to memorials addressed to him from certain cities, praying that Christians might be forbidden to live within their precincts, but that his motive was a regard to precedents, and a belief that the gods approved their desire ; however, he now deemed it fitting to renew his commands that the Christian provincials should be " left free to follow their own religion." They, for their parts, knew better than to rely on i-] The Toleration of Christianity. 5 Maximin ; he had more than once rekindled the fury of perse cution : after the wretched Galerius had put forth his Edict of Toleration, permitting Christians to profess their faith, and desir ing them to " pray to their own God for his welfare," Maximin verbally ordered a relaxation of the persecution, but within six months took indirect methods for renewing it, procuring addresses to be made to him against the Christians, to which in his man date to Sabinus he alludes, and replying to them with rhetorical commendations and full assent. The tyrant, it was observed, on the present occasion, had not sanctioned any public exercise of Christian rites ; and his Christian subjects received further proof of his real intentions, when he suddenly " threw off the mask " of a good understanding with the other emperors, and marched into the territory of Licinius. Then it was that, as the Chris tians believed, he vowed to Jupiter, that if victorious in the impending conflict, he would " utterly extinguish and annihilate the Christian name," while Licinius on his side offered up prayer to " the Holy and Highest God," and caused the words to be put on record, and repeated by his troops. On April 30, 313, the armies met ; Maximin was defeated ; he flung away his purple, put on a servile dress, and fled one hundred and sixty miles in twenty-four hours. When safe in Cappadocia, he resumed his imperial garb, and vented his fury on many Heathen soothsayers who had promised him victory ; lie then put forth one final edict, proclaiming an unequivocal and absolute toleration. In this document he expresses regret that his benignant intentions in the preceding rescript have not been fully apprehended, so that some of his subjects have needlessly "hesitated to resume the religious rites which they prefer." Wherefore he gives all men full notice that any person may freely embrace or follow Chris tianity ; that churches (" the Lord's houses ") may be built ; and further, that any houses or lands, of right belonging heretofore to Christians, and confiscated, seized, sold, or granted away, shall be restored to Christian ownership. One scene more remained in the life of this unhappy tyrant, who might have rued the day when he was taken, as a young peasant, "from the flocks and the woods," to become soldier, bodyguard, tribune, Caesar, and Au gustus. He took poison in despair, by one account, but it wrought slowly, and produced a long death-anguish ; and when his bodily eyesight was gone, he seemed to " see God, as surrounded by ministers in white, and pronouncing his doom." Then, according 6 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. to this awful narrative in the " De Mortibus Persecutorum," he shrieked out " as men do under torture," and cried, " It was not I that did it, but the others ! " and afterwards expired in great misery, imploring compassion from Christ. Stories of this kind by no means inspire implicit confidence ; and perhaps, as in the case of the death-cry invented for Julian, this tale of the agonized death-bed of Maximin represents what Christians wished to believe as to a manifestation of divine justice : at the same time, it is not incredible that such a revolution of feeling should have been produced by intense suffering, and should have elicited, at the eleventh hour, something like a recognition of the Christians' God. The death of the last persecutor took place in August, 313, about six months after Diocletian, " broken with sorrow, shame, insult, sickness, and old age" — he was seventy-eight — had died in his immense palace at Salona. Licinius, having in the midsummer of this year secured his position in the East as against Maximin, promulgated the Edict of Toleration in his own name and in Constantine's, on his arrival at Mcomedia, the capital of the East, which under Diocletian's care had rapidly grown into magnificence, and, as we have seen, had possessed a stately church conspicuous on a hill. The Church, then, throughout the Roman world participated in the religious freedom permitted to all sects : she had no special privilege accorded to her, nothing like ascendency, nothing like " establishment ; " the followers of every strange and weird cult were to be completely on a par with her members in the eye of the law. But the edict took pains to make it clear that the confiscation of Christian property was annulled : whatever had formerly belonged to indi vidual Christians, or to their corporate body as such, and had been alienated during the late troubles, should be restored ; and, to make this restitution complete, the officials should take care that no price should be demanded for such property: the non- Christian holders should surrender it absolutely, and look for compensation from the Imperial munificence. We now see the nature of the great Act of Toleration, which is connected with the name of the great city of North Italy. Milan had witnessed, some eight years earlier, a scene full of hope for the then afflicted Christians of the West, in the first abdication of Maximian, who, as its non-Christian inhabitants would gratefully recollect, had richly adorned it with stately buildings. It was Ll The Toleration of Christianity. 7 afterwards to see some events of importance — -one at least of tragical importance — in the contest of the ancient faith with a great heresy ; and it was to derive an imperishable glory from the episco pates of one of the greatest of Christian men, and, in a far distant age, of an eminently self-devoted pastor. But now the illustrious city which from the beginning of the century had been virtually the capital of the West was honoured indeed by becoming the scene of that memorable Imperial conference, which gave the Church rest from a series of inflictions involving trials of peculiar intensity. Technically, as we have seen, the edict of the two emperors did not go much farther than that of Gallienus, which had made Christianity a religio licita; it did not commit the emperors to a single distinctively Christian sentiment, but spoke generally of " the Divinity reigning on high ; " and it explicitly guarded against the appearance of "disparaging any mode of worship." Yet, while it confined itself to the simple object of securing universal freedom in matters of religious observance, the half- century which had elapsed since the edict of Gallienus had seen so wide a diffusion of Christianity, and the persecution of the last ten years had so thoroughly demonstrated the impossibility of up rooting it, that the emperors were but recognising the patent fact of its moral triumph, when they proclaimed toleration to be necessary for the public peace. The Roman empire was not con verted to the faith ; but the faith had drawn into its obedience such masses of whatever throughout the empire was noblest and manliest, that the absolute toleration of the Church as no longer an " illicit " combination, but a recognised lawful society, and its gradual advance to the position of a State religion, were inevitable necessities of government. " The State," says J. J. Blunt, " did not give its countenance to Christianity until it could no longer withhold it : " and even if Constantine had not personally (to say the least) learned by this time to hold the Name of Christ in awe, he might still have framed the Edict of Milan, and have thus prepared the way for a subsequent official adoption of the faith. Paganism was stricken to death before it lost its legal supremacy ; and when placed on a footing of legal equality with the religion which its gravest writers had once taken for an " exitiabilis superstitio," the ultimate result could not be doubtful. And as the worst cruelties have again and again been the result of a panic, we may discern in the barbarous policy of Galerius and Maximin a perception of " the beginning of the end." They a 8 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. struck at the Christian system furiously — one might say franti cally — for they felt that even now their blows might come too late. The Imperial orders touching the buildings which had belonged to the Church, or to individual Christians, prove that before the persecution there were many churches, as we should now say, in existence and use ; and thus they illustrate Eusebius's statements as to the erection of new and spacious churches in all the cities, towards the beginning of the fourth century, and the destruction of churches which signalised the beginning of the Diocletian persecution. These "houses of prayer" had belonged to the Christian society as "licita;" and there were also lands recog nised as the property of that body, a recognition now solemnly confirmed by the edict, in terms which " secured the revenue as well as the peace of the Church." In this same spring of 313, Constantine wrote to Anulinus, the proconsul of " Africa," enforcing the necessity of restoring to " the Catholic Church of the Chris tians " all the property — " gardens, houses, or anything else " — which had of late years been taken from them. Instructions were given to Ursus, the minister of finance in the African province, to pay to Caecilian, bishop of Carthage, a sum described as 3000 "folles," and reckoned by Gibbon as £18,000; and the bishop received a gracious letter from Constantine, desiring him to dis tribute it among " the ministers of the legitimate and most holy Catholic worship," according to a " brief" or list, which would be furnished to him by Hosius, bishop of Cordova. More would be supplied, if necessary, by the Imperial steward of estates, Hera- clides. Another letter, written shortly after to the proconsul Anulinus, sets forth the Emperor's conviction that the Christian religion, when legally observed and practised, has brought great prosperity to the empire ; and proceeds to decree that " those who are called Clerics in the Catholic Church, over which Caecilian presides," shall be wholly exempt from the obligation to serve any public office, that so they may be free to " devote themselves to the observance of their own " religious " law." If the Western Christians had their own special satisfaction in having found such a patron as Constantine, the Easterns would feel a peculiar relief in being delivered from such a tormentor as Maximin. They would look with exultation on his statues, now lying shattered on the ground ; their children would be taught to laugh at the black paint which was rubbed over his portraits. Even the cruelties perpetrated by Licinius upon his wife and L] The Toleration of Christianity. 9 children, who were relentlessly put to death, would probably, in the circumstances, excite no other emotion than what might be expressed by " Laissez passer la justice de Dieu ! " And the news that judgment had been done on the agents of his malignity towards the faithful would be hailed with stern exultation. It had found them out, then, after all, that infallible, inevitable avenging Hand : Culcianus, who had shed the blood of the saints in Egypt, and Theotecnus, who at Antioch had stimulated a renewal of persecu tion by means of pretended oracles from a new-made image of Zeus Philios, — they had been overtaken by the wrath of God, had come under those " millstones which grind tardily, but grind to powder." The Lord, it was felt, had interposed to " extirpate the wild beasts that ravaged His flock ; " those men of pride " who set themselves against Him were laid low ; " " their image was annihilated in the city ; " they were but " lately like the towering cedars, but now their place could nowhere be found." " A splendid cloudless day " had followed on a long darkness ; the Church. had "a new song put into her mouth;" "she saw the desert blossoming as a lily ; " she felt that the mercies now bestowed were " beyond her expectation ; " her joy was expressed by festal gatherings for the dedication of new and statelier sanctuaries, with solemn beauty of ritual and full-voiced choral praise, and Chris tians of " every age " pouring out their souls in thankfulness, and communicating in " the mystic symbols of the Saviour's Passion." On such occasions, the bishops and other ecclesiastics delivered addresses ; and Eusebius preserves a florid specimen of his own oratory, pronounced at the dedication of the new Cathedral, so to call it, at Tyre. He proceeds to give some description of the church: his notions of fine writing were not very compatible with distinctness, but we can discern the outer enclosure or pre cinct, the entrance into the cloistered quadrangle, the gates open ing into the vestibule (afterwards called the narthex), the nave with its lofty roof of cedar, and the screened chancel with the altar in the midst, and seats for the clergy in a semicircle beyond. " On the outside of the nave," but opening into it, were rooms and offices for various purposes of the Church. If the Eusebian description shows how instinctively, and as a matter of course, the Church of this period invested her public worship with forms of visible majesty, and built up her sanctuaries "like high palaces," " exceeding magnifical," it also helps us to the conclusion that a community which could rear so august a temple in the very 10 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. city where, some three years earlier, its members had been made to " fight with beasts," could not " stand in much need of secular help, nor owe its success to the help that it was about to receive." At such dedication-services, Eusebius tells us, brethren from different countries were wont to meet. We can imagine the variety of thrilling and inspiring reminiscences, which each would be able to contribute as they narrated their experiences of the persecution. The Christians of Palestine, for instance, would tell of those martyrs to whose " good confession " Eusebius has devoted thirteen chapters between his 8th and 9 th books : of Procopius who headed the catalogue, of Apphianus who had boldly stopped the governor's hand when sacrificing, of Agapius who had played the man in Maximin's presence, of the maidens Theodosia and Ennathas, of Paul who had spent his last breath in a series of detailed intercessions, of the learned and generous Pamphilus and his companions, including the white-haired deacon who knew the Scriptures by heart, and the young servant-boy who called on Jesus amid the flames. From Antioch would come praises of the heroic deacon Romanus, and of others who were " roasted on grates of fire ; " from Nicomedia, where the storm first broke out, there would be tales of the chamberlains of Diocletian's palace, Dorotheus and his fellow-martyrs, and of Lucian the learned Antiochene presbyter, who was carried to Maximin's capital city of Nicomedia, defended Christianity in his presence, and died of tortures in prison. Again, an Egyptian Christian would dwell on the pro tracted sufferings of his brethren in the Thebaid, when thirty, or sixty, or a hundred men, with wives and little ones, were butchered in a day, and the very swords were blunted and broken with ceaseless use ; he would speak of Philoromus, who had once been seen every day administering civil justice, with soldiers round his tribunal, but who sacrificed everything for the name of Christ ; he would, perhaps, quote the words of Bishop Phileas to his flock at Thmuis on the example of Him who humbled Himself even to death, and on the martyrs as inspired by that supreme example ; he would tell how Phileas practised what he taught, resisting the tears of wife and children, confessing the Crucified as his God, and invoking with his last breath " the Immaculate and the Incompre hensible One ; " and he would depict the great hermit Antony as almost courting martyrdom, standing in his white woollen cloak before the prefect, and encouraging the faithful, in that autumn of 311 when Peter of Alexandria was suddenly seized and beheaded. I] The Toleration of Christianity. 1 1 A Western Christian would not be silent, although Western Churches had had but two years of suffering ; he would glory in the marvellous endurance of Vincent the deacon of Saragossa, in the youthful self-devotion of Agnes and Pancratius, in Vitalis the slave at Bologna, in Afra the penitent at Augsburg ; perhaps he would have heard how, in far-off Britain, Alban had died for sheltering a priest, and professing his faith after discovery. Such would be some of the recollections then fresh and glowing in Christian minds, of those soldiers of Christ who had " willingly offered themselves " to fight His battle and to " overcome by His blood." Por a time, the Church in the East had little else to do than thus joyously to reorganize her system, rebuild her churches, and commemorate her martyrs ; it was for her, so to speak, a long bright Paschal festival. But we must shortly turn to the internal troubles which already in this year 313 had begun to disturb one part of the Western Church, and read the first pages of the painful history of Donatism. Yet one lingers instinctively as if unwilling to pass onwards out of the calm sunshine which, like some benignant presence, was at this time gladdening almost every province of the earthly kingdom of our Lord. It was the golden prime of the fourth century, when His servants — to adopt the Vulgate rendering of a well-known prophecy — might seem to be " sitting amid the beauty of peace, and in tabernacles of confidence, and in rich repose." Many of them might think, as the young Athanasius evidently thought, when he gave vent to his buoyant expectations in the beautiful book on " The Incarnation of the Word," that the Church was almost foretasting the final victory ; that the " Royal banners " would now advance without serious hindrance, rapidly winning the world to its true Master. They would not, in their exultation, in their fervid enthusiasm of hopefulness, take home the thought that very intense religious happiness is often granted as a strength against trials to come. And when such troubles did come, in partial rekindling o^ persecution, or in the " long tragedy " of the Arian conflict, or in manifold experience of the resisting force of Heathendom, or in the disappointing discovery of the incurable viciousness of Roman social life, some loyal souls, worn and wounded even to faintness, would look back fondly to the happy year of the Great Edict, as Apostles, fulfilling the ministry of the Cross, " desired to see one of the days of the Son of man." CHAPTER II. DONATISM AND THE COUNCIL OF AELES. One of the leading features of the Great Persecution was the effort made by the government to seize and destroy the copies of Scrip ture. " During the long period of repose," says Bishop Westcott, " which Christians enjoyed after the edict of Gallienus, the cha racter and claims of their sacred writings became more generally known, and offered a definite mark to their adversaries." The first of Diocletian's four edicts — a decree which appeared very early in 303, when the old Emperor had not yet been induced even to imprison the clergy — commanded that the Christian churches should be pulled down, and the Christian sacred books should be burned. This was first carried out on February 23 at Nicomedia. Lactantius condenses the scene into three words, " Scripturae repertae incenduntur ; " and Eusebius " with his own eyes " saw similar sacrileges perpetrated at a later time, although it appears from his narrative that copies of Scripture had escaped this destruction, and were still in use at Gaza when persecution raged there in 307. The " Acts " of Agape and her companions, accepted by Ruinart, speak of the martyrs as refusing to give up the books and parchments of Scripture, some of which were seized in a private house. Felix, bishop of a town in Africa, is bidden to give up such books, "all of them that he has." He answers laconically, " Habeo, sed non do." At his next hearing the proconsul asks why he will not give up " scripturas supervacuas," perhaps implying that any books which he chose to hand in, whether sacred books or not, would be considered as satisfying the legal obligation. Felix makes the same reply : the question and answer are once more repeated : the bishop is taken to Italy, and the prefect asks, " Felix, why do you not give up ' Scripturas Dominicas ' ? or perhaps, you have not got any ? " The intention Chap. II.] Donatism and the Council of Aries. 13 of the magistrate— as had so often been the case in persecutions — was evidently to give the prisoner a loophole of escape ; but Felix again answers, " Habeo sed non do," and receives sentence of death. Among his dying words is the significant sentence, " Evangelia servavi." Again, in the " Acts " of Saturninus, Dativus, and other African martyrs, we read of a bishop named Fundanus, who con sented to give up the books of Scripture ; and of a brave sufferer named Emeritus, who, stretched on the " Little Horse " and horribly tortured, was asked, " Have you any' Scriptures ' in your house ? " and replied, " I have — but in my heart," probably meaning, " it is impossible for me to part with them ; " of another, Ampelius, who made a similar answer ; of another, a youth, who to the same question answered simply, "I am a Christian ; " then, when his flesh was being lacerated with iron hooks, added, " I have the Lord's Scriptures, but in my heart — I pray Thee, O Christ, grant me patience ! " At Cirta, the old capital of Numidia, the " curator " or administrator of town-property called on Paul, the bishop, to give up " the Scriptures of his law " (or religion) : the bishop eva sively answered, " The Lectors (readers of Scripture in church) have them, but we will give up what we have here." Bookcases were found in the church, but empty : a subdeacon (who seems to have ranked below a reader) produced, on further demand, " one very large manuscript ; " the officials went to a reader's house, and obtained four other manuscripts; at other houses, five manuscripts, or two, or six, were surrendered : at length, a " public servant " was sent into a house to search for " Scrip tures," and reported that he could find none. Similar scenes were enacted at Zama and Furni. So it was that in Africa, while the persecution lasted in that province, many Christians obeyed the summons to surrender the sacred books — then, we must by the way observe, well known as such, as forming a recognised New Testa ment Canon. Those who thus yielded must have told themselves, and told others who censured them, that they had neither byword or act disowned their belief in the truths of Scripture ; that this belief, in its real life and force, was not dependent on the possession or the perusal of so many " codices " or " membranae ; " that their compliance — a reluctant compliance — with the Imperial order, now the law of the Roman world, was not an apostasy, but would rather tend to avert harder trials that would make apostasies only too frequent. "We are not Lapsi," they would urge; "we are not even guilty of any ecclesiastical offence." The answer would j 4 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. be brief and indignant : " You can be disloyal to our Lord without formally denying Him. He trusted you with His own book, with the very records of His redemptive life, and you betray the precious deposit to be torn in pieces and burnt by the blasphemers — by those who would fain tread underfoot His religion. You are not Lapsi — granted ; but you are Traditores ! " The name thus given, associated as it was with treason, hit the mark, and became a byword. Towards the end of Diocletian's reign, and of the first reign, so to speak, of Maximian, on the 5th of March, 305, a synod of bishops had met amid the fortified heights of Cirta, for the consecration of a new prelate to that see. They met in a private house, the churches not being yet restored. Secundus, of Tigisium, presided, and opened the proceedings by saying, " Let |us first examine ourselves : you " — turning to one bishop called Donatus — ¦" are said ' tradidisse.' " The bishop thus accosted made an evasive reply, indirectly asking indulgence, "Reserve me to God's judgment," but remarking that he had escaped the summons to burn incense. " What, then," rejoined Secundus, " are we to say of the martyrs ? They won their crowns because they made no betrayal." "Leave me to God," was the answer : " to Him I will give account." " Come this way," said the president; and then addressing a bishop named Maximus, repeated, " They say too that you are a Traditor." Maximus an swered that he had given up some papers, but no books (codices). Another prelate said that he had given up " some medical books," practising a subterfuge which the officials often tolerated, or even suggested. Another affirmed that the " curator " charged with carrying out the edict had forced him to throw the four Gospels into the fire : " and after all, I knew that the writing had become nearly illegible! but," he added, "pardon me this offence." Secundus then addressed Purpurius of Limata : " It is said that you have killed your two nephews." The savage African temper broke forth in Purpurius : " Do you think you can frighten me ? I have killed, and will kill, all who oppose me : but you — how did you get off, when called upon to give up the Scriptures ? Do not provoke me to say more." This home-thrust produced an unex pected change in the curious drama : Secundus had been for some time in the hands of soldiers, and it was presumed that he had not been freed without some compliance ; his nephew warned him to close the inquiry, if he did not wish to provoke a schism, which would leave him isolated and regarded as a heretic ; and the n.] Donatism and the Council of Aries. 15 president, finding three other bishops of the same mind — or, as they euphemistically phrased it, disposed to leave the suspected prelates to God — acted on the advice by saying to them, " Take your seats ; " whereupon the synod exclaimed, " Thanks to God ! " The relief, perhaps, was felt by all the bishops present ; and so, this unwelcome subject being dropped by common agreement, they consecrated Silvanus to the see of Cirta. It was proved in 320 by an official inquiry before the consular Zenophilus that this man had been one of the subdeacons under the late bishop Paul, when in May, 303, volume after volume, including " a very large codex," had been surrendered by readers or subdeacons to the magistrate ; and on that occasion he had taken part in surrendering two gold and six silver chalices, six silver urns, seven brass candlesticks, and seven silver lamps, with men's and women's tunics and shoes ; and had himself brought out a silver lamp, and a silver vessel from a secret place in the church behind a jar. In this sense he might be called a Traditor ; and the Christians of Cirta exclaimed, " Give us another man, one of our own city ; Silvanus is a Traditor, — hear us, 0 God ! " The new bishop was actually placed in his seat by the strong arms of Mutus, a gladiator employed in the " arena ; " while the faithful generally worshipped apart in the " Cemetery of Martyrs," and in the " Casa Major." This was the enthronement of Silvanus, in the Easter week of 305. By way of contrast to the Traditors, we must now observe that the intemperate zeal which glowed in so many African Christians, as if the heat of their climate had imparted, in De Broglie's phrase, " un aspect farouche " to their very Christianity, had already given trouble to Church authorities. There were cases in which men anticipated the summons to " give up their Scriptures " by coming forward of their own accord to say, " We have books, and we will not give them up." Some who took this line were persons of no good character, or were debtors to the Imperial treasury, and might be supposed to aim at whitewashing their reputation, or enjoying the bountiful supplies which usually passed through the prison- gates to brave Confessors. But, whatever might be the motive, all voluntary self- perilling was a form of that precipitate rushing into trial which Montanistic fanaticism might call heroic, but which to the sound judgment and reverential humility of Catholics seemed nothing better than tempting the Lord. Cases might arise in which a sudden and decisive prompting from above might warrant a Christian in thus attracting, instead of awaiting, "the blast of 1 6 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. the terrible ones : " but, ordinarily, so to act was sheer presumption ; and thus the Church's mind had expressed itself quite early in the history of persecution, as when the Smyrnaean Church, in the Epistle on the Martyrdom of Polycarp, gravely pronounced its disapproval of those who surrendered themselves, referring to the unhappy case of Quintus the Phrygian, who, after having done so, gave way to panic, and apostatized ; so Cyprian had said that ^ Christians ought to " confess," not to " profess," — " not to surrender^ themselves of their own accord to the Gentiles ; " and so Peter of "/ Alexandria in 306 censured those who thus "drew on themselves" a storm of temptation. "The sober sense of the Church," says Lightfoot, " was again and again needed to rebuke and discourage the spirit of challenging martyrdom ; " and thus it was on a well- / understood principle that Mensurius, bishop of Carthage, forbade *¦ his flock to pay any respect to persons who had volunteered a refusal to surrender the sacred books. He himself, he admitted, had eluded the search for those books by putting in their place, at / the " Basilica Novarum," some " worthless writings of heretics," which the officers unsuspectingly carried off. It was presently suggested to the proconsul that the bishop had tricked him in this business; but he declined to act on the suggestion. However, Mensurius made himself some enemies, within the Church, by his, severity in the one case and his stratagem in the other : he was blamed for want of sympathy with Christian self-devotion, and^ suspected of having committed the complex offence of acting as a Traditor and falsely pretending that he had only seemed to do so. In St. Augustine's words, " it was said that he had lied in saying that those books were not Scriptures, and had been minded thus to hide his sin ; although he was also blamed for the deceit itself." A party formed itself against him, headed by Donatus, bishop of Casae Nigrae in Numidia ; it was the preparation for an open schism. He was accused of sheltering a deacon, named Felix, charged withv having written a seditious letter against Maxentius : he refused — j unwarrantably, as we should say — to give up Felix into the hands of the government, and was forthwith summoned to Rome. Before he sailed, he deposited with some of the " elders of the people " — leading laics who held an official position as churchwardens (and were quite unlike the " lay elders " of Presbyterianism) — a large number of gold and silver vessels belonging to his church; and left an inventory of them in the hands of an old woman, with orders that if he did not return, they were to pass to the next occupant II.] Donatism and the Council of Aries. iy of the see. He never did return : he satisfied Maxentius by his y explanations, but he died, it appears, on his way home. This was in 311. The vacant bishopric had to be filled. Two- priests of Carthage, Botrus and Celesius, or Celestius, aspired to"- the dignity, and in order to secure the appointment for one of them- ' selves, contrived to prevent the Numidian bishops from being sum-^ moned, by way of keeping the matter in the hands of prelates nearer home. But their intrigues failed to gain their end. The archdeacon v Caecilian was chosen by the " suffrage," or " request," — the strong testimony or expression of desire, as from St. Cyprian's writings we should interpret the terms, of the whole Carthaginian laity ; and he was consecrated according to custom by bishops of neighbouring towns, including Felix of Aptunga or Autumna. The woman who> had received from Mensurius the " brevis," or inventory, of Church treasures was faithful to her instructions, and delivered it, in presence of witnesses, to the new bishop of Carthage. He there upon demanded the treasures from the lay " seniores ; " but they, as Optatus expresses it, in his work " on the Donatist Schism,'1' " had greedily swallowed what was entrusted to their keeping ;" and then, in anger at the new bishop's demand, they inaugurated a . schism, and were abetted by the two disappointed candidates, and by a rich and influential lady named LucIUa. She had a personal — grievance against Caecilian, whose temperament was averse to"' irregular enthusiasm : while he was archdeacon, he had reproved - her for the habit of kissing the bone of a dead man, whom she regarded as a martyr, before she received the Holy Eucharist : as Optatus says, " she was rebuked for giving precedence over the Cup of Salvation to a bone of some dead man, and one who, if he were a martyr, was not yet approved as such ; and she departed in wrath at being thus put to shame." The mortification rankled in her mind, and made her eager to compass, by her money and her influence, any possible revenge upon Caecilian. And so it was that, as Optatus reckons, three elements — detected fraud, dis appointed ambition, and wounded vanity — combined to organize an attack upon his episcopate, and to inaugurate the movement of Donatism. The malcontents called to their aid some Numidian bishops, of whom Secundus, who had presided in the Council of Cirta, was the most conspicuous. According to a passage in St. Augustine's very curious " Psalmus contra partem Donati," they had already come to Carthage to take part in the appointment of a new bishop, and vol. I. c 1 8 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. were vexed to find Caecilian already " ordained in his own see." They found him supported by the great body of the laity as well as of the clergy : he had possession of the church and altar used by previous bishops of Carthage. The Numidian bishops were enter tained by the malcontents, and would not enter the cathedral. Caecilian, hearing of their hostile intentions, sent a message to them : " If any man has any charge to make against me, let him come for ward and prove it." At that time they did not urge anything against him personally, but they made the objection which became so famous and so important in the history of the subsequent controversy : " Felix, who consecrated you, is a Traditor ; therefore your conse-"! cration is illegitimate." Caecilian was said to have sent back a reply, which Augustine considers to be a mere sarcasm : " If my consecrators are Traditors, do you come yourselves and consecrate_ me." " Let him come," cried the surly Purpurius, who had turned so fiercely on Secundus in the Council of Cirta — " let him come to have hands laid upon him, and we will break his head by way of penance." The Churchmen prevented their bishop from trusting^ himself to such " ruffians ; " and the Numidian prelates, who were nearly seventy in number, proceeded to act. The church and altar not being available, they met apart, and pronounced Caecilian to be not legitimately bishop, because Felix was a Traditor, and because Caecilian himself had, while yet archdeacon, prevented food from being carried to imprisoned confessors : it was even said that his agents had stood at the prison door with whips in their hands. This latter charge, which they now for the first time employed, was probably a gross exaggeration of Caecilian's natural co-operation with his late bishop to check the rush of volunteering. for martyrdom. If we ask how they came to take this extreme step on the ground of these two charges, we shall find that according to our authorities, Optatus and Augustine, some members of the " schismatic Council " were those very bishops who had managed, at Cirta, to stifle the inquiry into their conduct which Secundus was-' instituting : they felt that they had incurred the reputation of being Traditors ; and they might wish at once to gratify Secundus, and to display their zeal against the offence of which they themselves had been accused. A much larger number would be swayed by the representations of Botrus and Celestius, acting on impetuous natures possessed by an honest abhorrence of cowardly unfaithful ness, and a genuine enthusiasm for Christian strictness. These men would eagerly respond to the speech of Marcian, one of their 1 1.] Donatism and the Council of A rles. 1 9 number, who compared Traditors to those unfruitful branches which were to be cut away from the Vine. We must not, however, ignore the presence, in some cases at least, of a far lower motive ; we know that some members of the synod which condemned Caecilian were simply bribed by the gold of Lucilla, who spent a very, considerable sum in thus promoting the purity of the Churchij They were, says Augustine, "bought and instigated" by her to strike this blow at the man who, years before, had galled her by rebuke; and elsewhere he says with a curious pun that Nun- dinarius, a Donatist deacon, had " exposed all the marketings " (nundinas) of Lucilla. The see of Carthage was treated as vacant"-1? and a former Reader named Majorinus, now attached to Lucilla's household, was consecrated as bishop by the Numidians, including Silvanus of Cirta. Thus was " altar set up against altar," and a formal schism begun. Letters were written to nearly all the bishops of Africa, denouncing Caecilian and his consecrators, and demanding the recognition of Majorinus ; and many, " in good faith relying on " the statements in these letters, were, as St. Augustine expressesj it, "alienated from Caecilian." The churches beyond the sea adhered to his communion, and ignored Majorinus as a pretender and schismatic. Some account of the feud, from a quarter friendly"^ to Caecilian, had reached Constantine when, in the spring of 318, - he wrote, as we have seen, two letters to Anulinus, the proconsul of the " old province " of Africa, respecting the restitution of Church property and the exemption of the Catholic clergy from civic office-bearing, and also one to Caecilian as bishop of Carthagej For in this latter epistle, after mentioning the sum to be distributed by Caecilian' s instrumentality, among the clergy named in a par ticular list, the Emperor proceeds to say that he has been informed^ of the attempts of " some men of unsettled mind to pervert the people of the most holy and Catholic Church by a certain base falsification ; " that he has written to Anulinus, and to Patricius, the "Vicar" for Africa of the praetorian prefect of Italy, ordering them not to tolerate such proceedings : that Caecilian, therefore, may unhesitatingly invoke the support of the provincial govern-) ment. Anulinus signified the Imperial orders about exemption of clerics " to Caecilian and those who acted under him ; " but took no cognisance of Majorinus and his supporters. The latter were naturally irritated; and a few days after, some of the bishops"! of the party, with a " great body " of lay adherents, presented to Anulinus a sealed packet with a leather covering, superscribed, 20 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap: " Statement of the Catholic Church containing charges against Caecilian, given in by the party of Majorinus ; " and also, attached to this, an unsealed " libellus " or statement. Both these documents they earnestly requested the proconsul to forward to Constantine. He did so on April 15, 313, taking care at the same time not tqj prejudice the existing position of Caecilian. Part at least of the contents of the unsealed " libellus " were as follows : " We entreat you, Constantine, most excellent Emperor, since you come of a just race, and your father, (alone) among the emperors, never per secuted, and Gaul is free from this crime " (of delivering up the Scriptures), " whereas in Africa there are contentions between us and the other bishops, — we beg your Piety to appoint judges for us from Gaul." This was signed, for the prelates " of the party of Majorinus," by five of their number : the name of Donatus, apparently, was not put forward ; but the bishop of " Black Huts," who had begun to disturb the peace of the Church in the days of Mensurius, must be regarded as one of the most energetic leaders of the present schism, although the Donatus, who was known as " the Great," and was schismatic bishop of Carthage, belongs to a later time. The documents reached Constantine while he was in Gaul, perhaps at his favourite city of Treves. Greatly annoyed, he yet determined to grant the request of the petitioners. He summoned ' Caecilian to come to Rome, with ten bishops whom he might select as his supporters : he ordered ten others of the opposite party toj appear and bring forward their charges ; and he wrote, forwarding also copies of the " libelli " received from Anulinus, to Miltiades, incorrectly called Melchiades, " bishop of the Romans," and to "Marcus," whom Valesius supposes to be a presbyter of Rome, afterwards Pope, and Tillemont identifies with Myrocles, bishop of Milan. This letter, preserved in a Greek version by Eusebius^1 expresses the Emperor's vexation at finding divisions rife among the bishops and people of the African provinces, which " Divine Providence had willed to entrust to his devotedness ; " and inti mating his desire to prevent " all schism and dissension," out of " regard for the Catholic Church," informs Miltiades and Marcus that they are to hear and decide the case in conformity to " the most venerable law" of Christianity, and to "justice," and in con junction with three bishops, Rheticius, Maternus, Marinus — respectively bishops of Autun, Cologne, and Aries — to whom similar letters, with copies of the necessary documents, were atj the same time addressed. Of these three prelates, Rheticius (a II.] Donatism and the Council of Aries. 21 predecessor, we observe, of Talleyrand ! ) was the most eminent, and St. Augustine cites some remarkable words of his on baptism as the " principalis indulgentia : " St. Jerome ranks him among the famous men of his time, and mentions two of his works. Constantine afterwards added seven other bishops to the proposed court of inquiry, and this number, as we shall presently see, must have been further increased. Thus opened another scene in the strange drama. It was not the first occasion, strictly speaking, of an appeal to the sovereign for justice from one of the ecclesiastical parties : Aurelian had been invoked by the Catholic prelates and clergy to expel the condemned heresiarch, Paul of Samosata, from the " church-house " of Antioch. Nor can the " party of Majorinus " be accused of having on this occasion set a precedent for undue interference on the part of the civil power ; for as in Paul's case " civil rights were involved in an ecclesiastical judgment," so this appeal to Constantine related to " facts, not to doctrine : " he is asked to appoint judges of the case, and he does so as the natural guardian of public tranquillity, although he is careful to profess, at the same time, his respect for the Church of which he was yet in no sense a member. He orders the parties to " come before a tribunal of bishops." And now we must, in imagination, transport ourselves to the south-eastern corner of Rome, and the slope of the Caelian hill just within the Asinarian Gate, where the senatorial family of, the Laterani, one of whom was put to death for conspiring against Nero, had owned what Juvenal calls a " splendid house," part of which had come into the hands of Maximian, and of his daughter Fausta, Constantine's wife, from whom it took the style of " Domus Faustae," but transmitted to all time its old name of " Lateranum." As if in anticipation of the time when the dwelling1 was made over to Pope Silvester by the true "Donation of Constantine," and the earliest basilica of "Our Saviour in the Lateran " was endowed by his munificence, the " Domus Faustae ", was assigned for the hearing of this important cause : the prelates who actually formed the court were nineteen in number, for it/ had been resolved to enlarge the tribunal, and increase its moral weight, by the addition of bishops from various towns of Italy. One can picture the disgust, not unmingled with alarm, which must have been legible in many faces of the high Pagan society of the capital, at seeing that proud aristocratic and Caesarean mansion constrained by the Emperor's orders, during his absence, 22 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. to open its doors, for a solemn judicial process, to the chiefs of a "superstition" the more hateful because no longer to be despised. So it was that before the Council, or court of bishops, herch assembled, accusers and accused stood face to face, on Friday, October 2, 31ft No advantage was allowed to Caecilian : a full and fair investigation took place ; and the prosecution, which was mainly conducted by Donatus of Casae Nigrae, was discredited by the offences brought home to him and others, and then broke down under the failure of the evidence adduced against the de-j fendant. On the first day of sitting, it appeared that Donatus had been a stirrer-up of faction while Caecilian was only archdeacon ; and he avowed that he had rebaptized and reordained some bishops who had lapsed in the persecution. On the other hand, the witnesses brought forward against Caecilian owned that they had no facts to attest ; and the judges would not admit as evidence the clamours raised against him by the least respectable of the followers of his rival. It was then pretended that there were other witnesses important for the case, who had come to Rome, but whom Donatus, for his own reasons, had hindered from ap pearing. " They should appear on the next day : " he repeatedly promised to produce them. The next day came, but instead of these witnesses, there appeared some persons with a " libellus " of charges against Caecilian, which were examined and found want ing. The accusers had recourse to the fact that as many as seventy^ bishops had condemned Caecilian; but the judges replied that a large number of men acting in disregard of judicial principles was of no greater moment than a small one. Caecilian had been condemned unheard ; that fact proved the judgment to be worth less, though ever so many had concurred in pronouncing it. The third sitting ended the trial. The Pope and his colleagues (we may use the word " Pope " as a matter of convenience) pronounced Caecilian innocent. " Since," said Miltiades, " nothing has beenj proved against him by the party of Donatus in conformity to what they undertook, I am of opinion that he ought to be maintained in full possession of ecclesiastical fellowship. But," he added, "excepting only Donatus, the originator of the mischief, the others who have opposed Caecilian may, if they choose, enjoy the peace of the Church ; nay, I am ready to send letters of cornel munion to bishops consecrated by Majorinus, and to consent that where there are now two rival bishops, the one who was first II.] Donatism and the Council of Aries. 23 consecrated shall hold the see, and the other be provided for elsej where." This proposal is praised by Augustine as emanating from " a true son of Christian peace, a true father of Christian people," but is doubtless to be taken as the general sentence of the whole synod, Miltiades as president speaking last, and Au gustine repeatedly mentions the "judgment of the bishops;" and again, "After the pacific resolution of the episcopal tribunal, all pertinacity of contention and animosity ought to have been ex tinguished." But it was not so. Donatus and Caecilian were""* both desired, in the interests of peace, not at once to return to Africa. Caecilian, by Constantine's orders, repaired to Brescia ; Donatus soon obtained leave to go to Africa, on condition of no,tj visiting Carthage. Two bishops, Eunomius and Olympius, were* sent by the Council, or by Miltiades, to Carthage, charged to " pronounce " or declare authoritatively, as Optatus expressed it, " where" that is, with whom, " the Catholic Church was ; " to " pro^ mulgate," in short, "the decisions of the synod." They were violently opposed by the partisans of Majorinus ; " daily dis turbances " happened : at length the envoys did their errand, gave sentence that " the Church " in Africa was that which was in communion with other Churches, communicated with Caecilian's clergy, and returned to Italy. Donatus then went to Carthage f whereupon Caecilian speedily quitted Brescia, and returned home, The schismatics renewed their complaints to Constantine? They sent deputies to him, to denounce Caecilian as unfit to be aj bishop. " That is nonsense," said the Emperor : " the case has been settled at Rome, by thoroughly competent judges." They persisted, saying that the bishops at Rome had passed a hasty judgment within closed doors, omitting some important points in the case. " What of Felix of Aptunga ? the little council of nineteen bishops never exarhined the question whether he was a Traditor; and that question lies at the root of all." We may observe in passing that the idea of a supreme judicial authority in the Roman bishop alone never occurred to either party. "Wearied out," says Augustine, " by their daily importunities," Constantine ordered Verus, the vice-prefect of Africa, to hold a regular in quiry into the case of Felix. Verus being ill, the duty was per formed by the proconsul iElianus with all strictness and severity : part of the " gesta " are extant, and from them it appears that one Maximus was, so to speak, counsel for the schismatics, and Apro- nianus for Felix, and that a very important witness was one Alfius 24 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Caecilianus, an old gentleman who had been " duumvir " or local magistrate in 303, and as such had been obliged to carry out the mandate for the seizure of Christian "Scriptures." He had, in that capacity, taken away the episcopal chair from the church of Aptunga, with some " letters of salutation ; " and had sent (as the Christians had already done) to the house of Felix, in order to find " Scriptures " there. Felix was absent. Nothing more passed at the time. But, some years later, when one Maurus had simonia- cally obtained the see of TJtica, Felix, in a sermon, declared that no one ought to communicate with him, because of his " fraud ; " whereupon an aedile's clerk, named Ingentius, being a friend of Maurus, said by way of recrimination, "And let no one com municate with you either, for you are a Traditor ! " He then proceeded to Aptunga, determined to make evidence, if necessary, for his charge. He called on Alfius Caecilianus, who was taking his breakfast with his workmen; declined an invitation to share the meal, and, on being asked his business, began to say, " I am come to find out whether any Scriptures were burnt in the year when you were duumvir." Caecilianus, who was clearly a man of honour, answered, " You annoy me ; you are a spy — take yourself off." Ingentius departed, but returned with the aedile Augentius, whose clerk he had been, and they presented a sup posed letter from Felix with an oral message, both to be commu nicated to Caecilian, and to this purpose : " I have in charge eleven valuable Scripture ' codices,' which I am called upon to restore to their owner; I don't want to part with them, and in order to avoid doing so, I would be glad if you, my friend, would say that they were burned during your duumvirate." Caecilianus, not suspecting any plot, was indignant at this " specimen of the good faith of Christians ; " but was induced by Augentius to dictate a short note for Felix, in which he simply said that, at the time referred to, certain " letters of salutation " were given up by a Christian named Galatius, and ended by a courteous hope that Felix might be " in good health for many years." To this note Ingentius fraudulently added a longer paragraph, tending to impli cate Felix by making Caecilianus remind him that he, Felix, had handed over to him the church key, and bidden him " take away any books or papers which he might find, but not the stores of oil and wheat : " whereupon, the forgery proceeded, " I told you that any building found to contain books had to be pulled down; you Felix) then a sked what you should do ? and I said, ' Let one of n.] Donatism and the Council of Aries. 25 your people place the books in the cemetery where you Christians offer up prayers, and I will come with the police and take them off/ which we did accordingly." When this addition was read to Caecilianus, he protested that he had never " dictated it," that it was a forgery ; his own note had stopped short with the wish for Felix's health. Ingentius, who at the time of the inquiry was a decurion or common councillor, was summoned, examined, fastened to the rack, and " being threatened " with torture, confessed that " he had added it to the letter." He was condemned to imprison^ ment, in order to stricter examination ; and the proconsul pro nounced " the religious bishop Felix " to be wholly guiltless of the offence alleged, the burning or surrendering of the "deifica instrumenta : " there was no evidence that "any Scriptures had been found, or spoilt, or burnt," or that Felix had ever, directly or indirectly, been concerned in anything of the kind. Such was the " Purgatio " of Felix, obtained by means of the detection of In- gentius's malignant forgery. The inquiry took place on February 15, 314; .ZElianus communicated the result to Constantine, who, somewhat later, ordered Probianus, the successor of iElianus, to send Ingentius to his court, as a living refutation, after this inquiry, of the charge laid against the consecrator of Caeciliaivi But the Emperor had resolved that the case should be definitively! treated by a large assembly of Western bishops. Nothing short of this, he thought, would avail to silence the controversy : and he naturally hated controversies, not from the feelings which might animate a Churchman who valued the spiritual blessings of unity, but from a sovereign's intolerance of what interfered with the quiet of his dominions, and also from the vexation which, as a patron of the Christian community ab extra, he would feel at seeingj disorders among his clients. And so we find him expressing him self in the letter to iElafius or Ablavius (perhaps now " Vicarius " of Africa), which announced his will that Caecilian, with some of his colleagues, whom he himself should select, and some of his adversaries, and also some episcopal representatives of each of the African provinces, with such persons as they might associate with"! themselves, should be conveyed at the public cost, that is, by carriages and horses forming the " cursus publicus," or postal service provided at the cost of the treasury, and by the shortest route, through Spain to Aries, so as to arrive there before the 1st of August, when the whole case should be fully and finally examined and decided. It was, the Emperor wrote, too bad that these 26 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. dissensions and altercations should continue : they would, in all likelihood, incense " the most high Divinity " against the empire and himself ; and they were so much material for cavil against the "holy observance" of the Catholic religion, which would be too easily disparaged, on that account, by " men who were known to turn their minds away from it." He also wrote letters summon^ ing a large number of bishops to the proposed Council. Eusebius has preserved one, addressed to Chrestus of Syracuse, which recites the main facts of the case as regards the calling of the Roman Council and the persistency of the partisans of Majorinus in re jecting its decision as the hasty judgment of a few, — remarks on the advantage thus given to adversaries of "the most holy religion," — and then sets forth the imperial purpose in desiring Chrestus to repair to Aries, with two of "the second seat," i.e. presbyters (whose seats on each side of the bishop were somewhat lower than his own), and three servants to attend on them during their journey, and there to take part in a large council of bishops assembled from all quarters. The letter clearly shows that Con^ stantine called this council, not because he thought there was any reasonable ground for the re-hearing of the case, but in order that malcontents who ought to have been satisfied by the Roman Council might "even now, at last, be recalled to brotherly unanimity." -• The old Gallic town Ar-laeth, " on the Marsh," at that time intersected by branches of the Rhone, and by a number of small lagoons or sea-inlets which made its situation like that of Venice, was now the princely city of Arelate, which had long been eminent as a " colony " among the Roman towns of Southern Gaul, and had shared in the intellectual activities of " The Province," and given birth to a professor or-" sophist," Favorinus, distinguished by the friendship of Hadrian. Constantius I. had resided there ; and his son took a strong interest in the city, which he attempted to associate with himself by naming it " Constantina." It became the seat of the " Praefectus Praetorio " of " the Gauls ; " Ausonius, in the latter part of the century, described it as a " Gallula Roma : " and its Roman character is still grandly represented by an amphi theatre of Hadrian's time, a theatre begun by Augustus, and a cemetery which is still, in Dante's phrase, " thick-spread '' with Roman " sepulchres," and retains its euphemistic name of " Elysian Fields " under the disguise of " Aliscamps." A melancholy place now, with decay " writ large " over its very streets, as well as over II-] Donatism and the Council of Aries. 27 its ruins, — Aries was then rising to a greatness which culminated within a century after its first Council; and Honorius, when decreeing that it should be the seat of a representative assembly of "seven provinces" of Southern Gaul, recommended it as " enriched by its commerce with whatever was goodliest in the world," an expansion of Ausonius's phrase, " Romani commercia suscipis urbis." The time at which Christianity first came to Aries is not ascertainable: that the Trophimus of the apostolic age brought it thither was the assertion made by its very discreditable bishop Patroclus, in the early part of the fifth century, to Pope Zosimus, who heaped favours on Aries because the story or legend, ignoring St. Paul's language, and obeying the law of " Petrine " development, represented Trophimus as deriving his mission from St. Peter. But it seems certain that, in Archbishop Benson's words, " there was no bishop of Aries before the death of St. Irenaeus : " and although a Trophimus is reckoned by Gregory of Tours as one of the seven missionary bishops whom, on the warrant of a record of martyrdom, he describes as sent from Rome into Gaul in a.d. 250 (a year in whch no such mission was possible), and is named by him as first bishop of Aries, the story cannot be reconciled with Cyprian's letter of 254 ; for Marcianus, who had recently become a Novatianist, had for some time occupied the see, and was evi dently chief bishop of " the Province : " so that for once a legend post-dates a historical event. The present cathedral of " St. Tro phimus," with its solemn Romanesque interior, is interesting as representing the basilica in which Hilary of Aries, and Caesarius, officiated, and in which also Augustine of Canterbury was con secrated by its Archbishop Virgilius in 597. The church of Aries, whenever founded, was in Constantine's time conspicuous and dignified; and thus it was fittingly chosen to receive the " plenarium concilium " of the whole Church of the West, which assembled on the appointed day, August 1, 314, — the first of the thirteen Councils of Aries, and by far the most important and memorable. Among its members were Rheticius and Maternus, Agraecius, the newly appointed bishop of imperial "Treveri," Oresius of Marseilles, Avitianus of Rouen, Ambitausus of Reims, Vocius of Lyons, Verus of Vienne (the city associated with Lyons in the persecution of 177), Merocles or Myrocles of Milan, Theodore of Aquileia, Proterius of Capua, Chrestus of Syracuse, Caecilian of Carthage (supported by seven African colleagues), Liberius of Emerita in Spain, and three British prelates, Eborius 28 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. of York, Restitutus of London (" de Civitate Londinensi), and Adelfius, most probably of Lindum Colonia or Lincoln (the text speaks of " Colonia Londinensium)." The whole number present is uncertain, only thirty-three names being given in the synodal letter: but the list in the Concilia called "Nomina Episcoporum" includes the names of some other bishops, who probably had left Aries when the letter was drafted, and mentions eleven cases in which absent bishops were represented by clerics ; among these ong is surprised to find not only Ostia, but the not distant Tarragona and Saragossa, and even the neighbouring city of Orange. The list names four presbyters, who appear among the signatories of the letter, and ignores three of the signatories : of its fifteen pres byters, twenty-six deacons, two readers, and seven exorcists, the majority were evidently in attendance on their bishops, as Severus on Myrocles, a presbyter and four deacons on Marinus, Sperantius on Caecilian, Florus on Chrestus, Sacerdos and Arminius on Adelphius, etc. Marinus of Aries presided. The deputies of the Roman bishop Silvester, who had succeeded Miltiades on the 31st of January this year, were two priests, Claudian and Vito, and two deacons, Eugenius and Cyriacus. The first business, of] course, was the case of Caecilian : it was examined, and he was again declared guiltless. He had again confronted his accusers : again their proofs had been found worthless ; so that, in the language of the synodal letter, "by the judgment of God and of the Mother Church, who knows and approves her own, they were either condemned or repulsed." Some, indeed, of those who had opposed Caecilian were induced by the proceedings at Aries to " return into unity with him ; " and it appeared that the Council made or sanctioned some such proposal as that those bishops of the party who should abandon their schism should be allowed to share the episcopate of their several cities with the bishops of Caecilian's communion — in a word, with the Catholic bishops — until one or the other should die : a remarkable diver gence, in the interest of peace, from the received principle of diocesan episcopacy. -* Two or three of the canons of this Council require special notice. One touched the Easter-question, which had first arisen in the second century, and will be best considered in connexion with the Nicene Council; but it used very general language, simply enacting that all should keep " the Lord's Paschal feast " on the same day, to be announced, as usual, by the Roman Church II.] Donatism and the Council of Aries. 29 for every year. Another definitively disallowed the African or1 Cyprianic rule of ignoring heretics' baptism as invalid, and re- baptizing accordingly converts who had received it : every one who had been baptized in the name of the Trinity was to be treated as a christened person, and brought to " imposition of hands," or, in our phrase, to confirmation; but if it appeared that he had been baptized / in some other form, he must be baptized de novo. It is to this decision of a " plenary council " of the whole West that Augustine often refers in controversy with the Donatists. A third, while- excluding from the clergy persons proved to have been Traditors, recognizes as valid the ordination which bishops of this class have conferred. There are also rules disapproving of usury, chariot- races, and theatrical performances, recognising the religious law fulness, for Christians, of military service, of civic office, and provincial governorship, with the provision that they must fulfil their Christian obligations, and accept the counsel of the local bishop ; allowing those who are converted during illness to receive^ imposition of hands (so as to be admitted to the catechumenate) ; excluding from communion for a time Christian girls who had married Pagans, and denying communion to penitent apostates during illness; restraining clerics from changing their sphere of ministry ; strictly forbidding deacons to " offer " the Eucharist ; repressing the self-assertion of deacons of cities; requiring a plurality of bishops for a new consecration ; and tersely ordering "that no bishop shall trample on another," i.e. treat him with injurious contempt. A canon referring to adultery on a wife's- part presents difficulties which need not be discussed here. The bishops, in their formal letter to Silvester, lamented his absence, but owned that he could not leave the place " where the Apostles daily sit, and where their blood unceasingly bears witness to the glory of God;" in other words, the Church of Rome was recognised as possessing the episcopate founded by Peter and, Paul, and the spots where they suffered martyrdom. But more difficult and remarkable is the phrase that Silvester "holds the greater dioceses," and therefore can most readily publish the announcement of Easter. What is meant by " qui majores dimceses tenes " ? The empire had been divided by Diocletian, for adminis trative purposes, into twelve great regions called " dioceses," which, as Professor Bury has shown, became thirteen in the course of the fourth century; so that the term which we now apply to the ecclesiastical district in the charge of a single bishop—then known. 30 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. as a " parish," by a mode of speech of which we find survivals even in Bede — was used for a group of so many civil provinces which was ruled by a "Vicarius," etc., and eventually placed with other such groups under the superior oversight of one of four "prefects," whose original relation to military affairs was nominally represented by the epithet "praetorian." Thus the Eastern prefecture contained the dioceses of "the East" (with Egypt), of " Asia," Pontus, and Thrace : the Illyrian contained the dioceses of Mcesia — afterwards subdivided into Dacia and Macedonia — and of Pannonia, afterwards included in the Italic. The Gallic extended from the northern limit of Roman Britain to the Straits of Gibraltar ; and at first the diocese of Gaul proper (equivalent to North France) was distinct from that of " Vienne," which was afterwards united to it. The Italian prefecture had peculiarities of its own. It included the six provinces of " Africa " — ultimately the seven of Western Illyricum — and those of Italy, which may be distinguished as the North-Italian, ruled by the Vicarius (or Vice-prefect) of " Italy," and the Central and Southern, administered by the " Vicarius Urbis ; " while the great " city " itself, and its neighbourhood, were under a special prefect, whose office dated from the reign of Augustus. In what sense, then, could the bishop of Rome be said " to hold the greater dioceses " ? He was not patriarch, to use a subsequent term, in any part of the East ; his authority to reverse local decisions was long afterwards denied by the Church of Africa. Nor does the letter imply that he was owned as in any sense supreme over the Gallic Church ; still less, if possible, was he so regarded by the Christians of Britain. The Churches of North Italy looked practically rather to Milan than to Rome ; and Spain does not seem to have had any special ties to the " see of Peter." And, to come to the point, there appears good reason for connecting this expression with an older use of the term " diocese," as equivalent to a province, or a part of a province, or a district — a sense in which it was used by Cicero. Then the Council will mean to say that Silvester's ecclesiastical relation to the Churches of the ten Italian provinces under the government of the "Vicarius Urbis" (who, observe, was sub ordinate to the praetorian prefect of Italy, not to the prefect of Rome) might give him exceptional facilities for acting as an organ of communication with distant Churches. These provinces were, in more senses than one, " majores ; " they contained the " eternal " city, the centre of the Roman world, to which, as Dr. Liddon has ii] Donatism and the Council of Aries. 31 said, " all the streams of human effort converged," and from which radiated throughout the empire multitudinous lines of intercourse ; they were wealthy, populous, and central : he who governed their Churches might be said to be the chief pastor of the most favoured and dignified portions of the empire; and his opportunities of dispersing information would be in proportion to the con- spicuousness of his position in the Church. The bishops proceed to summarize the first, second, third, fourth, sixth, seventh, and eighth canons, and conclude with curious abruptness, which suggests that something has dropped out of the text. " Then he (Constantine), being tired of it, ordered all to return to their own sees. Amen." '^j^To return for a short time to the history of what we may now ealLby its familiar name of Donatism. J The great body of" ^©aecilian's adversaries were as obstinate as ever in their discontent. They were not the least overawed by the authority of the Council of Aries. " They appealed (provocdrunt)," says Augustine, " in their extreme pertinacity and litigiousness, to the Emperor against the Council." Hereupon Constantine wrote to his "dearest brothers," the Catholic bishops at Aries, a letter more positively Christian in tone than those which had preceded it — acknowledged that God's mercies towards him were alike indescribable and undeserved ; expressed his pleasure in the result of their just decision in bringing back some sectarians to Catholic unity, and his disgust at the renewed demands which the others had preferred for fresh inquiry, and inquiry to be conducted by the Emperor him self in person. " Incredible arrogance ! They demand a judgment from me, whereas I myself await the judgment of Christ. For I say the very truth — the judgment of the bishops ought to be so regarded as if it were pronounced by the Lord in person. These malignants look out for what is secular, abandoning what is heavenly. They have copied the fashions of Gentile litigants by lodging an appeal ! " After more in this strain, he turns the bent of his letter into a request that the bishops, " following in the path of the Saviour," will wait patiently a little longer at Aries, in order to offer favourable terms to any one who will even yet reconsider their position ; if this meets with no response, they may return to their respective Churches " and remember me, that our Saviour may always have mercy on me." He adds that the obstinate " perverters of religion " are by his orders to be sent at once to his court. But this interesting letter was followed by no slight concession to the persons denounced 32 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. in it. As Augustine says, he was " overcome by their impor tunity." The Donatists all but prevailed on him, by some of their leading men whom he had sent for to Treves in the spring of 315, to hold a new inquiry in Africa by means of Commissioners. However, on further reflection, he resolved to hold it at his own court, and promised the Donatist bishops that if they could bring home to Caecilian one single charge, he would hold it as equivalent to the establishment of all. He summoned both parties to Rome. Caecilian, for some reason not mentioned, was not forthcoming. Constantine, although beset by demands that he should be con demned as contumacious, simply gave orders that the inquiry should be transferred to Milan. Thereupon some of the Donatists returned to Africa. Constantine for a time thought of visiting Africa for the purpose of adjudicating the cause ; but he found that this was im practicable, and summoned Caecilian to Milan. The bishop went thither, wearied, no doubt, and disappointed, but judging it best not to disobey again. The investigation, which was conducted, says Augustine, with all care and diligence, ended as usual : and Constantine wrote to Eumalius, the " Vicarius " of the six " African " provinces, telling him how he had found Caecilian to be " a man thoroughly blameless, fulfilling the duties of his religion ; " a verdict implying, as Augustine says, that no such crime could be found in him as had been falsely alleged in his absence by his enemies. The ' letter was written on the 10th of November, 316, and Constantine's wrath at the obstinacy of the false accusers found vent at first in a hasty impulse to send them to execution ; but he thought better of it, perhaps under the influence of Hosius, simply banished them, confiscated their property, and took away the Churches which they occupied. This act, however, failed to relieve him from the trouble : the Donatists in a memorial told him that they would never com municate with "that scoundrelly bishop of his," and in weary disgust he recalled his sentence of exile, and left the case to " the judgment of God." With this final declaration, this " indulgentia ignominiosissima," of Constantine may be closed the first portion of a repulsive but suggestive tale of faction and violence, combined, no doubt, in some cases, with elements of character which mio-ht have been turned to good account, but were all marred by want of fairness, not to speak of want of charity. These men, whose coarse and bitter partisanship so offends us, included some who had a zeal that " even consumed " them for the discipline of the Church : they had, no doubt, as Hooker allows, an ideal, in their better moments, II.] Donatism and the Cotmcil of Aries. 33 of a Church which should be all-glorious in its purity. They were scandalized by the intrusion, actual or supposed, of grave sin into the sacred precinct ; they insisted that it should be driven out at once and at any cost. But, as Cowper most truly said, " there is no grace that the spirit of self can counterfeit with more success than religious zeal," none that can more readily accept "the wrath of man " as its instrument ; and when thus detached from its proper moral correctives, it becomes a mere turbid, self-deceiving impulse, which may at any time hurry the zealot into an abyss of reckless truculence, and reproduce among Christians the atrocities of unchristian fanaticism. Something, no doubt, must be allowed for the sullen, gloomy, " black-blooded " temper which distinguished many of the African provincials, producing a disposition to violence, and a hardness literally inhuman. Those savage peasants, whom Donatists, some years later, stirred up to harass the African Church — the ruffians who went about blending wrath against the Church of " Traditors " with a wild revolutionary movement against land owners and creditors ; those hideous " Circumcellions " who were somewhat akin, at least, to the " Sicarii," and nearly as ferocious as the leaders of a " Jacquerie " — were phenomena from which, no doubt, the simple credulous rigorists who first accepted the story of " Felix the Traditor " would have recoiled in terror and abhor rence. So again, the intense, almost insane self-assertion of " Donatus the Greater," who succeeded " Donatus the Elder " in the leadership, and bore himself as if he were actual sovereign of Carthage, uniting an arrogance like that of Paul of Samosata with Arianizing sympathies which would be another point of resem blance, — this might seem a development of worldly-mindedness which could be no natural fruit of an enthusiasm for Christian intensity. More might be said as to the indomitable contentious ness and obstinate resistance to evidence which the sect showed in the days when it wearied the great heart of St. Augustine. But the upshot and moral of the history is, that any excesses of pride, or cruelty, or bitterness, or baseness, are possible to those move ments which begin by earnestness without humility, and separate indignation against evil from the natural virtue of justice and the evangelical grace of love. vol. 1. CHAPTER III. THE COUNCILS OF ANCYRA AND NEOC^ESAKEA. The return of peaceful times to the Church in Asia gave facilities for the holding of two Councils, of which the first is assigned to the same year with the Council of Aries, and which met at Ancyra and Neocaesarea. The city of Ancyra, in North Galatia, had become the capital of the whole Galatian province. It stood, says Professor Ramsay, " in a picturesque and very strong position ; " and it was " the middle point of the great highway from Byzantium into Syria, and the emporium of Oriental caravan traffic." It possessed a grand marble temple, built in honour of Augustus, and an in scription recording his acts. The Jews were, in his reign, an important part of its population ; and he had ordered his decree in their favour to be set up in " that conspicuous place which had been set up in his honour by the Community of Asia at Ancyra." We meet with its name in the early history of Montanism, where the anonymous anti-Montanist writer, cited so largely by Eusebius, says that he " discoursed many days in the church at Ancyra on the points urged by the adherents of Montanus," and the presbyters of Ancyra wished him to leave with them some records of addresses which had " gladdened and confirmed " the minds of the faithful. To this city, about the Easter festival of 314, or perhaps in the fourth week after Easter, came some eighteen prelates from the different parts of Asia Minor and Syria. Vitalis of Antioch, as the highest in rank, probably presided ; another eminent prelate was Basil of Amasea, who is said to have afterwards suffered martyrdom : but the one whose name is best known is the bishop of Ancyra, that unfortunate Marcellus who, in the Arian contro versy, gave such trouble to his friends by appearing, at least, to adopt a line of opposition to Arianism which was itself heretical in Chap, in.] The Councils of Ancyra and Neoccesarea. 35 an opposite direction ; and next to him, a Basil who was the best representative of that " Semi- Arian " view which might seem to be rather verbally than intelligently heterodox. The chief purpose of the episcopal gathering was to provide for the treatment of the Lapsi of the late persecution. Not much need be said about its canons. Cases of apostasy were classified. We find that some presbyters had sacrificed to idols, and had then renewed their profession of Christianity, but had made a private arrangement with the officials that they should merely go through the form of being submitted to torture. Some clerics or laics had taken part in an idolatrous feast, had " dined in presence of idols," and this under severe pressure, yet all the while had put on an appearance of cheerfulness or indifference ; others had wept persistently, and worn a mourning habit ; others had sat at the feast, but refused to taste anything, or had resorted to the subterfuge of bringing and eating their own food. Some Churchmen had not only lapsed, but had pressed others to share in their apostasy. Various penances are assigned to various classes. We hear of three orders or grades of penitents : the Hearers, who might listen to the reading of Scripture ; the Kneelers, who might join in certain prayers ; and the Co-standers, who stayed throughout the Eucharistic service, and were only restricted from actual communion. And we read of some who needed no penance, who had had incense thrust into their hands beside an altar, or part of the " idol-sacrifice " thrust into their mouths, but who at the time and afterwards had unequivo cally expressed their Christian faith. Another canon is important in regard to the function of the " Chorepiscopi," or bishops of rural districts. The reading is disputed, but probably comes to this : " It is not permitted to country bishops to ordain presbyters or deacons — " then, with an accusative and not a dative, " nor truly city presbyters either (or, ' and certainly not city pres byters '), without the written permission of the bishop, in another 'parish'" (or diocese), or perhaps, "in each parish." The other reading, which is adduced as making the canon say, " it is not per mitted to country bishops, nor even to city presbyters " (to ordain, etc.), rests chiefly on the authority of Latin versions, whereas the Greek manuscripts support the accusative, as is shown in a learned paper in the third volume of Studia Biblica. It is not unlikely that the dative was adopted under the notion that the accusative in that second clause was an erroneous iteration of the accusative in the first. But which reading is intrinsically the more probable ? 36 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Were the Chorepiscopi real bishops, or, as were some in the West in the latter half of the fourth century, presbyters holding an office like that of a rural dean ? Apparently those in the East had received episcopal consecration, but on the understanding that they should be in strict subordination to the diocesan bishops. They were stationed in the " country-sides," to look after the scattered rural flocks : they are here directed not to confer orders even in their own districts, still less in the cities where the diocesan bishops dwell, without express warrant from the latter; the aim of the restriction being apparently to guard against a gradual dissolution of the unity of the diocesan Church. This being the object, one may ask first, Why should the canon here introduce a restriction applying to the action of a different class ? One class of persons is forbidden (except under conditions) to do a particular act. If we read the dative, we must suppose that another class is suddenly) and in a dependent clause, placed under the same prohibition. This would seem to mar the simplicity and unity of the veto pro nounced. Further, if we render, " it is not permitted to Chorepis copi, nor even" (as Lightfoot takes it) "to city presbyters," this would suggest that city presbyters ranked higher than Chorepiscopi ; whereas we see here that the latter had power to ordain, and there is no good evidence for such power as vested in presbyters ; the evidence, rather, goes the other way. Another canon shows that churches, or " houses of the Lord," had, as such, certain property : if any part of it had been alienated, an incoming bishop might reclaim it. We also learn that in some cases persons appointed as bishops for particular towns were repulsed by popular feeling. The difficulty here is that, according to rule, a strong expression of acceptance, or even of desire, was a necessary pre-condition of the appointment of a bishop ; he was not to be set over an " unwill ing " people. The laity of the diocese had very full opportunity of signifying their opinions and wishes in such a case ; and it would be very seldom that they were overruled by the provincial synod, as if they did not know what- was best for them, or were too ex citable and intractable to have their objections taken into account. Again, the canons illustrate the general tone of feeling in regard to asceticism. The requirement of 1 Tim. iii. 2, 12 (in its natural sense) as to presbyters (called episkopoi) or deacons was not, indeed, extended to lay people ; but still a second marriage on the part of a laic was deemed a weakness, a falling short of the higher tone of Christian life. ' At the same time, there is a clear III.] The Councils of Ancyra and Neoccesarea. 37 expression of the Church's mind as against the morbid and un christian type of abstinence which had been prophetically censured by St. Paul, and had distinguished the Encratite sect (so called) in the second century. When it is ruled that clerics who are in the habit of abstaining from meat, or even from vegetables cooked with meat, must at least taste the meat set before them, by way of proving that their own practice has no relation to non-Christian ideas (such as were hinted at in 1 Tim. iv. 3) we are to understand a reference to the Agapae or common meals in which Christians periodically shared by way of "love-feasts," which had been abused by the rich at Alexandria, and were now often — as at Rome — associated with the commemoration of martyrs, and held at or near their tombs. The Council of Neocaesarea is commonly said to have been held but little later than the Ancyran. The Greek preface to its canon calls them subsequent to the Ancyran, but earlier than the Nicene. Some would assign it to the year after the Ancyran, i.e. A.D. 315 ; others would say a few years later. Nineteen bishops (including eleven who were present at Ancyra) subscribed this council's acts, — if the lists of names be trustworthy. The city of Neocaesarea, which "had begun to flourish from B.C. 64," was now " the large and beautiful capital " of Pontus. It had become illustrious, in the eyes of all Asiatic Christians, by the episcopate of Gregory surnamed "the Wonder-worker," who found there, says Basil, only seventeen Christians, and left there a convert population. Even if we could suppose that there was a basis of truth in those accounts of his supernatural powers which were first published about a century after his time, and at any rate have a legendary character, we should still believe that the moral beauty and nobleness of his pastoral life and labours were at least as impressive and fruitful as the presence of what, in the language of the apostolic age, would be called bis " charismata " or visible " mighty works." The prelates who met at his city, probably just fifty years after his death, would find memorials of him at every point of the Church life of his people. Whether or not his dying wish had been obeyed, and no distinctive burial-place marked out for him — for he desired, we are told, to be " even after death a stranger and sojourner " — we may be sure that the whole city was practically his monument, and that his memory was " ever fresh " in his people's mind. His successors, whom Basil afterwards compared to " a chain of precious stones," 38 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. had been careful to hand on the traditions of his teaching and his sanctity : " not a word, not an action, not a single point of ritual observance " which was traceable to his authority, had been altered since his time : the holyday rejoicings which he had transferred from heathen festivals to the anniversaries of martyrs were now, doubtless, invested by recent events (such as the hideous tortures inflicted on some Christians of Pontus) with a more vivid and intense, yet a more grave and awestruck exultation : in his formula of doxology, glory was ascribed " to the Father, with the Son, and with the Holy Spirit ; " of his formula of faith, or creed, the autograph, written with " his blessed hand," as Gregory of Nyssa says, was preserved as a priceless treasure, and the words were daily used to instil the faith into the minds of the young, and to preserve the whole flock in the lines of intelligent orthodoxy. The church in which the Council now met was doubtless that of which Gregory had laid the foundations, and which " some one of his successors " — probably the bishop now occupying his seat — is said by Gregory of Nyssa to have completed and beautified ; and alto gether, the influence of him who was known in the Eastern Church of this century as " Gregory the Great " would be felt to have formed the whole moral atmosphere of the Pontic capital. The Neocaesarean canons throw further light on the develop ment of ascetic ideas. A presbyter is not to join in the wedding feast of a " digamist," because strictly he would be bound to put his entertainer to penance. A layman whose wife has dishonoured him ought not to be ordained ; a priest who does not put away a faithless wife, or a priest who voluntarily confesses that before his ordination he fell into unchastity, ought no longer to celebrate. No priest ought to marry after his ordination : the meaning is, if he is already married, and is well qualified for priesthood, let him be ordained; but if at his ordination he is single, he must not afterwards accept the obligations of married life. This, as we know, was a rule of long standing at the time of the Nicene Council ; it had grown out of such a one-sided construction of the apostolic advice in 1 Cor. vii. as would be fostered by recoil from the hideous pollutions of pagan society, amid which the idea of marriage itself had not yet been cleared of the " serpent's trail," had not vindicated its own pure dignity. Another canon excom municates a woman who has married two brothers successively. This implies the moral obligatoriness of the Levitical prohibition ; and it was quoted by Henry VIII.'s advocates in his Divorce case, Hi-] The Councils of Ancyra and Neoccesarea. 39 as representing the primitive Church's mind. Another recognises only two classes of Catechumens, Hearers the lower, and Kneelers the higher; and perhaps we may understand the canon as not marking off the class called " Compe tents," or joint applicants for speedy baptism. The Nicene canons speak of Hearer-Cate chumens and Catechumens proper ; and those who were afterwards distinguished as Competents would naturally, at first, be reckoned among the latter. The twelfth is perhaps the most remarkable of all the decrees of Neocaesarea. " If any one be ' enlightened ' when ill, he cannot be advanced to the order of presbyter (for his faith is not from free choice, but from necessity), unless, perchance, on account of his subsequent earnestness and faith, and of lack of men." This is the law — older than the middle of the third century, so far as regards its substance — which puts a distinct mark of disparage ment on those cases of baptism (called " enlightenment " from Heb. vi. 4) in which the recipient had wilfully deferred receiving it, or neglected, to apply for it, while in health, and then sought for it when the fear of death was upon him. Persons who so acted were called Clinics, or " men of the sick-bed," and were by rule debarred from ordination. Sometimes there would be a deliberate plan of deferring until death drew near, in order to pass out of the world with the full benefit of the baptismal cleansing. Those who so acted would make some enormous assumptions ; as, that they would not be struck down by sudden death, and that they would not only in their last hour have time and means for being baptized, but, after years spent in deliberate self-exclusion from Christian grace, were sure to repent and "turn to the Lord ; " they would also exhibit a revolting heartlessness in with holding from Him the service of their best years, and they would suggest the suspicion of trying to " make the best of both worlds " in a very unchristian sense. The practice would connect itself with a reverence " not according to knowledge " for the sanctity of baptism, and with an exaggerated conception of the heinousness of sinning after receiving it ; and thus a show of religiousness would be attached to a postponement which the Church, by councils and fathers, denounced as flagrantly wrong. It had been branded by Tertullian as an " attempt to secure a furlough for sinning ; " and in the latter part of the fourth century it was condemned on similar grounds by Basil and Gregory of Nazianzus. Neocaesarea joins with Ancyra in giving us information about 40 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. III. Chorepiscopi. We find that the rural presbyters stood on a footing of inferiority to the city presbyters ; and as they were unques tionably real presbyters, we see how the Chorepiscopi might be subordinate to the diocesans, and yet be really bishops, as really as our English " bishops-suffragan." A rural presbyter must not celebrate, nor even administer, where the city presbyters were present ; he may only do so in their absence. But the Chorepiscopi, who are regarded as fellow-ministers with the bishops, although as prefigured by "the Seventy," may do what the rural presbyters may not do. A curious and somewhat formalistic rule restricts the number of deacons even in a large city, to seven, and refers for a reason to Acts vi. Here we see that, as in the Ignatian Epistles, the diaconate is treated as a sacred order. The restriction, as we know from Cornelius of Rome, was observed there, and the result was unfortunate ; for the seven Roman deacons in the midst of some fifty presbyters were tempted to exhibit a self-importance which aroused the indignation of Jerome. CHAPTER IV. LICINIUS AND CONSTANTINE. It is probable that the Council of Neocaesarea was the last which was permitted to meet in Asia Minor until the final overthrow of Licinius. He had been unsuccessful in his first war with his colleague, and had been compelled to sue for peace, which was granted in the December of 314. This treaty left him master of Thrace, Asia Minor, Syria, and Egypt, while it added to Constantine's dominions Greece and Macedonia, Pannonia, Dacia, and that Dalmatian region from which the Constantian house had sprung — a house now reigning, as Gibbon expresses it, " from the confines of Caledonia to the extremity of Peloponnesus." Licinius was not likely to forget his own humiliation. His " genius " had been " rebuked," his pride had been wounded, by the unfailing good fortune and energy of a prince much younger than himself, and that prince a patron of the Christians. And for Christians, both as enemies of the old-world ways, and as the natural well-wishers of the man whom he regarded with jealous dislike and resentment, the old comrade of Galerius entertained a stronger aversion than he could at first afford to show. He had taken part in the great Act of Toleration, and had so far seemed an " advocate of peace," and even " of true religion ; " he had executed a terrific vengeance on the authors of an elaborate pagan imposture, and had been celebrated by Christian exultation as a signal instrument of Divine judgments on the root and stock of the persecutors. But in his heart, says Socrates, "he hated Christians," that is, as a disturbing element in society — for he had no pagan enthusiasm, and was too; rude and illiterate to appreciate religious controversies : a new sect, a spreading " cultus," was to him a nuisance, and by its political bearings might become a peril ; and although it might be politically necessary for him to practise 42 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. such dissimulation as was natural to his " perfidious character," he would be sure to throw off the mask at the first opportunity, and make these troublesome Christians feel that he would do them all the mischief in his power. The time at which he began to harass them has not been distinctly ascertained. Jerome fixes one chief act of oppressive ness as late as the year 320 ; and Tillemont acquiesces in that date. For some time, no doubt, Licinius was cautious in his operations, and this would suggest a longer interval between the treaty of 314 and the attacks on his Christian subjects than Sozomen's language appears to allow. He seems to have felt somewhat as the French republicans felt towards the French " clericals," considered as hoping for a restoration of royalty ; for he suspected that the Christians prayed in their churches to be brought under the sway of Constantine ; and this would lead him to direct his first movement against the rulers of the Churches, who on other grounds, also, would be naturally the first to feel his hatred. On the whole it seems likely that at some time between 315 and 320 he began by prohibiting the bishops "to have any intercourse, in any place, with one another," to visit each other's churches, " or to hold synods and debates on matters of interest to the Church." So true was his instinct as to the value of such meetings to the good order and healthy life of the com munity which he had set himself to oppress, and ultimately, if possible, to destroy. He set the precedent which many a govern ment has, since his time, thought good to follow by putting a legal impediment in the course of the Church's synodical action. It is as well that we should appreciate the full significance of his first hostile edict ; and perhaps, among the many who quote the sensi tive and despondent Nazianzen's avowal that he never saw a synod which did not add to the Church's troubles — an avowal followed by words (not so often quoted) which show that he deemed " seclusion " the only safeguard — there are few who remember or consider that the first regular law against Church Councils was the first step in a crafty and malignant tyrant's elaborate campaign against Church life, and drew forth from the somewhat " liberal " Eusebius the momentous observation, that men were compelled either to resist the State's command, or to violate the Church's " ordinances, — for great questions cannot be rightly decided other wise than by synods." Such was the first edict of Licinius. The second and third Iv-] Licinius and Constantine. 43 were respectively embittered by an insult which recalled the obsolete and hideous heathen libels against the Church, and by a sarcasm in the style of Julian or of Frederick of Prussia. Licinius ordered, as if in the interests of morality, that Christian women should not go to church with the men, but worship apart under female teachers ; and, this edict failing of success, he further directed, as if in the interests of health, that Christian congrega tions should assemble, not within their towns, but in the open space outside the gates, because the air there would be purer ! It was, perhaps, after both these mandates had been treated with scorn, that Licinius ejected all his Christian servants from their situations in his household ; and drove into exile, simply for their faith, men who had been most loyal to his person. Some others were mulcted of their property, or condemned to base and servile employments in the mines or other public works— a form of humiliating ill-treatment which had been one of the milder features of the great persecution, and has left its memory in the long detailed intercession in the Alexandrian Liturgy commonly called St. Mark's. By this time — in 320, according to Jerome's date, in his Chronicle, for the dismissal of Licinius' s Christian servants — the hearts of those who, but six or seven years before, had been overflowing with the joy of final deliverance from heathen perse cutors were now sobered and saddened by the prospect of fresh inflictions close at hand. They saw some of their brethren driven to seek shelter in the wilderness, and others cast into prison, where their friends were debarred from bringing them food or otherwise ministering to their necessity. They saw a fresh edict go forth, which must have thrilled them with the recollection of the fiery trial of Diocletian's reign, and of the yet worse days that followed it : all military officers who would not sacrifice to the gods were to be deprived of their rank in the Emperor's service. As if to complete the likeness of the new troubles to the old, churches were pulled down, or shut up with a prohibition against the Christians' use of them ; every facility was given to local officials to insult and annoy Christian bishops. At last the instruments of Licinius, acting on their own assumption as to their master's secret wishes, proceeded to extremities, and in several cases to the ghastliest forms of cruelty. Eusebius speaks of some who were literally cut to pieces, and afterwards cast into the sea, " to become food for fishes." One of the bishops who suffered death was, by one account, Basil of Amasea, who had sat in the Ancyran and Neocaesarean Councils. 44 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. The bishop of another Neocaesarea, situated on the Euphrates, was treated in a manner thus described by Theodoret, who mentions him as a member of the Nicene Council. " Paul, the bishop of Neocaesarea (it is a stronghold on the banks of the Euphrates), experienced the wild rage of Licinius, for both his hands were disabled by the application of red-hot iron, which contracted and deadened the muscles of the joints." But one story of Christian endurance, connected with this local and partial, but bitter and trying persecution, is pre-eminently famous : it is the story of the Forty soldier-Martyrs of Sebaste, who, according to a tradition received by St. Basil, but, as we might expect, betraying the growth of exaggeration, refused to sacrifice to the gods, and were thereupon exposed naked to the piercing cold of a winter's night, being informed at the same time that by promising compliance they might at any moment have access to a hot bath. The pathetic interest of the tale lies in this, that one of them, after a while, accepted these terms ; whereupon the soldier who acted as guard, under a sudden inspiration, took his place among the sufferers, whose prayer that " as forty had entered on the contest, so forty might win the crown," was thus fulfilled. Licinius, throughout, avoided the position of an avowed reli gious persecutor. He oppressed the Christians because he chose to consider them disaffected and politically dangerous ; but he did not proscribe their religion as such. Yet oppression is a test of character ; and, limited as was the extent to which Licinius was permitted to vex the Church, before bis plans were defeated by his second and fatal war with Constantine, there were in this period melancholy cases of weakness and of faithlessness, as when some yielded, in the words of the Nicene Council, " without any compulsion, danger, or loss of property," and some military officers, who had at first cheerfully laid aside their " belts " rather than satisfy the Emperor by sacrificing, soon afterwards " spent money, and won their readmission to the army by presents : " not to speak of the charge afterwards made by Constantine himself against one who was more than once his worst adviser, Eusebius of Nico media, that he, a bishop, had not only taken part with Licinius against Constantine, but had been accomplice in his " butcheries of true bishops " — a charge which it is impossible to admit as it stands, but which may have been founded on some instance of this prelate's habitual preference of secular interests to Christian fidelity. The days of trial passed by, perhaps, before either the IV.] Licinius and Constantine. 45 faithful or the faithless could fully estimate their prospects under Licinius. He was, we are told, "meditating a general persecu tion " when Constantine, in 323, made war upon him — for other reasons, doubtless, beside that which Eusebius mentions, his sym pathy for the suffering Christians of the East. The end of that year saw the ruin of Licinius's cause ; the next year saw his name added by Christians to the list of their dead foes. It was given out that, after accepting terms, he began secretly to plot against the victor ; but such charges were pretty sure to be made against a defeated rival whose life had been guaranteed by a promise. He was put to death at Thessalonica in 324 ; and this final victory of the imperial friend of the Church and its ministers was natu rally accompanied by a more open and emphatic association of Christian ideas and purposes with his personal and official life. The half-superstitious impression of a supreme Divine protection, attaching itself to all who took the Cross of Christ for their " saving sign," had by this time been evidently deepened, and, so to say, transformed into a truer and fuller recognition of the un earthly kingdom which that Cross represented ; a conviction still far removed from single-hearted and unreserved self-devotion, and compatible not only with delay of baptism, and with official re tention of some heathen forms — as the imperial title of Pontifex Maximus, or the celebration of " games " which were mixed with heathen rites — but with not a little of non-Christianity in tone and character, which Niebuhr was thinking of when he pronounced the well-known judgment, too epigrammatic to be equitable, " A repulsive phenomenon, and no Christian ! " No Christian, we must indeed say, if the term be taken in its proper sense of one living under Christian grace, and swayed by Christian principle, or in the sense of one who, though not yet within the baptismal cove nant, had resolved to commit himself absolutely to Christ, or had found a home and stay for heart and conscience in the spiritual depths and moral forces of Christianity. Not such was Constan tine, either now or in later years of his strange life, when in some respects his character underwent a grave deterioration, as in the domestic tragedy of the execution of his son Crispus. Yet it would be unfair not to credit him, at this period, with some measure of what might be called Christian faith, sincere up to a point, although poor in tone, and far enough from being a life- renewing power; with a genuine appreciation of the Christian moral standard, and with a large-minded perception of the need of 46 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. a spiritual support for social order — of what an Emperor might gain from having a Church. For he was a man of great ideas ; he knew a great thing when he saw it ; and he appreciated the great ness of the Christian religion, as organized in a universal Church. He was impressed by the strange force which had carried it through many a fiery trial, by the new strength which it had given to the principle of moral authority, by its capacity for becoming a civil as well as a spiritual bond of union. And when we take account of his glaring inconsistencies, we must remember how many persons in that transition-time held partial relations with the Church of Christ, and were actually, to a certain extent, Chris tianized; and how Constantine, belonging to that class, was specially impeded in his advance to higher things by the diffi culties of a position such as no other monarch ever occupied, and which must never be lost sight of in any estimate of his conduct. So, when we turn with some disgust from Eusebius's fulsome eulogies on the piety of a prince who delivered sermons to his court, and tried to pronounce on Christian controversies, without having as much as given in his name as a catechumen — when we justly consider that in this respect the courtly Church his torian exhibited himself as somewhat lacking in moral dignity, and set a mischievous precedent for clerical obsequiousness — we must still, in all fairness, make large allowance for the dazzling fascina tion of such a phenomenon as an Augustus who did not simply tolerate the Christian religion, but spoke of it in terms of increas ing cordiality and respect, heaped substantial favours on its official representatives, even espoused the side of Catholics against schismatics, and generally set himself to promote the advancement of the Christian cause. If he assumed, as he re peatedly did, the tone of a " patron " of the Church long before he became one of its members, he partly drifted by force of circum stances into that position, and was partly led into it by ecclesiastics whose heads, so to speak, had been somewhat turned by an astonish ing experience. As to his enactments, he had abolished the punishment of crucifixion two years after the first war with Lici nius. He had, so to say, transformed the ceremony of manu mission of slaves into a quasi-Christian act, in all cases affecting Christian slave-holders, by allowing it to be performed in churches, " in the presence of the prelates of the Christians," and, in that case, with some abridgment of legal forms. It was not going beyond the line of heathen emperors to forbid, as in 319 he had IV-] Licinius and Constantine. 47 forbidden, any private consultation of " Haruspices," by invitation of them into a Roman citizen's house, as " friends " and advisers ; the public consultation he still permitted, but in terms expressive of contempt for those who should " desire " in this way " to gratify their own superstition." Two years later, a law promulgated at Aquileia denounced all such magical practices as aimed at injuring persons or depraving minds ; but at the same time tolerated what our fathers called " white " witchcraft, employed for cure of disease, or protection of vines from bad weather (as distinct from what was called " Goetic "). He had shown that a growing zeal for the interests of Christianity was accompanied with a growing earnest ness against much that was immoral and inhuman in the social life of Rome. Thus slaves were secured from extreme cruelty ; prison-life, which had been such an element of suffering in the persecutions, was rendered less intolerable; justice to accused persons was enforced; the rights of children, of women, of celi bates, were recognised in legislation ; and it is pleasant to find the Emperor, in 316, forbidding drivers in the " cursus publicus " to overtask their animals by the use of heavy sticks — a whip with a little string, such as may " admonish by a harmless tickling," is as much as his humanity will allow. He had exempted the Catholic churches from tribute, and renewed, in 319, a previous exemption of clerics from the burden of civic functions ; but had taken care to guard against the possible abuse of such immunity by ordering, in 320, that in future no one who was sufficiently well off to serve as a " decurion," or provincial town-councillor, should get himself made a cleric, and that if any, since the promulgation of his first law on the subject, had thus shunned the " public duties " (obsequia), he should be separated from the clerical " corporation," and take his share of civil office. Such edicts as these illustrate the increasing onerousness of those hereditary obligations which ultimately turned the " curiae " of towns into " mere gaols " (as Hodgkin expresses it), " in which the middle classes were shut up from birth till death, to toil for the imperial tyranny " — gaols from which their attempts to escape were barred by pitiless legislation. Again, Constantine had granted full permission to " any man whatever " to bequeath anything whatever to " the most holy and venerable council" (that is, community) " of the Catholic Church." And he had forbidden, on penalty of " fustigation," or of a heavy mulct, in case the offender was too high in rank to be punished — any adherents of a different religion to force Catholics, lay or 48 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. clerical, to attend the lustral sacrifices. The most famous, per haps, of his laws of this period, affecting religion in any measure, is one which, in March, 321, commanded all judges, and city populations, and artisans — but, on account of the crops, exempted country people from the obligation — to " rest on the venerable day of the Sun ; " an order followed up, in the June of that same year, by another law which, after reciting that it had already been thought "most unseemly that the venerated day of the Sun should be taken up with any contentious business," proceeded to say that it was well-pleasing and agreeable that on that day should be performed such business as met the wishes of the persons concerned, such as emancipation and manumission of slaves, which, accordingly, might be freely transacted on "the festal day." Constantine did not stop here : he had abstained, indeed, in referring to the " Dies Solis," from any language which was distinctively Christian, and the prayer which he ordered his soldiers to recite on Sunday was simply Theistic, beginning, " Te solum agnoscimus Deum ; " his coins, bearing " the figure of the Sun-god and the inscription Sol Invictus," might suggest " that he could not bear to relinquish the patronage of the bright luminary," which afterwards, in his own statue at Constantinople, was strangely associated with the crucified Sun of Righteousness; but it was a stronger step to carry a tent-church with him in his campaigns, and to originate the custom of each legion having such a tent, provided with its ministering clergy. If, in addition to the law about Sunday, he ordered, as Eusebius (followed by Sozomen) tells us that he did, the observance of Friday, in memory of the work of salvation, one must suppose that this order was addressed to his Christian subjects alone. With such enactments in remembrance, the Eastern Christians who hailed his final victory over Licinius would have reason enough for their " ceaseless plaudits in honour of Constantine the Conqueror," and their exulting anticipations of a brilliant Christian monarchy established in the dynasty which now presided over the entire Roman world. They would look at each other, as Eusebius says, " no longer with melancholy faces, but with smiles and bright-eyed gladness," especially as they read their new sovereign's ordinance addressed to the provincials of Palestine. He began by dwelling on the success which had been granted to the faithful servants of that " Supreme Being whose servant he was proud to be," and whose providence had led him to his present eminence ; IV-] Licinius and Constantine. 49 he dilated on the misery which had overtaken the persecutors, and the honours which the martyrs had won ; and then, observing that it would be most absurd that those who persevered in the worship of God should not find advantage under one who had been employed as God's instrument, he proceeded to take order for the relief of all who had suffered under the late persecution. The exiles were to be recalled from their " dreary homelessness," whether imposed as the alternative of sinful conformity, or inflicted by the decree which (following the precedent set in the case of Flavia Domitilla under Domitian, and that of Pontianus and Hippolytus in 235) condemned some to detention in islands ; the confiscated pro perty of Christians was to be restored; those who had unjustly been placed on the roll of " Curiales," or sent to toil in the mines, or set to ignominious work in women's apartments or linen factories by way of insult to their nobility, were all to be freed from the oppressions to which they had been subject. The stamp of legal " infamy " should be effaced ; the confessors who had resigned military rank should have " the option " of resuming it, or of receiving an "honourable dismissal;" the enslaved should be free men again ; the property of martyrs should go to their next of kin — failing such, to the " local church ; " their wills, if they have made any, should take effect ; farms, houses, gardens, ought to be restored by their present possessors (excepting always the actual produce raised during their occupancy) to the legitimate Christian owners ; the State itself would set an example in this respect, for the Church should have her own again from the Im perial treasury, and it would be a welcome task to restore to her the places honoured by the burial of martyrs ; finally, all individual purchasers of churches should, on duly restoring them, be reim bursed by the Emperor's liberality — an exact repetition of a pro vision in the Milanese edict. The letter concluded with an exhortation to devout recognition of the Divine power ; and Eusebius adds that the Emperor proceeded to appoint Christians to vacant provincial governorships, and to forbid heathen governors, even in the highest praefectorial rank, to sacrifice, i.e. to give their official countenance to sacrifices. He then tells us that a law was promulgated, " prohibiting the abhorred idolatry which went on, in former times in cities and country ; " so that " no one was to presume to erect statues, or practise divination, or perform any sacrifice at all ; " and speaking of a later period in the reign of Constantine, Eusebius, in his third book, describes a general VOL. i. e 50 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. overthrow of temples and images carried out by the Emperor's agents at his command. Similar statements, on the whole, are made by later writers ; but it is impossible to take Eusebius's account as proving an absolute extirpation of paganism, for no such change can be said to have been seriously attempted before the reign of Theodosius I. In fact, Constantine's own edict, " To all the Easterns," guarantees freedom of worship to pagans ; and the utmost that could have happened under Constantine would seem to be the strict execution, by Christian state-officers, of existing laws against unlicensed superstitions, the countenance given to local outbreaks of iconoclastic zeal on the part of a Christian majority, the demolition of not a few temples especially abhorrent to moral as well as distinctively Christian feeling by their notoriety as strongholds and shrines of infamous profligacy, — and perhaps, at the end of his reign, some edict in general terms forbidding sacrifices of a non-Roman type. And while this work was taken in hand, Constantine wrote to Eusebius and other prelates, as to his " beloved brethren," urging them to promote the rebuilding of ruined churches, and the erection of new ones on a larger scale, the expense of which was to be undertaken by the government. Eusebius transcribes another edict, " To all the Provincials of the East." It was obviously composed for Constantine by some ecclesiastic versed in the rhetorical style of argument common in the Greek schools of that age. The Emperor fully adopted it, and wrote it out with his own hand; but was not likely to have originated, for instance, the studied exordium on the evidence for Theism furnished by "whatever is comprehended within the supreme laws of nature," and on the providential ordering which employs wickedness for the probation and rewarding of virtue. The Imperial assailant of Polytheism proceeds to contrast his mild and religious father with the persecuting tyrants : he calls God, the Most High, to witness that he himself heard Diocletian ask for an explanation of the oracle of Apollo, " that the just men on the earth prevented him from uttering the truth," the explanation being at once given, " that the just meant the Christians," and the result being the promulgation of laws " written as it were with bloody sword-points," and a persecution which " made the earth weep, and darkened the very daylight with horror." After advert ing, as usual, to the ruin of the persecutors, " condemned to per petual punishment in the depths of Acheron," Constantine invokes "the holy God of the universe" — whose ensign has led him IV.] Licinius and Constantine. 51 to victory, whose "Name he sincerely loves, whose power he devoutly dreads, and whose holy house he is labouring to restore " — to be propitious to "his own Easterns." In the form of a prayer, he announces his desire that Christians and heathens should live side by side in peace, in "a renewal of intercourse which may prove effectual in leading the wanderers into the right way. Let no one molest his neighbour. Let every one do what he himself chooses." Those who reject Christianity " may have their temple-grounds of falsehood, if they please : we occupy the radiant house of Thy truth ! " That truth is, essentially, as old as the creation ; it was republished, to reclaim men from error, by means of the Son of God. Next, the Emperor — having just alluded to Christ, and no more — recurs to the attestation of Divine Provi dence by the fabric of nature, which bespeaks a sustaining Hand ; and in conclusion, once more impresses on his subjects the necessity of mutual toleration. "Let no one be led by his own convictions to hurt his neighbour." The rumour of an entire destruction of heathen temples is, he says, unfounded : he would have advised all men thus to root out " the power of darkness," had not ingrained prejudice been too powerful ; he has spoken plainly, because he would not hide his real belief; "but it is one thing to enter willingly on the struggle for immortality, another to force the unwilling into it." Such, says Eusebius, was the address which the Emperor, " like a loud-voiced herald of God," put forth to all the Easterns, " to draw them off from diabolic error, and to urge them to pursue the true religion." He was interrupted in these benevolent endeavours by the first news of the great Arian controversy. Enough has now been said to show how Licinius struck, with what force he had time to put in motion, at the ever-advancing Power which had withstood Galerius's more formidable onslaught; and how the triumph of Constantine, uniting the East and the West, gave to that Power the assistance of a more avowed Imperial co-operation. It was but gradually that Christians could apprehend the limitations of such assistance, or even the new risks and the subtle temptations which adhered to it : the danger of allowing the kingdom of Christ to be turned into a kingdom of this world. Nor could they see at once — well for them that they could not ! — the stiff resistance which the leaven of the Gospel would encounter; the intractableness of much of the material on which Christianity was to operate; the tenacity with which paganism had inwoven itself into every form of secular 52 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap, iv life ; the proud self-satisfaction of Roman aristocrats, the vicious frivolity of Greek populations. Had such a distressing, bewildering vision been allowed to burst upon them all at once, their faith might in too many cases have reeled under the shock, and assumed that the promise had come utterly to an end. But here, as in other cases, " the distant scene " was kept out of sight, and men were led on step by step, with strength sufficient for the needs of the day. CHAPTER V. THE BEGINNINGS OF AEIANISM. We have now to watch the gathering of a great controversial storm, which speedily dispelled the fond hopes of those who had expected that after the cessation of pagan persecution the bark of the Church would float easily through smooth waters. It was not to be : a long day of trouble, rebuke, and blasphemy was at hand — a period of " scandals " which would put the sorest strain on trustful hopes, on persistent endurance, on practical adhesion to a sacred Cause ; which would cause love to wax cold, and would grievously impede the progress of Christianity ; but which would also train heroes of faith and " scribes well instructed," and vivify, enrich, and consolidate the Christian conception of belief in Christ as God's " own " and only Son. Our scene opens at Alexandria, where the martyred Peter (whose death is dated on November 29, 311) had been succeeded, perhaps in 312, by Achillas, and Achillas, after a few months' episcopate, by Alexander (312 or 313). This prelate had had to encounter opposition from the very outset. To explain its cause, we must go back to the very first years of the fourth century. There was a bishopric of Lycopolis, on the northern boundary of the Thebaid, which " appears to have possessed some honorary pre-eminence among " the other sees which were subordinate to the "Evangelist's throne" at Alexandria. Here, in a.d. 300, sat a bishop named Meletius, whose character has been always more or less of a problem ; although there is no doubt of his having originated a schismatical movement, the grounds which he took Up — the motives of his conduct — have been very variously stated. Athanasius (writing apparently in 356) says that it is fifty-five years since Meletius began his schism, and thirty-six since the Meletians were condemned ; and in another work tells us that he 54 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. began it because he had been condemned in a council, by Peter, for various offences, particularly for an act of apostasy during per secution. Epiphanius, who evidently relied on some Meletian documents of a partisan character, represents Meletius as a brave confessor who suffered imprisonment with Peter, and in a dis cussion with him on the right mode of treating those who had lapsed, expressed a strong opinion against receiving them to penance until the persecution had been for some time over, and they had given sufficient evidence of genuine contrition; whereas Peter, " being tender-hearted," urged a gentler line of proceeding, and at last, when the pursuit grew hot, spread out his pallium or cloak on the floor of the prison, and bade the brethren go on this or that side of it, as they agreed with himself or with Meletius. He thereupon found himself, says Epiphanius, left in a minority : and so the schism began, and was kept up under Alexander (whom Epiphanius imagined to have been Peter's immediate successor). Meletius, banished to the mines, organized a " Church of Martyrs" by constituting bishops and clergy, and after his release still kept up private religious meetings with his own friends, although on terms of personal friendship with Alexander. The documents to which Epiphanius had referred are in various ways self-convicted of untrustworthiness : but it is to be observed, that the Nicene Council, in a formal letter to the Egyptian Church, is silent about the accusation of apostasy, and dwells only on the " disorderly and impetuous " conduct of Meletius ; and also that a letter of Phileas and three other bishops to Meletius, first published by Scipio Maffei at Verona in 1738, rebukes Meletius for ignoring " the law of our fathers," and disre garding the dignity of "the great bishop Peter," by ordaining clergy outside the bounds of his own diocese, on the pretext that persecution made it necessary thus to provide new pastors for desolate flocks : to which letter an anonymous narrator appends the statement, that Meletius, after receiving this remonstrance, did not go to visit the bishops who had sent it from their prison, but after their martyrdom repaired to Alexandria, and there, supported by Isidore, "a turbulent man who desired to be a teacher," and by Arius, pretended to excommunicate the presbyters whom Peter had appointed to take the oversight of his Church, and ordained two men, one in prison, one in a mine, — whereupon Peter wrote a brief letter to his flock, ordering them not to com municate with Meletius, until he himself, " with wise men," could v.] The Beginnings of Arianism. 55 take cognizance of the matter. Such are the various accounts of the origin of that Meletian schism or party which actually retained some life as late as the middle of the eighth century. And if we may accept as genuine the documents last quoted, commonly called the Maffeian Fragments, we shall certainly be disposed to think that Athanasius, when, many years after the event, he spoke of Meletius as having been condemned for apostasy, was giving credit to a serious misstatement — in its first form, perhaps, an exaggeration of the fact that Meletius was rebuked for a breach of ecclesiastical order, by confessors who soon afterwards became martyrs ; and also that his date for the origin of the schism is perhaps five years too early. The Epiphanian account, repre senting Meletius as a zealot for discipline, and Peter as swayed towards laxity by his benevolence, betrays, plainly enough, a Meletian romancer's hand. Whatever were the actual circumstances under which the bishop of Lycopolis was drawn into a sectarian position, we may take it as pretty certain that he became a schismatic during the persecution ; and that Arius, afterwards the great heresiarch, espoused his cause. According to one account, Arius for a while abandoned Meletius, and was ordained deacon by Peter ; but when Peter proceeded to severities against the Meletians — refusing to admit their baptism — Arius " exclaimed against this conduct of the bishop," and was consequently excommunicated. Under Achillas — who, like Peter, was an object of Meletian invective — Arius regained his position in the Church, on making his submission to the bishop. He was even advanced to the priesthood, and put in charge of the oldest church in Alexandria, which bore the name of Baucalis. It must be here observed that there were at this time several churches in the city, as those called after Bishops Dionysius, Annianus, Pierius, Serapion, etc., and what we now call the parochial system was already established, "for," says Epiphanius, "every church had its own presbyter appointed over it," — as at Rome the churches (now only twenty-five) had long been distinguished as tituli or incumbencies, with clergy severally assigned to and "fixed" in each — the original idea of the term " cardinal." So stood matters at the death of Achillas : then, according to Theodoret, Arius put forward his pretensions to the vacant see, and was greatly mortified by the preference given to Alexander. One is bound, however, to suspect these stories — by no means uncommon — which ascribe the first movements of a great heretical 56 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. career (for instance, that of Valentinus the Gnostic) to the impulse of wounded personal feeling. For some time, at any rate, after the accession of Alexander, he had no difficulty with the priest of the Baucalis church, and is said, indeed, to have " held him in high esteem." He had much business and some trouble on his hands : there was the building of a large and new church in memory of Bishop Theonas, which, we are told, he used before it could actually be dedicated; there was the appointment of bishops to various sees, the names of some of whom are recorded by Atha nasius, in connection with the sufferings which they lived to endure in the days of Arian tyranny ; there was a sharp controversy with a person named Crescentius, as to the right time for observing Easter ; and there was the now established and intensified system of attack carried on by the Meletians, who denounced Alexander to " the Emperor," probably the Eastern sovereign Licinius. But, withal, there were for the good and kind-hearted bishop resources of support and comfort, and prospects full of hope, opening before him as he watched the expanding intellect and ripening moral force of a youth whom he had taken up — attracted, no doubt, by the evident promise of a high vocation, by unequivocal tokens of qualifications for doing the cause of Christ great service — and had received into his house, as his confidential secretary and deacon. It was no small privilege, no small happiness for Alexander, to have opened the ecclesiastical career to Athanasius. It was not until 319 — some six years after Alexander's accession — that he began, as it seems, to hear of strange language being held in Alexandrian Church society by the distinguished logician and highly esteemed preacher, who, after a period of misdirected and factious activity, had won for himself a considerable name for strictness of life and theological ability, as pastor of the church of Baucalis^y Arius was a man of mark even in his outward character- lsticsTne was known by the sleeveless tunic and scanty half-cloak which he constantly wore, by his tall person, his melancholy thoughtful face, his grave manner, his sweet impressive voice, his social attractiveness and signal powers of conversation. Personally -as "Well as officially, he had great opportunities for bringing his mind to bear on others ; and he " went about from house to house," energetically propagating opinions which caused, by degrees, a vehement excitement, in regard to the nature of the Son of God. It came to the bishop's knowledge that Arius was disturbing the faith of some over whom he had gained an influence, as to the v.] The Beginnings of Arianism. 57 uncreate and eternal being of the Divine Redeemer. He was speaking of Him as, after all, only the eldest and highest of creatures ; not denying to Him the title of God, but by limitations and glosses abating its real power. Alexander thought it a duty to try the effect of remonstrance : he was loth to regard his presbyter as committed to a heresy of such flagrant character, and he waited some time, as it seems, before taking any step which should precipitate, or even necessitate, a breach. At last he sent for him, but the interview produced no effect, for Arius renewed the dissemination of his opinions, and, having by this time secured a considerable amount of support, preached without disguise the negation of the Son's eternal Divinity. The agitation daily increased, and Alexander, it seems, was blamed by some zealous Churchmen for indecision at a grave crisis. He thereupon summoned a meeting of his clergy, but even then spoke with great moderation, in the hope of reclaiming Arius, allowing freedom of expression on both sides. The meeting broke up without result. At an adjourned meeting Alexander deemed it high time to speak out, and addressed his clergy on the subject of the Holy Trinity in terms which Arius boldly and directly challenged, as involving a Sabellian conception of the " Son " as a power put forth .from the One Personal God, a mode or form of His self-manifestation. Now, the name of Sabellianism was odious, especially in a church which had special reason for venerating the memory of Dionysius the Great, who, as bishop of Alexandria, had con tended earnestly, and endured misrepresentation in the contest, against the theory which sacrificed, so to speak, the Son's person ality to His oneness with the Father, and thus, as he expressed it, involved "unbelief" as to the Only-begotten: as we might say, which involved all the revealed relations of Father, Son, and Holy Spirit in confusion and unreality. Hence Arius had shown him self a master of controversial policy, when he resolved to adopt as his war-cry, " No Sabellianism ! " He proceeded to show himself a master of dialectic fencing, when he argued thus from the admitted fact of the Sonship. " If the Son of God is a real Son, then what . is true in all cases of paternal and filial relationship is true in this ' case. But what is true in regard to such relationship is, that a father exists before a son. Therefore, the Divine Father existed \ before the Divine Son. Therefore, once the Son of God did not exist. Therefore, He was made, Like all creatures, of an essence or being which previously had been non-existent." 58 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Here was Arius, then, laying down at the outset a rationalistic proposition, to the effect that he could argue irresistibly from human sonship to Divine ; that the resources of human logic were fully equal to the discussion of matters so transcendental, and that there was no occasion for hesitating about such a use of such a criterion. Then he proceeded to infer, from his major premiss, the non- eternity of the Son's existence ; and this conducted him, with perfect legitimacy, to the exclusion of the Son, thus produced in t time, from the absolute incommunicable majesty of the One I Uncreated Being. ThatJh^^attaEas-^uiL^finiaZjjind not Uncreate, J were therefore^ tha^vwo^nrigirial q1p,rap.nif,s pf ^rig^WTcrxmR: "Tire qUBstroifas to what led Arius to the formation of these opinions may, perhaps, be never completely solved. We may ascribe something to the Alexandrian development of Platonic ideas, about the relation of "Mind" to the absolute Deity, as a " demiurgic " power acting for the primary unknowable " One : " yet Arius's tone of mind is hardly that of a Platonist. To connect him, as Newman does, with the Antiochene heresy inaugurated by Paul of Samosata, and for a time upheld by the much-respected Lucian, is a proceeding sanctioned, in part, by an extant letter of Arius, in which Lucian is referred to as his instructor. Still one must observe in the first place, that the rapid growth of his school in Egypt points back to Egyptian forms of thought, which exaggerated what has been infelicitously called the Filial " Sub ordination " (a term suggesting more than Subordinatio), and which would naturally tell on his own mind, as we know that his followers claimed Origen as on their side in regard to some language hardly consistent with the doctrine of the Son's Divine Co-equality. In the second place, there is a great gap between Paul of Samosata, with his notion of an impersonal Logos temporarily residing in a mere human saint, who, by moral " advancement," wins the title of God's Son — and Arius, with his notion of a personal Divine Son, towering high in antiquity of origin and dignity of position above the highest Archangels, yet still separated by the im passable gulf of creaturely being from the Supreme Essence of Him who was, in the full sense of the phrase, the only God, the one Almighty, and in whose presence all creatures as such were on a par. A still greater difference, perhaps, must be recognised between the position of Arius and that of Artemon or Artemas, who was sometimes called the true founder of his heresy. And yet it is undeniable that the temper of mind which conspicuously V] The Beginnings of Arianism. 59 determined the course of Paul or of Artemon, and which, for con venience, we may designate as rationalistic, was the same that originated the hard, self-confident, and pretentiously logical propositions to which Arius gave utterance at Alexandria. He seems to have been lacking in reverence, keenly disputatious, impatient of mystery, prone to see contradictions where other minds would see only parallel truths incapable of being logically harmonized; and without assigning too much weight to such motives as pique or repugnance to episcopal authority, one may at least suppose that the consciousness of being opposed to his official superior, for whose intellectual abilities he had probably small respect, would contribute something to the interest which he would take in formulating a theory of his own connected with philosophic conceptions of an Ingenerate Supreme, and escaping the difficulties which he found in the dominant belief. Such were the " preparations " of his theory. Its immediate groundworks were, as we have seen, these two — a dread of Sabellianism, and an assumption as to the conditions of Divine Sonship ; and its essential propositions were these two, that the Son had not existed from eternity, and that He differed from other creatures in degree, and not in kind. The second sitting of the clerical conference broke up, like the first, without coming to any definitive result. It is worth while to remember that " hierarchical pressure " had been conspicuous by its absence. Alexander had allowed full liberty for the expression of opinions ; and if he himself had spoken plainly, he had suffered him self to be contradicted, and even rebuked as unsound, without taking any official resolution. We can hardly wonder that many thought that, in this, the bishop had carried forbearance too far. One of the city presbyters, named Colluthus, considered him to have betrayed the cause of faith by this tolerance of grave error, and thereupon set up a sect of his own, and ventured, on the ground of " the necessities of the time," to confer a sectarian ordination. But it is important to observe that, according to the testimony of the clergy of the Mareotic district in 335, he "pretended to be a bishop; " so that if this is to be taken literally, we are not concerned with a claim to confer orders in the character of a presbyter. One of the persons who were in this manner declared " presbyters " was named Ischyras; he will reappear in the history of the Arians' persecution of Athanasius. Colluthus added to this schismatical proceeding the advocacy of a strange theory, traceable evidently 60 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. to an ill-instructed zeal for God's honour, such as drove him into separation from his bishop : he taught that the afflictions of life, which in that sense are called "evils," do not come from the Divine hand. By the end of the year 319, matters had reached a point which forbade all hope of peace. Private remonstrance and open dis cussion had been tried without success, and Alexander thus found that he must act officially : there were several presbyters and deacons, and a large number of dedicated virgins, together with not a few laymen, who had come to regard Arius as a better theologian than their bishop. Accordingly, Alexander assembled the presbyters and deacons of Alexandria and the adjacent Mareotic district, and without formally excommunicating Arius, caused them, or the majority of them, to sign a solemn letter, in which he exhorted the followers of Arius " to renounce his impiety, and submit themselves to the sound Catholic faith;" and he followed up this censure by assembling the bishops, nearly a hundred in number, who owed obedience to his see. This episcopal synod was held, according to Tillemont, either at the end of 319 or the beginning of 320 ; butHussey, on the authority of Jerome's Chronicle, dates it in 321. Arius and his adherents were present, and on being questioned as to what they really held, avowed the following opinions: — 1. God was not always Father, but became so when He produced His Son out of nothing. For — 2. The Son was produced in the sense of being created ; 3. He was a creature, and therefore once He did not exist ; 4. Therefore, He is not like the Father in essence ; 5. Nor is He the Father's true Word or Wisdom, but can be called so only in an improper sense, as being in fact the product of God's true Wisdom, i.e. of that attribute whereby God made both the Son and the Universe. 6. And, in truth, the Son was created with a view to the creation of mankind : He was God's destined instrument in our creation ; He would not have existed at all, had not God willed to make us. 7. Further, the Son does not perfectly or accurately know either the Father or His own essence ; 8. And, like all rational creatures, He is by nature capable of change. When it came to this point, one of the bishops, taking advantage of the ethical sense of mutability, put a question, " Could v.] The Beginnings of Arianism. 61 the Son of God, then, change, as the devil changed, from goodness to evil ? " And the Arians, or perhaps one outspoken Arian, did not hesitate to answer, " Yes, He could have thus changed ; for His nature, being created, was capable of change." We must needs suppose that this referred to an original, not to a present possibility. The question meant, Was it abstractedly possible that the Son should have joined the rebellious angels ? Arianism, by treating Him as a created moral being, implied that this was possible; and the fatal admission thus drawn forth decided the Council to excommunicate and anathematize Arius and his adherents, who were the following : — Two bishops : Secundus and Theonas. Six priests: Arius himself, another Arius, Achillas, Aithales, Carpones, Sarmates. Six deacons : Euzoius, Lucius, Julius, Menas, Helladius, Caius. This excommunication of Arius and his companions is the first landmark, closing a distinct portion of the history of the move ment. The second portion extends from this point to the Council of Nicaea. The immediate result of the Council of Alexandria was an increase of ferment among the minds of Egyptian Church-people. Not a few held with Arius on the question at issue ; others thought that he had been unfairly treated by authority, and a division took place between such persons and the orthodox, which was not allayed by the withdrawal of Arius, and several of his friends, as Carpones and Achillas, from Alexandria to Palestine. If, as he himself asserted, he was actually banished by his bishop, it would not be a stronger step than was taken by Demetrius in regard to Origen. Whatever may be thought of Origen's theological eccen tricities, it is painful even to put the two names in juxtaposition ; yet we cannot help doing so at this point, for Arius, like Origen, found shelter and support in Palestine, and especially at the hands of Paulinus of Tyre, and Eusebius the historian, bishop of Caesarea. He professed to desire nothing but peace, to be no heretic, no innovator, but a man injuriously treated by bis own bishop, with whom, notwithstanding, he longed to be again in communion. He therefore applied for the good offices of several bishops: would they not write to Alexander in his behalf, and send to himself letters of communion ? Some did so, from a bond fide belief that he had been misunderstood and misjudged; others, from a real sympathy with his opinions ; but a few of those whom he addressed 62 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. resisted all his representations, and among these was Macarius, bishop of " iElia " or Jerusalem. Alexander, on hearing of the countenance given by several prelates to Arius, wrote to remon strate with them ; we are told that one of his seventy extant letters was addressed to Eusebius of Caesarea, others to the bishops Asclepas of Gaza, Longinus of Ascalon, Macrinus of Jamnia, Zeno of Tyre. Some of the bishops, in reply, denied that they had countenanced Arius ; others said that they had done so on imper fect information ; others protested that they had wished to " reclaim " him by " kindly treatment ; " but he, for his part, was now securing for himself a more powerful friend than any that Palestine could supply in the person of Eusebius of Nicomedia. This prelate, whom an English Church historian describes as " one of the most hateful characters " in history, but who rather deserves our pity for having been exposed to corrupting influences which he was ill prepared to resist, had been irregularly transferred from the see of Berytus to that of the present Eastern capital — the fifth city, in point of size, in the empire. He was an astute and able politician, who had had many years of experience of public life ; he had gone great lengths in supporting Licinius's government, even when it assumed a hostile aspect towards Christianity ; and Licinius's wife Constantia, sister of Constantine, was probably instrumental in procuring his translation. Philostorgius, the Arian historian, called him " the Great ; " Sozomen speaks of him as a "man of learning," as well as "of high reputation in the palace ; " and he appears to have been imbued from a considerably earlier period with the ideas which Arius had recently expressed. To him, as to a " fellow-Lucianist " — a fellow-pupil of Lucian of Antioch — Arius addressed a letter by the hands of a person whom he calls his "father" Ammonius, then about to leave Palestine for Nicomedia. He informed Eusebius that Alexander had " per secuted and expelled " him for not believing in the eternity of the Son, and in His eternal or continuous " generation " from the Father. This doctrine he identifies with the notion of the Son's being unbegotten; in other words, he contended that a real " generation " of the Son must be an event which happened at a certain period, and that to make it a perpetual fact of the Divine existence was to annul its reality. He sneered at Alexander as if he had called the Son " ingenerately generate ; " that is, he took up the sense of "without beginning," philosophically attached to agennetos or ingenerate, and inferred that as the Father was v.J The Beginnings of Arianism. 63 " unbegotten," He alone was eternal; whereas, on the Catholic view, the Son was " generate " in the sense of having His origin in the Father, yet " ingenerate " in the sense of sharing the Father's eternity. Moreover, while describing the Son as " perfect God," which was flagrantly to misuse terms, and even adding that He existed as unchangeable, which was a correction of the incautious admission made at the late synod, Arius intimated that to accept Alexander's dogma would be to make the Son "a part of God," and therefore, in effect, no Son at all. Eusebius's answer contained, no doubt, an invitation to Nicomedia ; it also contained a distinct approval of Arius's sentiments — " for, plainly, what was made had no existence before its making." To Nicomedia, then, we must now follow Arius. The splendid city which Diocletian had so loved, and had raised, in "a few years, to a degree of magnificence which might appear to have required the labour of ages," and which contained a palace of his erection — the city, also, which had witnessed the outbreak of the great persecution in the tortures of the Emperor's Christian domestics, and the beheading of the bishop Anthimus — was now the scene of a memorable meeting between these two old friends, the occupant of Anthimus's seat and the exiled heresiareh of Alexandria. Eusebius warmly espoused the cause of Arius, as of a man injured by misrepresentation, and wrote " repeatedly " to Alexander, urging him to silence the controversy, and to restore Arius to his position in the Church. Arius himself wrote, in his own name and those of his fellow-exiles, to their " blessed Pope Alexander." In this remarkable letter he appeals to Alexander as having himself taught them to own One God, the Unbegotten Father, who before the ages really begat a Son, whom He caused to subsist by an act of His will, in a condition unchangeable (we observe again that the desperate assertion of the Son's morally changeable nature is withdrawn) ; this Son not being an emanation from the Father, nor a portion of the Father, nor co-eternal with Him, but, as a created person, wholly the product of the Father's will (a statement often used by the party, who liked to ask whether the Sonship was supposed to be independent of the Father's will, as if to drive their opponents into an absurdity). The writer seems anxious to exclude all materialistic conceptions of the Divine Sonship, and at the same time all notions of the Son's co-equality ; the former being strangely assumed to inhere in the doctrine of His being co-essential and co-eternal, from 64 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. which the co-equality was inferred by Catholics on the principle which excluded from Christian thought any " greater or less " in Godhead. As in several of the Arian utterances, one sees here the hopeless contradiction into which, for all his logical keen ness, Arius fell : he began by insisting that the idea of Sonship should be preserved intact, and he ended, perforce, in a conclusion which virtually destroyed it, by representing the person called " God's only Son " as wholly alien from the essence of His so-called Father, which was the same thing as making Him no Son at all. This nemesis of logic was a point repeatedly urged by St. Athana sius, when he insisted that the doctrine of co-essentiality was the only preservative of the truth of the Divine Sonship — inasmuch as no creature of God could be, in any proper sense, His Son. But Arius wrote more, at Nicomedia, than this letter to his " Pope." He resolved to popularise his opinions : he wrote " ballads," says his own historian, for " sailors, millers, and travellers ; " and he composed a poem which, if not by its very name — " Thalia " (Festivity or Merrymaking) — yet by its metre, that of the infamous poems of the profligate Sotades of Crete (whose verses were offensive, says Neale, to many pagans who " professed no extraordinary purity "), exhibited in a very startling and scandalous manner the author's readiness to ally himself with the secular spirit in one of its most thoroughly pagan forms, and to purchase circulation for his theology by associating it, and the sacred names which it handled and misused, with ideas and recollections from which respectable heathens would shrink back as from a pollution. But the composition itself was quite grave in tone, and its significance was twofold : it illustrated his singular lack of reverential instincts, and thus went far to account for his peculiar heresy ; and it further expressed that heresy in its most outspoken and repulsive form. Arius speaks of himself, in the Thalia, as " the far-famed sufferer for God's glory ; " and he reiterates his denial of co-equality and co-essential Divinity on the part of the Son of God, who, he says, is " alien in essence from the Father," "has nothing proper to God in His own subsistence," does not fully " know " His Father, but, " as a strong God, praises His Superior," by whose " will He is whatever He is." It was perhaps at this time that he adopted or urged that " Lucianist " theory of the soul of Christ which was afterwards, with a short sighted ingenuity, adopted and modified in the anti- Arian interest, until it became the symbol of an opposite heresy. Christ, he said, v.] The Beginnings of Arianism. 65 had no human soul, but His higher nature acted as such ; and since that higher nature was after all created, there was no monstrous paradox in assigning to it the emotions belonging in other cases to humanity. The bishop of Nicomedia procured a recognition of Arius from a synod of Bithynian bishops, which put forth a letter of the encyclical kind, urging other prelates to take the same line. One of these letters, addressed to Paulinus of Tyre by Eusebius, is preserved by Theodoret. It gently complains of Paulinus for not having written, like Eusebius of Caesarea, to Alexander in defence of Arius. " I am sure that if you write to him, you will convince him." The doctrinal language of this letter is remarkable. On the one hand, Eusebius admits what the Arians had ignored at the Council of Alexandria — the Son's " perfect likeness, in power and character (or disposition), to the Father." On the other hand, he maintains the Son to be " entirely distinct from the Father in essence," and treats His " generation " or production as the same in kind with that of men, and even of inanimate creatures. While Eusebius was thus active, an Alexandrian priest named George, who was then staying at Antioch, took upon him to write to Alexander in defence of Arius, and to the Arians in defence of Alexander. To Alexander he wrote, " Do not blame the Arians for saying, ' Once the Son was not : ' for Isaiah ' was not,' before he was born to Amoz." To the Arians he suggested that Alexander's phrase, " The Son is from the Father," might bear a very good sense ; " for all creatures are in a sense from God" (1 Cor. viii. 6), "and the Son, as a creature, may therefore be said to be from Him." The reply of Alexander to this interference was a sentence of deposition against George, for other offences as well as for heresy ; and subsequently we find this man enrolled by Arian influence among the presbyters of Antioch, and thence transferred to the see of Laodicea in Syria. The then bishop of Laodicea, Theodotus, with Patrophilus of Scythopolis, Paulinus, and others, appear to have been induced by Eusebius of Nicomedia to write in behalf of Arius. A namesake of Athanasius, who was bishop of Anazarbus in Cilicia, was particularly outspoken. " The Son of God," he wrote, " is one of the hundred sheep, which in the parable represent all the creatures. If those hundred are all made, and there is nothing beside them save God only, what is there extravagant in the Arians' enumeration of Christ as among the hundred ? " And Eusebius of Caesarea, though not properly an Arian himself, certainly gave practical VOL. 1. *" 66 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. countenance to Alius, acted with Arianizers, and afterwards wrote to a bishop named Euphration a letter, in which, as Athanasius tells us, he distinctly said that Christ was not " Very God ; " but it is possible that if we had the context, this negation might be intelligible. When, soon afterwards, Arius returned to Palestine, Eusebius was one of three bishops who allowed him to hold services for Ms adherents, on condition that he sought to be reconciled to Alexander ; and this, coupled with the fact that Eusebius's own theological language for the most part admits of an orthodox interpretation, may suggest that what he chiefly cared about was the exclusion of Sabellianism, and that in this, he thought, both Alexander and Arius might come to an understanding. In the mean time, Alexander himself was bearing the burden of the day with a vigour and heartiness which were perhaps, in some measure, due to the support and aid of his youthful deacon Athanasius, but which secured his reputation among the confessors in the cause of orthodoxy. He and his faithful clergy were constantly accused by Arian intriguers before the civil tribunals, on the evidence of women who had been perverted into heresy. They were scornfully disparaged as unintelligent, and as mere blunderers in theology — as men who talked of "two unbegotten Beings " (a different accusation from that of Sabellianizing, which had been originally brought against them by Arius). The profane- ness inherent in Arianism let loose, so to speak, a flood of impieties in Alexandrian society, directed against the doctrine of the co- eternal Sonship : the very theatres resounded with mockeries against Christianity itself, and perhaps the heathen thus early discovered that Arianism would be, so to speak, their natural ally, when they heard Arians ask the boys in the market-place whether there were " one or two Ingenerates," or appeal to women as to " whether a son could exist before he was born." Amid these distressing irreverences, Alexander worked on, writing letter after letter, to the number, says Epiphanius, of seventy — one of them being the famous Encyclical preserved by Socrates. It was written in consequence of the efforts of Eusebius of Nicomedia to obtain friends for Arius by letters to various bishops. After referring to the unity of the Church, as requiring unanimity and sympathy among its members, Alexander speaks of Eusebius of Nicomedia as having formerly exhibited his ill-will (i.e. his hostility to the truth), and as now renewing the exhibition of it ; he enumerates the Arians of Alexandria who, for maintaining certain heretical v.J The Beginnings of Arianism. 67 opinions, had been anathematized by a Council of about a hundred Egyptian bishops ; he recites those opinions at length ; he asks, " Who ever before heard such language ? " he argues from the prologue of St. John's Gospel, and other texts, including Heb. xiii. 8, against the notion of a created, a changeable, or a partially ignorant Son of God ; he denounces the new heresy as the nearest approach yet made to Antichrist ; he expresses regret at the perversion of its upholders ; he refers to texts which gave warning of the rise of heresies ; and he concludes by exhorting his fellow- bishops not to receive the excommunicated persons, nor to rely on the representations made in their behalf, by Eusebius or by any other. " For it befits us, as Christians, to keep aloof from those who speak or think against Christ : " a maxim which appears again and again in Athanasius's pleadings against this heresy, and shows that he, like his bishop, habitually regarded it as a systematic outrage to the Person of the Redeemer; and loyalty to that Redeemer was the animating and sustaining motion of his lifelong warfare against it. To this letter Alexander procured the signa tures of thirty-six priests and forty -four deacons of Alexandria and the Mareotis, who had formerly subscribed the letter of exhortation addressed to the supporters of Arius, and who now — the rather that two priests and four deacons had joined Arianism since the Council of Alexandria — were called upon to testify their assent to the sentence which that Council had pronounced. Socrates, who for some reason or other is prejudiced against Alexander, says that the dissemination of this Encyclical only made matters worse, and embittered Eusebius of Nicomedia, " who at that time was a very powerful person." Another plan was therefore adopted by the indefatigable Alexander: he drew up and circulated, for acceptance among various bishops, a " Tome " or doctrinal formu lary. This obtained a large amount of success. It was signed by the bishops of Egypt, including Thebais, and by those of Libya, Pentapolis, Cappadocia, Lycia, Pamphylia, Proconsular Asia, and by some, at least, of those in Syria. And Alexander, on receiving their adhesion, wrote, or perhaps adopted, another circular, which we have as addressed to his namesake, Alexander of Byzantium, and which differs markedly in style from the former, being turgid, involved, and diffuse. In it he complains vehemently of the intrigues and conspiracies, as well as of the heresy, of the Arians ; and also of the hasty credence given to them by several bishops, especially three in Syria (meaning Eusebius of Caesarea, Theodotus, 68 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. and Paulinus). He proceeds to argue at great length against the Arian opinions. In his statements there are a few peculiarities of theological expression, such as the use (common to him and Arius) of the word hypostasis for subsistence in the sense of " person ; " but he carefully excludes the notion that the Son Himself is " unbegotten," while insisting on His co-eternal existence. He employs the term " Theotocos " as a title of the Virgin Mother ; it had already been used by Origen, and was afterwards adopted by Athanasius, and became, as all know, the Catholic symbol in the Nestorian controversy. One of the most remarkable passages in this letter is the caveat, repeated afterwards by typical Fathers, that no orthodox terms can remove all difficulty, that a full compre hension of God's nature is beyond the reach of our present faculties. The notion of a materialistic partition of the Divine essence is dis claimed, and ascribed to Valentinus and Sabellius, in view of the emanatistic form of Sabellianism ; while the Arian theory is traced up to Paul of Samosata, to Artemas, and to " Ebion," the imaginary founder of the Judaical sect which had taken " poverty " as a charac teristic. This is a statement which must not be taken rigorously, but as equivalent to saying, " Arius follows in the track of those whose theories have lowered the dignity of the Son of God." The letter concludes by observing that the unanimity of the bishops might serve as a good argument for reclaiming Arians. Among others to whom Alexander wrote, Theodoret names the orthodox Philogonius, bishop of Antioch. The date of the letter to the bishop of Byzantium is apparently later than that of the Encyclical, for it points to a later stage in the history, when many bishops had taken a side ; and it may have been written in 323. Towards the end of this year, Constantine himself interfered in the controversy. He had just triumphed over Licinius, and was naturally annoyed and disturbed by finding the Eastern Christians then at discord with each other. With characteristic impetuosity and self-confidence, he resolved to exhort the disputants to peace • and wrote from Nicomedia a famous letter in which, as Tillemont says, " one may discern, throughout, the mind of the Nicomedian Eusebius." His namesake of Caesarea has given it at length. It was addressed (with marked disrespect towards the bishop of Alexandria) to " Alexandria and Arius." Constantine begins by dilating on his strong desire to secure religious unity, as a means to civil peace: he adds that he had hoped to heal the African schism of the Donatists by transferring some Eastern bishops to V] The Beginnings of Arianism. 69 Africa ; he then exclaims against the calamitous outbreak in the East, of a worse dissension than that of Donatism. " Ah, glorious and Divine Providence ! what a wound has thus been inflicted on my heart ! " And from what an insignificant cause has this new feud arisen ! He is informed that Alexander had raised an " idle question," and Arius had expressed an "inconsiderate opinion." He, as their " fellow-servant," would now advise them both to forbear alike such questioning and such answering, as the " mere exercise of an unprofitable idleness," or, at any rate, as quite unfit for public discussions. On a profound subject such as that on which the question was stirred — the nature of God — how few are fit to speak, how few are likely to avoid misapprehension ! Let each party, then, excuse the other for what may have given offence. The point at issue does not touch the substance of the Christian " law " or religion : it involves no vital difference ; it is " minute," it is " extremely slight," it is " purely verbal," it is " unimportant," it is " quite unessential " (he seems at a loss'for words to express his sense of its utter insignificance, of what one might call its purely " academic " character) ; it does not deserve to become the cause of dissension between grave and earnest men, charged with ministerial responsibilities. They are at one on the essentials of faith : let them take a lesson from the philosophical schools, and agree to differ about petty minutiae. Such small diversities of sentiment must be expected and provided for : there is an ample extent of common ground, on which all really needful unanimity as to the faith and worship of God can be abundantly secured, to the great comfort, the renewed peace, of Christian society, and to the intense relief of the writer, their " fellow-servant," who will thus regain " days of calm, and nights free from anxiety," and who has put off his journey into the East until this "unreasonable and mischievous dissension " shall be allayed. Such was the letter of Constantine, which was so highly eulo gized, not only by Eusebius, but by Socrates, and has in later times been so often commended as a model of wise and charitable counsel. Writers opposed to what would be called the dogmatic spirit have described its words as " excellent " and " really golden ; " and even Jeremy Taylor, while faintly admitting the possibility of Constantine's " undervaluing the question," declares that the letter " tells the truth." It may, however, be considered somewhat strange that those who have thus applauded the Emperor's religious " liberalism " have assumed that he was in a position to know the 70 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. V. actual state of the case. It is, on reflection, evident that he was in no such position ; that one who still looked at Christian doctrine, to a great extent, ab extra, was simply incompetent to decide whether a theological question were trivial or momentous ; that in affecting to decide, he was but showing himself up, so to speak, in the light of a meddler with what he did not, and could not, under stand. There might be, of course, a number of questions to which the principle announced by Constantine would apply, but he did not know enough of Christianity to apply the principle aright ; and in the case before us, nothing is plainer than that the question whether the Son of God were, or were not, a creature was as vital as any that could be raised by Christian men. The bearer of the letter was the venerated Hosius, bishop of Cordova, who had been a confessor, under Maximian " Herculeus," the Emperor's father-in-law, and whom the Emperor, Socrates tells us, " greatly loved and honoured." He was charged to examine the case as between Alexander and Arius, and also to inquire " into the conduct of the Meletians and Colluthians," and to do what he could towards promoting uniformity as to the time of observing the Easter festival. He came accordingly to Alexandria, perhaps about the end of 324, or a little earlier, according to Tillemont ; but the Council which was held on his arrival was without any important effect, save the distinct declaration of the nullity of the Colluthian ordinations. Colluthus had already submitted to his bishop ; and those whom he had pretended to ordain were pronounced mere laymen, on the express ground that their ordainer was not a bishop — a reason which, as we shall see, has a direct bearing on a certain theory in regard to the Alexandrian episcopate. An Egyptian synod in 339 spoke on this point with a positiveness which would have been impossible if at that time the right of presbyters, as such, to ordain had been either asserted or regarded as tenable within the Church. "It is evident, and nobody has any doubt about it, that every imposition of hands on the part of Colluthus has become " (i.e. has been pronounced) " invalid, and all who had been appointed by him have taken the position of laymen, and appear as such in the congregation." The dissension caused by Arianism became daily more vehement. Constantine's letters naturally had no effect, and Hosius, on his return, advised the Emperor to try the effect of a general assembly of bishops from all parts of the empire : and he accordingly summoned such a Council to meet at Nicaea, in Bithynia, in the June of 325. CHAPTER VI. THE NICENE COUNCIL. — PART I. We have now reached the close of the first period of the great Arian controversy; and it may be well, in entering upon the second, to bear in mind that six years of agitation and passionate debate had brought out with sufficient clearness the issues which were involved, and the attractions which Arianism could put for ward for the consolidation of its forces against the theology which it was attempting to discredit, and the ecclesiastical authorities which it was resolute to defy. Of those attractions, some were calculated to prevail with coarse and irreverent natures, which found a "Thalia" congenial to their taste, or preferred a secular ised and unexacting Christianity, or retained a paganised notion of God, or took part, as by instinct, with men against whom synods had pronounced, and whom bishops were treating as heretical. But apart from and beyond such recommendations as these, there can be no doubt that Arianism took strong hold on many serious and thoughtful minds with a living persuasive power, characteristic of the system which exhibited so versatile an energy and so tenacious a vitality, and was destined not only to fight out a long battle with the Church of the fourth century, but to win itself a dominion among barbaric races, and reign over the Spanish Goths until the latter part of the sixth age ; to lie dormant, indeed, throughout the mediaeval period, but to break forth with a strange renewal of life amid the confusions of the Reformation, to distress Trinitarian Reformers on the Continent, to mould the religious thought of John Milton and Isaac Newton, to plead with English Churchmen through the writings of Samuel Clarke, to be matter of theological debate in the presence of Queen Caroline, to prompt a theory of lax " subscription " which Waterland set himself elabo rately to attack, to pervert large sections of British and Irish 72 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Presbyterians, and, according to the testimony of Dr. Dale of Birmingham (in his interesting book on " Christian Doctrine "), to retain adherents in that town " within the memory of" persons still living in 1884. Such a theory, however manifest may be, in our judgment, its inherent flaws and inconsistencies, was sure enough to enlist a large amount of powerful support in the early years of its activity : its notion, for instance, of a secondary divinity might seem to recommend Christianity to minds just emerging out of Polytheism, and those who wanted still to continue on easy terms with the object of their worship might feel more at home with a " deified " creature than with a Word who "was God" — literally, immutably, indefeasibly — while He had become man. Nor is it difficult to enumerate the principal topics which must have been urged by the advocates of the rising heresy, and to which their opponents were not backward to give an answer. For instance : (1) Arians would appeal to not a few minds by adopting a position virtually rationalistic, and by promising to secure a Christianity which should stand clear of philosophical objections ; and Catholics would answer by insisting that the truths pertaining to the Divine Nature must be pre eminently matter of adoring faith, that it was rash to speculate beyond the lines of revelation, and that the Arian position was itself open to criticism from reason's own point of view. (2) Arians would call upon Catholics to " be logical," to admit the prior existence of the Father as involved in the very primary notion of fatherhood ; to halt no more between a premiss and a conclusion, to exchange their sentimental pietism for grave con victions sustainable by argument. And Catholics would bid them, in turn, remember the inevitably limited scope of human logic in regard to things divine ; would point out the sublime uniqueness of the Divine relation called Fatherhood ; would proceed to carry the war into the enemy's country by dwelling on the suicidal force of that Arian dialectic which tended, in fact, to annihilate its own ground by practically denying the essential Sonship, and on the impossibility of the Arian conception of a created and secondary god — a "demi-god," in Professor Gwatkin's phrase — a being who could be decked out with an honorary divinity, while he was essentially the mere product of the one all-creating Will, and therefore — to take the point by which the Roman Catholic Dr. Hawarden put Dr. Clarke to silence — held His existence pre cariously durante bencplacito of the Father. (3) Arians would vi.] The Nicene Council. 73 contend that they alone did justice to Monotheism, by representing the Father as the one solitary, peerless, incomparable Eternal ; and Catholics would bid them either give up their adoration of the so-called " Son," whom they proclaimed to be " alien from the Father's essence," or else consider how to clear themselves from the stain of gross Ditheistic impiety. (4) Arians would endeavour to load the Catholic conception of an essentially Divine Sonship with the imputation of a materialistic degradation of the Divine nature ; and Catholics would earnestly disclaim all carnal Gnostic dreams of " partition" or " severance " in God. (5) Arians would invoke the Christian sentiment of the time as against a disguised return to Sabellianism, involved in the recognition of Filial Co- equality; and Catholics would point out the radical difference between such an idea and the merging of the Son's personality in the Father's, which was the characteristic doctrine of Sabellianism alike in its earlier and its later forms. (6) Arians would claim as their own stronghold certain passages of Scripture, especially " My Father is greater than I ; " and Catholics would explain these as entirely consistent with the Son's essential co-equality, and as referring, in part, to His acknowledged derivation of being from the Father as Father, in part to His assumption of a created nature for man's sake ; and having so explained them, would urge the irreconcilable contradiction between a theory which made His Divinity but nominal, and a series of texts which attested its reality. (7) Once more, Arians would profess to be but repeating, or legitimately developing, the strong " Subordinationist " language of some earlier Church writers ; and Catholics would, in the first instance, meet this allegation by showing how such writers, fairly construed, differed from Arianism, or even furnished evidence against it, and would then broadly denounce the new heresy as a denial of the immemorial traditionary faith, and as, in fact, a reproduction, in a new form, of what a writer early in the third century had called the " God-denying apostasy," and of the Jewish antipathy to a Christ who was " God's own Son." We have now seen what were, so to speak, the remoter and the immediate antecedents of the controversy, what were the circum stances in which it actually broke out, what were the essential propositions of the Arian theory, and what the attractions which it could offer to various minds. And we can have no difficulty in apprehending the issues which it raised. Of these the first was, as has been well said, essentially " spiritual, devotional, and therein 74 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. moral." Who and what was Jesus Christ ? Was He to be adored, or was He not 1 Were Christians right or wrong in making Him the object of prayer and praise, and also of a trust, a loyalty, an obedience, a devotion, literally supreme, unqualified, and absolute ? He had from the first been so regarded : " the essence of Christian life," as Dr. Wace has excellently said, had been this devotion without limit, this self-surrender without reserve. But if he was personally a creature, however exalted, however super-angelic, then he had, as a creature, no claim to this manifold and all- comprehending worship; and Christians must lose no time in retracing their steps to a standing-ground which would, at any rate, keep them clear of idolatry. And then if Arians rejoined, " We do worship Him," the answer was obvious : " On your own showing, you have no right to do so. You are idolaters, not in fact, but in principle. You are transgressing the essential re quirements of Monotheism, and relapsing virtually into poly theistic laxities. Your so-called ' Son of God ' is ' a being who is not to be supposed, a theological monster, unlawfully, pro fanely, and falsely imagined ' " (to adopt the telling phrase of Dr. Mozley). And thus it was the task of the Catholics to uphold the Christian idea of God in its full practical import, as severely excluding all secondary worship, under whatever Christian terms its heathenishness might be disguised. Yet again, if Christ were not truly God, if he were God in a merely titular sense, as it were honoris causa, and separated in the root of his being by an infinite chasm from the Divine essence and life, then he could not be an adequate expression and revelation of God, could not " interpret " Him accurately ; and Christians must give up the inspiring assurance of being brought very near to the Father through the Son, of beholding in Him " a glory as of the Only-begotten," the very " glory of God in the face of Jesus." The Most High would be for them, as for the old Gnostics, the Most Distant — an abstract and practically unknowable " Depth," instead of a God who had " so loved the world," and who could be " seen " by those who saw Christ, and in Him knew " Him that was true." Here then was another aspect of the Arian movement, which ex hibited it as distinctly retrograde. And once more, it might be felt by thoughtful observers of the Christian type of character that the power of Christ's ethical teaching was closely bound up with the divine supremacy of His claim; and therefore a theory which ex plained away His Godhead would mean the weakening of Christian VI.J The Nicene Council. 75 motives and the moral impoverishment of Christian life. As Dr. Dale has well said, the doctrine asserted against Arianism was " only a definite protest against forms of thought which, by denying to the Lord Jesus Christ His divine glory, would have paralyzed the characteristic power of His ethical teaching ; " or, in Dr. Wace's words, the absolute " moral unity " between the will of Jesus, as represented in the Gospels, and the will of God, being such as no mere man could exhibit, is a " moral foundation " of the doctrine of Their unity of nature. Thus, on all sides, the faith was im perilled by the growth of a theory which in effect assailed its vitality and its power as a religion ; and it is of this that Carlyle must have been thinking when he made the memorable remark, that " if Arianism had won, Christianity would have dwindled into a legend." So stood the two parties face to face, when Constantine's messengers were hurrying to all quarters of the empire, to summon the spiritual rulers of Christendom to the great assembly which he had resolved to hold at Nicaea. The notion of such a council would be readily caught up by Constantine, as con genial to his own magnificent ideas of imperial unity — ideas which he would be glad to clothe with a religious and eccle siastical form; not less, moreover, as likely to furnish the only effectual means for restoring that internal peace and good order of the Church, which this wearying and exasperating controversy had broken up, as a civil war might break up the quiet of the empire. And as he threw himself heartily into the plan, so was he, the Emperor, alone competent to carry it out. There is no doubt that this First (Ecumenical Council could only, humanly speaking, have been " gathered together by the commandment and will " of the first Christian " Princeps." No other authority, in those days, was sufficient to assemble such a body as the Nicene Council — meeting, not like the old councils of Antioch, as a simple representative of a large part of the recently legalised Christian Church, but as the gathering together, under solemn public sanctions, of that whole Church as co-extensive with the empire, and as avowedly possessing the sympathy and respect — in a word, the practical adhesion — of him in whom the empire was, on " Caesarean " principles, gathered up and impersonated. To understand the position, we must transplant our thoughts into a " Caesarean " atmosphere, such as that which prevailed through out the period of the Great Councils, and was to a large extent 76 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. reproduced under the monarchy of a " Carolus Magnus " and a " Ludovicus Pius." Constantine regarded himself as, in his own daring phrase — his unbaptized character being considered — " a bishop for the external relations of the Church," just as later sovereigns, who were actually members of the Church, and thus had better right to take its affairs in hand, might be called its advocati, its guardians — in some sense its "supreme governors." And in the discharge of this peculiar " episcopate," although, no doubt, with the cordial assent and approval of the leading prelates (a condition obviously indispensable, and one which he himself would never have dreamed of neglecting), Constantine sent forth his letters of invitation or citation, informing the bishops of the time and place of the intended meeting, and placing at their disposal public conveyances, or relays of horses, as had been the case in regard to the Council of Aries. It may be thought that one of these documents is extant, in what purports to be the Syriac version of an epistle of Constantine desiring certain bishops to come to Nicaea, partly on the ground that the Council of Ancyra " formerly consented that it should be so." The language is not free from suspicion, for it might seem as if the writer of this letter did not know that the Council of Ancyra had been held eleven years before the Nicene, but only knew of it as more ancient than the Nicene. However, supposing it to be genuine, Constantine must be referring to some other meeting of bishops at Ancyra, the record of which is lost, but which may perhaps have been a sort of preliminary synod, in which Alexander and Hosius came to a full understanding. The letter in question gives, at any rate, one probable reason for the selection of Nicaea — the excellence of its climate. In the vivid words of Cardinal Newman, the " beautiful town lay on an eminence in the midst of a well-wooded, flower-embellished country, with the clear bright waters of the Ascanian lake " at its foot, and successive tiers of mountains behind. There was some thing also which pleased Constantine's fancy in the significance of its name as the " City of Victory," for he loved to style himself " Constantine the Victorious ; " and it was, if not the first, yet certainly the second city in Bithynia, and could trace its founda tion to Antigonus and Lysimachus. Here, then, in the early part of June, 325, assembled a large number of bishops ; but when we attempt to ascertain the exact number, we are in volved in the uncertainties which, for want of precise and careful VI.] The Nicene Council. 77 records, much altered many of the proceedings of the Council of Nicaea. There are extant several lists of bishops who subscribed the acts of the Council ; but they do not agree in their numbers, and they are clearly not exhaustive. Thus, the first of the five lists printed by Mr. C. H. Turner gives 218 names ; the second, 210 ; the third, 223 ; the fourth, 221 ; the fifth, 195 (this last professes to omit " the Westerns, who were not suspected of heresy ") ; and these lists include 15, 14, or 12 "chorepiscopi" who evidently represented absent diocesan bishops. A fragment of a Coptic list stops short at Pamphylia, having thus far exhibited only 147 names, but with a number of blank spaces ; and a Syriac list gives 220, reckoning the two presbyter-legates of Rome as two bishops (which, of course, is incorrect, for they represented the single person of their own bishop, Silvester), and mentioning a few of the Westerns. Two Latin lists given by Mansi in his "Concilia" give only 227 and 204 names, including 15 and 13 chorepiscopi. Once more, the Greek list of Theodore the Reader exhibits only 212 names ; but the compiler adds that he has not been able to learn the remainder. If we ask information of historians or other writers of the time, Con stantine's own letter to the Alexandrians speaks of "more than 300 bishops ; " Eustathius of Antioch, as appears from Theodoret, told his people soon afterwards that there were about 270, but added that he had not taken any pains to ascertain the precise number. Eusebius, in his Life of Constantine, speaks of " more than 250." Athanasius, writing soon after a.d. 350, gives the number as more than 300 ; in a later work, he fixes it at 318, the famous number afterwards generally accepted. Julius of Rome speaks of " the 300 ; " Hilary in one passage speaks of " 300 or more," in others of 318 ; Epiphanius, writing fifty years after the Council, says that " the Emperor assembled an GCcumenical Synod of 318 bishops, whose names are preserved to the present day;" St. Gregory Nazianzen gives the same number. St. Ambrose, writing in 377, found a mystic significance in the number 318 — the famous symbolic appropriateness, as it struck many minds among the orthodox, of the number of Abraham's victorious servants, and of the numerical value of the T (the cross), and IH (Jesus). Sozomen speaks of "about 320," evidently with 318 in his mind ; and Theodoret gives the latter number. This account prevailed in the Eastern Church, and also in the Western ; and the Fathers of Nicaea became known as "the 318." They 78 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. were attended, says Eusebius, by an " innumerable host " of pres byters, deacons, and acolyths, but these — among whom Athanasius was pre-eminent — must be distinguished from the actual members of the Synod. It was composed, properly speaking, of the prelates alone ; but they were fully qualified by their antecedents to repre sent their dioceses, and had provided themselves with clerical attendance such as might be at once a means of counsel or information and a check on inconsiderate action. The assemblage of bishops and other ecclesiastics represented at once the manifoldness and the unity of the Church universal. Eusebius calls it, in his rhetorical vein, " a great garland of beautiful flowers of every hue." There were all conceivable diversities of age and experience : some of those who met face to face at Nicaea were eminent, says Eusebius, " for wisdom of speech, others for gravity of life and patient fortitude ; some were honoured for their length of years, others were in the ardour of youthful energy ; some had but just entered on their ministrations." There were still more striking differences of nation and country ; there might be seen, in close contact, faces from Syria, Cilicia, Phoenicia, Arabia, Palestine, Egypt, Pontus, Galatia, Cappadocia, Pamphylia, Thrace, Macedonia, Greece, Western Europe, and countries lying outside the limits of the empire. Alexander of Alexandria, who of all men present must have felt most keenly the intensity of the crisis, was attended by fourteen suffragans from Egypt and the Thebaid, and five from the two provinces of Libya. One of these bishops was Potammon of Heracles, who had lost an eye in Maximin's persecution ; another confessor was Paphnutius from the Thebaid, whose name is not given in the lists ; a few were already committed to Arianism, including the deposed Secundus of Ptolemais. But the most interesting person in the whole group that surrounded the " Pope " of Alexandria was a young man of puny stature, but with a face of singular beauty and animation : he was the " archdeacon " Athanasius. Among the prelates of Syria and Palestine was Eustathius, the orthodox successor of the orthodox Philogonius of Antioch, and destined to suffer from Arian malignity ; Eusebius the historian, from Caesarea, already well known to Alexander as, at least in part, a sympathiser with Arius ; Paulinus of Tyre, and Patrophilus of Scythopolis, who took the same line ; Macarius of Jerusalem,, who had maintained the doctrinal purity of his apostolic bishopric. From Neocaesarea on the Euphrates came Paul, whose hands had been paralyzed with VI-] The Nicene Council. 79 red-hot iron under the recent persecution of Licinius. With him were James of Nisibis, the great saint of Mesopotamia, who was to win himself renown in the resistance of his city to the Persians ; Aitallaha, the new bishop of the " blessed city " of Edessa, where the Church had flourished from at least the early part of the second century ; Aristaces (properly Arisdaghes), from the Greater Armenia, the son of Gregory " the Illuminator," who had organized the Armenian national Church ; and John " of Persia," sole repre sentative of a Church which traced up its original foundation to sub-apostolic missionaries, . and was ere long to pass through the fiery trial of the long persecution of Sapor. From Caesarea in Cappadocia came Leontius, remarkable as the consecrator, in former years, according to one account, of Gregory the Illuminator, and ranked by Athanasius among bishops faithful to the truth ; he had just baptized another Gregory, the father of Gregory Nazianzen. From Gangra came Hypatius, who was said to have been afterwards murdered by Novatians. The prelates of the immediate neighbourhood — as Theognis of Nicaea, Eusebius of Nicomedia, Maris of Chalcedon, Menophantus of Ephesus — would look with unfriendly eyes at the majority of stranger bishops; for their sympathies were with Arius, and their hope, doubtless, was that the Council might be somehow prevented from siding, as they would say, with the intolerant Pope of Alexandria. On the other hand, Marcellus of Ancyra would be known as one of the most determined supporters of Alexander; he was afterwards to be known as one commonly accused of having taken up the opposite extreme to Arianism, and justified, thus far, the Arian taunt that to denounce Arianism was, in effect, to Sabellianize. Spyridion of Tremithus in Cyprus, famous for his quaint and hearty simplicity, would be pointed out as one who had still retained the habits of his former shepherd-life, after he was appointed a pastor of men. Turning westward, so to speak, we may picture the arrivals of Alexander of Byzantium, Poederos of Heraclea, Pistus of Athens, Alexander of Thessalonica — a venerable man held in high esteem — Protogenes of Sardica, and one who was to the northern frontiers of the empire what John the Persian was to the eastern, — Theo- philus, " bishop of the Goths," who in after-days was succeeded by the Arian Ulfilas. From Sicily came Capito ; from Calabria, Marcus; from Northern Italy, Eustorgius of Milan; from Rome itself, not the aged Silvester in person, but two presbyters as his 80 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. deputies, Vito and Vincentius. Gaul sent a representative in the person of Nicasius, who is called bishop of "Divio," which Duchesne identifies with Die in Dauphiny. Domnus of Stridon represented Pannonia; and from the utmost west, beside "the great Hosius," appeared one who had already had his full share in ecclesiastical troubles of a different kind, Caecilian of Carthage. Among the bishops of cities were to be seen some prelates of a lower rank; for one of the lists gives us the names of fifteen Chorepiscopi, or, as we might say, bishops suffragan in rural districts. And Constantine had invited a bishop who was actually in schism, the Novatian Acesius, of Byzantium, much respected for his sanctity. If we endeavour to estimate the amount of Arianizing disposi tion which was to be found among the bishops, it would seem that about twenty prelates were more or less favourable to the heresy. Some of these have been already mentioned. Theodoret says that there were but a few of this class, and compares them to sunken rocks, because they were reserved in expressing their opinion. We shall presently see with what peculiar diplomacy some of them laboured to preserve that opinion from censure — to retain it for a locus standi in the Church. The exact day on which the Council began its work has been not a little disputed; but on the whole the preponderance of authority would lead us to think that, even if, according to a possible interpretation of a statement ascribed to Atticus, de facto bishop of Constantinople in a.d. 406, the opening was at first fixed for the 14th of June, yet for some reason the actual opening took place on the 19th, the day mentioned in the Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, and by other authorities of great weight. It is to be observed that the Emperor was not present ; he probably did not arrive at Nicaea until after July 3, the anniversary of his victory over Licinius ; and to speak of his having really opened the Council is to give an incorrect account of the facts. In his absence, its first sittings were held more or less informally. A question has been raised as to who was president : the bishop of Cordova, " the great Hosius," is called by Athanasius the " head of all the Councils," and his name comes first in the extant lists of signatures, being always followed by the names of Vincent and Vito, Silvester's presbyter-legates; and if some authorities are quoted for the presidency of Eustathius of Antioch, the evidence preponderates for Constantine's ecclesiastical adviser. But when VI.] The Nicene Council. 81 Gelasius of Cyzicus, the historian of the Council, a writer by no means of first-rate authority, speaks of Hosius as "holding the place of Silvester, the bishop of great Rome, with Vito and Vincent, presbyters of Rome," he is simply inserting that state ment into the text of Eusebius, whose account he is quoting ; and the insertion is an "evident corruption" of that text, and is accompanied by a further perversion of its meaning ; for whereas Eusebius wrote, " But the prelate of the imperial city (Rome) was absent through old age, while presbyters of his were present and filled his place," Gelasius actually transfers this remark to the case of Byzantium ; " of the now imperial city, Metrophanes the prelate was absent through old age, while presbyters of his," etc. The ancient authorities which Gelasius ought to have had before him distinguish Hosius markedly, as signing for himself, from the two presbyters who " subscribed for their bishop, Silvester," who " were present to supply his place ; " or as a Coptic version has it, " Hosius said, ' I believe as is above written ; ' and Vito and Innocentius (sic), presbyters, ' We sign for our bishop, who is the bishop of Rome : he believes as is above written.' " Thus, we may conclude that while it is most likely that Hosius presided, it is certain that he did not, like the two priests from Rome, hold a formal commission to represent Silvester, although he may not improbably have been chosen to preside, partly on account of his personal eminence, and partly as knowing the mind of the Roman bishop, as well as of their common sovereign. At all events, this is the only sense in which we can, with any reason or likelihood, be considered as at all representing Silvester; and such a sense would not justify us in calling him the " legate of Rome." In short, as Silvester had not, so far as we know, any peculiar share in the preparation for the synod, neither did he hold by deputies the primary place in its proceedings ; and this twofold fact is peculiarly momentous as against the Roman asser tion of an original and continuous supremacy and infallibility, acknowledged on all sides to be inherent in the Roman bishop. For if ever there was a time for an infallible Pope to speak, it was in this first conflict with Arianism. But nobody asked Silvester thus to speak, and he never attempted to do so. In other words, neither he nor any one else believed in papal infallibility. The place of the meeting was, in the first instance, what Eusebius calls " a house of prayer," the great church of the city, which Theognis would be morally obliged to place, with whatever VOL. i. G 82 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. reluctance, at the disposal of the Council, and of which we are told that the Turkish conqueror Orchan in the fourteenth century turned it into a mosque, and substituted for its Christian mosaics the symbol of Islam. Within this sacred place the great question of Arianism was at once brought under discussion. The Council, although, properly speaking, composed purely of bishops, did not deliberate with closed doors. Before the whole number of bishops had arrived, and therefore before the actual assembling of the Council, a preliminary discipline was carried on with what may strike us as a strange freedom : for laymen, " skilled in dialectic," were permitted to take part in the argument, on the orthodox and on the Arian side ; and not laymen only, but, as Sozomen informs us, even pagan professors of philosophy, animated either by an honest wish for information as to Christian belief, or by a desire to discredit Christianity by reducing the doctrinal question to a logomachy, urged their questions or their objections on the con sideration of an assembly which, by its unparalleled character, offered them such a field for Greek disputation as Hellenism had never enjoyed before that day. Then it was, according to a touching story, that on the day before the Council met, one of these philosophers, indulging in railleries against the Christian religion and the bishops, was interrupted by a simple-minded confessor — by one account a layman, by another a rustic bishop — who, with all the external disadvantages which bodily mutila tion could entail, came forward, regardless of taunt and laughter, amid a group outside the church-gates, and exclaimed, "In the Name of Jesus Christ, 0 philosopher, listen ! " and then proceeded to state plainly the leading points of the faith, with a power which instantly commanded the philosopher's submission. "I believe," he answered ; and afterwards assured his friends that "an inexplicable force had swayed his soul to embrace Chris tianity." This anecdote, interesting in itself, is valuable as illustrating the extent to which a simple tenacity of traditional belief prevailed among those who were assembled at Nicaea. A considerable number of the " Three Hundred " — as we may call them for convenience — were, in truth, to adopt the phrase which Sabinus, a heretical bishop of later times, applied to the whole body, " simple and unlearned men," who were bent on adhering to the " canon " or standard of faith, but felt themselves not at home in controversy, and therefore were disposed to cut short the VI.] The Nicene Council. 83 discussion, and protest against a hearing being given to heterodox argument. And when Arius was called in, and avowed his opinions with a boldness which scorned evasion, we are told that several bishops stopped their ears, and cried out that such blasphemies merited instant condemnation. These were they who, as Sozomen expresses it, were "led by the simplicity of their character to accept the faith as to the Deity without curious speculations : but," he adds, " others insisted that it was not right to follow the more ancient opinions without testing them." Now, even if these last words could be referred to the small but definitely Arian section, and to the " Eusebians " whose aim was to conceal the issue raised under terms of smooth vagueness, there is no necessity, and indeed no reason, for supposing that the sentiment was not, in a true sense, adopted by several of the orthodox. There would be among the latter some, perhaps a considerable number, who were as firmly persuaded as their simpler brethren of the duty of " holding fast the form of sound words," of " con tending for the faith once delivered," of not departing from the " canon " of orthodoxy, of cleaving to " the teaching of the Fathers : " they felt, and could express, the power of the question, " Who ever heard such things as these ? " they knew that their feet were on a rock while they resisted all novelties in doctrine ; but they also knew that, when a great controversy had absorbed the interest of all thoughtful minds in Christendom, it was impossible to suppress it by mere anathemas ; that it was rather a call on the instructed believer not merely to witness for his belief, but to argue for it — to point out its deep and broad founda tions, to exhibit its " proportion, symmetry, grandeur, simplicity, interior congruity," and to show that no other belief was Christianity in its fulness, and therefore that it alone had a divine right to the allegiance of men, and a divine efficacy to satisfy their spiritual needs and renew their inner life. This would have also a bearing on another class, those who had to be convinced that some new departure in point of language had to be taken in view of a new emergency — that to leave the question open, and trust that the evil would right itself without being met fairly in front, would be at once short-sighted and unfaithful. Such was the twofold task laid upon orthodox theologians by the dis tresses and scandals of the Arian controversy; and the young Alexandrian deacon, who was already making his presence felt in the assemblage of prelates, was unconsciously teaching his elders 84 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. more than they had yet realised of the greatness and urgency of the duty of the day. But these preliminary discussions, for so we must regard them, showed that the Council was but learning its work, and was not, at first, ripe for a systematic and methodical consideration of the question. We cannot wonder that some time was, as we might think, wasted in desultory conversations, and that the excitable temperaments of a large number of men brought together for an unfamiliar duty, in circumstances which tended to bring out all differences of tone, should have in some instances run into angry personalities, alien to the awful subject on which they were engaged ; insomuch that a variety of papers of accusation, or complaint, on the part of bishop against bishop, were prepared for presentation to the Emperor on his arrival. That arrival took place, it is commonly said, after the 3rd of July, on which day Constantine kept the anniversary of his victory at Hadrianople. He then came from Nicomedia to Nicaea : his first act was to receive the papers of accusation, to form them into one packet, to read through it, and to lay it aside. The next day was fixed for a solemn sitting of the Council, with a view to arriving at a decision on the Arian case. The bishops assembled, not in the church, but in the largest hall of the palace of Nicaea, which is said to have stood close to the shore of the Ascanian lake : the spot is still marked by " a few broken columns." All along the sides of the apartment were seats arranged for the bishops. " The whole Council seated itself with becoming order : " there was a hush of expectation ; then came in, one after another, some of the Christian courtiers, and at last a signal was given to announce the approach of the Emperor himself. He entered : the bishops rose to greet him, and gazed with an in describable thrill of emotion on the entrance of the Augustus into a Christian Synod. The tall commanding figure, which had lost none of its stateliness through advancing years (his age was now fifty-one), the purple (or dark-red) robe, the diadem, and the jewels, were less impressive, after all, than the downcast eyes, the "faltering steps," the blush of diffidence, the standing posture which, when he reached his place, he assumed until the bishops motioned to him to take his seat on a small gilded chair pro vided for him. He sat down, and all did the like. Then, says Eusebius, one of the bishops, he who occupied the first place on the Emperor's right hand, arose, and in a short speech addressed the VI.] The Nicene Cottncil. 85 Emperor, and gave thanks to God on his behalf. This, perhaps, implies that Eusebius himself was the speaker ; and so Sozomen understood it. True, Theodoret says that it was Eustathius of Antioch who " crowned the Emperor's head with a garland of eulogy, and thanked him for the interest which he had taken in religious affairs." But probably Eustathius only made a short speech, and Eusebius followed with a formal oration in the pompous style which suited his notions of eloquence. Constantine then broke the silence which followed by a Latin speech, delivered in soft and gentle tones, after a bright and kindly glance round the assembly, and a few moments spent in collecting his thoughts. " It was," he began, " the sum of my wishes to find myself in your midst, and I owe thanks to the Sovereign of the universe that this my desire has been attained." With much dexterity and grace, he proceeded to speak of their "unanimity," and then intimated a hope that it would be perfected and secured. He spoke of himself as their "fellow-servant," as "deeply pained whenever the Church of God was in dissension, a worse evil, to his mind, than any war : " he stated the reasons for convoking the Council; and exhorted them all to labour, without further delay, for the establishment of religious concord, and to put aside for this great object all personal irritation or unfriendliness. Probably it was after this address that he produced from within his robes the packet of accusations, and, with a remark on the Christian duty of forgiveness, caused it to be burnt in presence of them all. And now the great debate began in earnest. We have but fragmentary and imperfect records of its course, but it would seem that Arius was again called before the Council, and again avowed his sentiments with an energy which expressed itself in passionate emotion, and impressed Constantine very unfavourably, as we may infer from a satirical letter clearly subsequent to the Council. His outspoken frankness (to be remembered to his credit) was an embarrassment to Eusebius of Nicomedia, who, in conjunction with others, called after him " Eusebians," strove to neutralise its effect. He exerted himself privately to obtain Constantine's support. " The Emperor," says Eusebius of Caesarea, with an obvious touch of exaggeration, " listened patiently to all, and took time to weigh the arguments advanced. He gave support, in part, to both sides. . . . Employing his power of speaking Greek, he was very mild and suave in persuading some and convincing others ; and, drawing all into 86 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. unanimity, he made them agree in one sentiment as to the points at issue," endeavouring to act as mediator between opponent speakers, and urging mutual conciliation and forbearance with an emphasis which would have come better from one whose position was inside the Church and not outside. The plan of the Eusebians was to refrain from language which would seriously offend the majority; but they did not, perhaps could not, consistently adhere to it. The majority of the bishops, doubtless guided by the genius and insight of the Alexandrian deacon — who in his management of the debate, " gained the applause of all the orthodox, and incurred the enmity of all their adversaries " — were not, at this moment, impatient to push matters to extremity ; they rather desired to draw out the thoughts of the Eusebians, and, if possible, to find in their language, when carefully considered, materials for a good understanding. Thus, they either themselves proposed, or, at any rate, accepted the proposal, that the faith should be summarised in strictly Biblical terms ; for instance, that the Son should be declared to be " from God." The minority conferred with each other, and agreed to accept this phrase ; " for," said they, " it is written, ' All things are from God.' " A pitiful evasion, which must have gone far to destroy all hope of unity ! The Catholics proceeded : " Will you own the Son to be the true Power and Image of the Father, like to Him in all .things, His eternal Image, undivided from Him, and unalter able ? " Athanasius, with his keen eyes, saw the little knot of " Eusebians," as he says, " whispering to each other, and winking with their eyes," to secure the adoption of this language also, as capable of a sense which they could accept. " Yes, let us agree ; for it is written, ' Man is the image of God,' ' we are in Him,' ' nothing shall separate us from His love ; ' " and then, antici pating or adopting a quibble employed by the Arian " sophist " Asterius, they added, " He may well be the Power of the Father, for the people of Israel are the power (or host) of the Lord, and even the caterpillar and the locust are so called : this title, there fore, is harmless." " Will you own," once more they were asked, " that the Son is Very God ? " " We have no objection to do so ; if He has been so made, verily so He is." It was perhaps at this point that Eusebius of Nicomedia, according to a statement made by St. Ambrose, was rash enough to produce a paper expressing his objection to the description of the Lord as the true and un created Son of God. " If we say this, it will mean that He is of one essence with the Father;" evidently intending this as a vi.] The Nicene Council. 87 reductio ad absurdum. Indignant at this language, the great body of the Council ordered the document to be torn to pieces ; and it is apparently to this that Athanasius refers when he says that the words employed by the Eusebians were condemned by the Council — a phrase which suits well with Eustathius's description of the Eusebian document, as offensive from its " perversity," i.e. its utter deviation from the lines of truth. What was to be done ? The honest and considerate attempt to find a ground of union in New Testament language — an endeavour in which Athanasius, habitually ready, as Keble says, " to commit his cause to the witness of Scripture, and to follow the voice of Scripture wherever it should lead him," could join with all sincerity, even although he might be doubtful of its success — had been baffled by the versatility of heretical equivocation. A disingenuous use of terms, a readiness to " palter in a double sense," traceable probably to the habits of Greek disputation, was characteristic of the Arians, as afterwards of Pelagians and Paulicians, and other sects ; and on the present occasion it became clear that, as the language of the sacred books in regard to the Divine Sonship could be robbed of its force by Arian evasiveness, it was necessary, in the interests of the Scriptural truth itself, to go beyond the field of Scriptural phraseology. Persuaded of the fact which St. Augustine, some eighty years later, urged on an Arian layman of high position, that even if a particular term were absent from Scripture, " the thing intended by it might be found there," — the fact, let us add, pithily expressed by Waterland as against modern Arians, that " if we preserve the true sense of Scripture, and upon that sense build our faith, we then build upon Scripture only, for the sense of Scripture is Scripture," although it be clothed in phrases of later date, — the leading Fathers of Nicaea resolved to guard the true meaning of their Scriptural statements by the help of some words taken, so to speak, from outside. This experience naturally turned the bishops' attention to the forms of catechetical teaching and baptismal confession current in the great typical Churches, and representing so many lines of tradition from the apostolic or sub- apostolic periods. It may be that some of these forms were recited by their respective bishops, by way of pointing out landmarks for the guidance of the Council. Such a course would be most natural in itself, for the assembling of the Council gave an opportunity, which had never occurred before, for a comparison of these forms of the common faith — for a confluence, so to speak, of these 88 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. kindred streams of tradition ; and Alexander had already, in one of his letters, set forth in substance his own baptismal creed. And as this course would then commend itself to the leaders of the Council, so it seems to illustrate and account for the proceeding of Eusebius of Caesarea, who presented, for public reading in the Council, the Creed of his own church, and which he prefaced by these words : " As we received from the bishops who preceded us, and in our first catechizing, and when we received the ' laver,' and as we have learned from the divine Scriptures, and as in our presbyterate, and in our episcopate itself, we believed and taught ; so now believ ing, we exhibit to you our belief, and it is this." The creed which followed bears a considerable resemblance to that which the Council ultimately framed ; it was emphatic on the personal distinctions in the Holy Trinity, asserting each Person to be and to exist " as truly Father, Son, and Holy Spirit ; " it recognised " one Lord Jesus Christ " as " the Word of God, God from God, Light from Light, Life from Life, Only-begotten Son, firstborn of all creation, begotten before all ages, and through whom all things came into being ; " and it mentioned also His becoming Incarnate for our salvation, His life among men, His Passion, Resurrection on the third day, Ascension to the Father, and future coming in glory to judge (the) living and dead," and concluded, as then quoted, with "We believe also in one Holy Spirit ; " yet it was not sufficiently explicit as to the main point then at stake, His eternal relation to the Father. There could not be any positive objection to this formulary; and we may believe Eusebius when he tells us — in his letter to his own " Caesareans " — that no one " contradicted " it, and that the Emperor was " foremost " in expressing his approval. But it was practically inadequate for the emergency, for it could be misused by Arian facility in glossing; and of this the orthodox majority became convinced, although they were genuinely desirous to make it, if possible, a basis for union between themselves and those who' were not absolutely committed to downright Arianism. Something- must be added to it : to begin with, an antithetical phrase which affirmed the Son to have been " begotten, not made," would dis tinctly exclude the fundamental Arian negation of the Son's uncreatedness. The creed of Jerusalem might be laid under contribution for the phrase " true God," which after all would but apply that title to the Son in accordance with one interpretation of 1 John v. 20. But a further step seemed requisite — the adop tion of one or two phrases which might be called technical. And VI.] The Nicene Council. 89 here, before going into any details on this point, we must notice the charge, frequently brought against the Nicenes, of " gratuitously and pedantically abandoning the beautiful simplicity of primitive Christian thought, and troubling the clear stream of Christian language by the infusion of a foreign element of Hellenic specula tion." Now first, this raises a question which can surely receive a " simple " answer : Will the " simple child-language " of those who listened to apostles and learned to pray in the name of Jesus, and to expect help and blessing from Him, be sure to suffice for the needs of a Church which has grown alike in extension and thought under the training of two eventful centuries ? The " clock- hands " cannot be thus put backward. The Church had come out into the open, had been obliged to construct a theological position against the tremendous attacks of Gnosticism, and to provide for educated inquirers in great centres of Greek learning. She had become conscious of her debt to " the wise ; " she saw that in a true sense she must " put away childish things," and " build up accord ing to the need " of the actual time. That meant what Canon Scott Holland has described as the action of faith in "putting its intellectual power to use, considering itself, taking its own measure, formulating its own meaning." And then, if Church men were to apply anything like an intellectual treatment to the great religious question before them, they must make use, to some extent, of the current terms of their own day — must behave, as it has been well said, " like Greek-speaking men of education ; " even as St. Paul had adopted morphe and pleroma as terms with a technical import — as St. John had infused a richer and worthier significance into the Logos of a Palestinian or of an Alexandrian school of thought, and as hypostasis had been used of the Divine being in Heb. i. 3, and physis in 2 Pet. i. 4. But next, not to say that the Nicenes had wished at first to dispense with all terms that might be deemed technical, as if, in Newman's phrase, they were "loth " to believe that the time had come for a new departure in this respect, it is certain that they did not commit themselves to any meaning which Greek schools might attach to the words which they adopted, but explained the sense in which, for their parts, they employed them. The word ousia was the main term thus adopted. But then arose a new difficulty. It had acquired two philosophical senses widely different, and, as we shall see presently, might be suggestive of theological senses both orthodox and heterodox. In Aristotelian use, it had meant, primarily and go The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. properly, the individual, the unit ; and secondarily the class, or the general characteristics, the " nature " common to various particular things as members of that class, as Aristotle calls the classes in which the ousiai in the proper sense exist by the name of "second ousiai." But later thought had reversed this order, making the universal or general sense primary, and the individual sense secondary; and this was the usage then most prevalent, partly, perhaps, under the influence of Neo-Platonism. Again, as ousia was originally descriptive of a man's property or goods — as we find it used in the Parable of the Prodigal — so, in the materialising system of the Stoics, it became a synonym for matter. But when Christian writers had introduced it into theology, and spoken of the ousia of God, they generally meant by it His essence, His own nature, His very being, which, as His, was incommunicable and unique ; at the same time, it was sometimes used for that being viewed on the side of what we call personality. It was in the former of these two cognate Christian senses that the word had been brought forward during the Arian controversy : the original Arians declared, when examined by the Council of Alexandria, that they believed the Son to be not like to the Father as to " essence," and to be alien from the " essence " of the Father ; and Eusebius of Nicomedia, writing to Paulinus, distinctly said that the Son was not " from the essence of the Father." In other words, he denied any real community of being, so to speak, between the Father and the exalted person called His Son. To the minds of the Three Hundred — at any rate, of their leaders — this was a virtual denial of the peerless Sonship ; they resolved, therefore, on inserting the word " ousia " into a phrase which should guard that Sonship, and probably remembered that it was anyhow ejusdem generis with the terms above referred to as used in the New Testament. The description of the Son, then, in the creed was to run thus: "Begotten of the Father, Only- begotten, that is, from the Father's essence;" then, as in the Caesarean document, " God from God." It has been thought (by the late Dr. Hort) that in this collocation of terms, " Only-begotten " was intended to be strictly connected with " God from God," in accordance with a famous various reading in John i. 18, which was repeatedly adopted by writers of this century ; but it would hardly be natural to interpolate the clause beginning, " that is," between an adjective and a substantive. After " God from God," were added " Light from Light," and, by way of strengthening the emphasis, " Very (or Real) God from Very God." But even this vi-J The Nicene Council. 91 had been found open to evasion ; and the compilers of the proposed formulary considered it desirable, or rather necessary, to enforce the idea conveyed by " from the essence " by adding the momentous words, " Of one essence," or " co-essential, with the Father." Here the term homoousion was to guard and sustain the phrase " from the essence." It would be recommended by the fact that it had been accepted by Dionysius of Alexandria, when he was suspected of minimising the real divinity of the Son of God. Yet there were, no doubt, grave difficulties in the way of its adoption. To take one point, it had been used of separate individuals belong ing to the same " class," and, as such, possessing, in the common phrase, the same "nature." Irenaeus had repeatedly described the Valentinians as employing it of the beings who, in their wild mythology, were thus cognate ; and so Neo-Platonism had called the human soul "homoousion," or akin to God. Thus it would be easy to attach to it, as theologically used, a sense suggestive of Tritheism, or at any rate of what the " Quicunque " calls a " division of the substance," a practical negation of the " Co- inherence," with the result that distinctness would be thought of as separation. Secondly, it had been yet further discredited by conveying to some minds the purport of a completely opposite error : as ousia had been used for individual existence, homoousion, as applied to the Son in relation to the Father, might introduce a Sabellian " confusion of the Persons," and this misconstruction was long afterwards sufficiently serious to be dealt with by Epiphanius and St. Ambrose. Thirdly, it had been associated with ideas of division or partition of an already existing " essence," as when Paul of Samosata in 269 had sophistically argued, " If the Son of God be homoousios, He and the Father must have two ousiai, derived from one pre-existing ousia ,- " and the Council of Antioch, not seeing their way through this embarrassment of the question, had forborne to employ the term. And lastly, there were still adhering to it some materialistic associations such as still adhere, in popular English use, to the term " substance ; " and thus an objector would take up his parable against giving countenance to a " carnal " and heathenish notion of Deity. And the Arians had already marked the term in question for censure — had denied, as in Arius's " Thalia," that the Son was " homoousios " with God ; or had even confidently urged, as fatal to their opponents' doctrine, that it implied this inadmissible, intolerable " co-essentiality." The orthodox could not have been expected to foresee the obstinate 92 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. persistency of objections to the term, the difficulty which would be found in detaching it from various misconceptions, and the continuous necessity of protesting, as Athanasius and Hilary did long afterwards, that Churchmen were "not bound by what Greeks said," and that " the Church abhorred and rejected " the inference which her opponents drew from the Homoousion ; yet they must have been conscious that there was some risk in thus committing the Church to a new type of doctrinal phraseology. But still, when all was said, it seemed to them that theArianizers' repugnance to the term indicated its value as a safeguard of orthodoxy ; and, as Professor Gwatkin condenses the issue, " They could not leave it an open question whether the Lord is truly God or not!' "Some phrase," they would say, "we must adopt, and here is one to our hand. No doubt, it has been used in ways which we absolutely repudiate ; we are not bound to the notions, for instance, which heathen philosophers or Gnostics have attached to it ; we can make clear, beyond dispute, the sense in which we employ it, and that sense is clear of Sabellianism, for we confess a true Son of a true Father, and clear also (as the Emperor himself has pointed out) of any carnal notion of a division of Godhead, for we proclaim the Godhead to be spiritual and indivisible. Do you ask why we use a phrase whose meaning needs to be ascertained with such careful distinctness ? It is you who, by your facility in explain ing away Scripture terms, constrain us to use it, to vindicate its sound meaning, to follow the precedent set by earlier Church- writers who have understood it as we understand it, as the ex pression of a Divine Sonship which is ' only,' genuine, absolute, and true. Those who really believe in such a Sonship will see their way, if they are reasonable, to accepting the ' Homoousion ' as expressing it ; and we, by inserting it into our Creed, while our intention in so doing is manifest, shall be at once excluding a profane heresy which is deadly to men's faith, and giving force and distinctness to the religious conceptions of the faithful. Therefore we write it down thus : ' Co-essential with the Father.' It is our ' bulwark against irreligious conceptions,' and it is also our tribute of devotion to the Son of God." Such appear to have been the motives of those who were charged with the duty of framing a formulary, in regard to the insertion of the Homoousion. They cannot, on this view, be accused of academic pedantry, of a taste for " technical subtleties " as such. That taste was Arian, not Catholic. It was the Arians vi.] The Nicene Council. 93 who indulged it to the full, who insisted on following out those speculations respecting the nature of Deity which, as Dr. Wace says, " have always had such a terrible fascination for the Eastern mind ; " it was they who developed an extraordinary fertility in the multiplication of formularies — "a creed for every year or every month," says Hilary with pardonable exaggeration ; it was they whose methods were largely borrowed from the Greek schools of disputation, and whose positive love of subtle disquisition compelled the Catholics, as Hilary puts it, to " speak out as to what was really ineffable," and thereby to expose it to some " risk." Or in the words of a great Nonconformist, " It is not the orthodox who are ultimately responsible for the ' presumption ' with which they alone are charged." It would, indeed, have been childish to attempt to banish metaphysics from theology. Any religion with a doctrine about God or man must, as such, be metaphysical. " To talk of a person," says Liddon, " carries us at once into the very heart of metaphysics : " and when once the question was asked among professors of the religion which is centred in the person of Jesus Christ, " Who is Jesus Christ, that He should be believed in as no other man is believed in by us ? " — a question which, as Canon Gore has said, " Christians must have asked because they were men endowed with reason " — the answer must have " involved metaphysics," but metaphysics as a means to an end. For the real aim of the Nicene fathers (as Mr. Strong has pointed out in his " Manual of Theology ") was moral rather than theoretical — was the very opposite to the animus which inspired " Hellenic " speculation ; it was to provide a doctrinal expression of the devotion of Christians to their Redeemer, to give a rationale of His " absolute supremacy " over the mind, the heart, and the life. As Dr. Bigg puts it in his volume on Neo-Platonism, " the Nicene definition rested on Scripture, on the religious experience, on the Christian doctrine of redemption ; in a word, on a wholly different cycle of thought " from that of any form of Greek philosophy. " The three hypostases of the Neo-Platonist really formed but one, and that an incomplete, because purely intellectual, person ; " whereas Christian Trinitarianism grew out of the worship of the Christian's Redeemer. Or if it is objected that the Trinitarian idea, or the idea of a really Divine Christ, which the Nicenes were determined to secure, is itself alien from the original Christianity, the reply must take the form of a fair interpretation of the Christology of St. Paul and St. John, with a view to disproving 94 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. the adventurous assertion that the Church of the first century was " Ebionitic," and to show that it was belief in a Divine Son, and through Him in a Divine Spirit — a belief, as Dr. Wace and Dr. Dale have reminded us, present in solution in whole pages of the Epistles from which no " proof-texts " could be quoted — which led to belief in the Trinity as the safeguard of Monotheism. If, again, it is contended that although some germs of such ideas are discernible here and there in the New Testament, yet the Nicene dogma unduly consolidates and systematizes what those germs tentatively indicate, and is, in short, an illegitimate " development " of them, so that to " serve it heir '' to the apostolic belief is a procedure unwarranted by history ; we reply that the " dogma " is really no bigger and fuller in its content than that belief, although it gives greater precision and exactness to what the first disciples had come to hold, but could not at once apprehend in all its bearings. The way to test this is to ask, What proposition, logically involved in the Nicene terms, is alien to the New Testa ment Christology, or goes beyond the confession, " My Lord and my God"? To return to our narrative : the foremost among the Nicenes — specially active, as we might say, in the committee appointed for the arrangement of these terms — were Hosius, Alexander, Athanasius as his deacon, and, as pre-eminently effective in the last debate, probably Marcellus of Ancyra, and Eustathius of Antioch ; and others who had shown themselves worthy of the confidence of the majority were doubtless employed in the work. The Creed as framed was based on existing formularies ; and, as we have seen, there is good reason to think that several such creeds had been read in the Council besides that of Eusebius of Caesarea, which, with that of Jerusalem in a less degree, was virtually adopted as a base. But other creeds served, probably, to supply materials for the " Nicene." The truth is, that in considering the Nicene dogma, as formally stated and authoritatively published, we must avoid two grave mistakes. In the first place, it would be erroneous to see in that dogma nothing else than a simple iteration of pre existing Church statements, with the addition of an important phrase or two, or in other words, nothing else than the result of mere " traditionalism " crushing down discussion, and rigidly en forcing on the whole Christian commonwealth propositions which suited the taste of a hierarchical majority. For there was, as we have seen, a real debate on the merits of the case, a genuine desire VI-] The Nicene Council. 95 to meet objections, and to come definitely into contact with the thoughts which the controversy had stirred ; there was a readiness to appeal to Scripture as the " document of proof,"— even a dis position to choose, if possible, Scriptural phraseology in the ex pression of Church belief, to find in apostolic words a central point of doctrinal unity. In the second place, we must avoid the oppo site error of ignoring the ecclesiastical or conservative tone of the Nicene fathers. This error may assume two forms: 1. To say that " the eager discussions of Nicaea present the first grand precedent for the duty of private judgement," is to employ language some what ambiguous, but, if taken in one sense, signally paradoxical : for, in fact, the temper of the great representative assembly of the Church was one which could hardly have so much as apprehended the standpoint of modern religious individualism. 2. Again, to say that the Homoousion added a new idea to the doctrinal stores of the Church— that it was an instance of what has been called " accretive development " — is to forget that it was adopted as expressing neither less nor more than this, that the Son of God was God's true Son, and Himself strictly and properly God, " literally of, and in, the one indivisible Essence," and not outside that Essence, i.e. not a creature ; and that this belief in " one God " as existing " in Trinity " had lain close to the very heart of the Church from the very beginning of her career. Any relation of the Nicene Creed to earlier local formulas is full of interest and value, as helping us to identify its teaching, by means of diverse lines of ecclesiastical confession, with the original " deposit " of faith com mitted by the apostles to the Churches. The Three Hundred, coming together, could attest in combination the belief which they had severally inherited ; and the doctrine which they promulgated in conformity with that belief would secure and enshrine the elements of Apostolical Christianity. So it was that, after a thoughtful survey of the subject, in harmony with the Churchly spirit, and in fidelity to transmitted belief and worship, the great Creed was written out, and doubtless read aloud in full Council, in the Emperor's presence, apparently by Hermogenes, afterwards bishop of Cappadocian Caesarea : — " We believe in One God, the Father Almighty, Maker of all things both visible and invisible : And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God, Begotten of the Father, Only-begotten, 96 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. That is, from the Essence of the Father, God from God, Light from Light, Very God from Very God, Begotten, not made, Of one essence with the Father ; By whom all things, both in heaven and earth, were made ; Who for us men and for our salvation Came down, and was incarnate, and became man, Suffered, and rose again the third day ; Ascended into the heavens ; Cometh to judge the quick and dead. And in the Holy Spirit." Such was the Creed proper : and we may observe in passing, as to one clause, that there is no reason for attaching to the words " for (on account of) us men " a different sense from that which is indicated in the next words, " for our salvation," as if the first words committed the Church to the speculation that the Lord would have " been incarnate " even if He had not come as our Saviour. The abrupt conclusion of the Creed was afterwards accounted for by the non-existence at this period of any controversy as to the Third Person of the Trinity. To the Creed thus completed, was added, by way of more complete security to faith, a condemnation of Arian errors : — " But those who say, ' Once He was not,' And — ' Before He was begotten, He was not,' And — ' He came into existence out of what was not,' Or — ' That the Son of God was of a different " hypostasis " or " ousia," ' Or — ' That He was made,' or — ' is (was) changeable or mutable,' are anathematized by the Catholic and Apostolic Church of God." Of these anathemas it is only necessary to say that the second proposition condemned by them was an Arian inference from the supposition that the "generation" was an event; — "whereas He was (at some inconceivably remote period) " begotten," of course He had no existence before that period ; " and that " hypostasis " must be taken as used in the sense, not of " person," but of " essence," or, as Latins would say, " substance " — the sense which, although not invariably, was yet most frequently given to the term in the VI.] The Nicene Council. 97 ante-Nicene period — so that " hypostasis " is here a synonym for " ousia." The Creed, as thus framed and presented, was at once received by the great body of the Nicene fathers. There were, however, objections made by the small knot of Arianizing bishops. Eusebius of Nicomedia, Theognis, Maris, Theonas, and Secundus, argued thus : " If the Son is homoousios with the Father, it must be by germination, as a sprout from a root ; or by derivation, as a child from a parent ; or by division, as two or three pieces of gold from a lump. But in none of these ways is the Son related to the Father." Eusebius of Caesarea, also, at first, found great difficulty in the Homoousion. His motive as a theologian was, as we have seen, most probably dread of Sabellianism ; and he had persuaded himself that the new term would open a door to it. He persisted, for one day, in his objections ; but on the next day, finding that the Emperor acquiesced in the Homoousion (although, as it would appear, from a grave misconception of what was meant by the Divine Sonship), that the majority who received it absolutely dis claimed any materialistic sense for it, and affirmed that the Divine Essence was not capable of division or alteration, and that earlier Church- writers had employed the term — especially, that his beloved Pamphilus had unhesitatingly adduced Origen as admitting it, — he made up his mind to accept the phrase, and afterwards wrote a letter to the people of his diocese in explanation of his conduct : a letter, it must be observed, which (even setting apart one really " heterodox paragraph " which is not in the letter as given by Socrates) does not greatly reassure us as to his own convictions, or as to his sense of duty in the construction of words. Others, who went further in the Arian direction than he did, yielded at last with more reluctance, and only, as it would appear, in order to avoid disgrace and banishment ; for Constantine was now bent on establishing the Creed accepted by the Three Hundred, and punish ing any bishop who refused to sign it. Thus " Maris reluctantly put his name to the document ; " Eusebius and Theognis signed the Creed, and were erroneously supposed to have signed it without the anathemas ; " Secundus and Theonas," says Neale, " alone had courage and honesty to stand firm in their sentiments," and accord ingly the Council condemned them with Arius, who had not even been asked to recant, and accept the Homoousion, his heresy being too notorious, and his persistency in it already proved. The Arians, who of course regarded Secundus as a confessor, believed that he, VOL. 1. H 98 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. VI. on receiving his sentence of exile from Constantine, turned to Eusebius of Nicomedia with indignant scorn, and said, " You signed to escape exile ; but I am confident, on the ground of a revelation from God, that within a year you will be sent into exile too." The condemnation pronounced by the Council on these two prelates, as well as on Arius, extended itself to the original companions of the latter ; and the words in which Julius of Rome afterwards narrated the fact may fitly conclude our survey of the Nicene proceedings against Arianism : " For theirs was no ordinary offence, nor had they sinned against man, but against our Lord Jesus Christ Himself, the Son of the livine God." CHAPTER VII. THE NICENE COUNCIL. — PART II. Two other special pieces of business, important in their several ways, though not to be compared to the Arian question in momen- tousness, remained for the Nicene Council. The first was the settlement of the Meletian troubles; the second was the settle ment of the Easter-controversy. I. The letter of the Council to the Alexandrian Church an nounces the resolution arrived at in regard to what is there called the " impetuosity," or " headlong rashness," of Meletius, and those whom he had " ordained." " In strictness," say the bishops, Meletius deserves no favour ; " but he is dealt with indulgently, for we allow him to remain in his own city, and to retain a nominal dignity, but not to lay on hands, nor to announce his intention of doing so, either there or anywhere else." He is thus received into Church communion, and not treated as a degraded ex-prelate ; but those whom he had appointed were to be " confirmed by a more sacred cheirotonia (ordination)." The phrase would strictly mean that the Meletian ordinations, being schismatical, were held to be null : cheirotonia is the usual term for ordination, and in the seventh Nicene canon ex-Novatian clerics are allowed to rank with the clergy " on receiving imposition of hands," which is most naturally understood of a new ordination, although in both cases some writers have supposed the words to mean merely a benedictory act, intended to make ministrations regular. After this rite, whatever was its import, they were to retain the rank to which Meletius had advanced them, but to yield precedence to those who had been ordained by Alexander, and not to " announce an intention to ordain, nor to submit names for approval, nor to do any episcopal act, without the consent of " the Catholic bishops of their cities : on the death of any such bishop, an ex- Meletian bishop might succeed i oo The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. him, if found worthy, and preferred by the people (whose right to express their mind is called a " choice "), and approved by the see of Alexandria ; but such promotion is denied, in perpetuity, to Meletius himself. This was the decision, more generous perhaps than prudent ; and Athanasius did not scruple, in after-days, to express his regret that the Council had been so forbearing. II. The " Easter-controversy " was of very old standing ; it had disturbed the Church in the second century. Polycarp and Anicetus, Polycrates and Victor, had taken opposite sides as to the time for closing the fast kept in preparation for the great annual solemnity which probably began to be observed in the sub-apostolic period, by " custom," as Socrates says, not by any apostolic ordinance, for " none of the apostles legislated on the subject." The minority — the Christians of Proconsular Asia and some other neighbouring districts — said in effect, " Let us keep to the fourteenth evening of Nisan as the starting-point of our feast, on whatever day of the week it may happen to fall." They seem to have spent the first part of that day in a fast commemorative of the Passion, and in the evening to have celebrated the Holy Communion in thanks giving for the Redemption as issuing in the Resurrection. Socrates expresses this by saying, " They disregarded the Sabbath," that is, they did not make a point of not concluding their fast before the Saturday. The majority insisted that the fast should be closed on a Saturday evening, and the Resurrection celebrated on a Sunday morning, " the first day of the week," on whatever day of the Jewish first month it might fall. Their motto, therefore, was, " No Judaizing as to Easter ! " Their principle, being clearly more Christian than that of the Quartodecimans, gradually prevailed : Quartodecimanism died out during the third century in the province of Proconsular Asia, once its stronghold ; but a new difficulty had arisen out of a difference among the Jews themselves, for some of them, contrary to their old traditions, had taken to keeping Pass over before the vernal equinox. This produced a confusion : for whereas the equinox belonged to the solar year, the Passover-day, being the fourteenth of a month, was governed by the lunar ; and thus if in a particular year Nisan 14 was reckoned as falling before the equinox, and therefore Passover was kept before a new solar year had begun, there would be two passovers in one solar year, one after one vernal equinox, and the other just before the next ; and long after the Council, Epiphanius said that " the Jews did not care to be exact on this point : " they had not studied the VH-] The Nicene Council. 101 astronomical question. The old usage of keeping Passover after the equinox was maintained in its application to the Christian solemnity by such authorities as Hippolytus, Dionysius of Alex andria, and Anatolius of Laodicea (who, as quoted by Eusebius, refers to Jewish writers), although as to the right day of the equinox these writers were not precisely agreed, and Alexandrian usage finally fixed it on March 21. But a certain number of Christians followed the prevailing Jewish custom, although, says Socrates, they admitted that it was not accurate. And this brings us to consider the position of those Syrians, Cilicians, Mesopo- tamians, who just before the Nicene Council were known to keep Easter when the Jews kept Passover, as the Council says in a letter ; " following the Jewish custom," says Constantine ; Athanasius twice speaks to the same effect, and says that herein they " walked lamely." What does this general language mean ? That they were Quartodecimans pure and simple, is one view ; but Sozomen says thatthey kept the feast in a "somewhat Jewish fashion," which would suggest a different view. Socrates seems to identify them with those who kept Easter before the equinox ; and this falls in with the stress laid by Constantine in his letter after the Council on the anomalous results of such a practice, and would account for his exhortation to have " nothing in common with the Jews." And that principle would also require, as Hefele says, that even if the 14th coincided with a Sunday, the Christian Easter should be deferred until the Sunday following (the point urged against the Celtic usage, in the seventh century, by advocates of the Catholic or Continental). The result of the discordant observance was, that some Christians were keeping the preparatory fast, while others were exulting in their " day of splendour " and in the festivities which followed it ; and here the reader of our early English Church history may be reminded that even when it was acknowledged on both sides that Easter-day must always be a Sunday, a king accustomed to the Celtic reckoning (which admitted the " 14th day " among possible Easter Sundays) was enjoying his Easter, while his queen, who adhered to the " Catholic " method, was " keeping the day of Palms." Constantine's letter gives us rhetoric when we want accurate information ; but it is curious to see how at that period men still spoke of the " holy day of Pasch " as the " one festal day of our redemption, that is, of our Saviour's Passion," and as " the feast from which we have received our hopes of immortality" — the idea of redemption being thus 102 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. bound up with that of the Resurrection. But when a special day, Good Friday, came to be devoted to the commemoration of the Passion as such, it was too late to restrict to it the " paschal " associations which St. Paul had connected with the sacrificial death : they had been freely applied to the Resurrection-festival itself, and a confusion of ideas established itself in the ritual language of Greek and Latin Christendom. But as to what the Council of Nicaea enacted, we can apparently say thus much : it unanimously resolved that the custom of the majority should become the custom of all, and undertook to enforce with plenary authority the resolution of the Council of Aries as to uniformity of Easter-time observance, and that on the lines following: (1) Easter-day to be always a Sunday; (2) but whenever the 14th of Nisan is a Sunday, the festival is to be held on the Sunday after, (3) and always after the vernal equinox. If we could rely on a statement by Leo the Great in the fifth century, the Council delegated to the see of Alex andria the duty of ascertaining, for each year, by help of the tradi- ditional Egyptian skill in such calculations, the right time for observing the great festival, and of communicating this information in good time to the see of Rome, whence, by an extension of the custom which had been recognised for the West by the Council of Aries, the exact day should be made known to remoter churches. The difficulty of this statement lies in the fact that for years after the Nicene Council the Roman Church differed from the Alexandrian as to the right date of the equinox, which the Romans wrongly placed on March 18, and the Alexandrians correctly on March 21 ; so that in 387 the Alexandrian Easter was five weeks later than the Roman. Another statement, that the Council authorised a scheme or " cycle " which settled the recurrence of Easter during nineteen years, is not borne out by the contemporary documents ; and still less warrant can be found, as Bishop Lightfoot has shown, for the further assertion that Eusebius of Caesarea was appointed to frame this cycle, for it had been applied to the determina tion of Easter by Anatolius, forty years previously, and was in use at Alexandria. We can easily see how naturally the great Council would be afterwards credited with more than in fact it achieved. For the twenty genuine Canons of Nicaea, I may refer to my Notes on the Canons of the First Four General Councils ; but some thing may be said here as to a few of them which bear directly on the Church history of the period. vii.] The Nicene Council. 103 The third, for instance, illustrates the acceptance, in general, by the Church, of the political division of the empire into " eparchies " or provinces, as the base of a corresponding division into provincial churches. The civil metropolis was also the ecclesiastical. The " praeses " or " consularis " had his double, so to speak, in the metropolitan bishop. This parallelism had grown up naturally : as " all roads led to Rome," as the imperial city was constantly receiving visitors from all parts of the " orbis Romanus," so in various minor degrees the great provincial capitals were centres to which persons of all classes resorted, and it needed but the simplest ecclesiastical common sense to recognise that fact in its application to the church " dwelling in " the capital, and to the chief pastor of that church as an appropriate leader and virtual superior for the bishops of the dependent towns. Thus the metropolitan authority grew up without any formal enactment ; it found its place ready made, and was ere long taken as a matter of course. Thence came the institution of provincial synods, held periodically under the presidency of the metropolitan. The assembled bishops would decide as to the appointment to a vacant see ; or, if all could not meet for this purpose, the business would be performed by three at least, holding proxies for their absent colleagues, and having the metropolitan's sanction for their act — a condition on which the fourth canon insists. These assemblies were also useful for the reconsideration of censures pronounced by individual bishops; if the Council affirms such a sentence, the whole Church is bound to respect it ; if, on the other hand, it is deemed to have been due to party spirit or personal ill-temper — a possibility recognised with suggestive frankness — it would be rescinded, and a synodical meeting held in Lent would thus afford a good opportunity for the restoration of friendly relations in time for the Easter Eucharist. A remarkable instance of the conformity of ecclesiastical relations to civil is exhibited in the arrangement made with respect to the churches of Palestine. If purely religious associa tions were to decide such points, they would certainly have made Jerusalem metropolitical : but the centre of provincial government, as we learn from the " Acts," was not Jerusalem, but Caesarea ; and therefore, all such associations notwithstanding, the bishop of Caesarea is acknowledged to be metropolitan over all the bishops in the province, including the successor of St. James " the Just," the chief pastor of the mother-church of Christendom, to whom 104 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. " ancient custom " gives only an honorary precedency among the suffragans of the metropolitan see. We may now look at the sixth canon, by far the most important of all the twenty. It is literally this : " Let the ancient customs which exist in Egypt, Libya, and Pentapolis prevail, so that the bishop of Alexandria shall have authority over all these districts ; since this is also customary for the bishop who is at Rome. Similarly at Antioch, and in the other provinces, the privileges are to be secured to the churches. And this is thoroughly clear, that if any one is made a bishop without the metropolitan's approval, the great Synod rules that such a one ought not to be a bishop. If, however, two or three from personal contentiousness oppose the common vote of all, which has been passed reasonably and according to Church rule, let the vote of the majority prevail." Such is the Greek text ; such also, substantially, is the rendering of the oldest Latin versions. Of these, the first in point of antiquity, brought home, it seems, from Nicaea, by Caecilian of Carthage, begins, "Antiqua per Egyptum adque (sic) Pentapolim consuetudo servetur, ut Alexan- drinus episcopus horum habeat sollicitudinem : quoniam et urbis Romae episcopo similis mos est." The second, which was carefully made at Constantinople in 419, by comparison of the " Vetus " with the authenticated original, and under the supervision of Atticus the bishop, gives the same meaning. A Sicilian-Italian version, produced by Roman delegates at the Council of Chalcedon in 451, reads, " Quod ecclesia Romana semper habuit primatum : teneat autem et iEgyptus, ut episcopus Alexandriae omnium habeat potestatem, quoniam et Romano episcopo haec est con suetudo." But this deviation from the text is ignored by the versions of Dionysius Exiguus and Isidore, and by the one read in the Council of Carthage in 525, " Antiqui mores obtineant qui apud .ZEgyptum sunt, ut Alexandriae episcopus omnium habeat potestatem ; quia et urbis Romae episcopis hoc solitum est." Now for the purport. First of all, we may assume it as certain that the Meletian disorders were the occasion of this law. Meletius had violated the established rights of the see of Alex andria by his insubordinate proceedings in Thebais, and else where in Egypt. The bishop of Alexandria, by old custom, was supreme throughout a wide extent of country which, according to the civil division of the empire as organized under Constantine, embraced five provinces ultimately placed under the rule of the VH-] The Nicene Council. 105 " Augustal prefect." It appears that there were no metropolitans, properly speaking, under the " Evangelist's throne ; " the occupant of that throne administered ecclesiastical affairs, consecrated bishops (and even, as some writers say, ordained priests), throughout the hundred bishoprics which at this period were under his sway. The Council intends to safeguard these rights of the bishop of Alexandria; and, in doing so, it cites the case of the bishop of Rome as a parallel and a warrant, i.e. it assumes that, as a fact, the see of Rome has full ecclesiastical jurisdiction, without the intervention of metropolitans, over a certain part of the Western Church. What the part was, the Council unfortunately does not say. Rufinus said, in his lax summary of the canon, " the subur- bicarian churches ; " the Latin version called " Prisca," which introduced this sixth canon with the gravely incorrect title, " On the Primacy of the Roman Church," and followed this up by " It is an ancient usage that the bishop of Rome should have principatum" proceeded to say, " that he should rule with his solicitude the ' suburbicarian ' places, et omnem provinciam," only then bringing in the mention of Alexandria! The so-called " Vetus " has the phrase " suburbicarian places," which, however, does not appear in the version made by order of Atticus, and may probably have found its way into the Vetus from Rufinus. Be this as it may, the question arises, What would " suburbi carian " mean as a political term in the fourth century ? The common view, that it applies to the ten provinces of Central and Southern Italy and of the great adjacent islands, which were under the jurisdiction of the Vicarius Urbis, may now be regarded as established. Repeatedly, in the eleventh book of the Theodosian Code, we find mention of " suburbicariae " or " subicariae regiones," a phrase quite incompatible with the notion that the term in question belongs merely to the district within a hundred miles of Rome, which, together with the city itself, was administered by the Praefectus Urbi. This opinion is advocated by Hefele ; but it may suffice to say that such an interpretation of " suburbicarian " would stultify the canon before us, for so small a territory could furnish no analogy in point of extent to the region over which the Alexandrian bishop was ecclesiastically supreme ; whereas the two provinces called " Egypt," the two called Libya (one being Pentapolis), and the Thebaid, might practically be deemed a fair equivalent to Campania, Tuscia and Umbria, Picenum, Apulia and Calabria, Bruttii and Lucania, Samnium, 106 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Valeria, Sicily, Sardinia, and Corsica. It thus appears that the bishop of Rome did not at this time exercise metropolitan or primatial jurisdiction over those northern provinces which were called " Italy " in a restrictive sense, and were governed by the " Vicar of Italy " under one of the Praetorian prefects. Still less can we ascribe to him in 325 a patriarchate extending beyond the peninsula. Many years had to pass before he could include — step after step, and largely by imperial aid — the greater part of the West in his ecclesiastical realm ; and as the hundred miles' distance from Rome would give too small an area for the purpose of the canon, so the whole West would be too large, and the parallel implied would have been seriously impaired, or rather would have been pointless. To return : if the Roman bishop were supreme within certain limits, if he could act, within those limits, as virtual patriarch and sole metropolitan (save that Syracuse and Caliaris appear to have been, or ere long to have become, metropolitical), his position would be conveniently analogous to that which the Council was securing for Alexandria. Their words come to this : " Let the see of Alexandria continue to hold within the countries of Egypt, Libya, etc., that full, direct power over the bishops which the see of Rome holds in its own sphere. Such as Rome in this respect is, such Alexandria has, by old usage, a right to be." Not a word, we see, about any peculiar and universal prerogatives inherent in the Roman see as such; not a word, in short, about a Papacy. If Roman writers plead that the Council was not concerned to speak of the Roman bishop as " Pope," but only as quasi-patriarch, and therefore that the canon might leave his papal claims on one side without implying a negation of them, and that in any case it says nothing of his acknowledged " precedency," the answer is that the matter in hand is jurisdiction, and that there fore a simple " precedency " would not be relevant ; but that, jurisdiction being concerned, the language of the canon is such as would be natural for those who knew nothing of such claims, but unnatural, or indeed impossible, for those who held the Papacy to be the very basis of Church life. They would have taken care to recognise, by a very unequivocal saving clause, the transcendent and unique authority attaching to the " bishop at Rome" as Supreme Pontiff — according to the present Roman doctrine, as absolute monarch of the Church throughout the world. But the canon proceeds to place in the same category the VII>] The Nicene Council. 107 Church of Antioch ; no doubt there was a desire to honour the orthodox Eustathius, as well as to preserve the rights of the native church of the "Christian" name. Hitherto, there has been no difficulty in seeing that the canon refers to the pre-eminent sees, which were already in effect, though not in title, nor even in fulness of organization, patriarchal. But the words, " Likewise in Antioch, and in the other provinces, let the churches be secured in their privileges," are relied on by those who (as Beveridge) deny any reference in this canon to anything beyond the ordinary metro politan powers. " For a province belongs," they say, " not to a patriarch or quasi-patriarch, but to a simple metropolitan ; it is therefore his privileges that in this passage, and throughout the canon, are contemplated by the Council." In reply to this it is urged, that not only do Innocent I., and before him Jerome, regard this canon as affirming the patriarchal jurisdiction of Antioch, but the Council of Constantinople in 381 refers to it as saving the privileges of that see ; and that as to " provinces," the term may be taken in a special sense as denoting the *' dioeceses," as they would be more properly called, of Pontus, Proconsular Asia, and Thrace, consisting of groups of provinces under the quasi-patriarchs, or " exarchs," or primates, of Caesarea, Ephesus, and Heraclea. But this restriction of the term does not seem necessary; the canon may well be taken to mean, " Let all churches have their respective privileges intact: the special powers of the see of Alexandria, as of Rome, — and also the rights of Antioch, and the rights of metropolitans, too, in the various provinces, — all, be they greater or smaller, shall be respected ; we will uphold, for each case, the status quo." And thus the canon passes on to speak of metropolitan rights simply, and so of the power of a provincial synod. As Le Quien says, "the Nicene Council, having con firmed to the see of Alexandria, just as to that of Rome, its ancient rights, took care to add, that similarly at Antioch, and in the other provinces, every see and church should retain its own honour, so that the see of Antioch should be reckoned as the third among sees, and, according to ancient usage, should govern the provinces of the East." A rule against translation or removal of bishops from one see to another, or of clerics from one charge to another, illustrates a fact of which we have but too many illustrations — the growth of secularity which had attended the Church's sudden exit from the gloom of persecution into the sunshine of prosperity. Men whose 108 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. sacred functions had not made them less open to the temptations of the world were apt to become discontented in comparatively obscure positions, to solicit and scheme for promotion to bishoprics more conspicuous or more lucrative, or to clerical spheres more attractive to ambition. This tendency, which illustrates the contrast drawn by Queen Caroline between Bishop Wilson and certain English prelates, was the main reason for a restrictive rule against "translations," which yet was not understood so absolutely as to preclude such changes when they might seem on public grounds desirable or expedient. Another evil, less serious but not trivial, was the restlessness which not unnaturally came over some clerical minds amid the new guarantees of uni versal security : ecclesiastics had yielded to " a truant disposition,' and taken to roving aimlessly about ; they were to be checked by disciplinary action, and sent home to their own churches. The subject of the "Lapsi," so much before the thought of the Ancyran and Neocaesarean Councils, was again taken up by the Nicene. According to a story current in the next century, Con stantine asked the Novatian bishop Acesius, whom he had on his own authority invited to the Council, whether he agreed with the doctrinal settlement and with the rule as to Easter. He answered, " Yes, they are both in accordance with what I have received by tradition." " Then why do you stand aloof from the Church ? " " Because my predecessors, in the Decian persecution, ruled that those who had sinned unto death " (he alluded primarily to apos tasy) " must not be admitted to the divine mysteries, but exhorted to repent, and to hope for God's mercy otherwise than through ordinances from which their fall had permanently excluded them. The Emperor, impatient at what seemed to him an arrogant rigorism, answered with humorous brusqueness, " Take a ladder, then, for yourself, and go up to heaven your own way." Acesius was evidently content with his own exclusiveness ; but the Council thought fit to provide for possible cases of Novatian disposition to join the Church. Those, then, who had belonged to their ministry (which, it must be understood, was as " episcopal " as that of the Church) were to be retained in their rank by an " imposition of hands " (which has been already alluded to), after promising in writing " not to refuse to communicate with persons who had been twice married, or with ' Lapsi ' going through a prescribed penance, and to follow in all things the ' decrees of the Church Catholic' " If they lived in a place devoid of other clergy, they might officiate ; vil.] The Nicene Council. 109 and a Catholic bishop might give to an ex-Novatian bishop the office of " chorepiscopus," or the mere rank of a bishop, or even of a priest — this in order to uphold the principle that there were " not to be two bishops in one city," i.e. that there could be but one bishop of each city — as we should say, one single diocesan. " Lapsi," however penitent and dutiful, were to be incapable of ordination ; and any whom bishops, knowingly or not, had ordained, were to be deposed. Persons who, under the recent " tyranny of Licinius," had lapsed without any strong pressure or peril, were to be treated with an indulgence which they had not deserved : they should be penitents — " Hearers " for three years, " Kneelers " for seven, and for two years more " Co-standers," join ing in the prayers of the faithful (that is, in the whole Eucharistic service), but " not partaking in the Oblation," that is, the elements that had been "offered." In some cases, military officers, called upon to choose between their faith and their army-rank, had at first " thrown away their belts," the badge of the latter, and afterwards, as if repenting of their own religious fidelity, had procured, perhaps by bribes, restoration to rank and employment ; and then again, in remorse, they besought the Church's favour. It would be necessary to test their sincerity and steadfastness by keeping them among Hearers for three years, and then, if proved to be truly contrite, they might pass at once into the class of Co- standers. " But if they showed indifference, and were evidently treating a formal exclusion from Church communion as of itself securing their conversion, they must go through the full time." This mild rule indicates a wish not to press hardly on men of high standing in the army. The last canon on this subject refers in the first instance to Lapsi who were surprised by fatal illness before they had gone through their penance-time ; it confirms " the old canonical law that no one, at the point of death, should be deprived of the last and most necessary viaticum" the Holy Com munion as provision for the soul ; and it emphasizes this rule as applying to all dying persons whose state of mind satisfies the bishop. But if a penitent, thus communicated, recovers, he must for a time rank with the Co-standers. One rule proposed was not adopted by the Council. It was to the effect that persons in holy orders were not to be allowed to live as married men. The venerable Paphnutius opposed this restriction, and contended that it would suffice to retain the " ancient tradition " which forbade men already ordained to marry no The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. VII. — a " tradition " already noticed. Paphnutius carried the Council with him; but Rome ere long took up the rigorist line which he had deprecated. The Emperor was minded to connect the close of the Council's proceedings with the festival of his own " Vicennalia," the com pletion of nineteen years of his reign, which entered on its twentieth year on July 25, 325. He invited the bishops to a splendid feast in the central apartment of the palace ; they passed through the ranks of armed body-guards in the vestibule, and found tables and seats arranged in the banquet-chamber. Some, doubtless the most dignified of their number, were seated at the Emperor's own table. " It seemed," says Eusebius, " like an image of the kingdom of Christ ! " The Emperor gave princely gifts to the bishops, accord ing to their several deserts ; and on another day, he addressed them in a farewell speech, exhorting to mutual goodwill, brotherly for bearance on the part of the abler towards the inferior or weaker brethren, concord and unanimity for the sake of the common cause, and charitable self- adaptation to varieties of character and motive in order to win all classes to the truth. " Be like wise physicians, who treat different cases with discrimination, and are all things to all. And now, farewell, and pray earnestly for me." In closing the scenes of the greatest of all Synods, we need not draw on the stores of legendary fancy in order to stimulate our perception of its greatness. The Council of Nicaea is what it is to us quite apart from all doubtful or apocryphal traditions : it holds a pre-eminent place of honour, because it established for all ages of the Church that august and inestimable confession, which may be to unbelief, or to the anti-dogmatic spirit, a mere stumbling- block, a mere incubus, because it is looked at ab extra, in a temper which cannot sympathise with the faith which it enshrines, or the adoration which it stimulates ; but to those who genuinely and definitely believe in the true divinity of the Redeemer, the doctrine of Nicaea, in the expanded form which Christendom has adopted, is a prime treasure of their religious life, the expression of a faith coherent in itself, and capable of overcoming the world in the power of the Incarnate who is the " Co-essential," that is, as St. Athanasius was careful to explain it, the " real " Son of God. CHAPTER VIII. THE SHORT INTERNAL PEACE. The time usually assigned for the close of the Nicene Council is the 25th of August, 325. The bishops, no doubt, set their faces homeward, after the Emperor's farewell banquet, with hearts re lieved from a great anxiety, and disposed to dwell thankfully on the present, and to look forward hopefully into the future. It would, perhaps, have seemed to them not only chilling, but faith less, to augur a revival of the controversial distresses and trials of the six years preceding the Great Council ; they would " thank God, and take courage," putting aside fear about a peril that seemed to have spent its force. In truth, it was an epoch at which fearless gladness might be deemed a manifest duty. The great old question, " What think ye of Christ 1 " had been stirred again of late, and the answer of loyal faith had been emphatically given by the representatives of a Christendom now spreading beyond the empire, in accordance with profound convictions inherited from the first recipients of Apostolic " outlines " of truth. A great innovating theory, which represented the Head of the Church as the highest of creatures, as a sort of superior and unique Arch angel — a theory commanding several resources which older heresies had not possessed; appealing impressively to minds of differing types, offering to link Christianity with philosophies of the day, pointing to men of high position and ability as its supporters ; eminently versatile in its forms of self-expression, and skilful in veiling, on occasion, under reverential language its own intense destructiveness, and the momentousness, for religious thought and life, of the issues which it involved ; — this theory had pushed itself forward, by various advocates, in various countries, had produced a dissension among Christians which nothing but an Oecumenical Council had seemed competent to abate, and had in that Council 1 1 2 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. been resolutely met, elaborately cross-questioned, and solemnly disowned. And in the majestic formulary which that great assembly had put forth, compiled for the most part from older con fessions, with the addition of one or two technical phrases which were deemed necessary to check evasion and to guard the true sense of simple language, the fundamental Monotheistic principle underlying all revelation was practically harmonized with the two specially Christian propositions which affirmed the reality of our Lord's Sonship and of His Godhead ; and the Creed which excluded all heathenish multiplications of Deity enforced on the Christian soul the infinite claims of a truly divine and eternal Christ. Such was the doctrinal result of those two months at Nicaea. And thus it is easy to imagine the sense of relief and satisfaction which would gladden the journey of many a prelate, from Bithynia, to his own distant church, in those autumnal weeks of 325, and the thankful ness with which many a flock, in Italy or in Syria, in Greece, or Egypt, or " ever orthodox Gaul," would receive their pastor's account of the synodical definition which had vindicated the Redeemer's majesty. The beautiful tradition of the Armenian Church represents its " Illuminator " Gregory as welcoming, at Valarshabad, his son Aristaces, who had represented him at the Council, and breaking forth, after he had heard the Nicene Creed from his son's lips, into the doxology which, to this day, is recited after the Creed by the celebrant of the Armenian liturgy : " Yea, we glorify Him who was before the ages, by adoring the Holy Trinity and the One Godhead of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, now and ever, through ages and ages. Amen." And yet to us, knowing what we know of the post-Nicene history, this serene hopefulness must needs be pathetic. It looks too like the unthinking joy of children, sure to be chastened by the oncoming experience of life. The halcyon days were soon to be overclouded. By degrees, and not by very slow degrees, Chris tians had to learn something more of the limitations under which the work of the " Kingdom " is carried on in a world subject to vanity. Grievous anxiety, bewildering perplexity, dark alarms as to the result, were to thicken around the path of believers in a really divine Christ. The issue which had seemed so clear ere long became obscured — " entangled," as Canon Scott Holland has said, in "compromises and circumlocutions and misdirections," turned aside by " complications from external influences," by the weaknesses or blunders of " normal ecclesiastical authorities " which vin.] The Short Internal Peace. 113 " temporised," or yielded, or shirked the question by " ambiguous formulas," and put stumbling-blocks in the way of the simple, and tempted the timorous to think that the Nicene Council had met in vain. But even common sense can see a providence in the conceal ment of trials still future. And another apparent ground of satis faction would be found in the acquisition which the Church seemed to have secured beyond risk of loss, by the impression made on the mind of the Roman world's one ruler. Although as yet unbap- tized, and not even a professed catechumen, he had now, for some years past, committed himself more and more to a Christian pro fession ; and, after having, within a year, imperatively called for a cessation of the Arian controversy, as a vexatious wrangle over theological minutiae between persons who were at one on the essentials of faith, had suddenly, with that rapid susceptibility of new influences which was one of his characteristics, and which might have made thoughtful Churchmen feel less secure of his adherence, adopted the most stringently hostile line towards Arius and every thing connected with his heresy. Not only did Constantine, in a letter to the Alexandrian Church, describe the late " incumbent," as we might say, of the " parish " of Baucalis in Alexandria, as the sole originator, under diabolic promptings, of this impious, this pernicious misbelief, and appeal, in proof of the statement, to the " unanimous judgment of more than three hundred bishops, renowned for piety and mental acumen ; " but in a general cir cular he likened Arius to one whose name must have suggested to all Christians of mature age whatever was most pertinacious in literary Antichristianism : he ordered the Arians to be designated as " Porphyrians," and inaugurated a tragical series of penal ordi nances by denouncing immediate death to persons convicted of concealing an Arian book ; but this, like other of his severe laws, was in effect brutum fulmen. It is probable that to this period also should be assigned the strange letter in which Constantine replied to a memorial from Arius, who had complained of the harshness with which he had been treated, of the Imperial order which had deprived him of his home. For answer, he received what Socrates calls a piece of sarcastic rhetoric : the Emperor condescended to ignoble personalities of satire against the fallen and banished heresiarch, whose picture he drew, so to speak, from recollections of his appearance in moments of painful excitement at Nicaea. Having thus indulged his taunting vein at the expense of Arius's " bloodless face and emaciated figure," his " dishevelled hair " and vol. 1. * 114 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. restless jerking movements, Constantine challenged the "man of iron heart " to come into his presence, and maintain his own opinions ; expressing withal a hope — characteristic of the extravagant self- confidence with which the unbaptized patron of the Charch was wont to approach theological questions — that he, Constantine, would be able to " heal Arius of the wound which heresy had inflicted on his soul." In regard to one of the two subordinate questions decided by the Nicene Council, the Meletian discord was healed, as far as a resolution of the Council would heal it, by measures which Athana sius, with his local knowledge of the temper of the party, did not scruple to regret as too indulgent. We have seen what these provisions were. Alexander, accordingly, on returning home carried them out in the first instance by summoning Meletius, and desiring him to make out a list of his clerical and episcopal adherents. Athanasius, who, however, writes on the subject with an evident bias, ascribes to " Pope Alexander " the intention of preventing Meletius, by this prompt action, from " selling ordination to many," and so increasing the number of his partisans. Meletius drew up the list, and placed it in the arch bishop's own hands. It contained the names of twenty-nine bishops, including his own, of five presbyters, and three deacons. One of the bishops was a person whose after-conduct went far to justify Athanasius's opinion that these sectarian chiefs would abuse the Council's leniency: he was John of Memphis, whose secular name was Arcaph, and who, either then or shortly after wards, " was ordered by the emperor to be with the archbishop," i.e. to remove to Alexandria and live there, as a person needing special surveillance under Alexander's immediate control. That control was not to be long exercised. The " archbishop," whose life had, ever since 319, been harassed by a controversy which, according to the most probable account, he had not provoked, and which had made him, against his own wish, " a man of strife and contention," was struck by a fatal illness not long after his return home. The "Index" to Athanasius's Festal Letters dates this event in April, 328. Now let us consult the chief authority. Athanasius, after speaking of the terms granted to the Meletians at Nicaea, says that "within five months after wards, Alexander died." Five months from the close of the Council would fix his death about the end of January, 326 ; and if we understand the words of Athanasius to mean that he died five viii.] The Short Internal Peace. 115 months after those terms had become operative, still it is incredible either that he should so long delay his return from Nicaea, or that the arrangements for the reception of thirty-seven persons into Church communion should trail on for something like two years. Naturally they would be finished before the end of 325 ; and the death might then take place about the end of April, 326, and the " Index " may be right as to the month, though wrong as to the year. The close of his life was vexed by the discovery that Meletian factiousness was in truth irreconcilable. John Arcaph, as leader of the party, strove in vain to get the Emperor's licence for holding separate religious assemblies ; but one cannot implicitly rely on the Meletian stories reported by Epiphanius, and the vague allusions of Eusebius may refer only to some Meletian address to Constantine immediately after the Nicene Council. It is possible, however, that Alexander may have found it expedient to send Athanasius, as his archdeacon and confidential agent, to Constantine's court before he was himself taken ill. It is certain that Athanasius was absent when Alexander died. For, in the first place, Apollinaris of Laodicea, whose father, the elder Apollinaris, was an Alexandrian born, not only says that Athanasius had fled, to avoid election at the approach ing vacancy — a proceeding which, on the whole, may be thought unlikely on the part of one who owed so much to the old archbishop, and would hardly, of his own will, and from merely personal motives, leave him when the end seemed near — but adds the vivid and pathetic anecdote transcribed from some work of bis by Sozomen, how that Alexander, when at the very point of death, called for "Athanasius," whereupon another Athanasius — probably the son of Capito, an " Athanasius, presbyter," who lived to suffer with his great namesake in the Catholic cause — answered, " Here am I ; " but Alexander, as if no one had spoken, repeated the name, and then in faint dying accents murmured, " Athanasius, you think you have escaped, but you will not escape," " intimating," said Apollinaris, " that he was being called to the contest." No such explanation, indeed, was necessary to bring out the prophetic significance of those death-bed words. It must have been clear even when they were uttered, that the next occupant of " the Evangelist's throne " would have to play the man against various enemies of the Church. And who should that occupant be but the great deacon, who had already proved himself so strong of heart and clear of aim, so quick to discern and energetic to act, so effective at Nicaea against Arian astuteness, so faithful, loyal, 1 1 6 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. and powerful a supporter to the old prelate who had cherished him as a son ? Alexander could not, says Tillemont, " show more love to his Church, nor make her a richer gift, than by leaving to her Saint Athanasius in his stead ; " and yet Athanasius, for what ever reason, was not at hand, may have delayed his return — if he had been sent on business to the court — in order, if possible, to avoid an appointment which hardly any one of the great men of the ancient Church accepted without genuine reluctance and alarm. Some delay took place, therefore ; and the custom which perhaps existed at Alexandria at that period, whereby the desig nated successor watched the corpse of the late bishop, placed his right hand on the lifeless head, personally laid the body in its grave, then put on " the pall of Saint Mark " and took his seat on the vacant throne, could not be observed in this case. Epiphanius believed that the Meletians took advantage of the interval to set up Theonas as their bishop of Alexandria ; and he says, by way of accounting for it, that Alexandria " had never had two bishops as the other cities had " — that is to say, there had not been in the capital of Egypt any Meletian bishop disputing the position of the Catholic, as was the case in the subordinate cities. There may have been some such attempt on their part ; but when Epiphanius says that the Churchmen elected Achillas, this is a confusion with Alexander's predecessor ; and we may take it as certain that after some weeks, or rather months, from the death of Alexander, the vacancy came legitimately to an end. As to the time of the election, it cannot have been before the beginning of May, 326, for Cyril of Alexandria ascribes to Athanasius a pontificate of " forty- six years complete," and Athanasius died on May 2, 373 ; he must therefore have come to the see after May 2, 326 ; and although some would date his accession at the end of that year, so long a vacancy seems improbable, and the Festal Letters' Index — which, we must recollect, is not by Athanasius himself — may be right in fixing on the 14th of Pauni, i.e. June 8, as the time of the election. Two points must be noticed as to its proceedings. The bishops who owed obedience to the " successor of St. Mark " were nearly one hundred in number. They would all, if possible, meet, according to custom and the fourth Nicene canon, for the election of him who was to be at once their metropolitan and their primate. Now the Arians afterwards circulated a story, that seven of these prelates, breaking the vow which they had made, with their brethren, to give their votes in open synod, clandestinely consecrated Athanasius ; nay, VIII.] The Short Internal Peace. 117 worse, according to one form of the tale — that he with some followers seized the church of St. Dionysius one evening, found there two bishops, secured the door against their escape, and compelled them to lay their hands upon him, exerting some strange (one might say, mesmeric) fascination over their wills ; that the other bishops anathematized Athanasius ; but that he, having strengthened his own position, wrote to Constantine, as if in the name of the com munity of Alexandria, to announce his consecration, whereupon Constantine, deceived by the form of the letter, confirmed the appointment. But these statements may take their place at the head of a long series of Arian calumnies against the great hero of the Nicene faith. For the Egyptian prelates, in their Encyclical of A.D. 339, solemnly proclaimed to all Christians that the entire body of Alexandrian Church-people had for days and nights, during the session of the election-synod, kept up their exclamation, " Give us Athanasius, the good, the pious, the Christian, — one of the ascetics," or the self-disciplined, alluding to Athanasius's known strictness of life, modelled, as far as circumstances would permit, on the fasts and devotions of the venerated Antony. " He," they cried, " will be a bishop indeed ! " They prayed aloud to Christ for this object of their desire: they declared that the bishops should not leave the church where they were sitting, until Athana sius was proclaimed as bishop-elect ; and so, in their presence, not indeed with absolute unanimity — an admission which guarantees their statement — but by a majority of episcopal voices, Athanasius, as Gregory Nazianzen expresses it, " was raised to the throne of Mark in virtue of the suffrages " (that is, the earnest resolute ex pressions of desire, constituting morally what was otherwise caUed a " choice ") " of the whole people, and not by those vile methods, afterwards prevalent " (he alluded, perhaps, to the case of Mace- donius at Constantinople), "of violence and bloodshed, but in a manner apostolical and spiritual." The attestation of the Egyptian bishops, who refer also to the whole province as cognisant of the fact, was enough for the sardonic Gibbon, who observes that these prelates would not guarantee " a public falsehood." As for the suggestion that the ex-Meletian bishops were overridden in the exercise of their suffrage, it is absurd on the face of it ; for the Nicene Council had allowed them no diocesan jurisdiction, and therefore no vote in episcopal appointments. Another point to be mentioned is, that according to Eutychius, patriarch of Alexandria from 933 to 940, a thorough change in the 1 1 8 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. mode of appointing bishops of that great see was made in the case of this his greatest predecessor. His statement is that (1) of old, the patriarch was chosen by a college of twelve presbyters, tracing its origin to St. Mark, and was always one of their own number, " the rest of them laying their hands on his head, and thus blessing him and making him patriarch," but (2) Alexander ordered that future patriarchs were to be chosen by the neighbouring bishops, not by the college of presbyters, and not even necessarily out of that college. And he adds that there was no bishop outside Alexandria until the time of Demetrius. What are we to say of this state ment ? To begin with, Eutychius lived some six hundred years after the days of Alexander. Next, he was a writer capable of gravely retailing some most grotesque fictions as to Alexander's episcopal acts ; for instance, he says that Alexander destroyed an Alexandrian idol called Michael, that he deposed his predecessor for Arianism, and that he refused to curse Arius a second time at Constantine's order; and as to Alexandrian Church history, this writer makes Origen a bishop in the sixth century! Thirdly, the story, if it implies, as it seems to do, that this presbyteral benediction was the only consecration of early Alexandrian patriarchs, is opposed to a mass of evidence as to the general mode of ancient episcopal consecration. Fourthly, some evidence of real value indicates that Egypt had many bishops in early times, although some may have been rather vicars of the Alexandrian bishop than proper diocesans. The Egyptian "Church Ordinances" mention elections of bishops ; and Pamphilus spoke of Demetrius as having assembled a synod of bishops against Origen, who him self speaks of bishops in a matter-of-course way as the ordinary rulers of the Church. Lastly, Eutychius seems to have got hold of a distorted form of Jerome's story, that until the times of Heraclas and Dionysius (who came to the Alexandrian see in 231 and 247) " the Alexandrian presbyters used to nominate one of themselves to the higher dignity of the episcopate, just as the army made an imperator, or the deacons named an archdeacon." This statement, which has no support from Eusebius, does not, properly speaking, exclude, but rather suggests, some confirmation of such an act by higher authority ; for on the constitutional principle it would be for the senate to ratify the election of an "imperator," and that of an archdeacon would unquestionably require the sanction of the bishop ; and there would be nothing very strange if the chapter, so to speak, of Alexandrian presbyters had the sole right of. VI H-] The Short Internal Peace. 119 nominating their bishop, and if, as a further privilege, all persons extraneous to the chapter were disqualified for such election. And the statement is immediately followed by the words, " For what does a bishop do which a presbyter may not do except ordaining ? " After all, Jerome may have been mistaken : the story is his alone : and, supposing it to be true, it is not to be confounded with the Eutychian story, as to which we may further remark, that had the election of Athanasius been thus the inauguration of a new method of appointment, in virtue of an ordinance of the late bishop, some advantage of that circumstance would have been taken by the Arianizing party. The accession of Athanasius must have caused to all who sympathised with that party the keenest vexation and disquiet. We may perhaps suppose that either before his accession or very soon after it, complaints were made from Alexandria to Constantine of certain pertinacious Arians, whom the Emperor thereupon sum moned to Nicomedia, as having endeavoured to rekindle the dis sension. Eusebius welcomed them as brethren ; and, in conjunction with his friend Theognis of Nicaea (who, like himself, is said by Socrates, but incredibly, to have signed the Nicene Creed without its anathemas), admitted these rejectors of that creed to Com munion. Indignant at this conduct, the Emperor banished the two bishops into Gaul, and wrote to the Nicomedians a severe denun ciation of Eusebius, as having " turned their minds away from the truth," by a misuse of his influence over them and their clergy ; not omitting to recall the imputations — perhaps forgotten during recent events — which charged Eusebius with having lent his active support to the tyranny of Licinius, and been implicated in the murder of " bishops who deserved the name." In that age, impu tations against the character of an obnoxious man were but seldom sifted with anything like judicial strictness by those who had an interest in repeating them ; even Athanasius too lightly adopted the worst construction of Meletius's actions in his original quarrel with Alexandrian Church-authority, and also countenanced a discreditable suspicion as to a crypto-Arian bishop of Antioch ; and much more would Constantine take up a current rumour of this kind, when he wished to aggravate the case against a powerful court-bishop who had suddenly incurred his displeasure. However there was no doubt that these Alexandrian Arians had been patronised by Eusebius and Theognis ; and this " impiety, and connexion with Arian fanatics condemned by the Oecumenical 1 20 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Council," was proved to the satisfaction of a local synod, which forthwith appointed Amphion to succeed Eusebius, and Chrestus to succeed Theognis — at some time, probably, in 326, for Philos- torgius's date of " three months after the council " is hardly con sistent with the tone of Constantine's letter, which seems to imply that some longer interval had elapsed. A very different subject from the Arian controversy now began to attract the interest of Christians in Palestine. Helena, the Emperor's mother, now approaching her eightieth year, had come to pray at " iElia," or Jerusalem, at a time when her heart was deeply wounded by " the untimely fate of her grandson Crispus," whose mysterious disgrace and execution, in the summer of this year, cast a dark shadow over Constantine's life. She found the city, says Socrates, " as desolate as a garden-lodge, in the words of the prophet." Her son had already, however, con templated an exploration of the sacred ground associated with the Crucifixion and the Burial ; and her presence in Jerusalem stimu lated the work which he now ordered to be carried on. Thus there may be no real contradiction between Eusebius, who ascribes that work to the son, and later writers like Socrates, who give such prominence to the mother. Eusebius does in fact record her pilgrimage to Palestine, and her pious zeal for whatever could honour " the place where the Lord's feet stood ; " but he is refer ring especially to the church-building, of which more presently, in Bethlehem and on Olivet. The object which Constantine, and, we may be sure, Helena also, had at heart, was the discovery of the Sepulchre of our Lord. The tradition of the place averred that a lofty mound of earth, the top of which was paved with stone, and surmounted by a temple of Aphrodite, would be found to cover the actual spot. " Impious men," says Eusebius, " had striven to obliterate the memory of that monument of immortality, by laboriously covering it with earth, and raising upon the mound thus constructed a true burial-place of souls," ;in the shape of a temple for that loathsome " cultus " which, beyond all other idolatries, would insult and defile the sacred ground beneath. There appears to have been no difficulty felt as to where the search should be made : it was believed that where the mound rose, there lay the sepulchre below it ; and the statements made by Sozomen in the next century as to uncertainties existing for a time, and removed in part by the family records of a Jewish resident, do not agree with earlier language. We may assume that the account given vill.] The Short Internal Peace. 121 to Constantine was substantially the same which Alexander of Jerusalem had heard when, about 214, he came to see "the Places ; " but whether this local belief was well founded depends, of course, on the question whether in the first century the site in question was enclosed by the " Second Wall," or whether, as defenders of the tradition consider, that wall sloped inwards so as to exclude the site, and with it the "place of a skull." On the latter view the tradition would be quite compatible with the assertion that " Jesus suffered without the gate " (Heb. xiii. 12). In virtue of orders from Constantine, which, perhaps, Helena herself brought, the temple was destroyed, its materials indignantly flung away, while the images which it contained were broken to pieces, the mound was levelled, and then the cave of the sepulchre came, we are told, to light, uninjured and undefaced, " attesting to all eyes," says Eusebius, the truth of the Gospel story. The Emperor, on hearing of this successful result of the excavation, wrote to Macarius, bishop of Jerusalem, expressing his delight at the discovery of the monument of "the most holy Passion," meaning clearly, the sepulchre as a standing evidence of the Death ; and proceeded to announce his intention of adorning the spot with a basilica which should surpass all others in its general effect and its several details, and to request the bishop's opinion as to the best marbles to be employed, and as to whether the roof should be wrought in mosaic, or fretted and gilded — the latter of which two methods was in fact adopted with brilliant effect. Thus commenced the building of the Constantinian church, properly called the " Martyrium of the Resurrection " or " of the Saviour," sometimes, rather confusedly, of " Golgotha," afterwards " of the Holy Cross," which was not dedicated until ten years after the Council of Nicaea. Eusebius describes it as exceedingly lofty and broad, with cloisters extending along its sides : in the apse were the altar, the episcopal throne, the seats for the clergy, and twelve pillars with silver bowls by way of capitals ; beyond the apse was the baptistery. These, it should be remembered, were at the western end of the church ; the entrance was from the east, by three doors which were reached by a flight of steps from a large oblong court, open to the sky, and " paved with glittering stones." To the north of this court rose the hill traditionally named Golgotha, on which, when the Gallic bishop Arculf, as reported by Adamnan and by Bede, visited it in the seventh century, a church stood, and within it, on the supposed spot of the crucifixion, a large silver cross, with 122 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. a circle of lamps hanging above. Beyond the court eastward an elaborate work had been executed by Constantine's order: the sepulchral cave, which at first had appeared as part of a mass of rock standing out alone on level ground (as Eusebius describes it in bis " Theophania "), was separated from the rock around it (which Cyril of Jerusalem calls the outer cave) ; it was then, with questionable taste, deprived of the appearance of a cavity, carved into the shape of a horseshoe, cased with marble, and so left to enclose what was deemed to be the actual sepulchre, both being surrounded by a building of circular form which was called the Anastasis, and was decorated, says Eusebius, in his vague way, " with exquisite columns and ornaments of every kind." Arculf, as reported by Adamnan, mentions twelve pillars, a triple wall, and within the " round monument " the sepulchre itself, seven feet long and three palms above the floor — the colour of both, says this minute observer, being white and red. A lady-pilgrim of the latter part of the fourth century, who is usually identified with Silvia of Aquitaine, the sister of the prefect Rufinus, describes an early Sunday service at which this sepulchral chapel was lighted up and filled with the freshening odour of incense. Thus far we see from Eusebius that the discovery which Con stantine's instructions brought about was supposed to be that of the Holy Sepulchre. But in 347-8, ten years after the Life of Constantine was written, Cyril of Jerusalem, then a presbyter officiating in the great church, repeatedly alluded, in his Cateche tical Lectures there for the most part delivered, to the known existence and piecemeal distribution of the actual wood of the Cross of Christ. " The whole world is filled with portions of the wood of the Cross. . . . The holy wood of the Cross is seen among us to this day, and by means of those who have in faith taken of it, has from this place now almost filled the whole world," etc. The letter to Constantius, ascribed to Cyril, distinctly says that the " salutary " wood of the Cross was found in Jerusalem in the time of Constantine ; but this letter is of disputed authenticity. Silvia speaks of processions to " the cross," and of tapers lighted before and behind it. But it is not until about 394 that we find, as given by Chrysostom, the first form of the famous story of the discovery of three crosses — the " holy cross " between two others, with the title attached to it ; and in the next year St. Ambrose makes the same statement, adding that Helena, when the true Cross was ascertained, " worshipped, not it, but the King that had vin.] The Short Internal Peace. 123 hung thereon." Passing on but a few more years, we find this story amplified by another miracle : the " true cross " was identified, according to Sulpicius, by the revival of a corpse after touching it, when contact with the other crosses had been without result ; according to Rufinus, and after him Socrates and others, by the restoration of a dying woman to health after she had touched the true Cross. But with the cross were also, Ambrose tells us, dis covered the nails ; from one, Helena caused a bridle-bit to be made, from the other she constructed a diadem, and gave both to her son for his use : a strange anecdote, but in its very strangeness unlike a fiction, and seemingly akin to the statement that one of the nails thus found was used to fashion rays for the head of Constantine's colossal statue on the top of the " Porphyry Pillar " in Constan tinople. On the whole, the silence of Eusebius would not of itself be a proof that a cross, or what seemed to be a cross (if not three crosses), was not dug up at Jerusalem in the days of Macarius, and straightway acknowledged as an authentic relic of the Passion of Him who was there crucified between two robbers ; but only that Eusebius, for his part, did not believe in their authenticity. He probably thought, as Professor Willis thinks, that these relics " were pieces of timber and iron work" which had been "accidentally turned up in the course of the excavations," and thereupon hastily invested by fervent " imagination " with a character not their own. They came to light, we may suppose, after the discovery of the Sepulchre ; and some who had welcomed that discovery as true and precious might distrust the new marvel, which at the same time would impress uncritical minds more powerfully than the former event could do, for the Cross would naturally be a more thrilling and fascinating object than even the open Sepulchre ; and to hear that the very " wood on which Christ bare our sins " was now in the possession of Christians would kindle an enthusiasm such as no other tidings would excite in minds which could not forecast the impulse which such a belief would give to a materialising super stition. Yet it remains that Constantine himself, and Eusebius, ignored any other discovery than that of the sacred Tomb. Two other spots, unspeakably sacred to believers of all kinds, were enriched with memorials of Helena's devotion. The cave which, as early as the days of Justin Martyr, had been visited at Bethlehem as the scene of the Nativity, was splendidly adorned ; and Constantine afterwards presented to the chapel thus formed a <*oodly array of gold and silver ornaments, and coloured " veils " or 124 Tlie Age of the Fathers. [Chap. curtains. On the summit of Olivet, a round church arose in honour of the Ascension ; and here also many costly gifts repre sented the Emperor's homage to " the Great King." His mother literally executed the injunctions of that Divine King by acting as a servant to His specially devoted servants, waiting on the conse crated virgins of the Church of Jerusalem at a feast, and humbly pouring water on their hands. And not only in the Holy City, but throughout her progress in the East, this representative, so to speak, of Anna was to be seen making offerings in churches, even in " the little chapels of small towns ; " while the genuineness of her piety was everywhere proved by charities at once magnificent and endearing, by exuberant benevolence for all sufferers, by the release of prisoners, the relief of persons toiling in the mines, the supply of food and clothing to the needy, the recall of exiles, the bounteous kindness to all who sought her aid — illustrations of character which give an interest to the churches bearing her name in old English towns and villages, especially in Yorkshire and Lmcolnshire. She died, it would seem, about two years after her visit to Palestine, "full of peace and joy," in the arms of her son, who received her final counsels and blessings, and regarded so happy a death, in Eusebius's words, as rather " a trans ference and removal from an earthly to a heavenly life." He buried her body at Rome; "the tradition of the Greeks" said that after two years he removed it to his new capital at Byzan tium ; but this tradition Tillemont regards as questionable. Con stantine was not behindhand in imitating his mother's zeal for the external building-up of the Church. In Palestine he em ployed a converted Jew named Joseph — who afterwards, when about seventy years old, told Epiphanius that he had been converted after repeated visions of Christ — in the work of raising churches at Tiberius, Nazareth, and other places which had been inhabited by Jews only. Hearing that Mamre, or Terebinthus, was still a favourite seat of "impure worship," where libations were poured into " Abraham's well," and each worshipper devoted his choicest animals for sacrifice, Constantine wrote to the bishops of Palestine in terms of indignant rebuke: his mother-in-law, he said, had informed him of misdoings which they had culpably overlooked. The place where God the Saviour Himself, with two angels, had appeared to Abraham, must be cleared of foul idolatry; and he bad commanded Acacius, one of the " counts " who ranked highest among imperial attendants, to have the altar pulled down, the vni.] The Short Internal Peace. 125 "images" burned, and a church erected on the spot, "that it might be rendered a fit meeting-place for holy men." At Aphaca in Mount Lebanon, where a starry flame was believed to descend on a certain day into the river Adonis, he suppressed the abomina tions connected with the temple of Aphrodite ; he provided churches for the Phoenician Heliopolis, a place infamous for exceptional grossness of heathen profligacy; he rewarded the inhabitants of Maiuma, the port of Gaza, for their unanimous adoption of Christianity, by erecting their town into " the city of Constantia : " he razed to the ground the shrine of a Cilician oracle ; he caused the images which, like that at Ephesus in St. Paul's day, were said to have "fallen down from Zeus," to be " purified " and made public property, if their materials were of value, while such as could not be so utilised " were left as monu ments of the baseness of pagan superstition." For this raid against idolatry he employed, instead of military force, the agency of one or two trusted confidants, who, says Eusebius, went in fear less faith among large populations, destroying the strongholds of " long-standing errors," invading the " darkest recesses " of temples, and exposing brazen images dragged forth with ropes into open day. The result of this, says Eusebius, was in some cases the conversion of pagan spectators ; in others, he admits, people lost their old belief without adopting a new one. Con stantine indeed, in conformity to his own farewell speech at Nicaea, in which he had reminded the bishops of the various motives which might attract men to Christianity, was careful to associate his edicts against local idolatries — edicts which, in his later years, grew more and more stringent, although they were far from being always successful — with acts of imperial munificence for relief of poverty and distress, which might lead many to feel that the destroyer of temples was at any rate their most powerful friend and patron. Among the churches which he built, and which by their size and splendour were doubtless meant to impress the popular mind with a sense of the majesty of Christianity, as well as to witness for the principle of offering the best and costliest of earth's treasures to God's service, may be mentioned a magnifi cent basilica, which was erected at Nicomedia " in honour of his Saviour " and in remembrance of his " victory over the enemies of God : " he began a great church at Antioch, the completion of which in his son's reign forms an epoch in Eastern Church history, so far as the Arian controversy is concerned. But far more 126 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. interesting and momentous were his three great ecclesiastical foundations in Rome itself. The oldest, which seems to have been completed under Silvester, was formed out of that "Domus Faustae" which, as we have seen, had been used for a conciliar inquiry into the Donatists' case, and which still perpetuated the memory of its old patrician lords by the name of " Lateranum." Thus arose " the Constantinian basilica of the Saviour," afterwards called St. John Baptist's, the original " Christ Church " of Chris tendom, which superseded the primitive cathedral that had been formed out of the " house of Pudens " on the Viminal, and which still, in its modern form, retains its diocesan primacy, and vaunts itself, by a proud inscription on the facade, " Omnium urbis et orbis ecclesiarum mater et caput." Its site, on the south-eastern edge of Rome, contrasts with that of the more famous church built over the reputed tomb of St. Peter along the northern line of Nero's Circus on the Vatican hill, but including that of the Via Cornelia to the north of it. We may take it as a typical basilica, observing that both the Roman law courts and the old Roman churches were developed out of the great mansions of Roman nobles ; the pillared court or " atrium," roofed over, became the justice-hall proper and the church-nave ; its porticoes would serve as nave aisles, while the " tabulinum " or family record-room beyond it suggested, in the one case, a raised apsidal recess for the judge, in the other a sanctuary with an altar, and seats for the bishop and clergy, such as may still be seen, in stately proportion, in the desolate cathedral of Torcello near Venice. Entering from the east, the visitor passed through an oblong fore-court or "ves- tibulum," which opened by five doors into the nave, the central part of which was flanked on each side by two aisles ; ninety-two columns, " collected," says Professor Lanciani, " from everywhere," supported the lofty roof; separated from the nave by an arch adorned with golden mosaics, a kind of transept extended slightly north and south of the aisles ; last of all, to the west, the sanctuary presented to view a canopy with six pillars, under which, and reached by a double descent of steps, was the " confession " or burial-chamber of the martyred Apostle, containing a " loculus " or coffin in an outer case of bronze, with a massive golden cross on the lid. High above was the altar, surmounted by a canopy resting on porphyry pillars, with the episcopal throne and the seats of the clergy beyond. Duchesne considers the church to have been 390 feet long (its enormous successor extends lengthwise vm.] The Short Internal Peace. 127 to 607 feet) without including the apsidal sanctuary ; its breadth was 226 feet; thus, to compare its proportions with those of our own two primatial churches, it was shorter than Canterbury by 126 feet, than York by 96, but 174 feet wider than the main part of York, which is a few feet wider than that of Canterbury. A fair idea of its interior may be derived from the present magnificent (though sadly lonesome) basilica of St. Paul " With out the Walls," which represents not only the comparatively small church reared by Constantine over that Apostle's tomb on the Ostian road, and appropriately endowed with property at Tarsus, but the far larger structure began by Valentinian II. and finished by Honorius, consisting of an ample transept and a vast nave. Legend said that St. Paul's body was transferred to this spot from the place of his martyrdom at Aquae Salviae or Tre Fontane, on a road leading out of the Ostian, by a pious lady named Lucina ; but history attests the belief as to the two Apostolic graves from at least the early part of the third century, when Caius offered to show his Montanist opponent " the trophies " of the two great apostles on the Vatican and on the Ostian road. Constantine is also claimed, with some probability, as the founder of the two churches of St. Agnes and St. Laurence " Without the Walls," both rebuilt in the seventh and sixth centuries, but retaining much of their primitive aspect. The basilica of " The Holy Cross in Jerusalem " in the Sessorian palace occupied by Helena, and long afterwards by Theodoric, is ascribed to her munificence — perhaps by an assump tion which belongs to the developed story of her discoveries at Jerusalem: it is called "Heleniana" in the record of a clerical and lay assembly held there in 433 to inquire into charges laid against a pope. It should be added that in Mr. J. H. Parker's opinion some of these churches were built by the clergy with grants made by Constantine. Lists of splendid and precious fur niture, including lamps and altar vessels, are assigned to the Con- stantinian churches at Rome : St. Peter's is said to have possessed estates at Antioch and Alexandria, elsewhere in Egypt, and even in Eastern Assyria. These and the like endowments, which probably were but gradually obtained, were not drawn from the treasury, but from property confiscated during persecution, and left unclaimed by the heirs of Christian owners, from revenues of demolished temples, and from funds connected with exhibitions temporarily suppressed. But the Emperor's heart was not in Rome. He wanted a city 128 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. of his own creation, in the ordering of which he would have a free hand, unfettered by traditions and precedents such as had stereo typed the life of the " urbs venerabilis ; " and it was with the insight of true genius that he chose Byzantium, which he had besieged while it was held by Licinius, to be the seat of a new administrative and military centre. We see him in 328 personally tracing the limits of the future capital ; he follows a line at some distance to the west of the old wall, and when courtiers ask, " How much farther ? " he answers mysteriously, " Until He stops who is going in front of me." The work was hurried on by his impatience ; and when it was, in a sense, completed, it appeared that the old Byzantine site was still to be the heart of the New Rome, containing all the chief buildings except the Forum of Constantine, which, says Professor Van Millingen in his " Byzantine Constanti nople," stood just outside the chief gate of Byzantium, and the church of the Holy Apostles, with its carved dome and roof of gilded bronze, near the new Constantinian Wall. From this forum a broad " Middle street," lined with stately colonnades, led to the oblong " Place " called Augustaeum in honour of Helena as Augusta, and displaying her statue on a pillar ; and at one end of it, on the site of an ancient gate, stood the "golden milestone" whence distances were reckoned. On the south of the Augustaeum was a senate-house attached to it, and distinct from that in the forum; on the east was the ground afterwards occupied by the glorious church of St. Sophia. A person standing in the Augustaeum, and looking northwards, would thus have his back to the senate- house, on his right hand the site of the future cathedral, on his left the " baths of Zeuxippus " (an old title of Zeus), and the entrance to the imperial palace, which came to extend far to the east and west, and had behind it gardens reaching to the Propontis, now called the Sea of Marmora. Stretching beside the palace westwards was the magnificent Hippodrome which had been begun by Severus ; it was nine hundred feet long and half that width, with a semicircular west end ; at the other extremity was a building called the " Kathisma," whither the Emperor could ascend from the palace in order to view the races. This vast space, which contained an Egyptian obelisk, was destined to be the scene of the most characteristic incidents in Constantinopolitan history. The design of the founder was pervaded by a resolution that " his own city " should be — what " the elder Rome " stubbornly refused to be — a city of Christian faith, " clear," as Eusebius says, of old VIIL] The Short Internal Peace. 129 idolatry, although the existing Byzantine temples were not de stroyed, and the quasi-pagan idea of the city's "Fortune" was conspicuously recognised. Choice works of Greek art were set up in the chief public places : the three-headed serpent which had once supported the golden tripod at Delphi stood nearly in the middle of the Hippodrome, and survived to be partly shattered by Mahomet the Conqueror ; the Augustaean senate-house exhibited a statue of Zeus which had come from Dodona, another of Athene, and a group of the Muses ; and the idea of these " spoliations " might be illustrated by Keble's poem for the Third Sunday in Lent. So in the centre of the forum the famous Porphyry Pillar, which with its marble pedestal rose to a height of a hundred and twenty feet, was surmounted by a statue in which the head of Apollo had been superseded by that of Constantine referred to above ; while the triumph of Christianity was more evidently set forth by the image of the Good Shepherd as presiding over a fountain. The vestibule of the palace impressed the same thought by means of a picture of Constantine with a cross of gold and jewels over his head, and a dragon transfixed at his feet ; and its chief state apart ment was ornamented by a cross of precious gems beaming from the centre of the gilded roof, and forming what Eusebius calls a visible " phylactery " of the Emperor's reign. Eusebius says that he adorned his city with " many houses of prayer ; " but Socrates, whose whole life was spent in Constantinople, ascribes to him two only — that of Irene, which doubtless indicated a Pauline title of Christ as " our Peace," and that of the Apostles ; but he made preparations, doubtless, for the great church of " the Holy and Eternal Wisdom," and for others finished after his death. Eusebius preserves for us an interesting letter, in which Constantine desired him to finish at the public expense, for public reading in the churches of Constantinople, fifty copies of Scripture, correctly and fairly written, on well-prepared parchment, by skilful hands, and to send them in two public conveyances, under the care of a deacon of Caesarea. The commission was promptly executed : the transcripts, arranged in sets of three or four leaves, containing twelve or sixteen pages each, arrived at Constantinople, probably soon after the dedication of the city, which took place on the 11th of May, 330 — a day kept long afterwards with a grand ceremonial, in which tapers were carried in procession round the statue of Constantine on the porphyry pillar. The history of this Christian Rome, extending through eleven centuries to the vol. 1. K 130 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. fatal 29th of May, 1457, when the last of the Constantines died a hero's death, is mournfully overclouded by senseless factions, dynastic intrigues, brutal punishments, selfish luxuriousness, and a formal and pedantic religionism. There is no freshness of life, because no freedom ; the richness of the scene has been compared to that of "tropical decay." But there is another side to the picture, to which Gibbon did but scanty justice ; and one is glad, at any rate, to remember the glory of some really great Constan- tinopolitan reigns, the reinvigorations after periods of decadence, the preservation, as Dean Church expresses it in his matchless chapters on the " Influences of Christianity on National Character," of the "traditions of learning and scholarship," of art and culture, of commerce and industry, and the elaborate legislation and " administrative experience " which helped to make this empire, especially under the Basilian line, " the only existing image in the world of a civilised state," and better still, its persistent stand against " the barbarous tribes and Oriental peoples which " (in Van Millingen's words) " sought to make European civilisation impos sible, and to strike down a great outpost of Christian faith." We ought to remember this, and withal to think of the first Constan- tinopolitan generation as remarkable for benevolence to the poor, and for a Christian fervour which commended the faith to many of their Jewish, and to most of their Greek neighbours. An instance in which that faith was commended to a bar barous people by unofficial zeal is supplied by the story of a captive woman, Nina or Ninia by name, whose profound devo tional earnestness impressed, in the first instance, with a sense of some unearthly power the " Iberian " or Georgian heathen among whom she dwelt. She seemed to live in prayer and fast, in vigil and thanksgiving ; her bed was a sack spread on the ground. Why did she go through all this ? The question was soon answered : this was " the right way of worshipping the Son of God." The Son of God ? who was He ? Something of an answer was given when a mother, according to the simple custom of these poor barbarians, brought her sick child from one house to another in hopes of finding some one that knew of a cure. The foreign captive at last was applied to. "I know of no medicine," she answered, " but I do know that Christ healed many — Christ the true and great God, — and I believe He will heal this child also." She laid the little one on her rough bed, prayed over it, and presently restored it to the mother : the child from that very hour VI H-] The Short Internal Peace. 131 did well. A similar prayer of faith was followed by the recovery of the Iberian queen from sickness : the stranger was warmly thanked, but answered, "It is not my work, but the work of Christ, the Son of the God that made the world." The king, whose name is given as Miran, offered her a reward ; she put it aside, saying, " You could best reward me by acknowledging my God." " He treasured up the saying." Next day, having lost his way, while hunting, amid a dense mist, he called first on his own gods — in vain ; then appealed to the God of the foreign woman, and saw his path lying clear before him. In due time he and his wife became converts, and afterwards active preachers of Chris tianity. Priests were obtained from Gregory, "the Illuminator" of Armenia, or, by another account, from the Roman empire; and Georgia, as we now call it, took its place among Christian lands, and looked back with grateful reverence to its "illu minator" Nina. The story, as told by Rufinus, was learnt by him from one who had been a prince of the land, whom he calls Bacarius. One other event may be most conveniently mentioned in this place, although it is associated by Tillemont with the year pre ceding the accession of Athanasius. This event is the development of Monasticism into its ccenobitic form — the first foundation of a conventual community. What, we may ask, was the origin of Monasticism ? What led Paul "the first hermit," in the reign of Valerian, to make the wilderness not only a refuge from persecution, but a chosen life long home, where he might spend his whole life, as Jerome expresses it, in prayer and solitude ? Why did the youth Antony, about 271, imitate the ascetics who had already, within his own district, adopted a certain extent of eremitic retirement, and afterwards dwelling in a tomb, then for twenty years in a deserted mountain castle, and finally in a rock-hewn cell on Mount Troica in the north-east of Egypt, lead a life so marvellous in its persistent " self-discipline," its intensities of devotion and of spiritual conflict, and in the union of severity and tenderness which filled all who approached him with blended love and awe ? What was the mighty impulse which peopled the Nitrian mountain, and the Wilderness of Cells, and the yet remoter and wilder Scetis, with solitaries carrying out the same theory of life, and aiming at more and more entireness of self- mortification ? Three principal forces produced this result. The purely Oriental passion for solitary religious contemplation received 132 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. a new impetus from the desire to realise, in its most thorough going entireness, the Christian principle of self-sacrifice, to give up literally all for Christ, to emulate and perpetuate that absoluteness of devotion which in days of persecution had been the glory of the " Confessor." Antony was penetrated and enkindled by hearing the text read, " If thou wilt be perfect," etc. The common designa tion of the monk was the ascetic or spiritual self-trainer ; his aim was to emancipate his whole being from all the manifold powers of " the flesh ; " he would fain be in the strictest sense " Christ's soldier," and live altogether for and in the unseen. And then a third motive, which fitted in easily with the second, drove many a young Egyptian Christian, not to speak of natives of other lands-, to seek spiritual safety in the cell of the ascetic ; and this motive was a dread and horror of the moral pestilence which was around him in the towns, and which in many an instance had blighted and ruined those who had begun life innocently and happily — dread of the unspeakable corruption, horror of the detestable brutality, which seemed inseparable from the common life of a society radi cally heathenised. Fervent souls, full of the thought that salvation was the one thing needful, that perdition was the most terrific of realities, and that the Evil One had his haunt and stronghold in the " pomps " and lusts and basenesses and pollutions all around them, would be ready to rush away from what was not only sickening and revolting, but deadly to the soul's true life. "I must save my soul," would be the resolution, " and I shall almost certainly lose it, in such a ' world ' as this city-world, whereon God's curse rests visibly ! " Long afterwards Chrysostom admitted that if boys sent to school were sure to turn out well afterwards, he should " detest as foes to the commonwealth those who drew them into monasticism." Now it is impossible to ignore, on the one hand, the nobleness, purity, spirituality, sympathy, and moral wisdom of some of the great recluses, especially of Antony. But neither can we help seeing that the self-discipline was marred by unhealthy extravagance, by a confusion of means with ends, by a forgetfulness of moral proportion ; that vehement natures, despairing too soon, showed a want of faith in the Gospel's power to leaven the lump of common life, and to " keep " loyal souls " from its evil;" and that for the average monk there were temptations haunting the "wilderness," such as spiritual pride, intolerance corresponding to ignorance, moods of weariness and disgust (after wards called acedia), astounding hardness towards his relatives,. viii.] The Short Internal Peace. 133 and a disposition to bitterness, or even insolence, in his dealings with the outer world — not to mention the risk of delirious imagina tions produced by silence or solitude. No doubt the monastic impulse was for some select natures a reaching forth after " per fection." We may think with Dean Church that an enormous force of self-indulgence, such as that which then flooded society, could only be met by an equally disproportionate asceticism ; but still we must say that it was disproportionate. If we are not to be ¦unsympathizing cynics in our view of the subject, neither are we to be undiscerning sentimentalists ; great saints living in the world of that day, fighting its influences on their own ground, yet praising up monasticism as the ideal Christianity, may have ignored the weak or morbid elements in a form of life which seemed more supernatural than their own. We must try to see the facts all round, to admire and revere without ceasing to discriminate, to recognise mistake where on New Testament principles it is patent; we cannot but wish that more good men had stayed at their posts, among "their friends," and thus borne testimony for Christ ; we cannot but see that the ascetic ideal tended rather to lower than to raise the standard of ordinary Christian conduct, that very great mischief was done by monopolizing for monastic life such phrases as " religion " or " the service of God," and that in the Middle Ages, which, as Bryce puts it, are full of a " perpetual contradiction," men could worship ascetic saints without giving up their own ferocity and sensuality. But at any rate we may, at this period of our history, dwell rather on the practical wisdom, the genial kindliness, the sweetness and fragrance of soul, which charm us in the character of Antony, than on the eccentricities, coarsenesses, asperities, superstitions, and other such faults, which showed themselves only too quickly in monks of poorer mould who clearly had no exceptional " vocation." Nor can we doubt that such a phenomenon as his life, brought home to ordinary observation by his occasional visits to Alexandria, did contribute not a little to the argument involved, then as in all ages, in the presence of high Christian greatness, and helped many thoughtful inquirers to own the powers of the Kingdom of God. So much on the earlier and simpler monasticism, as represented by the solitaries who lived, it may be, near each other, and could hold not infrequent intercourse, but did not live in community. The ccenobitic life was a clear departure from the primary 134 The ASe of the Fathers. [Chap. conception of solitary "self-training:" it must have begun gradually, as hermits drew near each other in lauras or settle ments ; but its chief founder was Pachomius, who in 325 estab lished himself with about nine associates at Tabenne, or Tabennesus, an uninhabited village— not an island in the Nile, as some have thought — near the city of Tentyra in the northern part of Upper Egypt, which gave a theme of satire to Juvenal. He had begun the world as a pagan soldier of the tyrant Maximin, and had been drawn to Christianity in 312 by the generous kindness which some Christians had shown to himself and his comrades when prisoners of war. After he had been for some time the pupil and companion of an old hermit named Paleemon, he became convinced, it was said, by an angelic vision, that his mission was to serve men in order to reconcile them with God ; and this led to the gradual formation of a society of monks living at Tabenne under his guidance. The Rule of community-life ascribed to him abounds in details which indicate a later deve lopment ; but it may well represent the main principles on which he worked — a certain disciplinarian precision together with zeal for religious attainment, as when it insists that every one shall learn by heart some portion of Scripture, or, again, with vigilance against despotism on the part of superiors. The monastery — it was more properly the convent — was divided into a number of " families," each having a principal and a second in command, and inhabiting a separate abode, in which three monks occupied each cell : three or four families formed a " tribe ; " the various necessary occupations were discharged in rotation by the families ; and the common worship of each family was vespers, while some other offices, with the celebration of the Eucharist on Sunday and Saturday, were performed in the conventual church. Besides twelve prayers and psalms at vespers, the same number of prayers were repeated by the monks individually during the day and at night with three before dinner. The whole daily life was precisely mapped out by the Rule in regard to the scanty meals (usually about 3 p.m.), the time of sleep, the dress consisting of a sleeveless linen shirt, a sheepskin cloak, and a " cowl " (the cloak to be only laid aside at Communion), the labour — that of making mats of rushes or palm-leaves, the supply of which for each " house " was to be strictly regulated — the religious addresses, the meditations, the studies for which books wanted were to be given out by rule, the times of silence, the confessions of faults and the penances, the vin.] The Short Internal Peace. 135 provision that any one going outside the monastery shall have a companion with him, the multitudinous prohibitions, one of which forbade a monk who was not an official to extract a thorn from a brother's foot, — in short, the full routine of " self-training " as now consolidated by the principle of association. From the first settle ment at Tabenne sprang eight others, all in the northern Thebaid, the principal being " the great monastery " at Pabau, where all were to meet at Easter ; each of these had its superior or steward, and all acknowledged their " abbot " or " father " Pachomius as the general head of the congregation. It was perhaps in the earlier years of the society, when Pachomius had still some twenty years of life before him (he died in 348), that Athanasius, passing up the Nile on a visitation tour to the Thebaid (probably in order to control some unruly Meletians of that district), was greeted at Tabenne by a large choir of monks. But he did not see Pachomius, who, fearing that his own bishop Serapion would request the archbishop to ordain him priest, hid himself behind his brethren, and so, unobserved, had a view of Athanasius " as he stood up in the boat," and afterwards foretold that the young " Pope " — the special title of an Alexandrian bishop — had much to endure in the cause of faith. We must next see how his powers of endurance were to be tried. CHAPTER IX. THE FIRST TROUBLES OF ST. ATHANASIUS. There is some difficulty in ascertaining the precise character and order of the events which led to the recall of the Arian leaders from their exile, and the consequent rekindling of dissension, although not, as yet, to the avowed reassertion of opinions ana thematized at Nicaea. The account of Socrates is, first, that Eusebius and Theognis, shortly after their banishment, presented to " the principal bishops " a " palinode " or letter of submission, in which they professed their entire acceptance of the Nicene faith, and their readiness to subscribe the anathemas, from which, they said, they had withheld their assent in the council on the simple ground that they believed Arius to have been misrepre sented, and to be innocent of heresy. " Now," they said in effect, " we are content to waive our opinion, and to acquiesce in all the decisions of your holy synod : if you will give us an audience, you will find us entirely conformable ; and we have the more reason to claim this at your hands, since you have shown indulgence to Arius himself, and recalled Mm. We therefore request you to intercede with the Emperor on our behalf." Then Socrates adds, that by this " palinode " they procured their recall, and took possession of their sees, driving out the recently installed occupants : and he infers from the document, first, that at Nicaea they had signed the creed without the anathemas, whereas in Ms previous narrative of the Council he had made them not only decline to condemn Arius, but reject the creed on account of the Homoousion; and next, that Arius Mmself had been released from the sentence of exile, althongh not permitted to return to Alexandria — an inference which strikes him, naturally enough, as involving a difficulty ; for why should Arius have met with indulgence at an earlier time than did the two bishops ? In fact, Socrates's statement as to the Chap, ix.] The First Troubles of St. Athanasius. 137 whole case of these men appears deficient in consistency and pro bability. He is certainly wrong as to the position in which they stood at the close of the Council. They had, we know from other and better evidence, given up their objections to the Homoousion, at any rate had acquiesced in the proposed formulary, and so were on terms of peace with the Council, and owed their exile to a distinct offence committed at a later period. This, in itself, leads one to suspect the genuineness of the " palinode ; " or rather, to treat it as irreconcilable with Constantine's letter to the Nicomedians, and with the apparent meaning of an Alexandrian Council's Encyclical, referring to their condemnation or deposition. Again, the " palinode " implies that the Nicene fathers were still sitting in council, and might admit the memorialists " into their presence ; " which was far from being the case. And not only does it ascribe the condemnation of the memorialists to the Nicene Council, but it ascribes to the same body the recall of Arius, and the favourable acceptance of his personal pleading in Ms own defence " as to the points on which he was accused ; " wMch is altogether extravagant. On the whole, then, Tillemont seems to be justified in rejecting the " palinode," as inconsistent with ascertained facts, and partly also self-contradictory, for it makes the two bishops say that they had been " condemned before they were tried," and yet that they had " suggested what they thought good," and had " signed the creed ; " and further, ascribes to them a willingness to sign the condemnation of Arius after the Council itself (as it asserts) had treated him as cleared from the charges on wMch that condemnation had been based. And if the document is set aside, the statement that Arius had been recalled before Eusebius and Theognis falls with it ; and we are freed from the necessity which Socrates had imposed upon himself of considering Arius to have been, in the first instance, absolved from the charge of heresy, yet restrained from visiting his old home, and to have been afterwards sent for by Constantine in order to make before him another explanation of his senti ments, as if he had not made one in presence of those ecclesiastical judges who had condemned him, by the hypothesis, on imperfect knowledge of Ms mind. We may therefore suppose that Eusebius and Theognis (1) did profess acquiescence in the Nicene decision, (2) were afterwards bamshed for fraternising with notorious Arian partisans, and (3) did by some means persuade Constantine that they had no sympathy with Arianism, and thus procure their own restoration, as persons holding bond fide orthodox Nicene faith. 138 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Hence arose a policy very different from that of the original Arians — a policy of crypto-Arianism, according to wMch no overt demon stration was to be attempted against the Nicene theology, and what De Broglie calls " a courtly heresy, not striking, not popular, not likely to shock ordinary Christian minds," was to be insinuated into those minds that would be likely to feel some irritation at the party, as it would be called, that had triumphed at Nicaea, and " carried matters to extremes " which learned men like the Caesarean Eusebius, and other eminent prelates, like some of Ms bretMen in Palestine, could not thoroughly approve in their hearts. Now here we must distinguish between those who really aimed, from more or less distinctively Arian motives, at undermining the Nicene decision, — crypto- Arians, or Eusebians, as we may call them, — and those who would say to each other that the Council had committed itself to a somewhat one-sided line ; that the term Homoousion was not necessary as a safeguard of a true belief in the divinity of the Son of God, and was even dangerous on account of the ideas wMch might naturally be associated with it ; and, on the whole, that for the future a more "moderate" course would better serve the interest of religion. The two classes acted together, but ought not to be identified ; yet to apply even to the latter of them the term "conservatives" is misleading, and suggests that Homoousion indicated a new doctrinal departure ; whereas the " conservatism " of those who disliked it, or vaguely suspected its import, was a tMng of pMases rather than of ideas. We must also take account of a section which would be attracted by forms of speaking which, while professing full orthodoxy of belief, favoured a vague and general conception of the subject, such as might commend itself, not indeed to mere ecclesiastical and official theologians, but to statesmen and men of the world. It is evident that the line which the powerful Court-prelate — for he soon re sumed all Ms influence over Constantine — had thus marked out for Mmself, promised great things for the interests of Arianism. His recall may perhaps be dated in 329, if not in 328. We do not positively know what step he first took ; but it may be safe to follow Socrates, when he places in close connexion with the return of the two exiled Arianizing bishops a blow struck at a bishop who was hardly inferior to Athanasius in anti- Arian zeal, and excelled him in the weight and dignity derived from a longer episcopate and a more conspicuous fame. EustatMus, who had been translated from the see of Beroea in Syria to what Sozomen ix.] The First Troubles of St. Athanasius. 1 39 calls the " apostolic throne " of Antioch, about the beginning of 325 — had held a high place, if not the highest place, in the Nicene Council — and was known as an able writer, exhibiting, as the same historian tells us, great powers of thought and great beauty of language, must have been, at this time, one of the most prominent men in the Church. He would have earned the animosity of all Arianizers had he done no more against Arianism than what he did in the Nicene debates ; for we see the position which he then took up from a fragment, preserved by Theodoret, of a work of his against the party, in which he described the remarkable scene of the tearing up, in the Council, of an "impious document " handed in by Eusebius of Nicomedia. As bishop of Antioch, the third of the three Mghest prelates of Christendom, Eustathius had carried on the war against heresy by refusing to admit into the Antiochene clergy six well-known Arianizers, three of whom were destined to occupy his seat — Stephen, Leontius,Eudoxius, Eustathius of Sebaste, George of Laodicea, and Theodosius of Tripolis. He did not sMink from accusing Eusebius of Caesarea as guilty of tampering with the Nicene faith; and Eusebius retorted by charging him with SabelliaMsm. These mutual denunciations lead Socrates to remark that many who branded each other as " blasphemers who denied the Son's personal subsistence," or " introducers of polytheism " in the form of worship of a secondary Deity, were really " fighting in the dark," for both parties acknowledged the Son as truly personal, and the one God in Tlrree Persons — that is, each party was essen tially orthodox in the point on wMch it was suspected by the other. But tMs will hardly pass. That among many who disputed about the term Homoousion there were some whose differences could have been removed by candid and patient explanations — such as those which, at a memorable Alexandrian Council, held some thirty years later under the presidency of Athanasius, were interchanged between Catholics who put diverse senses on the word " Hypostasis " — is indeed very probable. But it would be difficult to tMnk that any such process could have identified the belief of EustatMus with the belief of the two Eusebii. For we cannot credit the old friend of Arius, who was cognisant of the " Thalia," with a real belief in the Church doctrine of the Holy Trinity ; and we can hardly look upon the historian-prelate, whose name has been less closely linked to that of Arius, as a consistent believer in the Co-equality of the Son. These two namesakes, accordingly, now appear united against the bishop of Antioch. The Nicomedian Eusebius, with Theognis, 140 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. had obtained the Emperor's leave to visit the holy ground at Jerusalem, and the monuments of Imperial piety there rising up. On their way, they reached Antioch, where Eustathius, Theodoret tells us, " showed them all manner of brotherly cordiality." They passed on to Jerusalem, where a conference of Arianizers was held. Eusebius of Caesarea was there, and Patrophilus of Scythopolis, Aetius of Lydda, Theodotus of Laodicea, with others. The result was that a council or conference of the party was organized in the verjr city of Eustathius, probably not without allusions to the councils held against Ms heretical predecessor in the preceding age. We have different accounts of the measures taken. Socrates quotes a statement by George of Laodicea, to the effect that Cyrus, the successor of Eustathius at Bercea, procured Ms condemnation as a Sabellian ; to tMs statement he objects, on the ground that Cyrus Mmself was afterwards deposed on that very charge. He obscurely refers to another story, wMch Theodoret gives at length, and which, considering the unscrupulousness of the Arians, is not improbable, that a shameless woman was hired to ruin the reputation of EustatMus by a calumny, and that the judges, so-called, who had suborned her, acted on her evidence by pronouncing Eustathius ¦deposed. In spite of reclamations from several orthodox bishops and laymen, the enemies of EustatMus persuaded Constantine of the justice of the sentence, and apparently of a moral charge as sup porting it ; and, according to one story, added a minor but irritating accusation, that the deposed prelate had spoken disrespectfully of Helena. The Emperor followed up the ecclesiastical decision of the case by banisMng EustatMus into Thrace ; and the parting words of this illustrious victim of conspiracy were well remem bered at Antioch in the days of St. Chrysostom, who describes Mm as exhorting his people not to " abandon the fold," to be steady in resisting the " wolves " and bearing witness for the faith. This counsel was understood by CMysostom as equivalent to a recom mendation of the course wMch some of the Antiochene Catholics adopted, who did not break off communion with the bishops successively placed in the seat of Eustathius ; while others, who acquired distinctively the name of " Eustathians," worshipped apart from the very day of his exile. The time of this expulsion of EustatMus was apparently the end of 329, or early in 330 : it was " thirty years," Theodoret tells us, before the expulsion of Meletius from the same bishopric, in the beginning of 361. As to the filling up of the see, there was not a little difficulty: the Arianizing ix.] The First Troubles of St. Athanasius. 141 leaders, not unnaturally, fixed on Eusebius of Caesarea, then at Antioch, as the best man for that high post ; they wrote to Con stantine on the subject, and he also received letters from the great civil digMtaries, Acacius Count of the " Orient," i.e. the whole region subject to Antioch, and Strategius, or Musonianus, who had been sent to execute the decree of exile against EustatMus. The moment was decidedly critical : the feelings of the Arianizing and Catholic parties in Antioch were so exasperated, that, as Eusebius himself assures us, " matters came very near to bloodshed." But Eusebius himself shrunk from translation, which he deemed. inconsistent with the principles of Church order; and wrote to Constantine, expressing Ms earnest wish to remain in the church to which he had originally been appointed. Constantine approved this desire, and wrote to Mm in praise of a resolution " agreeable to God and to apostolic tradition." To the Antiochenes he sent a long letter, admonishing them to study quietness and good order, and alluding to the removal of EustatMus as the " clearing out " of " filth that had marred their vessel." He also suggested to the bishops at Antioch, that they should select either George, a citizen of Arethusa, who had been ordained priest by Alexander of Alexandria, or EupMonius, a priest belonging to Caesarea in Cappadocia. According to one account, Paulinus, bishop of Tyre, whom Eusebius held in such Mgh admiration, was elected, and held the see for six months ; but the fact of tMs translation has been doubted, and it may be that the immediate successor of Eustathius was Eulalius, whose tenure was very brief, and who was followed — possibly, though not probably, after a second attempt to secure Eusebius — by EupMoMus, who also sat but a short time (a year and six months), and was succeeded by Flacillus. " All these bishops," says Theodoret, " were secretly tainted with Arianism ; therefore the majority of the devout clergy and laity quitted the church- assemblies, and met for worsMp by themselves." Those who, as we have seen, adhered to the existing church-communion were at least safe from hearing any avowedly Arian teacMng, and found it possible to profess Catholicism without hindrance, or rather to- profess it as the acknowledged CMistianity. A little before the expulsion of EustatMus, Asclepas, bishop of Gaza, had met with similar treatment ; and a little after that event, Eutropius of Hadrianople, who had exasperated the Arianizing leaders by warn ing all who visited his city against the sopMstries of the Nicome- dian Eusebius, was driven from his church and home. 142 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. And now we must watch the opening scenes of the "long tragedy " of the troubles of Athanasius, remembering the emphatic summary wMch Hooker gives us of the general aspect of that life long struggle, in wMch the " royal-hearted " hero (to adopt Cardinal Newman's comprehensive phrase) exMbited notMng but what "very well became a wise man to do and a righteous to suffer." The first two or tMee years of his episcopate were comparatively tranquil. His festal or Paschal letter for 329, the first of a long series intended to announce the right day for the coming Easter, contained no allusion to Church troubles, but is worth looking at as a specimen of Ms thoroughly practical tone as a Christian teacher : " ascetic " though he was, he admomshed his people to remember that fasting, in order to profit the soul, must be accompanied by moral efforts after real sanctification ; with all his glowing antici pation of the great joy of the Easter festival, he insisted that this gladness should stimulate believers in the Resurrection to more absolute self-devotion and to every form of active charity. One can easily understand that he was, thus early, binding Ms people's hearts to himself, and realising to a great extent that picture which Gregory Nazianzen afterwards drew of his episcopal character as uniting such varied excellences, " gentleness without weakness, gravity in rebuke without asperity, vigour in general administration and assiduity in spiritual duties, a comprehensive grasp of his work as a whole and a discriminating attention to special cases ; " he would already, we cannot but doubt, be at once luminous and profound as a preacher, winning affection by gemality and tenderness, " stooping to the level of average minds, while soaring above the ablest in range of thought," — making himself, in short, in the Pauline sense, " all tMngs to all men." But he soon found that the clouds from different quarters were gathering into a storm over his head. His Paschal letter for 330 has an allusion to " heretics," as instruments of the great deceiver of souls ; and it was, perhaps, about the close of that year that the heresiarch whom he had for years withstood was permitted to regain the position from which Constantine's sentence of exile had dislodged Mm. According to the received story, an Arian priest had gradually acquired influence over the mind of the Emperor's sister Constantia ; and she, when sinking under a fatal illness, recommended him earnestly to her brother's regard. Thus introduced to Constantine, the priest found it easy to suggest to the Emperor that Arius had, in fact, been misunderstood ; that there was no real difference IX.] The First Troubles of St. Athanasius. 143 between his actual belief and the Nicene doctrine ; that if he were allowed an opportunity, he would himself satisfy the Emperor on this head. " If this be so," said Constantine, " I will admit Mm to an audience, and on Ms professing to hold the true faith, I will restore him to his home in Alexandria." And Socrates proceeds to exhibit a letter in which Constantine expresses to Arius his surprise that he has not already come to court, since he had been for some time aware of the Emperor's readiness to receive him : language, says Socrates, implying that Constantine had already exhorted him to retract his errors. The letter contained a command to Arius to appear in the Imperial presence, in order that, " having experienced the Emperor's good will, he may return to his own country." The date of this letter is November 25, " in 330," says Tillemont, " as far as we can judge ; " and Arius, with his friend Euzoius, whom Alexander had deposed from the diaconate, hastened to Constantinople, and professed their agreement with the faith of Nicaea. Thereupon Constantine, according to the narrative, re quired of them a written statement of belief ; and they presented what has been reckoned the " second Arian creed " (the first being that statement which Arius had long before sent to Alexander). This document, although it did not contain the Homoousion, acknowledged the Son to be " God the Word," and concluded by a solemn imprecation, " If we do not truly believe in the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, as the whole Catholic Church and the Holy Scriptures teach, God is our Judge, both now, and in the judgment to come," and a request, significantly though indirectly referring to Constantine's former letter to Alexander and Arius, that the Emperor would promote the writers' reuMon to their mother the Church, " all needless and superfluous questionings being laid aside." TMs profession of belief, while it failed to satisfy the thoroughgoing Arians, who thought it disingenuous and evasive, was well calculated to serve its immediate purpose by the very vagueness of its language, which at least admitted of an orthodox sense : and Socrates tells us that " Arius, having thus satisfied the Emperor, returned to Alexandria ; but the device framed for suppressing the truth did not for all that succeed : for Athanasius, instead of receiving Mm, turned away from him with abhorrence, whereupon he endeavoured to excite a fresh disturbance in Alexandria by disseminating Ms heresy." And, in fact, we find Athanasius, in Ms festal letter written at the beginmng of 331, referring to the renewed hostility of heretics, and to the false 144 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. accusations now directed against him. Probably the first of a long series of calumMes was an attack on the canonical regularity of his election ; and for tMs the Arianizers would find willing allies in the Meletian party, now again organized as a schismatical faction by John Arcaph, to whom, it was said, Meletius on his death-bed had bequeathed his leadersMp. Some movements of sectarian hostility had been met, if we are to accept the state ment of Epiphanius, by an appeal on Athanasius's part to the civil power ; and at all events, the Meletians were in a temper to co-operate with Arian intriguers, as having a common enemy in the archbishop. He himself assures us that Eusebius secured their aid by ample promises, and that they agreed to help Mm whenever he might call on them for their support ; and Eusebius appears to have, in the next place, written to Athanasius, request ing Mm to admit Arius and his friends to communion at Alexandria. The bearer of tMs letter was also charged with an oral message, in which the language of request was exchanged for that of menace. But neither kind of appeal was likely to avail with Athanasius. " I refused," he Mmself says in his " Apology against the Arians," "declaring that it was not right to admit to communion those who had invented a heresy contrary to the truth, and had been condemned by the Oecumenical Council." Thereupon Eusebius appears to have asked Constantine, in effect, whether his gracious act in favour of a much-injured priest, whose opinions had been misconstrued by partisan bitterness, was to be practically nul lified at the will of one self-opinionated prelate. It was easy to stir up the jealousy of an autocrat who deemed himself the special favourite of Heaven, and " bishop for the Church's external affairs." He sent to Alexandria two palace-officers, Syncletius and Gaudentius, with a letter couched in these imperious terms : " You are now informed of my will that all who wish to enter the Church shall have full liberty to do so. If you Mnder such entrance on the part of any persons, I will instantly send a person to depose you by my command, and remove you from your place." Athanasius replied by a letter in wMch he insisted that " there could be no communion between the Catholic Church and the heresy that was fighting against Christ," for in that light he habitu ally regarded Arianism. The Meletians were now called upon by Eusebius for definite aid against Athanasius, and after some time they concocted what he treats as the first formal charge which he had to encounter ; — three Meletian bishops, whose names appear IX.] The First Troubles of St. Athanasius. 145 in Meletius's catalogue of Ms supporters, — Ision, Eudaemon, and Callinicus, — repaired to the court of Constantine, and accused Athanasius of having assumed the powers of government by taxing Egypt to provide linen garments called sticharia, probably re sembling albs, and for use in church service — for otherwise why should the bishop be charged with tMs exaction? But two of Athanasius's priests, who happened to be on the spot, at once refuted tMs accusation : the Emperor wrote to Athanasius, reprobating the conduct of his accusers, and summoning him to court. He obeyed the summons, and found his foes ready with another and graver charge : " Athanasius," they affirmed, " had sent a boxful of gold to PMlumenus," a rebel against the Emperor of whom nothing else is known. At Psammathia, a suburb of Nicomedia, Constantine examined tMs accusation, and found it baseless ; and Athanasius gave some account of these troubles in Ms festal letter for 332, written somewhat later than was usual, and while he was still at the court, and was suffering from an attack of illness. His enemies, so he wrote, had been " driven away in disgrace for their wanton attack upon him ; " and he blends the expression of his personal triumph with the exhortations to prepare for Easter rejoicing. The Emperor, in parting from Athanasius, charged him with a letter to the Alexandrian Churchmen denouncing the restless intriguers against their " most reverend bishop." But in this same inquiry at PsammatMa, the Emperor had heard and dealt with another charge which was afterwards revived and widely spread, and wMch Athanasius represents as having become formidable after Ms return from the court. TMs was the famous story of the Broken Chalice. We must recall the case of the Alexandrian priest Colluthus, who had separated from the communion of Alexander in the early days of the Arian controversy, on the pre text that the archbishop was too indecisive in his action against heresy. One of those whom he had pretended to ordain, and whom the Council of Alexandria had pronounced to be mere laics, was named Ischyras: he persisted, despite this decision, in officiating as a priest, at a small place called "The Peace of Secontarurus," belonging to the district of the Mareotis, wMch was so near to Alexandria as not even to require a "chorepis copus," still less to form a diocese in itself, but in which every large village had its own presbyter. In this little hamlet there was no church; but for the purpose of Ms unauthorised ministrations Ischyras had obtained the use of a small house, vol. 1. l 146 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. belonging to an orphan boy named Ision, the scanty congregation being cMefiy composed of the nearest relations of the so-called pastor. Athanasius, on one of his visitation tours, was informed of these irregularities, and sent one of his priests, named Macarius, to summon Ischyras before him. Macarius, accompanied by the legitimate pastor of the district to wMch the hamlet belonged, went to Ischyras's dwelling, and found that he was ill in bed. The summons, therefore, was transmitted to Mm through Ms father; and Ischyras, on recovering, found that his relatives would no longer countenance his mimstry. He thereupon joined the Meletians, who had previously been without any supporters in the Mareotis ; and they, as it appears, partly by persuasion, partly by threats, and even by violence, induced him to say that Macarius had found Mm in church, and in the act of celebrating the Eucharist : that while he was '' offering the oblations," Macarius had rushed upon Mm, thrown down the holy table, burned the service-books, and even broken the chalice itself. For this violence Athanasius himself was held responsible ; but it was easy for him to prove (1) that there was no church in the hamlet; (2) that the day of Macarius' s visit was a common weekday, on wMch, according to the usage of the Egyptian Church, there would have been no celebration ; (3) that even had it been otherwise, Ischyras was too ill, on that day, to leave his bed ; (4) finally, that no celebration by him could have been valid in the eye of the Church, for he was not a priest at all, his ordination having been pronounced null and void on account of the essential incompetency of his ordainer. Ischyras, who was a weak unstable person, was blamed by his friends for lending Mmself to a gross misrepresentation ; and came to Athanasius, entreating with tears to be received again into the Church. Athanasius rebuked Mm sternly, and exacted from him a written declaration, signed in the presence of six priests and seven deacons, to the effect that he had uttered these falsehoods under pressure of actual ill-usage, inflicted specially by three Meletians, whom he named. " I take God to witness," wrote the unhappy man, " that no breaking of a chalice, no overturning of a holy table, took place." In spite of this declaration, the story was reiterated even before Constantine, who, as we have seen, had heard enough already to reject it. And at the same time the plotters had matured a still more malignant conspiracy, which ascribed to Atha nasius the combined guilt of murder and magic. We pass from the libel of the Broken Chalice to the libel of the Dead Man's Hand. ix.] The First Troubles of St. Athanasius. 147 The story which is connected with the name of Arsemus is characteristic of the men and of the time. John Arcaph had raised a person of this name to the episcopate for the Meletian flock at Hypsele in the Thebaid, and had afterwards induced him to go into Mding. Then the rumour spread, " Arsenius has been murdered." Why, and by whom ? The answer was ready — " Athanasius got hold of him, killed him, and dismembered his body for magical purposes : a sorcerer can do much with a dead man's hand ! — and here," said the Meletians who told this hideous tale, " here, in this wooden box, is all that we can recover of Arsenius, — his hand, which Athanasius has used for Ms dark incantations, and wMch " — they did not explain how — " has come into our keeping." We must remember in order to understand the case, how imperfectly, in one sense, had Christian belief emancipated the soul from the bondage of dark terrors ; how intense at that time, and long afterwards, was the belief in the occult craft of the maleficus, a craft of which, it is said, more than eighty kinds were enumerated : the particular form here imputed to Athanasius had been practised, says Eusebius, by the Emperor Valerian under the instruction of an Egyptian magician ; and Socrates tells us that more than twenty years after the Nicene Council, the process of clearing out an underground pagan sanctuary in Alexandria for the erection of a church revealed the skulls of persons who had been put to death for the purpose of divination by their intestines. Thus to many minds it seemed simply natural that the power displayed by a dreaded and hated enemy should be due to a source not less terrible than abominable. And as Constantine by a law of 321 — to which Eusebius alludes in Ms " Life " — had denounced the severest penalties against any who should be proved to have employed magical arts for injurious ends, Athanasius soon found that the contempt with wMch at first he treated tMs new slander would not be sufficient to clear him in the Emperor's eyes. He received from Dalmatius, Constan tine's half-brother, for whom had been revived the dormant title of Censor, and whose son, the younger Dalmatius, was raised to the higher dignity of Caesar, a formal summons to meet this charge at Antioch; and, having ascertained that the Emperor was really " moved " on the subject, he wrote, while on a tour in Pentapolis, to the Egyptian bishops, desiring that Arsenius should be sought out, and sent a deacon to carry on the inquiry. A deacon was, as such, the aide-de-camp of his bishop, ready to receive his orders or go on his errands ; and this agent went straight to the Thebaid, Arsemus's 148 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. country, and learnt that the missing man had been heard of as concealed in a monastery at Ptemencyrcis, on the eastern bank of the Nile. Thither he proceeded, but warning had been given of Ms approach ; and on arriving, he found that Pinnes, the superior, had already sent Arsenius away. However, he could at any rate arrest Pinnes, and by aid of some police-force bring him before one of the military commanders stationed at Alexandria ; in whose formidable presence the truth came out, and Athanasius gives us, in Ms " Apology," a letter written by Pinnes to John Arcaph, wMch was clearly intercepted by his agents, and in which Pinnes informed his " brother and father " that it was " impossible any longer to keep secret the fact that ArseMus was alive, and had been Mdden." But where was he ? The search for him in Egypt was in vain ; but a new scene of this strange drama, in which the comic is mingled with the tragic, opens at Tyre. In a tavern of that city are seated the servants of Archelaus, a distinguished resident, of " Consular " rank. They hear it casually said by some other cus tomer, that Arsenius is concealed in a particular house ; they mark the speaker's face, inform their master, and thus lead to a search wMch discovers a man evidently in Mding. " I am not Arsenius," he exclaims ; but Ms captors insist on showing him to Paul the bishop, who knew Arsenius of old. Further denial is impossible ; and Constantine is informed of the detection of the plot. He at once stops the proceedings of the Censor's court, and commands the Eusebians, who, says Athanasius, were coming into the Orient — in effect, to Antioch — for the purpose of supporting the prosecution, to return home ; and he also writes again to " Pope Athanasius," with expressions of cordial respect, desiring him to "read the letter frequently in public, in order that the Meletians may be forewarned of his intention to visit any future conspiracies by personal cognisance according to the civil laws." Other letters flow in to Athanasius, expressing sympathy and congratulation ; one, from a Mghly respected bishop, Alexander of Thessalonica, who addresses Athanasius, evidently on the ground of seniority, as Ms " brother and son," is preserved as a specimen of the rest. And, as if to complete the triumph, John Arcaph himself appears in church, confesses Ms misconduct, is pardoned, and announces to Constantine that he is reconciled to Athanasius ; and the Emperor replies in a tone strangely courteous, which in itself proves that John had been formidable as an enemy. ArseMus Mmself wrote, in Ms own name and in that of his clergy, to assure Athanasius IX.] The First Troubles of St. Athanasius. 149 that he and they were resolved for the future to pay all due obedience to the metropolitical church of Alexandria, and expressed a hope that Athanasius might " be strong in the Lord for many years." These events happened about the end of 332. Incredible as it might seem, Eusebius was able ere long to persuade Constantine that the recent cases ought to be regularly examined by a council ; and accordingly a council was summoned to meet at Ms name sake's city of Caesarea in 333. It did not, however, meet until 334 ; and Athanasius, for " thirty months," as Sozomen tells us, persisted in refusmg to attend an assembly from which he could expect no justice. At length, in 335, he was peremptorily ordered by Constantine to appear at a council wMch was to be holden at Tyre, preparatory to the solemn dedication of the newly fmished Church of the Resurrection at Jerusalem. To Tyre, accordingly, in the summer of that year, Athanasius went with about fifty of Ms suffragans. Their impetuous Egyptian temperament, already stirred with wrath against the persistent enemies of their cMef, blazed out uncontrolled when they found themselves ushered into the assembly, not, as was the decorous usage, by attendant deacons, but by the civil officers who had to register indictments at law — when they saw Macarius dragged in chains before the Council, and Ischyras himself among the accusers, and Flacillus in the president's seat, and various bishops, known for their ammosity to Athanasius, among the judges of the cause. Protests against such unfairness were in vain. The aged Potam- mon, bishop of Heraclea Superior, who had sat in the Nicene Council, and been honoured there for having lost an eye in the great persecution, could not restrain himself, and passionately addressed Eusebius of Caesarea. " What, are you sitting there to judge Athanasius ? You and I were both imprisoned in the cause of Christ : how you escaped uninjured, you best know." Here we observe that Potammon, confessor as he was, had not learned the lesson of thinking the best rather than the worst : as Bishop Lightfoot;says, "a thousand things might have occurred to earn for Eusebius an exceptional favour " involving no unfaithfulness to convictions; and one cannot wonder that he commented on the " insolence " of the Egyptian. Paphnutius, that other venerable confessor who had spoken at Nicaea against the project of separating the married clergy from their wives, took hold of Maximus, bishop of Jerusalem, led Mm aside, and convinced him, by a few earnest 150 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. words, of the innocence of Athanasius. The accusations began : they did not touch the point of doctrine, but impugned merely the conduct of the archbishop of Alexandria ; beside the former charges as to Ischyras and ArseMus, he was said to have gained Ms see uncanonically ; to have thrown down a chair decked with linen (the covering which was usually employed for an episcopal seat) ; to have caused Ischyras to be imprisoned on a charge of pelting the Emperor's statues; to have deprived the Meletian bishop Callinicus, imprisoned him, and exposed him to military ill-usage ; to have placed in Ms see a priest who had been degraded; to have beaten or imprisoned five other Meletian prelates for disown ing Mm ; and, by one account, to have been guilty of immorality. TMs last charge, if really made, was signally confounded ; others were also promptly met ; in regard to others Athanasius demanded time. But he had the pain of seeing some old supporters come forward to incriminate him ; some convicted libellers found a ready hearing, while his suffragans were not allowed to speak. The scene by which this unrighteous council is best remembered is that which followed on the production, once again, of the dead hand in the little box. A cry of horror and pity broke forth, even in the town where the story of the murder had been, as one might think, disposed of once for all. Athanasius looked calmly round; he had been prepared even for this. " Does any one here," he asked, "know Arsenius ? " " We did know him right well," cried many voices. He turned aside for a moment, and led forward a man closely muffled, with head bent down. " Raise your head," said Athanasius. The man obeyed. "Is not this the face of Arsenius ? " He then lifted off the cloak, first from one hand — then, after a pause, from the other; and asked triumphantly, " Has God given to any man more hands than two ? " There was one moment of triumph : Arcaph, who had repaid the indulgence shown to Mm by resuming his place among the plotters, ran hastily out of court ; but others, with a promptness almost admirable, extemporised a theory of the phenomenon. " It was not really ArseMus in flesh and blood ; it was an optical illusion — only one more proof of Athanasius's singular proficiency in the black art ; " and this produced a new storm, which actually imperilled Ms life until the Count Dionysius, appointed to " keep order " in the assembly, saved it by hurrying Mm on shipboard. Afterwards the Eusebians admitted their mistake about the supposed death of Arsenius : a bishop, acting under order from Athanasius (always IX.] The First Troubles of St. Athanasius. 151 the arch-villain of the drama), had beaten Arsenius and shut Mm up ; he had escaped, but had disappeared : how natural, then, to think that he was dead ! There remained the case of the Broken Chalice. Athanasius, by producing Meletius's list of adherents (given in to his predecessor), proved that Ischyras had not been among them ; and, in fact, Ischyras was obliged to acknowledge that Ms congregation consisted of only seven persons. It was then that the adversaries proposed that the Council should send a com mission of inquiry into Egypt, to collect information in the Mareotic district itself. Athanasius was ready with his objections : it would be a mere waste of time — they had already brought forward all that they thought they could urge, and now, being at a loss, they pretended to want more evidence. " At any rate," he urged, " if there is to be a commission, let it be composed of persons not suspected of intriguing against me." The Count Dionysius sup ported tMs plea ; the commissioners, he said, ought to be chosen by open voting in full synod. But he was disregarded, for the Eusebians had taken the measure of Ms resolution, which had no backbone of force. Two Meletians, then at Tyre, were sent as " avant-couriers " to prepare the ground m the Mareotis ; and the Eusebians in a private " caucus " chose six of their own partisans — the very persons to whom Athanasius's " challenge " would apply — and then canvassed the other bishops, individually, for approval. Some further remonstrances were made, as by the forty-eight Egyptian bishops who had come with Athanasius to Tyre ; by Alexander, bishop of Thessalonica, who, having discovered what the Eusebian policy meant, took up a manful line against it ; and by Dionysius, who mildly exhorted the Eusebians to avoid the censure wMch would inevitably attend a patent injustice, but exhorted m vain. Men who know what they mean to do are not apt to be turned aside by a few words which are not likely to be translated into action. Nothing comes of " It is no good report that I hear." The commissioners — Theogms, Maris, Macedonius, Theodore, and two young Western prelates destined to a most unenviable notoriety, Valens of Mursa and Ursacius of Singidunum, who had studied under Arius, had been deposed from the presbyterate by Catholic bishops, and promoted to the episcopate by Arians — started for Egypt, with Ischyras as their companion " in lodging, at board, in the wine-cup." The traditions of Roman civil justice would have been shocked by the proceedings of these Christian ecclesiastics,, who took care to leave Macarius at 152 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Tyre under a guard ; as to wMch one asks, Where was Count Dionysius ? When the inquiry opened in the Mareotis, all semblance of impartiality was cast aside. As Bishop Julius of Rome afterwards said, evidence (so called) was admitted on the part of catechumens as to what had taken place at an Eucharistic "oblation," when, by uMversal Church-law, they could not have been present. Incredible as it may seem, we are told that even Jews and pagans were allowed to give "information," while the testimony of Catholic presbyters was refused. Philagrius, prefect of Egypt, who had lately joined the Arians, were ready with pagan soldiers to overawe witnesses, while the commissioners prompted them by signalling ; and yet even so it came out that on the day specified Ischyras had been too ill to officiate. The Alexandrian clergy drew up a formal protest to the commissioners as having refused their evidence, and violated the Scriptural rules as to a fair trial (alluding to Acts xxv. 16). The Mareotic clergy addressed the Council in a paper to the effect that Ischyras never was a presbyter and never had a church, and that the commissioners had refused to give them a hearing ; and they also gave in a memorial (formally dated on the 10th of Thoth, i.e. September 7) to Philagrius and to two other officials, containing a brief statement of the facts about Ischyras, and concluding, " The whole (of his) story is false." The commissioners, disregardmg all such protests, and supported not only by State functionaries, but by Meletians faithful to their compact with Arianizers, made up their report, effected the banishment of five Alexandrian priests, connived at some pagan brutalities towards virgins and laics, and sailed for Tyre as if their end was acMeved. Meantime Athanasius had complained to Dionysius as to the constitution of the commission, and his suffragans had demanded that the case should be sent up to the Emperor on the ground that the offences charged were matter for civil justice ; and he Mmself, despairing of any redress at Tyre, "resolved," as Gibbon ex presses it, " to make a bold and dangerous experiment, whether the tMone was inaccessible to the voice of truth." Attended by five of his loyal suffragans, he took the first vessel for Constanti nople, and suddenly appeared in the middle of the road where Constantine was riding eastward into Ms new capital. The Emperor was startled; who was this small man that dared to stand in his path ? An attendant said, " It is Athanasius." To ix.] The First Troubles of St. Athanasius. 153 Constantine the name suggested something like " troubling of Israel ; " he had been taught to regard the bishop of Alexandria as a restless agitator ; he tried to pass him by in silence. But Athanasius was not one to be passed by ; he meant to be heard, and the Emperor's impressible temperament ere long acknowledged the moral digmty of one who asked for no favour, but for the right of confronting his accusers in the Imperial presence. TMs right Constantine felt that he could not but concede. Meanwhile those accusers were having their own way at Tyre. The Council received the Mareotic report as conclusive, and on the strength of it con demned Athanasius, but in their synodal letter grounded the decision partly on Ms " contumacy " in ignoring the summons to attend a council at Caesarea, partly on his " insolent and turbulent " manner of treating the charges brought against him — passing them over as insignificant, and declining the Council's jurisdiction, and lastly, on the proofs of his guilt obtained by the commissioners in Egypt. They then acknowledged the Meletians as Churchmen (they could not do less in requital of services rendered), and adjourned to Jerusalem for the grand dedication festival. The ceremony took place in the presence of two hundred prelates on the 13th of September, a day long afterwards kept holy at Jerusalem, and still marked in the Constantinopolitan Church calendar as " the Encaenia of the Resurrection." We can imagme the admiration of those who crowded to the solenmity : the persons who took part in it,. approaching the basilica, passed westward tMough the entrance court into the lofty nave, with its double aisles and rows of vast columns, its carved and gilded roof, its walls glistening with marble of various hues, and gazed with wonder and delight at the apse with its twelve pillars, beneath which, and overhanging the altar, stretched a splendid curtam heavy with gold and jewels ; while, in the eastern space outside, a cloistered court united the church to the round Chapel of the Sepulchre. Here, amid all that ecclesiastical majesty could exhibit — on ground encompassed by the most sacred associations — in an assemblage of Church dignitaries which Eusebius of Caesarea compares to the Nicene, as including representatives of Persia, Mcesia, MacedoMa, Thrace, after addresses by many episcopal orators, and a solemn celebra tion of the Eucharist, Arius and Ms friends were recognised as Catholic Christians, on the ground of the indefinite and inadequate formula which, about five years before, they had presented to Constantine. The Council made no pretence of reconsidering the 154 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. doctrinal decisions of Nicaea; the line taken was simply that Arius had been misunderstood, in consequence, as the synodal letter intimated, of misrepresentations prompted by "jealousy," and that, in fact, he and his adherents had preserved in their state ment "the universally acknowledged apostolic tradition." The synodal letter was addressed to all the churches within what we may call the patriarchate of Athanasius ; he, of course, was treated as a deposed bishop, and, on his part, he describes this Eusebian Council as virtually hostile to his theology as well as to his character. At any rate, while professing not to innovate in doctrine, this imposing array of bishops virtually set the Homoou sion aside. One prelate, whose name will often recur as an unhappy one in our Mstory, and who was intensely hostile to all Arianizers, had refused to attend the festival, because of the recent injustice to Ms friend Athanasius — this was Marcellus of Ancyra. It was doubtless a startling shock to the prelates at Jerusalem to receive a letter from Constantine, in which, after intimating more than a suspicion that the decisions at Tyre had been dictated " by passion and not by justice," and narrating the circumstances of his interview with Athanasius, he commanded them to hasten to his court. The assembly broke up in haste ; many fled home wards ; but the two Eusebii, Theognis, Patrophilus, Valens, and Ursacius, at once obeyed the summons, trusting to their past ex perience of the power of " the last word " over Constantine. They resolved, with remarkable versatility and prudence, to drop all previous charges about linen, about gold, about Ischyras, about Arsenius, and to bring forward a fifth, which was sure to touch the Emperor on a sensitive point, to the effect that Athanasius had threatened to distress Constantinople by hindering the periodical sailing of the Alexandrian cornfleet, which had now been diverted from the Old Rome to the New. Athanasius, in amazement, asked how he, " a poor man," could cherish any such design ? But the Nicomedian Eusebius, with an oath, protested that he was " a rich man and a powerful ; " and when Athanasius resumed Ms own defence, Constantine, as if utterly weary of the long disputes about his conduct, cut Mm short by a sentence of banishment to Trier, or, as we commonly call it, Treves, the ancient capital of Roman Gaul and Germany, where the Emperor himself had often resided, and where his eldest son Constantine was then ruling in Ms name. Hither, then, we must in imagination follow Athanasius through IX.] The First Troubles of St. Athanashis. 155 Germany in the winter of 335-6. Accompanied by some faithful Egyptians, to whom, as to himself, such a journey must have been no slight trial, he arrived in February, 336, at the destined place of Ms first exile, and received a most cordial and respectful welcome from Constantine the younger, and from Maximin the bishop. To an Egyptian the city on the Moselle seemed, as he himself says, an "extremity of the earth." It had not yet, apparently, been adorned with the great gateway wMch now in its decay is called " Nigra ; " but eighty years before it had seen an Augustus " displaying the majesty of the empire," and forty-two years before it had become the seat of government for the Emperor's father as " Caesar ; " and if its commercial importance had not reached the point which led Ausonius to speak of it as " feeding, clothing, and arming the forces of the empire," Athanasius must have felt that, as a sojourner within its walls, he was safe from the weltering sea of barbarism, and sheltered by the power of " the Roman peace." His position, as fixed by this banishment, was a peculiar one ; he was, indeed, an exile in consequence of a charge which seriously affected his loyalty, and which the impatient Emperor had not allowed him to refute ; yet he seems to have sometimes thought that the sentence might have been intended to shelter Mm from further persecution. It was a time of rest which he greatly needed, and was by no means without its brightness and consolation ; and it is interesting to think that the city which was, in this same century, to be associated with the names of Ambrose and Martin, was now a haven of refuge for Athanasius. CHAPTER X. FROM TREVES TO SARDICA. We have seen how Marcellus of Ancyra had expressed Ms indig nation at the gross injustice of the Tyrian Council, by refusing to take part in the dedication ceremony at Jerusalem. But, although he had been for more than twenty years a bishop, and a metro politan of the " Galatian " Church — not to speak of his position as one of the Nicene Three Hundred — he had already given great offence, and sown the seed of protracted scandal and embarrass ment, by his own theological language in controversy with Arianism. He had been drawn to engage in this controversy by a wish to counteract the influence of a widely circulated treatise called " the Syntagma," the author of which, Asterius of Cappa- docia, was one of the older Arians, and is several times named with reprobation, as " a crafty sopMst," in the writings of Atha nasius. Asterius maintained that the Son of God was one of the things " made " by the beneficent will of the Father, and by His impersonal Wisdom, wMch was to be clearly distinguished from CMist ; and that Christ was only the " power of God " in the same sense that the " locust-army " in Joel was called (in the Septuagint) His power, i.e. simply as God's agent and instrument. TMs treatise Asterius carried about with him in Syria and else where, and read it at synods, seating himself, layman as he was, within the chancel among the clergy. Such boldness excited no little disgust; and Marcellus, a man of eager temperament, and impelled to attack Asterius not only as an individual heretic, but as patronised by the Eusebian leaders, plunged into the fray, and wrote a work professedly in exposition of the mysterious passage (1 Cor. xv. 28) on the future " Subjection " of the Son. In this book, which he is said to have personally placed in Constantine's own hands, he did not spare the memory of Pailinus of Tyre, who Chap, x.] From Treves to Sardica. 157 had once, wMle staying with him, called Christ a " creature ; " and he attacked the two Eusebii, and Narcissus, bishop of Neromas, the last of whom he represented as holding what was eqMvalent to Tritheism. But what were his own assertions ? As far as they can be ascertained from passages quoted by a very hostile critic, Eusebius of Caesarea, Marcellus had been driven by his anti- Arian vehemence into something very like a Sabellianizing position, which would also involve " Psilanthropism " or " HumaMtarianism." Pressed by the Arian arguments from the relation of a son, as such, to a father, and from the phrase " Image of God," as applied to Christ, he took the bold course of abandoning, so to speak, the terms " Son " and " Image " to the detractors from Christ's Divine dignity. He invented a broad distinction between the Logos and the Son, whom Irenaeus, faithfully interpreting the prologue of St. John's Gospel, had identified ; and endeavoured to secure the etermty of the former by reducing Him in effect to what we call an attribute, while, as to the latter, he sacrificed the whole Divine significance of the title of " God's own " or " only-begotten Son," and attached to the Sonship a significance exclusively human. In other words, Marcellus, apparently, held (1) that the Logos was simply a power dwelling in God, sometimes quiescent like an unspoken thought, sometimes operative like an uttered word : a power wMch, in the act of creation, emerged from the Divine mind as an efficient or operative energy, but which neither then nor at any other time acquired any true personal distinctness ; (2) that this Logos, by a sort of " expansion " of the Divine Unity, became temporarily related to Jesus, who, as the chosen organ for its mamfestation, the man whose being was filled with its presence, was called the " Son " and " Image " of God ; but from whom, in God's appointed time, the Logos would withdraw itself, and re lapse by a movement of " contraction " into the bosom of Divinity. Whether these views, involving such a revolution in Christian thought, were really adopted by Marcellus, or only " put forward as matters of discussion " (a plea borrowed from Greek schools}^ was a point much debated by his friends and foes. Athanasius, for a time at least, hoped the best as to his orthodoxy, but afterwards, by one account, suspended fellowship with Mm, and by another, indicated that he had gone much too near to heresy, and, according to Newman, implicitly criticized Ms school in the "fourth Discourse against the Arians." Later fathers more explicitly pronounced against him, and modern writers 158 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. generally treat him as heterodox. The Eusebians, of course, denounced Mm indignantly : Socrates believed that the bishops assembled at Jerusalem had examined Ms treatise, and extorted from him a promise to burn it — a promise wMch he did not fulfil ; but this story is inconsistent with later events, for such a sub mission, once made, would have settled the fact of his heterodoxy as an author. It may be that the assembly at Jerusalem did take some notice of Ms book ; but we may follow Sozomen when he ascribes its formal condemnation to a meeting of bishops at Con stantinople, held, obviously, after the baMshment of Athanasius. These prelates found the charge of heresy proved ; they deposed the aged metropolitan from Ms see, and appointed to it a priest named Basil, afterwards famous as the head of the Semi-Arians, and admitted to "umte in his person the most varied learning with the most blameless life of all " that remarkable party. TMs Council of Constantinople laid up in the records of that church a memorandum of the condemned tenets of Marcellus ; and letters were sent, to the neighbourmg churches, contaiMng extracts wMch,. it was said, would be sufficient specimens of a book too lengthy to- transcribe, and of which the heretical character would be evident. All copies of the work were to be sought for and destroyed ; and (as a more legitimate method of abating its effect) Eusebius of Caesarea was desired to answer it, and accordingly produced, first, two books " Against Marcellus," and then three books more " On the Church's Theology," in wMch he used language "explicitly orthodox," says Lightfoot, " against the two main theses of Arius," although in some passages, as might be expected, he exhibited a strong Subordinationism. Sozomen tells us that in their letter to- Constantius requesting him to banish Marcellus, they described Mm as having insulted the Emperor by refusing to attend the dedication of the great church at Jerusalem. Thus, as we read in the Athanasian " History of the Arians," they caused Marcellus to- be driven from his home. We now approach the last scene in the life of the great heresi- arch, from whose opinions Marcellus's language represents, to all appearance, so impetuous a recoil. Arius had been again unable, after the exile of Athanasius, to regain his position at Alexandria. He was recalled to Constantinople. Athanasius tells us that he Mmself was informed by the priest Macarius, then on the spot, of what next occurred. This account is as follows: Constantine asked Arius whether he " held the faith of the Catholic Church ; '" x.] From Treves to Sardica. 159 Arius, who, it must be remembered, had been recently recognised at Jerusalem as holding it, said, with a solemn oath, " I do." He then presented, once more, a written statement of belief, disin genuously, as Athanasius says, evading the points which were really at issue, and employing Scriptural terms which might, of course, conceal a heretical meaning. Athanasius describes this- as a protestation " that he did not hold the opinions for which Alexander had condemned him." But this description represents what Athanasius saw in the proceeding : it is not by any means probable that Arius referred at all to Ms old controversy with his former bishop. Athanasius would feel that if Arius said, " I do believe as the Church believes," he was either a convert to the Nicene faith, or a trickster of the worst kind ; and thus he would speak of Arius as implicitly disclaiming, and that insincerely,, his notorious misbelief. Was Arius deceitful in the business ? Neander thinks that he has been unfairly blamed — that he might protest as he did honestly, in his own sense, as he understood Scripture. But Ms protest was in answer to the question, " Do you believe with the Church ? " and Constantine would take it as- indicating an acceptance of what had been affirmed at Nicaea by a sentence which no subsequent authority had set aside. And even as so understood, the final and emphatic assurance of orthodoxy given by Arius did not wholly allay the Emperor's suspicions. "You have done well to swear, if you really do hold the right faith ; but if not — according to your oath will God judge you ! " The Eusebians, as soon as Arius left the presence, attempted to bring him at once into the church of Peace, then the cathedral, which stood northward of the palace, and nearer to the creek of the Golden Horn. But the venerable bishop Alexander, who was then about ninety-eight, and had held the see of Byzantium as early as 314, firmly withstood the entrance of " the inventor of the heresy." He was but reiterating a previous refusal, for, as Socrates tells us, Eusebius of Nicomedia had menaced Mm with deposition by a council, if he offered any hindrance to the practical carrying-out of the decree of the Council of Jerusalem in favour of Arius. " But Alexander cared nothing for deposition when he had to deal with a plan for overthrowing the Nicene doctrine, of which," says Socrates, " he deemed himself a cmardian ; " and finding that even the reception of Arius by Con stantine had no effect on Ms persistency, the Eusebians angrily broke off the conference, saying, " We brought Arius hither in 160 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. despite of your wishes, and to-morrow, in despite of your wishes, he shall communicate with us in this church." They turned away from the church-gates ; and the old prelate, in sore distress, with Macarius for his only attendant, went up Mto the chancel, threw Mmself on the pavement, and in that posture with outspread hands began to pray, or, as Socrates expresses it, " he bade fare well to argument, and took refuge with God." Macarius was prostrate in prayer at Ms side, and heard him, as Athanasius says, asking two tMngs : " If Arius is to be brought to CommuMon to morrow, let me Thy servant depart. But if Thou wilt spare Thy Church — and I know that Thou wilt — look on the words of the Eusebians, and take away Arius, lest heresy may seem to enter with Mm into the church, and impiety be hereafter reckoned for piety." Such was the tremendous prayer of Alexander on that Saturday afternoon ; and somewhat later, when Arius was walking through the forum of ConstantMe, and approaching the lofty pillar of porphyry, while Ms face, often gloomy and sometimes wild- looking, was bright with triumph, and his conversation with the friends who tMonged around him had all the excitement of Mgh spirits, he suddenly stopped short, withdrew from his companions, and in a few minutes was found dead — -a violent internal dis order, accompanied with haemorrhage, having destroyed life in a manner so fearful that it recalled the horrors of the Field of Blood. " The Eusebians, greatly confounded, buried their fellow- conspirator, while Alexander, amid the rejoicing of the Church, celebrated the CommuMon with piety and orthodoxy." Such was Athanasius's account of the following Sunday's proceedings ; but he adds a qualifying explanation that the rejoicing was not an unchristian exultation in his death — " God forbid ! " — but a recog nition of what appeared to them a most uneqmvocal divine judg ment, " a condemnation of AriaMsm by the Lord Himself." The Arianizers, however, had their own explanation, also a preter natural one ; — the forces of magic wMch had been employed M the case of Arsenius had been not less successful, though exerted for a yet guiltier purpose, in the case of Arius; on which Neander remarks that magic would not have been thought of, if poisoning could have accounted for the tragedy. Others, as Sozomen can didly tells us, ascribed the death to an affection of the heart, or some such ailment, caused by joy at unexpected success. The event took place in 336; and the Churchmen of Alexandria thought the opportunity a good one for addressing Constantine x.] From Treves to Sardica. 161 in behalf of their banished prelate. The great Antony, says Sozomen, wrote more than once to the Emperor, entreating Mm not to believe the Meletian libels against Athanasius. But Con stantine, who seems to have made up Ms mind that Athanasius was incurably contentious, and that peace and order would be imperilled by Ms return, told Antony that the judgment of the recent Council (of Jerusalem) must be respected, and commanded the Alexandrian clergy and others to forbear their foolish inter cessions in favour of a man condemned for misconduct. On the other hand, he would not tolerate the Meletian party movements, and banished John Arcaph from Alexandria. One more scene of Eusebian violence, sanctioned by Constantine, marks the year 336. Alexander, M the August, probably, after the death of Arius, was laid on Ms death-bed; and in Ms last moments, says Socrates, recommended that his see should be filled by one of two persons. " If you want a man apt to teach, and holy in life, choose Paul, whom I ordained priest ; he is young in years, but not in mind. But if" — here Sozomen's version is more trustworthy — " you prefer a man conversant with public busmess, fit to cope with civil rulers, take MacedoMus, who has been for many years a deacon of tMs church." The orthodox preferred Paul, whose family came from Thessalonica, and who was in great repute for eloquence ; the Arianizers favoured Ms rival. Ultimately, Paul was chosen, and consecrated; but speedily assailed with some false accusation, and bamshed by Constantine, doubtless under the influence of Eusebius, and in the interests, as the Emperor would think, of public order. TMs was the first of four expulsions from Ms bishopric, wMch distingMshed Paul amongst several orthodox bishops who suffered, in fact, for their orthodoxy, and wMch likened Ms vicissitudes, in some sort, to those of Athanasius. In tMs instance, Pontus was his place of exile ; and Constantine appears to have kept his see vacant, and, as in Athanasius's case, prevented any appointment of a successor. He would only go to a certain point with Ms Eusebian advisers. And his time was now drawing to a close ; he had, in the early part of 337, some prospect of a Persian war, for wMch he made vigorous preparations, not forgetting religious appliances, such as a chapel-tent of embroidered linen, in which the CMistian rites might be celebrated during the campaign. But the war was not destined to break out in his days : the Persian king, after some bluster about demanding the restora tion of provinces ceded to the empire, thought it unwise to measure VOL. I. M 1 62 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. himself in real conflict against the " ever- victorious " Emperor, who, for Ms part, had a far different ordeal awaiting him. Ecclesiastical Mstory cannot dwell with any special interest on the grandiose and self-complacent progress of Constantine to the end wMch he reached on WMt-Sunday, May 22, 337, and probably in his sixty-fourth year. The tardy and formal admission to the full catechumenate ; the death-bed request for that baptism wMch he had deliberately postponed until tMs supreme hour ; the declaration, after he had received the imtiatory sacrament from Eusebius, that " now at last he was in very truth blessed," that all the unbaptized — that is, all who were what he had so long been content to be — were " miser able ; " the imperial purple studiously laid aside, and the arraying of Ms whole person, and of his very bed, in radiant " chrisom " wMte ; — these scenes, so full of pomp, so devoid of moral beauty and true pathos, impress us with no tenderness nor reverence for the memory of a sovereign whose character, though great in some re spects, and not without amiability, was never free from " repulsive " elements, and did not improve as he drew near to Ms end. It has been well said that the spirit of the East overwhelmed him ; the Roman Augustus became Orientalised. As a so-called CMistian prince, he is found grievously wanting from Ms lack of simplicity and smgle-mindedness, of religious consistency and reality : he has a certain belief in the Christian dogma, but his ineradicable egotism, Ms Caesarean self-assertion, make Mm at best a patron of the faith, and often a dictator to the faithful. The caprice and fickleness wMch were among his most obvious weaknesses made Mm often contradict, in effect, his apparently fixed resolutions in favour of the Church ; and, as if by a strange irony of fate, the autocrat who, immediately after the triumph of Catholicism at Nicaea, had been ready to persecute Arians, had subjected heretics and schismatics (with a slight exception in favour of Novatians) to burdensome civil obligations, and had afterwards proscribed heretical worship, even in private houses, by a law which produced, we are told, much insincere conformity, — tMs Constantine fell so absolutely under the influence of advisers bent on undermining Catholicism, as to- become their instrument in schemes wMch he could not penetrate, and to receive baptism at the hands of a prelate whom the Nicene Council had been hardly able not to condemn. Great allowance, of course, must be made for his peculiar temptations, for the extra ordinary and anomalous position wMch he held, for all difficulties that stood in the way of Ms becoming a Christian Caesar in good x.] From Treves to Sardica. 163 earnest. And even as many Christians of pure and high tone may have joined in the vehement grief which followed that imperial corpse, as it was borne under the gilded roof of his new basilica of the Apostles, to rest in a central space surrounded by twelve memorial coffins, so should we, when we think of Mm in com parison with Alfred or St. Louis, or even with such minor sovereigns as.Ethelbert of Kent or Oswald of Northumbria, remember that less was given to him, in one sense, than to any of them ; and recognise whatever in him, indicating at least occasional nobleness or worth, or some honest adoption of a great religious cause, must lead us, in the words of De Broglie, to " claim for him the justice of man, and to hope for him the mercy of God." It is natural to think best of Constantine when comparing him with Constantius, his successor in the East, who was twenty years old at his father's death. And if that father's court and personal surroundings had not become like those of Dio cletian, or even of a vulgar Asiatic despot, it would have been possible for Constantius to have grown up less tyrannic, less hard hearted, less dependent on vile palace-favourites who well knew how to " support false accusations by secret wMsperings," — such as Eusebius his High Chamberlain, arrogant, regardless of justice, " eager to mia " every rival, who became " intolerable in his consciousness of power over his master," and " over whom," as Ammianus says with an ironical inversion of positions, Constantius " had a good deal of influence ; " or Paul the " notary," called " The Chain " from Ms skill in stringing together calumnies ; or Mercurius the treasurer, who stole into private parties, like " a dog that wags its tail but will give a sly bite," to be a spy on un guarded talk, and whose ability in malignant suggestions gave him the nickname of " Count of the Dreams." Constantius had some virtues : he was sober, chaste, a good soldier, and not without some taste for learMng, although, we are told, his rhetorical and poetical attempts were failures ; and it was perhaps a sense of his own practical incapacity which showed itself not only in his absurd affectation of impassive stateliness, the stiff pose of the head, and the absence of all expression in Ms face, but also in the avidity for flatteries, the credulity wMch made him fancy that he had fought where in fact he had not been present, the excessive vacillation, the dread of assassination, the restless suspiciousness, and the implacable ferocity (born of fear) wMch Ammianus com pares to those qualities as they existed in Dionysius of Syracuse, 164 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. or in Caligula, Domitian, or Commodus. He continued, naturally enough, the Church-policy of Ms father, and fell under the influence of that Arian priest who had swayed the mind of Constantine in favour of Arius. And not only did Constantius give practical confidence to the Eusebians, but he was gradually drawn to adopt the Arianizing theology; Ms wife and Ms chamberlains were instrumental for this result, but he was also impressed, it would seem, by the ability of Eusebius of Nicomedia, and the exegetical attainments of Theodore, bishop of Perinthus. It was not, in all probability, until more than a year from Constantine's death that any change took place in the circumstances of the great exiled primate of Egypt. But on June 17, either in 337 or 338, Constantine II., the eldest of the tMee imperial brothers, who ruled over Gaul, Spam, and Britain, wrote from Treves to the Christians of Alexandria, announcing his purpose to restore Athanasius, "the true expositor of the adorable law of CMistiaMty" ("law" being used here, as often elsewhere, for religion). In this announcement he thought it prudent or respectful to represent himself as merely carrying out an intention of Ms late father ; for which we have no evidence but Ms word. He assumed the consent of his brother Constantius, and he took Athanasius with him to Viminacium, a town of Mcesia, on the high-road to Constantinople, where the tMee brothers, Constantine, Constantius, and Constans, held a meet ing, and concurred in the restoration of the bishop of Alexandria. The latter went on to Constantinople, where he seems to have found Paul reinstated m the bishopric ; but Macedonius took the opportumty of Athanasius's visit to urge in his pre sence a complaint or accusation against Paul; whatever it was, it was soon dropped, and Paul admitted Macedonius to priests' orders. After leaving Constantinople, Athanasius had a second interview with Constantius at Caesarea in Cappadocia ; as at Viminacium, he said not a word against Ms former persecutors, and he left the Emperor, to all appearance, with good prospects of a friendly understanding; In November the churches of Alexandria resounded with thanksgivings, and the clergy and people had the intense delight of welcoming back their bishop after his exile. Reasons have been ably urged for the earlier of the two years 337 and 338, one of wMch must be the year of his first return ; but on the whole it may be said that probabilities incline towards the latter. Constantine II. was hardly likely to make the restoration x.] From Treves to Sardica. 165 of Athanasius one of his first pieces of business, and to take it in hand at Treves only twenty-six days after his father's death near Constantinople. And although in his letter he only styles himself " Caesar," whereas he became fully Emperor in September, 337, yet he might even in 338 adopt a modest style in addressing Ms brother's Egyptian subjects. And the Syriac version of the lost Greek of Athanasius's tenth " festal letter," written at the beginmng of 338, is declared by a very eminent Syriac scholar, the late Dean Payne Smith, to imply that he was still " absent " from home — " at the ends of the earth," " separated in place from " his flock, " as it were in the wilderness," and yet practically assured that Ms recall would ere long be obtaMed, because to God all thmgs were possible. One very touching passage of the letter illustrates the same point : — " 0 my beloved and dearest, if it is from tribulations that we must pass to comfort, we ought not to be grieved on account of vicissitudes, or frightened because the world is resisting CMist, but to treat such tMngs as a probation." But soon after his return, new troubles broke in upon Ms peace. The enemies of Athanasius bestirred themselves to lay two new charges against him before the three princes : " He had misappro priated the corn granted by the late Emperor for charitable purposes in Egypt and Libya ; and the day of his return had been darkened by violence and bloodshed." Irritable and suspicious, Constantius wrote to Athanasius, assuming the truth of the former charge ; but "messengers from Athanasius succeeded in refuting both." He was, however, in a weak position technically, if not morally, in regard to his having resumed his see by mere civil authority, after having been deprived of it by a council. His answer would have been that the Council of Tyre was a mere partisan assembly, wMch had forfeited its synodical dignity by the most flagrant Mjustice. At the same time, Ms adversaries, like those of CMysostom long afterwards, had a point which they could press ; they also went further back, so to speak, into the past, and impugned the canonical validity of his election to the see. Thus equipped with weapons of attack, they began to work for the object which, while Constantine lived, had seemed impracticable, the establishment of an Arian bishop in Athanasius's stead — the person selected being one Pistus, an excommunicated Arian, who had been consecrated by the notorious Arian bishop Secundus. TMs scheme appeared far from unpromising. Eusebius of Nicomedia had now attained to a height of rank and influence wMch multiplied Ms opportunities and 1 66 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. satisfied Ms ambition. The charge against Paul, which seems to have affected his moral conduct, had been revived, and he had a second time been expelled from Ms see, and banished to Singara in Eastern Mesopotamia, afterwards the scene of a Roman defeat, in order, manifestly, that Eusebius might be placed in that con spicuous bishopric, and thus become a natural centre of operations for the eastern prelates of Ms party. They now resolved to try whether it was possible to enlist aid from the Western Church, and especially the aid of the bishop of Rome, Julius I., who had come to his great place m February, 337, and become known by tMs time for energy and force of character. To him the Eusebians sent three envoys — Macarius, a priest, and two deacons, Martyrius and Hesychius. They were bearers of a letter, and were directed to state the case against Athanasius, and in favour of Pistus's promotion to the Alexandrian see, considered as canonically vacant. But Athanasius was on the alert ; he wrote and circulated a letter wMch, he tells us, induced many bishops to disown Pistus with anathema ; and we learn from Julius himself the effect of this step on the Arian delegates at Rome. They had exhibited to him the report of the Mareotic Commission as if decisive against Athanasius. But on hearing that presbyters of Athanasius were coming to Rome with a letter, one of their envoys, though unwell at the time, "decamped by night," rather than face the shame of an inevitable exposure. His companions, the two deacons, put a bolder face on a bad business, and stood their ground ; but being unable to meet the charges brought against Pistus, they requested Julius to assemble a synod for the discussion of the case of Athanasius, and if he pleased, to preside as chief arbiter. " This," says Athanasius with quiet humour, " they did in the hope of frightening me." Julius for his part invited both parties to a council ; but from Athanasius we gather that he himself was asked to select the place — Julius being pretty well assured that Rome would be the place thus selected. He also sent to Athanasius a very important piece of evidence — the report of the Mareotic Commission. Athanasius immediately laid it before a council of Egyptian bishops, who thereupon drew up, or adopted, a synodical Encyclical or circular letter, which forms the first document M the great Athanasian " Apology." It is addressed to " the bishops of the Catholic Church everywhere," and is an elaborate defence of Athanasius to the following effect. His adversaries were leagued with Arians, and animated by ferocious personal malignity ; their x.] From Treves to Sardica. 167 charges against him were libellous ; the bloodshed of which they had accused Mm was, in fact, the execution of certain criminals by the prefect of Egypt, while Athanasius himself was still in Syria ; their story of irregularities in Ms appointment, was the very reverse of the truth ; the new occupant of the see of Constanti nople would do well to look to Ms own position. The Council of Tyre was anything rather than a regular ecclesiastical synod ; its proceedings were one long mockery of justice. The story of Arsenius's murder had been triumphantly refuted, and Arsenius was actually at this very time requesting to be readmitted to communion with the Egyptian Church. Ischyras was the mere mouthpiece of a scandalous partisan calumny; the Mareotic Commission had exMbited its temper, and concluded its misdoings, by a disgraceful alliance with the pagans of Alexandria ; and documents were extant which proved the inconsistency and the falsity of the statements made against Athanasius. The Encyclical ended by calling on all bishops to disbelieve the Eusebian slanders, and to understand that all signatures purporting to be those of Egyptian bishops, in support of these slanders or of the Eusebian party, were in fact the signatures of adherents of the Meletian scMsm. So stood matters at the end of 339 or the begmning of 340 (according to the cMonology wMch has here been adopted) ; but in the Lent of 340 an edict of the prefect of Egypt astoMshed the Alexandrians by announcing that a new bishop was commg to take possession. This was not Pistus (he had been tMown over), but a Cappadocian named Gregory, sent from the court to supersede Athanasius, in accordance with a resolution passed by a recent synod held at Antioch. Then followed indignant outcries, protests before the magistrates that this new attack was prompted by partisan hatred, and gathermgs of excited people in the churches in order to pray for the averting of a great calamity. Accordmg to the literal sense of the earliest authority, the order of events was as follows. By way of preparing for Gregory's arrival, and in timidating those who had remonstrated against his appointment, the prefect Philagrius attacked the church called after Quirinus, and encouraged the pagan rabble and a crowd of rough peasants (many of whom would have their own grudges against CMistianity) to set fire to the baptistery and the church books, to ill-treat monks, to bind and drag about some widows and virgins, to offer birds and pine-cones to their idols on the holy table itself, perhaps to 1 68 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. tMow the consecrated elements on the floor, and to profane the sanctuary by scandalous orgies. Towards the end of Lent Gregory arrived, escorted not by clergy, but by soldiers, as the bishop recogMsed by the State. He brought with Mm as Ms secretary an Arian named Ammon, who had been excommunicated by Alexander. He seems to have persuaded Mmself that he must allow rough work to be done in Ms cause; and he was at least indirectly concerned in giving to pagans and Jews a free hand for plundering the church, seizing on monies deposited there, and appropriating to their own use the stores of wme and oil, and even the doors, and the wood of the chancel- screen. Fresh outrages were committed on persons and pro perty; the allowance of bread for the minor clerics and the virgins was intercepted; on Good Friday itself, March 28, Philagrius scourged thirty-four women, one of whom held her psalter in her hands during the brutal infliction; and on Easter Day, to the special satisfaction of the pagans, Catholics were imprisoned for disowning the intrusive bishop, and thereby, as it would be represented, disparaging the imperial authority. After tMs, Athanasius, who had Mtherto remained within the precincts of a church not yet attacked or desecrated, thought it time to withdraw, by way of preventing further outrages, into a place of security, where he composed an Encyclical letter. But a reign of terror set m ; Catholics were disturbed in their prayers at home by domiciliary visits of soldiers; priests were hindered from admiMstering baptism and visiting the sick; captains of vessels were compelled under torture to take charge of Gregory's letters to other Arian bishops ; and a memorial signed by pagans and Arians, imputmg capital crimes to Athanasius, was placed in Philagrius's willing hands for transmission to the Emperor. Such, is the account given in our cMef document, the Encyclical. The " History of the Arians," wMch seems to have been composed in part by a secretary or friend of Athanasius without the advantage of Ms continuous supervision, describes him quite mistakenly as leaving Egypt at the mere report of the enormities attendant on Gregory's arrival; and the Index to Ms Festal Letters goes yet further astray, by making Mm flee from Alexandria four days before that arrival took place. Accepting, then, Ms Encyclical as- of primary authority, we must say that, after finishing and de spatching it, Athanasius contrived to get on sMpboard and to sail for Rome. That he made but one visit to Rome at this time — x.] From Treves to Sardica. 169 instead of two, as Socrates imagmed — is now admitted on all hands ; but the year is still a matter of dispute. However, the thirteenth of Ms Festal Letters, written from Rome early in 341, seems to date his arrival at latest in the spring of 340 ; and the question between 339 and 340 runs up, evidently, mto the question whether his return from Treves was in 337 or 338, as to which we have adopted the later date. His " one care on reacMng Rome," he says with a certain fine simplicity, was " to lay his case before the Church : afterwards he spent his time in attending the services." Most impressive would be the sight of the great Confessor visiting, for instance, the church of St. Peter, wMch absorbed the whole attention of one of Ms companions, the Egyptian monk Ammonius. He, we are told, would not visit any other bMlding in the city : his austere unworldliness, perhaps, regarded its secular magnificence as undeserving of a Christian's notice ; but the other attendant monk, Isidore, was for some reason at home in the high patrician society. The presence of these two men, combined with Athanasius's own enthusiasm for the character of Antony — on which, no doubt, he would dilate — and for other types of ascetic sanctity, had an important result on the ChristiaMty of the West. It appears that he was a welcome guest M a patrician house on the Aventine, the home of a Mgh-born widow named Albina, whose little daughter, Marcella, hung on the lips of the exiled bishop, who now " brought into that stagnant atmosphere " of Roman society " the breath of a larger world." Jerome says that she heard from Mm about " the purpose of monks," as illus trated by the lives of Antony and Pachomius, and of virgms and widows. Many a prejudice cherished by Roman Christians against the name, the garb, the life of a monk, would be abated during Athanasius's sojourn in Rome ; and he unquestionably inaugurated, by that sojourn, the great movements of European monasticism, and prepared the way for the work of Benedict. It would appear that Julius, after welcoming his guest, sent two presbyters, Elpidius and Philoxenus, to repeat Ms invitation to the Eusebians, and to arrange for a council to be held at Rome in the December of that year. The Eusebians were perplexed by finding that Athanasius was already at Rome ; and they could well surmise that a council held there would not be so easily turned to their purposes as one at Tyre or at Antioch. Wishing, perhaps, to put off a decision, and see what time could do for their object, they detained the Roman envoys beyond the month named 1 70 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. by Julius, i.e. until January, 341. Elpidius and Philoxenus were therefore, in all probability, better informed on Eastern Church events than any other Roman presbyters had been in their time. They would probably hear much of the death of Eusebius of Caesarea, wMch happened in 340 : they might know enough of his public conduct, of those " acts " m support of AriaMzing interests, wMch Newman considers to be his real "confession" of belief, although they can partly be referred to anti-Sabellian sensitiveness of anti- Alexandrian prejudice, and he never, at any rate, accepted Ariamsm in its entirety ; but they would be told how greatly he excelled in learning all other prelates, how earnestly he had studied and laboured, how much he had been respected and loved by Constantine ; and they would also learn something of his pupil and successor Acacius, who gave promise of an active episcopate, and was, by all accounts, a thorougMy clever man, ready-witted, well-informed, a good speaker, and competent for the part which he afterwards played as an organizer of a distinct section of the Arian body, and, indeed, for other parts wMch he by turns took up in a career so versatile as to win for Mm from the ultra- Arian Philostorgius the character of an accomplished knave. The spring of 341, according to the most probable reckoning of time, found Athanasius awaiting his opponents' arrival, and pre paring his yearly festal letter to Ms people. " See," he wrote, " I am writing to you from the city of Rome, where I shall keep the festival with bretMen, but shall also in spirit and will be cele brating it with you." He had reason to dwell on the consolatory side of all distresses and trials ; for his Alexandrians, and indeed all the faithful m Egypt, had had much to suffer. He had evidently been kept informed of the increased ferocity of the Arians. Orthodox bishops scourged and imprisoned ; the aged confessor Sarapammon driven from Ms see ; Potammon, who had lost an eye in the great persecutions, again a sufferer for the truth's sake, beaten so brutally that he seemed to have died under the blows, and only restored for a brief remnant of life by " careful nursing and fanning ; " Athanasius's aunt harassed in her last days, refused burial by the usurping bishop, and carried to the grave by friends as if she were one of their kindred ; widows and poor almsfolk bereft of their allowances, and the very oil- vessels broken before their faces ; — such were the scenes wMch Athanasius had in mind when he wrote the words, out of the depth of his own spiritual experience, " These things happen m order to prove and test us, x.] From Treves to Sardica. 171 that being found steadfast and approved in Christ's service, we may be heirs of the saints." " Whatever our foes can inflict will never exceed the mercies of God. ... So let us not look at dis tresses and persecutions, but rather at the hope set before us. . . . In all tMngs," he concludes, " let us praise Christ who hath called us, and so, tMough CMist, shall we be delivered from our foes." He wrote, about the same time, to his friend Serapion, bishop of Thnmis, informing Mm that he had been obliged to confute the pretensions of some Meletians to be recogmsed as Churchmen by writing to the bishops of Syria ; " and bishops of Palestine wrote to me in reply, confirming the judgment passed agamst the Meletians." Among these friendly prelates, probably, was Maximus of Jerusalem, who, as we have seen, had quitted the Eusebian party in 335. Athanasius had also to warn Serapion against the scandal wMch would ensue, if the Egyptian Christians — meaning those outside Alexandria itself — did not observe the coming Lent like the rest of the Church; and to notify the appointments which had been made, under Ms authority, to thirteen vacant sees within Ms jurisdiction. "This letter," we are told, " he wrote from the city of Rome." There was, however, nearer at hand a powerful sustainer of the Alexandrians' constancy in the person of Antony, who, as he dwelt on his mountain — still called by Ms own name — between the Nile and the Red Sea, looking down upon the level ground far beneath, with its gushing springs and its date-palms, and the little strip of cornfield and herb-garden — " kept Ms heart watchful," says Athanasius, and had ready interest and sympathy for all who, either bringing Mm periodical gifts of food, or coming to him for spiritual help, told him of the sufferings of the faithful. He wrote more than once to remonstrate with Gregory ; but Gregory treated the letters with contempt. He wrote also to the military commander Valacius, who was active in the persecution : " I see wrath coming upon thee ; cease to persecute Christians, lest it overtake thee ! " Valacius laughed, tMew down the letter, and spat upon it, tMeatening to " come and look after Antony ; " afterwards, how ever — in less than five days, says Athanasius — he met Ms death by the sudden fury of a horse which had previously been the gentlest in Ms possession. It was in the spring of 341 that the Roman envoys at last returned home. They brought a letter from the Eusebians, which Julius thought so offensive that he kept it to himself, hoping for 172 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. some explanation. There were, indeed, M it expressions of high respect for the orthodox, apostolic, and primeval Church of Rome, but it was urged that, after all, she had been founded from the East; that all bishops, irrespectively of the size of their cities, had the same authority ; and that the writers had personal claims to respect fully equal to those of Julius. The letter, says Sozomen, was " forensic " in style — that is, it dealt in clever special pleading, not unmixed with rhetorical irony; and the writers, not very consistently, seem to have objected to the holding of a new council, and accused Julius of violating the canons, and " rekindling the flame" of an old strife. Moreover, said they, the notice of the council did not allow them time enough: Julius ought to have considered the difficulties which their sovereign's Persian war would, for the present, put in the way of some of their number. Agam, why did Julius write in his sole person? why did he address the " Eusebians " instead of all the Easterns ? why had he shown partiality to Athanasius ? why had he distrusted their state ments ? why had he disregarded the authority of a council (i.e. in not treatmg the see of Alexandria as vacated by Athanasius's deposition at the Tyrian synod) ? Reference was also made to the case of Marcellus, as if he had induced Julius to sanction " his impiety towards CMist." The letter declared, further, that peace reigned in the Eastern Churches, and that all were of one mind in disowmng the ex-bishop of Alexandria. By way of further securing their ground, the Eusebians re solved to take advantage, once again, of a great church solemnity, for the holdMg of a council in their own interests. Ten years before, Constantine had laid the foundations of a new church at Antioch, wMch Ms biographer Eusebius describes as unique in grandeur. It had now, at last, been completed ; in the middle of a large cloistered court an octagonal structure towered up to a vast height, with adjacent buildings of different stories, and in its interior so lavishly decorated that it became popularly known as the Golden Church, "DomiMcum aureum." In the summer of 341 the dedication took place ; ninety-seven bishops assembled, and Constantius Mmself was present. Flacillus would be only too glad to utilise such a gathering for the purposes of Ms party ; but it must be observed that many of the prelates could not be called Arianizers, and that, although Maximus of Jerusalem refused to attend, there were bishops of Mgh reputation and virtual orthodoxy, such as the amiable Dianius of Cappadocian Caesarea, to sanction x.] From Treves to Sardica. 173 the proceedings of tMs " Dedication Council," as it is called, by their unhesitating co-operation. The character of the council has seemed twofold, and given rise to some perplexity. Hilary of Poitiers, ever desirous to conciliate the moderate Arians, calls it a " synod of holy men ; " and its canons have been respected by the Eastern Church. Yet it committed itself to doctrinal formulas wMch were, to say the least, inadequate, and to acts of hostility against Athanasius. To explain tMs, we need not resort to the hypothesis of two dedication synods, an orthodox and a heterodox ; rather may we suppose that many of the bishops were inex perienced in theological questions, and could not look at Church matters from the Athanasian point of view. It would thus be easy for the astute Eusebian leaders, with their plan of attacking the Nicene Council indirectly by a direct attack on the position of Athanasius, to represent his conduct in an unfavourable light, to prejudice their brethren agamst him, and so to lead them to acqmesce M dogmatic language wMch seemed orthodox, but which ignored the creed of 325. The first procedure of this synod "in Encaeniis" was to pass twenty-five canons, of wMch the following were the most important. I. Severe penalties for all who break the law about the time of Easter, as fixed by " the great and holy Council " (a judicious exhibition of respect for Nicaea). II. 1. Excommunication of those who carelessly and irrever ently go out of church before the Eucharistic service, properly -speaking, begins. 2. Excommunications to be respected; no communion with any under such sentence. IV. The fourth canon was aimed at Athanasius. A bishop, a priest, or deacon, lawfully deposed, who shall presume afterwards to officiate, is never to have hope of restoration. TMs was based on an older canon wMch ranks as twenty-eighth among the " Apostolic " canons ; but that referred to a just deposition, and tMs very Antio chene law implies the action of the accused bishop's own synod, whereas the synod at Tyre was not Athanasius's own. This canon was afterwards used against St. Chrysostom. VIII. Country presbyters not to send letters of commumon — or at least, only to neighbouring bishops ; but Chorepiscopi of good repute may send them. This canon implies what a later canon of the same series asserts, the character of Chorepiscopi as 1 74 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. real bishops, although, as we have seen in regard to an Ancyran canon, the exercise of their authority was limited by the terms of their appointment. IX. Another canon, based on the " older rule of the fathers," safeguards the (1) rights of metropolitans : " the provincial bishops are to know that the bishop presiding in the metropolis is also charged with the care of the whole province," and not to act with out him except in matters simply diocesan. (2) At the same time, their authority is to be kept within limits ; they are not to interfere with bishops' ordinary jurisdiction, nor, in provincial matters, to act alone. XII. A deposed bishop, etc., to have one court of appeal, " a larger synod : " if he " troubles the emperor " after such synod's adverse judgment (thus seeking a State court of final appeal), his case to be treated as closed. XIV. If provincial bishops differ on an accused bishop's case, the metropolitan is to call in some bishops of the nearest province to sit with them. This canon implies that the patriarchal or primatial system was not yet properly at work. XIX. The nineteenth develops the fourth Nicene. " A bishop not to be ordamed (i.e. consecrated) without the presence, or at least the written approval, of the majority of the new comprovincials. Otherwise his " ordination " is void. If, it is added, some contra dict from contentiousness, let the majority prevail. XX. Provincial synods to meet yearly, (1) in third week of Easter-time, (2) on 15th of October. Priests and deacons, having complaints to make, to appear at the synod. (Thus priests and deacons were not constituent members of such synod.) To these canons was annexed a synodal letter, addressed to all bishops. The next proceeding of the Dedication Council was the confirmation of the previous sentence against Athanasius— an act which, as the bishops, or many of them, would be assured by the Eusebian leaders, was not to be taken as prejudicing the authority of the Nicene Council; for the question was not of Athanasius's faith, but of his conduct. And, this step taken, the next was to obtain the council's sanction for three statements of doctrine. Let us see what these were. The first of these "creeds of Antioch" begins uneasily and abruptly, in a tone recalling the proverb, " QM s'excuse, s'accuse." " We have not," the bishops say, " become followers of Arius ; for how should we that are bishops follow a presbyter ? " They affirm X-] From Treves to Sardica. 175 their fidelity to the original unchanged faith, and add that Arius, in fact, had explained himself in a sense conformable to it ; so that, as they express it, " it is we who have admitted him?' But this brief and vague formula was soon deemed unsatisfactory, and superseded by a longer one, which is specifically " the Creed of the Dedication," and became the favourite formula of the Semi- Arians. It was attributed, says Sozomen, to the martyr Lucian of Antioch, who seems to have practically, for a time, anticipated the moderate Arian view, and been in consequence out of com munion with tMee successive bishops of Antioch. It has been suggested that it was his recension of an original Antiochene creed ; but Athanasius treats the formula — at least part of it — as a " new " work of " the Eusebian party." It is for the most part Catholic, except that, of course, it omits the Homoousion ; it adopts the various reading of John i. 18, "the only-begotten God;" it owns the Son as God from God and Perfect from Perfect, as livmg Word and Wisdom, true Light, and incapable of change ; and especially calls Him the " adequate Image of the Father's Godhead, essence, and glory " — a phrase which, as Gwatkin says, is really eqmvalent to Homoousion, although it had been used by Asterius. What is called the personal oneness of Jesus with the Divine Son could not be more explicitly emphasized than in tMs formula. But its language has at least one ques tionable element, where it speaks of the Father, Son, and Spirit as " three in hypostasis " — the word being here used, not as at Nicaea, for essence, but for personal subsistence — " and one in concord," where a Catholic would have said, one in nature, the essential unity being the basis of the moral. The creed ends, like the Nicene, with anathemas; but they do not absolutely con demn Arianism, but only the coarser and more outspoken forms of that heresy, such as the assertion that the Son is " a creature as one of the creatures" — an assertion which, as was afterwards unhappily proved at the Council of Arimmum, might be repu diated without owning Him as Uncreate. One more formula, specially anti-Marcellian, was m some sense sanctioned by the Council : it was a personal statement of belief by a bishop named Theophronius, beginning solemnly, " God, whom I call as a witness on my soul, knows that I believe," etc., and acknowledging the Son as " perfect God from perfect God," and as " being ' with God ' in hypostasis," i.e. personally subsisting ; it ended with special condemnation of the followers of " Marcellus, of Sabellius, ij6 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. or of Paul of Samosata." But it was by no means substituted for the creed ascribed to Lucian. So ended the proceedings of this famous assembly, probably in the autumn of 341. It was near the end of tMs year, when Athanasius had been waitmg eighteen months at Rome, that Julius resolved to wait no longer for the Eusebians, and assembled the long-expected council, consisting of more than fifty bishops, in the church' of the Roman presbyter Vito, who had been one of the representatives of Silvester in the Nicene Council, and must have been regarded in Rome as a representative of Nicene faith. The Eusebian letter was now read ; the Athanasian case was examined in detail ; the report of the Mareotic commission, brought to Rome some two years before by the three Eusebian envoys, was considered; presbyters from Egypt deposed to the atrocities which followed on Gregory's intrusion, and particularly to the harsh or cruel treatment of old men who had been many years in the episcopate, and the banish ment of bishops and of others who had refused to communicate with Gregory. Marcellus, then at Rome, attested, or at least affirmed, the infliction of similar outrages at Ancyra ; many pre lates from Thrace and Syria and other countries had the same tale to tell, and, in some cases, very grave charges to make against the Eusebian party — charges, it would seem, impugning personal character. All the evidence, on both sides, being taken into account, the Roman synod pronounced Athanasius to be inno cent : when he had first come to Rome, we are told by Julius that his coming was taken as presumptive of his innocence ; but now, after this long delay and full investigation, the bishops "confirmed towards him their communion and their love." Marcellus was acqmtted of heresy, on the ground partly of his own protestations in a letter to Julius, wMch adopts the Old-Roman form of "the Apostles' Creed," and explicitly identifies the Son with the Word — and partly of the declarations of Vito and Ms brother-delegate at Nicaea, Vincentius, who assured the Council that he had there contended for the truth, — evidence wMch, considering the point at issue, could hardly be relevant. One might wish to think that the old bishop of Ancyra had not fully or habitually realised the outcome and result of Ms speculations, and could honestly say that he believed, with the Church, in a Divine CMist, who was Himself the personal Word and the Eternal Son ; but his statement did not affirm the endlessness of the kingship of Christ, which was in effect denied by the theory of a merely X] From Treves to Sardica. 177 temporary relation between Him and the Word. It would appear also that Asclepas of Gaza, who had been deposed even earlier than Eustathius, — had afterwards, in the presence of Eusebius of Caesarea, been acqmtted of charges brought against him, — had returned, and been again expelled on the charge of breaking an altar and causing bloodshed, — was next declared mnocent by this Council. Julius, then, in the name of the Council, wrote a letter to the Eusebians, naming seven of them especially, and addressing them as " beloved brethren," who were not yet finally committed to a wrong line : he replied to their captious objections, and after stating the reasons for the Council's judgment, again offered them the opportunity of confronting at Rome those whom they had accused. Two points in this synodal letter, wMch well deserves praise for its argumenta tive skill and "judicial tone," have received particular notice. (1) Julius says that the Nicene Council rightly ordered a reconsidera tion, by one synod, of the decrees of another that had preceded it. Does tMs point to some now lost Nicene canon ? Probably not; Julius may only mean that at Nicaea the decisions of the Alexandrian Council were not deemed final. (2) He complains that (in the proceedings at Tyre and elsewhere) the Eusebians had neglected to follow the old Church rule, according to which, if any bishops were accused, " words should have been written to us all, that so a just sentence might be determined by all," — i.e. the cases should have been brought before the whole collective episcopate, or (he must mean) before what might be called a representative number. TMs had not been done, and therefore the bishops would again have to assemble, " in order that the condemnation of those who are found guilty might take place m the presence of all." But after thus defining the general rule, Julius proceeds to a particular case, that of the Alexandrian Church ; " the custom was first to write to us, and so to get a just sentence passed from this place ; " if a bishop of Alexandria were suspected, he contends that the right course would have been to give notice to the Church of Rome — and this, with a Roman laxity of statement, he calls a tradition from the "blessed Apostle Peter," wMch, as such, he communicates to the Eusebians, adding that it is pretty well admitted tMoughout the Church. This passage evidently fails to justify the gloss of Socrates and Sozomen, that " no canon was deemed valid without the Roman bishop's consent ; " their state ment, says Tillemont sigMficantly, " appears different from what the letter contains ; " but what does Julius mean ? Apparently he vol. 1. N 178 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. is referrmg to the close traditional connexion between the " sees of St. Peter and St. Mark," and probably thinking, in particular, of the complaints made to Dionysius of Rome, when Ms Alexandrian namesake was suspected of heresy. Here, then, just where on the papal theory Julius should have claimed to be the supreme judge in all cases of bishops throughout the Church, he describes the whole episcopate as the true judicial body, and ranks himself among its members, as one of " us all ; " and it is only in the special case of Alexandria that he cites usage and tradition for a judicial authority in the Roman Church. In taking leave of this letter, which impresses the reader by its logical ability and its grave dignity, we must again observe that it is written in the name of the Roman Council, not solely of the Roman bishop ; and thus, in the Roman Council's judgment, it is Central and South Italy that speaks as well as Rome. And now the young sovereign of Italy and the West, Constans, comes upon the scene. He had withstood the demands of Ms brother Constantine for the cession of certain territories, and, by a war wMch ended in Constantine's death, had become lord of the whole Western realm. Like too many other emperors, he was spoiled by sovereign power, and lowered Mmself by sensu alities wMch Constantius, with all his faults, would have scorned. But at this time, as far as it appears, Ms better qualities — straight forward simplicity, kindness of heart, an honest love of Christianity and respect for good men and sacred things— were in the ascendant. He was much interested, at this time, in the endeavour to abolish pagan sacrifices: he had already commissioned Athanasius to prepare for him some " bound volumes of the Scriptures ; " and his cMef adviser in matters ecclesiastical was Athanasius's friend Maximin, bishop of Treves. As sole monarch of the West, it was important to the Eusebians to conciliate him ; and, at the same time, they were naturally desirous to persuade the Western Church that opposition to Athanasius did not involve heresy, — to recom mend their own theology to the downright Latin mind. And so, when about the end of 341 — "a few months," says Athanasius, after the Dedication Council — they felt a certain dissatisfaction with their recent creeds, as if something more " perfect " might be framed, they determined to draw up a new one, and present it to the Western Emperor. It was perhaps the least objectionable that they ever made, and was reproduced on three later occasions ; and the anathemas appended to it expressly condemned the formula of x.] From Treves to Sardica. 179 the old Arians, " The Son was from nothing," and the assertion that He was "from another hypostasis ( = essence) and not from God; " but as to the etermty of His existence, it was less satisfactory, only condemning the dictum, " Time was when He was not," and thus leaving a loophole for evasion. Like the TheopMonian formulary, but still more emphatically, it excluded the Marcellian notion of the temporary nature of Christ's Sonship and kingdom : " Whose kingdom, being indissoluble, will remain to infinite ages ! " Armed with this document, four Eusebian envoys, Narcissus, Maris, Theodore of Heraclea, and Mark — the last named being bishop of Arethusa m Syria, a man of many virtues, who showed his great constancy imder pagan inflictions in the reign of Julian — set forth on their journey to the imperial court at Treves, and on arriving gave in the new creed, as from the Antiochene Council, by way of guarantee for their soundness of faith and for the orthodoxy of the Eastern Church at large. Such is Athanasius's account. Socrates says that the bishops were also charged by Constantius to explain to Ms brother the case against Athanasius and Paul : nor is tMs unlikely, so far as Athanasius is concerned ; as for Paul, he had not then visited Italy. However, the journey of the envoys was frMtless; Constans dismissed them from Ms presence, acting no doubt under the influence of Maximin, who would not admit them into the cathedral of Treves, and so mcurred the hatred of their party. This visit of the Eusebian envoys took place early in 342. In November of that year they lost the great ecclesiastical politician from whom their party took its name : Eusebius, once of Berytus, then of Nicomedia, lastly of Constantinople, died in the fulness of power and success, leaving a name not only bound up with the Arian heresy, but also suggestive of the lowering of religious tone which a secular atmosphere can produce in ecclesiastics, as m the feudalised prelates of the eleventh century, the English politician bishops of the fifteenth, or the prince-bishops who sometimes forgot that they were priests. His death was a signal for new disturbances : Paul reclaimed and regamed Ms see; the Arian party elected Macedonius, and he was consecrated, not in the newly completed basilica of St. SopMa, but in a church dedicated to St. Paul near the opening of the Golden Horn, by five bishops, four of whom had sat on the Mareotic commission. Constantius was absent at the time : on hearing of these events, he ordered a general named Hermogenes, then on his way towards Thrace, to turn aside into 180 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Constantinople and drive out Paul. But a multitude of people rose in defence of their true bishop. Hermogenes persisted, and employed military force ; the mob, in wild fury, seized Mm, dragged him through the city, killed Mm, and cast the mangled corpse into the Propontis. Constantius hastened to the capital, puMshed this outrage in person, deprived the people of the larger portion of their corn-allowance, and expelled Paul once again ; but, regarding MacedoMus's appomtment as in some sense the cause of the tumult, refused to recogMse him as bishop of Constantinople, and only allowed him to hold services M St. Paul's church. He then returned to Ms palace at Antioch ; while Paul, as it seems, received orders to reside at his native city of Thessalonica, whence he may afterwards have repaired to Rome. There he seems to have again met Athanasius ; for it was not until after tMee full years of residence at Rome that an unexpected summons from Constans obliged the great exile to repair to Milan. He was not very willing to do so. He inquired of his friends what the imperial letter portended : he then learned that some bishops (perhaps Hosius and Maximin) had requested their sovereign, now returned from Britain and free of his Frankish war, to write to Ms brother and demand a new General Council, as the only cure of the Church's wounds. " Accordingly," he writes, " I went to Milan : " it was apparently in the summer of 343, for cMonological reasons make the old date of 347 impossible ; and one has now to connect the memory of Ms visit with the other ecclesiastical glories of the city where Ambrose became bishop, and where Augustine became a CMistian. Constans received Athanasius with the kmdness which secured his lastmg gratitude and affection : Protasius, bishop of Milan, went with Mm into the presence-chamber, while Eugemus> the " master of the palace," stood just outside the " veil " or curtain that hung, as usual, before the inner rooms of emperors or of judges. The Emperor announced that he had written to Ms brother requesting that a Council might meet. This, it seems, was the substance of the interview. Athanasius stayed some weeks in Milan, and then, by desire of Constans, met Hosius in Gaul, and was fellow-traveller with that venerable bishop to the destined place of the Council, the politically important city of Sardica or Serdica, wMch, as situated in Moesia, was "on the verge of the two empires," but just witMn the dominions of their " protector." At tMs time and place, then, about a hundred and seventy x-] From Treves to Sardica. 181 prelates met, of whom a small majority were Westerns, including the bishops of Sardica, Thessalonica, Milan, Ravenna, Verona, Barce lona, Cordova, Carthage, Lyons, Aries, Sens, Paris, Treves, — Julius of Rome being represented by Philoxenus, his former messenger, and Archidamus. The seventy-six Easterns included such Euse bian leaders as Stephen, then bishop of Antioch, Menophantus of Ephesus, Acacius, Theodosius, Mark, Basil, Eudoxius of Ger- maMcia (afterwards notorious for his profanity), and others, but not Gregory, nor George of Laodicea, who is said to have stayed at home for fear of what might befall Mm at the Council. (Paul, the orthodox bishop of Constantinople, was neither at Sardica, as Socrates thought, nor detained at home by his people, as Theodoret surmised.) Among the less distinguished Eusebian prelates appears the name of Quirius, clearly a corruption of Ischyras — that unhappy impostor having been made a bishop for the hamlet where he had pretended to be a presbyter. Among the Easterns, accordmg to the testimony of two of their number, were " many " personally Catholic in belief, that is, who substantially agreed with the Catholics, although they scrupled at the Nicene formula. But, as at Antioch, they were dommated by the Eusebian leaders, who, as they travelled to Sardica from the East, agreed among themselves as to their line of action : they would not allow the decisions of Tyre and Antioch to be reconsidered, and there fore they would take no part in the Council if Athanasius, or others condemned in their Eastern Councils, were admitted to seats at Sardica. In that case, they would simply report their own arrival pro forma ; and accordingly, when they found not only that the two great civil officers, " Counts " Musonianus and HesycMus, whom they had brought with them in hopes of thereby gaimng the upper hand, would not be allowed to enter the Council, and that many " who had suffered at their hands " were come to bear witness against them, but also that Athanasius and Marcellus, and Asclepas of Gaza, and Lucius of Hadrianople, who had been formerly loaded with chains by Arian persecutors, were allowed to sit in the cathedral of Sardica with Protogenes the bishop, who had given his assent to the condemnation of Marcellus, and with Hosius and the other Westerns to express their opinions freely, and even "to celebrate the divine Mysteries," — the Easterns in disgust shut themselves up withm apartments which Constans, apparently, had placed at the bishops' disposal within his own vast palace — that palace which, some thirty years before, had witnessed the horrors of 1 82 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. Galerius's frightful death-bed. It would have been better, perhaps, if the Westerns, in their relations with Athanasius and the others, had been more punctilious in avoidmg whatever might seem like a disposition to prejudge the case in their favour ; but it is not true to say that both parties, Eastern and Western, alike came " with their hands tied " — that the Westerns were bent on upholding as final the decisions of a Council in Italy, and regarded it as the Easterns regarded their own Councils in Syria and Palestine. The Easterns did prejudge the case against Athanasius ; the Westerns viewed the whole case as open, and therefore were strictly in their rights when they treated him as a man not yet found guilty. A series of messages, challenges, recriminations, went on for " many days." Athanasius and Marcellus repeatedly expressed their reachness to confront their accusers, who on their part sent word to Hosius, Protogenes, and the rest, that they would not appear until " those condemned men " were excluded ; and then they would appear, and "make known the sentences passed by former Councils " against them, without going into the question of Marcellus's heresy, wMch, said they, was patent on the face of Ms book. TMs dogged refusal to treat the Sardican meeting as competent to re-hear all the cases was provokmg enough ; but Hosius did not lose patience, or abandon the hope of conciliation. He mvited some of the Easterns to confer with him in the church- buildmgs, where he was lodged, and there supplemented the warning which the Westerns generally had sent, " Come and state your charges, on pain of being deemed calumMators," by language more calculated to persuade. " Do not be afraid of any failure of justice. Nothing is settled ; everything can be discussed. Come to the Council; or, if you prefer it, come to me alone, and state your case, — and if you can prove it against Athanasius, I will guarantee that the Council shall condemn him. And if you fail to prove it — if he proves his own innocence, and you still object to communicating with Mm — I will persuade Mm, even in that case, to come with me into Spain." Athanasius, according to Hosius (who stated this incident, years afterwards, in a letter to Constantius), acquiesced in this prosposal ; doubtless, he felt that he could afford to do so. The Easterns were deaf to all Western proposals or invitations : some of them, indeed, might have yielded, but that their more resolute brethren kept them strictly confined to the palace ; from wMch confine ment, however, two bishops, Macarius and Asterius, contrived to escape, and earned the bitter wrath of the Eusebians by describing X-] From Treves to Sardica. 183 before the Western Council their programme and their tyrannous conduct. The end of it was that the minority withdrew from Sardica, on the pretence of tidings from the Persian war. But, in fact, they simply migrated to " the large and noble city " of PMlip- popolis, in TMace, and thus witMn the realm of Constantius ; disregardmg a final warning letter sent after them by the Sardican bishops, and assuming for themselves the position of the true "Council of Sardica." After tMs "unseemly and suspicious flight," as Athanasius calls it, they drew up a synodal letter professing to be written from Sardica, and addressed to Gregory of Alex andria, to the bishop of Nicomedia, and to their few supporters in the West, and to all Catholic bishops under heaven. In this document they denounced Marcellus, and gave their own version of the case of Athanasius : e.g. that the Mareotic commis sion had proceeded on first-rate evidence ; that Athanasius on his return had done worse than before, and had, in particular, brought heathen force to back him, and, after some further sacrileges, had fled to Rome and begMled the West. The letter affirms also, that horrible impieties had signalised the return of Marcellus, Paul, Asclepas, and Lucius : e.g. that " at Ancyra the consecrated Body of the Lord was hung round the necks of priests, as they were dragged in insult tMough the forum; that at Hadrianople the sacrifice consecrated by priests opposed to Lucius was thrown to the dogs." By "persistent flatteries," the letter proceeds, Atha nasius deceived several innocent bishops ; but what was said in his favour by those who had not heard the case tried could have no weight. Then Julius is referred to, as havmg " too easily " received Athanasius into communion ; the Westerns, having taken this " rash " step, were concerned to defend themselves while seeming to defend him. Others who had been deposed in the East were acqmtted in the West by judges ignorant of the records of their deposition. It was quite unfair on the part of the Athanasians to summon the Easterns to defend themselves : it was a reversal of the positions of the two parties. Athanasius had once condemned Asclepas, and Paul had condemned Athanasius. (!) The Eusebians then proceed to give their own version of the events at Sardica. They had obeyed the summons to a Council, but, on arriving, had been shocked to find that Athanasius and the other offenders were admitted as members of the assembly ; and when they had pro posed to Hosius and Protogenes that a new commission of Easterns 184 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. and Westerns should inquire, in Egypt, into the charges against Athanasius, this proposal was refused. They then denounce the other party as an unscrupulous set of liars ; proclaim them selves champions of the rights of the Eastern Church ; retort the charge of schism on the Westerns ; betray a theological animus by imputing " blasphemy " to Athanasius, and mark out as ex- commumcate Julius, " the leader of the wicked," Hosius, Protogenes, Maximin, and Gaudentius of Narcissus ; winding up with a creed wMch Socrates, by some strange carelessness, treats as ultra- Arian, whereas it is, at the worst, only Madequate, and is (with a very few verbal differences) the creed already presented by four deputies to Constans : it is very explicit on the everlastmg nature of CMist's kmgdom, and anathematizes all who deny Him to be God. Abandoned by the East, the Sardican Council, consisting of nmety-seven bishops, of whom apparently the greater number came from Illyricum, set itself to its work under the presidency of Hosius, who is not to be regarded as " legate of Rome," but had the first place as a tribute to his personal digMty. Evidence was produced against Arianizing tyrants ; Lucius of Hadrianople held up the chains he had worn, others exhibited sword-cuts, others declared that they had been nearly starved, others spoke of whole churches terrorised by magistrates or by mobs ; letters were read which Theogms of Nicaea was proved by deacons who had served under Mm to have written in order to exasperate the emperors by lies against Athanasius and others ; the Mareotic report was read, as before, at Rome, and found to be ex parte and untrustworthy ; two ex- Meletian presbyters testified that Ischyras had never been one of the Meletian clergy ; the report of Asclepas's former acqmttal, which had been formerly drawn up at Antioch, was also produced. Marcellus was acqmtted of heresy, partly on the untenable ground that his obnoxious statements had been advanced in the way of inquiry and discussion, and so did not convey Ms real mind, but partly also, it is said, after a full reading of the contexts of the impugned passages, whereby the Council satisfied itself that he had " never affirmed the Word to have come into existence from holy Mary, or His kingsMp to be but temporary " (an exculpation far from satisfactory, for he was supposed to have asserted tMs, not of the Word, but of the Son). At the end of the investigation, the Council dealt out excommuMcations against the Eusebian leaders. Three are named first, as having, wolf-like, broken into Churches : Gregory, Basil, and QMntianus, usurpers of the sees of X-] From Treves to Sardica. 185 Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas. These are declared to be simply no bishops, and are excommunicated. Excommunication and deposition are then pronounced against Theodore, Narcissus, Acacius, Stephen, Ursacius, Valens, Menophantus, and George, as heretics, who, " having severed the Son and alienated the Word from the Father," ought themselves to be "severed from the Catholic Church and the Christian name." Thus the Western Church decided, for its own part, the great Athanasian cause. It seems that Hosius and Protogenes proposed a formula explanatory of the Nicene Creed in view of recent heretical developments ; it is extant, and insists on the umqueness of the SonsMp, on the Son's identity with the Word and essential oneness with the Father, on the true divinity of Christ, and on the eternity of His kingdom. It was not, however, adopted by the Council, wMch would not even appear to add to the Nicene formulary : nearly twenty years later, Athanasius, in Ms " Tome to the Antiochenes," took pains to correct a wrong impression on tMs point. But a series of canons is attributed to the Council, and may with fair reason be regarded as genmne, in spite of the difficulty that seventy-five years later the African Church knew of no Sardican canons, and that no mention of them is made by Socrates. But the African Church did not then know of the true Sardican Council : the silence of Greek writers may be due to the fact that the Sardican canons were intended for the West ; and one of them (as we shall see presently) seems to have been indistinctly known to a Constantinopolitan Council m 382. What is more, Gratus of Carthage, presiding in a council five years after the Sardican, gives Ms recollections as to one of its enactments (the fifteenth canon in the Latin). Only one set of these canons need here be mentioned at length — that group wMch specially characterizes the Sardican legislation, and provides for an appeal to the see of Rome. The third canon enacts — (1) No bishop is to go, uninvited, into a province not his own. Compare the thirteenth canon of Antioch. (2) Disputes of bishops to be settled in their provinces. (3) But — here is the main point — if a bishop deems himself wronged by the sentence of his comprovincials, and wishes for a new trial, " then," said Hosius, " if it pleases you, let us honour the memory of the Apostle Peter, so that the judges of the case should write to Julius, bishop of Rome, in order that, if he thinks it neces sary (so the Latin, and this is implied by the whole context as in 1 86 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap.. the Greek), the trial may be renewed by means of the bishops who live near that provmce " (compare the fourteenth Antiochene), " and he may name judges. But if it cannot be shown that the case calls for a new trial, the existing decision must not be disturbed." (4) TMs is really a suggestion by Bishop Gaudentius : " You should add that when a bishop, thus deposed by his compro- vincials " (lit. those who live near Mm), " announces that he means to procure another trial, Ms see should not be filled up until the bishop of Rome, having examined the case, pronounces agamst Mm." (5) Hosius proposes as before : " If a bishop in such a case has appealed to the bishop of Rome, the latter may, if he pleases, tMnk good to write to the bishops of the province nearest that in wMch the case arose, that they may settle it. But if such an appellant can persuade the bishop of Rome to send a presbyter or presbyters from Mmself, that bishop may do so, and such presbyters are to sit with the bishops, and hold their principal's authority. The Roman bishop is to choose between these two courses." This was the first of the two canons quoted as Nicene by a Roman legate to the African Church in 418. Now let us pause to see what these Sardican rules amount to. On them was built up a vast fabric of appellate jurisdiction of the see of Rome : what is its basis ? For, observe, previously no provision existed for an appeal from the provincial synod. Now, such provision is made, and comes to this. A bishop may require his provmcial judges to write to the Roman bishop with a view to a fresh trial, and may also himself write as appealing for it. Then the Roman bishop is to consider whether the case requires a fresh trial. If he thinks it does not, then, of course, the provincial decision is to stand. If he tMnks it does, he may commit the fresh trial to the bishops of the province nearest the one con cerned, with or without the admission of representatives of his own see to a place among such judges, as he may tMnk most desirable. Now, in estimating tMs power thus conceded, we may at the outset remark that it clearly was not meant to be a personal grant to Julius for Ms lifetime. He is named, but the council is evi dently including his successors in its view of " the Roman bishop." But, next, two points are important to be noticed : — (1) The power, whatever it be, is granted ; it is not recogmsed as inherent. There is indeed a reference to the memory of St. x.] From Treves to Sardica. 187 Peter ; but if there had been a pre-existing appellate jurisdiction belonging to the " Cathedra Petri," the language of the canon would have been different. As it stands, the plam meaning is, " We must put a certain power into some hands ; into what hands so fitly as those of the bishop who specifically occupies St. Peter's seat ? " The Council feels that there is a moral sMtableness in selecting that bishop for this Mgh trust. And doubtless the stead fast orthodoxy which the present bishop had mamtained in the Arian contest had somethmg, or rather much, to do with the selection. (2) The power is limited. The Roman bishop may not (a) evoke the case to Rome, motu propria ; nor (b) call the provincial synod to account ; nor (c) form the new tribunal at his own pleasure ; nor (d) preside in it ; nor (e) judge the case by himself. The power given is very much less than what was given by the Council of Chalcedon, in such cases, either to any primate or to " the see of Constantinople : " it is a power, in short, incon sistent with the theory of papal supremacy. We must, in fact, say that, both in its scope and in its origin, this power bears witness against the subsequent papal claim ; and that had Julius believed himself to be the Supreme Pontiff, the ruler of all bishops, the fountain of all jurisdiction, he could not have accepted what these canons gave Mm without stultifying Ms own position m the Church. And it may reasonably be urged in favour of the genumeness of these canons, that their language about Rome smts the time and the circumstances, whereas a Roman forger at a later date would have been pretty sure to assign larger powers to the First See. Another canon has qmte a different purport in its Greek and Latin forms, although in both it refers to the duty of compro vincial bishops in regard to the filnng-up of a vacant see. The Council of Constantinople in 382 quotes as Nicene a provision that these bishops might at pleasure call in the "neighbouring bishops " to ^assist in such consecration. TMs is not in the fourth Nicene candn, but somethmg like it is in the Latin form of the sixth Sardican, wMch directs that if only one bishop is left m a province, and he neglects to consecrate another, those of the neigh bouring province are to exhort Mm to join with them in that work. Thsse bishops of the Council seem to have some knowledge 1 88 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. of the Sardican canon, but not as such, and to have carelessly mixed up their impressions about it with the text of the Nicene. Another orders that sees should be erected in cities rather than m villages or small towns ; and this has an interest for us, in that it was cited when the Council of London in 1075 removed bishoprics from Sherborne to Sarum, and from Selsey to CM- chester, and afterwards acted upon in the transfer of sees from Crediton, Dorchester (in Oxfordshire), and Elmham to Exeter, Lincoln, and Norwich. Other canons are directed against growing abuses, such as the African bishops' habit of resorting to the court in a selfish eagerness for secular promotion, or the carelessness shown in appointing to bishoprics men who had never given proof of fitness by serving for a due time in the ministry. It is ordered on this latter point, that m accordance with apostolic teaching and primitive rule, no man shall be consecrated until he has passed tMough the grades of reader, deacon, and presbyter, and that no one shall be hastily ordained as deacon or as presbyter. Five canons refer to troubles or disorders at Thessalomca, the capital of that region, afterwards called Eastern Illyricum, to wMch most of the members belonged. It seems that in a vacancy of the Thessalonian see, two competitors, EutyeManus and Musaeus, had acted as rival bishops ; the council reduces them to the status of lay churchmen. The last canon orders that a bishop who breaks these decrees shall be liable to deposition ; and, to carry this out, if any one of the prelates now assembled sees (after his return) a bishop travel ling on the Mgh-road, he is directed to ask — bluntly enough — " Are you going to the court ? if so, why ? " If the traveller says, " The Emperor has summoned me," let him pass on. If not — if he has only a selfish purpose — let the bishop not sign Ms letters of commendation. To these canons must be added an arrangement made at Sardica, as to the reckonmg of Easter for fifty years to come. The remaming documents of the Sardican Council are its letters. (1) The Encyclical, given, like so many other papers of deep interest, by Athanasius in his Apology, and in a Latin version by Hilary, informs all Catholic bishops as to the facts now ascertained, and thus explains the ground on which Athanasius, Marcellus, and Asclepas had received full acquittal. The letter ends by an exhortation, based on 2 Cor. vi. 14, Gal. i. 9, to hold no fellowsMp with the excommunicated Arian bishops — not to write to them, x.] From Treves to Sardica. 189 nor to receive letters from them. The prelates who, not having attended the synod, received this Encyclical, wrote in great numbers to signify their adhesion, and among these were the British bishops. (2) A second letter, sent to the Alexandrian Church, exhorts that much-tried community " before all things to hold fast to the right faith of the Catholic Church " (a curious anticipation of the first words of the " QMcunque "). " Many grievous and dreadful troubles have you suffered, many insults and injuries has the Catholic Church undergone, but he that endureth to the end. shall be saved ; therefore contend above all things for the sound faith, and for the innocence of your bishop Athanasius." It is added that Gregory has been deposed, although, properly speaking,, he never was a bishop (as to wMch we may observe that the dis tinction between irregularity and invalidity had not as yet been clearly laid down) ; and praise is bestowed on the four Alexandrian priests who had been persecuted by the Mareotic commission. (3) A letter nearly identical with this last was sent to the bishops of Egypt and Libya. (4) A Latin version of a letter to Julius is given by Hilary, in wMch is a passage recognising the fitness of reference, on the part of the bishops of each province, to " the head, that is, the see of Peter the Apostle ; " a passage wMch, although, as Hefele admits, it comes in awkwardly, and looks not unlike an interpolation, is intelligible in a complimentary epistle from a great Western Church-assembly to the great primatial see of " Suburbicarian " Italy, the one " apostolic " see of the West, the see which the whole Church associated with the name of St. Peter. TMs letter distingMshes tMee subjects wMch had come before the Council : — Doctrine — Persons accused, — Outrages perpetrated by Arianizers. But it concludes suspiciously by naming only seven bishops as excommunicate. Three other letters, two professmg to be by Athanasius, are Msufficiently supported, and may be set aside as spurious. We also gather from the letter to the Alexandrians that the Council wrote to the two emperors, requesting them to release the suffering Catholic confessors, and to restram the civil courts from adjudicating in religious causes on any pretext of providing for the Church. Thus ended the famous Council from wMch, as it would seem, so much had been hoped m the mterests of peace among Christians at a time when so much of the world was still unchristianized. It was to have been a General Council : it failed to secure that 190 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. X. character, not only from the secession of the Easterns, but also partly from the imperfect representation of the West. Even withm the Western Church, its influence was not all-pervading; and, strange as it may seem, St. Augustine in the early part of the next century knew of no Sardican Council save the heretical " conciliabulum " of PMlippopolis, which, as we have seen, had usurped its name. The fraud had been so far successful as abso lutely to efface the memory of a synod which, in the intention of those who assembled it, was to have represented the Church tMoughout all the world, and to appropriate its true name to the heterodox assembly of malcontent seceders, in the mind of a great light of the African Church, and probably of other prelates else where. At Rome it was naturally otherwise ; the Sardican Council had done honour to the " see of St. Peter," and Pope Julius had been present there by Ms legates, like Silvester at Nicaea ; and the result of the Sardican deliberations had been the triumphant vindication of the great Confessor whom Julius had learned to love and honour, the emphatic affirmation of the judgment wMch Julius and his Roman Council had pronounced, and the enactment of Church laws which might loosely be regarded as, for the West, supplemental to the Nicene, and thus, by a considerable license of speech, came to be described at Rome as forming one body with the Nicene — as being, in effect if not in fact, " Nicene canons." In short, the Sardican Council aimed at being Oecumenical, but ended in being simply a great Western Synod, emphatically loyal to the Catholic faith. CHAPTER XL THE CHURCH AFTER THE SARDICAN COUNCIL. I. The immediate result of the Council of Sardica was a widemng of the breach between the Eastern and Western Churches, in so much that, according to Socrates, "the boundary line of communion could be pomted out at the Pass of Succi," where the mountains of Haemus and Rhodope, as Ammianus expresses it, " separated Illyria from Thrace." The statement of Socrates, says Valesius, must not be strained to mean that the schism was formal and absolute ; but for the present, those who had trusted that the meeting at Sardica might be a signal for the renewal of good understanding were compelled to tMnk that it had rather deferred than hastened that consummation. Fresh Arian persecutions immediately broke out. Theodulus of Trajanople had left Sardica before the Council dissolved : with Olympius of .ZEni, he was accused of crimes ; he fled, was pursued, narrowly escaped with life, and was proscribed m an imperial letter wMch announced that, if found, he should be put to death. The two prelates who had gone over to the Westerns at Sardica were bamshed into Libya, and otherwise harshly treated. Lucius, on Ms return, boldly rebuked the Arian leaders, was again loaded with fetters on neck and hands, and sent to die in exile ; and ten laymen of Ms church, employed in the manufactory of arms at Hadrianople, were put to death under orders from Constantius, for refusing to hold communion with the prelates excommunicated at Sardica. At Alexandria, two priests and three deacons were con demned to exile in Armenia ; the city and harbours were strictly watched, to prevent the return of Athanasius and Ms banished clergy ; and it was ordered that if they were found near Alexandria, 192 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. the magistrates should put them to death. The Arians also, according to Athanasius, made use of the " public conveyances," provided at the Emperor's cost, in order to hunt down persons suspected of orthodoxy : some were scourged, others imprisoned, others banished ; some fled into the wilderness, others — as had been the case after Gregory's earlier persecution — were frightened into dissembling their belief. Truly a dark prospect was that which lay before the Catholics of the East in the early months of 344. But Easter, which fell that year on April 15, brought them some hopes of relief. Con stantius was then at Antioch, and there received a deputation from the late Council of Sardica, consisting of Vincent, bishop of Capua, — once a delegate of Rome at Nicaea, and afterwards unfortunate in the same function at a later Council, — and EupMates, bishop of Cologne, whose name has been, as we shall see, associated with some questioning as to Ms doctrinal faithfulness. They came charged with the synodal letter to Constantius above referred to ; and its request was backed by a letter from Constans, recommend ing the delegates' mission to his brother's favour, and apparently intimating a tMeat that if Constantius would not do justice to the banished prelates, especially to Athanasius, he Mmself would enforce their restoration. Constantius gave some signs of yielding ; the Arians at Antioch took alarm, and Bishop Stephen attempted to rain the character of the aged Euphrates by an infamous plot, which was to have been carried out by a young profligate named Onager. The woman who was employed by Onager for the purpose cried out in alarm when she understood the nature of the con spiracy ; and on the next day, when an inquiry was held, in conse quence of a false report against Euphrates, the truth came out, and Salianus, a military commander of Mgh character, whom Constans had sent to accompany the delegates and urge Ms own demand on Constantius, insisted that, as Stephen's offence was a crime, he should be given over to the cogmsance of the criminal law, instead of being dealt with by a synod. The distinction was judged reasonable, and a trial, accordingly, took place in the palace. Stephen was convicted ; a synod of bishops was permitted to depose Mm, and Ms see was given to Leontius, a PMygian by birth, who was canonically disqualified for the priesthood, and had therefore been deposed from it, but in spite of this was now made bishop of Antioch, doubtless on the ground of his smgular astute ness, Ms diplomatic reserve in the expression of his own opinions XL] The Church after the Sardican Council. 193 — in a word, Ms systematic crypto- Arianism. To place an avowed Arian in the see would have been too bold a step at a time when the exposure of Stephen's wickedness had been so damaging to the party ; and therefore a man who had not in any way publicly com mitted himself to Arianizing opmions was thought the most desir able successor to Stephen himself. In fact, this was a perilous crisis for the Arian interests : just at the time when the imperative tone of the Catholic emperor of the West was shaking the resolu tion of his brother, a scandal of the gravest kind had arisen in the Mghest ranks of the Arian episcopate. And the consequence was at once felt. Constantius, as Athanasius admits, was shocked at Stephen's gmlt, " and came to a better mind : " he inferred from tMs discovery the probable baselessness of other attacks on anti- Arian bishops ; he ordered the recall of the Alexandrian ecclesi astics from Armenia ; he even wrote, some thmk, either then or not long afterwards, to Athanasius himself, in terms of encouragement or of favour ; but it is more probable that this reopening of com munications with the man whom he had reinstated m 338, and begun to persecute m 340, did not take place until 345. However, the position of Arian affairs, tMoughout 344, was so unpromising, that about the end of that year the more moderate of the party resolved to make one more attempt to conciliate the Western Church. They had more reason than ever to desire thus to mini mise their theological differences from the Westerns, or, at least, to remove the Western suspicions as to their substantial orthodoxy ; and they had now an advantage which, three years before, they had not possessed. For the views ascribed to Marcellus had been, so to speak, illustrated, and their natural issue most offen sively brought out, by the teaching of Ms pupil and friend, Photinus, bishop of Sirmium. TMs man was born at Ancyra, and had been deacon under Marcellus. We may dismiss the imputa tion of lax morality made against him as agamst other heretics ; tMs would be a natural partisan imputation, and is inconsistent with the hold which he acqMred and retained over his own people. Able, eloquent, persuasive, and bilingual, this Galatian pastor of a Latin flock and cMef bishop of Western Illyricum was, as events proved, capable of grievously damaging the cause of orthodox faith if he came forward, as he did, as a champion of an offensive heresy. Like Marcellus, he held that an impersonal Word had before creation been immanent m God, had then come forth to energise in creation, and had ultimately dwelt with VOL. 1. ° 194 The Age of the Fathers. [Chap. pre-eminent fulness in Jesus CMist, the Son of Mary; but he seems to have been particularly explicit in denying the pre-existence of Christ, in contendmg that He was in no sense personally Divine, and thereby accentuating what Ms master had miplied. He had thus, apparently during 343, become obnoxious not only to the Eastern enemies of Marcellus, and to all who dreaded a revival of Sabellianism, but also, and more especially, to many who, if they were unable to follow or appreciate a line of speculation or con troversy as to the Logos, were at any rate keenly sensitive to all disparagement of their Saviour's digMty ; for Photinus, as it has been well said, gave special offence by his degraded Christology, with its affimty to the Ebionitic conception of a merely human Jesus, and the Samosatene development of that conception into a CMist who became " Son of God " in virtue of his peerless human excellence. The Easterns, therefore, would feel that they could now point more successfully to the Marcellian tone of thought, as self-condemned M its second representative, and could be sure of much Western sympathy in denouncing it as eminently unchristian ; even as, accordmg to Hilary, the Arianizing Orientals in the great Council of Sirmium, a few years later, tried, in their letter to the Westerns, to make capital out of the condemnation of Photinus as against the Athanasian party, which had acqmtted Marcellus. " You see," they would say, " the Athanasian tendency to SabelliaMsm. We told you of it before; you can now no longer ignore it." It would, therefore, be a good moment for recommending the Eastern doctrinal language to the favourable consideration of the Westerns. They accordingly drew up at Antioch what is known in history as the Macrostichos Ecthesis, or simply the " Macrostich," m which the creed brought to the West in 342 is followed up by a very " lengthy " statement, represent ing the better kmd of AriaMsm, but giving a partially unsatisfac tory turn to its disclaimers of AriaMsm proper, wMch, however, include the emphatic statement that the Son of God is " God perfect and true as to nature," unique in SonsMp, "like in all tMngs to the Father," and abidmg in closest fellowsMp — as we might say, m coinherence — with the Father, but which fail to acknowledge His actual coequality. His Divme existence before all " ages," as one of tMee real Persons (prosopa), and not as a Logos now "mental" and now "uttered," and the endlessness of His kingdom, were asserted against Marcellus, and against him whom, by such a play on names as Eusebius of Caesarea had delighted in, but alg0 wrote several poems, though of no great ^ Qn other ^.^ Qne being a curious list of the titles of (^ another ai invocat hymn on St. Andrew, another on virgin another & pfayer to Qur Lord m which He was besought tc > "c|erish the Augustus . » and having collected the waters of the Vatic j^ wMch had da d « the graves of the Saints, he turned^ ^ fonts> and wrQte two inscriptions over them, one of wMy contained the verge_ " Una Petri sedes, unum vermsl , . taue lavacrum. The old prelate had we should infer, a L gtirri ^^ ag weU as a firm will. After Jeromes second riyal ftt Eom6; he wag employed by Damasus as his secretary ; A d ^ p congulted him on Scripture difficulties In one letter Ij^ Jeromethat he had read commentaries, Greek and Latin, on & G h> ^ ^^ nQt satisfy himself as to the sense of the watf„ Hoganni/>' In another he expresses the eager interest with whic.^ he ^^ Jerome,g letterg criticizes the wearisome verbosity of 'lactaD/tiug . gtg that their correspondence shall turn on passag^ of ^ ^ agkg what is meant by the sevenfold vengeanc.j tQ be taken for Qain ? If God created all things good, why