fyW]3j.tflE&-&$Pb *ffffirffij^4 !r/B.^n jfflSW*WiW >*^T« JWt^V ^*ff^ ^al .' ""' ¦''- .'¦' ¦::' " ': ;'.¦' ' ' ./' , DI fp^ivethef^Sgofiyi, - l/ov Ae/oiatjmref a ColUgi vvt/ttfCoto/tyV 0 'Y^LHf¥IM]I¥IEI^EiraT' DIVINITY SCHOOL TROWBRIDGE LIBRARY HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. A HISTORY CHRISTIAN CHURCH. WITH FOl/lt MAPS CONSTRUCTED FOR THIS WORK nr a. keitii jonyswiv. BY CHARLES HARDWICK, 31 A. FORMERLY FELLOW OP ST. CATHARINE'S CpLLEGE, AXt> ARCHDEACON OF ELY, FOURTH EDITION, REVISED. EDITED EY W. STUBBS, M.A. REGIUS PROFESSOR OF MODERN" HISTORY IX THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. HLonfcon : MACMILLAN" AND CO. 1874. (Eattrimfise : HUNTED BY 0. J. CLAY, M.A. AT THE TJNITEBSIIY PBESS. TO THE MASTER AND FELLOWS OP ST. cathakine's college, C|jis Walumt IS BESPEOTETJLLY AND A1TEOTIONAIET.Y INSCRIBED AS A MBMOEIAIi OP HAPPY YEABB SPENT IN IHEIB SOCIETY. ADVERTISEMENT TO THIS EDITION. In the preparation of the present Edition no further alterations have been made than seemed necessary in order to maintain the character of the Book. With this view I have carefully revised both text and notes, re-writing several of the latter and one or two passages of the former, on which recent research has shed new light. All the alterations are corrections of matters of fact, dates and the like ; and the doctrinal, historical and generally speculative views of the lamented Author have been preserved intact whether or no they happened to be my own. WILLIAM STUBBS. Kettel Hall, Oxford, May 4, 1872. PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. A few words will explain the circumstances under which the Second Edition of a portion of the late Arch deacon Hardwick's Work has been prepared for the press by another hand. The Author had made preparations for a revised edition of this volume. These additions and alterations have been inserted in their place. The editor has verified a large proportion of the original references. A few additional references are also given, e.g. to the Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland, now in course of publication under the sanction of the Master of the Rolls, and to Dean Milman's History of Latin Christianity; and some others, which it is hoped will make the work more useful to the Students, for whom this Series of Theological Manuals is mainly intended. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. Although this volume has been written for the series of Theological Manuals projected by the present Pub lishers five years ago, it claims to be regarded as an in tegral and independent treatise on the Mediaeval Church. I have begun with Gregory the Great, because it is admitted on all hands that his pontificate became a turn ing-point, not only in the fortunes of the Western tribes and nations, but of Christendom at large. A kindred reason has suggested the propriety of pausing at the year 1520, — the year when Luther, having been extruded from those Churches that adhered to the communion of the pope, established a provisional form of government and opened a fresh era in the history of Europe. All the intermediate portion is, ecclesiastically speaking, the Middle Age. The ground-plan of this treatise coincides in many points with one adopted at the close of the last century in the colossal work of Schrockh, and since that time by others of his thoughtful countrymen; but in arranging the materials I have frequently pursued a very different x Preface to course. The reader will decide upon the merit of these changes, or, in other words, he will determine whether they have added to the present volume aught of clearness and coherence. With regard to the opinions (or, as some of our Ger manic neighbours would have said, the stand-point) of the author, I am willing to avow distinctly that I always construe history with the specific prepossessions of an Englishman, and, what is more, with those which of ne cessity belong to members of the English Church. I hope, however, that although the judgment passed on facts may, here and there, have been unconsciously dis coloured, owing to the prejudices of the mind by which they are observed, the facts themselves have never once been seriously distorted, garbled, or suppressed. It is perhaps superfluous to remark, that I have uniformly profited by the researches of my predecessors, ancient, modern, Roman, and Reformed. Of these I may particularize Baronius1, and, still more, Raynaldus (his continuator), Fleury2, Schrockh3, Gieseler4, Neander5, Dol- 1 Bakonius: best edition, including the Continuation of Eaynaldus, and the Critica of Pagi, in 38 volumes, Lucre, 1738. 2 Fleury : in 36 volumes, a Bruxelles, 1713 sq. The Continuation (after 1414) is by Fabre. 3 Schrookh: in 43 volumes, Leipzig, 1768 — 1808. 4 Gieseler: translated in Clarke's Theological Library ; 5 volumes Edinburgh, 1846—1855. 5 Neander: translated in Bonn's Standard Library : 9 volumes. the First Edition. linger1, and Capefigue2. Others will be noticed as occasion offers in the progress of the work. But more considerable help was yielded by the numerous writers, whether Eng lish or Continental, who have dedicated single treatises to some peculiar branch of this inquiry. I must add, however, that I do not pay a servile deference to any of the second-hand authorities ; while in those portions of the history that bear upon the Church of England, nearly all the statements I have made are drawn directly from the sources. One may scarcely hope that in a subject where the topics to be handled are so vast, so various; and so com plicated, errors will not be detected by the learned and sagacious critic. As my wish is to compile a useful and a truthful hand-book, every hint which he may furnish, tending to remove its blemishes, will be most thankfully received. 1 Dollinger : translated by Cos, 4 volumes. 2 Capefigue: in 2 volumes, a Paris, 1852. Excepting where a given work has not been printed more than once, which happens frequently among the great historical collections (e.g. those of Twysden, Petrie, Bouquet, or Pertz), the particular edition, here made use of, has been specified in the notes. CONTENTS. FIRST PERIOD. FROVl GREGORY THE GREAT TO THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE. 590-814. CHAPTER I. PASS § 1. Growth of the Church. In England 6 In Germany and parts adjacent 16 In Eastern Asia 26 In Africa ......... 28 § 2. Limitation of the Church. Mohammedanism ........ 29 CHAPTER II. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OP THE CHURCH. § 1. Internal Organization ....... 34 § 2. 'Relations to the Civil Power 49 CHAPTER III. STATE OP RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. Western Church 56 Eastern Church 64 The Paulicians 78 CHAPTER IV. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY . . 85 Contents. SECOND PERIOD. FROM THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE TO POPE GREGORY VII. 814-1073. CHAPTER V. § 1. Growth of the Church. In the Scandinavian kingdoms . Among the Slavic or Slavonian races Moravian Church Bohemian Church Polish Church . Wendish Church . Russian Church Bulgarian Church Other Slavonic Churches Hungarians . In Central Asia TAGE 100111 ib. 114 111' 117 119121124 128 § 2. Limitation of the Church. B.ivages of the Northmen . . ... 13(1 Persecutions in Spain .... . . 132 CHAPTER VI. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF TUE CIIUKCII. § 1. Internal Organization . . . . 134 § 2. Relations to the Civil Power 142 CHAPTER VII. STATE OF RELIGIOIS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. Western Church Eastern Church 15617G Separation of East and West j^l Eastern and Western Sects ... . 1,^7 CHAPTER VIII. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY . . 191 Contents. xv THIRD PERIOD. FROM GREGORY VII. UNTIL THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON. 1073—1305. CHAPTER IX. TAGE § 1. Growth of the Church Among the Finns 206 In Pomerania ........ 207 Among the Wends 209 Lieflanders and other tribes . . . 212 Prussians . 214 § 2. Vicissitudes of the Church in other regions. Eastern Asia 217 Spain and Northern. Africa 219 Among the Jews .... ... 220 CHAPTER X. . CONSTITUTION AND. GOVERNMENT OF *ilIE CHURCH. § 1. Internal Organization 221 § 2. Relations to tlie Civil Power 243 CHAPTER XI. STATE OP RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. Western Church 257 Eastern Church . ¦ • 272 Relations of the East and West 276 Eastern and Western Sects 282 Bogomiles '''¦ Cathari and Albigenses 286 Petrobrusians 290 Waldenses or Vaudois .... 291 Apostolicala 294 CHAPTER XII. STATE. CF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY . . 236 xvi Contents. FOURTH PERIOD. FROM THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON UNTIL THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF LUTHER. 1305-1520. CHAPTER XIII. PAGE Growth, of the Church. Among the Lithuanians 312 Samaites and Lapps 314 Kumanians ib. In the Canaries and Western Africa .... 315 In America 316 Compulsory Conversion of Muhammedans and Jews . 318 CHAPTER XIV. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. The Papacy 321 Other Branches of the Hierarchy 340 CHAPTER XV. STATE OP RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROTERSIES. Western Church 351 Eastern Church ••...... 362 Relations of East and West . 364 Reformatory Efforts 371 Wycliffites 874 Hussites 400 CHAPTER XVI. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY . . 414 Hardwicte M °""1ioifeotH adflle Ages PLATE 1 En>5dV\MAJt folinxltra Kdil-3 Hariwicte 1 A S I A ;i l I lie mill dl c of tke X1'.' CKNTTKY The Sl,il,„i„„i,;l.in Km/;: /, .,„¦¦¦, / !!,¦,/ lh.1/,,.,,.1 .S',.,..v lliu.s t .1/.. ii.i.ll. ¦,¦/.•¦« o r ¦10 r>o 60 [""Li;. E,„ ,„ ^ :'°™'«a™&C?A [icLdle Ages PLATE 2 ittan'&C?2I|,i PLATE 3 ^p^W&ASaEos^^'a-bi. Hardwiiibs Middle Ages PLATE 4 THE BRITISH ISLES at the middle of tke nfl'llNTl'ILT B-lsU.op.1 ,'iees thus . 6 liajuuilj'ric.i Xn,^? hyWS, AIL Johnston EfliTi1 he**s L.:»u3on A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. ^fcrxsefrd SUrafr, THE period of the Church's life, to be considered in the following pages, will exhibit a variety of features with which the student has been familiarized already in the history of earlier times. The foremost article of faith, the Incarnation of our Lord, after a long struggle with Rationalism on the one side and Spiritualism on the other, was finally elucidated and established at the Council of Chalcedon (451) : and although we shall hereafter notice sundry forms of mis belief on this and kindred tenets, they are frequently no more than reproductions or recurring phases of the past. It should also be observed, that not a few of the characteristics of the Church in her ritual, constitution, and relations to the civil power, had been permanently fixed at the opening of this period ; and most of the external changes afterwards effected are the natural fruit of principles that had long been ripening within. The same is true in a considerable measure of the mediaeval Church- writers. Generally speak ing, they trod in the steps of their immediate predecessors, epitomizing what they had no longer the ability to equal, and, with bright exceptions in St Bernard and some of the leading schoolmen, showing little or no depth and originality of thought. It is true the degree of intelligence was different at M. A. "" B INTRODUC TION. Compara tive same ness in the aspect of the Church. History of the Christian Church. INTRODUC TION. 1 v ' Decay of intelligence and of liety. Growth of the papal pnwer in the West. Eastern Churchdifferent from the Western. different points of the Middle Ages, and varied also in the several branches of the Church. Perhaps the lowest point for western Christendom at large was the sixth and two following centuries, when society, everywhere depressed by the recent inroads of barbarians, had not been able to rally from its languor and to mould its chaotic elements afresh. To this, among other causes, we may assign the deterioration of piety as well as of arts and letters, which is painfully prominent in the records of that period : and to the same source is due the admixture of unchristian feelings and ideas that had been blended with the life of the Mediaeval Church, clouding the sense of personal re sponsibility, or giving birth to a servile and Judaizing spirit, that continued, more or less, to keep its hold upon the faithful till the dawn of the Reformation. Synchronizing with the decay of literature, the dege neracy of taste, and an obscuration of the deeper verities of the Gospel, is the growth of the Papal monarchy, whose towering pretensions are in sight through the whole of the present period. It may have served, indeed, as a centralizing agent, to facilitate the fusion of discordant races ; it may have proved itself in times of anarchy and ignorance a powerful instrument, and in some sort may have balanced the encroachments of the civil power. Yet on the whole its effect was deadening and disastrous : it weakened the bonds of ecclesiastical discipline by screening the mendicant and monastic orders from the jurisdiction of the bishops : it perpetuated the use of Latin Service- books when the mass of the people could no longer under stand them : it crippled the spirit of national independence as well as the growth of individual freedom : while its pride and venality excited a bitter disaffection to the Church, and opened a way for the deep convulsions at the middle of the sixteenth century. But this remark, as well as the former on the altered phases of society.^ must be confined to the Western or Latin Church, which was in close communion with the popes. In the Eastern, where the like disturbing powers had operated less, the aspect of religion was comparatively smooth. Islamism, which curtailed it on all sides, but was incapable of mingling with it, did not waken in its mem bers a more primitive devotion, nor inject a fresh stock of Mediojoal Period. energy and health : it had already entered, in the seventh century, upon the calm and protracted period of decline which is continuing at the present day. Yet, notwithstanding the stagnant uniformity in the general spirit of the age, a change had been gradually effected in the limits of the Christian kingdom. True to the promise of the Lord, the Church of God multiplied in all quarters, putting forth a number of new branches in the East and in the West, and, in spite of the dimness of the times, bearing witness to its heavenly origin and strength. As it had already triumphed over the systems of Greece and Rome, and had saved from the wreck of ancient civilization whatever they possessed of the beautiful and true, it now set out on a different mission, to raise the uncultured natures of the North1, and to guide the Saxon, the Scandinavian, and eventually the Slave, into the fold of the Good Shepherd. 1 All Science and art, all social culture, and the greatest political and national movements, received their impulse from the Church, and were guided and ruled by her spirit, however imperfect the form may have been under which Christianity then existed. Proofs of surviving'energy in the whole. D 2 Jfbf |raob of % glMe %p. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH FROM GREGORY THE GREAT TO THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE. 590—814. ENGLISH CHUBCH. Romanmission to the Anglo- Saxons, a.d. 596. CHAPTER I. § 1. GRO WTH OF THE CHURCH. IN ENGLAND. Steps had been already taken for the evangelizing of the Goths in Germany, the Burgundians and Franks in Gaul, and the Picts1 in Scotland ; in all which provinces the labours of the missionary had been very largely blessed. But a race of men, who were destined above others to aid in converting the rest of Europe, was now added to the Christian body. The Anglo-Saxons had been settled on the ruins of the British Church for at least a century and a half, when a mission, formed by Gregory the Great*, appeared in the isle of Thanet. It was headed by his friend Augustine, a Roman abbot, whose companions were nearly forty in number3. Although the Germanic tribes were bordering on the British Christians4, whom they had driven to the west, and had extended their conquests as 1 Columba, after labouring 32 years, breathed his last at the time when the Eoman missionaries landed {Annates Cambrim, in Monument. Britann. p. 831; see also his life by Adamnan, ed. Beeves, Dublin, 1857, pp. 228 — 230, 310; and in Canisius, Lectiones Antiquce, v. pt. n. p. 559). 2 The pious design had been conceived, many years before, while Gregory was abbot of a monastery in Eome. Beda, Hist. Ecc. n. 1: and from his own letters we learn that intelligence had reached Mm of a desire on the part of the English themselves for eonversion to the Christian faith. Lib. vi. ep. 58, 59. 8 'TJt ferunt, ferme quadraginta.' Bed. I. 25. They were at first deterred by the hopelessness of the undertaking, and only reassured by an earnest letter from the Boman bishop : Gregor. Ep. lib. vi. ep. 51. 4 Though much depressed, the British Church was far from extin guished. Bede (a warm friend of the Boman missionaries) mentions 'septem Brittonum episcopi et plures viri doctissimi,' n. 2; and the monastery of Bancornaburg (Bangor-yB-Coedi), under its abbot Dinoot, was large and flourishing. This applies of course only to the Western side of the island. Growth of the Church. far as the Church that was already planted in the north1 by a mission from the sister island, they had lost very little of their zeal for Woden, Tiw, and Fricge8. It is not indeed unlikely that some of them may have gained a slight knowledge of the Gospel from their numerous Keltic slaves ; yet the only Christian of importance in Kent on the landing of Augustine was the Frankish queen of ^Ethelberht, whom he espoused on condition of allowing her the free use of her religion3. The system, therefore^ which the Roman missionaries founded was entirely of extraneous growth, was built on the Roman model of the period ; and as it differed4 not a little from that of the British 1 Bed. in. 4; v. 9. Saxon Chron. ad an. 565. Ninias, 'the apostle of the southern Picts' (between the Firth of Forth and the Grampians), had been educated at Rome, and died early in the fifth century. His see was at 'Candida Casa' (in Sax. Chron. Hwiterne). It afterwards came into the hands of the 'Angles' (Bed. in. 4). Columba and his successors had their original establishment among the northern Picts (the Gael) at Hycolumbcille, or Iona, 2 For an account of their mythology see Turner, Anglo-Saxons, Append, bk. n. c. in., and Kemble, Saxons in England, I. 327—445. 3 In her retinue was a Frankish bishop, Liudhard, who officiated in the church of St Martin near Canterbury, preserved from the time of the Bomans. Bed. i. 25, 26. 4 The first point of difference was in the reckoning of Easter. The British and Irish were not indeed Quarto-decimani (Bed. in. 4): they uniformly solemnized that festival on a Sunday, but in some years (owing to their use of the cycle which up to 458 had been employed at Borne) on a Sunday different from that observed by the rest of the Church. (Bed. n. 2. 19 ; Ideler, Chronol. n. 275 seq. Councils and Ecclesiastical Docu ments, ed. Haddan and Stubbs, i. 152, 153.) The second was in the administering of baptism, the exact point of which is uncertain. It appears however that the defect was not the omission of Chrism or Con firmation, which although disused in the Irish Church at a later period [Ep. Lanfr. Opp. ed. Bened. p. 320), are mentioned in St Patrick's letter to Coroticus. It is more probable that the practice was that of single immersion. (Kunstmann, Ponitent. Biicher der Angelsachs. p. 2. Coun cils and Eccl. Doc. i. 153.) Other points which emerged later than Augustine's time were the form of clerical tonsure (Ussher, Antiq. Brit. 477), a practice of consecrating bishops by a single bishop (Counc. and Eccl. Doc. 1. 155), peculiar ritual at ordination (ibid.), and consecration of churches. The question of the Marriage of the Clergy, which is some times alleged as a disputed one, does not seem to have arisen ; nor is there any reason to suppose that the state of opinion respecting it was at this moment in Britain at aE different from that of the other Western Churches. The real question that prevented union was no doubt Au gustine's claim to superiority. (See below, pp. 8, 9.) Augustine con sented to waive the other differences for the present, if three points were conceded: 'Quia in multis quidem nostra consuetudini, imo universalis ecclesias, contraria geritis: et tamen si in tribus his mihi obtemperare vultis, ut pascha suo tempore celebretis; ut ministerium baptizandi, quo Growth of the Church. [a.d. 590 ENGLISH CHURCH. First steps of the Roman ment with live British Church : a.d. 603. and the Irish Churches, its advancement could not fail to place it in collision with those bodies. The field of Augustine's earlier labours was the king dom of Kent. Softened by a Christian consort, the king was himself baptized; and in his chief city (Durovernum =Canterbury), Augustine was acknowledged as archbishop of the English, being consecrated in 597, by Virgilius of Aries1. This fact was announced to Gregoiy the Great by two members of the mission, Laurentius and Peter2, who bore a detailed account of its success ; and Gregory3 was able to inform an Eastern correspondent, that on Christ mas-day, 597, no less than ten thousand ' Angli' had been baptized by their brother-bishop. Still, in spite of this glowing picture, the conversion of the people was after wards retarded: numbers of them, only half-weaned from paganism, relapsing to their former state4. As the sphere of the Roman mission widened, the unfriendly posture of the native Christians would be more and more per plexing. A conference6 was accordingly procured by the help of ^Ethelberht, with the hope of disarming this hostility and of gaining the cooperation of the British : but the haughty manner of Augustine, threatening an invasion of their freedom, was the signal for a harsh and spirited resistance ; they instantly rejected his proposals, and declared that nothing should induce them to accept him as their archbishop6. A similar divergency of usages, Deo renascimur, juxta morem sanctfe Ronianaa et apostolicsa ecclesife compleatis ; ut genti Anglorum una nobiscum verbum Domini prsedicetis, caitera quaa agitis, quamvis moribus nostris contraria, fequanimiter cuncta tolerabimus.' Bed. n. 2. 1 Bed. i. 27, and Pagi, Critic, ad an. 596, § 5. 2 Ibid. They carried also a string of questions from Augustine, touch ing matters in which he was himself at a loss. The answers of Gregory are preserved in Bede, ib. 3 Gregor. Epist. lib. vin. ep. 30. Bede attributes the success of the missionaries to the ' simplicitatem innocentis vitae ac dulcedinem doc- trinte eorum ccelestis,' i. 26, though Augustine is said to have wrought miracles (i. 31 : cf. Greg. Epist. viii. 30). 4 e. g. in Kent itself, Eadbald, the next king, restored the heathen worship. 5 Bed. n. 2 : cf. Palgrave, Engl. Common. I. 238 seq. 6 'At illi nil horum se facturos neque ilium pro archiepiscopo habituros esse respondebant.' Bed. ibid. A very spirited protest, granting that the Britons owed to the Boman bishop, in common with all Christians, the deference of love, but denying that any other obedience was due to him, is ascribed to Dinoot abbot of Bangor, who is mentioned by Bede on this -814] Growth of the Church. combined with this independent spirit, had produced a similar estrangement in the Irish missionaries, who were stationed in the north of Britain. Laurentius1, the suc cessor of Augustine at Canterbury, with Mellitus of Lon don and Justus of Rochester, endeavoured to secure their friendship, about 605, complaining that a prelate of their communion (Daganus) would not even eat bread with the Anglo-Roman party : but this, like the former application to the Britons, was at present void of fruit. Meanwhile the two bands of workmen were proceed ing in their labours, and though parted from each other felt the blessing of the Lord. At the death of Augustine2, the English Church had been organized in Kent and brought into close communion with the Roman ; the pope, however, leaving its founder at liberty to select a ritual for it from the Gallican and other ' uses V instead of copying the Roman rules entirely. On the accession of Eadbald, the son of iEthelberht, in 616, the prospects of the Church were darkened by the restoration of the pagan worship: and only when Laurentius was on the point of giving up the mission in despair4, did the king retrace his steps, and bow the knee to Christ. A similar reverse occurred in the neighbouring state of Essex. Its king, Sseberht, was the nephew of iEthel- berht of Kent : he had received the Gospel5 early from same occasion. See Spelman's Concil. i. 108. But although the authen ticity of the document in which this is contained has been accepted by some critics (Lappenberg, Hist, of England, ed. Thorpe, i. 135), it is generally regarded as apocryphal, and exists only in very late MSS. (Councils, &c. I. 122, 142.) A passage in Bede (n. 20) proves that the feeling of repugnance on the part of the Britons grew up into bitter hatred: 'Quippe cum usque hodie moris sit Brittonum fidem religio- nemque Anglorum pro ruhilo habere, neque in aliquo eis magis com- municare quam paganis.' 1 Bed. n. 4. The form of address is remarkable : ' Dommis carissimis, fratribus episcopis, vel abbatibus per universam Scottiam.' 2 a.d. 604 or 605. This date, though very important, cannot be accurately ascertained. See Smith's note on Bed. Hist. Eccl. n. 3. Wharton, Ang. Sac. n. 89—91. 3 'Non enim pro locis res, sed pro bonis rebus loca amanaa sunt. Ex singulis ergo quibusque ecclesiis, quae pia, qute religiosa, quas recta sunt elige, et hmc quasi in fasciculum collecta, apud Anglorum mentes in consuetudinem depone.' Bed. i. 27. 4 Bed. n. 6 : cf. Neander, Church Hist. v. 34, note. 5 Bed. ii. 3. Gregory had designed London as the seat of the southern metropolitan, Epist. lib. xi. ep. 65: but Boniface V. in 625, confirmed the selection of Canterbury. "Wilkins, Concil. i. 32. ENGLISHOHUBCH. and with the Irish mission- Progress of the Gospel in Kent. Conver sion of Essex. 10 Growth of thb Church. [A. D. 590 the hands of the Roman missionaries and established a bishopric in London, his chief city. On his death, however, in 616, his sons, who had clung to their heathen habits, made light of the Christian faith, and the refusal of the bishop (MeUitus) to give them a share of the Eucharistic bread was followed by his expulsion1 from their kingdom. A gloomy interval succeeded, the faith either languishing in secret, or being utterly subverted2, till the reign of Sigeberht the Good (653 — 660). His friendship with Oswiu, king of Northumbria, led the way to his own conversion, while on a visit to that court3. He was baptized by Finan, one of the Irish missionaries, and took back with him Cedd4 and others, by whom the whole kingdom of Essex was at length added to the Church. In Wessex, the Christian faith was planted by Birinus5, sent over by pope Honorius in 634. He succeeded in con verting Cynegils, the king, and was bishop of Dorcic (Dorchester) till 649 or 650 ; but much of his success may be attributed to a visit of Oswald, king of Northumbria, whose brother Oswiu (also of the Irish school) did further service to the Wessex-mission6. The successor of Cynegils, Cenwealh, a pagan, was driven from the throne in 643, but afterwards converted at the court of East Anglia. He was distinguished by his Christian zeal. On his 1 Bed. ii. 5. " Bed. in. 22. Justus, through the influence of Eadbald, was restored to Eochester, from which he had retired (Bed. n. 5), but the pagan inhabit ants of London would not receive their bishop MeUitus (Ibid. n. 6). In the following year (619) he succeeded Laurentius at Canterbury, and was in his turn succeeded by Justus in 624 (n. 7, 8). 3 Bed. in. 22 ; Florent. Wigorn. Chronicon ad an. 653. 4 Afterwards consecrated by Finan and two other Irish prelates as bishop of tke East-Saxons. Bed. in. 22. A short relapse ensued on the death of Sigeberht, but the new faith was permanently restored by the zeal of bishop Jaruman. Bed. in. 30. 6 Bed. in. 7. 6 Wharton's Anglia Sacra, i. 192. Through the influence of Oswiu, a Gaul named Agilbert, who had ' spent not a little time in Ireland legenda- rum gratia Scripturarum,' was chosen to succeed Birinus (Bed. in. 7), but his imperfect knowledge of the English language displeasing the king, he returned into France. His successor was an Anglo-Saxon, Wini (664); but he also incurred the displeasure of the king, and migrating to London (666) was placed in that see by the king of Mercia. His post was filled for a time by Leutherius, nephew of Agilbert, who was consecrated in 670, by Theodore, the seventh archbishop of Canterbury. Bed. ibid. The first Anglo-Saxon raised to the episcopal dignity appears to have been Ithamar of Boohester: Florent. Wigorn. Chron. ad an. 044. —814] Growth of the Church. II restoration, therefore, the extension of the faith was a primary concern, and Wessex, destined to become the leader of the English race, continued from that time faithful to the Church. Sussex, like its neighbour Kent, was converted by the Roman party. The task had been reserved for a native of Northumbria, Wilfrith, who combined with his devotion to the pope the earnestness and prudence which are needed for the work of the evangelist. Banished from his diocese in the north of England1, he was able in five years (681 — 686) to organize the church of the South- Saxons, who had previously resisted the appeals of a small Irish mission2. The king, indeed, iEthelwealh, was a Christian already, having been baptized in Mercia, but paganism still kept its hold upon his people, in whose hearts it had found its last entrenchment. The conversion of East Anglia was early attempted by the Roman Mission. Rsedwald, the king, had been in structed at the court of ^Ethelberht of Kent, but after wards, through the influence of his wife and friends, the strength of his faith relaxed3. The assassination of his son (Eorpwald) in 628, was a further check to the pro gress of the Gospel, which, at the instance of the king of Northumbria, he had cordially embraced : and for three years it was almost everywhere suppressed4. At the end of this interval, however, his brother, Sigeberht, who had been Christianized in Gaul, was able to restore it; and with the aid of Felix5, a native of Burgundy, the see of Dumnoc (Dunwich) was founded for the prelate of East Anglia. But the completion of their work is due to the efforts of an Irish monk, named Fursey6, whose missionary i Bed. iv. 13. , , „ , a Ibid. They had a *monasteriolum' at a place named Bosanham. Wilfrith's monastery or mission station was at Selsey. 3 Bed. n. 15. To satisfy both parties he reared the altar of Christ at the side of the ancient 'arula ad victimas d-emoniorum.' 4 Ibid. ' 6 He received his mission from Honorius, the fifth archbishop of Canterbury, and presided over the see of Dunwich 17 years. Bed. ib. Under his advice Sigeberht founded a school on the plan of those he had seen in Gaul : ' Scholam , in qua pueri Uteris erudirentur eisque pasda- eoeos ac magistros juxta morem Cantuariorum prtebente.' Bed. in. 18. 8 in. 19. The date of his arrival in England was 633. Bede gives a glowing picture' of his sanctity and zeal. ENGLISH CHURCH. of Sussex. Conversionof East Anglia. 12 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 590 Conversion of North umbria. tours, extending over a period of fifteen years, are said to have produced a marvellous effect on the heathen and the faithful. The kingdom of Northumbria consisted of two parts, Deira (from the Humber to the Tees), and Bemicia (from the Tees to the Clyde). They were forcibly united at the opening of this period, under the sway of an enemy to the Christian faith. His defeat led the way to the accession of Eadwine, who on mounting his paternal throne at York (616), was permitted to annex the kingdom of Bernicia. His second wife was a daughter of jEthelberht of Kent, whom he espoused in 625 ; but notwithstanding a residence among the British clergy1, he was still dis affected to the Gospel. Several circumstances had con spired, however, to impress it on his mind2, and in 627, through the influence of Paulinus, who had accompanied his queen to Northumbria, he was baptized with a con course of his people3. His death followed in 633, Penda, king of Mercia, the last champion of the English pagans, ravaging the whole of his dominions and subverting every trophy of the Gospel4. But the arms of his kinsman Oswald, made a way for its permanent revival in the course of the year 635 ; and since Oswald had been trained by the Irish missionaries5, he sent to their principal station at Iona for clergy to evangelize his people, himself acting as interpreter. Aidan was the chief of this band of teach ers, and from his see in Lindisfarne (or Holy Island) he guided all the movements of the mission6. He expired 1 See Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxons, i. 145. 2 Bed. n. 9 — 12. Among other predisposing causes was a letter from Boniface V. (625), accompanied by a present, and the ' benedictio pro- tectoris vestri B. Petri apostolorum principis,' but his conversion did not occur till two years later. 3 See the very interesting circumstances in Bed. n. 12. Coifi was the last of the pagan high-priestB. The scene was at Godmundham, in the East Biding of Yorkshire. So great was the success of Paulinus in Deira, that on one occasion he was employed for thirty-six days in bap tizing on one spot. Bed. n. 14. 4 Bed. n. 20. Paulinus, with the widowed queen, sought refuge in Kent. He succeeded to the see of Bochester. 6 'Misit ad majores natu Scottorum, inter quos exulans baptismatil sacramenta conseoutus erat.' Bed. in. 3. 8 Bed. in. 3. His field of labour extended as far as Scotland, em bracing York, abandoned by Paulinus. York did not regain its archie- piscopal rank till 735. Saxon Chron. ad an. The archbishops of York —814] Growth of the Church. 13 in 651, after an episcopate of seventeen years, the admira tion of his Roman rivals1. His mantle fell on Finan, who lived to see religion everywhere established in the northern parts of Britain, and died in 661 or 662. To him also Mercia was indebted for its first bishop Diuma, in 655. His master Oswiu, king of Northumbria, having signalized himself by the overthrow of Penda, was finally supreme in Middle England as well as in the north, and urgent in promoting the conversion of the natives. Addicted in his earlier years to the principles of his in structors, he established a religious system of the Irish cast, and three of the Mercian prelates in succession owed their orders to the Irish Church2. The planting, therefore, of the Gospel in the Anglo- Saxon provinces of Britain was the work of two rival bands, (1) the Roman, aided by their converts and some teachers out of Gaul, (2) the Irish, whom the conduct of Augustine and his party had estranged from their com munion. If we may judge from the area of their field of action, it is plain that the Irish were the larger body : but a host of conspiring causes3 gradually resulted in the spread and ascendancy of Roman modes of thought. The ritual and other differences, obtaining in the various kingdoms, came painfully to light on the intermarriage of the princes; and it was an occasion of this sort4 that subsequently claimed to exercise metropolitan jurisdiction in the whole of Scotland: see Spotswood, Hist, of Ch. of Scotland (Lond. 1677), pp. 34, 36, 38. From this claim the Scottish church was released by the popes, who towards the end of the 12th century made the bishops immediately subject to Borne. The see of St Andrew's was not made archiepiscopal until 1472. . _,, 1 'Hffic autem dissonantia paschatis observanfafe, vivente .ffidano, patienter ab omnibus tolerabatur, qui patenter intellexerant, quia etsi pascha contra morem eorum \i. e. the Irish party], qui ipsum nuserant, facere non potuit, opera tamen fidei, pietatis et dilectionis, juxta morem omnibus Sanctis consuetum, diligenter exequi curavit.' Bed. in. 25. 2 Bed. 111. 21. ,m ,.,_,_ 3 x. - L- 1 3 e. g. The political predominance of Wessex, which had been entirely Romanized by Birinus and his followers, the activity, organization, and superior intelligence of the Boman missionaries (such as Wilfrith), the apostolical descent of the Boman church (one of the sedes apostolica), and the prestige it had borrowed from the Boman empire. 4 Bed 111 25: 'TJnde nonnunquam contigisse fertur illis temponbus, Ut bis in anno uno pascha celebraretur. Et cum rex pascha Dominicum solutis jejuniis faceret, tunc regina cum suis persistens adhuc in jejunio diem Palmarum celebraret.' Conversion of Mercia. H Growth of the Church. ENGLISH CHURCH. Conference ut Whithy, 634. Withdraw al of the Irish Clergy,InfiuenceofTheodore. [a. r>. 590 served in no small measure to shape all the after-fortunes of the Church in the northern parts of Britain. The queen of Oswiu, the Northumbrian, was a daughter of Eadwme and brought up in Kent; with Ealhfrith his son1, the co- regent, she was warm in her attachment to the customs of the south. Oswiu, on the other hand, continued in communion with the Irish, over whom he had placed the energetic Colman as the third bishop of Lindisfarne. The controversy waxing hot in 664, Colman was invited by the king to a synod at Streoneshealh (the Whitby of the Danes), to meet the objections of an advocate of Rome, in the person of the rising Wilfrith2. The end was, that Oswiu and his people8, persuaded by the agents of the queen, and dazzled by the halo which encircled (as they dreamt) the throne of the 'chief apostle,' went over to the Roman party; while the clergy, who were slow in complying with the changes of the court, withdrew from the scene of conflict into Ireland4. But it was not till the time of Archbishop Theodore (668 — 690) that the fusion of the English Christians was complete5. The two leading rulers, of Northumbria and Kent, agreed in procuring his appointment6, and advancing his designs in the other kingdoms. By the aid of a Roman 1 Eddius, Vit. S. Wilfridi, c. vn. apud Gale, Scriptores, xv. p. 54. 2 Bed. in. 25. 3 The king was afraid lest St Peter should finally exclude him from heaven; and after his decision in behalf of Wilfrith, 'faverunt adsidentes quique sive adstantes, majores cum mediocribus.' Ibid. The balance of argument however, it is but fair to state, was on the side of Wilfrith. 4 Bed. in. 26. For the after-life of Colman, see Bed. iv. 4. Others, however, like Bishop Cedd the brother of St Chad, conformed to the Boman customs. Ibid. The next bishop of Lindisfarne, Tuda, had been educated in the south of Ireland, where the Boman Easter had been adopted as early as 634. Bed. in. 26. cf. in. 3 (p. 175, a, in Monument. Britan.). This conformity was afterwards increased by the labours of Adamnan (687 — 704), v. 15. The Picts accepted the Boman Easter in 710, the monks of Iona in 716; the tonsure was received by the former in 710 and by the latter in 718. The Britons of Wales conformed later, between 755 and 809. (Councils, &e. I. 203, n. 106.) 5 Bed. iv. 2 : 'Isque primus erat in archiepiscopis, cui omnis Anglorum ecclesia manus dare consentiret.' 0 Deusdedit died July 14, 664, and after a vacancy of two or three years Oswiu and Ecgberht sent a presbyter, Wigheard, elected by the church of Canterbury, for consecration at the Boman see. Wigheard died at Borne ; and after some correspondence with the two chief kings of England, Vitalian sent, at their request (Bed. in. 2'J; iv. i), a prelate for the vacant see. —814] Growth of the Church. IS colleague and through the exertions (often conflicting with his own) of the ever-active Wilfrith, he was able to reduce the Irish school to insignificance1 ; and while giving to the Church a high degree of culture, he was unwittingly binding it more closely in allegiance to the popes2. At his death the island had been Romanized, according to the import of the term in the seventh century : but the freer spirit of the Early Church still lingered in the north. When, for example, an attempt was made to enforce the mandates of the pope, as distinguished from his fatherly advice, it met with a vigorous repulse3 from two succes- 1 So far as culture goes Theodore was not in opposition to the Irish ; they attended his schools in large numbers (Aldhelm, Epist. 4; ed. GUes, p. 94) : but in reference to discipline he directed that the imper fection in the orders of persons ordained by Scottish or British bishops should be remedied by imposition of hands of a Catholic bishop ; churches consecrated by them are to be purified and "confirmed;" they are not to receive the Eucharist or Chrism without expressing their wish to be united with the church ; and if any doubt about their baptism, they may be baptized. Theod. Poenit. n. c. 9. (Councils, &c. in. 197.) 2 Bed. iv. 2. He was seconded in 673 by a synod held at Hertford; Wilkins, Concil. i. 41. Councils &a. in. 118. The English sees at the close of the present period were the following : Province of Canterbury — (1) Lichfield, (2) Leicester, (3) Lindsey (Sidnacester), (4) Worcester, (5) Hereford, (6) Sherborne, (7) Winchester, (8) Elmham, (9) Dunwich, (10) London, (11) Bochester, (12) Selsey. Province of York—(l) Hexham, (2) Lindisfarne, (3) Whithern. Kemble, Anglo-Saxons, n. 361, 362. At a later period some of these perished altogether, as Hexham, Whithern and Dunwich ; while others were formed, as Durham in succession to Lindisfarne, Dorchester for Lincoln, and in Wessex, Bamsbury (Hrsef- nesbyrig=ecclesia Corvinensis) for Wilts, Wells for Somerset, Crediton for Devonshire, and during some time, St Germans and perhaps Bodmin for Cornwall. It was only in the 12th century that the whole Cambrian Church was brought under the jurisdiction of the see of Canterbury: Williams, Eccl. Hist, of the Cymry, pp. 162, 163; Lond. 1844. Councils, &c. ed. Haddan and Stubbs, vol. i. pp. 302 sq. 8 When Wilfrith, on his deposition from his see, brought his griev ance to the pope, the sentence in his favour in 679 was so far from reversing the decision at home, that on his return Ecgfrith of Northum bria threw him into prison, and afterwards banished him. Bed. iv. 12, 13. Aldfrith, on a like occasion, having readmitted him into the king dom, was no less opposed to his Bomanizing conduct. Having made a fresh appeal to Borne, and obtained from John VI. a favourable sentence (in 704, see Vit. S. Wilfrid, u. 48 — 52), the bearers of it to the king were addressed in the following terms: 'Se quidem legatorum personis, quod ossent et vita graves et aspectu honorabiles, honorem ut parentibus deferre, cffiterum assensum legationi omnino abnuere, quod esset contra rationem homini jam bis a toto Anglorum concilio damnato propter qua- libet apostolica scripta communicare.' A compromise, however, was effected at his death, and Wilfrith was transferred to another see. Vv*. Malmesb. Gesta Pontiff, ed. Hamilton, p. 239. It should be remem- ENGLISHCHURCH. Disregard of the papalclaims. \6 Growth of the Church. [A. D. 590 ENGLISHCHURCH. Influenceof Ireland in the cause of missions. Labours of Colwmba- nus 590 — 615; sive kings, assisted by their clergy, who thus stand at the head of a line of champions in the cause of English freedom. IN GERMANY AND PARTS ADJACENT. Although the cross had long been planted, here and there1, in the heart of the German forests, as well as in the cities which had owned the Roman sway, it was not till the present period that religion could obtain a lasting basis and could organize the German Church. The founding of the work was due to foreign immigration. Ireland was at this time conspicuous for its light2 : it was full of conventual houses, where the learning of the west had taken refuge, and from which, as from missionary schools, the Gospel was transmitted far and near. The leader of the earliest band who issued to the succour of the continent of Europe, was the ardent Co- lumbanus3, (reared in the Irish monastery of Bangor). With twelve young men, as his companions, he crossed over into Gaul, at the close of the sixth century; but the strictness of his Rule4 having rendered him obnoxious to the native clergy, and at length to the Burgundian court5, he was compelled to migrate into Switzerland (610), working first in the neighbourhood of Zurich and next at bered that in this struggle Theodore took a most active part against Wilfrith, and whilst he could hardly be expected to declare his contempt of Borne, maintained the independence of the Church as much as did the kings. 1 See an interesting account of the labours of Severinus and other solitaries in Neander, 0. H. v. 34, seq. Bohn's ed. 2 ' Hibernia quo catervatim istinc lectores classibus advecti confluunt :' a saying of Aldhelm, the contemporary of Theodore ; Epist. ad Eahfri- dum, Opp. p. 94, ed. Giles: TJssher's Epist. Hibern. p. 27; Opp. rv. 451, ed. Elrington. ' Antiquo tempore,' says Alcuin at the end of the next century, ' doctissimi solebant magistri de Hibernia, Britanniam, Galliam, Italiam venire et multos per ecclesias Christi fecisse profectus.' Ep. coxxi. (Al. ccxxv.) Opp. I. 285. 3 See a life of him by Jonas, a monk of his foundation at Bobbio, in Mabillon, Acta Sanct. Ord. Benedict, ssc. n. pp. 2 — 26. 4 Among his other works in Biblioth. Patrum, ed. Galland, torn, xii.; cf. Neander, C. H. v, 41, 42. The XVI. Instructiones of Columbanus are well worth reading. 5 Three great settlements had grown out of his labours in Gaul, the monasteries of Luxeuil, Fontaine (Fontance) and Anegray; besides the impulse he had given to religion generally. -814] Growth of the Church. 17 Bregenz. From thence in 613 he was driven over the Italian frontier, and founded the monastery of Bobbio, where he died in 615. Columbanus was attached to the customs of his mother-church, and the struggle we have noticed in the case of England was repeated in his life time. The freedom of his language to the Roman bishops1 is a proof that he paid no homage to their see, though his final residence in Italy appears to have somewhat modified his tone. He had a noble fellow-worker in his countryman, Gallus2, the founder of the monastery of St Gall, who, with a perfect knowledge of the native dialects, promoted the conversion of the Swiss and Swabians, till 640. Yet these were only drops in a long stream of missions that was now bearing on its bosom, far and near, the elements of future greatness and the tidings of salvation. At the end of the series of evangelists, contributed from Ireland, one of the more conspicuous was Kilian8(650 — 689), who may be regarded as the apostle of Franconia, or at least as the second founder of its faith. The centre of his labours was at Wiirzburg, where some traces of the Irish culture are surviving at this day4. Meanwhile the ardour of the native Christians was enlisted in the spreading of the German Church. Thus, a Frankish synod, about 613, wakened to a sense of duty by the earnest Columbanus, made an effort to evangelize the neighbouring heathen6. Emmeran, a prelate out of Aqui- 1 See one to Gregory the Great, Gregor. Epist. lib. rx. ep. 127. A more important testimony is supplied by his fifth letter, ad Bonifacium IV., where he administers some salutary warnings to the Church of Borne: cf. W. G. Todd's Church of St Patrick, pp. 118 sq. Lond. 1844. In one passage he admits that a church, instructed by St Peter and St Paul, and honoured by their tombs, is worthy of all deference ; but he reserves the first rank for the church of Jerusalem: Boma orbis terrarum caput est ecclesiarum, salva loci Dominica! resurreciionis singulari pra- rogativa. § 10. 2 The Life of GaUus, in its oldest form, is printed in the Monument. German. Histor. torn. n. 5 — 31, ed. Pertz: cf. Neander, v. 47 — 49. 3 See a Life of bim in Canisius, Lect. Antiq. in. pt. 1. pp. 175 — 179, ed. Basnage ; also a Passio SS. Kiliani et Sociorum ejus, ibid. 180 — 182. Kilian applied to the pope for his sanction of the undertaking. 4 Lappenberg, Ang.-Sax. i. 183. 5 They made choice of Abbot Eustasius, the successor of Columbanus at Luxeuil, for the director of the mission. See his Life by Jonas, the monk of Bobbio, in MabiUon's Acta Sanct. Ord. Benedict, ssec. n. pp. M.A. C GERMAN CHURCH. and of Gal lus 590— 640. Kilian in Franconia. Native mis sions ; 18 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 590 OEKMAN CHUKCH. success in Bavaria. Eligius,Amandus, and others, in the Nether lands. missions to Friesland, and (he neighbour hood. tania1, and Ruprecht2 of Worms, left their sees in the seventh century to share in the holy conquest now ad vancing on all sides. By them, and the Frank Corbinian, the foundations of a church were laid, not only in Bavaria, but also on the banks of the Danube as far as Pannonia. A multitude of sources were thus opened for the speedy propagation of the faith in the whole of southern Germany. In the north, where the pagan system3 had a firmer hold upon the people, the promoters of the Gospel were continually resisted. Notwithstanding, zealous bishops like Eligius4 won their way in the midst of the savage Frieslanders, whose empire at the opening of this period had extended also to the Netherlands. There, it is true, religion had been planted long before, but the inroads of those heathen tribes had left scarcely any vestige of the Church. The sword of Dagobert I., who wrested many districts from their grasp, had made a way for the recon version of Batavia (628 — 638), while missionaries out of England afterwards engaged to soften and evangelize the barbarous invaders. Ground was already broken by the enterprising Wilfrith b, who, in his flight from his diocese in 678, was driven to the coast of Friesland, where he seems to have reaped a harvest of conversions. His work was resumed by Willebrord6, an Englishman, 116 — 123: one also of Agil, a companion of Eustasius, ib. pp. 316 — 320, cf. Neander, C. H. v. 51—53. 1 Life in Canisius, Lect. Antiq. in. pt. 1. pp. 94 sq., though from its date (the tenth or eleventh century) it is not trustworthy throughout. 2 The oldest account of him is printed in Kleinmayrn's Nachrichten von Juvavia (the ancient Salzburg). A Life also of Corbinian may be seen in Meichelbeck's Hist. Frising. (Freising), torn, i, pp. 1 sq. ed. 1724. 3 For a good account of Paganism in those regions, see Mone's Ge- schichte des Heidenthums in nordlichen Europa, Leipzig, 1823 ; and J. Grimm's Deutsche Mythologie, GSttingen, 1844. 4 Or St Eloy (born 588, died 659), appointed, in 641, bishop of Tour- nay and Noyon. See an interesting Life of him by a pupil, in D'Achery's Spicilegium, torn. n. p. 76, and Dr Maitland's Dark Ages, pp. 101 sq. Eli gius was preceded by Amandus, ordained (630) without a diocese (episco- pus regionarius) to labour in the neighbourhood of Ghent and Antwerp, but appointed in 648 to the see of Mastricht (Trajeetum), where he died in 679. Life in Mabillon's Acta Bened. ssec. n. 679—706. Contempo rary with him was Audomar (St Omer), out of the Irish monastery at Luxeuil, who preached from the neighbourhood of Boulogne as far as the Scheldt, 6 Florent. Wigorn. ad an. 677: Eddius, Vit. Wilf. c. xxvi — xxvin. 6 His Life was written by Alcuin; Opp. torn. n. 183: but a still older account of his labours is in Bede, Hist. Ecc. v. 10 sq. —814] Growth of the Church. 19 who, though a student for twelve years in Ireland1, was marked, like the other Anglo-Saxons of the period, by the warmth of his devotion to the Roman see2. The field of his principal success was the neighbourhood of Wilteburg (Trajectum=Utrecht), where he died, after a long episco pate, in 739 or 741. He is said to have been assisted in his labours by Wulfram3, bishop of Sens, who migrated with some attendants into Friesland ; and the work was enlarged by a native, Wursing4, as well as by other pupils of Willebrord ; one of whom, Swithberht6, in the life-time of his master, appears to have penetrated even into Prussia. But meanwhile a fresh actor had come forward in the same hopeful cause. This was a Devonshire-man, Winfrith, who, under the title -Bonifacius6, is known as the apostle of Thuringia, and of some of the neighbouring districts. He was to Germany what Theodore had been to England, binding all the members of the Church together, and im parting to it new stability and life. Crossing over into Friesland (716), he joined himself to Willebrord at Utrecht; but, retreating, for some cause or other, to his native country, he remained in his cloister at Nursling two years. He then went to Rome, commended7 to the pope by Daniel of Winchester, and in 719 was formally deputed8 by Gre- 1 ' Ibique duodeeim annis inter eximios simul pise religionis et sacrse lectionis magistros, futurus multorum populorum prsedicator erudiebatur.' Vit. S. Willebrord. lib. I. c. 4. 2 He visited the pope in 692, ' ut cum ejus licentia et benedictione desideratum evangelizandi gentibus opus iniret.' Bed. v. 11. In 696 he was sent by Pepin of Heristal, who as mayor of the palace of Austrasia had subdued some of the Frieslanders, to be ordained, by the pope, arch bishop of that region. Ibid.; cf. Annates Xantenses (in Pertz), a.d. 694. 3 Life in the Acta Sanctorum for March 20, ed. Bolland. 4 See the interesting account of him in the Vit. S. Liudgeri, c. 1 — 4 : Monum. German, ed. Pertz, n. 405, 406. 5 Bed. v. 11. He also mentions (c. 10) a mission of two English bro thers, Niger Hewald and Albus Hewald, who perished in their attempt to evangelize the foreign Saxons (provinciam antiquorum Saxonnm). 6 The best Life of him is that by a presbyter, Willibald : Pertz's Monu- menta, n. 334 seq. Jaffe", Monumenta Moguntina, pp. 422 — 471. Cf. Bonifacius der Apostel der Deutschen, by Seilers, Mainz, 1845. 1 Vit. § 14. 8 Bonifacii Epist. n. ; i. 26. ed. Giles. But notwithstanding his pro found respect for the papal chair, his independent spirit more than once breaks out in the course of his correspondence. Thus in 742 he quotes the tradition of his native land, as reckoned from Augustine, against a reported decision of the ruling pope, Ep. xlix. p. 103; and it is clear from the same letter (p. 105) that he did not allow the right of any pope to dispense with the ' decreta canonum.' c 2- GERMAN CHUKCH. Willebrord (692- 741). Wulfram.Wursing. Swithberht. Labours of Winfrith or Bonifa cius : 20 Growth of the Church. GERMAN CHURCH. in Fries land: in Thurin- gia: [a;d. 590 gory II. 'to inquire into the state of the savage Germans' eastward of the Rhine. The first fruits of his zeal were gathered in Thuringia ; but news out of Friesland drew him thither, and he taught for three years in conjunction with Willebrord1. His next missionary station (722) was at Amoneburg, in Upper Hessia, chosen with the hope of converting the Hessians, and after them the Saxons. Summoned by the pope, who had heard of his success, he undertook a second journey to Rome (723), where, together with the name of Bonifacius2, he received ordination as a missionary bishop, and made himself, by oath, the vassal of the Roman Church. He was thus armed with a new authority; and, seconded in many cases by the civil power3, was able to extend the sphere of his operations, and to bear down all opponents, whether heathen, or disciples of the freer Christian school4, that had its birth in Ireland. At the same time he was constant in imparting, to the utmost of his power, the salutary doctrines of the Gospel. Famed for his preaching6, his diffusion of the Scriptures8, and his zeal in the founding of monastic schools, which he fed by a number of auxiliaries7 from England, his work could not fail to prosper in a neighbourhood which was the field of his missionary zeal for no less than fifteen years. In 1 Vit. § 16. 2 §21. 3 ' Tuo conamine et Caroli principis,' was the language of pope Gre gory III. to Boniface (Oct. 29, 739) ; Bonifacii Opp. ed. Giles, i. 97; yet the power of Charles Martel was not uniformly on the side of the mis sionaries. It was only under Pepin and Carloman that Boniface could feel himself supreme. 4 Neander discovers traces of this earlj protestantism in the records of his preaching : e. g. in a letter of Gregory III. to the bishops of Bavaria and Alemannia, after urging them to adopt the Boman uses, as taught by Boniface, he warned them to reject ' et gentilitatis ritum et doctrinam, vel venientiwm Britonum, vel falsorum sacerdotum, et haareticorum, aut undecunque sint.' Bonifacii Opp. i. 96: cf. Neander, v. 67 (and note). Neander's notion of the freedom of the Irish school is somewhat vision ary. It can hardly be denied that the accusations brought against these teachers by Boniface are countenanced by the half mystic half sensuous views of religion which appear in the best authenticated legends of the ancient Irish. Boniface himself (Ep. xn.) draws a gloomy picture of the state of the clergy and deplores his inability to hold communion with them. 5 ' Evangelica etiam doctrina adeo prfficipuus extitit, ut apostolorum tempora in ejus prredicatione laudares.' Annates Xantenses, a.d. 752. 0 Epp. xvni, xix. Opp. i. 52, 53. t Willibald, Vit. S. Bonifac. § 23. —814] Growth of the Church. 21 738 he is said to have baptized a hundred thousand na tives1. A third visit to Rome (738) resulted in his mission to Bavaria, where he laboured in the twofold task of organizing the Church, and counteracting a large class of teachers, who, here as in Thuringia, were opposed to ' the tradition of the Roman see2.' With the sanction of the duke of Bavaria, his territory was distributed afresh into the dioceses of Salzburg, Regensburg (Ratisbon), Freis- ing, and Passau3: and the death of Charles Martel4, which followed soon after the return of Boniface (741), allowed him to advance more freely with his centralizing projects. In 742, the founding of the bishoprics5 of Wiirz- burg, Erfurt, and Buraburg (in Hessia), to which Eich- stadt may be added, conduced to the same result. He was now also urged by Carloman to revive the action of the Frankish synods, which had long been discon tinued6: and presiding at the first of them (744), in his capacity of papal vicar7, he took the lead in promoting what he deemed 'a reformation of the Church8.' One of 1 Such was the report that had reached Gregory III. Oct. 29, 739 : Bonif. Opp. i. 96. His felling of an oak, which had long been sacred to Thor, made a very deep impression, Vit. Bonif. § 22, 23. 2 Bonif. Ep. xlvi : Opp. i. 97. He found only one bishop in the whole province, and of him (Vivilo) the pope speaks but dubiously: 'Hie si aliquid excedit contra canonicam regulam, doce et corrige eum juxta Bo- manas ecclesiae traditionem, quam a nobis accepisti.' Ibid. The follow ing is the account given by Willibald (§ 28) of the state of religion there : ' Verteque fidei et religionis sacramenta renovavit, et destructores eccle- Biarum populique perversores abigebat. Quorum alii pridem falso se episcopatus gradu prsetulerunt, alii etiam presbyteratus se officio deputa- bant, alii hsec atque aha innumerabilia fingentes, magna ex parte popu lism seduxerunt:' cf. Annates Xantenses, ad an. 752, and Aventinus, An nates Boiorum, 254, ed. Gundling. 3 Vit. Bonifac. § 28. 4 He had patronized what Boniface describes as the 'false,' 'errone ous,' ' schismatical priests' (?) the old Frankish clergy. Seey.g. Bonif. Epist. xn ; but they were now driven from the court at the instance of pope Zacharias : lb. Ep. xlviii : cf . Ep. liv. p. 116 ; lx. p. 127. ¦6 Ep. xlix. p. 101; Vit. § 31. 6 Ep. xlix. p. 102. 7 He had received the pallium as early as 732, Vit. § 23, but was still without a fixed see. 8 The aim of pope Zacharias in advocating a yearly synod may be seen in Bonif. Ep. xliv. In a letter addressed (Nov. 5, 743) to Boniface him self (Ep. lv.), he speaks of his anxiety ' pro adunatione et reformatione ecclesiarum Christi,' and charges his vicar 'ut quae repereris, contra Chris- tianam religionem vel canonum instituta, ibidem detineri, ad normam rectitudinis studeas reformare.' See also a remarkable letter of Boniface (a.d. 748) to Cuthbert, archbishop of Canterbury (Ep. lxiii.), where he GERMAN CHURCH. in Bava- founds Revival of Synods in the Frank ish Church, 99 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 590 the leaders of the school whom Boniface had strongly reprehended was a Frankish bishop, Adelbert1, belonging to the anti-Roman party. He was revered by the people as a saint, though much that is imputed to him savours of the mystic, and betokens an ill-regulated mind. On the suit of his rival, Boniface, who had secured his condemna tion2 at Soissons (744), he was excommunicated3 bjr a Roman synod in 745, together with a fellow-bishop, Cle ment. The latter had been trained in the schools of Ireland, his native country, and had there imbibed an extensive knowledge of the Scriptures; but the tone of his theology, so far as we can judge, was sceptical and indevout4. The silencing of these, opponents left the missionary course of Boniface almost wholly unobstructed : but his own anxieties increased as he was verging to his end. Disap pointed in the hope of placing his metropolitical chair at Cologne (744), where he would have been near to his Fri sian converts, he was. on the deposition5 of Gewillieb, con strained6 to accept the archbishopric of Mentz (Moguntia). He there found a more definite field of duty in 748. One of the latest acts in his eventful life was the part he took (752) in favour of Pepin, who superseded his imbecile master, Childeric III. Boniface, at the instance of the Pope, administered the rite of unction. The measures he urges the necessity of a reformation in England. His letter has been regarded as leading the way to the reforms of the synod of Clovesho of 747 ; but it must have been written after that council was held. (Coun cils, &c. in. 383.) Wilkins, Concil. i. 94. 1 Willib. Vit. Bonif. § 29 : also an account in a second Life of Boni face in Pertz, it. 354; Bonif. Opp. n. 40 — 46: cf. Walch, Hist, der Ket- zereyen, x. 46 sq. 2 Pagi, ad an. 744, §§ vn, vm. 3 Zacharias, two years later, was induced in spite of Boniface to reopen the question, and summoned both Adelbert and. Clement to his own court at Borne, but the issue is not known exactly. Neander, C. H. v 77—86. 4 ' Per suam stultitiam sanctorum patrum scripta respuit, vel omnia synodalia acta parvi pendit, etc' Bonif. Opp. n. 46. Among other errors he is said to have taught ' multa horribilia de preedestinatione Dei contraria fidei catholicoe.' Ep. lvii. p. 123. Boniface found other adversaries in two Irishmen, Samson (Ep. lxxi. p. 171) and Virgilius, or Feargal (Ibid. pp. 172 sq.): but the latter was acquitted by the pope, and died bishop of Salzburg: cf. Todd's Church of St Patrick, pp. 59 sq. 5 Pertz, n. 354. 6 See the Letter of Zacharias, Bonif. Epist. lxxi. p. 174. —814] Growth of the Church. 23 had taken to secure his conquests were now rapidly com pleted, and in 755 he set out, with a large band of fellow- workmen, for the scene of his early enterprise in Fries land; where, after preaching to the heathen tribes with eminent success, he died as a martyr at the age of seventy- five1. A man with his strength of character, his learning, and his saintly life, could not fail to have attracted a number of disciples. One of them, Gregory2, as abbot of Utrecht, was at the head of a missionary-college, and at the same time assiduous in his efforts to promote the conversion of the Frieslanders. Another of the more remarkable was the abbot Sturm3, who had been also trained under the eye of Boniface, and stationed in a monastery at Fulda, of which he was himself the romantic founder4. Aided by no less than four thousand inmates, he was able to dis seminate the arts, and augment the conveniences of life, while he softened the ferocious spirit of his neighbours. With some casual exceptions5, the evangelizing of the German tribes was hitherto conducted on pacificatory prin ciples6, like those which had prompted and consolidated the first missions of the Church. A fresh plan, however, was now adopted in dealing with the rude and warlike Saxons' (from the Baltic to the confines of Thuringia and 1 Willibald. Vit. Bonif. §§ 33—37. The day of his death was June 5; the place, on the banks of the Bordne (Bordau), not far from Dokkum. His remains with those of his fellow-martyrs, being rescued by the Chris tians, were interred at Fulda, his favourite monastery. 2 A Life of him was written by his pupil Liudger, in Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. sac. in. p. ii. 319 sq. The way in which he was fascinated by the zealous missionary is most strikingly narrated. Though not a pupil of Boniface, Willibald, the early English traveller, was ordained by him in 739; and after a short mission to Thuringia, was consecrated bishop of Eiehstadt, one of the dioceses formed by Boniface. See the interesting Life of Willibald, by a nun of Heidenheim, in Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. siec. in. p. ii. 365 sq. 3 Life by his pupil, Eigil, in Pertz's Monument. Germ. n. 365 sq. 4 Ibid. p. 367. 6 e.g. The case of Amandus in Belgium, who procured an order from the Frankish monarch, compelling all persons to submit to baptism. Boniface also invoked the 'patrocinium principis Francorum;' but his aim was to quell irregularities among the clergy and religious orders. Epist. xn. p. 39. 6 See the excellent advice given to Boniface by Daniel of Winchester. Bonif. Ep. xiv. 7 Boniface had been already urged to undertake this mission in the years 723, 733; Epp. ix, xxvin; and even earlier (690—740) some im- Gregory of Utrecht d. 784. Sturm of Fuldad. 779. 24 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 590 GERMAN CHURCH. . Compulso ry conver sion of the Old- Saxons Opposed by Alcwin, but in vain. Hessia), who had forced their ancient idolatry once more across the Rhine. Fierce as they were in their hatred of the Gospel, the repugnance would be naturally embittered by the medium through which it was presented to their notice: for they viewed it, in the hands of a Frankish teacher, as an agent for promoting their political depres sion. He came in the wake of invading hosts, by which Charlemagne was endeavouring to effect their subjugation (772-804) : and although numbers of them did accept the ritual of the Church, it was unquestionably in many cases by compulsion1. Alcuin, at the impulse of his Christian feelings, would have fain placed a check2 on the rigour of the Franks. But his protests were unheeded ; Charle magne still persisting in his plan of breaking the indomi table spirit of the Saxons by forcing the conversion of the vanquished, and establishing himself on the basis of the Church3. A long and bloody war, attended by an edict4 of the Frankish court, which made the rejection of the Gospel a capital offence, resulted in the permanent dis arming of the Saxons and their annexation to the Western Church5. A way was in the mean time opened for the pression had been made on the Saxons by the labours of Lebwin, a Yorkshire monk. See his Life in Pertz, n. 361 sq. 1 ' Congregato iam (? turn) grandi exercitu [a.d. 772], invocato Christi nomine, Saxoniam profectus est, adsumtis universis sacerdotibus, ahba- tibus, presbyteris, et omnibus orthodoxis atque fidei cultoribus, ut gentem quse ab initio mundi daemonum vinculis fuerit obligata, doctrinis sacris mite et suave Christi jugum credendo subire fecissent. Quo cum rex pervenisset, partim bellis, partim suasionibus, partim etiam muneribus, maxima ex parte gentem illam ad fidem Christi convertit.' Vit. Sturmi, 1. c. p. 376 : cf . Alcuin. Ep. in. ad Colcitm Lectorem in Scotia : Opp. i. 6. 2 Epist.xxxvn. (Al. xlii.) ad Megenfridumia, privy- councillor of Charle magne). Of many striking passages this may be a sample: 'Fides quo- que, sicut sanctus ait Augustinus, res est voluntaria, non necessaria. Attrahi poterit homo in fidem, non cogi. Cogi poteris ad Baptismum, sed non proficit fidei. Nisi infantilis ffitas aliorum peccatis obnoxia alio- rum confessione salvari poterit. Perfects? astatis vir pro se respondeat, quid credat aut quid cupiat. Et si fallaciter fidem profitetur, veraciter salutem non habebit. TJnde et prsedicatores paganorum populum paci- ficis verbis et prudentibus fidem docere debent.' Opp. i. 50 ; see also his letter (Ep. lxxx, Al. xcv.) written to Charlemagne himself : i. 117. 3 The chief ecclesiastical establishments were at Osnabriick, Minister, Paderborn, Verden, Minden, and Seligenstadt. The last see was after wards transferred to Halberstadt. 4 See the Gapitulare de Partibus Saxonice, i. 251, in Baluze's Capitul. Reg. Fran., Paris, 1677: and cf. Schrb'ckh's Kirchen-Geschichte, xix. 264 sq. 5 Einhard. Vit. Karoli Magn. c. 7 ; apud Pertz, n. 447. —814] Growth of the Church. 25 deeper planting of the Gospel, by means of the numerous schools and churches founded by the Franks, and still more by the holy and commanding character of members of the Saxon mission. Such were Sturm, Willehad, and Liudger. The first, whom we have seen already, spent the evening of his days in this field of labour1. The second (Willehad) was a native of Northumbria2, whom the hope ful letters of the English missionaries had excited to cast in his lot among them. He set out for Friesland with the sanction of the Northumbrian king and the blessing of a synod3. Banished from the neighbourhood of Gro- ningen, which had been already stained by the blood of Boniface, he found shelter at the court of Charlemagne, who sent him (780) to aid in the missions then attempting to evangelize the Saxons. In 787, after an eventful term of suffering and success, he was raised to the episcopal dig nity, his chair being placed at Wigmodia (Bremen): but a sudden illness cut him off two years later, while engaged in a visitation-tour. Liudger4 was a noble Frieslander, who had been trained in the school of Utrecht, and afterwards by Alcuin at York. For a long time distinguished as a missionary to his own people, and afterwards as the apostle of Heligoland, which Willebrord quitted in despair, he was sent by Charlemagne, on the subjugation of the Saxons, to Miinster, where he toiled in the spirit of a true evangelist5 till 809. A fresh accession to the Church was the tribe of the Carentani, who had settled in the early part of the seventh century in Styria and Carinthia. The Gospel reached them through Bavarian channels, first6 at the instance of 1 Vit. Sturm, ubi sup. 2 A Life of him, written by Anskar, bishop of Bremen (middle of the ninth century), is printed in Pertz, n. 378 sq. 3 Ibid. § 1. * For a Life of Liudger by his second successor, Altfrid, see Pertz, n. 403 sq. He is said to have left York 'bene instructus, habens secum copiam librorum.' lib. i. § 12. _ 5 ' Itaque more solito cum omni aviditate et sollicitudme rudibus Sax- onum populis studebat in doctrina prodesse, erutisque idolatrise spinis, verbum Dei diligenter per loca singula serere, ecclesias construere, et per eas singulos ordinare presbyteros, quos verbi Dei cooperatores sibi ipsi nutriverat.' Ibid. § 20. We are told in the following paragraph that he had hitherto declined the 'pontificalem gradum.' His reluctance, how ever, was at length overcome by Hildebold, archbishop of Cologne. 6 See the Life of Virgilius in Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. iv. 279 sq. The GERMAN CHURCH. Fresh mea sures for the conver sion of the Saxons,and other northern tribes. Willehad d. 789- Liudger d. 809. The Gospel in Styria and Carin thia.(?) 766— 800. 2G Growth of the Church. [a.d. 590 GERMAN CHURCH. Mission to t/ie Avares in Hun- qary.796- Missionaryzeal of the Nestorians. Virgilius of Salzburg, and afterwards of Arno, his second successor. Arno, on ordaining a ' missionarj- bishop ' for these parts (800), intended, if possible,' to make his way as far as the neighbouring Slavonians1. He had been also employed by Charlemagne, whose sceptre was now stretching over Hungary2, to orga.nize a mission for the barbarous Avares3. In 796, one of their chiefs, Tudun, having been baptized at the Frankish court4, his return was viewed as a propitious moment for planting further outposts of the Church in the same distant regions. But it seems that the mission was not worked with corresponding vigour5. IN EASTERN ASIA. The zeal and perseverance that were shewn in the converting of the German tribes had been confined in this period to the bosom of the Western Church. Owing partly to domestic troubles, but still more to their lack of expansiveness and health, the churches of the East were now feeble and inactive. At the death of Justinian I. (565) they seem to have abandoned the propagation of the Gospel to those numerous offshoots from the patri archate of Antioch, who continued to reject the council Carinthian chieftain had allowed his son to be educated as a Christian at the court of Bavaria. This, on his accession to the throne, paved the way for the evangelizing of his subjects. 1 See the treatise of a priest of Salzburg (written at the close of the ninth century), De Conversione Bojariorum et Carentanorum, in Script. Rerum Boic. ed. Oefele, i. 280 sq. -. also a Life of Rupert (first bishop of Salzburg) in Canisius, Led. Antiq. m. pt. n. p. 343. 2 Einhardi Fuldenses Annates, a.d. 788, 791 : apud Pertz, i. 350. 8 See Pray's Annal. Vet. Hunnorum, Avar, et Hungar. 269 sq., ed. Vindobon. 1761. 4 Einhard, a.d. 796. A second case occurred in 805. Ibid. The pro jected mission to the Avares or Huns drew many excellent remarks from Alcuin, who was fearful lest the policy pursued in the oase of the Saxons should be repeated there. In a letter to Charlemagne (796), Ep. xxvm. (Al. xxxin.) he says, ' Sed nuno pravideat sapientissima et Deo placabilis devotio vestra populo novello proedicatores, moribus honestis, scientia sacrffi fidei edoctos, et evangelicis praeceptis imbutos,' etc. He recom mends, as a model for the missionary, St Augustine's treatise De Cate- chizandis Rudibus: Opp. i. 37, 38. The same care and tenderness are impressed on archbishop Amo in Ep. xxx, xxxi, lxxii, (Al. xxxiv, xxxv, lxxxvii; Opp. i. 39, 40,105), his eye being still fixed on the recent failure in the missions to the Saxons. 6 Alcuin, Ep. xcn. (Al. ovm.) p. 135. -814] Growth of the Church. 27 of Ephesus, under the name of Nestorians1 or Chaldeeans. Most of them, on their expulsion from the Roman empire. had found a shelter with their fellow-Christians in Persia, to whom they were united by a common misbelief. Here they obtained an exclusive toleration, though it did not altogether screen them from the rancour of the heathen natives2. From the sixth to the eleventh century, when the power of the Nestorians may be said to have cul minated, they were peculiarly distinguished by their mis sionary spirit3. The head of their system, known as the catholicos, and subsequently (498) as the patriarch, pre sided over churches in Chaldtea, Persia, Media, Mesopo tamia, and in districts far beyond the Tigris, in Bactriana and India. His see4 was originally at Seleucia, and after wards at Bagdad and Babylon, where he might have vied even with the Western pontiffs in a plenitude of power: for the bounds of his patriarchate embraced no less than twenty-five metropolitans5, nearly all of whom were located in the various countries they had rescued from the yoke of paganism6. Timotheus', who was the Nestorian patriarch from 778 to 820, may be mentioned as the warmest advo cate of missions. He sent out a large band of monks from the convent of Beth-abe in Mesopotamia, to evangelize the Tatar tribes, who roved in the neighbourhood of the Caspian sea: and some of them penetrated as far as India8 and China9, either planting or reviving in those 1 They repudiated this title (J. S. Asseman, Biblioth. Orientalis, torn. m. pt. n. pp. 75, 76) ; but retained the terminology, and, with few excep tions, the heretical tenets, condemned by the Church at large. See Palmer's Treatise on the Church, i. 319, 320, 3rd edit. 2 Asseman, ubi sup. pt. I. p. 109, pt. n. c. v. § 2. This section gives an account of their condition under the successive Persian kings, from 488 to 640, when the country was invaded by the Muhammedans. s Ibid, part n. p. 81. They were materially assisted by the favour of the caliph, who had numbers of them always in his service. 4 Ibid. pp. 622 sq. The see was eventually transferred to Mosul, p. 626. 6 Neale's Hist, of Eastern Church, Introd. I. 143. A ' Notitia' of all the sees is given in Asseman, pp. 705 sq. 6 They were also conspicuous for their love of learning. Their great school was at Nisibis, which rose out of the ruins of the school of Edessa (destroyed about 490) ; Asseman, torn. in. pt. n. pp. 428, 927. A whole chapter (xv.) is devoted to similar institutions. 7 Ibid, part I. pp. 158 sq. 8 On the earlier traces of Christianity in India, see Neander, C. H. in. 164 sq. 9 David is mentioned as a bishop ordained for China by the patriarch ASIATIC MISSIONS. Vast area of their settlements. Timotheus; and the missions to India and China. 28 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 590 ASIATIC MISSIONS. Further influenceof the Nes torians in EasternAsia. The Gospel planted in Nubia by the Jacob ites. distant parts a knowledge of the Gospel. Two of the episcopal members of the mission, Cardag and Jaballaha, transmitted a report of their success to the Nestorian pa triarch, who urged them to perpetuate the impression they had made by ordaining other bishops to succeed them1. It was also in this period, though the date is not exactly ascertainable2, that a distinguished Syrian, Mar- Thomas (it would seem a merchant3), prevailed on the community of Christians, already stationed on the coast of Malabar4, to place themselves under the jurisdiction of the Nestorian catholicos. By this step he led the way to a further propagation of the Nestorian creed : and in the ninth century5 two bishops of that communion, Sapor and Peroses, are said to have planted the cross to the south west of Cochin in the kingdom of Diamper. IN AFRICA. The only progress to be noted in this corner of the Christian kingdom, is due to the sect of the Alexandrian Jacobites (Monophysites), who had already in the life time of Justinian found "admission into Nubia6. In the Timotheus ; Asseman, ibid, part n. p. 82. It is by no means improbable that the Gospel had reached this country at a still earlier date. (See De Guignes, Vntersuchung iiber die im Iten Jahrhunderte in Sina sich auf- haltenden Christen, ed. Greifswald, 1769.) Among other evidence is a Syro-Chinese inscription, brought to light by the Jesuit missionaries in 1625, and purporting to belong to 782 (in Mosheim, Hist. Eccl. Tartaro- rum, App. in. and elsewhere). According to it, Olopuen, a Nestorian priest, visited China in 635 from the western frontier of the country. See Reason's Cross and Dragon (Christianity in China), pp. 16 sq. Lond. 1854. 1 The lack of a third prelate to assist in the consecration of the new bishops was to be supplied by a copy of the Gospels. Asseman, ubi sup. 2 Ibid, part in. p. 443 : Neale, Eastern Church, Introd. r. 146. 3 This, however, is denied by Asseman, p. 444, who concludes his argu ment as follows : ' Habemus itaque Thomam non Armenum mercatorem, neque infra sextum Christi seculum, sed circa annum 800, sub Timotheo Nestorianorum patriarcha a Jaballaha et Eardago Ghilanaa et Dailamse metropolitis ex monacho ccenobii Beth-Abensis ordinatum episcopum atque in vicinam Indiam missum.' 4 Cf. Neander, in. 166: Lassen, Ind. Alterthum, n. 1101, 1102; Bonn, 1852. The present Christians of Malabar boast of their descent from this Mar-Thomas. 0 Asseman, ubi sup. p. 442. 6 Ibid. torn. n. p. 330 : cf. Letronne's Christianisme en Egypte, en Nubie, et en Abyssinie, a Paris, 1832. The Christian priest-kings of —814] Growth of the Church. 29 patriarchate (686 — 688) of Isaac (a Jacobite) there is further proof of the connexion between that country and Alex andria ; Isaac interposing his authority to settle a dispute between the emperor of Ethiopia and the king of Nubia1. There is also an interesting notice of an application2 made by a priest from India to Simon, successor of Isaac (689—700), requesting at his hands episcopal consecration ; but whether India proper or Ethiopia is here meant, has been much disputed3. § 2. LIMITATION OF THE CHURCH. The countries which had formed the cradle of the Church and the scene of its earlier triumphs, were now destined to behold its obscuration and extinction. Persia, for example, after wresting many Christian provinces out of the hands of the Eastern emperor (604—621), among others those of Palestine and Egypt, set on foot a most bloody persecution. All, whom the sword of Kesra (Chosroes) had spared, were forced into union with the hated Nes torians4. But the tempest, though terrific, was of short duration; Heraclius being able (621-628) to repair his losses, and to heal the distractions of the Church. Jerusalem, however, had been scarcely rescued from the Persians, when a message5 was dispatched to the Eastern emperor, inviting him to join the Moslems, and to recognize their prophet. Born6 at Mecca in 569 or 570, Nubia turned Muhammedans only in the 14th century: Lepsius, Disco veries in Egypt, fcc. p. 259, Lond. 1852. 1 Benaudot, Hist. Patr. Alexand. p. 178. 8 Ibid. pp. 184 sq. Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, n. 454. 3 See Asseman, ubi sup. 451 sq. — It is needless to dwell on the efforts made in this period for the conversion of the Jews, in the west by the governments of Spain, and in the east by the Emperor Leo, the Isaurian ; for their measures were nearly always coercive, and on that account abor tive. See a chapter on the subject in Schrockh, xix. 298 — 326. 4 Theophanes, Chronographia, pp. 199 sq., inter Scriptores Byzantin. ed. Venet. 1729. At p. 213 c, ibid, is the following entry: 'H^/cafc U robs Xpurnavotis yevi^dai eh Tr,v tou Neorop'ou dpnfKeiav irpbs rb v'Kfj^ai tov paaiXe'a [i. e. the emperor]. This seems to have been the policy of the Persians throughout in tolerating the Nestorian body. 6 Ockley, Hist, of the Saracens, p. 51, ed. Bohn. 6 See Prideaux's Life of Mahomet, and, for his religious system, Sale's Koran, with the Preliminary Discourse, and Forster's Mahometanism tjnveiled, Lond. 1829. Other views may be obtained from Weil's Mu- AFRICAN MISSIONS. Invasionof the Eastern Church from Per sia. Rise of Muham- so Limitation of the Church. [A.D. 590 of the stock of Ishmael, Muhammed1 seems in early life to have been possessed by the persuasion that he was an agent in the hands of God to purify the creed of his fellow-countrymen. The texture of his mind was mystical, inclining him to solitude and earnest contemplation 2: but the spirit of enthusiasm, thus fostered and inflamed, was afterwards corrupted by the lust of worldly power5. Some of the more intelligent around him were monotheists already, having clung to the tenets of their father Ishmael ; but others, a large section of the Arab tribes, were sunk in idolatry and superstition4. We learn also that on the rise of Islamism many Jews had been long settled in Arabia, where they gained some political importance5; and that heralds of the Gospel on its earliest promulgation made very numerous converts; though the Christians at this time were for the most part Jacobites6, who had come from the neighbouring lands in quest of an asylum. It is clear, therefore, that materials were at hand out of which to construct a composite religion like that now established by Muhammed; and when he ventured to unfold his visions to the world in 611, it was easy to discern in their leading- features a distorted copy of the Bible7. While Islamism was the foe of all creature- worship, while it preached with an emphasis peculiar to itself the absolute dependency of hammed der Prophet, ed. Stuttgart, 1843, and Dollinger's MuhammeSs Religion nach ihrer inneren Entwickclung, etc., ed. Begensburg, 1838. The last writer looks upon Muhammedanism as a kind of preparation for the Gospel in the southern and eastern world. Mbhler's work, On the Rela tion of Islam to the Gospel, has been translated by Menge; Calcutta, 1847. 1 = Maxou/i'9, from which the common form Mahomet was derived. 2 He retired for a month every year into a mountain-cavern, abandon ing his mercantile employments. It was not till his fortieth year (609) that the archangel Gabriel (according to his statement) announced to him his mission from on high. Abulfeda, quoted in Ockley's Saracens, p. 11. According to the second writer, Muhammed was assisted in com piling the Koran by a Persian Jew and a Nestorian monk. His own followers maintain that it was shewn to him at once by the archangel, though published only in detached portions during the next 23 years. 3 Cf. Maurice's Religions of the World, pp. 18, 19, 2nd edit. Others would regard Muhammed as an impostor from the first ; e.g. White in his Bampton Lectures for 1784, passim. 4 Sale's Preliminary Discourse, pp. 24 sq. 5 Ibid. p. 28. 6. pp. 29, 31. The Nestorians also had one bishop. Ibid. 7 Traces also of a Gnostic element have been found in the Koran. Neander, C. II. v. 118. —814] Limitation of the Church. 31 man and the unity and infinite sublimity of God, its teach ing even there was meagre and one-sided : it was a harsh and retrogressive movement; it lost sight of what must ever be the essence of the Gospel, the Divinity and In carnation of the Saviour, the original nobility of man, and his gradual restoration to the likeness of his Maker. It was, in fact, no more than the Socinianism or Deism of [Arabia. Clouding over all the attributes of love, Mu hammed could perceive in the Almighty nothing more than a high and arbitrary Will, or a vast and tremendous Power, — -views which had their natural result in fatalism, and in fostering a servile dread or weakening the moral instincts1. His own tribe, the Koreish of Mecca, startled2 by his novel doctrine, were at first successful in resisting the pretensions of 'the prophet;' but his flight (i.e. the Hejrah, July 16, 622), while it served as an epoch in the annals of his followers, entailed a terrific evil on the world. It imparted to the system of Muhammed, hitherto pacific 3, all its fierce and its persecuting spirit. On his arrival at Medina, where he acted in the twofold character of prince and prophet, he was able to enlarge the circle of his influence, and to organize a sect of religious warriors, — so gigantic, that in the tenth year of the Hejrah every part of his native land, including Mecca4, trembled at his word. His death followed in 632, but the ardour he had roused descended to the caliphs, and increased with the number of his converts. Dropping all their ancient feuds, exulting in 1 The way in which Islamism was regarded by the Church, in the eighth century, appears from a Dialogue between a Christian and a Moslem, ascribed to John of Damascus or to his disciple, Theodore Abukara: in Biblioth. Patrum, ed. Galland, xin. 272 sq., and (somewhat differently) in Biblioth. Patrum Parisiens. xi. 431 sq. We there learn that the points insisted on against Muhammed were the Divinity of Christ, and the freedom of the human will. 2 Sale, ib. p. 58. 3 He was at first tolerant of other systems (Koran, ch. n. v.), but he now opened what was called 'the holy war,' for the purpose of exter minating all idolaters, and of making Jews and Christians tributary to the crescent. Ib. e. ix. lxvii : Ockley, p. 32. These ends were con tinually kept in view by the Moslem conquerors. See Milman, Latin Christianity, Bk. iv. ch. i. 4 He took this stronghold of his enemies in 630, and by way of con ciliating the Arabs he adopted their national sanctuary (the Kaaba) as the chief temple of Islamism. Ockley, p. 18. This was not the only stroke of policy by which he circumvented the more superstitious of his countrymen. MUHAM- MEDANISM. Flight of Muham med, and his appeal to force in propagat ing his re ligion. 32 Limitation of the Church. [A.r>. 590 a fresh and energizing faith, or maddened by the sensual visions of the future, the adherents of the crescent fought their way through all the neighbouring states. Though some of their progress may be due to the corruption and distractions of the Church1, and more to their simple or accommodating tenets, very much was effected by their craft in dealing with the Christian body. It was the aim of the caliph, by conciliating the heretical communities, Nestorian and Monophysite especially, to use them as his agents in diminishing the number of the Catholics, who, firm in their allegiance to the emperor, were branded with the name of Melchites2. Joining thus the devices of the politician with the fire of the enthusiast, the fortunes of Islamism rapidly advanced. Its second caliph, Omar, took Jerusalem in 637, and was master of the whole of Syria in 639. Egypt was annexed in 640. Persia bowed its head beneath the crescent in 651. Under the Ommiades (caliphs of Damascus), Islamism had subdued the northern coast of Africa (707), and in 711 it had been established everywhere in Spain, with the exception of a small Gothic kingdom in the mountains: while the Byzantine metropolis itself was made to shudder (669, 717) at the sight of the Moslem armies. Restless even at the foot of the Pyrenees,, they spread into France as far as the Loire; but in 732 were finally repulsed and humbled by the arms of Charles Martel. In 734 they threatened to extend their ravages to the interior of Italy; and after they had occupied many of the neighbouring islands, Rome3 was with difficulty rescued from their grasp in 849. However much of good eventually resulted from the Saracenic conquests, they were fatal to the present welfare 1 ' The sense of a Divine, Almighty Will, to which all human wills were to be bowed, had evaporated amidst the worship of images, amidst moral corruptions, philosophical theories, religious controversies.' Maurice, Religions of the World, p. 23. Overcoloured as this statement is, it is too near the truth: (cf. the language of the emperor Heraclius in 633, when the Moslems were now advancing upon Syria : Ockley's Saracens. p. 95). . 2 In Egypt, for example, the Jacobites were the more numerous body, and though not wholly exempted from persecution were for the most part favoured by the Moslems. Neale, Eastern Church, 'Alexandria,' n. 72. The Nestorians in like manner were protected by the caliphs of Bagdad, who owed to them much of their taste for literature. Schrockh, xix 396 sq. 3 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, v. 209 sq. ed. Milman. —814] Limitation of the Church. 33 of religion and the progress of the Church. Though tend ing to promote the interest of letters1 in a period when the other kingdoms of the world were comparatively dark, they have desolated many a region where the Gospel was supreme, and obliterated all the traces of its earliest pro pagation. At the time when Boniface2 and his companions were engaged in evangelizing the Teutonic tribes, they heard that the famous churches of the East, the special husbandry of Christ and His Apostles, were the prey of the antichristian armies of Muhammed. The defenceless patriarchates3 of Jerusalem, of Antioch, and Alexandria, deprived of their rightful pastors, and curtailed on every side, are moving illustrations of the general ruin ; and out of four hundred sees that once shed a salutary light on Africa, four only were surviving in the eleventh cen tury4. The rest had been absorbed into the vortex of Islamism. 1 Abulfeda, Annates Moslemici, torn. n. pp. 73 sq. Leipz. 1754. See a chapter on the 'Literature of the Arabians' in Sismondi's Literature of the South of Europe, •.. 48 sq. The Moslems of Spain began to endow schools about 736 : Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes en Espana, i. 110, Barcelona, 1844. On the literary taste of Alhakem (a.d. 964 sq.) see n. 14—16. 2 He speaks with alarm of the Saracenic invasions in Ep. xxxn. The ' tribulatio Saracenorum ' was in like manner present to the mind of Zacharias, in 745, when he contemplated the growth of the Church among the Frisians : Mansi, xn. 336. 3 The patriarchs were driven into the Greek empire. In Alexandria the Church was partially restored by the election of Cosmas in 727 (Neale, ibid. n. 107) ; but none of the Eastern Churches have to this day recovered from the blow inflicted by Islamism. In the fifth century they contained as many as 800 bishoprics. 4 Wiltsch, Atlas Sacer, p. 12, Gothte, 1843. M.A. ( 34 ) [A.D. 590 INTERNALORGANIZA TION, The trans mission of the episco pal power and privi leges. CHAPTER II. CONSTITUTION AND GOVEBNMENT OF THE CHEISTIAN CHTJECH. § 1. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION. The model that was followed from the first in the organizing of the Christian body, had continued to pass over to the churches newly planted. Active members of a mission, if not consecrated in the outset1 of their course, were advanced to the rank of bishops when their labours had succeeded2. With a staff of inferior clergy, who were taken very often in this age from some of the monastic orders, they were foremost in dispensing all the means of grace as well as in the closer supervision of their flocks. While acting3 as the champions of the wronged, the guardians of the foundling and the minor, and of all who were either destitute or unprotected, they were placed in more intimate relations to the clergy, who had learned to regard their bishop as the centre of all rightful action, and the source of the authority deposited in them. 1 Under the title 'episcopus regionarius:' see above, p. 18, n. 4; p. 25. Birinus had at firBt no see : Bed. in. 7. 2 The case of Liudger (p. 25, n. 5) is a solitary exception; but even he was obliged to conform. 3 e.g. Codex Justin, lib. I. tit. iv. De Episcopali Audientia, §§ 22 — 24, 27, 28, 30, 33. The sphere of their duties was extended (560) to the oversight of the administration of justice : Clotarii Constitutio Generalis, % vi, in the Capitul. Regum Francorum, ed. Baluze, i. 7. The following extract from Canon xvin'. of the Council of Toledo (a.d. 589) is a further instance of this power: 'Sint enim prospeotores episcopi, secundum regiam admonitionem, qualiter judices cum populis agant: ut aut ipsos prsemonitos corrigant, aut insolentias eorum auditibus prineipis inno- tescant. Quodsi correptos emendare nequiverint, et ab ecclesia et a communione suspendint' —814] Constitution of the Church. 35 But the acts of the diocesan, if arbitrary and unlawful, might be checked by appealing to another bishop, whom the canons of the Church, in union with the civil power, had raised to superior eminence of rank. This was the metropolitan or primate1, who presided in a synod of pro vincial bishops, regulated their election, authorized their consecration, had the power of revising their decision, or of carrying it for judgment to a conclave of his brother- prelates ; and lastly, among other rights inherent in the primate, he was the public organ of communication with the State, — the channel for enforcing its enactments or distributing its bounty. It is true that as the metropolitan constitution of the Church had grown out of the political divisions of the empire2, it had also felt the shock by which the empire was subverted ; and that, compared with its vigour in the former period, it was now very often inefficient, if not altogether in abeyance. Prelates of remoter dioceses, which they were engaged in reclaiming from the heathen, not unfrequently regarded the appointment of a primate as a clog on the freedom of their action. This3 was peculiarly apparent in the Franks ; nor is it hard to discern in their impatience of control a link in the chain of causes which was tending to consolidate the empire of the pope. They bowed to his legates and supported his pretensions, to evade what they deemed a vassalage at home. Yet, in spite of the wide-spread disaffection _ to the government of primates, it was able, here and there, to perpetuate its hold, and even to secure a footing in the newly founded churches. When Boniface was brought into collision with the bishop of Cologne4, he strenuously 1 See Bingham, Book n. ch. xvi. §§ 12 sq. and authorities there. 2 This statement may be seen expanded at great length in Crakan- thorp's Defensio Eccl. Anglican, ch. xxn. §§ 64 sq. 3 Cf. Neander, v. 88 sq. 153, 154. The provincial synods, which were calculated to become the strongest agent of the metropolitans, had been discontinued in France for no less than eighty years : see the letter of Boniface, above, p. 21. 4 Ep. xciv. a.d. 753: ?Et modo vult Coloniensis episcopus sedem supradicti Willibrordi prasdicatoris [i. e. Utrecht] sibi contrahere, ut non sit episcopalis sedes, subjecta Romano pontifici, praedicans gentem Fre- sonum. Cui respondebam, ut credidi, quod majus et potius fieri debeat prseceptum apostolicaa sedis, et ordinatio Sergii papas, et legatio venerandi prsedicatoris Willibrordi, ut et fiat sedes episcopalis subjecta Boniano D'2 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. How affect ed by the metropoli tan consti tution of some Churches. The. decline of metropo litans at this period.. Its effect on the growth of the pa pal power. 36 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 590 resented every act of interference in the spirit of the Frankish prelates : but in other parts he laboured from the first to organize the metropolitan system, and to use it as the special instrument of Rome. In his view every prelate of a district should be placed in a close dependence on the metropolitan, and the metropolitan in subservience to the pope, on whom the correction of the evils, that might baffle a domestic synod, should be finally devolved. After manifold obstructions2, the design of Boniface was partly carried out. A council at Soissons8 (744) enabled him to fix one metropolitan at Rheims, and a second in the town of Sens. Mentz was awarded to himself; and at the close of the century two others, Arno of Salzburg and Hildebold of Cologne, were added to the list of primates. In England4 also we have seen that the Roman mission were in favour of the same arrangement, choosing for their purpose Canterbury5 and York6, but the dignity pontifici prasdicans gentem Fresonum, quia magna pars illorum adhuc pagana est ; quam destructse ecclesiola? fundamenta diruta, et a paganis conculcata, et per negligentiam episcoporum derelicta. Sed ipse non consentit.' 1 'Decrevimus autem in nostro synodali conventu, et confessi sumus fidem catholicam, et unitatem, et subjectionem Romano; ecclesia, fine tenus vita? nostras, velle servare : sancto Petro et vicario ejus velle sub- jici : synodum per omnes annos congregare : metropolitanos pallia ab ilia sede quarere, etc. . . . Decrevimus, ut metropolitanus qui sit pallio sub- limatus, hortetur cseteros, et admoneat, et investiget, quis sit inter eos curiosus de salute populi, quisve negligens servus Dei . . . Statuimus quod proprium sit metropolitano, juxta canonum statuta, subjectorum sibi episcoporum investigare mores et sollicitudinem circa populos, quales sint . . . Sic enim, ni fallor, omnes episcopi debent metropolitano, et ipse Romano pontifici, si quid de corrigendis populis apud eos impossibile est, notum facere, et sic alieni fient a sanguine animarum perditarum.' Ep. lxiii. a.d. 748 (addressed to Cuthbert, archbp. of Canterbury). 2 'De eo autem, quod jam prffiterito tempore de archiepiscopis et de palliis a Romana ecclesia petendis, juxta promissa Francorum, sanctitati vestrse notum feci, indulgentiam apostolical sedis flagito: quia quod promiserunt tardantes non impleverunt, et adhuc differtur et ventilatur, quid inde perficere voluerint, ignoratur, sed mea voluntate impleta est promissio:' Ep. lxxv. (to pope Zacharias, A.D. 751): of. Neander, C. H. v. 89. 3 Labbe, vi. 1552. 4 It is remarkable that in Ireland there were no metropolitans, or none at leasfwho wore the pallium, till 1151. (B. Hoveden, ad annum.) But neither was there any diocesan system. 5 See above, p. 9, note 5. The primacy of Canterbury, which had • been endangered by Offa's erection of an archiepiscopal see at Lichfield, was recognized by Leo in., and settled in a provincial synod 803 Wilkins, I. 166. —814] Constitution of the Church. 37 intended for the latter was a long while in abeyance. In all cases it was now the custom to create a metropolitan by sending him the pall or pallium, as a decorative badge. At first1 it implied that all, thus distinguished by the pope, were prelates in communion with the Roman see: but in after-times it grew into a symbol of dependence. Much, however, as the papacy had gained by these centralizing changes, it was equally indebted to the con quests of Islamism. While they tended to unite the Christians of the west, they shook the dominion of the Eastern patriarchs ; and three of these we must regard as virtually dethroned2. They all, in the former period of the Church, had exercised a constant check on the pretensions of the pope ; for like him3 they had extensive powers and were invested with precedence over other bishops : in pro portion, therefore, as the sphere of their influence was narrowed, that of the larger patriarchates would be suffered to increase ; and the struggle for priority of place among them would be confined to the Roman and Byzantine sees. The envy and ambition of these pontiffs led the way to a multitude of evils ; and resulted, at the close of the s See above, p. 12, note 6. St Gregory directed that the metro politans of England should receive consecration from each other: but until York had regained its archiepiscopal rank in 735, the prelate-elect of Canterbury was sometimes consecrated in Gaul, and sometimes by a conclave of his own suffragans. Kemble, n. 381. 1 One of the earliest instances of such a grant from the pope is that of Caesarius, bishop of Aries,. to whom Symmachus is said to have per mitted (513) 'speciali privilegio, pallii usum.' Vit. S. Casar. in the Acta Sanctorum, August, vi. 71. For another example of nearly the same date, see a letter of Symmachus to Theodore, archbishop of Lorch, in Ludewig, Scriptores Rerum German, ii. 352: but Jaff^, Regest. Pontif. Roman. (BeroHni, 1851), places it among the 'Liters Spuria?.' In the Eastern Church all bishops, as such, had worn a pallium (dpLo ttjs vias'P&uys ayiorrdrit} dpbvip, k.t.X., on the ground that Constantinople was the seat of the empire. The Council in Trullo (691) repeated the decree in still clearer terms: can. xxxvi: rtov lata? aTokaiovaav ¦jrpeo'pelon' rrj irpeo'^VT^pa /SatriXMt 'Ptojtt?/. These canons were signed by the emperor and the four Eastern patriarchs: the pope, however, obstinately refused, and some of the decisions were afterwards reversed by synods in the west. In the Codex of Justinian, lib. i. tit. ii. c. 24, the Church of Constantinople is entitled iraauiv twv dWar KecpaXy ; but he used the same language in regard to the Church of Borne. Ibid. lib. i. tit. i. c. 7, and elsewhere. The incursion of the Lombards into Italy (568) weakened the connexion between the empire and the popes, and left them more at liberty to follow out their central izing projects. Even then, however, the obstructions they encountered were not few. The archbishop of Aquileia and the Istrian prelates had suspended all communion with the court of Bome in the controversy on the Three Chapters, and were not reconciled till 698 : see J. F. B. M. de Bubeis, Monimenta Ecclesia Aquilejensis, ed. 1740, and Gieseler, n. 129. 3 It is clear from Gregor. Ep. v. 18, that Pelagius II., his predecessor, was offended ' propter nef andum elationis vocabulum. ' 4 Cf . Codex, lib. i. tit. i. 7 : Novell, in. v. and elsewhere. 5 See, among others, a letter addressed to John himself (595), v. 18, and one of the same date to the emperor Maurice, v. 20. -814] Constitution of the Church. 39 For his own part also he was ready to disclaim an appella tion of that nature1, on the ground that it detracted from the honour of his colleagues. Yet in spite of these dis claimers, it is obvious that to him, far more than any of his predecessors, the foundation of the papal monarchy is due2. He seems to have been possessed by an idea3 that the source of all authority for every province of the Church was lodged, by some special grant, in the successors of St Peter: and the vigour of his mind4, united with his many Christian virtues, had enabled him to propagate his tenets far and near, not only in the ancient Roman dioceses, but in every province of the west. In contrast with the misery at home6, a field of increasing glory was presented to his view in the mission to the Anglo-Saxons, the conversion of the Arian Visigoths in Spain6, and the respect with which his coun- 1 a.d. 598, in a letter to Eulogius, patriarch of Alexandria, who, in the style of the Eastern Church, had called Gregory ' universalis episco- pus.' Gregor. Ep. vin. 30. It continued, however, to be given to the see of Constantinople, and Phocas, the murderer of Maurice, who ascended the imperial throne in 602, rewarded the countenance he had received from the pope (cf. Gregor. Epist. xin. 31), by advocating his pretensions to supremacy: 'Hie (Phocas), rogante papa Bonifacio, sta- tuit sedem Bomanaa et Apostolicse ecclesisa caput esse omnium ecclesia- rum, quia ecclesia Constantinopolitana primam se omnium ecclesiarum scribebat.' Beda, Chronicon, a.d. 614. The communication of the Bo man prelates with the court was kept up by an agent (apocrisiarius) at Constantinople. Gregory the Great and two of his immediate successors had each held this office in their earlier years. 2 ' Upon the whole, the papal authority had made no decisive progress in France, or perhaps anywhere beyond Italy, till the pontificate of Gre gory I.' Hallam, Middle Ages, ch. vn: i. 519; ed. 1841. For a minute account of its inroads and possessions at the beginning of the seventh century, see Wiltsch's Handbuch der Kirchlichen Geographic und Sta- tistik, I. 67 sq. Berlin, 1846. 3 ' De Constantinopolitana ecclesia,' he asks, Epist. ix. 12, ' quis earn dubitet Bedi apostolicse esse subjectam?' — but this might imply no more than the priority of Borne as one of the sedes apostolica : see the whole of his letter to Eulogius (vn. 40), where he seems to argue as if Antioch and Alexandria, which had also been indebted to St Peter, stood on a level with the Boman church. 4 This was shewn by his letters, of which 840 have been preserved, and by his theological Treatises. 6 Gibbon, ch. xlv: iv. 267, ed. Mihnan. - 6 In a letter to Bechared, king of the Visigoths, a.d. 599, Epist. ix. 122, he praises the zeal of that monarch in reclaiming ' all the nation of the Goths' from the heresy of Arius, and forwards a pallium to Leander, bishop of Seville, at his own request. Ibid. ix. 121. In 701 — 710, how ever, Witiza the king endeavoured to restore the independence of the INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Progress of the papal power un der Gregory the Great. 40 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 590 INTERNAL OROANIZA- TION. His succes sors. sels were accepted by the Frankish kings and prelates1. He was followed in a quick succession by Sabinian (604), Bonifacius III. (607), Bonifacius IV. (608), Deusdedit (615), Bonifacius V. (619), Honorius I. (625), Severinus (638 ?), John IV. (640), Theodore I. (642), Martin I. (649), Eugenius I. (654), Vitalian (657), Adeodatus (672), Donus (676), Agatho* (678), Leo II. (682), Benedict II. (6831), John3 V. (685), Conon (686), Sergius I. (687), John VI. (701), John VII. (705), Sisinnius (708), Constantine I. (708), Gregory4 II. (715), — whose advocate in forwarding the papal power was Boniface, the Englishman, — Gregory6 III. (731), Zacharias (741), Stephen II. (752), Stephen6 Spanish Church, and forbade all appeals to a 'foreign' bishop; but the conquests of the Saracens soon after put an end to this freer movement. For a careful statement of the evidence respecting Witiza, see Gieseler, n. 189 sq. 1 e. g. Gregor. Epist. xi. 55, 56, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 69. In the last, dated like the others, 601, he asks leave of Brunechild, the Frankish queen, to send a legate into Gaul, with the hope of restraining such priests as lived ' impudice ac nequiter. ' This intercourse was, however, weak ened during the political disturbances of the seventh century, and only re-established under Pepin and Carloman. Gieseler, n. 187. 2 In apologizing for his delay in sending legates to the Council of Con stantinople (680), he thus speaks of the growth of his dominion in the west : ' Primum quidem, quod numerosa multitudo nostrorum usque ad oceani regiones extenditur, cujus itineris longinquitas in multi temporis cursum protelatur: sperabamus deinde de Britannia Theodorum, archie- piscopum et philosophum, ad nostram humilitatem conjungere : et max- ime quia in medio gentium, tarn Longobardorum, quamque Sclavorum, necnon Francorum, Gallorum, et Gothorum, atque Britannorum, plurimi confamulorum nostrorum esse noscuntur.' Mansi, xi. 294. 3 It is remarkable that this pope and six of his immediate successors were either Greeks or Syrians, which is to be ascribed to the want of theological scholars in Bome, or still more to the influence of the Byzan tine court. Dollinger, C. H. in. 110. 4 The following passage from a letter to the emperor Leo (729) is very remarkable : 'Nos viam ingredimur in extremas occidentis regiones ver sus illos, qui sanctum baptisma efflagitant. Cum enim illuc episcopos misissem et sanctaa ecclesise nostrsB clericos, nondum adducti sunt, ut capita sua mclinarent et baptizarentur, eorum principes, quod exoptent, ut eorum sim susceptor (k/j.i imftTovvTes yevtaBai abrCSv draSoxoi'). Hac de causa nos ad viam, Dei benignitate, accingimus, ne forte damnationis et incurisB nostra? rationem reddamus.' Mansi, xn. 981. Another speci men of his extravagant language occurs, ibid. 971 : rov ityiov TUrpov al ir&trai fia. 590 Institution of collegi ate Canons. numbers, interfered with the freedom of the local churches, and facilitated the incursions of the popes, it must not withstanding be regarded as a patron of the arts1, and as contributing to fan the embers of religion2. The corruptions which prevailed in the eighth century among the major and the minor clerics, as distinguished from the monks, appear to have suggested the idea of binding them together by a rule, analogous to those obtain ing in the convents. The design is attributed to Chrodegang, a pious bishop of Metz (742-766), who founded3 what was known as the order of cathedral or collegiate ' canons.' It is clear that the members of his chapter differed little from the Benedictine monks, except in their enjoyment of some personal estate, arising from a periodical division of the funds of the cathedral. They used a common dormitory and refectory; affixed (or 'canonical') hours they met in the church for worship, and in the chapter-house to hear the exhortations of the bishop. Chrodegang's institute was sanctioned, with some changes, at the council of Aix- la-Chapelle (816), and was copied4 very soon in other countries. lar clergy (e. g. under Benedict Biscop and later tinder Boniface) but also diminished in numbers and influence, until at the date of the Danish invasion pure monasticism was nearly extinct. That invasion destroyed the remains of the primitive system, and the English monachism of the tenth century was a new institution. In Germany it was otherwise; Willebrord, Boniface, and most of the German missionaries were also Benedictines. It was natural, therefore, that the German synods should insist upon conformity to the institute under which they had themselves been trained. Helyot, n. 58. 1 The impulse in this direction appears to have been communicated by Cassiodorus. See his treatises 'De institutione Divinarum litterarum' and 'De artibus ac disciplinis liberalium litterarum' (Opp. Bothomagi, 1679) , both of which were much esteemed by the mediaeval monks. 2 See Mabillon's Acta Sanctorum Ordin. Benedict, passim. The Bene dictines and their offshoots were peculiarly devoted to the study of the Bible: see, for instance, the Antiqu lores Consuetudines Cluniacensis Mo- nasterii, in D'Achery, i. 650, (ed. 1723), where we find the order of read ing the whole Bible once a year. 3 Chrodogangi Regula Sincera, apud Mansi, Concil. xrv. 313. Strictly speaking, Chrodegang was not the author of the rule. It was akin to the canonical institute of St Augustine: Helyot, n. 64 sq. Canonesses also are first mentioned at the Council of Chalons-sur-Saone (813): 16. n. 59. ' ' 4 Ib. p. 68. Paul Warnefrid (Gesta Episc. Mettensium; Pertz, n. 268) has left a contemporary account of Chrodegang and his active life. Char lemagne was so pleased with the new institute that he wanted all the clergy to be either monks or canons. Capitular. a.d. 789, c. 75 (Baluze, —814] Constitution of the Church. 45 But in addition to the city clergy, whom it was thus attempted to reduce more fully under the inspection of the bishop, every diocese included many others, who officiated in rural districts. These were the seculars, comprising (1) the parish-priests1 and their assistants; (2) the roving or itinerant clergy2, who had no proper cure and no fixed em ployment; (3) a large band of chaplains3, who obeyed all the movements of the court, or were attached to the castles of the gentry. To correct excesses in these quarters, and to mitigate the evils, on the part of laymen, that grew out of their abuse4 of the right of patronage, it was need ful that the prelates should secure a closer supervision of their flocks. An order had indeed been given at the end5 i, 239). There are traces of an attempt to introduce portions of the system into England as early as 813; Councils, &c, in. 575; Kemble, Cod. Dipl. cc : monastic institutions being then on the wane. But nei ther the discipline nor the name of canons was really planted here before the 11th century and then the rule of Chrodegang was almost universally rejected. 1 See Bingham, bk. ix. ch. vin. In most other countries the division into parishes was very ancient, but in England the introduction of the system is a matter of great obscurity. The monastic stations founded by the original missionaries seem to have long supplied the wants of the people. The original parish priest would be the minister of the village community or chaplain of the lord of a franchise, and the parish in most cases • would coincide with the territory of the community or franchise. In Bede's letter to Egbert traces of an incipient system of the kind may be found. The process in a thinly populated and unsettled country was naturally slower than on the continent where it was only necessary to adopt the ancient local divisions. Theodore has been named as the founder of the parochial system, but it was probably growing up gra dually from his time to that of Alfred. 2 These had grown up through a relaxation of the ancient laws which provided that no clergyman should be ordained except to a particular church. Charlemagne laboured to abate the evils that had flowed from their disorderly proceedings. Capitular, a.d. 789: ib. a.d. 794. The former, among other things, decrees 'ut in diebus festis vel Dominicis, omnes ad ecclesiam veniant, et non invitent presbyteros ad domos suas ad missas faciendas, ' c. 9. 3 The trouble they created for the bishops may be gathered from the 14th canon of the Council of Chalons (649). The principal chaplain of the court (archicapellanus) became a kind of 'minister of religion' for the whole kingdom: see Planck, Geschichte der Kirchenverfassung, ii. 147. 1 e.g. Bonifacii Opp. ii. 22: 'Ut laici presbyteros non ejiciant de ecclesiis, nee mittere praBsumant sine consensu episcoporum suorum : ut laici omnino non audeant munera exigere a presbyteris, propter com- mendationem ecclesise cuique presbytero.' This prohibition was renewed (813) at Aries, c. 5. 6 Concil. Bracarense in. (of Braga, 572) can. i. INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. The secular clergy. 46 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 590 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Episcopal visitations. Archdeacons, and rural chap ters. Synods. Their main objects at this period. of the former period (572) that the bishop should inspect his diocese in person every year. This practice was con tinued in the following centuries1; and the effect of it was extended by the larger powers of the archdeacon2, and the rise of many rural chapters3 (or associations of adjoin ing parishes). But the organization of the Church is due still more to the influence of Synods4, which had long been in the Western Church the ordinary courts for determining all controverted questions. The proceedings of the synods5 of this epoch, with exceptions to be noticed in the following chapter, did not turn habitually on points of doctrine, but related to the conduct of the clergy or %he people, the external welfare of the Church, and the wider propagation of the Gospel. They forbad all ministrations of a cleric who was unacquainted6 with the language of the country ; they insisted on a more extensive knowledge of the Bible'; 1 e. g. Bonifacii Epist. lxiii. p. 141: Synod of Clovesho, 747, can. in.; Wilkins, i. 95. In the Frankish empire these visitations were connected with the establishment of sends (? synodi), or spiritual courts : see Neander, v. 148, 149. The bishops in all cases attempted to extirpate the numerous remains of heathenism as well as open vices. 2 Bingham, bk. n. ch. xxi. § 9: Neander, v. 152, 153. In some of the recently converted districts there was a great lack both of presbyters and bishops. See the excellent letter of Bede to archbp. Ecgberht (734), where he urges the necessity of further subdivision in that prelate's field of labour. As the power of the archdeacon was enlarged, the chorepiscopi were all abolished. Giesler, n. 249. 3 The ' capitula ruralia ' were presided over by archpresbyters, or, in more modern language, rural deans : see Ducange, sub voce, and Dansey's Hora Decanica Rurales, 2nd edit. 4 See above, p. 36, and cf. Guizot, Civilization, Lect. xin. In Spain the synods were chiefly national, and, in defect of such, provincial coun cils were to be assembled every year. See Council of Toledo (633), c. 3 : Merida (666), c. 7. The former of these gives directions touching the mode in which the synods should be held, can. 4. In England, under Theodore and subsequently, it was usual to hold provincial synods, at least in the southern province, though not, as he directed, twice a-year. Kemble, n. 367. 6 See an abstract of their acts, chronologically arranged, in Guizot, Append, to Vol. n. For specimens, at length, see those of Clovesho (747), and Cealohythe (787): Wilkins, i. 94 sq.; 145 sq. The object of the annual synod is thus stated by pope .Zacharias (Bonif. Epist. xlviii.): 'ad pertractandum de unitate ecclesise, ut si quid adversi acciderit radicibus amputetur, et Dei ecclesia maneat inconcussa.' e e. g. Bonifacii Statuta, § xxvn : Opp. n. 24 : cf, Charlemagne, Cap1- to', a.d. 813, §14; i. 505. 7 e. g. Council of Toledo (C33), c. 25 : (653), c. 8 : of Aries (813), c. 25. -814] Constitution of the Church. 47 they prescribed the routine of public worship1, and endea voured to produce a, greater uniformity2; in short, they were the legislative and judicial organs of the Church; although their movements might be checked and overruled by the voice of superior councils, by the arbitrary measures of the State, or, at times, in the churches of the west, by the fiats of the Roman court. The marriage of the clergy proper3, interdicted though it were by emperors and kings, by western synods, and emphatically by the popes, was not generally suppressed in the seventh century. In the eastern patriarchates, a council held at Constantinople, 691, (the Council in Trullo), while forbidding4 second marriages of priests or deacons, and reflecting on all marriages contracted after ordination, is opposed to the canons of the west. It vindicates5 the right of married clergymen to live as before with their proper consorts, on the ground that the holy ordinance of matrimony would be otherwise dishonoured. In the Latin Church, however, where the Trullan regulations were not all adopted, we observe a more stringent tone in the synodal decisions8; and when Boniface had been suc cessful in his German mission, he expended not a little of his ardour in discrediting the married clergy7. This 1 e. g. Council of Rome (595), u. 1, prescribing what parts of the service shall be chanted, and what read. 2 e. g. Toledo (675), c. 3, ordering all bishops of the province to con form to the ritual of the metropolitan church; as an older canon of Toledo (633), c. 2, directed that the same order of prayer and psalmody should be observed throughout the kingdom. 3 This distinction is important : for a multitude of persons now sub mitted to the tonsure without passing to the higher orders of the Church. See Guizot, Led. xni. p. 38. 4 Can. in: Mansi, xi. 941. 6 Can. xni. 6 e. g. Council of Toledo (653) can. v. vi. vn. It seems that Witiza, the reforming king of Spain, in the eighth century, rescinded the decrees relating to the celibacy of clerics. Gieseler, n. 191, note. 7 The following is the language of his patron Zacharias: 'Qui cle- rici etiam ab uxoribus abstinere debeant, ex concilio Africano, cap, xxxvn. ita continentur : Praaterea cum de clericorum quorundam (quam- vis erga proprias uxores) incontinentia referretur, placuit episcopos et presbyteros seu diaconos, secundum propria statuta, etiam ab uxori bus continere: quod nisi fecerint, ab ecclesiastico officio rcmoveantur. Cseteros autem clericos ad id non cogi, sed secundum uniuscujusque ecclesise consuetudinem observari debere.' Bonif. Ep. lxv: Opp. i. 1J5. Marriageof the clergy. 48 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 590 antipathy was shared by his countrymen at home1: yet, in spite of the admonitions of the bishop, and the legislation of the Witan (or state-council), very many of the English seculars, like those of other lands, continued to bring up the issue of their marriage2. With regard to the income of the clergy, it accrued as before from the endowments of their churches, and the voluntary offerings of the faithful3. The revenues thus obtained were thrown into a common stock, which it was usual, in the Roman church4 and others, to distribute in four portions; of which one was allotted to the poor, a second to the parish priests, a third to the fabric and expenses of the church, and the remnant to the bishop of the diocese. The administration6 of the property was left entirely in his hands. Another source of church-revenue were the tithes, which, although they had been claimed on moral grounds at a far earlier date6, were not uniformly paid by Christians of the west until the close of the sixth century7. A special law of Charlemagne", 779, enforced the payment on all subjects of the empire, and his neighbours for the most part followed his example9. Like the voluntary offer- 1 There are however hardly any references to clerical marriages in the genuine Anglo-Saxon laws or canons of this period. 2 See Kemble, n. 444 sq., where the chain of testimony is shewn to be almost unbroken. 3 The French clergy at the end of this period had become extremely rich. See Gue"rard, Cartulaire de I'Eglise de Notre Dame de Paris, Pref. p. xxxvii; Paris, 1850. 4 Bed. i. 27. In Spain, and perhaps elsewhere, the bishop had a third of the revenues: see Council of Braga (560), can. vn; of Toledo (633), can. xxxin. 6 Council of Orleans (511), can. xiv. xv: cf. Guizot, Led. ran. p. 53. The Council of Braga (675) complains of the injustice and extortion of some of the bishops. 6 Bingham, bk. v. ch. v. 7 The councils of Tours (567) and of Mdcon (585) endeavoured to pro cure a more regular payment. 8 Capitular, a.d. 779, c. vn. The severity with which this law had been enforced was regretted by the gentle Alcuin: see Epist. lxxx. (al. xcv.) ad Damnum Regem: Opp. I. 117. In Ep. lxxii. (al. lxxxvii. Opp. I. 105) he gives the following advice to Arno: 'Esto prsedicator pietatis, non decimarum exactor.' " The history of tithe in England has been complicated both by con troversial misstatements and by the existence of the antedated or fabri cated penitential literature. The establishment of the right grew up here in very much the same course as on the continent. (1) Setting -814] Constitution of the Church. 49 ings which preceded them, the tithes were intended for the . clergy and the poor ; the bishop of the diocese at first prescribing the allotments, even where he was not himself entitled to a portion. §2. RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH TO THE CIVIL POWER. The Church has been hitherto regarded as an independ ent corporation, organized entirely on a model of its own, expanding with the vigour it inherited from heaven, and governed, in the name of its holy Founder, by the prelates who derived authority from Him. But after the imperial coinage bore the impress of religion, and the sovereigns of the east and west were 'patrons' of the Church, its history involved another class of questions : it had entered into an alliance with the State, and, as a natural result, its path was in future to be shaped according to the new relations. This alliance did not lead, as it might have done, to an absorption of the secular into the sacerdotal power, nor to a complete amalgamation of the civil and ecclesiastical tri bunals : yet its strength was often injured by the action of opposing forces, either by the Church aspiring to become the mistress of the State, or by the State encroaching on the pro vince of the Church and suppressing her inherent rights. The former of these tendencies predominated in the west, the latter in the east. The one was diverging into Romanism; aside the statements of the spurious penitentials, it is clear from the genuine penitential of Theodore, that the duty of giving tithe to sacred purposes was regarded by him as part of the common law of the church ; Pcenit. n. c. ii. § 8; c. xiv. §§ 9, 10. The same was the opinion of the early lawyers who refer the introduction of the custom to St Augustine. Leges Eadw. capp. vii. viii. Thorpe, i. 445. (2) The legatine Council of 787, whose decrees were accepted as binding by the kings and witan of Mercia and Northumbria, and probably by the witan of Wessex also, enacts in the seventeenth canon, "ut omnes studeant de omnibus quse possident decimas dare:" and on this is perhaps based the statement that Offa gave a tithe of all his property to the church. Beyond this canon there is no extant enactment declaring the legal obligation of tithe; but it appears as an established law in the time of Edward the Elder; Thorpe, I. 171. " If any man withhold tithes let him pay lalislit among the Danes, wife with the English." On the story of Ethelwulf s gift of tithe, see Councils, rws iv avr<$ rip Kuptip ypu}v...So£d£'op.ei'. There is some varia tion in the statements as to the number of bishops present. The sub scriptions do not exceed one hundred. 1 See above, p. 66, n. 1. Attempts had been made to vindicate the orthodoxy of Honorius (e. g. by Maximus, Mansi, x. 687), and his acqui escence in the creed of Sergius had been studiously passed over in the proceedings of the Boman synods, but here at Constantinople the clause Kal 'Ovibpiov rhv ytvbpivov irairav ttjs irpeaplvTipas 'Piiipns, k.t.X. was thrice added to the list of the anathematized. Mansi, xi. 556, 622, 656. Leo II., in notifying his acceptance or confirmation of the council (682), adds a clause to the same effect : he anathematized ' et Honorium I., qui hanc apostolicam ecclesiam non apostolicse traditionis doctrina lustravit, sed profana proditione immaculatam fidem subvertere conatus est.' Ib. x*. 731. The case of Honorius has occupied a considerable place in recent controversy, in connexion with the action of the Vatican Council of 1869—70 on Papal Infallibility. 2 Mansi, xi. 921. On the displeasure which this council had excited in the west, see above, p. 38, n. 2 ; p. 47 ; p. 51 ; and cf. Gieseler, n. 178 sq. 8 Theophanes, Chronograph. 319 sq. ed. Paris: Combefis, Hist. Hares. Monothel. % n. 201 sq. Paris, 1648. Philippicus, with the same object, ordered the removal of a picture ('imaginem, quam Graeci votaream vocant, sex oontinentem sanctas et universales synodos ') from St Peter's ohuroh at Bome ; but his mandate was rejected by Constantine I. (712): Vit. Constantin. in Vignolii Lib. Pontif. n. 10. -814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 71 Maronites1, the followers of a civil and ecclesiastical chief tain, John Marun, who is said to have flourished in the seventh or eighth century. It is not clearly2 ascertained at what time the Monothelete opinions were accepted by this tribe, but we learn that somewhat earlier than 1182 about forty thousand of them recognized the jurisdiction of the Latin patriarch of Antioch, and passed over to the Church of Rome3. It has been mentioned that the task of vindicating orthodoxy at this period had been consigned in no small degree to Maximus. But his works are not all devoted to polemics4. He was the representative of a tendency to dialecticism, which had been long prevailing in the Greek communion. Both his learning and his spirit were trans mitted to another student, John of Damascus (fl. 740), who has left behind him logical investigations of nearly all the earlier controversies, and of the Monothelete6 among the rest. His work, entitled0 An Accurate Exposition of the Orthodox Faith, is tinctured with the Aristotelian philosophy, and exercised an important influence on the culture of the Eastern churches from that day to our own. It was in truth the starting-point of their scholastic sys tem, although the materials out of which it grew were borrowed in most cases from the Fathers, and especially from Gregory of Nazianzus. But the pen of Damascenus did not dwell entirely on this class of theological discussions: it invested a less specu- 1 See the Biblioth. Orientalis of J. S. Asseman (himself descended from this body), torn. L 487 sq., and a different account in Combefis, Hist. Hares. Monothel., p. 460: cf. also Gibbon, iv. 383—385, ed. Mil- man. 2 John of Damascus (Libellus de Vera Sententia, c. 8 : Opp. L 395, ed. Le Quien) already (cir. 750) numbers them among the heretics. He also describes a Monophysite addition to the Trisagion (Ibid. p. 485) by the term Mapuvlfeiv. 8 Schrbckh, xx. 455. The chief authority for this statement is Wil liam of Tyre; but at a later period Abulpharagius (who died 1286) speaks of the Maronites as still a sect of the Monotheletes. Ibid. 4 See a review of his theological system in Neander, v. 236 sq. 5 Ilepl to iv rif Xpiory Siio BtXtjp&TUV Kai ivepyetuv Kal Xotwdy ipvai- kGv ISiupdruv, 6 "EkSoitis dxptpbt rrjs 6p8oS6%ov irlo-rem. On his system of religious doctrine, see Schrbckh, xx. 230 — 329 : Bitter, Geschichte der Christi. Phi losophic, 11. 553 ; Dorner, Lehre von der Person Christi, 11. 257 sq. ; and, for a list of his multifarious writings, Smith's Biograph. Dictionary. Maronites of Syria. The Theo logy of Maximus; and John of Damas cus. 72 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 EASTERN CHURCH. Rise of the Iconoclastic contro versy. Conduct of Leo the Isaurian. lative theme with all the subtleties and nice distinc tions of the schools1. This was the question of image- worship2, which in the reigns of Leo the Isaurian, and his successors (726—842), convulsed every province of the Church. It was already an established custom to make use of images and pictures, with the view_ of ex citing the devotion of the people, or of instructing the more simple and unlettered; but the Western Church, at least until the close of the sixth century, had not pro ceeded further than this point3. A different feeling was however common in the Eastern, where the softer and more sensuous Greek was frequently betrayed into a blind and superstitious veneration for the images and pic tures of the saints4. It was, accordingly, at the seat of the Byzantine empire that a series of reactions now com menced. Leo, the Isaurian, of a rough and martial temper, was the first of the Iconoclastic princes. Influenced", it is said, by the invectives of Muhammedans and Jews, who had stigmatized the use of images as absolute idolatry, 1 In his discourses, Xlpbs robs SLaflaXXovras ras dyias eWws: Opp.i. 305 sq. He viewed the Iconoclastic movement as an attack upon the essence of the Gospel ; and the dread of idolatry as a falling back into ' Judaism, or even into Manichseism. Cf. Milman, Latin Christianity, n. 107. 2 It is a great misfortune that the surviving authorities are nearly all on one side, — in favour of image-worship. The council by which it was established, in their fifth session, commanded that all the writings of the Iconoclastic party should be destroyed. On this account the records of the opposition made by an earlier synod (754) have to be collected from the Acts of the Council of Nicasa, and from the Libri Carolini; on which see below. 3 e. g. the very remarkable letters of Gregory the Great to Serenus, bishop of Marseilles (599) ; Epist. lib. ix. ep. 105 : ' et quidem zelum vos, ne quid manufactum adorari posset, habuisse laudavimus, sed frangere easdem imagines non debuisse judicamus: ideirco enim pictura in ecele- siis adhibetur, ut hi, qui litteras neseiunt, saltern in parietibus videndo legant, quae legere in codicibus non valent :' cf. lib. xi. ep. 13, 4 See the instances adduced by Neander, v. 277, 278. 6 One of his advisers was Constantine, bishop of Nacolia: another was of senatorial rank, named Beser, who had passed some time in cap tivity among the Saracens. See Mendham's Seventh General Council, Introd. pp. xii — xiv. Other attempts to explain the antipathy of Leo may be found in Schlosser's Geschichte der Ulder-stilrmenden Kaiser, pp. 161 sq. Frankf. 1812 : cf. Mansi, xn. 959. It is not unlikely that a wish to reabsorb the Muhammedans into the Church was one of the leading motives. — 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. n he ordered1 (726), that the custom of kneeling before them should in future be abandoned. The resistance of the aged patriarch2, Germanus, and a fiery circular3 from John of Damascus, who was now residing in a convent at Jerusa lem, incited Leo to more stringent measures. He accord ingly put forth4 a second edict (729 or 730) in which images and pictures were proscribed, and doomed to unsparing demolition. It extended to all kinds of material represen tations, with the sole exception of the cross5. The speedy execution of this peremptory order drove Germanus from the helm of the Oriental Church, and forced into the vacant place his secretary Anastasius, a devoted servant of the court. The rest of the non-conforming clergy were now silenced or ejected : but the cause of image-worship, hopeless though it seemed, had still a most vehement defender in John of Damascus, whom the terrors of the empire could not reach. The shock which this controversy had occasioned in the east was rapidly transmitted far and near. The Roman bishop, Gregory II., nominally subject to Byzantium, bade defiance to the royal edict (?730), in a letter full of scorn and sarcasm6 : and, in order to elude the vengeance of the 1 The edicts on image-worship are collected in Goldastus, Imperialia decreta de cultu Imaginum, ed. Francof. 1608. 2 Mansi, xni. 99 : cf. his Liber de Synodis, etc. in Spicilegium Roma- num, vn. 99 sq. Bom. 1842. For the probable nature of his interview with Leo at the opening of the controversy, see Neander, v. 281 — 283. He seems to have first struck out the distinction of a relative worship (Trpoa-Kvvncns pS Kal votou fSpapov K-npiaauiv to evayyiXiov rov Xpurrov, rots ipols yovao-i ^ap-rjaas. Extract from one of his letters, in Pet. Sicul. p. 60. 4 Theophanes, Chron. p. 413, ed. Paris. He granted them a plenary toleration in Phrygia and Lycaonia. We learn from the same authority, that in the following reign many persons at Constantinople (though they proved a minority) resisted all attempts to punish heretics with death : p. 419. 5 The cruelty of these officials roused the spirit of the sufferers, who cut them off at Cynoschora in Armenia. Pet. Sicul. p. 66. 6 Ibid. p. 62. ' He was assassinated by a zealot of Nicopolis: cf. Gieseler, in Studien und Kritiken for 1829, p. 100. G2 THE PAULI CIANS. Revival un der Ser gius. Persecu tions of the Paulician*. 84 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 590 Their sup pression in the East. their leader in 835, the constitution of the system under went a rapid change : a band of his assistants1 (avviicSrjfioi) were at first exalted to supremacy of power ; but as soon as the persecuting spirit2 was rekindled in the breast of the empress Theodora (circ. 844), the sect was converted into a political association, and soon after grew notorious for its lawlessness and rapine. At the head of it was a soldier, Karbeas, who in alliance with the Saracens and many of the rival schools of Paulicians (drawn by a common misery together), was enabled to sustain himself in a line of fortresses upon the confines of Armenia, and to scourge the adjacent province3. His dominion was, how ever, broken, and well-nigh extinguished under Basil I.4 (867 — 886) ; though some of the phases of Paulicianism were constantly revived among the sects of the following period. 1 Pet. Sicul. pp. 70 sq. 2 A hundred thousand men are said to have been hanged, beheaded, or drowned. Constantini Porphyrog. Continuator, lib. rv. c. 16; inter Scriptores Byzant. p. 103, ed. Paris. 3 Ibid. c. 23, 24, 25. * In 969 a remnant of them were transported from the eastern dis tricts to Philippopolis in Thrace by the emperor John Tzimisces. From thence they were able to extend themselves into other partB of Europe; but it is remarkable that some of their posterity are still found in the place to which they were transported. Neander, vi. 341: cf. Gibbon, v. 281 — 283; ed. Milman; and Spencer's Travels in European Turkey, n. 353. —814] ( 8S ) CHAPTER IV. ON THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. THE standard of intelligence continued, on the whole, to be higher in the East than in the West ; and more especially in districts where the Moslems were repulsed, it was subjected to fewer fluctuations. The religious spirit of the people, in like manner, underwent but little change, and, with the sole exception of the controversy on the use of pictures, which had stimulated every class of the com munity and made them take a side, their piety was generally confined to dreamy contemplation, or expressed in a calm routine of worship1, tinctured more or less with superstition'. In the discipline and ritual of the Church it is easy to remark the same kind of uniformity; the Trullan Council (691), by a series of one hundred and two canons3, having furnished all the Eastern patriarchates with a code of discipline, which has been constantly in force from that day to our own. Of the west, as already noticed4, Ireland was the bright est spot in the beginning of this period. Under Theodore6, 1 Theodore, himself a Greek of Tarsus, informs us that the Greeks, lay and clerical, were ordered to communicate every Sunday (Posnitent. lib. i. c. 12, Councils &c. in. 186): and Beda (Epist. ad Ecgberdum, § 9) implies that in the east' at large ('totum Orientem') it was not unusual for the pious to receive the sacrament every day. 2 Pictures seem to have been perverted by the Oriental, as relics were in the Latin churches. Many of them had the reputation of working miraculous cures; and the 'Legends' of the period are full of instances establishing the almost universal spread of this and of similar delusions. 3 Concil. Quinisext., Mansi, xi. 935—988: see above, p. 47. 4 Above, p. 16, n. 2: pp. 19, 22. , 5 Above, pp. 14, 59, n. 4. Beda seems to have gathered into himself all the learning of' the Irish, Frank and English churches, and to have transmitted it through the Northumbrian schools to Alcuin, who in turn transplanted it into France just as the northern invasions threatened to extinguish it here. MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Permanent form of religion in the East. Variations in the liaht of the 86 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 590 MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. and from his death to the invasions of the Northmen, much of the illumination still proceeding from the sister-island is reflected in the schools of Britain, where ' the ministers of God were earnest both in preaching and in learning ;' and which acted as a ' seminary of religion,' whither pupils now resorted 'from foreign countries seeking after wis dom1.' It was different in the Frankish and Burgundian provinces of Gaul, in which literature had been suffered to degenerate by the barbarous Merovingian kings. The flourishing schools of the Roman municipia had entirely disappeared2, and their place was but inadequately filled by monastic and cathedral institutions, now set apart almost exclusively for the education of the clerics and the members of religious orders. Charlemagne, aided more especially by Alcuin3, and other learned foreigners and natives, opened a fresh era in the history of letters ; and the whole of his mighty empire underwent a salutary change. He laboured to revive religion by the agency of sounder learning4, and in order to secure this end esta blished a variety of schools, — the palatine, parochial, mo nastic, and cathedral". But we should remember that the northern tribes, who 1 The remark of King Alfred (Preface to his translation of Gregory's Pastoral), on contrasting the decay of learning after the barbaric inroads of the Danes. Beda (iv. 2) mentions that, after the coming of Theodore, all who wished to be instructed in sacred literature ' haberent in promptu magistros qui doeerent.' 2 See Guizot's Sixteenth Lecture, where he shews that from the sixth to the eighth century the surviving literature of France is exclusively religious. ' Ante ipsum enim dominum regem Carolum, in Gallia nullum studium fuerat liberalium artium.' Annal. Lauriss. a.d. 787; Pertz, i. 171. The state of learning in Italy itself was little better, owing to the savage spirit of the Lombards. Hallam, Literature of Europe, pt. i, ch. i. § 8. 3 Above, p. 61. Some of the other more distinguished foreigners were Peter Pisanus, Paul Warnefrid, and Paulinus, patriarch of Aquileia, Leidrad, archbishop of Lyons (a native of Noricum), and Theodulph, bishop of Orleans, of Gothic parentage. Angilbert, the prime minister of Pepin and secretary of Charlemagne, was a native Frenchman, and a great promoter of schools and learning. 4 See above, p. 56, n. 2. 5 The best account of these institutions may be seen in Keuffel, Hist. Originis ac Progr. Schol. inter Ghristianos, pp. 161 sq. The trivium and quadrivium, elements of the ' seven liberal arts,' made part of the educa tion given in the schools of Charlemagne. Theodulph, bishop of Orleans (Capitulare, c. 20 : Mansi, xni. 993 sq.), established village schools ('per villas et vicos') for all classes of the people. -814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 87 broke up the 'empire of the Caesars and were now planted on its ruins, not unfrequently retained their native dialects as well as a crowd, of pagan customs and ideas1. Some of them, indeed, the Visigoths, the Franks, the Burgun dians, and the Lombards, gradually forgot their mother- tongue, and at the end of the ninth century had thrown it off entirely2. But a number of their northern kinsmen did not follow their example. This variety of languages, combining with the remnants of barbaric life, would every where impose an arduous task upon the clergy of the west ; yet few of them, it must be owned, were equal to their duty3: and the ill-advised adoption of the Latin language4 as the vehicle of public worship (though at first it might have proved convenient here and there) contributed to thwart the influence of the pastor and retarded the im provement of his flock. It is true that considerable good resulted from the energy of individual prelates, who in sisted on the need of clergy able to instruct their people in the elements of Christian knowledge", and to preach 1 e. g. numerous traces of this lingering heathenism have been col lected in Kemble's Saxons, vol. 1. App. p : cf. Gieseler, 11. 160—162. 4 Palgrave, Hist, of Normandy, 1. 64. 3 See above, pp. 46, 56. The Capitulare ad parochim sua Sacerdotes of Theodulph, bishop of Orleans (786 — 821), while it displays somewhat elevated views of the pastoral office, indicates a sad deficiency in the knowledge of the general body of ecclesiastics. In like manner it was necessary to make the following decree at the English synod of Clovesho (747) : ' That priests who know it not should learn to construe and ex plain in our own tongue the Creed and Lord's Prayer and the sacred words which are solemnly pronounced at the celebration of the mass, and in the office of baptism,' etc. Johnson, English Canons, 1. 247; ed. Oxf. 1850. The literary qualifications needed in all ecclesiastics are enu merated in the Capitular of 802, apud Pertz, in. 107. 4 The same feeling of respect for the usages of Rome induced the Frankish and English churches to adopt her psalmody and choral ser vice. See Neander, v. 175, 176. The mission of John, ' the archchanter,' and the establishment of the 'cursus Bomanus' in England (679), are described by Beda, Hist. Eccl. iv. 18. The Scottish (Irish) rites, how ever, had not been entirely superseded in the north of England at the close of the eighth century. Maskell's Ancient Liturgy, Pref . p. liv. In Ireland they retained their old supremacy until the arrival of the English, when the Anglican ritual was ordered to be observed 'in omnibus partibus ecclesiaV by the synod of Cashel (1172), c. 7; Wilkins, 1. 473. 5 Cf. the preceding note 3. Beda (ep. ad Ecgberctum, § 3): 'In qua videlicet praedicatione populis exhibenda, hoc prae ceteris omni instantia procurandum arbitror, ut fidem catholicam quae apostolico symbolo con- tinetur et Dominicam orationem quam sancti Evangelii nos Scriptura edocet 'omnium qui ad tuum regimen pertinent, memoriae radicibus infi- MEANS OP GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Evil grow ing out of the variety of lan guage. A ttempts to mitigatethese evils. 88 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 590 in the language of the country. Thus, in England it was ordered1 that the priests shall often invite the people to meet on the Lord's day and other festivals 'to hear the word of God and to be often present at the sacraments of the masses and at preaching of sermons': and the rigorous observance2 of the Lord's day in particular would give them opportunities of profiting by the injunction. It was urged anew in the reign of Charlemagne ; e. g. at the Council of Mentz3 (813), and in the same year at Aries, where the clergy are directed to preach on festivals and Sundays, not only in the cities, but in country parishes4. The growing education of the people would enable a far greater number of them to peruse the holy Scripture ; nor did any wish exist at present to discourage such a study5. gere cures. Et quidem omnes qui Latinam linguam lectionis usu didice- runt, etiam haec optime didicisse certissimum est : sed idiot as, hoc est, eos qui propriae tantum linguae notitiam habent, haec ipsa sua lingua dicere, ac sedulo deoantare facito.' The same is frequently enjoined elsewhere, e. g. Council of Mentz, 813, can. 45 : Mansi, xiv. 74. A short form of abjuration of idolatry and declaration of Christian faith, in the vernacular language, is preserved among the works of Boniface : n. 16, ed. Giles. 1 Council of Clovesho, 747, can. 14. Johnson's English Canons i. 249. Chrodegang of Metz directed that the Word of salvation should be preached at least twice a month, though expressing a desire that sermons might be still more frequent : Regula, c. 44 ; Mansi, xiv. 337. 2 The Penitential of Theodore (lib. i. c. 11, lib. n. c. 8) is most strin gent on this head: cf. a law of King Ine against Sunday working (Thorpe, i. 104; Johnson, i. 132), and one of the 'Laws of the Northumbrian Priests-' (§ 55) against Sunday traffic and journeying of all kinds (Thorpe, n. 298, Johnson, i. 379). See Schrockh, xx. 315, 316, for the views entertained by John of Damascus on the nature of the Lord's day. It is plain from the prohibitions of the Councils (e.g. of Chalons, 649, c. xix.) that the church-inclosure was at times converted into an arena of Sunday merriment and dissipation. 3 Can. xxv: 'Juxta quod intelligere vulgus possit.' 4 Can. x: 'Etiam in omnibus paroohiis.' It was added in the Council of Tours (813), c. xvn., that preachers should translate their sermons either into Romana rustica or Tlieotisca (Deutsch), 'quo facilius cuncti possint intelligere quoB dieuntur.' Charlemagne had already published a collection of discourses (Homiliarium), whioh had been compiled by Paul Warnefrid (Diaconus), from the sermons of the Latin Fathers. See Ranke's article in the Studien und Kritiken, 1855, 2"" Heft, pp. 382 sq. 5 See e.g. the passages above quoted, p. 56, and a still finer one translated into Anglo-Saxon, and preserved in Soames' Bampton Lectures, 92, 93 : cf. also the language of Ildefonsus of Saragossa, in Baluze's Mis cellanea, vi. 59. Alcuin, writing to the emperor (oiro. 800), thus alludes to a query put to him by a layman who was conversant with the Scrip tures; 'Vere et valde gratum habeo, laicos quandoque ad evangelicas effloruisse qutestiones, dum quendam audivi virum prudentem aliquando -814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 89 It was, however, long restricted by the scarcity of books, and still more by the want of vernacular translations ; though the latter had begun to be remedied, at least in some scanty measure, by the English and the German1 Churches. Ulfilas, the father of this kind of literature, was followed, after a long interval, by the illustrious Beda, who, if he did not render the whole Bible2 into Anglo- Saxon, certainly completed the Gospel of St John3. Aldhelm, who died in 709, is said to have made a version of the Psalms4 ; and we may infer from the treasures of vernacular literature handed down by the scholars of the period next ensuing, that not a few analogous productions were destroyed in the conflict with the Danes. But a more fascinating species of instruction was sup plied in the 'Lives of Saints5.' The number of these works, surviving at the present day, is actually prodigious6; and the influence they exerted on the mediaeval mind was dicere, clericorum esse evangelium discere, non laicorum,' etc. Epist. cxxrv. (al. clxiii.) Opp. u 180. It has been observed, that in the cata logues of mediaeval libraries, copies of the Holy Scriptures constitute the greater number of the volumes. Palgrave, Hist, of Normandy, 1. 63. The subject has been examined also by Mr Buckingham, in his Bible in the Middle Ages, Lond. 1853. 1 The influence exerted by Christianity on the old- German Language has been recently investigated by Von Raumer, Einwirkung des Christen- thums auf die althochdeutsche Sprache, Stuttgart, 1845, where transla tions, glosses, and other fragments of vernacular piety have been dis cussed. But many of these specimens belong to the following period. 2 See Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, 1. 203; and Gilly's Introd. to the Romaunt Version of the Gospel according to St John (Lond. 1848), pp. xi. sq. 3 'Evangelium quoque Johannis, quod difficultate sui mentes legen- tium exercet his diebus, lingua interpretatus Anglica, condescendit minus imbutis Latina.' Wil. Malmesbur. de Gestis Regum, lib. 1. p. 89, ed. Hardy. 4 Wright, Biog. Brit. Lit. 1. 222. There was also a large «tock of Anglo-Saxon religious poetry, of which Caedmon's Metrical Paraphrase of Parts of the Holy Scriptures (ed. Thorpe, 1832) is a very striking type. Caedmon died about 680. He was desired by the abbess Hilda of Whitby to transfer into verse the whole of the sacred history. Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit. 1. 195. The interesting Anglo-Saxon Ritual, published, in 1839, by the Surtees Society, is one of a large class of interlinear transla tions, and may be assigned to the commencement of the ninth century : Stevenson's Preface, p. x. 6 Gregory of Tours, who died 593, in a series of publications of this class, gave an impulse to the wonder-loving spirit of the age. 8 See a calculation in Guizot's Seventeenth Lecture, based on the materials still surviving in the Acta Sanctorum. MEANS OP GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Vernacu lar trans lations of the Bible. Lives of Saints : go State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 590 MEANS OP GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. their gene ral charac ter. How conge nial to the s-pirit of the age. deep and universal. While they fed almost every stream of superstition, and excited an unhealthy craving for the marvellous and the romantic, they were nearly always tending, in their moral, to enlist the affections of the reader on the side of gentleness and virtue ; more especi ally by setting forth the necessity of patience, and extolling the heroic energy of faith. One class of these biographies deserves a high amount of credit : they are written by some friend or pupil of their subject; they are natural and life-like pictures of the times, preserving an instruc tive portrait of the missionary, the recluse, the bishop, or the man of business; yet in many cases the acts and sufferings of the mediasval saint have no claim to a place in the sphere of history, or else they have been so wan tonly embellished by the fancy of the author, that we can disentangle very few of the particles of truth from an interminable mass of fiction. As these 'Lives' were cir culated freely in the language of the people1, they would constitute important items in the fire-side readings of the age ; and so warm was the response they found in men of every grade, that notwithstanding feeble efforts to re form them2, or at least to eliminate a few of the more monstrous and absurd, they kept their hold on Christen dom at large, and are subsisting even now in the creations of the mediasval artist3. Keeping pace with this expansion in the field of 1 An interesting specimen (Anglo-Saxon) has been edited with a trans lation by C. W. Goodwin (Lond. 1848). The subject of it is St Guthlac. a hermit of Crowland (written about 750, by a monk named Felix). There are many others preserved in our MSS. repositories. 2 This had been attempted as early as the time of pope Gelasius (496); Mansi, vni. 149 : but the taste for legendary compositions went on in creasing. Much of the increase in the number of the 'saints' is due to the liberty which every district seems to have enjoyed of enlarging its own calendar at pleasure. There is no instance of a canonization by the pope until the case of Swibert (about 800); and that has been disputed (Twysden, Vindication of the Church of England, p. 219, new ed.). Ac cording to Gieseler, n. 421, the earliest was Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg, in 993. Charlemagne, who was anxious to withstand the superstitions of his age (e.g baptizing of bells, the 'sortes sanctorum,' etc.), published a capitulary (789, c. 76), De pseudographiis et dubiis narrationibus; and in the capitulary of Frankfort (794, c. 40) is the following injunction: 'ut nulli novi sancti colantur, aut invocentur, nee memorial eorum per vias [i. e. wayside chapels] erigantur ; sed ii soli in ecclesia venerandi sint, qui ex auctoritate passionum aut vita merito electi sunt.' 3 Didron's Christian Iconography , i. 192. —814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 9i hagiology, the reverence which had long been cherished for the veritable saints continued to increase in every province of the Church ; and even to resemble, here and there, a lower kind of worship. None of the more en lightened, it is true, have failed to distinguish1 very clearly in their works between the honour of regard and imitation to be offered to the saint, and the supremacy of love and homage which is due to God alone: but in the mind of unreflecting peasants such distinctions were obliterated more and more, and numbers of the saints, apocryphal as well as true, had come to be regarded in the light ot tutelar divinities2. At the head of a catalogue of saints, on whom a special veneration3 was bestowed, is the blessed Virgin Mary ; the exaggerations of this honour, which peep out in the earlier times, assuming more unchristian phases, in proportion as the worship of the Church was contracting a more sensuous tone. The synod held at Mentz4, 813, in drawing up a list of feast-days, has included one for the 'Purification of St Mary5,' handed down from better ages; 1 e. g. Isidor. Hispalens. De Eccles. Officiis, lib. 1. c. 34. Beda speaks of the transformation of the Pantheon at Rome into the Church of the Virgin and all Martyrs: 'ut, ubi quondam omnium non deorum sed daemoniorum cultus agebatur, ibi deinceps omnium fieret memoria sanc torum.' Chronicon, a.d. 614; Monum. Hist. Britan. p. 97. a Neander, v. 182, 183. But notwithstanding a large number of ex amples in this country where the saints are spoken of as ' intercessors ' with God, they are scarcely ever at this period addressed directly, the petition being that 'God would make them intercessors in our behalf.' - Soames, Bampton Led. p. 195, and notes. The passage sometimes quoted from Theodore, which speaks of more objectionable formulae as then ac tually existing in the Litany of the Church : ' Christe, audi nos ; ac deinde, Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis; neque dicitur, Christe, ora pro nobis, et Sancta Maria, vel Sancte Petre, audi nos; sed, Christe, audi nos; Fill Dei, te rogamus, audi nos,' is spurious. Alcuin's apostrophe to S. Wille brord, if genuine, reads very like a prayer. Opp. n. 195. 3 See Ildefonsus, De Illibata Virginitatc B. Virginis, in Biblioth. Patr. vn. 432 sq. ed. Colon. 1618 ; and, for the Eastern church, John of Damascus, Sermo in Annunciat. Domina nostra QeoroKou: Opp. n. 835 sq. 4 Can. 36. Mansi, xiv. 73. At the same council four great fasts are mentioned : the first week in March, the second week in June, the third week in September, and the last full week in December before Christmas- day; at all which seasons public litanies and masses were to be so lemnized at nine o'clock, on Wednesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. ' Also called Festum Symeonis, and Festum Symeonis et Hanna. In the Greek Church, where the honour is directed chiefly to our Lord, the title of the corresponding feast is ioprrj ttjs biravavrTJs. Beda has a Homily upon it in the course of the festivals; Opp. vn. 327: and Ba- COKRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. Exaggera tion of the honour due to saints. 92 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 590 COBBUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. Festival of- theAsswmp- tion of the Virgin. Other festi vals now generally observed in the Western Church. but in that list is also found the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin (August 15th), which communicated a faT stronger impulse to the creature-worship of the masses. It grew1 out of a spurious legend methodized by Gregory of Tours, in which it was affirmed that the original Apostles, on assembling at the death-bed of the Virgin, saw her carried by a band of angels into heaven. The other festivals2, excluding Sundays, now appointed or continued in the Frankish church, relate to the Na tivity, the Circumcision, the Epiphany, and the Ascension of the Lord, the feast (or 'dedication') of St Michael3, the martyrdoms ('natales') of St Peter and St Paul, of St Remigius, St Martin, St Andrew, and the nativity of St John the Baptist4 : to which number, ancient festivals of saints and martyrs, who were buried in each diocese, together with the feasts of dedication for the several churches, were appended by the same authority. To this period also it is usual to assign the institution of the fes tival in honour of 'All Saints,' which, notwithstanding, had been long observed upon the octave of Whitsunday by the Christians of the East. It was ranked as a pro vincial celebration in the time of Boniface IV., when he was allowed to convert the famous Pantheon to the ser- ronius, Annal. ad an. 544, informs us that Gelasius laid the foundation for its observance when he abolished the lupercalia. 1 The various conjectures of the Fathers on the subject of the Vir gin's end, have been stated at length by Gieseler, n. 313, n. 12. The apocryphal writing Transitus S. Maria, from which Gregory of Tours (De gloria Martyrum, lib. I. c. 4) derived the story now in circulation, had been placed by pope Gelasius among the interdicted books : above, p. 90, n. 2. Another festival, the Birth of the Virgin (Sept. 8), is dated also from this period. a Concil. Mogunt. as above. The services of Easter and Whitsunday are to be continued for a whole week; and that of Christmas for four days. 3 Not adopted in the East till the 12th century; Guerike, Manual of Antiq. of the Church, p. 195, ed. Morrison. 4 In a second and an earlier list (Capitular, lib. i. c. 158), the feasts of St Stephen, St John the Evangelist, and the Holy Innocents, are also included: while with regard to the Assumption, it is added, 'De adsump- tione S. Marias interrogandum relinquimus.' It is plain that this doubt continued to exist in the Anglo-Saxon Church. See the extract from a vernacular sermon in Soames' Bampton Led. pp. 226, 227. The 13th canon of Clovesho (747) orders, in the case of England, that the 'nativi ties' of saints should be observed according to the Boman martyrology: Johnson, i. 249. —814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 93 vice of the Gospel ; and the usage thus adopted in the Roman dioceses was extended to the whole of the Western Church by Gregory IV. in 835 '. The state of feeling with regard to relics2, which grew out of an excessive veneration for the saints, was rapidly assuming the extravagance and folly that have marked its later stages. The deplorable abuse of the imitative arts has been noticed in the rise and progress of the image-controversy. We there saw that the evil was resisted3 for a time in the Frankish and the English Churches, while it gained a still firmer hold on other parts of Christendom, and threatened to subside into absolute idolatry. The disposition to erect and beautify religious houses, which prevailed in the east and west alike, is often to be traced to purely Christian feelings4: not unfrequently, how ever, it proceeded from a mingled and less worthy motive, 1 Guerike, p. 181. The following is the language of Alcuin (799) respecting the institution of this festival, and the mode in which it Bhould be kept: 'Quod ut fieri digne possit a nobis, lumen verum, quod illuminat omnem hominem, Christus Jesus, illuminet corda nostra, et pax Dei, quas exsuperat omnem sensum, per intercessionem omnium Sanctorum Ejus, custodiat ea usque in diem aeternitatis. Hanc solemni- tatem sanctissimam tribus diebus jejunando, orando, missas canendo, et eleemosynas dando per invicem, sincera devotione praecedamus.' Ep. lxxvi. (al. xoi.); Opp. i. 113. * e. g. Theodor. Penitential, lib. n. c. 1: 'Reliquiae tamen sanctorum venerandaa sunt. Si potest fieri, candela ardeat ibi per singulas noctes. Si autem paupertas loci non sinit, non nocet eis.' It was customary in the Frankish empire for chaplains to carry the relics of St Martin and others at the head of their armies ('patrocinia vel pignora sanctorum'): cf. Schrbckh, xx. 127, 131: and the same feeling led the persecuted Spaniard to discover the potent relics of St James (between 791 and 842) in the person afterwards called St James of Compostella: Acta Sanct. Jul. torn. vi. p. 37. Even Alcuin (Homil. de Natali S. Willebrord., Opp. n. 195) believed that the saintly missionary might continue to work miracles on earth, through the special grace of God. 3 See above, p. 78. The same kind of exaggerated veneration was bestowed on the real or imaginary fragments of the cross; and in 631 the Emperor Heraclius, on defeating the Persians (above, p. 29), and recover ing the precious relic from their hands, established a festival in honour of it, called aravpairipos iipipa (Sept. 14), adopted soon afterwards at Rome, under the designation, Festum exaltationis crucis: see Liber Pontif. ed. Vignol. i. 310. 4 e. g. Einhard. Vit. Karoli Magn. c. 26 : Pertz, n. 457. In a capitu lary, 811 (Mansi, xni. 1073), addressed to the prelates of the empire, the emperor tells them that, however good a work is the building of fine churches, the true ornament is to be found in the life of the worshippers ('prfeferendus est aedificiis bonorum morum ornatus et culmen'). COEEUP- TIOHS AND ABUSES. Relics. Images. Religious founda tions. 94 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 590 from the impulses of servile fear, and from a wish in the soul of the promoter to disarm the awakened vengeance of his Judge1. Another form in which these errors came to light was the habit of performing pilgrimages to some holy spot or country, where men dreamed of a nearer presence of the Lord, or some special intercession of the saints. A multitude of English devotees2 betook them selves to Rome: and while it may be granted that excur sions of this kind were often beneficial to the arts and letters of the country3, no one has denied that many of the pilgrims, more especially the female portion, fell a prey to the laxity of morals which the custom almost everywhere induced. The less intelligent appear to have expected that a pilgrimage would help them on their way to heaven, apart from any influence it might have in stimulating the devotions of the pious : but this fallacy was strenuously confuted by the leading doctors of the age4. It has been shewn already5 that the notion of a pur- 1 The form of bequest often runs as follows; 'Pro animae nostra remedio et salute:' 'ut non inveniat in nobis ultrix flamma quod devoret, sed Domini pietas quod coronet.' See other forms of the same class in Schrbckh, xx. 110, 111. However such expressions should not be ana lyzed too critically: clearly they were not intended as expositions of doctrine or creed, and pious forms in every age are liable to be misused. 2 See above, p. 41, n. 3. Boniface was constrained to deprecate the frequency of pilgrimages, on the ground that they were often fatal to the virtue of the females : ' Perpaucae enim sunt civitates in Longobardia, vel in Francia, aut in Gallia, in qua non sit adultera vel meretrix generis Anglorum: quod scandalum est, et turpitudo totius ecclesiaB vestrae:' Ep. lxiii; Opp. I. 146. 3 This was certainly the case in men like Benedict Biscop, of whom Beda has remarked, ' Toties mare transiit, numquam, ut est consuetudinis quibusdam, vacuus et inutilis rediit, sed nunc librorum copiam sanctorum, nunc reliquiarum beatorum martyrum Christi munus venerabile detulit, nunc architeetos ecclesise fabricandae, nunc vitrifactores ad fenestras ejus decorandas ac muniendas, nunc cantandi et in ecclesia per totum annum ministrandi secum magistros adduxit, etc' Homil. in Natal. Benedict., Opp. vn. 334. 4 Thus the 45th canon of the Council of Chalons (813) condemns all the pilgrimages undertaken in an irreverent spirit, with the hope of securing a remission of past sins, where no actual reformation was desired: but it is no less ready to commend such journeys when accom panied by true devotion (' orationibus insistendo, eleemosynas largiendo, vitam emendando, mores componendo ') : cf. Alcuin, Epist. cxlvii. (al cxcvi.) Opp. I. 208. 5 Above, pp. 58, 59. Stories, like that which is told of Fursey, tbo Irish monk (Bed. Hist. Eccl. in. 19), would deepen the popular belief in a purgatorial fire. -814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 95 gatorial fire, to expiate the minor sins ('leves culpas') which still adhered to the departed, had been definitely formed under Gregory the Great, and from him was transmitted to the Christians of the West. This notion, while it threw a deeper gloom upon the spirits of the living, led the way to propitiatory acts intended to relieve the sufferings of the dead. It prompted feelings and ideas widely dif fering from those which circulated in the earlier Church1: for there, when the oblations were presented in the name of a departed worthy, they commemorated one already in a state of rest, though sympathizing with his brethren in the flesh, and expecting the completion of his triumph. The result of those mediaeval masses for the dead2 was to occasion a plurality of altars3 in the churches, to commence the pernicious rite of celebrating the Eucharist without a con gregation ('missae privatae,' or 'solitariae'), and to reduce 1 Cf. Bp. Taylor's Dissuasive, bk. n. § 2: Works, vi. 545 sq., ed. Eden.; Schrockh, xx. 175 sq — With regard to the doctrine of the Eu charist, considered as a sacrificial act, commemorating the Great Sacri fice, and as the means of feeding upon Christ by faith, more will be observed in the following period, when the views of the Church at large began to be more technically stated. That the dogma of a physical transubstantiation of the. elements was not held in the 7th century, is clear from Isidor. Hispalensis, De Eccles. Officiis, Kb. i. c. 18: Ilde- fonsus, De Cognitione Baptismi (in Baluze's Miscellanea, vi. 99). The current doctrine of the Greek Church is to be sought in a work of Anastasius (a learned monk of Mount Sinai, at the close of the seventh century) entitled 'OSrryos, seu Dux via adversus Acephalos, c. 23, ed. Ingolstadt, 1606 ; and in John of Damascus, De Fide Orthodoxa, lib. iv] c. 13: Opp. i. 267 sq. It was already common for the Easterns to make use of .the terms perafioX^, peraaToixeloxns, perawolrjacs, although neither then, nor at the present day, was it intended to express a 'physical' change in the substance of the elements after consecration, but a change which they define as 'sacramental and mystical.' Palmer, Treatise on the Church, n. 167, 3rd edit.: cf. L'Arroque, Hist, of the Eucharist c. XI. XII. 2 The usages and modes of thought in reference to them may be gathered from the following passage : 'Nonnulli solent interrogare, si pro omnibus regeneratis liceat sacrificium Mediatoris offerre, quamvis flagitio- sissime viventibus, et in malis operibus perse verantibus? De hac quaes- tione varia expositio Patrum invenitur.' The point is finally determined thus: 'Illic saltern de minimis nihil quisque purgationis obtinebit, nisi bonis hoc actibus, in hac adhuc vita positus, ut illic obtineat, promerea- tur.' It occurs in the long Penitential falsely ascribed to Theodore, Thorpe, n. 53. In the East (Council in Trullo, can. 83) it was necessary to condemn a custom of administering the communion to the dead. 3 See Capitular, a.d. 805, i. c. ,6 (Pertz, in. 132), 'De Altaribus, ut non superflua sint in Ecclesiis.' the doc trine of purgatory. Masses for the dead. Privatemasses. 96 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 590 in many parts the number of communicants1: but scandals of this kind, like many others then emerging to the sur face of the Church, were warmly counteracted by the better class of prelates2. The establishment of these propitiatory masses for the dead, itself an effect of the novel dogmas which had flowed from the belief in purgatory, had contributed to work still further changes in the system of church-penance. It is true that the writers of this period lay great stress on the renovation of the heart as the index of a genuine contrition3; they recoil from the idea that alms, or any outward act, can be accepted as an expiation for man's sin, so long as the disposition of the sinner is unchanged4; yet the efforts6 which were made by a series of active prelates to discriminate minutely between heavier and lighter sins, and to allot in each single case the just amount of penance, in proportion to the magnitude of 1 See above, p. 85, n. 1. In the Western Church, where a neglect of the Eucharist was not followed by excommunication (Theodor. Pamit. Mb. i. c. 12), it was necessary to exhort the laity to a more frequent participa tion : e. g. Council of Clovesho (747), can. 23 : Johnson, i. 253, 254. The Council of Chalons (813), can. 47, orders all Christians to communicate on Maundy-Thursday: Mansi, xiv. 103. 2 e. g. Solitary masses are condemned by the Council of Mentz (813), can. 43; and by Theodulph, bishop of Orleans, Capitulare ad Sacerdotes, c. vn ; Johnson, I. 456 : cf. ibid. 419. 3 The Council of Chatons, above cited (813), is full of cheering thoughts on this point as on many others. Its language was, ' Neque enim pensanda est poenitentia quantitate temporis, sed ardore mentis et mortifications corporis. Cor autem contritum et humiliatum Deus non spernit:' can. 34. In can. 38 it repudiates what was known as 'libelli poenitentiales' (certificates of penance irregularly acquitting the offender), ' quorum sunt certi errores, incerti auctores.' 4 e.g. The emphatic language of the synod of Clovesho; can. 26, 27; Johnson, i. 255 — 259. Twelve means and conditions of forgiveness are recited in the so-called Penitential of Cummeanus; Wasserschleben, Bussordnungen, p. 304. The fanatical austerity with which conditions of this class were sometimes carried out, resulted in a kind of oriental self- destruction, and induced the Frankish emperor to pass a special law (Capitul. 789, c. 77, ed. Baluze, i. 239) forbidding all such penitents to shew themselves in public. A milder form of the same feeling is betrayed in the 10th canon of Toledo (683), where we learn that it was not uncom mon for persons (even prelates) in a time of dangerous illness to submit themselves to public penance, for the greater security, although their conscience did not accuse them of any special sin. 5 See above, p. 59, n. 4. Another contribution to the series was made at the opening of the ninth century by Halitgar, bishop of Cambray (Cameracensis), printed in Canisius, Led. Antiq. ed. Basnage, torn. n. part ii. pp. 87 sq. —814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 97 the offence1, are dark and distressing proofs of the cor ruptions then prevailing in the Church, no less than of the servile spirit that was influencing her teachers. In the case of overt sins, where public satisfaction was re quired, the form of it was generally determined by the bishop when he came on his visitation -tour ! ; but all of fences of a private nature, though not uniformly3, were most frequently confessed in secret to a priest, who, vary ing from the ancient practice, instantly conceded absolu tion4, — with the tacit understanding, in all cases, that the penance he directed would be afterwards performed. Yet, far as the actual system of the Church, in this and other features, had diverged from apostolic usage ; largely as alloy had now been fused into the gold, and thickly as the tares were mingling with the wheat implanted by the heavenly Sower, — there is ample testi mony in the canons of reforming synods, and still more in the exalted lives of men like Aidan, Gregory, Eligius, Liudger, Bede, and Alcuin, or of John the Almoner, of Maximus and others in the East, to certify us that reli- 1 See especially Halitgar's Penitential and the. compilation which has been published, wrongly of course, under the name of Egbert, Thorpe, n. 129—239. One of the worst features of this system, as it is here ex pounded, was the redemption, or commutation, of penances by means of money-payments, e.g. Cummeanus, apud Wasserschleben, p. 464: cf. Canons enacted under Edgar; Thorpe, n. 284 — 288: see the sect. 'Of satisfaction for sin,' in the Penitential Canons (963); Johnson, I. 440. It led to the transferring of the civil 'bots,' or compensations, to the higher province of religion, and could hardly fail to foster the pernicious thought that it was possible in many cases to buy off the displeasure of the Lord; although an inference like this was strongly censured in the 26th canon of Clovesho; and in one ' Enacted under Edgar,' § 19, it is added that the penitent, however wealthy, ' must supplicate for himself, with true love of God.' Cf. Bedae Ep. ad Ecgberdum, § 11 (p. 343, ed. Hussey). 2 See above, p. 46, n. 1: and Capitular, n., a.d. 813, o. 1. 3 Theodor. Pcenit. lib. i. cap. 12. § 7. " Confessio autem Deo soli agatur licebit si necesse est ;" it is added "et hoc, necessarium, in quibus- dam codicibus non est;" and so in fact it stands in Cummeanus, xiv. 13. The statements of Theodulph of Orleans (Capit. c. 30: Mansi, xni. 1002), and of the Council of Chalons, above cited, c. 33, are still clearer proofs that confession to a priest was not generally regarded as essential to for giveness of sins. . . 4 Thus Boniface in his Statuta (Opp. n. 22—25) enjoins, c. 81 : 'Curet unusquisque presbyter statim post aceeptam confessionem poenitentium, singulos data oratione reconciliari.' M. A. H COBBUP- IIONS AND ABUSES. Confessionand satis faction. Tokens of vitalitywithin the Church. 98 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 590 — 814 gion was not mastered by the powers of darkness, but that, on the contrary, the Spirit of her Lord and Saviour was still breathing in the Christian Church, and training men for heaven. ¦ttrofo imotf of % jififole Jges. THE CHKISTIAN CHITECH FEOM THE DEATH OF CHAELEMAGNE TO GEEGOEY VII. 814—1073. h2 ( ioo ) [A.D. 814 DANISH AND SWEDISH CHUBCH. First steps in the con version of the North ern na tions. CHAPTER V. §1. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. IN THE SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOMS. The age in which the hardy Northmen were descending on the rest of Europe and preparing to involve their fortunes in the politics of neighbouring countries, was distinguished by the earliest missionary efforts to engraft them on the Christian Church. This project is attributable in some measure to the enterprising Liudger, but his zeal, after reaping a small harvest of conversions1, was restrained by an order of the Frankish monarch2. In the evening of his reign, however, when the Saxons were all conquered, Charlemagne, it is said, was purposing to found an archbishopric at Hamburg, with a view to the further planting of the Gospel in the Scandinavian king doms". The completion of this noble scheme had been reserved for his successor, Louis the Pious, who by the 1 See above, p. 25. The Englishman, Willehad, also (p. 26) preached as early as 780 to the Ditmarsi, in the neighbourhood of Hamburg. The best modern account of the propagation of the Gospel in these regions is Miinter's Kirchengeschichte von D'dnem. und Norweg. Leipz. 1823 : cf. also Kruse's S. Anschar, Altona, 1823. 3 ' Fuit autem cupiens anxie gratia docendi Northmannos adire, sed rex Karolus nullatenus assensum prsebuit.' Vit. S. Liudger. apud Pertz, n. 414. 3 .... ' TJnde praedicatio verbi Dei finitimis fieret populis, Sueonum, Danorum, Norweorum, FarrisB, Gronlandan, Islandan, Scridivindan, Slavorum, neonon omnium septentrionalium et orientalium nationum quocumque modo nominatarum, qui paganicis adhuc erroribus involvun- tur." Vit. S. Rimbert. c. 1 : Ibid. n. 765. —1073] Growth of the Church. roi succours he despatched1 to Harald, king of Jutland, made a way for the introduction of the Christian faith. A mission was at first directed2 by the earnest and experienced Ebbo, archbishop of Rheims. He carried a commendatory letter3 from pope Paschal I. (circ. 822), and was attended by the learned Halitgar4, bishop of Cambray. Their labours were rewarded 6, more especially in Jutland ; and in 826 the king himself, together with his consort and a retinue of Danes, was solemnly baptized at Mentz11 in the presence of the emperor, his patron. Harald now returned to his native country, and was anxious to engage the help of some active prelate, who would give himself entirely to the work of organizing missions for the other parts of Denmark. These important functions were devolved on Anskar' (Ansgar), who was destined to be afterwards called the 'Apostle of the North.' He was born in the diocese of Amiens, 801, and educated at Corbey, an adjoining monas tery, under Adalhard6, the grandson of Charles Mariel, and Paschasius Radbert, a professor of theology. In 822 Anskar was removed to' a new foundation9, lately planted by the monks of Corbey, in Westphalia, on the banks of the Weser. He there acted as the head of a thriving school10 and preached among the natives, until, at the re quest of Louis, he was added to the suite of the Danish monarch. Like his predecessor, Ebbo, he is said to have 1 Annates Fuldens.. a.d. 815 ; Pertz, i. 356. 3 Vit. S. Anskarii, e. 13: Ibid. n. 699. " Lappenberg's Hamburg. Urkundenbuch, r. 9; ed. 1842. 4 See p. 96, n, 5. 5 Annates Fuldens. a.d. 822: Pertz, i. 357. The starting-point of their operations was at Welanao, the modern Munsterdorff, near Itzehoe, in Holstein. 6 Ibid. a.d. 826; p. 359; cf. the contemporary Carmina of Ermoldus Nigellus, ' in honorem Hludowici,' reprinted in Pertz, n. 467 sq. 7 The interesting Life of Anskar is the work of Eimbert and another of his pupils, and was composed before the year 876. It is reprinted in Pertz, Monum. Germ. n. 689—725. 8 See Palgrave, Hist, of Normandy, I. 169, 209. 9 Called the new Corbey or Corvey. The abbot (Vit. Anskar. c. 7) for a time was Count Wala, brother of Adalhard, who was separated from his wife and thrust into that position by an order of the jealous Louis. See the rhetorical accounts of Adalhard and Wala, by Pas chasius Badbert, in Pertz, n. 524—569; and Badberti Opp. 1507, ed. Migne. w Vit. c. 6. DANISH AND SWEDISH CHUBCH. SuccessfulMission of Ebbo into Jutland. The mis sionary life of Anskar, 826-865. 102- Growth of the Church. [A. D. 814 DANISH AND SWEDISH CHUBCH. His .first visit to Denmark : and Swe den; partial suc cess of the Swedish been armed with a commendatory letter1 from pope Eu genius II. He departed from his cloister in 826 or 827, accompanied by a single coadjutor, Autbert, who assisted him in the foundation of a school in Nordalbingia, on the borders of Schleswig. Here they educated a small band of native youths whom they had ransomed out of slavery2. But their proceedings were suspended for a time by a rebellion of the pagan Danes, who, in 828, were able to expel the king, and all whom they suspected of alliance with the Franks. A second field, however, was soon opened to the diligence of Anskar. Guided by the will of Louis, and surrendering the Danish mission to another monk named Gislemar3, he migrated in 831 to Sweden, where, as he had been informed, a multitude of persons were now anxious to embrace the Gospel4. His companion was a brother-monk of Corbey, Witmar; and the missionaries, rescued only with their lives from an attack of northern pirates, landed on the coast of Sweden at Biorka5, near the ancient capital, Sigtuna. Here they gained permission from the king to enter on their labours, and were welcomed more especially by Christian captives6, whom the Swedes had carried off from the adjoining districts. After making 1 Lappenberg, Hamburg. Urkundenbuch, I. 29. Pope Gregory IV. (about 834) is said to have confirmed the appointment of Anskar as ' pri- mum Nordalbingorum archiepiscopum,' and to have commissioned him and his successors as the papal legates ' in omnibus circumquaque genti- bus Danorum, Sueonum, Noruehorum, Farrie, etc. ;' but this document, if not altogether spurious, is at least interpolated. Jaffe, Regest. Pontif. Roman, p. 228: cf. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geographic, § 252, n. 8. Some of the language here employed agrees with expressions in the Life of S. Rimbert, cited above, p. 100, n. 3. 2 'Ipsi quoque Divino inspirati amore ad promulgandam devotionis suas rellgionem cceperunt curiose pueros quaerere, quos emerent, et ad Dei servitium educarent,' etc. Vit. S. Anskar. a. 8. Autbert died two years after. 8 ' Patrem [? the prior] devotissimum Gislemarum, fide et operibus bonis probatum, etc' Ibid. c. 10. 4 Ibid. c. 9. They seem to have heard of Christianity by means or the traffic carried on between Dorstede (Wyk te Duerstede) and some of the Swedish ports: cf. c. 27. Aoout 830 they sent envoys to the court of Louis the Pious requesting a supply of regular instructors, c. 9. The chronology adopted in this narrative is that of Dahlmann, the last editor, of the Life of Anskar. With regard to earlier traces of the Gospel see Schropkh, xxi. 320, 6 Vit. o. 11, and the note in Pertz, n. 697. 6 Ibid. -1073] Growth of the Church. 103 one important convert, Herigar (or Hergeir), a distin guished Swedish noble, messengers were sent to Louis with the tidings of success; and Anskar, in 832 or 833, was raised to the archbishopric of Hamburg1, which had been selected as the centre of the northern missions. He soon afterwards betook himself to Rome, and as the guest of Gregory IV. was bound more closely in allegiance to the pope, and flattered by the present of a pall2. With the desire of strengthening the work of Anskar, Ebbo, whom we saw already forwarding the Gospel in the north, deputed his own missionary office to his nephew Gauzbert , who henceforward (with the name of Simon) was especially directed to evangelize the Swedes. For some time very little was effected by the holy zeal of Anskar. An opponent of the Christian faith, the persecuting Horic (Erich), was the single lord of Denmark ; and the efforts of the missionary, who was planted on the frontier of the kingdom, were confined to the redemption and religious training of a multitude of youthful slaves. In 837 the see of Hamburg also was invaded by the northern pirates (Vikings), who demolished4 all the outward fabric of religion. While the bishop with a few necessitous attendants wandered to and fro among the ruins of his diocese, a fresh disaster had occurred in Sweden (837), where the heathen population rose in arms against the missionaries, and expelled them from the country5. 1 . . . . ' cui subjaceret universa Nordalbingorurn ecclesia, et ad quam pertineret omnium regionum aquilonalium potestas ad constituendos episcopos, sive presbyteros in illas partes pro Christi nomine destinan- dos.' Ibid. c. 12: cf. Capitular, ed. Baluze, 1. 681. Anskar was conse crated by Drogo, archbishop of Metz, and ' archicapellanus'; Ebbo and others assisting. 2 Ibid. c. 13 : but cf. above, p. 102, n. 1. 3 Ibid. e. 14: . . . . ' ad partes veniens Sueonum, honorifice et a rege et a populo susceptus est, ccepitque cum benevolentia et unanimitate om nium ecclesiam inibi fabricare, et publico evangelium fidei prasdicare.' Funds for the mission were provided in this case, and in that of Anskar, by the gift of a monastery from the crown. 4 ' Ibi ecclesia miro opere magisterio domni episcopi constructa, una cum claustra monasterii mirifice composita, igni succensa est. Ibi bib- lioteca [i. e. the copy of the Bible], quam serenissimus jam memoratus imperator eidem patri nostro contulerat, optime conscripta, una cum pluribus aliis libris igni disperiit. ' Vit. S. Anskar. c. 16. 5 Ibid. c. 17. Ebbo was now entangled in the political troubles of the DANISH AND SWEDISHCHUECH. Anskar, archbishop of Ham burg. Interrup tion of his labours. 104 Growth of the Church. DANISH AND SWEDISHCHUKCH. Farther progress of the mission. Horic fa vourable to the Chris tians. [A.D. 814 But a brighter epoch was approaching. Anskar, at the end of seven years, was able to regain his hold on the affections of the Swedes. In 844 he persuaded Ardgar1, an anchoret in holy orders, to direct the movements of the sinking mission ; and in 849 his own hands were considerably strengthened by annexing to his archbishopric the larger see of Bremen2, which was vacant by the death of Leuderic in 847. His elevation is to be ascribed to the interest of Louis the Germanic, but the union of the sees was afterwards confirmed3 by a rescript of pope Nicholas I. (864). Relieved in this way from the embarrassment occasioned by his want of funds, he gave himself entirely to the wider planting of the faith. His progress was facilitated by disarming, if not absolutely winning over*, the impetuous Horic, king of Jutland; and a number of the Danish Christians, who had long been worshipping in secret, publicly avowed and exercised their faith6. The mission now expanded freely on all sides. It was at this juncture that the Swedes, on the return of the hermit Ardgar, were in want of an authorized instruc tor ; and accordingly the great apostle of the North-men, empire ; but a short time before his death he gave utterance to a firm belief that Christianity would ere long penetrate the furthest corner of the north : . . . . 'si aliquando propter peccata quodammodo impeditum fuerit, quod nos in illis coepimus gentibus, non tamen umquam penitus extinguetur, sed fructificabit in Dei gratia et prosperabitur, usque quo perveniat nomen Domini ad fines orbis terrae.' Ibid. c. 34. 1 Ibid. c. 19, 20 ; where an account is given of the zeal and fortitude displayed by Herigar and other Christians while the mission was sus pended. Ardgar ultimately returned to his hermitage (? 850). 2 Anskar hesitated in the first instance (Vit. c. 22), but was over powered by the king and the Council of Mentz (? 847). It appears that the see of Hamburg was now reduced, by the desolations of the North men, to four 'baptismal churches.' Ibid. : cf. Giesebrecht's Wendische Geschichte, i. 161; Berlin, 1843: Pagi, ad an. 858, §§ 3 sq. 3 Lappenberg, Hamburg. Urkund. i. 25. The see of Bremen had been formerly subject to the primate of Cologne, but was by this act trans ferred to Hamburg. 4 'Hie quoque omnia, quae ei ex Divina intimabat scriptura, benigne audiebat, et bona prorsus ac vere salutaria esse laudabat, seque his plurimum delectari ac libonter Christi gratiam velle promereri.' Vit. Anskar., c. 24. 6 ' Multi namque ibi antea erant Christiani, qui vel in Dorstado vel in Hammaburg baptizati fuerant, quorum quidam primores ipsius vici habebantur, et gaudebant facultatem sibi datam Christianitatem suam observandi.' Ibid. —1073] Growth of the Church. 105 girding up his loins afresh, and taking with him Erimbert1, a priest, set out for the court of Olof, king of Sweden2, where he hoped to secure a footing for the Gospel. He was aided by a timely nomination as ambassador of Louis the Germanic, and had also the protection of an envoy from the friendly court of Jutland. After hesitating for some time, it was decided by the Swedish nobles that the future toleration of the Christian faith should be determined by appealing to the heathen lots3; which pro videntially accorded with the earnest prayers of Anskar4. He now left his colleague, Erimbert, in Sweden, and re visited his diocese6 (circ. 854). Another storm was black ening the horizon of the Danish Church ; the king of Jutland, who had been a patron of the mission, was sup planted by a second Horic, under whom assemblies of tbe Christian population had been strongly interdicted ; but a kindlier spirit was ere long infused into the royal counsels ; and when Anskar sank beneath his burdens in 865, he left a flourishing community behind him both in Schleswig and in Jutland. He was followed in the see of Hamburg-Bremen (865-888) by a prelate of congenial temper. This was Rimbert6, his biographer and pupil. But the widening irruptions of the pagan Northmen7 counteracted all the efforts of the missionary, and uprooted many ancient in- 1 It was on this person that Gauzbert, who had been expelled from Sweden, now devolved his missionary office. Ibid. c. 25, 30. 2 The interview is recorded at length, ibid. c. 26. " For an account of the northern mythology, see the references above, p. 18, n. 3, to which Mallet's Northern Antiquities may be added. 4 'Exeuntes igitur more ipsorum in campum, miserunt sortes: ceci- ditque sors, quod Dei voluntate Christiana religio ibi fundaretur.' Vit. Anskar., c. 27. 5 Ibid. c. 28. 6 See the Life of Rimbert (Pertz, n. 765 — 775), written either by a cleric of the diocese of Bremen, or by a monk of Corbey, soon after his death. ' Some of them effected a landing in Belgium as early as 820, but were repelled (Palgrave, Hist, of Normandy, i. 255). The Danish inva sions of England, and the Norwegian invasions of Ireland and Scotland, began at the close of the preceding century. Alcuin already speaks of the 'populus paganus' in 797; Epist. lix. : al. lxxiv. Opp. i. 78 : cf. Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in England, Scotland, and Ireland, passim. They ravaged every part of France and won a permanent settlement in Neustria about 911. Palgrave, i. 671 sq. DANISH AND SWEDISH CHUBCH. A nskar's fresh visit to Sweden: its happy issue. Fresh re verse in Denmark : soon termi nated. Renewal of the troubles of the Church. ro6 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 Favourable policy of Harald. stitutions in the other Christian provinces of Europe. Rimbert was succeeded by Adalgar1, but the sphere of his labours was still more contracted by the inroads of the Slaves and the Hungarians2. At the opening of the tenth century the throne of Denmark had been filled by a usurper, Gurm, who shewed a bitter hatred to the Church : but in 934, his violence was checked by Henry I. of Germany, who wrested Schleswig from his grasp, and planted there a colony of Christians3. The next king of Denmark, Harald Blaatand, in a long reign of fifty years (941 — 991) was favourable4 to the propagation of the Gospel ; and Adaldag, the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen, actively proceeded in the organizing of the Danish Church. This work, however, was again suspended through the violent reaction of the pagans6, headed by the faithless son of Harald, Sveno (Svend), who, on his accession to the throne, immediately expelled the clergy, and was afterwards the scourge of England6. There, indeed, his fury was at length exchanged for something like repentance'; and his son, the distinguished Cnut (Canute the Great, 1014 — 1035), was assiduous in despatching missionaries8 1 Lappenberg, Hamburg. Urkund. x. 43. 2 Adam. Bremensis (who wrote about 1075), Hist. Eccles. lib. I. c. 32 sq. 3 Ibid. lib. I. c. 48—50, and Schrbckh, xxi. 344 sq. The new arch bishop of Hamburg-Bremen, Unni, availed himself of this favourable turn in the fortunes of the Church, and renewed the mission to the heathen. One of the petty kings of South Jutland, Frodo, is said to have been baptized by Unni ; and this led to the establishment of bishoprics at Schleswig, Bipen, and Aarhus. See Council of Ingelheim, a.d. 948; and the conflicting account of Adam of Bremen, lib. n. c. 2. Not long after bishoprics were planted at Odensee, in the island of Funen ; at Eoskild, in Zealand, as well as at Lund and Dalby. Wiltsch, Kirch. Geograph. I. 389. 4 Eespecting his conversion, see the story of Wittekind, a monk of Corbey, in the Scriptores Rerum German, ed. Meibom. i. 660 : and cf Neander, v. 397, 398. 6 Adam. Bremensis, Hist. Eccl. lib. n. c. 15 sq. 6 Ibid. c. 28, 36 : see below, on the 'Limitation of the Church.' 7 He is even said to have laboured in behalf of the religion he had formerly betrayed and persecuted. Saxo Grammaticus, Hist. Danorum lib. x. pp. 186—188, ed. Stephan. 8 Bishops and priests are said to have been ordained for this purpose by jEthelnoth, the archbishop of Canterbury. Adam. Bremen, lib. n. c. 36 sq. Miinter, Kirchengesch. von Danemark, I. 322. The zeal of Cnut was stimulated at the remembrance of the wrongs inflicted on the Church at large by his persecuting father : and the same motive, mingled with -1073] Growth of the Church. 107 to evangelize his Scandinavian subjects, until Denmark, as a nation, paid her homage unto Christ1. In Sweden, where the elements of strife resembled those of Denmark, little progress had been made in the diffusion of the Gospel2, since the happier days of Anskar. Many seeds, however, planted by his care and watered by the visits of his scholar, Rimbert, still continued to bear fruit. The mission was resumed3 in 930 by Unni, archbishop of Hamburg; and some other neighbouring prelates joined him in his work. The reign of Olaf Skot- konung, commencing with the eleventh century, was marked by a more vigorous advancement on all sides. He was baptized about 1008, and afterwards secured the help of English clergymen, as Sigefrith, Rodulf, Sigeward, and others, who expended all their strength in building up the Scandinavian Churches4. The first bishopric of Sweden6 was now placed at Skara, in West-Gothland, where the Christians more especially abounded ; and the policy of future kings, excepting Svend, the latest champion of excessive reverence for the pope, impelled him to set out on a pilgrimage to Eome (in 1027) : Anglo-Sax. Chron. ad an. 1031 : cf. Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, 11. 211 sq. 1 The nephew of Cnut, Sveno Estrithson, who succeeded to the crown of Denmark in 1047, cooperated with Adalbert, the archbishop of Ham burg-Bremen, in propagating the Gospel in the northern islands and elsewhere (Adam. Bremen, lib. iv. c. 16) ; but in Friesland, on the coast of Schleswig, as well as in the corners of North Jutland and of Schonen, paganism subsisted for a century or more. 3 Adam. Bremen, lib. 1. c. 51. 3 Ibid. lib. n. c. 2, c. 16. There were still, however, many heathen, or but half-converted. Christians, even in the north of Sweden : cf. Schrbckh, xxi. 361, 362. Among the upper Swedes the pagan system lingered till the middle of the 12th century. 4 Adam. Bremen, lib. 11. c. 38, 40, 44. Some of these English mis sionaries (e. g. Wulfrith), by their violent attacks on paganism, aroused the vengeance of the Swedes. ' It was filled by an Englishman named Turgot, but his orders were derived from the archbishop of Hamburg, Unwan. Other Swedish bishoprics were soon afterwards founded at Lincoping, Wexio, Upsala, Strengnaes, and Westerahs. Jealousies appear to have arisen between the later prelates of Hamburg-Bremen and the kings of neighbouring Btates (Adam. Bremen, lib. in. c. 15—17) : but the difference was adjusted for a while in the time of archbishop Adalbert, who was (1068) acknow ledged as the primate of twelve dioceses (Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geograph. 1. 390), and also as a kind of Scandinavian pontiff. In 1104, however, the more northern bishops were subordinated to the metropolitan of Lund. Mttnter, Kircheng. 11. 76. DANISH AND SWEDISH CHUBCH. religion under Cnut the Great. Fresh ef forts to con vert the Swedes : triumphantunder Olaf SkStko- nung. io8 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 NOB- WEGIAN CHUBCH. I i Christian ity even tually su preme.Plantingof the Gos pel in Nor way : idolatry1, contributed to swell their numbers. In 1075 the public services of Thor and Odin were all absolutely interdicted by a royal order, and the cause of Christianity henceforth was everywhere triumphant. The first entrance of the Gospel into Norway was effected also through an English channel. Hacon (Hagen) is said to have been educated2 at the court of iEthelstan (924 — 941) ; and on his return to his native country, where he made himself supreme, he laboured, with the aid of priests from England, to displace the pagan worship8. His endeavours soon aroused the hatred of his subjects, who accordingly compelled him to take part in their sacrificial rites4, and murdered the promoters of the Chris tian religion. On his death, which was embittered by the thought of his criminal compliance with idolatry, the Northmen were subdued by Harald Blaatand, king of Denmark (962), who, in order to revive a knowledge of the Gospel, had recourse to oppression and the sword. His measures were reversed soon after by the equal violence of Hacon jarl, an implacable opponent of the truth6. It was, however, introduced afresh by Olaf Tryggvason (995 — 1000), who had been converted while engaged in foreign travel6, and was finally baptized in the Scilly Anxious to diffuse the blessings of the Gospel, Islands7 1 The pagan party were exasperated by the efforts of Adelward (a bishop sent from Bremen, 1064) to subvert their ancient temple at Upsala. Adam. Bremen, lib. in. c. 17; lib. rv. c. 44. This attempt was prudently resisted by the Christian monarch, StenMl; hut his son Inge (1067), who yielded to the over-zealous missionaries, was expelled by the heathen under Svend, and restored only by the help of his Danish neighbours. 2 This is the account of the Scandinavian Chroniclers : see the evidence on both sides in Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, n. 105, 106. 3 See Miinter, as above ; Torfaeus, Hist. Norvegica, Pars n. pp. 215 sq. ed. Hafnias, 1711 ; and, for the most ancient authority, the Heim- skringla (Hist, of Norwegian Kings), by Snorro Sturleson, who died in 1241. 4 He finally consented to eat horse-flesh, after drinking in honour of Odin, Thor, and Bragi [? Fricge]. Torfsus, Pars n. pp. 219 sq. 6 Ibid. 237 sq. He had been himself a Christian in the previous reign, but had apostatized on his accession to the throne. 6 He had travelled in Greece, Bussia, England; and the north of Germany. In the last-mentioned country, he fell in with Thangbrand, a soldier-like priest of Bremen, who appears to have turned his thoughts to the consideration of the Gospel. 7 He had landed there while engaged jn a piratical expedition^ Some -1073] Growth of the Church. 109 he took with him into Norway (977) an ecclesiastic of the name of Thangbrand, but their efforts were too often thwarted by the violence with which their teaching was accompanied. The jarls, who governed Norway as the envoys from the courts of Denmark and Sweden, after Olaf was deposed (1000), extended toleration to the Chris tians, and as soon as the foreign yoke was broken by the valour of Olaf the Holy (1017 — 1033), every stronghold1 of the pagan system was unsparingly demolished, and the Gospel, partly by instruction2, but still more by dint of arms', was planted on the ruins. Iceland, which was destined to enjoy the highest re putation as a seat of mediaeval learning, had been colonized by the Norwegians in 870. But the tidings of the Gospel did not reach it, or at least made no distinct impression4, till a Saxon prelate, Eriedrich, influenced by the reasons of a native chieftain, who had roved the German seas, attempted to secure a footing in 981. He was, however, fiercely counteracted by the scalds (or pagan minstrels) : and after labouring to little purpose, for a period of five years, he gave up the mission in despair. A fresh attempt time before, in conjunction with Svend of Denmark, he had ravaged all the southern coasts. Lappenberg, n. 157, 158. He was afterwards confirmed in England, which he promised not to visit for the future as an enemy (Saxon Chron. a.d. 994). 1 See, among other instances, the account of the destruction of a Co lossal 'Thor' in the province of Dalen: Neander, v. 410, 411. 2 In this he was assisted by the founding of schools, and by the labours of ecclesiastics out of England (see above, p. 106, n. 8), some of whom passed forward into Sweden. The Norwegian sees of Nidaros (Drontheim), Opslo, Bergen, Hammer, and Stavanger, were not or ganized until the following period (Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geogr. n. 96) : but Olaf was the founder of the mother-church of Drontheim. Nominally all the Scandinavian churches were still subject to the archbishopric of Hamburg, but it seems from a rescript of pope Alexander II. (1061), that it was customary for the Norwegian bishops to be consecrated either in England or in France. Lappenberg, Hamburg. Urkund. 1. 84 : Mansi, xix. 942 sq. 3 The sufferings of the heathen party predisposed them to assist the English monarch, Cnut, 1028, in dethroning Olaf (Lappenb. 11. 215, 216) ; but the fortunes of the Church were unaffected by this conquest. 4 We learn from Munter's Geschichte (as above), 1. 520, that when the Northmen landed, they found some traces of an older Christianity which had been planted in Iceland by the agency of Irish missionaries : cf. Neander, v. 412, note. One of the fullest histories of the Icelandic Church is that by Finnur Joensen (Finus Johannasus), Hist. Eccles. Iilandia, Hafniae, 1772—1775. ICELANDIC CHUECH. finally suc cessful. The conver sion of lee- land. 1 10 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 OTHEE NOBTHEBN CHUBCHES. The Gospel in Green land: in the Ork ney, Shet- was made by Olaf Tryggvason, the king of Norway, who persuaded Stefner, a young Christian Icelander (996), to carry back the Gospel to his fellow-countrymen. His labours also were resisted, as were those of the royal chaplain and ambassador, the military Thangbrand (997 — 999). But the progress of religion in the mother-country rapidly abated the objections of the colonists, and as early as 1000 laws were enacted1 by the native legislatures favourable to the ultimate supremacy of the Gospel. While a number of the ancient practices were suffered to remain in secret, it was now determined that all Icelanders should be baptized, and that the public rites of paganism should in future be abolished. A numerous class of natives, as we may suppose, continued to hand down the hereditary rites2; but through the teaching of new bands of mission- ¦ aries3, chiefly English and Irish, they were gradually con verted and confirmed. A fresh accession to the Churches of the North was the distant Greenland, also partly colonized from Norway, at the end of the tenth century. Its apostle was an Ice lander, Leif, who entered on his work in 999 : and in 1055 the community of Christians had been fully organized by the appointment of a bishop*. At the same time Christianity was carried to the 1 This step was facilitated by winning over (some say, with the help of a bribe) the chief -priest Thorgeir, who was also supervisor of the legislative acts : Schrbckh, xxi. 389. 2 Some revolting customs, e. g. the exposing of infants, lingered for a while, notwithstanding the attempt of Olaf, king of Norway (1019 — 1033), to suppress them : Neander, v. 419. 3 One of the most conspicuous was Bemhard, an Englishman, sent into Iceland by Olaf the Holy. In 1056 the first diocesan bishop, Isleif, was placed at Skaalholt (Adam of Bremen, De Situ Dania, c. 228). He was consecrated by Adalbert of Hamburg-Bremen. Another see was founded in 1105 at Holum. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geogr. n. 96, n. 8. 4 This was bishop Albert, sent by Adalbert of Hamburg-Bremen. Miinter, i. 555 sq. : cf. the bull of Victor II. (1055) confirming the privileges of the archbishop of Hamburg, in Lappenberg, Hamburg, Urkund. i. 77, and Adam of Bremen, De Situ Dania, c. 244. The last glimpse of this ancient Church of Greenland is seen in 1408. Beligion seems to have expired soon after with the swarm of Icelandic and Norwegian settlers, who gave place to the present Esquimaux. In 1733, the Moravians made a fresh attempt to introduce the Gospel into Greenland.— There is an interesting tradition (Miinter, i. 561) of a Saxon or Irish missionary, who is said to have crossed from Greenland into North- America, in 1059, and there to have died a martyr. —1073] Growth of the Church. in Orkney, Shetland, and the Faroe Islands, which were peopled mainly by Norwegians1. In the former cases the success of Olaf Tryggvason was due in no small measure to the force of arms2; and even in the Faroe Islands, where at first he was able to proceed more calmly, through the medium of -an earnest native, Sigmund", not a few of his efforts were coercive. But the work was afterwards re sumed, in a better spirit, by succeeding kings of Norway4. AMONG THE SLAVIC OR SLAVONIAN RACES. This large and important family of men6, extending eastward from the Elbe to the Don, and southward from the Baltic to the Adriatic (with a few exceptions6 in Croatia and Carinthia), had continued, till the present period, strangers to the Gospel. The exertions made by Arno, the archbishop of Salzburg (800), were repeated in the time of Louis the Pious, by Urolf, the archbishop of Lorch' (Laureacum). It was through this channel that the earliest missions were established in Moravia. But the nation was still generally addicted to the pagan worship, when two learned and experienced brothers, monks of the Greek communion, entered on the same arena. These were Cyril8 (Constantine) and Methodius9, who had already 1 Worsaae, Danes and Norwegians, &c. pp. 220, 221. 8 See Torfaeus, Orcades, Havniae, 1697 : Miinter, i. 548. 3 Torfaeus, De rebus gestis Fareyensium, Havn. 1695 ; Neander, v. 421. 4 On the conversion of the Northmen who settled in Christian countries, see below, § 2, 'Limitation of the Church.' 5 The origin and antiquities of these races have been thoroughly investigated by Shafarik, Slawische Alterthumer, Leipzig, 1843. 6 See above, p. 26. 1 Also called the bishop of Passau, the two sees having been united since the year 699 (Wiltsch, i. 376) ; but the primate of Lorch disappears for a century, and then, after a long struggle with the archbishops of Salzburg, dies out entirely (Ibid. 379) : cf. Gieseler, n. 452, n. 1. 8 Cyril, in 848, was sent b^- the emperor Michael to instruct the Chazari (also a Slavonian tribe), who bordered on the Greek possessions in the Crimea. (Asseman, Kalendar. TJniversa Ecclesia, in. 13 sq. ed. Bom. 1755.) Some of the natives embraced Christianity, but others were perverted by the Jews and Moslems. 9 It is possible that the Methodius here mentioned is the same MOEAVIAN CHUBCH. land, and Faroe Is lands. Propagation of Christian ity among the Slaves. Conversion of Mora via. 112 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 MOEAVIAN CHUBCH. Jealousies between the Greek and German Labours of Methodius. been successful in a different field of labour. They arrived in Moravia, 861 or 862, and by the use of the native tongue in public worship, and the dissemination of the Scriptures1, were enabled very soon to gather in a harvest of conversions. But the jealousy which had been re awakened at this time between the Greek and Latin Churches, added to a host of diplomatic reasons on the part of the Moravian princes, made it necessary for the leaders of the mission to secure an understanding with the Western pontiff, who was anxious on his part to cul tivate their friendship. Cyril and Methodius went to Rome in 867 ; and the former either dying on the journey or (as others say) retiring to a convent, his companion was now chosen by the pope, and consecrated metropolitan of Pannonia and Moravia2. He immediately resumed his labours (868) in this new capacity. Soon after, the political disturbance, which commenced with the year 870, impelled him to seek refuge in the neighbouring district of Moravia, where the German spirit was supreme, and where a mission had been planted from the see of Salzburg3. As Metho- person who was instrumental in the conversion of Bulgaria. See below, p. 122 : and ci Schrockh, xxi. 409 sq. There is, however, great diversity in the accounts of these two eminent missionaries. The most critical are the work of Asseman, quoted in the previous note, and two publica tions of Dobrowsky, Cyrill und Methodius der Slaven Apostel, Prag, 1823, and MS.hr. Legende von Cyrill und Method., Prag, 1826: cf. also the Russian version in Nestor's Annates, ed. Schlozer, c. x. ; torn, in, pp. 149 sq. 1 Whether Cyril actually invented the Slavonic writing, or remodelled some existing alphabet, has been disputed ; but there is no doubt as to his translation of the Scriptures into the language of the people: Neander, v. 434, 435. The following is the account given of their mis sionary labours : ' Coeperunt itaque ad id quod venerant peragendnm. studiose insistere, et parvulos eorum literas edocere, officia ecclesiastica instruere, et ad correptionem diversorum errorum, quos in populo illo repererant, falcem eloquiorum suorum inducere.' Vit. Constantini, § 7 : in Acta Sanctorum, Mart. torn. n. pp. 19 sq. * This statement is derived from the title of a letter addressed by John VIII. to Methodius (879), in Boczek, Codex Diplomaticus et Epi- stolaris Moravia (Olomuc. 1836), i. 29 : cf. an earlier letter of the same pontiff (circ. 874) to Louis the Germanic. Ibid. i. 34. It appears also from a rescript ' ad Salonitanos clericos ' (Mansi, xvn. 129), that Metho dius had certain ' episcopi regionarii ' under him. His see was Welehrad, the capital of the ancient kingdom of Moravia. Potthast, Bibl. Hist. n. 371. 3 See the anonymous account of a priest of Salzburg (quoted in p. 26, n. 1). As late as 865, the archbishop of Salzburg consecrated several churches in this district. —1073] Growth of the Church. II- dius was devoted all his life-time to the creed and ritual of the Greeks, and constantly made use of the Slavonic lan guage, he excited the displeasure1 of his German fellow- workers, who, as soon as they found their influence on the wane, did not hesitate to brand him as a traitor to the faith. In 879 he responded to a summons of the pope2, whom he convinced (880) of his orthodoxy3, as well as of the propriety of using the vernacular language4 in the public worship of the Church; and in the following year he was reinstated in his sphere of duty, and invested with still larger powers. But meanwhile a serious misun derstanding had grown up between him and the Moravian king, Swatopluk, who succeeded Wratislav, his uncle (870 —894). Other influential persons6 in like manner threw their strength into the German faction, and Methodius, while proceeding with his missionary work in the same earnest spirit as before, was under the necessity of vin dicating himself a second time from the calumnies of his i Ibid 'usquedum quidam Graecus Methodius nomine, noviter inventis Slavinis Uteris, linguam Latinam dodrinamque Romanam, atque literas auctorabiles Latinas philosophice superducens, vilescere fecit cuncto populo ex parte missas et evangelia, ecclesiasticumque officium illorum, qui hoc Latine celebraverunt. Quod ille [i. e. Bichbald, the head of the Salzburg mission] ferre non valens, sedem repetivit Ju- vaviensem.' 2 Above, p. 112, ji. 2, and in Mansi, xvn. 133. The drift of the summons was, ' ut veraciter cognoscamus doctrinam tuam :' cf . Epist. ad Zuventapu de Moravna (? Morawa, in Pannonia), in Boczek, ubi sup. I. 40. . . 3 'Nos autem ilium in omnibus ecclesiasticis doctrinis et utihtatibus orthodoxum et proficuum esse reperientes, vobis iterum ad regendam commissam sibi ecclesiam Dei remisimus,' etc. Ep. ad Sphentopulcum comitem; Mansi, xvn. 181. Neander (v. 438) infers that the Greek mode of stating the Procession of the Holy Ghost was also conceded by this pope. ... , 4 'Literas denique Sclavonicas a Constantino quondam philosopho repertas, quibus Deo laudes debite resonent, jure laudamus, et in eadem lingua Christi Domini nostri praBconia et opera ut enarrentur, jubemus... Nee sanae fidei vel doctrinas aliquid obstat, sive missas in eadem Scla- vonica lingua canere, sive sacrum Evangelium, vel lectiones Divinas noyi et veteris Testamenti bene translatas et interpretatas legere, aut alia horarum officia omnia psallere.' Ibid. The injunction, therefore, was, that in all the Moravian Churches the Gospel should be first read m Latin and then in Slavonic (' sicut in quibusdam ecclesiis fieri videtur'). 5 e q The bishop of Neitra, Wiching (a German), whom the papal rescript,' above quoted, n. 4, had subordinated to Methodius: see the letter of the same pope (881), Boczek, ubi sup. I. 44: Asseman, Kalend. Univers. Eccl, in. 159 sq. M. A. J MOBAVIAN CHUBCH. Fresh mis understanding with the German party. I '4 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 BOHEMIAN CHUHCH. Destruction of Mora vian inde pendence. The Gospel in Bohe- opponents. He set out for Rome in 881 ; but as there is no certain trace J of him after this date, it has been inferred that he did not survive the journey. His Slavonic co adjutors are said to have been subsequently banished from Moravia2; and although a strong reaction was pro duced by the ensuing reign of Moimar, who was able to dissociate the Moravian Church entirely from the inter meddling of the German3, all his projects were defeated in 908, when the armies of adjacent countries, more especially Bohemians and Hungarians, trampled on his crown. For nearly thirty years the progress of the Gospel in Moravia was retarded by these struggles ; and when Moravian Christians reappear on the page of history, they are subject to the bishops of Bohemia. Afterwards a see was established at Olmiitz4. The first seeds of religion had been scattered in Bo hemia by the same active hand5. Its duke, Borziwoi, was converted by Methodius6 (circ. 871), while on a visit to the court of the Moravian king, Swatopluk, who was at that time his superior lord. On his return to his own dominions, he took with him a Moravian priest, by whom his wife, Ludmilla7, afterwards conspicuous in devotion, was admitted to the Christian fold. But heathenism8, in spite 1 See Dobrowsky, Cyrill und Methodius, pp. 115 sq. 2 Ibid. 3 On the jealousy excited by these controversies, see the remonstrance of Theotmar, archbp. of Salzburg, and of Hatto, archbp. of Mentz, addressed to pope John IX. (900—901) : Mansi, xvin. 203, 205. They view the independence of the Moravians as a violation of the rights of the bishop of Passau, and of the German Church at large, from whom, as it is alleged, the conversion of Moravia had proceeded. 4 See Wiltsch, i. 361, 363. Some place the foundation of this see at the year 1062. 6 The following entry in the Fuldenses Annates, a.d. 845, will take us back somewhat further : ' Hludowicus 14 ex ducibus Boemanorum cum hominibus suis Christiauam religionem desiderantes suscepit, et in oetavis Theophaniae baptizari jussit.' Pertz, I. 364. 6 This point is not quite established, but the evidence in favour of it is considerable. Dobrowsky, Cyrill und Method, p. 106: Mahr. Legende, p. 114 : cf. Neander, v. 442, note. 7 See one Life of Ludmilla, addressed to bishop Adalbert of Prague, about 985, in Acta Sanctorum, Sept. torn. v. 354, and a second in Dobner's contribution to the Abhandlungen der bohmisch. Gesellschaft der Wisscnschaften, for 1786, pp. 417 sq. But neither of these legends is of much historical value. 8 At the head of this party was Dragomir or Drahomira, wife of Wratislav, who is charged with the assassination of Ludmilla. —1073] Growth of the Church. 1 1< of her untiring, efforts and the piety of Wratislav her son, maintained its rule in almost every district of Bohemia ; and the struggle was prolonged into the reign of her grandson Wenzeslav1 (928-936), who seems to have inherited her faith and saintliness of life. He was mur dered at the instigation of his pagan brother, Boleslav the Cruel, and for many years the little band of Christians had to brave a most bitter persecution. In 950, Boleslav was conquered by the armies of Germany, under Otho I.; which paved a way to the establishment and wider propa gation of the truth. Still more was effected by the sterner policy of Boleslav the Pious (967—999); in whose reign also a more definite organization was imparted to the whole of the Bohemian Church by founding the bishopric of Prague2. It was filled in 983 by a learned German, Adal bert (or Wojtech). Noted for the warmth of his missionary zeal3, he laboured, with the aid of Boleslav, to drive out the surviving elements of paganism, by circulating a more stringent code of disciplinary injunctions4. The impru dent haste and harshness of his measures, added to the national dislike of everything Germanic, soon compelled him to resign his post, when he retreated to a convent. In 994, he was ordered to resume his duties by the voice of the Roman synod5, and reluctantly obeying the injunc tion he returned into Bohemia; but the jealous spirit he had stirred in the Slavonian populace ere long ejected him afresh. His policy however was triumphantly established 1 See the Life of Wenzeslav (Wenceslaus) ; Acta Sanctor. Sept. vn. 825. 3 Wiltsch, i. 361, 363, n. 22 : but the rescript attributed to John XTTT , confirming the foundation of the bishopric, is spurious. Jaffe. Regesta Pontif. p. 947. The first prelate was Diethmar, a monk of Magdeburg : see Cosmas Pragensis, who wrote a Bohemian Chronicle about 1100 : torn. i. pp. 1993 sq. in Mencken. Script. Rer. Germanic. 3 He finally died a martyr in 997, while seeking to convert the Prussians, in the neighbourhood of Dantzig. See a Life of Adalbert in Pertz, vi. 574. He had also laboured in a mission to the Hungarians, see below, p. 127. The efforts of Adalbert in behalf of the ferocious Prussians were repeated by Bruno, the court-chaplain of Otho HI. : but he too perished in 1008, together with eighteen of his companions. Act. Sanct. Ord. Benedict, vin. 79 sq. 4 Among other things he combated polygamy, clerical concubinage, arbitrary divorces, the traffic in Christian slaves which was largely carried on by Jews, &c. See the Life of Adalbert, as above : and cf. Schrockh, xxi. 440, 441. « See both the Lives of him, in Pertz, vi. 589, 6C2. 12 BOHEMIAN CHURCH . Adalbert,archbishopof Pruijae; his e.i jj/'I- slon. n6 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 in the time of Severus1 a later primate (1030-1067) ; for although the Slavo-Latin ritual2, as imported from Moravia, was still cherished here and there, it gradually retired before the influence of the Roman or Germanic uses. As the Gospel had passed over from Moravia to Bo hemia, so the latter was the instrument of God for planting it among the kindred tribes of Poland. Their dominion at this period was extending northward to the Netze, and embraced all the modern province of Silesia. In 966, the Polish duke3, Mjesko or Miecislav, who had married a Bohemian princess (Dambrowka), was converted to the Christian faith; and many of the courtiers following his example were baptized on the same occasion. But his violent suppression of the pagan worship (967), as in cases we have seen already, could not fail to produce an ob stinate resistance4 on the part of the uninstructed. In the following reigns, when Poland for a time was freed from the superiority of the empire, this obnoxious policy continued; and the slightest violation of the canons of 1 Schrbckh, xxi. 442 sq. 2 One of the conditions mentioned in the rescript which relates to the founding of the see of Prague is to the effect that Divine service shall in future be performed ' non secundum ritus aut sedam Bulgaria gentis, vel Ruzite aut Sclavonica lingua, sed magis sequens instituta et decreta apostolica,' &c. Boczek, Codex Diplomaticus Morav. i. 86. But spurious though this rescript is, a multitude of better proofs assure us that the question here suggested was a source of much dispute. See the account of a struggle between the Latin and Slavonic services at the convent of Sasawa, in Mencken. Script. Rer. German, in. 1782 sq. After a vehement letter of Gregory VII. (1080) to Wratislav, duke of Bohemia, prohibiting the use of the Slavonic ritual (Mansi, xx. 296), the monks who adhered to the use of it were (in 1097) expelled, and their service-books destroyed (Mencken, in. 1788). In some parts of Bohemia, the vernacular ritual was revived, or kept its ground; and one convent in the suburbs of Prague retains it at this day. Gieseler, n. 458, n. 17. 3 See Thietmar (or Ditmar), Chronicon, lib. rv. c. 35: in Pertz, v. 783, and the Polish historian, Martinus Gallus (who wrote about 1130), lib. i. c. 5, ed. Bandtke, 1824 : cf. Schrbckh, xxi. 491 sq. , where the traces of a somewhat older Christianity have been collected. 4 Accordingly we find that the Gospel had made little progress in 980 : Schrockh, xxi. 496. For some time there was but one Polish bishopric, that of Posen, founded (it is said) by the Emperor Otho I. in 970, and subordinated to the metropolitan of Magdeburg. When Poland, in the following century, became an independent kingdom, the archbishopric of Gnesen took the lead of other sees (including Colberg, Cracow, and Wra- tislavia or Breslau) which were founded. Wiltsch, i. 395 — 397 : cf. Schrbckh, xxi. 497 sq. A council was held in Poland (1000) by the Em peror Otho III. Mansi, xix. 207. -1073] Growth of the Church, 117 the Church was punished by the civil power1. A fresh impulse was communicated to the progress of religion by the reign2 of Casimir I. (1034-1058), who was previously an inmate either of the Benedictine house at Clugny, or of a German convent at Braunweiler. By him all the ritual of the Church, that had hitherto retained a portion of the impress it derived from the Christians of Moravia and Bohemia3, was brought into more general agreement with the liturgies and customs of the West4. In addition to the tribes already folded in the Christian Church, were others also of Slavonic blood, most commonly entitled Wends. They had settled in the districts border ing the Elbe, the Oder, and the Saale, and were already vassals of the German empire. Like the northern Saxons of the former period, they were men of a fierce and in domitable spirit, who regarded the persuasions of the missionary as designed to perpetuate their bondage. This political repugnance to his visits was increased by his im perfect knowledge of the Slavic dialects5; and as their nationality was more and more endangered by the heavy yoke6 of their oppressors, they were constantly attempting to regain their independence, and extinguish the few glim merings of truth that had been forced into their minds. Accordingly, the progress of religion in these districts had been slow and superficial; but the death of their conqueror, Henry I., in 936, was followed by a different mode of treat- 1 e.g. ' Quicunque post septuagesimam carnem mandneasse inveni- tur, abscisis dentibus graviter punitur. Lex'namque divina in his regio- nibus noviter exorta potestate tali, melius quam jejunio ab episcopis instituto, corroboratur.' Thietmar, Chron. lib. vin. c. 2. 2 The strange circumstances connected with his elevation are related in Martinus Gallus, Chronicon, as above ; and Cromer, de Rebus Polono- rum, lib. iv. p. 50, ed. Colon. 3 See Friese, Kirchengeschichte des KSnigreichs Poland, i. 61 sq., Bres- lau, 1786. 4 As early as 1012, the king of Poland, Boleslav, betrays a strong leaning to the Church of Borne (Thietmar, Chronic, lib. vi. c. 56), and many of his successors carried this feeling of deference much further. 6 See a striking exemplification of this in Thietmar's Chronicon, lib. n. c. 23 (Pertz, v. 755). 6 ' Quibus mens pronior est ad pensiones vectigalium quam ad con- versionem gentilium,' was the censure passed upon the German conquerors by the then king of Denmark. Neander, v. 446, note. The same is the complaint of the Chronicler Helmold (lib. i. e. 21). ' Semper proniores sunt tributis augmentandis, quam animabus Domino conquirendis.' wendish chuech. Attempts to introduce the Gospel/ among the Wends. i iS Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 ment, and a somewhat larger measure of success. Desirous of promoting their conversion, Otho I. founded many bishoprics1 among the Wends, and placed them under the direction of a better class of men,— of missionaries who had been distinguished by their skill in other fields of labour. In 946 a prelate of this kind was sent to Havelberg; another to Aldenburg, in 948 ; a third to Brandenburg, in 949. Those of Meissen (Misna), Cizi, and Merseburg followed in 968, and in that, or in the previous year, the organization of the Wendish Church was finished by erect ing the metropolitical see of Magdeburg, according to a plan propounded by the council of Ravenna2 (967). The first primate, Adalbert, had been educated in the monastery of Treves, and is said to have been chosen several years before to plant a fruitless mission in a distant tribe of Slaves3. His present work also was thwarted by a general insurrection of the heathen Wends, assisted by unstable soldiers of the Cross. Impatient of the German rule, or maddened by some special grievances occurring at the time, they ravaged4 all the neighbouring districts, more especially the seats of missionary enterprise; and though the leader of the movement, Mistewoi, a Christian, afterwards deplored his furious onslaught, it was long ere the wounds he had inflicted on the Church were altogether healed. A salutary change is dated from the reign of his holy grandson, Gottschalk, who is famous in the German annals 1 Wiltsch, i. 394, 395. The bishopric of Cizi (Zeiz) was in 1029 transferred to Naumburg; that of Aldenburg (Oldenburg) was transferred to Liibeck in 1163, and was from the first a suffragan of the archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen, and not, like the rest, of Magdeburg. It seems to have been afterwards divided, and two other bishoprics established, for a time, at Batzeburg and Mecklenburg. See the Chronicon Slavorum by Helmold, a missionary at Bosov, about 1150, in Leibnitz's Scriptores Brunsv. n. 537 sq. 2 Mansi, xvin. 501—503 ; cf. Schrockh, xxi. 482 sq. One object of the Emperor in urging the foundation of this new archbishopric appears to have been a wish to abridge the inordinate power of the see of Mentz. The pall was sent to the new German primate in 968. Mansi, xix. 5. 3 It is generally supposed that the Slavonic tribe in question was that of the Russians; but Neander (v. 447, 452) argues that the Slavo nians in the isle of Riigen were intended by the chroniclers. 4 See Helmold, as above, lib. i. c. 14 sq., Giesebrecht's Wendische Geschichten (from 730 to 1182), i. 257; Berlin, 1843. When Mistewoi professed himself a Christian, after his repentance, he was compelled to retire from the scene of his impiety, and died at Bardevik. Helmold, ibid. c. 16. -1073] Growth of the Church. ng as the founder of the Wendish empire (1047). He was trained in a Christian school at Liineburg, and the military ardour he had shewn at an earlier period was eventually di rected to the propagation of the Gospel1 . Aided by an ample staff of clerics, whom he drew more especially from the archbishopric of Bremen2, he proceeded with unwavering zeal in the conversion of his people. Yet so strongly were they wedded to their heathen rites, that after labouring among them twenty years he fell a victim to his Christian fervour (1066), dying3, with a number of his chief assistants, in the midst of revolting tortures. From this period the reaction in behalf of paganism went on rapidly increasing, until few4, if any, traces of the mission were left. Meanwhile, another family of Slaves, united by a line of Scandinavian5 princes, were engrafted on the Eastern Church. The Russians had now gradually expanded from the neighbourhood of Moscow, on one side to the Baltic, on the other to the Euxine Sea. Their predatory and com- . mercial habits brought them pointedly before the notice of the emperors and prelates of the East, and efforts seem to 1 He is even said to have preached, or expounded, the Gospel to his subjects : ' Sane magna? devotionis vir dicitur tanto religionis Divinae exarsisse studio, ut sermonem exhortationis ad populum frequenter in ecclesia ipse fecerit, ea scilicet, quae ab episcopis vel presbyteris mystice dicebantur, cupiens Slavicis verbis reddere planiora.' Helmold, ibid. c. 20. 2 Bremen, as the point of departure for the northern missions, seems to have been a rallying-place for all kinds of unfortunate ecclesiastics : ¦ ' Confluebant ergo in curiam ejus [I. e. of Adalbert, or Albrecht, the arch bishop] multi sacerdotes et religiosi, plerique etiam episcopi, qui sedibus suis exturbati mensae ejus erant participes, quorum sarcina ipse allevari cupiens transmisit eos in latitudinem gentium.' Ibid. c. 22 : cf. Adam of Bremen, Hist. Eccl. a. 142. 3 The place of his death was Leutzen. The last victim was the aged bishop of Mecklenburg, who, after he had been dragged through the chief cities of the Wendish kingdom, was sacrificed to the war-god, Badegast, whose temple stood at Bethre. Helmold, ibid. c. 23. 4 Beligion seems to have been kept alive in some measure among the Sorbi (between the Elbe and the Saale), through the zealous efforts of Benno, bishop of Meissen (1066 — 1106). See a Life of him in Mencken. Script. Rer. German, n. 1857 sq. But in other districts what is stated by the Chroniclers will too generally apply : ' Slavi servitutis jugum armata manu submoverunt, tantaque animi obstinantia libertatem de- fendere nisi sunt, ut prius maluerint mori quam Ohristianitatis titulum resumere, auttributa solvere Saxonum principibus.' Helmold. ibid. c. 25. 6 Cf. Milman's note on Gibbon, v. 304. Buric, the father of this dynasty, became the king of Bussia in 862. The zeal and mar tyrdom of king Gotts- chalk. Extirpation of the Gospel.Conversion of the Rus sians; 120 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 RUSSIAN CHURCH. their depen dence on the Church of Constan tinople. have been made as early as 866 to evangelize1 the warlike tribes that bordered on the Greek dominions. It is proba ble that sundry germs of Christianity2 were carried home already by invaders, who at this and later times had prowled upon the Bosphorus ; and in 945 we see distincter traces of the progress of the Gospel, more especially in Kieff3. But the baptism4 of the princess Olga, who is reverenced as the ' Helena ' of Russian Christianity, was the commence ment of a brighter period in the triumphs of the faith (circ. 955). Her son, indeed, Sviatoslav I. (955-972) resisted all her gentle efforts to embrace him in the Christian fold; but the suggestions she instilled into the heart of Vladimir, her grandson, led the way, after many painful struggles5, to his public recognition of the Gospel (circ. 980). On his marriage with the sister of the Byzantine emperor, the Church of Russia was more intimately bound to the orthodox 1 Photius, the patriarch of Constantinople (Epist. n. p. 58, ed. Mont ague: cf. Pagi, in Baronii Annates, a.d. 861), in writing against the pre tensions of the Boman see (866) exults in the conversion of the Bussians, by the agency of Eastern missionaries : but his statement is extravagant and overcoloured. See Mouravieff's Hist, of the Church of Russia p. 8, translated by Blackmore, Oxf. 1842. An attempt has been made by the archimandrite Macarius, Hist, of Christianity in Russia before St Vladimir (St Petereb. 1846), to establish a tradition of the middle ages that St Andrew preached the Gospel in Bussia. 2 In a catalogue of sees subject to Constantinople, there is mention of a metropolitan of Bussia as early as 891 (Mouravieff, as above, p. 9) : yet many of these earlier accounts are not trustworthy throughout. The great authority is Nestor, a monk of Kieff, who wrote in the eleventh century. His Chronicle has been edited in part, with a valuable com mentary, by Schlb'zer, Gbttingen, 1802 — 1809. 3 In a treaty between king Igor and the Byzantine court (945), there is an allusion to Bussian (Varangian) converts and to a church dedicated in honour of the prophet Elias, at Kieff, the ancient capital of the empire. Nestor, Annul, iv. 95 sq. ed. Schlb'zer. Kieff became an epi scopal see in 988. Wiltseh, i. 429. 4 ThiB took place at Constantinople, whither she repaired in order to obtain a knowledge of the truth. The emperor Constantine Porphyro- genitus was her godfather. Nestor, v. 58 sq. There is some reason for supposing that she made an application to Otho I., in 959 or 960, re questing him to lend assistance in promoting the extension of the faith : see above, p. 118, n. 3; and cf. Schrockh, xxi. 515 — 517. 0 At first he was like his father, ardently devoted to the pagan wor ship : he was solicited in succession by Muhammedan and Jewish mis sionaries from Bulgaria and adjacent parts (Mouravieff, pp. 10, 11) ; and then, after oscillating (it is said) between the Greek and Boman rites, determined to accept the former. See a fragment, De Conversione Rus- aorum, published by Banduri, in the Imperium Orientale, n. 62 sq. and Neander's note, v. 453. He was finally baptized at Cherson (on the —1073] Growth of the Church. 121 Communion of the East1; and missionaries from Constanti nople ardently engaged in softening and evangelizing the remoter districts of the kingdom. Aided by the royal bounty, they erected schools and churches in the leading towns, and making use of the Slavonic Bible and other Service-books, which were translated to their hands by Cyril and Methodius2, they obtained a ready entrance to the native population, and the Church, as an effect of their judicious zeal, expanded freely on all sides. In the time3 of Leontius, metropolitan of Kieff, the formation of a number of episcopal sees4 presented a substantial basis for the future conquests of the truth ; and under two immediate successors of Vladimir (1019—1077), their empire was Christianized completely. But the fierce irruption of the Mongols (1223), resulting as it did in their occupation of the country till 1462, was fatal to the health and progress of the Russian state ; although the unity of purpose now imparted to it by religion enabled it to wrestle with the infidels, and finally to drive them out. Another tribe, in part at least if not entirely, of Slavonic origin6 was now united to the Eastern Church. It was the tribe of the Bulgarians, who were driven by the onward march of population to the southern borders of the Danube, where they founded a considerable state in Dardania, Macedonia, and Epirus. While a party of their ruder kinsmen on the Volga were embracing the Koran6, a wish Dnieper), where a bishopric was already planted, and on his return to Kieff proceeded to destroy the monuments of heathenism, particularly the images of Peroun, the god of thunder : Mouravieff, pp. 13, 14. 1 This was still further shewn by the adoption of the Greek canon- law, as well as of the Constantinopolitan service-books, &c. Mouravieff, pp. 17, 357. Greeks, in like manner, were employed in constructing the first Bussian churches (Ibid. 161), and introducing the choral music of Constantinople (Ibid. p. 22). 2 See above, p. 112; Mouravieff, p. 8. 3 Ibid. p. 16. The next king, Yaroslaf, added greatly to the number of the schools and churches, and even translated many books of devotion, p. 20. He was also the chief founder of the Bussian convents, which adopted the Bule of the Studium monastery at Constantinople. Ibid. p. 24. 4 e.g. ofNovogorod, of Bostoff, Chernigoff, Vladimir, and Belgorod. During the oppression of the Mongols, which lasted two hundred years, the metropolitieal chair was transferred to Vladimir, and finally in 1320 to Moscow. 5 Gibbon, v. 290, 291, ed. Milman : Schrbckh, xxi. 399. 3 The Caliph, Muktedir, sent missionaries among them in 921, at the BULGARIAN CHURCH. The Gospel among the Bulga rians. 122 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 BULGARIAN CHUBCH. Quarrel be tween the Roman and Byzantine patriarchs. had been inspired into the others for instruction in the doctrine of the Gospel. In 811 many hordes of the Bul garians, after vanquishing Nicephorus I., pursued their devastations to the city of Adrianople, and among the other captives carried off its bishop and a multitude of Chris tians. In this way it is likely that the seeds of truth1 were scattered in Bulgaria. Somewhat later, Constantine, a captive monk, endeavoured to mature them, and his hands were strengthened by a princess of the country, who was educated as a Christian at Constantinople, whither she had been transported in the wars. By her suggestions, and a spirit-stiring picture of the day of judgment, furnished to her by a Grecian monk and artist, her brother, Bogoris2, the Bulgarian king, (in 863 or 864) was drawn to listen to her creed; and as the agency by which he had been won proceeded from the Eastern Church, the patriarch of Con stantinople, Photius, entered on the task of training him more fully in the rudiments of truth, and of planting it among his subjects3. But he seems at first to have been dissatisfied with the ground on which he stood : and either from a wish to obviate the lack of an efficient clergy, and the jangling and uncertainty produced by rival missions4, or from a lower and political dislike to be involved in more intimate relations with the court of Byzantium, he soon afterwards betook himself for counsel to the Christians of the West. In 866 or 867 an embassy was sent to Ratisbon, invoking the assistance of Louis the Germanic5, and either then, or a short time earlier, envoys request of their own chieftain, to complete their training in the system of Muhammed : cf. a Bussian work quoted by Gieseler, ii. 486, n. 2. 1 See the continuation of Theophanes, in the Scriptores Byzantin. ed. Venet. p. 100. 2 Ibid. lib. iv. c. 13—15: cf. Neander, v. 433, 434. It seems doubtful whether the present artist, whose name is Methodius, was identical with the missionary of that name, whom we have seen above, p. 112. Bogoris after his baptism was called Michael, the Greek emperor Michael III. standing as his godfather, by proxy. 3 Photii Epist. i. ; ed. Lond. 1651. " It seems, fromthe letter of Nicholas I. (below, p. 123, n. 1), that mis sionaries of different nations were labouring in Bulgaria, and propounding different doctrines, so_ that the people hardly knew whom to believe: ' multi ex diversis locis Christiani advenerint, qui prout voluntas eorum existit multa et varia loquuntur, id est, Graoci, Armeni, et ex ceeteris locis:' c. 106. 5 Annates Fuldens. a.d. 866 (Pertz, i. 379): 'Legati Bulgarum Eades- —1073] Growth of the Church. 123 were directed to the pope. Accordingly, in the following year, two Italian bishops1 set out for Bulgaria, bearing with them a long series of directions and decisions from the pen of Nicholas I. As we shall see at large hereafter, this new act of intervention in the bounds of a diocese already occupied by others added fuel to the flames of jealousy and envy, which had long been growing up be tween the pontiffs of the Greek and Latin Churches. As at an earlier period, they were not slow in exchanging fulminations2; during which the capricious author of the storm went over to the side of Photius and immediately8 ponam ad regem venerunt, dicentes regem illorum cum populo non modico ad Christum esse conversum, simulque petentes, ut rex idoneos praidicatores Christiana; religionis ad. eos mittere non differret.' The king appointed a bishop together with a staff of priests and deacons, who might undertake the mission, but on arriving at Borne they found that the pope had already sent auxiliaries enough for the occasion. Ibid. a.d. 867: cf. Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, 1. 99 sq. 1 Vit. Nicolai, in Vignol. Lib. Pontif. in. 210, 211. In 867 other missionaries, priests, and bishops, were dispatched to Bulgaria (Ibid. pp. 212, 213), 'ut, quia ipsum Formosum [the archbishop-designate of Jus- tiniana Prima in Bulgaria] plebem dimittere sibi creditam non oportebat episcopum, ex his presbyteris ad archiepiscopatum eligatur, et sedi conse- crandus apostolicae mittatur.' The copious answer of Nicholas to the questions of the Bulgarian envoys will be found in Mansi, xv. 401 sq. Among other passages of this memorable document there is an emphatic condemnation of compulsory conversions, such as Bogoris appears to have attempted: c. 41. 3 See the encyclical epistle of Photius to the Oriental patriarchs, in his Epist. ed. Lond. 1651, pp. 47 sq. The following is a specimen of his vehement language: Kal yap Srj, Kal d-rrb twv ttjs iraXlas pep&v avvoSiKt) tis ina-ToXTj irpbs i)pas dva-n-eQoiT-nKtv, dp'piyrav iyKX-qparoiv yipovaa, dnva Kard roO oUelov abriSv eTno-KOTrov ol rrjv 'lraXlav olKovvres perd ttoXXtjs kutu- Kptaeos Kal SpKav pvpluv Sieirip-^/avTO, pr) TrapiSeiv airobs oiiras ohrpas 6\Xvpivovs, Kal bird T-nXiKair-ns plapeias Trie^opivovs TvpavvlSos, Kal robs UpariKobs vopovs vftpifophovs, Kal iravras Beapobs iKKXnialas dvarpeiropivovs, p. 59. The emperors of the East supported Photius, and when their letters were forwarded by Bogoris to Borne, the pope in his turn (867) issued an encyclical epistle to Hincmar archbishop of Eheims and the other archbishops and bishops of France, denouncing the Greek Church on various grounds, (see below on the 'Schism between the Eastern and Western Churches,') and especially the envy of the Byzantine patriarch because the king of Bulgaria had sought ' a sede B. Petri institutores et doctrinam.' Mansi, xv. 355. 3 'Magna sub velocitate ' is the language of Hadrian II. (869), when he laboured to re-establish his jurisdiction in Bulgaria. Vignol. Lib. Pontif. in. 253: but the Boman missionaries were immediately expelled. A fragment of a letter written by the pope to Ignatius, patriarch of Con stantinople, on the consecration of the Greek archbishop of Bulgaria is preserved in Mansi, xvi. 414, and in xvn. 62, 67, 68, 129, 131, 136, are letters from John YHI., in which he laboured to convict the Eastern 124 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 OTHER SLAVONIC CHURCHES. Bulgaria finally an nexed to the EasternChurch. Partialconversionof the Ckazars. Conversion of the Croats compelled the Roman mission to withdraw. The Church of Bulgaria was now organized afresh, according to the Eastern model, and continued for a while dependent on the see of Constantinople1. The Chazars, who dwelt in the vicinity of the Crimea, on the borders of the Eastern empire, followed the example of Bulgaria ; though the preachers of the Gospel had to struggle with a host of proselyting Jews, as well as with the propagandists of Islamism 2. About 850, some inquiring members of this tribe implored the emperor (Michael III.) to send a well-instructed missionary among them ; and the agent chosen for that work was Constantine (or Cyril), afterwards conspicuous for his zeal in building up the Churches of Moravia and Bohemia3. Many of the natives, touched by his glowing sermons, were converted to the truth, and permanently associated with the see of Con stantinople. Still, as late as 921, their leading chieftain was a Jew, and others were addicted to the system of Muhammed 4. The Chrobatians or Croats, who had emigrated in the seventh century from Poland to the region5 bounded by the Adriatic and the Saave, were Christianized, in part, at the commencement of this period. It is said6 emperors and prelates of a breach of duty in withdrawing the Bulgarians from the papal jurisdiction. In the first of this series of remonstrances he warns king Michael (Bogoris) of the errors of the Greeks, and adds: 'Mihi credite, non gloriam ex vobis, vel honorem, aut censum expectantes, non patriae regimen et reipublicae moderamen adipisci cupimus; sed dioeceseos ejusdem regionis curam et dispositionem resu- mere volumus.' 1 Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, I. 104. 2 See the Life of Constantine (Cyril) above referred to, p. 112 : 'Caza- rorum legati venerunt, orantes ac supplic&ntes, ut dignaretur [addressing the emperor Michael, circ. 850] mittere ad illos aliquem eruditum virum, qui eos fidem catholicam veraciter edoceret, adjicientes inter castera, quoniam nunc Judaai ad fidem suam, modo Saraceni ad suam, nos con- vertere e contrario moliuntur.' § 1. 3 Above, pp. 111—116. 4 The chief authority for this statement is a Muhammedan ambas sador, who travelled in these regions, 921, and reported that he found as many Moslems as Christians, besides Jews and idolaters. See Frahn, in the Mimoires de VAcademie de St Petersbourg (1822), tome vin. 598 sq.; and Gieseler, n. 486, n. 3. 6 They were, in part, separated from the Adriatic by the narrow king dom of Dalmatia, peopled chiefly by the Slaves, and subject at the opening of this period to the Roman patriarch: Wiltsch, i. 399. 8 Dollinger, in. 22, 23. Croatia was included in the ecclesiastical -1073] Growth of the Church. 125 that a Roman mission was dispatched among them, at the wish of their chieftain, Porga, which resulted in their subsequent connexion with the pontiffs of the West. Here also may be noted the conversion of some kindred tribes who were impelled into the interior of Hellas1. They were gradually brought under the Byzantine yoke, and, after the Bulgarians had embraced the offers of the Gospel, they attended to the exhortations of the missionaries sent among them by the emperor Basil (circ. 870). The evangelizing of the larger tribe of Servians, who inhabited the numerous mountain-ridges stretching from the Danube to the shores of the Adriatic, was not equally felicitous and lasting. Through their nominal dependence on Byzantium2, many of them were already gathered to the Christian Church, but when they were enabled to regain their freedom in 827, they seem to have refused allegiance3 to the creed of their former masters. Sub sequently, however, the victorious arms of Basil (circ. 870) made a way to the re-admission of a band of Christian teachers furnished from Constantinople. Through their efforts, aided by vernacular translations4, a considerable change was speedily produced; and early in the tenth century we read6 that an important staff of native clergy were ordained for the Servian Church by the Slavonic bishop of Nona (in Dalmatia). From their geographical position on the border-land between the Eastern and the Western Empire, the inhabitants of Servia could retain a kind of spiritual6 as well as civil independence ; but province of Dioclea, and though subject for a time, at the close of the ninth century, to the see of Constantinople, it was afterwards (1067) em braced anew in the jurisdiction of the pope. Wiltsch, i. 399, 400. 1 Fallmerayer, Geschichte der Halbinsel Morea wahrend des Mittelal- ters, i. 230 sq. In like manner nearly all the Mainotes, the descendants m of the ancient Greeks, who had retreated to the rocky fastnesses in the iU neighbourhood of mount Taygetus, embraced the Gospel at this period. Ibid. i. 137. Constantine Porphyrogen. De Administrat. Imper. § 50 (ed. Bekker, p. 224) speaks of the obstinacy with which they had clung to the pagan worship of the Greeks. 2 Eanke, Hist, of Servia, Lond. 1853, pp. 2, 3. 3 Dollinger, in. 23. 1 Eanke, p. 3. 6 Ibid. 6 The patriarch of Constantinople granted them the privilege of always electing their archbishop (of Uschize) from their own national clergy. OTHER SLAVONIC CHUECHES. and other Slavic tribes. The Gospel among the Servians. Their eccle siastical position. 126 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 Inroads of the Mag yars. their leanings on the whole were to the Church of Con stantinople. AMONG THE HUNGARIANS. The one serious obstacle remaining to the spread and perpetuity of truth in every part of Eastern Europe were the settlements of the Hungarians (Magyars). Descended from a Tatar or a Finnish tribe1, they fell upon the province of Pannonia at the close of the ninth century (circ. 885), and, after breathing for a while among their permanent possessions, hurried onward like a stream of fire, to desolate the plains of Italy, and terrify the nations westward of the Rhine2. The triumphs3 of the German princes, Henry the Fowler and Otho the Great (934, 955), eventually delivered Christendom, and shut the Magyars within their present boundaries upon the Danube. There they mingled with the early settlers (the Avars4), and others whom they carried off as captives from the neighbouring Slavonic tribes". Ibid. p. 7. At other times they seem to have been in communication with the court of Borne, which was continually repeating its claims to jurisdiction over all the Illyrian dioceses (see e. g. a letter of John VIII. to the bishop-elect of Nona (879), urging him not to receive consecration from any but the pope himself. Mansi, xvn. 124). Gregory VH. was the first who saluted the Grand Shupane of Servia by the title of 'king;' but the attempts to win him over to the Latin Church were always made in vain: Banke, p. 5. 1 Gibbon, v. 294 sq.; ed. Milman. The best modern history of them is Mailath's Geschichte der Magyaren, Wien, 1828. It is not improbable that the religious system of the heathen Magyars was borrowed from the Persians. It was dualistic, and the evil principle was named Armanyos (=Ahriman). Dolling, in. 33. 2 Gibbon, v. 300. ' Oh ! save and deliver us from the arrows of the Hungarians,' was the cry of the persecuted Christians, who were mas sacred by thousands. 3 Gibbon, ibid. pp. 302, 303. 4 A mission had been organized for them by Charlemagne, who had nominally ruled the whole of modern Hungary (see above, p. 26) ; but, as we gather from a rescript of Benedict VII. (974), dividing Pannonia be tween the archbishops of Salzburg and Lorch (Laureacum), the province of the latter had been heathenized afresh (' ex viciniorum frequenti popu- latione barbarorum deserta et in solitudinem redacta'); Boczek, Codex Diplom. Morav., i. 93 : Mansi, xix. 52 sq. 5 This appears from a report afterwards sent to the pope in 974 re specting the extension of the Gospel in Hungary. Mansi, xix. 49 sq., —10731 Growth of the Church. 127 At this propitious moment a few seeds of Christianity were introduced among them by the baptism1 of two ' Turkish ' (or Hungarian) chiefs at Constantinople (948). One of these, however, Bulosudes, speedily relapsed into his former superstitions : and the other, Gylas, though assisted by a prelate2 who accompanied him on his return, was not able to produce any powerful impression. The espousing of his daughter3 to Geisa, the Hungarian duke (972—997), was more conducive to the propagation of the faith. But her husband, though eventually baptized, was still wavering in his convictions, when the German influence, now established by the victory of Otho (955), was employed in the conversion of the humbled Magyars. As early as 970 missions had been organized by prelates on the German border, none of whom were more assiduous in the work than Piligrin of Passau4. It is not, however, till the reign of Stephen (Waik), the first ' king ' of Hun gary (997 — 1038), that the evangelizing of his subjects can be shewn to be complete. Distinguished from his child hood5 by the interest he took in all that concerned the welfare of religion, he attracted a large band of monks and clerics from adjoining dioceses6, and endeavoured to enlarge the borders of the Christian fold. Religious houses, and as above, n. 4. From the same source we learn that many of these captives were already Christians, which facilitated the conversion of their masters. 1 Cedrenus, Hist. Compcnd. in the Scriptores Byzant., ed. Paris, 636 : cf. Mailath, as above, 1. 23 sq. 2 A Constantinopolitan monk, named Hierotheos. Ibid. * See the somewhat conflicting evidence in Schrookh, xxi. 530. Thiet mar (Ditmar), Chronic, lib. vin. c. 3 (Pertz, v. 862), gives the following account of the impiety of Geisa: 'Hie Deo omnipotenti variisque deorum illusionibus immolans, cum ab antistite suo ob hoc accusaretur, divitem se et ad haec facienda satis potentem amrmavit.' 4 See p. 126, n. 5. Among other missionaries whom he sent was a Swiss monk of Einsiedeln, who was afterwards bishop of Eatisbon. But his labours were indifferently received (Life of Wolfgang, in Mabillon, Acta Sanct. Ord. Bened., Saec. v. p. 817). The same field attracted Adal bert of Prague, on his expulsion from Bohemia: see above, p. 115, and cf. Mailath, Gesch. der Magyaren, 1. 31. 5 Life of Stephen (written about 1100 by an Hungarian bishop), in Schwandtner, Scriptor. Rer. Hungar. 1. 416 sq. 6 'Audita fama boni rectoris, multi ex terris aliis canonici et monachi ad ipsum quasi ad patrem confluebant.' Life of (two Polish monks) Zoerard and Benedict, by a contemporary bishop, in the Acta Sanctorum, Jul., torn. iv. p. 326. HUNGA RIAN CHURCH First seeds of Christi anity in Hungary. Triumph of the Gospel. 128 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 HUNGA RIAN CHUKCII. The Hun- garian Church de pendent on the Roman. Continu ance of the Nestorianmissions. schools, and churches started up on every side1, and Hun gary was now distributed, like other countries, into parishes and sees, and placed under the archbishopric of Gran2 (Strigonium). More than once, however, Stephen had recourse to the arm of the civil power in advancing the dominion of the faith, especially in 1003, when he had made himself supreme in Transylvania and in one portion of Wallachia3. The effect of this unchristian element in his proceedings was a terrible revulsion at his death in favour of paganism4. Instead of cleaving to the Churches of the East, by which the Gospel was at first imparted to them, the Hun garians, under Stephen more especially, were drawn into the closest union with the popes. He married a Bava rian princess, sister of the emperor Henry II., and his policy was always to preserve an amicable bearing in relation to the German empire. By the interest of Otho III.5, he was advanced to the dignity of king, that honour being formally conferred upon him in 10006 by Silvester II. A more lasting symbol of dependence on the West is found in the general use of Latin as the medium for the worship of the Church, and even as the language of the courts of justice7. IN CENTRAL ASIA. The missionary zeal we have remarked" in the Nes torian body, as distinguished from the other Christians of 1 See the Life of Stephen, as above, pp. 417 sq. 2 Wiltsch, i. 398, 399. 3 Life of Stephen, ibid.; cf. Neander, v. 460. " He was aided, for some years, by his son Emmerich (Henry), who, however, died before him in 1032 ; and afterwards on two occasions (1045 and 1060) a desperate attempt was made to re-establish paganism by force. See the Hungarian Chronicle, in Schwandtner's Scriptores Rer. Hangar. I. 105, 113 sq. 6 ' Imperatoris autem gratia et hortatu, gener Heinrici, ducis Ba- wariorum, Waic [ = Stephen] in regno suimet episcopates cathedras faciens, coronam et benedictionem accepit.' Thietmar (Ditmar), Clir. lib. iv. c. 38 (Pertz, v. 784). 8 Fejer, Codex Diplomaticus Hungaria (Budae, 1829), i. 274: cf. Life of Stephen, as above, p. 417. But considerable doubts have been ex pressed as to the genuineness of this papal rescript: see Gieseler, ii. 463, Schrockh, xxi. 544 sq. 7 Dbllinger, in. 35, 36. » See above, pp. 26—28. 4073] Limitation of the Church. 129 the East, continued to the present period, when it gained its highest point. Protected by the favour of the caliphs1, the disciples of the Nestorian school were able, after strengthening the Churches they had planted in their an cient seats, to propagate a knowledge of the Gospel in the distant hordes of Scythia. A Tatar or a Turkish chieftain2, bordering on China, with his subjects to the number of two hundred thousand, was converted at the close of the tenth century ; and this would naturally con duce to the formation of ulterior projects in behalf of the adjacent tribes of Turkistan3. It seems that from the date of the conversion here recorded, Christianity main ¦ tained a stable footing in those quarters till it fell beneath the devastating inroads4 of Timur (or Tamerlane). Its chief promoters were a series of the native khans who had inhe rited, for many generations, the peculiar name of ' Prester John'5, or were at least distinguished by that title in the credulous accounts of tourists and crusaders6. § 2. LIMITATION OF THE CHURCH. The desolating march of the Hungarians' into Europe has been noticed on a former page. Yet deeply as those ravages were felt, they did not permanently curtail the area of the Western Church. A heavier blow had been inflicted by the ruthless hordes of Northmen (principally 1 This protection was not, however, uniformly granted : e. g. in 849 the Christians of Chaldasa underwent a bitter persecution, Le Quien, Oriens Christ. 11. 1130. 2 Asseman. Biblioth. Orient., torn. 11. 444 sq : Mosheim, Hist. Tartar. Eccles., pp. 23 sq., ed. Helmstad. 1741. He was baptized by the Nes torian primate of Maru in Chorasan: (cf. Le Quien, Oriens Christ, n. 1261 sq.) 3 On the spread of Nestorianism in these regions, see above, p. 26, and cf. Wiltsch, 1. 461. 4 Mosheim, ibid. pp. 27 sq. 5 Asseman, torn. in. part n. p. 487: cf. the discussion on this point in Schrbckh, xxv. 186—194. Some writers have inferred that the original ' Prester John ' was a Nestorian priest, who had been raised to the throne of the Tatar princes; but others, it would seem more probably, look upon the form ' Prester ' as a western corruption of some Persian, Turkish, or Mongolian word. 6 e.g. Joinville's Memoirs of St Louis, pp. 477 sq., in Bonn's Chronicles of the Crusaders. 7 Above, p. 126. ASIATIC MISSIONS. Propaga ¦ tion of the Gospel in Tatary. ' Prester John.' The anti- Christian fury of the Northmen. jr. a. K 130 Limitation of the Church. [A.D. 814 RAVAGES OP THE NORTHMEN. Theirestab- lishment in the British Islands, and gra dual con- Danish and Norwegian vikings), who alighted on the fairest field of Christendom to cover it with violence and death1. In their unhallowed thirst for gold they pillaged almost every church and abbey on their way, in Germany, in France, in Belgium, in the British Islands; and, success inflaming their cupidity, they ventured even to the coasts of Italy and Spain, and came into collision with the other spoilers of the Church, the Moslems and the Magyars. Their path was uniformly marked by ruined towns and castles, by the ashes of the peaceful village and the bones of its murdered inmates : literature was trampled down and buried, order and religion were expiring on all sides ; while the profaneness and brutality of which the Northmen are convicted baffle or forbid description2. Nowhere did the tempest fall with greater violence than on the borders of the British Church3. The inroads of the Scandinavian vikings form the darkest passage in her annals. Landing year' by year a multiplying swarm of pirates, they continued to enchain and spoil her from 787 4 until the date of the Norman Conquest. After the disastrous war of 833—851, very many of them left their barks and settled in the conquered lands, more espe cially the Northern and the Eastern districts. It now seemed, indeed, as if the Anglo-Saxon had been destined to succumb in turn before the ruder spirits of the North, as he had formerly expelled the British Christians. But this fear was gradually abated when a number of the Anglo-Danes, abandoning the gods of the Walhalla, were 1 The best modern account of these miscreants is in Palgrave's Hist. of Normandy, I. 297 sq.: Lappenberg's Hist, of England under the Anglo- Saxon Kings, vol. n., and Worsaae's Danes and Norwegians in England, Scotland, and Ireland: on their inroads into Spain and Portugal, see Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes en Espana, ±. 276, 284 ; ed. Barcelona, 1844. 2 The chronicles of the period give intensity of meaning to the cry of the persecuted Church: 'A furore Normannorum libera nos.' See Pal grave, i. 460. 3 .... ' per Angliam et circa illam pervagantes monasteria cum mohachis et sanctimonialibus, ecclesias cum clericis incendere, civitates, urbes, oppida, villasque cremare, agros devastare, strages hominum multas agere, minime cessabant.' Florent. Wigorn. ad Chron. Append, in Monu ment. Britan. p. 640. 4 Saxon Chron. ad. an. A simple picture of the barbarities com mitted by the Danes has been preserved in the after-portions of this Chronicle. —1073] Limitation of the Church. 131 absorbed into the Church. Anterior to the treaty of 878 between the English, under Alfred, and the Northmen, under Guthrum (Gorm), the latter had been well-affected to the Gospel ; and his baptism made a way to the evangelizing of his subjects in East- Anglia, where he governed till his death, 891 \ After a very short time the religion of the vanquished was generally adopted by the Danish settlers in Northumbria. The peace of the Church and country, consolidated under Edgar, was broken in upon by new hordes of the heathen under his unhappy successor. But in the time of the Scandinavian dynasty, beginning with Cnut the Great2 (1016-1035), the perma nent Danish settlers, who now might be distinguished from the lawless viking that was prowling on the seas, were thoroughly blended with the English population. Similar results ensued in Scotland3, where, at least among the Highlands, the majority of settlers were Norwegian, and united to the crown of Norway : while their brethren, who had won important colonies in Ireland, were not slow in copying their example4. After paralysing all the vigour of the sons of Charle magne by their desultory inroads, many bands of Northmen settled down in France (circ. 870), and gradually submitted to the Gospel3. In 876 and following years, their mighty chieftain, Rollo, wasted all the north and midland provinces, but, after a most bloody contest, was bought off by the surrender of a large portion of the Frankish territory of Neustria (911), and married to a Christian princess. On his baptism6, in 912, the Gospel was successively diffused in 1 Alfred and Guthrum's Peace, in Thorpe, Anglo-Saxon Laws, 1. 152. In 942 Odo, whose father was a Dane and fought against the English under Alfred, occupied the see of Canterbury: and a number of the other clerics were of Scandinavian blood. Worsaae, 134, 135. 2 On his zeal in extirpating heathenism and in restoring the external fabric of religion, see Lappenberg, 11. 203 sq. Among other proofs of a better state of things was the institution of a festival in honour of arch bishop JElfheah (Elf eg), who had been deliberately murdered after the general massacre at Canterbury (1011). Saxon Chron., ad. an. 1012. 3 See above, p. 111. Iona was again a missionary center for the Christianizing o'f the southern islands, and the Gospel was at times con veyed from it to Norway and Iceland. Worsaae, pp. 275, 276. 4 Ibid. pp. 333 sq. Norwegian kings reigned in Dublin, Waterford, and Limerick, for three centuries, p. 316. s Palgrave, 1. 503, 504. 6 Ibid. 690. K.2 RAVAGES OP THE NORTHMEN. Their es tablishment in Norman dy: 132 Limitation of the Church. [A.D. 814 PERSE CUTIONS IN SPAIN. and general conversion. Oppression of the Church by .the Mu hammedans in Spain. every quarter of the dukedom. Missions1 had been formed already under Herv4 primate of the Gauls, and Guido, archbishop of Rouen ; yet, until the final victory of Rollo, many converts had been ill-instructed in the faith, and not unfrequently retained their pagan habits and ideas2. _ The condition of the Church in the Iberian peninsula was now less hopeful than in Britain, Germany, or France ; for though at first the Moslems3 did not practice anything like systematic persecution4, they resisted all the missionary efforts of the Christians, and by proselyting in their turn extended the dominion of the caliph6. Nothing daunted by the checks they had received from Charles Martel, they sometimes overleapt the Pyrensean barrier; and in Spain, the mountain-districts, where the Church had taken refuge, or at least in which alone she dwelt secure and independent, were contracted more and more by the en croachments of Islam. She was still more fearfully af flicted in the gloomy period (850—960), when the Moslems, irritated in some cases by the vehemence with which their system was denounced, adopted a more hostile policy, and panted for the blood of their opponents. At this juncture, we are told, multitudes6 of Spanish Christians perished by the scourge or in the flames, exhibiting, indeed, the firmness of the earliest martyr, but deficient in his calm forbearance and his holy self-possession. A considerable section of the Church, desirous of restraining what had grown into a kind of passion, drew a difference between these martyrdoms and those of ancient times; and in a 1 See the Pastoral of archbp. Herve\ in the Concilia Rothomagensis Provin., Bouen, 1717. It was based upon instructions given him (900) by pope John IX. ; Mansi, xvm. 189 sq. 2 In the document above cited the pope speaks distrustfully of men who had been baptized and re-baptized; 'et post baptismum gentiliter vixerint et paganorum more Christianos interfecerint, sacerdotes truoida- verint, atque simulacris immolantes idolothyta comederint.' 3 See above, p. 32. 4 See the Memoriale Sanctorum of Eulogius, in Schott's Hispania Illustrata, vol. rv., as adduced by Neander, v. 461, 462; and, on the general feeling of the Moslems to the Christians at this period, see Conde, Dominacion de los Arabes en Esparia, i. 88, 101, 180; Schrbckh, xxi. 293—299 ; Gieseler, n. 305 sq. 6 By intermarriages and other means : see Geddes, Hist, of the Ex pulsion of the Moriscoes, in his Miscell. Tracts, i. 104 sq. 6 As in the last note, and in the Indiculus Luminosus of Alvar of Cordova, passim. -1073] Limitation of the Church. 133 council1, held at Cordova (852), and prompted, some have said, by Abdu-r-Rahman II., it was ruled that, for the future, Christians, under persecution, should not rush un bidden to the danger, but should wait until the summons of the magistrate compelled them to assert their faith. The ultimate predominance of these, and other like pacific coun sels, gradually disarmed the fury of the Moslems ; and the bleeding Church of Spain enjoyed an interval of rest. 1 Mansi, xiv. 969. Eulogius, however, afterwards (859) the victim of his stern and unflinching hatred of Islamism, has denounced this synod as unlawful: Memoriale Sanct. lib. 11. c. 15: cf. his Apologeticus pro Martyribus adversus Calumniatores, where he vigorously defends the conduct of the most fanatic martyrs. He was followed in this line by Alvar, his biographer. PERSE CUTIONS IN SPAIN. ( 134 ) [A.D. 814 CHAPTER VI. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. § 1. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION. INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. ' v ' Monarchical form of the Western Church. Promoted by the ' Forged Decretals.' The form of government prevailing in the Western, as distinguished from the Eastern Church, was threatening to become an absolute autocracy. This change is due entirely to the growth of the papal usurpations, which almost reached a climax under Hildebrand, or Gregory VII. (1073). The Romanizing spirit of the west will consequently form a leading item in our sketch of the internal constitution of the Christian body at this period of its progress. The attention of the reader should especially be drawn to one of the mightiest engines in the triumphs of the papacy, a series of Decretals, known as the Pseudo-Isidore1, 1 Cf. the allusions to this series above, p. 41, n. 1; p. 59, n. 2. Some of the documents had already appeared in the collection of Dio- nysius Exiguus (circ. 526), and others in a later one ascribed to Isidore of Seville : but the impostor [Mbhler, Schriften und Aussatze, I. 309, makes him only a romanticist !] who had assumed the name of Isidore, at the beginning of the 9th century, fabricated many others, and professed ' to carry back the series of papal rescripts as far as a.d. 93. A large portion of these were afterwards received into the Boman canon-law. See Spittler's Geschichte des canon. Rechts bis auf die Zeiten des falschen Isidorus : Werken, i. 220 sq. Halle, 1778. It is almost certain that the Pseudo-Isidore decretals were first published, as a body, in Austrasia, and in the interest of the see of Mentz ; between the years 829 and 845 ; though some of them appear to have been circulated separately in the time of Charlemagne. The forgery has been imputed to Biculf, arch bishop of Mentz 787 — 814; but it is more probably due to the deacon Benedict who lived in the time of archbishop Otgar of Mentz, 826—847. See Bobertson, Church History, n. 268, 269; Gieseler, n. 331, n. 12; —1073] Constitution of the Church. 135 which had been fabricated, in some measure out of the existing canons, at the close of the eighth century or the beginning of the ninth; and in the latter period, after 'suffering fresh interpolations, were made current in the churches of the west. While tending to exaggerate the power and privileges of the sacerdotal order generally, they strengthened more and more the aspirations of the papal see1, by representing it, on the authority of ancient usage, as the sole and irresponsible directress of the theocratic system of the Church. As early2 as 857, the Pseudo-Isidore decretals had been openly enlisted to repress ecclesiastical commotions3, and to settle questions of the day; and subsequently to the year 864 4, they were adduced in many of the papal rescripts, — it would seem, with no shadow of misgiving. Prior to this date the claims to supremacy of power, so steadily advanced by the adherents of the Roman church, were seldom carried out to their natural results. Under Stephen V. (816), Paschal I. (817), Eugenius II. (824), Valentine (827), Gregory IV.6 (827), Sergius II.6 (844), Guizot, Led. xxvii. The first person who critically impugned the genu ineness of the collection (as disting'uished from its binding force) was Peter Comestor in the 12th century ; but the cheat was not generally exposed until the time of the Beformation, when the Magdeburg Centuriators (cent. 11. c. 7, cent. in. u. 7) pointed out the almost incredible ana chronisms and other clumsy frauds by which the bulk of the decretals are distinguished. They have since been openly abandoned by Bel- larmine, de Pontif. Roman, lib. 11. c. 14; Baronius, Annal. Eccl. ad an. 865, § 8; Fleury, Hist. Eccl. torn. xin. Disc. Prelim, p. 15. 1 e.g. 'Quamobrem sancta Bomana Ecclesia ejus [i. e. S. Petri] merito Domini voce consecrata, et sanctorum Patrum auctoritate robo- rata, primatum tenet omnium ecclesiarum, ad quam tarn summa episco porum negotia et judicia atque querelas, quam et majores ecclesiarum quaestiones, quasi ad caput, semper referenda sunt.' "Vigilii ep. ad Pro- futurum, c. 7 ; cf. Mansi, ix. 29, note. 2 Cf. above, p. 41, n. 4. 3 e.g. Hincmar, who afterwards questioned their binding force, when cited by the popes against himself, could hold them out notwithstanding as a warning to church-robbers ('raptores et praedones rerum ecclesiastic carum') : Epist. Synodal, in Mansi, xv. 127. 4 Gieseler, n. 333, n. 15. 5 The important letter (Mabillon, Vet. Anal. p. 298) bearing the name of this pope and addressed to bishops everywhere, is at the least of questionable authority: Jaffe", Regest. Pontif. Rom. p. 227. One clause of it runs thus : ' Cum nulli dubium sit, quod non solum pontificalis causatio, sed omnis sancta? religionis relatio ad sedem apostolicam, quasi ad caput, debet referri et inde normam sumere.' 6 An ' anti-pope ' (John), chosen ' satis imperito et agresti populo,' 136 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Impulse given to the Papal usurpa tions by Nicholas I. Leo IV.1 (847), Benedict III.2 (855), they had made no measurable progress : but when Nicholas I. (858-867) was seated on the throne, the theory of papal grandeur, which had long been floating in the mind of western Christendom, began to be more clearly urged and more consistently established3. In the course of his reign, however, he ex perienced more than one indignant check4 from the resist ance of a band of prelates who stood forward to uphold the independence of provincial churches, and the ancient honour of the crown. The staunch est of these anti-papal champions was the Frankish primate Hincmar6; but they could not was interpolated after Gregory IV., but soon afterwards expelled, ab 1 urbis principibus.' Liber Pontif. ed Vignol. in. 39, 40. Sergius (844) appointed a vicar for all the transalpine provinces; cf. his Epistle in Mansi, xiv. 806. 1 On the death of Leo TV. the papal chair is said to have been occu pied by a female pope, Johanna (Johannes Anglicus) : but as the story, in addition to its great improbability on chronological and other grounds, is not found in any writer of the period, or for centuries later, it is now almost universally rejected by the critics. Prior to the Reformation, few, if any, doubted the existence of the papess. See the evidence fairly stated in Schrockh, xxn. 75—110; Gieseler, n. 220, n. i. The story may have possibly originated in the soft or dissolute lives of men like John VIII. and his later namesakes. 2 Another ' anti-pope ' Anastasius was elected on the death of Benedict III., but speedily deposed. Liber Pontif. in. 154. 3 One of the earliest indications of this purpose may be found in a rescript (863), where the primacy of Hincmar (of Bheims) is confirmed on the express condition, ' si tarn in praesenti quam semper, in nullo ab apostolicce sedis praceptionibus quoquomodo discrepaverit.' Mansi, xv. 375. On the vast influence exercised by Nicholas I. in the establish ment of the ultra-papal claims, see Planck, Geschichte des Pabstlvums von der mitte des neunten Jahrhunderts an, I. 35 — 147; Milman, Latin Chris tianity, bk. 5, ch. 4 ; Neander, vi. 10 sq. 4 e.g. the account in the Appendix to the Annates Bertiniani (Pertz, i. 463), when the two Frankish archbishops, Gunthar of Cologne and Thietgaud of Treves, protested against the sentence which the pope had passed in condemnation of themselves and the synod of Metz (863). Bat as the Frankish promoters were abetting the illicit union of the king Lothair II. with his mistress, Waldrade, their resistance was deprived of all moral force, and was eventually conducive to the despotism of Ni cholas : cf. Milman, n. 301 sq. For the peremptory proceedings of the Boman synod on this question, see Mansi, xv. 651. 6 He had deposed the bishop of Soissons, Rothad, in 863, notwith standing his appeal to Rome, and when this prelate in the following year detailed his grievances before a Boman synod, the pope was able in the end to effect his restoration (Jan. 22, 865) : Lib. Pontif. in. 207; Mansi, xv. 693. It was on this occasion that Nicholas entrenched himself behind the Pseudo-Isidore decretals: 'Absit ut cujuscurnque [pontificis Romani], qui in fide catholica perseveravit, vel decretaiia constituta vel de ecclesiastica disciplina quaolibet exposita non amplectamur opuscula —1073] Constitution of the Church. 137 keep their ground in opposition to the centralizing spirit of the age; particularly when that spirit had evoked the forged decretals, and consigned them to intrepid pontiffs such as Nicholas I. A slight reaction, it is true, occurred under Hadrian II. (867), when the zeal of Hincmar stirred him up afresh to counteract1 the imperious measures of the Roman church, and warn it of the tendency to schism which its frequent intermeddling in the business of the empire could not fail to have excited. Still, on the accession of pope John VIII. (872), it entered into closer union2 with the reigning house of France, and in spite of the remonstrances of Hincmar and of other prelates like him, it continually enlarged the circle of its power. John VIII. was succeeded by Marinus 1. 3 quas dumtaxat et antiquitus sancta Romana ecclesia conservans nobis quoque custodienda mandavit, et penes se in suis archivis recondita veneratur...decretales epistols Romanorum pontificum sunt recipiendaa, etiamsi non sunt canonum codici compaginatas.' 1 See his bold letter to Hadrian II. (870) in Hincmar, Opp. n. 689, ed. Sirmond. Hadrian had come forward to defend the cause of the emperor Louis II., and even threatened to place the adherents of Charles the Bald under an anathema: Mansi, xv. 839. Another specimen of Hincmar's independence is the letter written in the name of Charles the Bald to Hadrian II. (Hincmar, Opp. n. 701), who had interfered in behalf of Hincmar's nephew (Hincmar, bishop of Laon), after he was deposed by the synod of Douzi (Duziacum) in 871: Mansi, xvi. 569 sq. In this case also the assumptions of the pontiff had been based on the pseudo- Isidore decretals, which led Hincmar (though not critical enough to see their spuriousness) to draw an important difference between merely papal rescripts and the laws of the Christian Church when represented in a General Council: cf. Hincmar's Opuscul. lv. Capitulorum adv. Hincmar. Laud.: Opp. n. 377 sq. a John VIII., in 876, approved the conduct of Hincmar in deposing his unworthy nephew (Mansi, xvn. 226), and afterwards espoused the cause of Charles the Bald, whom he crowned as emperor. The tone of Charles was altered by this step, and he permitted the appointment of a papal vicar with the right of convoking synods, notwithstanding the remonstrances of Hincmar (Opp. 11. 719). The prodigious powers of this legate may be gathered from the following statement: ' ut, quoties utili- tas ecclesiastica dictaverit, sive in evocanda synodo, sive in aliis negotiis exercendis per Gallias et per Germanias apostolica vice fruatur, et de- creta sedis apostolicae per ipsum episcopis manif esta efficiantur : etrursus qua gesta fuerint ejus relatione, si necesse fuerit, apostolicse sedi pand- antur et majora negotia ac difiiciliora quaeque suggestione ipsius a sede apostolica disponenda et enucleanda qusrantur :' cf. Gieseler, 11. 348, 3 This was the first pope, who before his elevation to that rank had actually been made a bishop. Annul. Fuldens. a.d. 882 (Pertz, 1. 397), where the election is spoken of as ' contra statuta canonum.' INTERNAL ORGANIZAr TION. His succes sors. 138 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 (882), Hadrian III. (884), Stephen VI. (885), Formosus1 (891), Boniface VI. (896), Stephen VII. (896), Romanus (897), Theodore II. (897), John IX. (898), Benedict IV. (900), Leo. V (903), Christopher (903), Sergius III. (904), Anastasius III. (911), Lando (913), John X.2 (914), Leo VI. (928), Stephen VIIL (929), John XI. (931), Leo VII. (936), Stephen IX. (939), Marinus II. (942), Agapetus II. (946), John XII.3 (955). They fill what is to be regarded as the vilest and the dreariest passage in the annals of the papacy; yet notwithstanding the deci sive language in which the sins and corruptions4 of the Roman church were censured here and there, it kept its hold on the affections of the masses, and continually made good its claim to a supremacy of power5. At the close of a second troublous period, during which the see of Rome was governed, as before, by lax and 1 The corpse of Formosus was exhumed by Stephen VII. and all his official acts annulled. Chron. S. Benedict. (Pertz, v. 204: cf. i. 53, 412). But although these proceedings were in turn condemned (898) by John IX. (Mansi, xvin. 221), a long and disgraceful contest was kept up be tween the advocates and enemies of Formosus. 2 In the Pontificate of John X. and those of his immediate succes sors, the Roman Church was at the mercy of a band of unprincipled females. See Schrockh, xxn. 242 sq. Dbllinger, in. 136. When we have made a large abatement for the credulity of the Italian chronicler Luitprand, who was a contemporary (see his Antapodosis, in Pertz, v. 273 sq.), enough will be left to prove the horrible degeneracy and the unblushing licence of the Roman see at this period of its history : cf . the treatise of Ratherius, bishop of Verona, de Contemptu Canonum (in D'Achery's Spicilegium, I. 347 sq.). He speaks of the utter corruption of morals as extending ' a vilissimo utique ecclesiae usque ad praestantis- simum, a laico usque ad pontificem (pro nef as !) summum. ' 3 Iniquity reached a climax in this pontiff, who was raised to the papal throne at the age of eighteen. He was deposed (Dec. 4, 963) by the emperor Otho (Luitprand, De rebus Gestis Othonis, in Pertz, v. 342), who secured the appointment of Leo VIII. and maintained him at the helm of the Western church, in spite of the opposition of both John XII. and Benedict V.: Mansi, xvin. 471; Luitprand, ubi sup. c. 20; Contin. Regi- non. Chron. a.d. 964 (Pertz, i. 626). 4 The centre of this party was Arnulph, archbishop of Orleans : see Neander, vi. 33 sq. His freer spirit was imbibed by Gerbert, who in 999 was himself raised to the papal chair, and took the name of Silvester II. , but his brief reign (of four years) prevented him from carrying out his projects of reform. Ibid, and Hock's Gerbert Oder papst Sylvester II. und sein Jahrhundert, ed. Wien, 1837. 6 The synod of Rheims (991) furnished an almost solitary instance of contempt for the papal jurisdiction. Mansi, xix. 109 sq.; Richer (in Pertz, v. 636 sq.). Constitution of the Church. —1073]worthless rulers, — Leo VIIL (963-965), Benedict V. (964), John XIII. (965), Benedict VI.1 (972), Benedict VII. (974), John XIV.2 (983), Boniface VII. (984), John XV. (985), Gregory V.3 (996), Silvester II. (999), John XVII. (1003), John XVIII. (1003), Sergius IV. (1009), Benedict VIIL4 (1012), John XIX. (1024), Benedict IX.5 (1033), Gre gory VI. (1045), Clement II. (1046), Damasus II. (1048), —there had grown up in almost every country a desire to promote a reformation of the Church, to counteract the spread of secularity, and put an end to the ravages of discord and corruption. But it chanced that the master spirit of this healthier movement had been trained from his very cradle in the tenets of the Pseudo-Isidore de cretals, and the reader will accordingly perceive, that all the efforts he originated for the extirpation of abuses, were allied with a strong determination to extend the dominions of the papacy, by making it, as far as might be, independent of the German empire. Such was the in cessant aim of Hildebrand6, who, long before his elevation to the papal throne, directed the reforming policy, as well 1 He was put to death by the lawless faction, headed by the females above mentioned, p. 138, n. 2. Respecting Donus or Domnus, who is said to have succeeded for a few days, see Jaffe, pp. 331, 332. 2 John XIV. was starved to death, or executed (984) by Boniface VII. his successor (Rerum Ital. Script, ed. Muratori, in. ii. 333 — 335), who had been consecrated pope as early as 974, but soon afterwards expelled. Heriman. Chron. a.d. 974 (Pertz, vn. 116). 3 After the consecration of Gregory V. his place was seized (997) by an 'antipope' (John XVI., called Calabritanus and Philagathus), but the intruder was in turn defeated and barbarously mutilated. Vit. S. Nili (Pertz, vi. 616). 4 This pope was, in like manner, supplanted for a time (1012) by an ' antipope,' Gregory. Thietmar. Chron. lib. vi. c. 61 (Pertz, v. 835). 5 Benedict IX., one of the most profligate of the pontiffs, owed his elevation to the gold of his father. At the time of his election he did not exceed the age of twelve years. Heriman. Chron. (Pertz, vn. 121), Glaher Badulphus, Hist. lib. rv. e. 5 : lib. v. c. 5 (in Bouquet's Histo- riens des Gaules, etc. x. 50 sq.). In 1045 he sold the popedom (see author ities in Jaffe', pp. 361, 362), but seized it afresh in 1047: so that with an 'antipope' (Silvester III. 1044—1046) and Gregory VI. (who was ap pointed in 1045, on the retirement of Benedict IX.) there were now three rival popes. All of them were deposed by the Synod of Sutri (1046), at the instance of the emperor Henry III. See the account of Deside'rius (afterwards pope Victor III.), De Miraculis, etc. dialogi (in Biblioth. Patr. ed. Lugdun. xvin. pp. 853 sq.). 6 He was seconded throughout by Peter Damiani, cardinal bishop of Ostia who was equally anxious to abolish simony, to check the immoral ity of' the priesthood, and to widen the dominions of the pope. 139 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Desire of reforma tion. The ' re forming'party advo cate the ul tra-papal claims. 140 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 Effect of these claims on the me tropolitan constitu- as the encroachments of successive pontiffs, — Leo IX. (1048), Victor II. (1054), Stephen X. (1057), Benedict X. (1058), Nicholas II.1 (1059), and Alexander II. (1061-1073). A field was thus preparing for that mighty conflict of the secular and sacerdotal powers, which was doomed under Gregory VII. to agitate the Christian Church in every province of the west. But while the arm of the papacy grew stronger in proportion to the weakness of the Carolingian monarchs; while it rapidly extended its possessions, in the east as far as Hungary, and up to Greenland in the north, the augmen tation of its power was followed, as a natural result, by the curtailment of the privileges of the metropolitan bishops. Hincmar felt these fresh invasions more acutely, than his neighbours: he objected to the intermeddling of the pontiff in the case of an appeal to Rome, upon the ground that such an act was fatal to episcopacy2 in general; and when afterwards a papal vicar, with extraordinary powers, was nominated for the Gallican and German churches, the same class of prelates openly disputed the appointment; they protested that they would not acquiesce in novelties put forward by the delegate of Rome, except in cases where his claims to jurisdiction could be shewn to be compatible with ancient laws and with the dignity of metropolitans3. A recent law demanding vows of absolute obedience to the pope4, on the conferring of the pallium, 1 This pontiff, on the death of the emperor (Henry III.) effected an important change in the relations of the papacy, by which it was deter mined that the pope should in future be elected by the cardinals (bishops, priests, and deacons), with the concurrence of the rest of the Boman clergy and laity, and subject to an ill-defined acquiescence of the em peror. See the best version of this act in Pertz, Leges, n. Append. p. 177: and cf. Hallam, Middle Ages, n. 180 (10th ed.). 3 ' Hanc tenete,' are the words he puts into the mouth of his Roman izing nephew, ' et evindicate mecum compilationem [i.e. the Pseudo- Isidore decretals], et nulli nisi Bomano pontifici debebitis subjectionem; et dissipabitis mecum Dei ordinationem in communis episcopalis ordinis discretam sedibus dignitatem.' Hincmar, Opp. n. 559, 560. 3 Hincmar, Opp. n. 719. 4 Cf. above, p. 136, n. 3. The first case on record is that of Anskar, the apostle of the North. He had received the pallium as archbishop of Hamburg (above, p. 103), without any such condition: but when Ni cholas I. (864) confirmed the union of the two sees of Hamburg and Bre men (above, p. 104), he announced to Anskar that it was granted on condition, that himself and his successors not only acknowledge the six ^1073] Constitution of the Church. i.-tt served to deepen this humiliation of the Western primates; and in newly-planted churches, where the metropolitan constitution was adopted, under Roman influence, it was seldom any better than a shadow. Though the primates usually confirmed the bishops of their province, and were still empowered to receive appeals from them and from their synods, they were rigorously watched, and overruled in all their sacred functions, by the agents or superior mandates of the Pope1. The notion had diffused itself on every side, that he was the 'universal bishop' of the Church2, that he was able to impart some higher kind of absolution3 than the ordinary priest or prelate, and was specially commissioned to redress the wrongs of all the faithful. It may be that his intervention here and there was bene ficial, as a counterpoise to the ambition of unworthy metropolitans, protecting many of their suffragans and others from the harshness of domestic rule: but on the contrary we should remember that the pontiffs also had their special failings, and the growth of their appellate jurisdiction only added to the scandals of the age. It general councils, but profess on oath to observe with all reverence ' decreta omnium Romanae sedis prassulum et epistolas quaB sibi delatae fuerint.' Lappenberg, Hamb. Urkunden-buch, i. 21. In 866 Nicholas was under the necessity of upbraiding Hincmar, among other acts of dis respect, for not using the pallium 'certis temporibus:' Mansi, xv. 753. On the rapid alteration of the views of prelates with regard to the im portance of this badge, see Pertsch (as above, p. 37), p. 145. 1 Among the latest champions for the metropolitan system in its struggle with the papacy, were the archbishops of Milan: see the con temporary account of Arnulph (a Milanese historian), in Muratori, Re- rum Ital. Script, iv. 11 sq. When Peter Damiani and Anselm, bishop of Lucca, were sent as papal legates to Milan in 1059, this protesting spirit was peculiarly awakened: 'Factione clericorum repente in populo mur mur exoritur non debere Ambrosianam ecclesiam Romanis legibus sub- jacere, nullumque judicandi vel disponendi jus Romano pontifici in ilia sede c'ompetere.' Damiani, Opusc. v. Opp. in. 75: Mansi, xix. 887 sq. : cf. Neander, on the whole of this movement; vi. 62—70. s ' Summum pontificem et universalem papam, non unius urbis sed totius orbis:' cf. Schrockh, xxn. 417, 418. _ The condemnation of orders conferred by Scottish teachers, which was issued by the Councils of Cha lons (813), c. 43 (Labbe, vn. 1270) ; and of Cealchythe (816), c. 5 (Councils, &c. in. 581), cannot be understood as indicating any resist ance to papal jurisdiction specially maintained by the Scots ; but must be regarded as a precaution for seeming the purity of the succession and the regular authority of the diocesans. It is really to he viewed as a measure of the same sort as the disuse of Chorepiscopi, 8 See examples in Gieseler, n. 384, 385. INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Its virtual superses- 142 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 was not, however, till a period somewhat later that these features of the papal system, traceable to the ideas which gave birth to the 'spurious decretals,' were unfolded in their ultimate and most obnoxious shape. The organizing of the several dioceses had continued as of old. The bishop1 was, at least in theory, the father and the monarch of his charge. But the effects of his episcopate were often damaged2 or destroyed by his utter inexperience, by the secularization of his heart, and his licentious habits. It is clear that not a few of the Western prelates had been wantonly obtruded on their flocks, through private interest and family connexions, or indeed, in many cases, through the open purchase of their sees from the imperial power. By this kind of bishops the disease that had been preying on the Church for centuries was propagated still more widely; and those prelates who were far less criminal allowed themselves to be entangled in the business of the State, to the abandonment of higher duties. Yet, in spite of this unhappy prevalence of epis copal delinquency, occasional exceptions meet us in all branches of the Church: the synodal enactments3 that 1 The chorepiscopi, whom we saw expiring in the former period (p. 46, n. 2), lingered here and there. The synod of Paris (829) com plains of them (lib. I. c. 27) as wishing to intrude into the province of the bishops. Nicholas I. in 864 (Mansi, xv. 390) directs that ordinations made by them should not be rescinded, but that in future they should abstain from every function that was peculiar to the episcopate: cf. a rescript of 865 (Ibid. xv. 462), and one of Leo VH., about 937 (Ibid. xvin. 379), in which a like prohibition is repeated. The synod of Metz (888), can. 8, directs that churches consecrated by chorepiscopi only shall be consecrated anew by the bishop : ibid. xvm. 80. 2 A child of five years old was made archbishop of Rheims (925). The see of Narbonne was purchased for another at the age of ten. Hallam, Middle Ages, n. 172. His statement, from Vaissete, that it was almost general in the Western church to have bishops under twenty, is, of course, an exaggeration. The following picture is drawn by Atto, bishop of Vercelli (about 950), in D'Achery's Spicileg. i. 421: 'Illorum sane, quos ipsi [i.e. principes] eligunt, vitia, quamvis multa et magna sint, velut nulla tamen reputantur. Quorum quidem in examinatione non charitas et fides vel spes inquiruntur, sed divitia, afftnitas et obse- quium considerantur.' And again, p. 423 : ' Quidam autem adeo mente et corpore obcaecantur ut ipsos etiam parvulos ad pastoralem promovere curam non dubitent,' etc. 3 e.g. A synodal letter of thie pope to the bishops of Brittany (848), Mansi, xiv. 882, or still earlier, the reforming synod of Paris, 829, at which three books of more stringent canons were drawn up. The Council of Pavia (Papiense or Ticinense), held in 850, among other salutary injunctions prohibiting episcopal extortion and intemperance, directed —1073] Constitution of the Church. 143 acquaint us with the spread of evil testify no less to the existence of a nobler class of bishops, actively engaged in their sacred avocations and deploring the enormities around them. As we readily foresee, the mass of the parochial clergy1 were infected by the ill example of the prelate. They had taken holy orders, in some cases, from unworthy motives, chiefly with a view to qualify themselves for the acceptance of the tempting church-preferment, which had rapidly in creased in value since the time of Charlemagne. Others gained possession of their benefices through the help of unhallowed traffic with the patron, or descendant of the founder, of a diurch. This crime of simony, indeed, was one of the most flagrant characteristics of the age2. It urged a multitude of worthless men to seek admission into orders solely as the shortest way to opulence and ease: while some of them, regardless of propriety, are said to have farmed out the very offerings of their flock3, and pawned the utensils of the church4. Nor were other seculars more scrupulous, and worthy of their calling. The itinerating priests5, whom we en- that bishops should, when possible, celebrate mass every day, should read the Holy Scriptures, explain them to their clergy, and preach on Sundays and holy-days. Can. 2 — 5. The works of mercy wrought by individual bishops (such as Eadbod of Treves and Ethelwold of Winches ter) are recounted by Neander, vi. 88, 89, and note. 1 Bowden's Gregory the Seventh, 1. 43 sq. ' Ipsi primates utriusque ordinis in avaritiam versi, coeperunt exercere plurimas, ut olim fecerant, vel etiam eo amplius rapinas cupiditatis: deinde mediocres ac minores exemplo majorum ad immania sunt flagitia devoluti.' Glaber Radul- phus, Hist. lib. iv. e. 5. 2 Cf. above, p. 143, n. 2. It began to be prevalent as early as 826 (Pertz, Leges, 11. App. pp. 11 sq.). It was denounced by Leo IV. (circ. 850) in the letter to the bishops of Brittany (Mansi, xiv. 882). Subse quently it grew up to an enormous pitch (Lambert's Annates, a.d. 1063, 1071, in Pertz, vn. 166, 184), and the correction of it was a chief aim of the reforming movement under Hildebrand, who was resolved to cut it off, especially in the collation of the crown-preferment. There was also at this period no lack of pluralists: e.g. two of the archicapellani of Louis the Pious held three abbeys each. Palgrave, Normandy, 1. 239, 247. 3 See Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. VII. 1. 377, Paris, 1837. 4 Hincmar of Rheims was compelled to issue a decree against these practices. Bowden, as above, p. 49. 6 See above, p. 45. The 23rd canon of the council of Pavia (850) renews the condemnation of these ' clerici acephali:' cf. Life of Bp. Godehard of Hildesheim, c. iv. £ 26 (Acta Sanct. Maii, 1. 511), where they are said to wander to and fro ' vel monachico vel canonico vel etiam Graeco habitu.' INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Degeneracy of the paro chial clergy : and of others, 144 Constitution of the Church) [A.D. 814 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. more espe cially in Italy. Decay of the order of Canons. countered in the former period, still continued to produce disorder on all sides. They were not, however, so de graded as the larger class of chaplains, who are said to have literally swarmed in the houses of the gentry1. Very frequently of servile origin, they were employed by the feudal lords in humble, and, at times, in menial occupations, which exposed them to the ridicule of the superior clergy, and destroyed their proper influence on society at large. It is not therefore surprising, that so many councils of this age unite in deploring the condition of both morals and intelligence in the majority of the ecclesiastics. This degeneracy was most of all apparent in the church of Italy2, and, in the early years of Hildebrand, the clergy of the Roman see are mentioned as preeminent in every species of corruption3. There as elsewhere nearly all the healthier impulse that was given to the sacred orders by the energy of Charlemagne, had been lost in the ensuing troubles which extinguished the dominion of his house (887). The decline of the cathedral canons* is a further illus tration of this change. Materialized by the prevailing lust of wealth, they strove to make themselves completely 1 The following is a picture of them drawn by Agobard, archbp. of Lyons, in his De privilegio et jure Sacerdotii, u. xi. : 'Foeditas nostri temporis omni lachrymarum fonte ploranda, quando increbuit consue- tudo impia, ut pane nullus inveniatur quantulumcunque proficiens ad honores et gloriam temporalem, qui non domesticum habeat sacerdotem, non cui obediat, sed a quo incessanter exigat licitam simul atque illici- tam obedientiam, ita ut plerique inveniantur qui aut ad mensas minis- trent,' etc. 2 See the works of Ratherius, a reforming bishop of Verona (who died in 924), in D'Achery's Spicilegium, i. 345 sq. The ignorance and immo rality of his own clergy, and of the Italians generally, appear to have been almost incredible. Another eye-witness speaks in the same strain of the Milanese ecclesiastics : ' Istis temporibus inter clericos tanta erat dissolutio, ut alii uxores, alii mere trices publico tenerent, alii venatio- nibus, alii aucupio vacabant, partim foenerabantur in publico, partim in vicis tabernas exercebant cunctaque ecclesiastica beneficia more pecu- dum vendebant. ' Life of Ariald (a vehement preacher, who fell a victim to his zeal in 1067), § 2, in Puricelli's History of the Milanese Church; Milan, 1657. The same scandals and corruptions were prevailing at this period in the East: e.g. Neale, Church of Alexandria, n. 190, 211. 3 Hildebrand's uncle would not allow him to complete his education there, ' ne Romanes urbis corruptissimis tunc moribus (ubi omnis pane clerus aut simoniacus erat aut concubinarius, aut etiam vitio utroque sordebat) inquinaretur aetas tenera,' etc. See Vidaillan, Vie de Grea i. 372. * 4 Cf. above, p. 44. —1073] Constitution of the Church. 145 independent of the bishop ; and as soon as they had gained the power of managing their own estates1, we see them falling back into the usual mode of life2, except in the two particulars of dwelling near each other in the precincts of the cathedral, and dining at a common table. As a body, they had lost their ancient strictness, and were idle, haughty, and corrupt. The failure of all attempts to effect a general reform of the existing bodies resulted in the formation, under the influence of Ivo of Chartres, of a new order, the canons regular of St Augustine, very closely resembling Benedictine monachism. In this connexion we may touch on a kindred point, the marriage, or in other cases the concubinage, of clerics. At no period did the law of celibacy find a general ac ceptance3, notwithstanding the emphatic terms in which it was repeated4; and when Hildebrand commenced his task as a reformer, aiming chiefly at ecclesiastical delinquents, numbers of the bishops and the major part of the country- clergy6 were exposed to his stern reproaches. In some 1 The earliest instance on record is the chapter of Cologne, whose independence was confirmed by Lothair in 866, and afterwards by a council at Cologne in 873: Mansi, xvn. 275; cf. Gieseler, 11. 387 (note). s The following is the language of Ivo, the holy bishop of Chartres, who wrote about 1090 : ' Quod vero communis vita in omnibus ecclesiis paene defecit, tarn civilibus quam dioeesanis, nee auctoritati sed desuetu- dini et defectiii adscribendum est, refrigescente charitate, quae omnia vult habere communia, et regnante cupiditate, qua? non quaerit ea, quae Dei sunt et proximi, sed tantum quae sunt propria. ' Epist. 215. Gieseler, n.388. From the Annates of Hirschau, (J. Trithemius) A. d. 973, we learn that the example had been set in that year by the canons of Treves: 1. 116, ed. 1690. 3 See above, p. 47. 4 e.g. Canons at Eanham (1009), § 2, where it is affirmed that some of the English clerics had more wives than one. Johnson, 1. 483. 5 e.g. we are told of the Norman prelates and the other clergy: ' Sa- cerdotes ac summi pontifices libere conjugati et arma portantes ut laici erant.' Life of Herluin, abbot of Bee, in Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened., saec. vi. part 11. p. 344. Batherius of Verona (above, p. 144, n. 2) found it an established custom for the clergy to live in wedlock, and for their sons to be clergymen in their turn : D' Achery's Spicilegium, 1, 370, 371. Aventinus (Annates Boiorum, lib. v. c. 13, p. 541, ed. Gund- Hng), speaking of this same period, remarks: 'Sacerdotes ilia tempes- tate publice uxores, sicuti caeteri Christian", habebant, filios procreabant, sicut in instrumentis donationum, quae illi templis, mystis, monachis fejere, nbi hae nominatim cum conjugibus testes citantur, et honesto vocabulo presbyterissa n'uncupantur, invenio. ' According to Mr Hallam (Middle Ages, 11. 173) the sons of priests were capable of inheriting by M. A. L INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Continu ance of cle rical mar riages- 146 Constitution of the Church. fA.D. 814 quarters, and especially at Milan, where the ordinances against clerical marriage had been rigorously urged, there was a party1 who contended for the lawfulness of such alliances, deriving their ideas from the Bible and the earlier doctors of the Church. But the great body of the people, blinded by the prejudices of the age2, and disgusted by the lewdness and corruption which had shewn itself in spite of the marriage of the clerics, took the side of men like Hildebrand, abstaining even from the public services conducted by the married priest3, and indicating their disapprobation by ridicule and not unfrequently by their assaults on his property or person4. A like spirit is be trayed in the still earlier movement that was headed by the English primate, Dunstan5 (961—988). He was truly anxious for the moral elevation of his clergy; but the measures he adopted to secure it were aot able to achieve a permanent success. He hoped to counteract the barbar ism and immorality around him by abstracting the eccle siastics from the world, that is, by prohibiting their mar riage: and this object seemed to him most easy of attain ment by the substitution of monastic and unmarried clergy in the place of degenerate seculars and canons6. By his the laws of France and also of Castile; in the latter country in conse quence of the indulgence shewn to concubinage in general. 1 See the controversy at length in Neander vi. 61 sq. ; and Milman, Latin Christianity, in. 13 sq. , who, with many other instances, men tions the letter of Ulric, bishop of Augsburg (900), to pope Nicholas I. (in Eccard, 11. 23). An actual permission to marry was given to his clergy by Cunibert, bishop of Turin, himself unmarried, in the hope of preserv ing his diocese from the general corruption. Ibid. p. 53. 2 These were so strong that even Ratherius of Verona looked upon the man who was ' contra canones uxorius ' in the light of an adulterer. D'Achery, 1. 363. On this account it is not easy to distinguish betweeu the lawful and illicit connexions of the clergy. Hildebrand, Damiani, and other zealots spoke of such alliances in general as reproductions of the ' Nicolaitan heresy.' See Damiani Opuscul. xvin., contra Clericos intemperantes. 3 In accordance with the bidding of the Council of Lateran (1059) : Mansi, xix. 907. 4 Arnulph, Hist. Mediol. lib. in. u. 9 : cf. Fleury, liv. lxi. s. 26. 6 See the accounts in Soames, Anglo-Saxon Church, pp. 195 sq., ed. 1844 : and Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxons, 11. 126 sq. 6 '...statuit [969], et statuendo dooretum confirmavit, videlicet ut canonici omnes, presbyteri omnes, diaconi et subdiaconi omnes, aut caste viverent aut ecclesias quas tenebant una cum rebus ad eas pertinentibus perderent.' Oswald, bishop of Worcester, was especially active in carry ing out this edict, and founled seven monasteries in his own diocese -1073] Constitution of the Church. H7 influence, and the aid of the civil power which he wielded at his pleasure, many of the elder clerics were ejected, and Benedictine monks1 promoted to the leading sees and richer livings. But soon afterwards, this rash proceeding led the way to a violent reaction : and the following period had to witness many struggles for ascendancy between the monks and seculars of England. When the latter gained a victory, we learn that their wives2 were partakers of the triumph. Contrary to the idea of Dunstan, the corruptions of the age had found admission even to the cloisters. It was customary3 for the royal patron of an abbey to bestow it, like a common estate, on some favourite chaplain of his court, on parasites or on companions of his pleasures, paying no regard to their moral character and intellectual fitness. Others gained possession of the convents by ra pacity and sold them to the highest bidder, not un'fre- quently to laymen4, who resided on them with their wives and families, and sometimes with a troop of their L re tainers5. It should also be observed, that in the present alone. ' ...Post hssc in aliis Angliae partibus ad parochiam suam nil pc- tinentibus insignes ecclesias ob praefixam causam clericis evacuavit, et eas...viris monastics institutionis sublimavit.' Eadmer, Vit. S. Oswaldi (in Wharton's Anglia Sacra, n. 200). 1 Lappenberg, n. 136, 137. It is by no means easy to disentangle the several measures taken in the English church for the reform of mo nasticism and for the improvement of clerical morality in general; or to determine what was the action of the statesmanlike mind of Dunstan, and what of the narrower and severer piety of his followers. But there is no doubt that Dunstan's personal share in these transactions has been exaggerated, for he did not turn out the secular clerks of his own cathe drals, either at Worcester or Canterbury. A great deal of the evidence for his prohibition of clerical marriages is very questionable. On the whole question of clerical celibacy treated historically, see Lea's History of Sacerdotal Celibacy, Philadelphia, 1867. 2 ' Principes plurimi et optimates abbates cum monachis de monas- teriis, in quibus rex Eadgarus eos locaverat, expulerunt, et clericos, ut prius, loco eorum cum uxoribus induxerunt.' Matth. Westmonast. Flor. Hist. p. 193, ed. Francof. 1601. 3 Bowden's Gregory the Seventh, t. 46. It was complained of Charles the Bald that he gave away religious houses recklessly, ' partim juven- tute, partim fragiJitate, partim aliorum callida suggestione, etiam et minarum necessitate, quia dicebant petitores, nisi eis ilia loca sacra donaret, ab eo deficerent.' Epist. Episcoporum ad Ludovicum Regem, in Baluze, n. 110. 4 Known by the name of abba-comites : cf. Palgrave, Normans, i. 184 sq. 6 Council of Trosli, as below, p. 14S, u. 2. INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Degeneracy of the monks. 148 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 814 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. A t tempts to reformthem. Benedict of Aniane. age, when many of the chief foundations were most anxious to obtain exemptions from the bishops1, and had no efficient champions in the Roman see, they were deprived of their strongest remedy against the evils which beset them. The appearance of a race of worldly-minded abbots was the signal for the relaxation of monastic discipline2 in every quarter of the west : and this degeneracy produced in turn the open violation of the rules of St Benedict. An effort, it is true, was made, as early as 817, under Louis the Pious, to check these rampant evils in the con vents of his kingdom. It was mainly stimulated by the zeal of Benedict3 of Aniane (774-821), who, following at a humble distance in the steps of the elder Benedict and borrowing his name, is honoured as the second founder of monasticism in France4. Disorders of the grossest kind, however, had continually prevailed until the time of Berno5, the first abbot of Clugny (910), and Odo6, his successor (927—941), who endeavoured to effect a thorough reforma tion. In the hands of the latter abbot, not a few of the 1 See above, p. 42. The privileges actually granted to them did not at first exempt them from the ordinary jurisdiction of the bishop; although he had no longer any power to modify the rules of the frater nity, e.g. in the Council of Fimes (Concil. apud S. Macram), 881, his authority is still recognized : for the fourth canon orders that all monas teries, nunneries, and other religious houses shall be visited by the bishop and the king's commissioners, and a report drawn up of their condition. Mansi, xvn. 540. The exemption of the abbey of Clugny was made absolute by Alexander II. in 1063, and other instances soon afterwards occurred. Gieseler, n. 420. In the newly-founded Russian church the common practice of the East obtained ; the bishop having the sole right of appointing the archimandrites and also of depriving them. Mouravieff's Hist, of the Russian Church, pp. 359, 360. 2 See the complaints of the council of Trosli (near Soissons) 909, can. 3, which taxes both the monks and nuns with every species of excess : Mansi, xvm. 270. The degeneracy is traced to the influence of the lay-abbots, who were then in possession of nearly all the monasteries of France. 3 His measures are detailed in a Capitulary (Aquisgranense (817) : Baluze, t. 579) containing eighty artioles, which may be viewed as a com mentary on the rule of Benedict the elder. See Guizot's remarks upon it, Led. xxvi. Among other things he urges that 'the reformation of the sixth century was at once extensive and sublime : it addressed itself to what was strong in human nature : that of the ninth century was puerile, inferior, and addressed itself to what was weak and servile in man.' 4 In the Frankish empire at this period there were eighty-three large monasteries. Dbllinger, in. 192. 6 See his Life in Mabillon, Ad. Sanct. Ord. Ben. Base. v. pp. 67 sq. 5 Ibid. pp. 150 sq. —1073] Constitution of the Church. 149 ascetic laws were made more stringent and repulsive1: yet the fame of the order from this period was extended tar and wide2. In spite of an extreme austerity in many of its regulations, they presented a refreshing contrast to the general corruption; and their circulation gave a healthier tone to all the churches of the west3. The impulse which had led to this revival of the Be nedictine order, urged a number of congenial spirits to take refuge in the mountains and the forests, with the hope of escaping from the moral inundation, or of arming for a future struggle with the world. Of these we may notice Romuald4, who in after life became the founder (circ. 1018) of a large community of hermits, known as the Camaldulenses ; John Gualbert5, in whose cell the order of the Coenobites of Vallombrosa had its cradle (circ. 1038) ; and especially the younger Nilus", a recluse of Calabria, who stood forward in the tenth century as an awakening preacher of repentance in his own and in the neighbouring districts. §2. RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH TO THE CIVIL POWER. The influence of the State preponderated as before in all the Eastern churches. This was shewn especially in 1 Among other changes, the Ordo Cluniacensis observed an almost unbroken silence 'in ecclesia, dormitorio, refectorio, et coquina.' See their Consuetudines (circ. 1070) lib. n. cap. in. De Silentio; cap. iv. De signis loquendi; in D'Achery's Spicilegium, 1. 670 sq. 2 In the year of his death, Odo left his successor two hundred and seventy deeds of gift which had been made to the order in thirty-two years. Dbllinger, in. 194. The abbots Majolus and Odilo advanced its reputation more and more. See the Life of the latter in Mahillon, sbbc. vi. part 1, pp. 631 sq. 3 The greatest difficulty was presented by some of the German mo nasteries, where the inmates rose into rebellion. See the instances in Gieseler, n. 415, n. 9. The example, however, of Hanno, archbp. of Cologne,' in 1068, was followed very generally. Lambert of Hersfeld, Annates in Pertz, vn. 238. The ' congregation of Hirschau' also sprang up at this time (1069) : it was based on the rule of Clugny. Bernold's Chronicon, in Pertz, vn. 451. 4 See his Life in Damiani, Hist. Sanctorum; Opp. 11. 426; and the Rule of the Camaldulensians, in Holstein's Codex Reg. Monast. n. 5 Life in Mahillon, sac. vi. part 11. pp. 266 sq. 6 An interesting sketch of his labours is given by Neander, vi. 105 — 110. RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Rise of the Cluniac monks. Some other religious spirits. 150 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Difference between the East and West. Causes of a movementin the West against the supremacyof the croien. the appointment of their bishops, who, with the exception of the patriarchates which still languished under the do minion of the Saracens, were for the most part chosen absolutely by the crown. In Russia1 and the other king doms where the Gospel had been planted by the agency of Oriental missions, the alliance with the civil power was also intimate and undisturbed. But it was otherwise in nearly all the churches of the west. The daring and aggressive genius of the papacy, which now stood forward on the plea of acting as their champion, had embarrassed the alliance on the one side ; while the grasping worldliness of laymen generally, and the venality or violence with which the civil power had tampered with the church-preferment2, seemed to justify the disaffection that arose in every quarter. Very much of it is traceable to a confusion of ideas re lating to the temporalities of the Church. The laity, and more especially the crown, regarded the endowments made by them or by their predecessors for the service of religion, in the light of public loans, which still remained at their disposal; and the practice of conceding to church-founders what is called the right of patronage3, appeared in some ¦ degree to favour this construction. An effect of those prolific errors might be seen, most glaringly perhaps, on filling up the vacant sees. In harmony with the pre vailing feudalism a bishopric was granted at this period like an ordinary fief4; and emperors, in their capacity of 1 The bishops were usually selected by the prince of the district with the consent of the superior clergy and the chief of the citizens, and were then presented to the metropolitan for consecration. Mouravieff's Hist. by Blackmore, p. 359. The Hungarian bishops, although chiefly foreign ers at first, and in communion with the Western Church, were similarly nominated by the crown. Dbllinger, in. 35. 2 See above, pp. 143 sq.; and other examples in Gieseler, n. 239, n. 10. Under Henry IV., the rival of Hildebrand, simony was practised at the imperial court in the most scandalous manner (e.g. Lambert's Annates, a.d. 1063, 1071 : Pertz, vn. 166, 184). 3 From the first, however, the privilege of appointing to a church could not lawfully be exercised without the approval of the bishop of the diocese, to whose jurisdiction also the new incumbent was made subject (see Council of Borne, in 826, and again in 853, c. 21; Mansi, xiv. 493, 1006, 1016). But this rule, like others of the kind, was continually evaded. 4 Besides taking the oath of allegiance, like other vassals, prelates were on this ground compelled to render to the king a twofold service, one of following him in time of war, the other of appearing frequently at -1073] Constitution of the Church. 151 suzerain, affected to confer investiture upon the spiritual as well as on the temporal nobility. So blind were many of them to the plain distinction between the property and sacred duties of a see, that their appointment now began to be confirmed by the delivery of a ring and crozier, — symbols of the spiritual functions of the bishop. He was thus insensibly becoming a mere feudatory, or a vassal of the crown1. We saw that under Charlemagne2 prelates were again occasionally chosen in obedience to the ancient canons; and the clergy lost no opportunity of pleading this concession in their efforts to retain the freedom it had promised3. Still the privilege was scarcely more than verbal at the best4: and under Otho I., who laboured to curtail the power of the German and Italian clergy5, it was formally annulled. He acted on the principle, that p-jpes and court. They were also amenable to the judicial sentence of the king, regarded as their liege-lord, and even were at times deposed by him. Hasse, as below. On the state of feeling with regard to the participa tion of ecclesiastics in the wars, see Neander, vi. 83 sq. 1 Hasse's Life of Anselm, by Turner, p. 53, Lond. 1850 : see Church's Essays (from the Christian Remembrancer), and his Life of Anselm. As consecration was subsequent to investiture, the jurisdiction of the prelate seemed to be derived from the state. The indignation of the Hildebran- dine party at this juncture may be gathered from Humbert's treatise Adversus Simoniacos, lib. in. c. 11 (in Martene's Thesaurus Anecdot. torn. v. p. 787). 2 Above, p. 53. 3 Thus, at the Council of Valence (855), c. 7 (Mansi, xv. 7), it was decreed that ' on the death of a bishop, the monarch should be requested to allow the clergy and the community of the place to make an election according to the canons.' But the synod goes on to intimate that mon- archs not unfrequently sent a nominee of their own, and that their per mission was in all eases needed before an election could take place. See the energetic letter of Hincmar to Louis III. of France, on the subject of royal interference in elections : Opp. torn. 11. p. 190. 4 Bowden, Life of Gregory, '1. 45: cf. Guizot, n. 320. 5 Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. VII. 1. 365, 366. After deposing pope Benedict V. (964) and restoring Leo VIIL, Otho held a council at Rome, which, in his presence, granted him and his descendants the right of choosing the popes in future, and of giving investiture to the bishops of , the empire. See the acts of this council in Luitprand, de Rebus Gestis Ottonis, c. 10 sq. (Pertz, v. 342): and De Marca, De Concordia, lib. vin. c. 12, § 10. This decree was prompted by the growth and bitterness of the political factions which at that time were convulsing every part of Italy. But acts of violence among the populace were not uncommon, at an earlier period, in the filling up of vacant sees: e.g. the decree of Ste phen V. (816), in Mansi, xiv. 147. RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Nomina tions to vacant , sees. 152 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL TOWER. Encroach- . men's on the side of theChurch : bishops were like other functionaries of the empire, and as such were subject to his beck. These fresh assumptions were indeed renounced by Heniy II., but soon afterwards repeated ; and it was on the absolute appointment of pope Leo IX. (1049) by Henry III. of Germany, that Hilde brand at length emerged from private life, to bring the struggle to a crisis. He was able in 1059, while engaged as the subdeacon of the Roman church, to wrest the nomi nation of the popes entirely from the civil power1, although reserving to it for the present a precarious right of con firmation. But this partial victory incited him the more to persevere in his original design of compassing what he esteemed the ancient freedom of the Church. Accord ingly, as soon as he was elevated to the papal throne, he hastened to prohibit every form of ' lay-investiture :' and the dispute which he had thus embittered was not closed for half a century2. While it is plain that the civil power exceeded its own province in suppressing the episcopal elections and in arbitrary misappropriation of the other church-prefer ment, there was also an aggressive movement on the side of the ecclesiastics. This, indeed, is the most prominent and startling feature of the times. It was of course de veloped to the greatest height among the popes, who had already shewn themselves peculiarly impatient of the se cular authority. We saw that under Charlemagne they were able to effect but little in curtailing his imperial powers; and in 823 Paschal I. even felt obliged to clear himself by oath before the missi (or commissioners) of Louis the Pious3; yet from this period onwards the pretensions of the Roman court were less and less disputed by the Carolingian princes4. Its ascendancy increased 1 See above, p. 140, n. 1 . 2 By the Concordat of Worms, 1122; see below, 'Relations of the Church to the Civil Power,' Period in. a Life of Louis, by Theganus, in Pertz, it, 597. Other examples of this supremacy of the civil power at Rome itself may be seen in Gieseler, n. 231, 232. 4 The following fragment (circ. 850) of a letter from Leo IV. to the emperor Louis II. , which has been preserved in Gratian (Decret. Pars n. Caus. n. Qu. vn. c. 41), is one of the latest recognitions of the imperial rights : ' Nos, si incompetenter aliquid egimus, et in subditis justaB legis tramitem non conservavimu3, vestro ac missorum vestrorum cuncta volu- -1073] Constitution of the Church. 153 on the dismemberment of the Frankish empire, and still further when all central government was enervated by the progress of the feudal system. Aided by the 'Forged Decretals,' which endeavoured among other kindred objects to exalt the Church above the influence of the temporal princes, Nicholas I.1 was able to achieve a number of important triumphs. He came forward, it is true, on two occasions, as a champion of the wronged, a bold avenger of morality2, and therefore carried with him all the weight of popular opinion. His success emboldened John VIIL in 876 to arrogate in plainer terms, and as a privilege imparted from on high, the right of granting the imperial crown3 to whomsoever he might choose: and since this claim was actually established in his patronage and coro nation of the emperor Charles the Bald4, the intermeddling of the pope in future quarrels of the Carolingians, and indeed of other princes, was facilitated more and more. The claim grew up, as we shall see in Hildebrand, to nothing less than a theocratic power extending over all the earth. Nor was the spirit of aggression at this time restricted to the Roman pontiffs. It had also been imbibed by other prelates of the west. In England5, it is true, if we except collisions in the time of Odo and Dunstan, there is little or no proof that the ecclesiastics were forgetting their vocation. While the Church continued, as before, in close alliance with the civil power, she exhibited no tendency to cripple or dispute the independence of the crown. But mus emendare judicio,' etc. 'But every thing soon changes, and the Church in her turn governs the emperor.' Guizot, 11. 326. 1 A contemporaneous admirer says of him, ' regibus ac tyrannis impe- ravit, eisque, ac si dominus orbis terrarum, auctoritate praefuit.' Regino's Chron. ad an. 868. 2 See above, p. 136, 11. 4: anaVcf. Guizot, n. 341 sq. 3 Epist. cccxv. cccxvi. : Mansi, xvn. 227, 230. 4 It should be remarked, however, that Charles the Bald, in earlier life a warm defender of the liberties of the Frankish Church (see above, p. 137), was not, in 876, entirely made a vassal of the pope's. See Gol- dast's Collectio Constitut. Imperial. 11. 34. 6 As before noticed (p. 49), the civil and spiritual tribunals had been acting most harmoniously together till the Norman Conquest. Some ecclesiastical causes were referred to the decision of a synod of the pre lates ; but many which at a later period were reputed ecclesiastical were subjected, like the ordinary causes of the laity, to the judgment of the ehiremoot or county-court. This extended even to the probate of wills. Kemble, Saxons, 11. 385. especiallyof the popes : but also of tlie prelates generally. 154 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Exceptionsto this rule. in continental nations. There we see on one side with his disaffected struggling it was otherwise the monarch nobles, on the other with the prelates of his realm ; and not unfrequently succumbing to the usurpations of the latter. Before the death of Charlemagne, for example, his authority in matters even of religion was so great, that councils1 deemed it proper to address him in a tone which bordered almost on servility: yet more than one of his successors formally acknowledged their dependence on the members of the hierarchy, and submitted to its most hu miliating censures2. The extent of this vast but ill-defined preponderance may be gathered from the transfer that was made of the regalia (royal privileges) to the hands of the superior clergy3. Some, indeed, of the better class of prelates, while they rendered due obedience to the civil ruler, kept aloof from all secular affairs4: the rest however, more especially throughout the tenth century, yielded to the worldly spirit of the age ; they could too seldom be distinguished from the other vassals. But this close connexion with the crown was operating as a check on hierarchical ambition : 1 e.g. the councils of Aries and Mentz, both held in 813, on making a report to him of ecclesiastical matters that were crying for a reformation, beg him to supply what he might deem corrections, and confirm their work by his authority. Mansi, xiv. 62, 65. 2 e.g. Louis the Pious (835) was deposed and afterwards absolved by a party of bishops : Mansi, xiv. 657. See Palgrave, Hist, of Normandy, i. 295, 296. Louis the Germanic was treated in like manner by a synod at Metz (859) : Baluze, Capitular, n. 121. In the synod of Savonieres (Tullensis, apud Saponarias) held in the same year, Charles the Bald acknowledged his dependence on the bishops in the most abject terms: Baluze, n. 129 : cf. Guizot, n. 326, 327. The general principle on which the bishops claimed to exercise these powers was frequently avowed in the synods: e.g. Fimes, apud S. Macram (881), c. 1; Mansi, xvn. 538: Trosli (909), c. 1 ; Mansi, xvin. 267. 3 Among these regalia may be mentioned the right of tolls, markets, and coinage which was granted among other privileges by Louis the Pious, on the principle 'ut episcopos, qui propter animarum regimen principes sunt coeli, ipse eosdem nihilominus principes efficeret regni.' Gieseler, n. 255, 374. These grants, however, were made not unfre quently by the sovereigns with a political object, to secure the allegiance of the bishops, to balance them against the inordinate power of the feudal lords ; to retain a certain amount of patronage that could not be made hereditary, and to interpose tracts of sacred estates between the territo ries of princes devoted to private war. Hasse's Life of Anselm, p. 51. 4 Thus, for example, reasoned Radbod, archbp. of Utrecht. See his Life, in Mahillon, Act. Sanct. Bened. saec. v. p. 30. -1073] Constitution of the Church. 155 it eventually gave birth to an important school of royalists, who vindicated the imperial interest1 from the attacks of an extreme or Romanizing party. Of the minor and less obvious benefits accruing to society at large from the exalted power of the ecclesiastics, one is to be found in the exertions which they made to mitigate the ravages of private or intestine wars, now common in all quarters. They were able in the end (circ. 1032) to establish certain intervals of peace2 ('Treugae Dei'), extending from the Thursday to the Monday morn ing of each week: for which space it was ordered, under pain of excommunication, that all acts of violence as well as law-proceedings should be everywhere suspended. The same influence was directed also, though more feebly, to the abolition of the ordeal-trials, or as they were com monly entitled, 'judgments of God.' The zealous Agobard of Lyons was conspicuous in this movement3: but the custom, deeply rooted in antiquity, was not to be sub verted at a blow. It kept its hold on the Germanic races till a far later period, notwithstanding constant efforts, made in councils, for its suppression, partly no doubt through the sanction or connivance of the ill-instructed teachers of the Church. 1 How large this party grew may be inferred from the case of England, where the bishops almost to a man united with the crown in opposition to archbp. Anselm and his view of the investiture-controversy. On one occa sion he complained of this most bitterly, adding, 'et me de regno, potius quam hoc servarent, expulsuros, et a Romana ecclesia se discessuros.' Epist. lib. iv. ep. 4. ' See Ducange, under Treva, Treuga, seu Trevia Dei: cf. Neander s remarks, vi. 87, 88; and Balmez, Protestantism and Catholicity com pared, c. xxxn. pp. 139 sq. The provincial synod of Limoges (1031) placed a number of refractory barons, who refused to join in the 'Treuga Dei,' under an interdict : Mansi, xix. 530, 542. 3 e. g. in his treatise Contra Judicium Dei. Pope Stephen VI. (circ. 886) condemns both fire and water-ordeals. He adds, ' Spontanea enim confessione vel testium approbatione publicata delicta . . . commissa sunt regimini nostro judieare : occulta vero et incognita Hli sunt relinquenda, Qui solus novit corda filiorum hominum.' Mansi, xvin. 25. On the other hand the 'judicium aquae frigidae et callidae' was defended even by Hincmar of Bheims: Opp. torn. n. 676. "Wager of Battle" was strongly denounced by the Council of Valence (855), c. 12, under pam of excommunication, which incapacitated the subject of it for performing any civil function: Mansi, xv. 9. On the whole subject of ordeal and wager of battle, see Lea's Superstition and force, Philadelphia, 1870. RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Beneficial result of clericalascen- ( 156 ) [A.D. 814 WESTERN CHURCH. 77ie mighty influence of St Augus tine, and his school. CHAPTER VII. ON THE STATE OF RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. WESTERN CHURCH. The works of St Augustine had continued to direct the mind of Western Christendom. He was the standard author of the age, and to his writings it was commonly indebted for the traces it retained of earnestness and evangelic truth. Inferior only to the sacred penmen, whom his ample expositions of the Scriptures were believed to represent with a peculiar fidelity, he was consulted as the ablest guide in all the speculative provinces of thought : and we shall see in the review of a discussion, which affected many branches of his system of theology, that all the combatants professed a high respect for him, and that the vanquished fled for shelter to his works. In cases even where the Augustinian spirit did not find its way directly, it was circulated, in a somewhat milder form1, by influential writers of his school, especially by Gregory the Great and Alcuin. The majority of authors whom this period has produced will take their place at the beginning of it. They were nearly all of them brought up in the scholastic institutions of the Frankish empire2. One of Alcuin's many pupils, 1 e. g. Alcuin, de Fide S. Trinitatis, lib. n. c. 8 (Opp. i. 717), uses lan guage inconsistent with a belief in the extreme position of a ' prsadestinatio duplex,' and his view was shared by Rabanus Maurus. Cf. S. Augustine Epist. 214 (al. 46) ad Valentin. § 2; Opp. n. 790. 2 Some of the principal were the Schola Palatina (patronized by Louis the Pious, Lothair, and Charles the Bald), and those of Orleans," Fulda, Corbey (old and new), Bheims, Tours, Hirschau, Reichenau, and St Gall! — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 157 and, like him, an indefatigable friend of education, occupied the foremost rank of theologians in the west. This was Rabanus Maurus, who had been the master of the school, and afterwards the abbot, of Fulda (822), before his eleva tion to the archbishopric of Mentz (847). His numerous Commentaries1 on the writings of the Sacred Canon, and on some of the Apocrypha, evince a familiarity with older Christian literature; and the devotional feeling which per vades them may convince us that the piety of better ages, though too frequently declining, was not dead. Another of his works, De Institutione Clericorum, while important in a liturgical point of view, contributed to the more careful training of the candidates for holy orders, and inspired them with a deeper sense of the importance of their work. Rabanus was a favourite author in the west for many centuries after his death2. Another of the Carolingian literati was Agobard3, archbishop of Lyons (813-841), equally conspicuous for his scholarship and his activity in the affairs of state4. But he is better known as a reformer of religion. Many of his treatises were aimed at the ignorance and super stitions of the times, especially at those connected with the growing use of images5. See Bahr's Geschichte der romisch. Literatur in karoling. Zeitalter, Carls- ruhe, 1840. Its character in this, even more than in the former period, was exclusively religious ; science (mathematics, astronomy, and medicine) being for the most part abandoned to the Arabs, who patronized such studies, more especially in Spain. Their great college of Cordova, which became for Europe what Bagdad was for Asia, was founded in 980. See Middeldorpf, Comment, de Institutis Literariis in Hispania, qua Arabes audores habuerunt, Gottingae, 1810. 1 Very many of his works (including Homilies, as well as ethical and ecclesiological treatises) were published, in 6 vols, folio, at Cologne, 1627: see also a sketch of Babanus, by Eunstmann, Mainz, 1841. 2 Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. Saec. vi. Prafatio, § 1. 3 The best edition of his works is that of Baluze, Paris, 1666, 2^018. Svo: cf. Hundeshagen, de Agobardi Vita et Scriptis, Giessae, 1831. 4 His fame in this capacity is stained by the countenance he gave to the rebellious sons of Louis the Pious, contrasting ill with RabanuB Maurus. Neander, vr. 157. 6 e. g. He condemned the 'battle-trial,' and the 'water-ordeal' (see above, p. 155): and his treatise, De Piduris et Imaginibus, is a resolute attack on all forms of image- worship, and a protest against the sensuous bias of the Church. He also laboured to reform the liturgy of his pro vince ; and the two works, De Divina Psalmodia and De Corredione Antiphonarii, are a defence of his proceedings. The great number of WESTERN CHURCH. RabanusMaurus (776— 856). Agobard of Lyons (d. 841). 153 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814. In this and other points he may be linked with Claudius, bishop of Turin, who died in 839, after an episcopate of eighteen years. Excited, as it seems, by principles which he had learned from holy Scripture and the works of St Augustine1, he stood forward to revive, as far as he was able, a more truly Christian spirit in the members of the Church. He ardently declaimed against all forms of creature-worship, not excluding invocation of the saints; and, on his arrival in his diocese, all symbols, whether pictures, images, or crosses, which could possibly give rise to adoration, were ejected from the churches2. In addition to his writings on these subjects, of which fragments only are preserved, he was a fertile commentator on the Bible; yet, with one or two exceptions3, all his labours in this field of thought are still inedited. A list of other kindred works, though varying much in character and worth, was added to the hermeneutical productions of the age. The chief were, (1) Commentaries Jews who had settled in the Frankish empire at that period urged him to take up his pen against them: e.g. De Insolentia Judaorum, and De Judaicis Superstitionibus. 1 The adversaries of Claudius have endeavoured to convict him of Adoptionism, on the ground that he was educated in Spain (see above, p. 61) ; but his Augustinianism is proved by Neander, vi. 120 sq. 2 In this measure he was strongly resisted by his former friend the abbot Theodemir, by Dungal, an Irishman, by Jonas bishop of Orleans, and others: but he kept his ground until his death, apparently through the support of the Frankish emperor. See Schrbckh, xxni. 407 — 421 : Dbllinger, in. 57, 58. It is remarkable- that Jonas of Orleans admitted the flagrant abuse of images prevailing in the Church of Italy, and only found fault with Claudius for supposing that the same abuse existed in the French and German churches. He defends the 'adoration' of the cross ('ob recordationem passionis Dominicae'), but explains the act to mean no more than ' salutare.' See his treatise De Cultu Imaginum, in Bibl. Patrum, ed. Lugdun. xiv. fol. 183. This prelate was a stern and faithful censor of all forms of immorality. See his De Institutione Laicali, in D'Achery's Spicilegium, i. 258 — 323. Leger and other writers on the Waldenses have endeavoured to connect Claudius of Turin with that body, representing him as the leader of a secession which is thought to have taken plaoe as early as the 9th century; but on no better grounds than conjecture. 3 His Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians will be found in Biblioth. Patr., ed. Lugdun. xiv. 139 sq., and that on the Epistle to Philemon in the Spicilegium Romanum, ix. 109 sq. Introductions to other books have also been published (Gieseler, n. 262, n. 19): see, especially, Specimens of his inedited works, with dissertations by Rudel- bach, Havniffl, 1824. -1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 159 of Haimo1, bishop of Halberstadt (841 — 853), and formerly a fellow-student of Rabanus Maurus : (2) the popular and widely-circulated Glossa Ordinaria (or an exposition of the difficult texts of Scripture), compiled by Walafrid Strabo2, abbot of Reichenau (842 — 849) : but (3) worthy of especial mention is the sober and elaborate Commentary on St Matthew, by Christian Druthmar3, a monk of Corbey, and divinity-lecturer in the diocese of Li^ge, who died about 840. These all, together with the great majority of writers who come forward at the present period, yield a simple and unreasoning assent to the traditions of the past : but in a work of the deacon Fredegis, who had been trained in Alcuin's school at York, we may discover symptoms of a more philosophizing tendency4. That tendency, how ever, was betrayed far more distinctly in the Irishman6 John Scotus (Erigena), who was regarded as an oracle of wisdom by the court of Charles the Bald. He was the earliest of the mediaeval writers in the west, who ven tured to establish Christian dogmas by a dialectic process ; who, in other words, attempted to evince the union, or consistency at least, of human reason and theology. In this respect he must be viewed as a precursor of the schoolm'en6 who, in close alliance with the Aristotelian 1 There is some difficulty in ascertaining what works are really his. See Oudinus, De Scriploribus Eccl. n. 330: Schrockh, xxiii. 282 sq.: Mahillon, Acta Benedict, v. 5S5 sq. 2 The Glossa Ordinaria was published at Antwerp in 6 vols, folio, 1634. Another important work of Walafrid Strabo is of a liturgical character, De Exordiis et Incrementis Rerum Ecclesiasticarum, published in Hittorp's collection De Divinis Officiis, Colon. 1568. 3 In the Biblioth. Patrum, ed. Lugdun. xv. 86 sq. The preface to this commentary shews that Druthmar was averse to mystical interpretations of the Bible, except when they are subordinated to the literal or historic sense. Neander, vi. 159. 4 See his Epistola de Nihilo et Tenebris ad proceres Palatii, in Baluz. et Mansi, Miscell. 11. 56. ,...,. 6 Neander has pointed out several circumstances which indicate that the Irish monasteries still continued to influence literature in the West; vi 161, 162 (note): see also Lanigan, Hist, of Irish Church, in. 260 sq. John Scotus Erigena is to be carefully distinguished from a monk, named John, whom king Alfred invited from France to the English court. See Mabiilon's Annates Benedict, in. 243. 6 For the rise of scholasticism in the East, see above, pp. 57, 70, 71. Its cradle, or at least the earliest school in which it was cultivated by the Westerns was the monastery of Bee in Normandy. Lanfranc and Anselm (afterwards archbishops of Canterbury) took the lead in its diffusion (see WESTERN CHURCH. i Haimo of Halber stadt (d. 853). Walafrid Strabo(d. 849.) Druthmar (d. 840). Fredegis. John Sco tus Eriqena (d. 875 ?) : a precursor oftJie W( st ern school- i6o State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 philosophy1, were bent on systematizing the traditions of the Church, and proving that the Christian faith is truly rational2. But Scotus, while agreeing with the schoolmen in his point of departure, differed widely from them all in his results. He was a Neo-Platonist ; and, like the Alexandrian doctors of an earlier age, could see in Chris tianity no more than a philosophy, — an earthly manifesta tion of the Absolute, intended to direct and elevate the human spirit and prepare it for eventual absorption into God3. It is a startling feature of the times that one, whose theories were so divergent from the teaching of the Church, was called to speak as an authority on two of the most awful topics of the faith. These were the doctrines of Predestination and the Eucharist ; which, owing to the great activity of thought engendered in the Carolingian schools, were now discussed with unwonted vehemence. The former of these controversies4 took its rise from Gottschalk, who in earlier life had been a monk of Fulda, under the eye of Rabanus Maurus ; but had left it for the cloister of Orbais in the diocese of Soissons. Going Mbhler's Schriften und Aufsiitze, i. 32 sq.) ; Lanfranc having first tried the temper of his new weapon in the Eucharistio controversy with Berengarius: see below. 1 The logical writings of Aristotle (the first two treatises of the Organon) were known in the West from the ninth century, but only, till the thirteenth, by the Latin translation of Boetius. Cousin's Ouvrages inedites d'Abelard, Introd. p. Ii. : Smith's Biog. Did. i. 325. 2 'Auctoritas ex vera ratione processit, ratio vero nequaquam ex auctoritate Nil enim aliud videtur Triihi esse vera auctoritas, nisi rationis virtute cooperta Veritas, et a sacris patribus ad posteritatis utili- tatem literis commendata.' Scotus, De Divisione Natura, p. 39, ed. Oxon. 1681. The entire works of Scotus have been recently collected and edited by Floss, in Migne's Patrologia, Paris, 1853: cf. a review of that publication in the Theol. Quartalschrift, Tubing. 1854, i. 127 sq. 3 On the whole of his philosophico-religious system, see Bitter, Gesch. der Christ. Philosophic, in. 206 sq.; Neander, vi. 163 sq. ; Guizot, Led. xxvni.; Dorner, n. 344 — 358. His pantheism is clearly established by the treatise De Divisione Natura.- but very much of his philosophizing was unintelligible to the age. He seems to have imbibed that tendency from his familiarity with Greek writers, and especially with Dionysius the Areopagite, whom he translated into Latin. This translation excited the suspicions of pope Nicholas I. (Mansi, xv. 401). His great work was con demned by the University of Paris in 1209: Dorner, p. 358. 4 The great authority is Mauguin's collection of ancient authors, De Pradestinatione et Gratia, Paris, 1650: cf. TJssher's Gotteschalci et Pra- dest. Controv. Hist. Dublin, 1631; Cellot's Hist. Gotteschalci Pradesti- natiani, Pari^, 1655. — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 161 far beyond his favourite author, St Augustine1, he main tained the most rigorous opinions on the subject of Divine predestination, stating it in such a way as to imperil human freedom. He contended for a twofold system of decrees (' prsedestinatio duplex'), which consigned the good and bad, elect and reprobate alike, to portions from eternity allotted to them, irrespectively of their own conduct in the present life. In other words, Divine foreknowledge in his system was identified completely with predestina tion; and the latter was as arbitrary in relation to the lost as to the saved, — the one infallibly attaining to eternal life, the other being so necessitated to continue in his sins, that he can only be in name a subject of God's grace, and only in appearance a partaker of the sacraments. The Church had hitherto been occupying, on the pre sent as on other kindred points, an intermediate place, affirming, but with no attempt to reconcile, the absolute necessity of superhuman powers, while she insisted on the salvability of all men. Notwithstanding her profound respect for St Augustine and her hatred of Pelagianism, she did not countenance the fatalistic theory of grace, which threatens, and constructively subverts, the principle of our responsibility to God. Accordingly, as soon as Gottschalk published his opinions2, he encountered a de cisive opposition from the leading doctors of the age. His old superior, Rabanus Maurus, now archbishop of Mentz, influenced (it may be) to some extent by personal dislike, put forth a vehement reply to what he deemed an utter violation of the faith. Although himself a warm believer in the doctrine of Divine decrees3, Rabanus shrank from 1 See a fair statement of this vexed question in Guizot's Civilization in France, Lect. v. It is plain, however, that St Augustine in some pas sages made use of language bordering on the positions of Gottschalk ; and' the 'gemina praedestinatio sive electorum ad requiem, sive repro- borum ad mortem' is at least as old as Isidore of Seville, Sentent. lib, n. c. 6. 2 He appears to have bad an earlier controversy with Rabanus, while he was a monk at Fulda (Kunstmann's Hrdbanus Maurus, p. 69); but he did not develope his opinions fully till some years later, when he was returning from a tour in Italy. He then disclosed them to Notting, bishop of Verona (847), who brought the question under the notice of Rabanus Maurus. 3 Nearly all the statements in his Epist. ad Notingum (apud Mauguin, i. 3) are borrowed from the works of St Augustine and Prosper. Nean der, vi. 185. WESTERN CHURCH. 1 v — ' Bis ex treme posi- how differ ent from those of the Church. Rabanus Maurus his opponent. M.A. M 1 62 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 WESTERN CHURCH. Gottschalk at tlie sy nod of Mentz(848), imprisoned by Archbp. Hincmar (849). Defendersof Gott schalk. all approximation to the thought that the causality of sin is traceable to God. In his view the Divine foreknowledge is distinguishable from Divine predestination ; and those only whom the Lord foreknows as the incorrigibly wicked, are abandoned to eternal death (' prsesciti '). Gottschalk, in the following year (848), defended his positions1 at the council of Mentz, stating (it is said) emphatically that the scriptural phrases which record our Saviour's death for all men should be limited to the 'elect;' and that the rest of the human family, as the result of a constraining act of God, have been irrevocably destined to perdition2. As the voice of the synod was against him, Gottschalk was now handed overto his metropolitan, the proud and energetic Hincmar, who soon afterwards (849) procured his con demnation3 at Kiersy-sur-Oise (Carisiacum), and shut him up in a monastic prison, where he lingered under the ban of the archbishop till 868, refusing to abjure or modify his errors. But the controversy kindled by him in the Frankish Church was not so easily extinguished. Many influential writers, moved either by pity for his barbarous fate4 or by ' See fragments of his defence in Hincmar, de Pradestinatione, c 5, c. 21, c. 27: cf. Annates Fuldenses, a.d. 848, in Pertz, i. 365. 2 Babani Epistola Synodalis ad Hincmarum (Mansi, xiv. 914): ... 'quod prajdestinatio Dei, siout in bono, sit ita et in malo: et tales sint iu hoc mundo quidam, qui propter praedestinationem Dei, quae eos cogat in mortem ire, non possint ab errore et peccato se corrigere ; quasi Deus eos fecisset ab initio incorrigibiles esse et pcenae obnoxios in interitum ire. ' But it must be borne in mind, that this statement of the views of Gottschalk is the work of an adversary, and as such may have been overcoloured. 3 Mansi, xiv. 919. By this synod, the. unfortunate monk was ordered to be flogged, according to a rule of St Benedict, for troubling the de liberations on ecclesiastical affairs, and intermeddling with politics. While he lay in prison at the monastery of Hautvilliers, he wrote two more confessions of his faith, adhering to his former tenets: Mauguin, i. 7. The importance he attached to the controversy may be estimated from 'the violent language of his prayer, ' Te precor, Domino Deus, gratis Ecclesiam Tuam custodias, ne sua diutius earn falsitate pervertant [alluding to his opponents], hareseosque sua pestifera de reliquo pravitate subvertant, licet se suosque secum lugubriter evertant,' etc. He also offered to prove the truth of his tenets by submitting to the ordeal of fire, 'ut videlicet, quatuor doliis uno post unum positis atque ferventi sigillatim repletis aqua, oleo pingui, et pice, et ad ultimum accenso copiosissimo igne, liceret mihi, iiivocato gloriosissimo nomine Tuo, ad approbandam banc fidem meam, imo fidem Catholicam, in singula introire et ita per singula transire,' etc. 4 This feeling seems to have been shared by pope Nicholas I. to —1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 163 their predilection for his theological opinions, had imme diately appeared in his behalf. Of these the chief were Prudentius1, bishop of Troyes ; Servatus Lupus2, the ac complished abbot of Ferrieres ; and Ratramnus3, a learned monk of Corbey ; none of whom, however, would commit himself to the extreme positions of his client. They af firmed that the predestination of the wicked is not absolute, but is conditioned on Divine foreknowledge of all sins that would result from the voluntary act of Adam, — holding fast, on this and other points, to the more sober views of St Augustine. Hincmar and his party were now driven to defend their harsh proceedings, and as they could no longer count upon the help of Rabanus Maurus, who withdrew entirely from the conflict4, they put forward as the champion of their cause the learned and free-thinking guest of Charles the Bald — Erigena. His famous treatise, De Prcedestina- tiones, appeared in 851 : but arguing, as he did, on purely philosophic grounds, for the unbiassed freedom of the will, and contradicting all established doctrines of the nature both of good and evil, he gave equal umbrage to his enemies and friends. The former instantly assailed him (852) by the hands of Prudentius of Troyes6 and Florus ' a deacon of Lyons ; while the primate Hincmar, compro mised by his ill-chosen coadjutor, went in search of other means for quieting the storm. A work of Amulo, archbishop of Lyons, now lost, whom Gottschalk had eventually appealed. Hincmar, Opp. 11. 290, ed, Sirmond. 1 See his Letter to Hincmar (circ. 849) in Cellot's Hist. Gotteschal. Pradest. pp. 425 sq. But he also, like others of the period, would in terpret passages like 1 Tim. ii. 4, exclusively of the 'elect.' 2 His work, De Iribus Quastionibus, is printed in Mauguin, 1. pt. n. 9: see also the Works of Servatus Lupus, ed. Baluze, Antv. 1710. 3 De Pradestinatione Dei (circ. 850), in Mauguin, 1. pt. 1. 27 sq. His name was frequently mis-read into Bertram, perhaps Be. (=Beatus) Ratramn. 4 See his letters to Hincmar, in Kunstmann's Hrabanus, pp. 215 sq. B In Mauguin, 1. pt. 1. 103 sq. 6 De Pradestinatione contra Joh. Scotum, in Mauguin, 1. pt. 1. 191 sq. 7 He wrote, in the name of the Church of Lyons, De Pradestinatione contra Joh. Scoti erroneas Definitiones ; ibid. 575 sq. : see Neander, vi. 202, 203, on the character of this reply. The council of Valence (855) repeated the condemnation of Scotus (c. iv. c. vi.) in the most contemp tuous terms. m2 WESTERN CHURCH. John Scotus writes against him: but offends both parties. 164 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 WESTERN CHURCH. Remigiusof Lyons vindicates the general theory of Gottschalk. Hincmar'sreply at the synod of Kiersy, 853. The rival synod of Valence, 855. was written with this object : but Remigius, his successor and the leading prelate of the south of Gaul, did not inherit his opinions \ He condemned the cruelty by which the author of the movement was repressed, and strove in a less ruffled tone to vindicate his orthodoxy from the imputations of the northern province. He contended that in Gottschalk's system of theology the absolute predesti nation of the wicked had been neither stated nor implied; and while confessing his own predilection for the view that God does not wish the salvation of all men, he declared his willingness to leave that question open till it was au thoritatively settled by the Church. His manifesto roused the zeal of Hincmar to the very highest pitch, and in another synod2 held at Kiersy (853), his party reasserted nearly all the views which Gottschalk had continued to reject. In a short series of propositions, based entirely on the works of St Augustine, they affirmed, with other truths admitted by their adversaries, that no human being whom the Lord foreknew as wicked had been foreordained to perish, and that Christ had died a sacrifice for all men, willing all men to be saved3. The counter-movement, in the southern province ultimately issued in a rival synod, which assembled at Valence4 in 855. Its effect, however, was to bring the disputants more closely to each other. It declared expressly that the sin of man, although an object of Divine foreknowledge, was in no degree neces sitated by an act of predetermination : and while all the prelates were agreed that Christ did not redeem habitual unbelievers5, they confessed that many are in truth re- ¦ Hincmar, and Pardulus bishop of Laon, had already written two letters to Amulo ; sending him at the same time a copy of the letter from Rabanus Maurus to Notting of Verona. These three documents Remigius now proceeded to examine in his Liber de Tribus Epistolis, in Mauguin, 1. pt. 11. 61 sq. The notion that the wicked are necessitated to commit impiety he spurns as 'immanis et detestabilis blasphemia' (c. xli.), and denies that it was held by any one ; reflecting strongly on Rabanus Maurus , who imputed it to Gottschalk. See Neander, vi. 203 sq.; and Milman, Latin Christianity, in. 241 sq. 8 Mansi, xiv. 995; cf. 920. 8 ' Christi sanguinem pro omnibus fusum, licet non omnes passionis mysterio redimantur : ' c. 4. 4 Mansi, xv. 1 sq. Remigius had already censured the 'four chapters' of Kiersy : Mauguin, 1. pt. 2. 178. 6 They even spoke of universal redemption as a 'nimius error:' c. 4. — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 165 generated at their baptism, who in after-life may forfeit the initial grace of God by their unholy conduct1. Hincmar now took up his pen and laboured to confirm the views he had espoused, in two elaborate productions2, one of which is lost; and in 859, he was able to effect a better understanding with the prelates of the south at the council of Savonieres in the diocese of Toul3. There, eight metropolitans, with more than thirty bishops, received some general statements of the Augustinian dogmas; and the combatants on either side, exhausted by the struggle, were now willing to lay down their arms, without coming to any more definite conclusion, yet without granting to Gottschalk any alleviation of his wretched imprisonment4. The second controversy that sprang up in the Carol- ingian era of the Church related to the mode in which the Body and Blood of Christ are taken and received in 1 ... ' ex ipsa tamen multitudine fidelium et redemptorum, alios sal- vari aeterna salute, quia per gratiam Dei in redemptione sua fideliter permanent, alios quia noluerunt permanere in salute fidei ad plenitu- dinem salutis et ad perceptionem seternas beatitudinis nullo modo per- venire.' c. 5. The following passage from the Annates Bertiniani (by Prudentius of Troyes), a.d. 859 (Pertz. i. 458), appears to intimate that pope Nicholas I. approved of the canons of Valence : ' Nicolaus, pontifex Romanus, de gratia Dei et libero arbitrio, de veritate geminae praedestina- tionis et sanguine Christi, ut pro credenttbus omnibus fusus sit, fideliter confirmat.' The Jesuits, who are strongly opposed to Gottschalk, labour hard to set aside this passage. 2 The extant work, written between 859 and 863, is entitled De Pra- destinatione Dei et Libero Arbitrio adversus Gotteschalkum et cateros Pradestinatianos : see his Works by Sirmond, torn. I. 3 Cone. Tullense I. (apud Saponarias ; Mansi, xv. 527) read over six doctrinal canons, which had been agreed upon at a smaller synod, held about a fortnight before at Langres (Lingonense; ibid. xv. 525), appa rently in preparation for this meeting with Hincmar; and which had been framed at Valence in 855 (ibid. xv. 3). The prelates, however, for the sake of peace, now omitted the reference to the four Kiersy proposi tions, which had been pointedly condemned at Valence, ' propter inutili- tatem, vel etiam noxietatem, et errorem contrarium veritati;' c. 4. Cf. Gieseler, n. 297 sq. ; Neander, vi. 208. 4 He died in prison, 868. Neander (p. 204) cites from Mauguin the terms of well-deserved rebuke, in which Remigius condemned Hincmar's cruel treatment of Gottschalk. This unhappy monk had been involved (circ. 850) in another dispute with Hincmar, touching the expression, 'Te, trina Deltas unaque, poscimus,' which occurs in an ancient hymn. The primate had forbidden the use of it on the ground that it savoured of Tritheism : but Gottschalk and the other Frankish Benedictines, re presented by Ratramnus, justified the phrase (Hincmar's Works, i. 413 sq. ), and Hincmar was compelled to let the matter rest. On Hincmar's career generally see his Life by J. C. Prichard, Oxford, 1849. WESTERN CHURCH. Termina tion of the struggle, at SavonUres, 859. The Eucha ristio con troversy. 166 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 the Lord's Supper. It employed the leading theologians of the west for several years: and when religion had emerged from the benumbing darkness of the tenth cen tury, it furnished a perplexing theme for the most able of the schoolmen. As the spirit of the Western Church contracted a more sensuous tone, there was a greater dis position to confound the sacramental symbols with the grace they were intended to convey, or, in a word, to cor- porealize the mysteries of faith. Examples of this spirit may be found in earlier writers who had handled the great question of the Eucharist: but it was first distinctly mani fested by Paschasius Radbert in 831. He was a monk, and afterwards (844 — 851) the abbot, of Corbey ; and in a treatise1, On the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ, appears to have maintained that, by the act of consecration, the material elements are so transformed as to retain no more than the appearance (' figura ') of their natural sub stance, being truly, though invisibly, replaced by Christ Himself in every way the same as He was born and crucified2. The work of Radbert was composed in the first instance for a pupil, but when he presented a new edition of it (844) to Charles the Bald, it startled nearly all the scholars of the age. Rabanus Maurus3 wrote against it; 1 The best edition is in Martene and Durand's Veter. Script. Collect. ix. 367 sq. ; or Radberti Opp. omnia, ed. Migne, 1852. 3 e. g. 'Quia Christum vorari fas dentibus non est, voluit in mysterio hunc panem et vinum vere carnem Suam et sanguinem, consecratione Spiritus Sancti, potentialiter creari, creando vero quotidie pro mundi vita mystice immolari, ut sicut de Virgine per Spiritum vera caro sine coitu creatur ita per eundem ex substantia panis ac viui mystice idem Christi corpus et sanguis eonsecretur, ' etc. c. iv.: 'Substantia panis et vini in Christi carnem et sanguinem efficaciter interius commutatur,' c. vm. It may be noted, as an index to the principles of Radbert, that he also argued for the miraculous dehvery of the Virgin in giving birth to our blessed Lord (' absque vexatione matris ingressus est mundum sine dolore et sine gemitu et sine ulla corruptione carnis ') : Pasch. Rad bert. de Partu Virginis, in D'Achery's Spicilegium, i. 44. He was again opposed in this view by Ratramnus: Ibid. I. 52. 3 'Quidam nuper de ipso sacramento corporis et sanguinis Domini non rite sentientes dixerunt, hoc ipsum esse corpus et sanguinem Do mini, quod de Maria Virgine natum est, et in quo ipse Dominus passus est in cruce et resurrexit de sepulcro. Cui errori quantum potuimus, ad Egilonem abbatem [i.e. of Priim] scribentes, de corpore ipso quid vere credendum sit aperuimus.' Epist. ad Heribaldum Autissiodorensem epis. (bp. of Auxerre). The passage is given, in its fullest form, in Mabillon's Iter Germanicum, p. 17. The letter to Egilo has perished, unless it be — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 167 but unhappily no full account of his objections is pre served. Another monk of Corbey, Ratramnus, whom we saw engaging in a former controversy, was the main antagonist of Radbert. He put forth, at the request of the emperor, a treatise1 On the Body and Blood of the Lord. It is divided into two parts, the first enter ing on the question, whether the body and blood of Christ are taken by the faithful communicant in mystery or in truth (' in mysterio an in veritate2') ; the second, whether it is the same body as that in which Christ was born, suffered, and rose from the dead. In answering the former question he declared, with St Augustine, that the Eucharistio elements possess a twofold meaning. Viewed externally they are not the thing itself (the 'res sacra- menti'); they are simply bread and wine: but in their better aspect, and as seen by faith, the visual organ of the soul, they are the Body and Blood of Christ. The latter question was determined in the same spirit, though the language of Ratramnus is not equally distinct. While he admitted a 'conversion' of the elements into the body of the Lord, in such a manner that the terms were inter changeable, he argued that the body was not Christ's in any carnal sense, but that the Word of God, the Bread Invisible, which is invisibly associated with the Sacrament, communicates nutrition to the soul, and quickens all the faithful who receive Him3. Or, in other words, Ratramnus identical with a document edited by Mahillon in Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. sssc. iv. pt. n. 591. Other traces of the doctrine of Rabanus on the Eucharist are left in his De Instit. Clericorum, lib. 1. c. 31: cf. Soames's Bampton Lect. pp. 412, 413. Radbert himself was forced to allow, in writing to a monk Frudegard (Opp. p. 1351, ed. Migne) that 'many' doubted the truth of his teaching: and the Romanists admit that he was the first writer who explained their views of the Lord's Supper with pre cision. See L'Arroque's Hist, of the Eucharist, p. 387, Lond. 1684. 1 The best edition is by Boileau, Paris, 1712. Respecting the genuine ness of the work, see Fabricius, Bibl. Latinitatis Med. JEtat. 1. 661 sq. 2 Adding, by way of explanation, ' utrum aliquid secreti contineat, quod oculis fidei solummodo pateat,' § 1. He afterwards illustrates the efficacy of the Lord's Supper by the analogous application of the element of water in the sacrament of Baptism. 3 ' Verbum Dei, qui est Panis Invisibilis, invisibiUter in illo existens sacramento, ihvisibiliter participatione Sui fidelium mentes vivificando pascit.' See Neander, vi. 214 sq.; Dollinger, in. 73. The work of Ratramnus was placed in the Index Librorum Prohibitorum of 1559 ; but some Roman Catholic writers (e.g. Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Bened. saec. iv. pt. 11. preef. p.'xliv) try to vindicate him from the charge of 'heresy.' WESTERN CHURCH. Refuted by Ratram- The nature of his re ply- 1 68 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 His views accordant with the generalteaching of the age. John Scotus takes the oppositeextreme. was in favour of a real, while he disbelieved a corporal, or material presence in the Eucharist. His views were shared, to some extent at least, by Floras, Walafrid Strabo, Christian Druthmar, and others' on the continent, and were identical with those professed in England till the period of the Norman conquest2. The extreme position on the other side appears to have been taken by Erigena, who was invited, as before, to write a treatise on the subject of dispute. Although his work3 has perished, we have reason to infer from other records of his views, that he saw little more in the Eucharist than a memorial of the absent body of the Lord, — or a remem brancer of Christian truths, by which the spirit of the faithful is revived, instructed, and sustained4. Paschasius, unconvinced by opposition, stedfastly ad hered to his former ground6; and as the theory which he 1 See extracts from their works in Gieseler, n. 289, n. 8. Amalarius, a priest and abbot in the diocese of Metz, took part in the Eucharistio controversy, arguing for a triplicity of the body of Christ (de tripartite Christi Corpore), i. e. a distinction between the natural body of Christ and the Eucharistic, first, as it exists in the living Christian, and secondly, as it abides in the Christian after death. He opened the revolting ques tion of Stercoranism (the liability of the Eucharistic elements to the same kind of decomposition in the human system as that which is under gone by ordinary food): see Mabillon, Act. Sand. Bened. praef. ad saec. iv. pt. n. p. xxi. The views of Amalarius on the symbolic nature of the Eucharist may be seen in his answer to Rantgar, bp. of Noyon, in D'Achery's Spicileg. in. 330. 2 This point has been triumphantly established by many writers; e. g. Soames's Bampton Led. Serm. vn. and notes. JElfric, the great ' Anglo-Saxon doctor, was familiar with the work of Ratramnus : Ibid. p. 421. 3 The work of Ratramnus has been attributed to him, and many writers have maintained that only one book was written (see Lauf's essay on this point in the Tlieolog. Studien und Kritiken for 1828, I. 755 sq. ) : but the other view that there were originally two treatises, composed under royal patronage, appears to be the more probable. Neander, vi. 217. 4 Hincmar (Opp. i. 232) condemns as one of the opinions of Scotus, that the Eucharist was 'tantum memoria veri corporis et sanguinis Ejus.' Adrevald has also written an Opusculum de Corpore et Sanguine Domini contra Joannem Scotum, in D'Achery's Spicileg. i. 150 : and in a MS. lately found at Rome, containing a commentary of Scotus on the Hierar- chia Ccelestis, the Eucharist is said to be 'typicam similitudinem spirit- ualis participationis Jesu, quam fideliter solo intellectu gustamus.' Note to the English edition of Dollinger's Ch. Hist. in. 73. Cf. Scoti Opp. ed. Floss, p. 41. 6 See his Expositio in Matth. lib. xn. c. xxvi. Opp. p. 891, ed. Migne. His view appears to be supported in Haimo's Tradatus de Corp. et Sang. Domini (D'Achery, i. 42). — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. i6g defended was in unison with the materializing spirit of the age, it was gradually espoused in almost every pro vince of the Western Church. The controversy slum bered1, with a few exceptions, for the whole of the tenth century, when it broke out with reinvigorated force. The author of the second movement, Berengarius, was archdeacon of Angers (1040), and formerly the head of the thriving schools attached to the cathedral of Tours. Embracing the more spiritual view of the Eucharist, as it had been expounded by Ratramnus2, he was forced at length into collision with a former school-fellow, Adel- mann3, who warned him in 1045 and 1047 of scandals he was causing in the Church at large by his opinions on this subject. Like the rest of the mediaeval reformers, Berengarius had inherited a strong affection for the works of St Augustine4; and his. confidence in the antiquity and truth of his position is ¦ expressed, with a becoming modesty, in his appeal to the celebrated Lanfranc5, prior of Bee, in Normandy. This letter had been forwarded to Rome, where Lanfranc was in 1050, and on being laid before a council6, which was sitting at the time, its 1 Cf. L'Arroque, History of the Eucharist, part n. ch. xn. Herigar, abbot of Lobes, in the diocese of Liege (circ. 1000), compiled 'contra Ratbertum multa catholicorum patrum scripta de corpore et sanguine Domini' (D'Achery, n. 744) : and Gerbert (afterwards, in 999, Silvester II.) put forth a. modified version of the theory of Radbert (in Pez, The saurus Anecdot. torn. i. pt. n. 133 — 149) especially denouncing the ' Ster- coranists.' On the other hand, that theory was advocated in its fulness by Gezo, abbot of Tortona (circ. 950 ; in Muratori's Anecdota, in. 237), and confirmed in the eyes of the vulgar by miraculous stories, which asserted nothing less than a physical change in the Eucharistic elements. 2 Owing to the early confusion between the works of Scotus and Ratramnus (see above, p. 168, n. 3), Berengarius is continually charged with drawing his opinions on the Eucharist from the erratic Scotus; but there is no question, after his own constant reference to the treatise of Batramnus, that it was the work intended by his adversaries. 3 Then residing at Liege, afterwards (1048) bishop of Brescia. See Adelmann, De Veritate Corporis et Sanguinis Domini, ed. Schmidt, Brunsv. 1770, in which edition other documents are printed. The rumour which had reached Liege was, that Berengarius denied 'verum corpus Christi,' and argued for 'figuram quandam et similitudinem.' 4 See Neander, vi. 223. 5 Lanfranc. Opp. ed. D'Achery, p. 22. One of the best modern ac counts of this controversy is in Ebrard's Doctrine and History of tlie Lord's Supper (in German), I. 439 sq. Francof. 1845. 6 Mansi; xix. 757 : Lanfranc. Opp. p. 234 : Berengar. de Sacra Coma, p. 35 ; ed. Berolin. 1834. The sentence was confirmed in the following WESTERN CHURCH. Lull in the cont/ro-versy.Revived by Berenga rius (d. 1088). His view condemnedat Rome, 1050. I/O State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d 814 WE STERN CHURCH. He is ac quitted at Tours, 1054: condemnedafresh,1059. author was condemned unheard. His friends, however, more particularly Bruno1, bishop of Angers, did not aban don him in this extremity; and after a short interval of silence and suspense2, he was relieved from the charge of heresy in a provincial synod held at Tours3 in 1054. The papal representative was Hildebrand, who listened calmly to the arguments of the accused, and when he had most cordially admitted that the bread and wine are (in one sense) the Body and Blood of Christ4, the legate took his side, or was at least completely satisfied with the account he gave of his belief. Confiding in the powerful aid of Hildebrand, he afterwards obeyed a summons to appear in Rome5 (1059), but his compliance ended in a bitter disappointment of his hopes. The sensuous multi tude, who had become impatient of all phrases that ex- September, at Vercelli, where the book of Scotus (? Ratramnus) is con nected with the doctrine of Berengarius : . Mansi, xix. 773 ; Berengar. de Sacr. Gatna, pp. 42, 43. He was anxious to appear at this later synod, but was prevented by the king of France (Henry I.), the patron of the abbey of Tours, in which Berengarius was an inmate. 1 See his friendly but guarded Letter to Berengarius, printed in De Eoye, De Vita Berengarii, p. 48, ed. Andegav. 1657. 2 In this interval is to be placed the council of Paris, if such a council was actually held. See Neander, vi. 231, 232. In any case, it is plain that popular opinion was strongly against Berengarius. The Bishop of Liege (Deoduin), in an Epistle to the king (Bibl. Patr. ed. Lugdun. xvin. 531), alludes to this excited state of public feeling in violent terms, and even charges Berengarius and Bruno of Angers with denying other articles of faith (' qualiter... antiquas haereses modemis temporibus introducendo adstruant, corpus Domini non tarn corpus esse quam umbram et figuram corporis Domini, legitima conjugia destruant, et, quantum in ipsis est, baptismum parvulorum evertant '). 3 See Berengarius, ubi sup. pp. 50 sq., and the varying account of Lanfranc, de Eucharist, c. iv. 4 ' Panis atque vinum altaris post consecrationem sunt corpus Christi et sanguis.' From this and other passages it is plain that Berengarius did not view the Eucharist as a bare symbol. What he controverted was the theory of men like archbishop Guitmund, circ. 1075 (de Corpore et Sanguine Christi, in Bibl. Patr. ed. Lugd. xvin. 440), who maintained that the bread and wine were changed ' essentialiter. ' The same writer mentions that, while some of the ' Berengariani ' admitted ' tantummodo umbras et figuras,' Berengarius himself and others ('rectis Ecclesia? rationibus cedentes') affirmed a real though uncorporeal presence : 'dicunt ibi corpus et sanguinem Domini revera, sed latenter contineri, et, ut sumi possint, quodammodo (ut ita dixerim) impanari.' This view was cer tainly shared by Bruno, above, n. 1; and, in so far as we can judge by Hildebrand himself. Neander, vi. 233 (note). 5 Mansi, xix. 758. ' — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 171 pressed a spiritual participation in the Eucharist1, now clamoured for his death, and through the menaces of bishop Humbert, who was then the leading cardinal, he was eventually compelled to sign a formula of faith, in which the physical conversion of the elements was stated in the most revolting terms2. The insincerity of this confession was indeed soon afterwards apparent : for on his return to France he spoke with bitterness, if not contempt, of his opponents3, and at length proceeded to develope and defend his earlier teaching. His chief antagonist4 was Lan franc, who, while shrinking from expressions such as those which emanated from the Roman synod, argued strongly for a change of substance in the bread and wine5. The controversy, in their hands, became a battle-field for putting the new dialectic weapons to the proof; and in a long dispute, conducted with no common skill, they both were able to arrive at clearer definitions than had hitherto been current in the Church. The feverish populace, how ever, with the great majority of learned men, declared for Lanfranc from the first ; and more than once his rival only just escaped the ebullition of their rage6. The lenient tone' of Alexander II. in dealing with reputed misbelief, was due perhaps to the pacification of his favourite, Hildebrand; and when the latter was exalted to the papal throne as Gregory VII. (1073), the course of Berengarius promised to grow smoother. But that interval of peace was short. His adversaries, some of whom had private grounds of disaffection to the reigning pontiff, made common cause 1 Berengarius, de Sacra Cozna, p. 72. 2 ... ' verum corpus et sanguinem Domini nostri Jesu Christi esse, et sensualiter non solum Sacramento, sed in veritate, manibus sacerdotum tractari, frangi et fidelium dentibus atteri;' Lanfranc. Opp. p. 232. 3 See a contemporary writing (? by Bernaldus), in Bibl. Patr. ed. Lugd. xvm. 835. 4 Another was Guitmund (see p. 170, n. 4), and a third Durandus, abbot of Troarn (Lanfranc. Opp. ed. D'Achery, Append, pp. 71 sq.). s ' Credimus terrenas substantias, quae in mensa Dominica per sacer- dotale mysterium Divinitus sanctificantur, ineffabiliter, incomprehensi- biliter, mirabiliter, operante superna potentia, converti in essentiam Dominici corporis, reservatis ipsarum rerum speciebus, et quibusdam aliis qualitatibus,' etc. De Eucharist, c. xvm. p. 244. 3 e.g. at the synod of Poitiers (1076): Chronicon. S. Maxentii, in Labbe's Biblioth. MSS. n. 212. 7 See the statement of the writer quoted above, n. 3. WESTERN CHURCH. Contro versy re opened. Lanfranc, his oppo nent. 172 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 WESTERNCHURCH. Cited to appearagain at Rome, 1078. His second • recanta-fa'o»,1079. with the more stringent cardinals ; and in 1078, the.author of the movement, which continued to distract the Western Church, was cited to appear a second time at Rome1. The pope himself, adducing the authority of Peter Damiani as an equipoise to that of Lanfranc, was at first content with an untechnical confession that 'the bread and wine are, after consecration, the true Body and Blood of Christ;' which the accused was ready to accept2. But other mem bers of the Roman church, incited by the cardinal Benno3, Gregory's implacable opponent, now protested that, as formula like these did not run counter to the faith of Berengarius, he should be subjected to a stricter test. To this demand the pope was driven to accede4, and in a numerous council6, held at Rome in the following Fe bruary (1079), the faith of the accused again forsook him. He subscribed a new confession teaching the most rigorous form of transubstantiation6, and retired soon afterwards from Rome with testimonials of his orthodoxy granted by the pope7. As in the former case, his liberation was ac companied by bitter self-reproach ; but though he seems to have maintained his old opinions8 till his death, in 1088, no further measures of repression were adopted by his foes. 1 See the account of Berengarius himself in Martene and Durand's Thesaur. Anecdot. iv. 103 ; Mansi, xix. 761. 2 ' Profiteor panem altaris post consecrationem esse verum corpus Christi, quod natum est de Virgine, quod passum est in cruce, quod sedet ad dexteram Patris; et vinum altaris, postquam consecratum est, esse verum sanguinem, qui manavit de latere Christi.' 3 He calls in question the 'orthodoxy' of Gregory himself, as well he might, for fraternizing with Berengarius. See his work De Vita Hilde- brandi (in Goldast's-^jio'oi*. pro Henrico IV. p. 3.) 4 Cf. Neander, vi. 244, 245. 5 Mansi, xx. 523. 6 'Corde credo et ore confiteor, panem et vinum, quae ponuntur in altari, per mysterium sacrae orationis et verba no3tri Bedemptoris sub- stantialiter converti in veram et propriam et vivificatricem carnem et sanguinem Jesu Christi Domini nostri, et post consecrationem esse verum Christi corpus, quod natum est de Virgine, et quod pro salute mundi oblatum in cruce pependit, et quod sedet ad dexteram Patris ; et verum sanguinem Christi, qui de latere Ejus effusus est, non tantum per signum et virtutem Sacramenti, sed in proprietate natura et veritate sub stantia.' 7 D'Achery's Spicileg. in. 413. All who call Berengarius a heretic are anathematized. 8 See Gieseler, n. 411, and Neander, vi. 247, on the one side; and Dbllinger, in. 79, 80, on the other. — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, 173 In him expired an able but inconstant champion1 of the primitive belief respecting the true Presence in the Supper of the Lord. While he contended that the sub stance of the elements is not destroyed at consecration, he regarded them as media instituted by the Lord Himself for the communication, in a supernatural manner, of His Body and His Blood to every faithful soul. He argued even for the fitness of the term 'conversion' as equivalent to 'consecration,' and in this respect allowed a change in the bread and wine; a change, however, which, according to his view, was nothing like a physical transubstantiation, but was rather a transfiguration, which the elements ap peared to undergo, when contemplated by a living faith in Christ, who had appointed them as representatives and as conductors of Himself. The great bulk of the church-writers who had been produced in the period under our review, are far less worthy of enumeration. We must not, however, pass in silence men2 like Alfred the Great, the Charlemagne of England (871 — 901) who, after struggling with the bar barous Northmen, and at length subduing them, stood forward as the ardent patron of the Church and a restorer of religion. Almost every trace of native scholarship3 had been obliterated in the conflict with the Danes, but through' the holy efforts of the king himself4, assisted by a band 1 The later Boman Catholic writers, Mahillon, Martene, and Durand, admit, after the discovery of some original documents, that he only denied transubstantiation, but conceded a 'real presence.' Gieseler, ibid. It is plain, however, that the movement which he headed, num bered others who denied the presence of the Lord in any sense whatever : see above, p. 170, n. 4. 2 Cf . The Laws of Howel the Good, the Cambrian prince and legislator of the 10th century. 3 See above, p. 86, n. 1. 4 A Jubilee edition of his Complete Works has been published. His most valuable treatises (ecclesiastically speaking) are the Anglo-Saxon editions of the Pastoral of Gregory the Great, and Bede's Church History: to which we may add the freer version of Boetius de Consolatione and the Soliloquies of St Augustine. The Laws of King Alfred are re-published in Thorpe's Ancient Laws, &c. 1. 44 — 101. It was mainly through the influence of king Alfred that so many vernacular glosses on the Scrip tures and the Service-books were undertaken at this period. See Wright's Biograph. Britan. (Anglo-Saxon Period) pp. 426, 427. The Rule of St Benedict was afterwards translated into Anglo-Saxon by Ethelwold. Ibid. 440. WESTERN CHURCH. of his belief. Alfred the Great (d. 901). His influ ence as a patron of learning and reli gion. 174 State of Religious Doctrineand Controversies, [a.d. 814 of literati1, a new impulse was communicated to the spi ritual and intellectual progress of the Anglo-Saxon race. The English, it is true, like other churches of the west2, was not exempted from the corruptions which prevailed so widely in the tenth century : but from the age of Alfred, a more general diffusion of religious truth, in the ver nacular language, raised the standard of intelligence. His policy was carried out3 by iElfric, the Canonist, Homilist, Grammarian, Monastic Reformer, and Hagiographer, to whom we are indebted for a large proportion of the ver nacular literature of his age, but whose identification is one of the most obscure problems of English History4. iElfric left behind him a set of eighty Anglo-Saxon Homi lies for Sundays and great festivals, compiled in almost every case from the earlier doctors of the west; and a second set for Anglo-Saxon Saints' days. There is extant also a collection of contemporary Homilies ascribed to a Bishop Lupus, who has been conjecturally identified with Archbishop Wulfstan of York5. 1 Some of these were Plegmund, archbp. of Canterbury, who died 923; Werefrith, bp. of Worcester (d. 915), Grimbald, John of Corbey (confounded with John Scotus Erigena), and Asser, the biographer of Alfred, and a native of Wales. See Wright, ubi sup. pp. 405 — 418. 2 The almost solitary exceptions on the continent, at least till the close of the tenth century, are Ratherius of Verona, and Atto of Ver- celli; see above, p. 144, n. 2 ; p. 142, n. 2. The latter, it may be added, wrote a Commentary of some value on the Epistles of St Paul: ed. Vercelli, 1768. 3 See his Preface to the Homilies, where, in declaring that his aim was to edify unlettered people, who knew nothing but ' simple English,' he alludes to the ' prudent ' labours of king Alfred. 4 The difficulty of distinguishing between the many owners of the name of iElfric is confessed on every hand. See Wharton's Dissertatio utrum Elfricus Grammaticus? (who makes the most distinguished .IElfric an archbishop of York:) and, on the other side, Mores' De Mlfrico Dorobernensi Archiepiscopo, ed. Thorkelin, Lond. 1789, who identifies him with the archbishop iElfric of Canterbury. The editor of the iElfric Homilies (Mr Thorpe) assigns them to the archbishop of York. But all that can be certainly advanced is that the homilist was a West-Saxon monk, a pupil of Ethelwold bishop of Winchester; and that there are almost insuperable objections to identifying him with either prelate. See an elaborate article in Niedner's Zeitsehrift fiir die historische Theologie 1855. Heft iv. pp. 487 sq. Wright, ubi sup. 485, 486. 6 See Wanley's Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon MSS. (inHickes' Thesaurus) n. 140 — 143. There was another Wolstan (or Wulfstan) at the close of the tenth century. He was a monk of Winchester and a respectable Latin poet. Wright, pp. 471—474. Contemporary with him .was the —1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 175 On the continent of Europe very few of the scholars had attained to greater celebrity than Gerbert, a monk of Aurillac, and subsequently pope Silvester II. (999-1003). His fund of scientific knowledge1 was derived from the Muhammedans; and, as the fruit of an awakened intel lect, he was at first a strenuous adversary of the ultra- papal claims2, His influence was extended far and near, •especially by & distinguished pupil, Fulbert, in whose hands the school of Chartres grew into a mighty agent for 'diminishing the darkness of the age. By this and other kindred institutions3 it was shewn that a fresh era of comparative illumination had now opened in the west. The seeds of knowledge and of moral culture, planted in the time of Charlemagne, were beginning to produce more salutary fruits ; for though the systems of the schoolmen were in many points imperfect, they may justly be regarded as a great advance upon the barbarism which marked the seventh century, and the materializing spirit of the tenth. EASTERN CHURCH. The Eastern Church, while it continued to preserve its former intellectual level4, manifested a deplorable defect Latin poetess Boswitha, a, nun of Gandersheim. See her Carmina, ed. Witemb. 1707. 1 His mathematical and astronomical learning was suspected; and the vulgar thought him guilty of alliance with the devil. Only a few of his works have been published. See especially his Epistles, in the Scrip- tores Franc, ed. Duchesne, 11. 787 sq. His treatise on the Eucharist is mentioned above, p. 169, n. 1. 2 See above, p. 138, n. 4. 3 Those more especially influenced by Gerbert were Bobbio, Rheims, Aurillac, Tours, and Sens. 4 Above, p. 64. Of the Eastern dissenting bodies the Armenians, who are like the Jacobites in nearly every feature, were most flourishing throughout the present period. See Neumann's Gesch. der Armenischen Literatur, pp. 114 sq. Leipzig, 1836; Stanley, Lectures on the Eastern Clmrch, pp. 7 sq. Their separation is said to have arisen from the accidental absence of the Armenian bishops from the Council of Chalce- don (451); hence they never received its decrees, and, in 596, they repu diated it, under their patriarch Abraham I., at the synod of Tovin. The chief patriarch was henceforth called ' Catholicos,' and resided in the convent of Echmiadzin, now belonging to Russia: Golovin's Cau casus, p. 168, Lond. 1854. An attempt was made about 866 to win them over to the Eastern Church, but it was fruitless. See Spicileg. Rom. torn. x. pt. 11. 449. WESTERN CHURCH, Gerbert, or Silvesterll. (d. 1003). Fulbert, bishop of Chartres,(d. 1028). 176 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 of earnestness and moral health. We gather this especially from records of the image-controversy, which, although it had rapidly subsided after the council of Nicsea (787), started into life again at the commencement of the present period. It had been revived, indeed, by some of the Frankish prelates1 (such as Agobard and Claudius of Turin) ; but there, as images were not so grievously abused, the agitation they excited was not permanent. In the Byzantine capital, however, the Iconoclasts grew up into a powerful body, and were able, for a time at least, to sway the fortunes of the Eastern Church. The germs of a reaction seem to have been always cherished in the army, who, as we observed, had been the main support of an Iconoclastic monarch2; and when Leo the Armenian (813-820) was invested with the purple, they rejoiced to see him take the lead in the suppression of all images (the symbol of the cross excepted). Leo strove at first to bring about his reformation by conciliatory means3; but as Nicephorus, the patriarch of Constantinople, was inflexibly devoted to the present ritual of the church, he fell under the severe displeasure of the court. As in the former time, the spirit of resistance still continued to be strongest in the monks4. They were now headed by the abbot of the Studion (a great monastery of Con- 1 Above, pp. 157, 158. In 825 a synod had been held at Paris under Louis the Pious, for the purpose of ascertaining what the Fathers thought of the use of images in Divine worship. The prelates there assembled did not hesitate to censure the prevailing superstitions on this subject, more especially in Italy (Mansi, xiv. 424), and also animadverted on the language of the pope in his attempt to answer the Libri Carolini (above, p. 77). At the same time they were opposed to the violent proceedings of the Iconoclasts, Some of the Frankish prelates even went on a mission, first to Rome, and then to Constantinople, in the capacity of mediators between the pope and the emperor Michael II. See Life of Louis the Pious, in Pertz, n. 631. 2 Above, p. 75. 3 He represented, among other things, that the 'people' were opposed to image-worship (6 Xa6s aKavSaXlferai Sid rds eUivas, Xtyovres Sn tora! auras irpoo-Kvvovpev, Kal Sri Sid tovto rd HBvt] Kvpievovaiv ijfi&v): but this antipathy (as will appear in the sequel) was far from general. He urged also the importance of scriptural proof for the practice (ireio-ox ijpds Si ov iKeiva irpocKwuTe, ttjs ypapacrTr}$), who appears to have flou rished about 900, was not destitute of originality, but it is manifested chiefly in his numerous Lives of Saints6; the greater part of which, however, may have been re- castings from the earlier Legends. None of the expositors of Holy Scripture is more worthy of a passing notice than the Thracian bishop, GScumenius (circ. 950). Though he 1 Here, as in the earlier synod (843), the language of the second council of Nicaea was confirmed. In 869, the third canon puts the wor ship of the sacred image of our Lord upon a level with the worship of the Gospels: Mansi, xvi. 400. Traces of a short reaction of Iconoclasm, about 860, are found in an epistle of pope Nicholas 1 ; Mansi, xv. 161. 3 See above, p. 177, n. 1. 3 e.g. Constantine Porphyrogennetus suggested the formation of com pendious works from all the earlier writers. They were arranged under fifty-three heads, embracing history, politics, and morals. Schrockh, xxi. 130 sq. 4 See Leo Allatius, De Simeonum Scriptis Diatriba. 5 The number of these is reckoned at six or seven hundred: but many seem to have been compiled by other writers. Ibid, and Fabricius, Bib lioth. Graca, ed. Harles, x. 186 sq. The rest of his works are Annals, Sermons, Poems, &c. See the list in Smith's Biogr. Did. in. 953, 954. His credulity was quite prodigious, for expressions like the following seem to indicate that he believed his own stories. He is speaking of hiB namesake Symeon Stylites, the elder: 'XXXd SiSoma pi) tuis peri, ravra pOBos elvai 5b£v ttjs dXijffeios yeyvpvupims. N2 EASTERN CHURCH. The lite rary la bours of Theodore the Studite. Age of Ca tenae. Simeon Metapkras- tes. i8o State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 814 EASTERN CHURCH. CEcvme- nius, (circ. 950).Eutychius of Alexan dria(d. 940). Photius (d. 891?). His varied erudition. borrowed largely from St Chrysostom, his Commentaries1 on the Acts, the Canonical Epistles, and the Apocalypse, betoken a sound judgment in the choice of his materials, and are always neatly, if not elegantly written. As a general scholar, tinctured also with the love of science, we may notice an Egyptian prelate, Eutychius2 (Said Ebn- Batrich), patriarch of Alexandria (933-940). But the ripest and most highly gifted of the Eastern scholars, in the period under our review, was Photius3, an exalted servant of the court of Byzantium in the middle of the ninth century. His character, indeed, is sullied by ambition, and too oft by his forgetfulness of higher duties and unprincipled devotion to the world ; yet as a writer no one will deny that he conferred a lasting boon on that and succeeding ages. In addition to his Bibliotheca (criticisms in almost every field of ancient literature), his Nomocanon (or a digest of ecclesiastical laws), his interesting Letters, and a string of minor works, he published treatises directly bearing on theology and sacred exegesis. Some of these are in the form of Homilies and Commentaries*, and in one (the Amphilochia) he attempts to solve a number of perplexing questions in divinity. The rest are chiefly aimed at misbelievers (such as the Paulicians), or impeach the orthodoxy of the rival Church of Rome. From Photius, therefore, we may pass to a dispute in which he played a leading part, the controversy which resulted in the 1 The Exposition of the Gospels frequently attributed to him appears to be the work of a later writer, Euthymius Zigabenus (or Zygadenus), a monk of Constantinople (published in 3 vols. 8vo. Leipzig, 1792). The Commentaries of OGeumenius have been often printed (e.g. Paris, 2 vols. folio, 1631). For that on the Apocalypse, see Cramer's Catena. Oxf 1840. ' 2 His Annates (reaching to the year 940) were edited by Pocock, Oxon. 1659 : besides which he wrote a treatise on Medicine, and a Dis putation between a Christian and a Heretic. See Neale's East Church 'Alexandria,' n. 181 — 183. 8 See the ample article in Smith's Biograph. Did. in. 347 355. 4 A copy of the Commentary of Photius on the Pauline Epistles mentioned by the writer of the article above, is among the Cambridaa University MSS. (Ff. 1. 30). B > — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. ISI SCHISM BETWEEN THE EASTERN AND THE WESTERN CHURCHES. The materials of dissension had been long accumulating, and there needed only a direct collision of the Roman and Byzantine patriarchs to tear asunder the surviving fibres which composed the bond of peace. Apart from the di vergencies of temperament and intellectual bias, which in periods like the present were not easily adjusted, the old leaven1 of ambition, jealousy, and envy had fermented more and more. One subject of dispute assumed the gravest character, relating as it did to the Procession of the Holy Ghost. It had already occupied the leading theologians of the East and West (for instance, Alcuin and John of Damascus), and was now put forward still more promi nently on both sides2. The Greeks, while they admitted fully3 that the Holy Spirit is communicated by, and through, the Son, and therefore may be called "the Spirit of the Son," denied as fully that the Godhead of the Holy Ghost proceeded equally from Both the other Persons of the blessed Trinity. To argue thus appeared to them a vio lation of the truth, that God the Father is to be regarded as the single Root or underived Principle of Godhead (as the apx*) of aU being). Other grounds of discord came to light later, but from the importance of the doctrine, the Procession of the Holy Ghost has ever been the 1 Above, pp. 37, 38, 47; p. 54, n. 1; p. 57, n. 1; p. 122. Dbllinger traces the origin of the schism directly to the Council in Trullo (691), when the Greek bishops shewed what he thinks an unjustifiable ' fastidi ousness on the subject of the superiority of the Church of Borne,' in. 83 : cf. Neaader, vi. 298, 299 ; Stanley's Eastern Church, pp. 23 sq. 2 The following is the title of a tract by Photius: YLark rdv rijs iraXaias 'Vtipr/s on iK Tlarpos pbvov iKiropeierai rb Ilvevpa rh 'kylov aXX' oixl Koi iK tov Tlov. It is printed in the Panoplia of Euthymius Zigabe- nus (pp. 112, 113, ed. Tergovist. 1710). On the introduction of the clause Filioque into the western creeds, see above, p. 57, n. 1, and the refer ences there. 3 Neale's Eastern Church, Introd. Dissert, in. The language of John of Damascus (quoted by Neander, vi. 295) is as follows: TIou Si Ilvevpa, ouy us i£ avrov, dXX' ws Si' avrov iK tov Xlarpbs iKiropevbpevov' pbvos yap atnos 6 Har-qp. ' Juxta vero Latinos, a Patre et Filio : quamvis in quibusdam Graecorum expositionibus ejmdem Spiritum a Patre per Filium procedere reperiamus.' Scotus Erigena, De Divisione Natura, p. 85, ed. Oxon. 1681. Cf. Laud, Conf. with Fisher, pp. 17—20, Oxf. 1839. SEPARA TION OE EAST AND WEST. The Greek doctrine of the Proces sion of the Holy Ghost. State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 SEPARA TION OP EAST AND WEST. of the pa triarch Ignatius, 858. The con duct of his rival Pho tius. His claims recognized by papal legates : but denied at Rome,S63. most conspicuous topic in the quarrels of the East and West. The deposition of Ignatius1 by the worthless Caesar Bardas, uncle of Michael III., was followed by the ele vation of Photius to the patriarchal throne of Constan tinople (858). He was before a courtier and a layman, but, as happened not unfrequently in such an age, he passed at once through the subordinate gradations of the ministry, and in a week had reached the highest honours of the Church2. Ignatius was, however, far too conscious of integrity to sign his own disgrace, and sentence was accordingly pronounced against him at a council3 drawn together by his rival in the following year (859). But as the friends of the deposed were still a formidable body4, Photius ventured to invoke the mediation of the Church of Rome5, and for that purpose put himself into communi cation with the equally ambitious pontiff, Nicholas I. The latter, bent as we have seen on carrying out the Pseudo- Isidore Decretals6, now came forward as an autocratic judge7. In this capacity he sent two legates to Constan tinople (860), but they were not proof against the threats and bribery of the court8. They recognized the claims of the intruder, Photius (861) ; yet their sentence was ere long repudiated3 by a Romau Synod (863), which, after weighing all the merits of Ignatius, did not hesitate to launch anathemas upon his rival. This event was fol- 1 See the contemporary Life of Ignatius, by Nicetas Paphlago, a warai admirer of him, in Mansi, xvi. 209 sq. According to this authority, Bardas had been excommunicated by Ignatius on the charge of incest with the wife of his own son. 2 Ibid. 229, 232. Photius urged on his own behalf that the appoint ment was pressed upon him by the clergy as well as by the court. 3 The report of its proceedings was destroyed at the eighth session of the following council in 869. 4 See Photii Epist. m. vi. vm. ; ed. Montague, Lond. 1651. 5 See the reply of Nicholas I. (Sept. 25, 860) to a letter of the em peror (now lost), in Mansi, xv. 162 : and the somewhat fulsome letter of Photius himself in Baronius, Annates, ad an. 859, § 61. s Above, pp. 134 sq. He actually rebuked Photius in 862 for his slowness in perceiving the weight of such Decretals. Mansi, xv. 174. i In the Letter to the emperor above cited, and another of the same date to Photius. Mansi, xv. 168. 8 Ibid. xv. 216, where Nicholas informs the emperor that the un worthy legates have been excommunicated, » Ibid. xv. 178 sq., 245 sq. — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 183 lowed by an angry correspondence between the emperor Michael and the pope1; while Photius2, throwing off the mask and waiving all his former courtesy, proceeded in a council held at Constantinople to denounce the Latin Church in general, and even to anathematize the pope (867) . The quarrel was embittered by occurrences already noted in the missions of Bulgaria3. The diffusion of the Gospel in that country had been due at first to the Byzantine Church, but on the introduction of a staff of Latin clergy in 866, the province had been wrested from the hands of Photius. He alluded to this point in the ' Encyclica,' which he put forth on summoning the council of 867, and even went so far as to charge the Western missionaries with departures from the faith*. But at this crisis, a new emperor, Basil I. (the Mace donian), whom Photius estranged by rejecting him from the Communion5, on the ground of his complicity in the as sassination of his predecessor, took the side of the opponents and proceeded to restore Ignatius to his see. The pope was now invited to acknowledge him afresh6, and at the numerous council of Constantinople' (Oct. 5, 869 — March ¦ J The emperor's letter is lost, but its contemptuous character may be inferred from the more dignified reply of Nicholas (865). Ibid. xv. 187 sq. He despises the imperial threats (' Nolite nobis minas praeten- dere, quoniam nee illas metuimus, nee per has praecepta vestra f aciemus :' 16. 213), being no longer subject to the Eastern court: cf. the equally characteristic letter to the emperor (866): Ibid. 216 sq. 3 See Epist. 11. pp. 47 sq. This was an encyclical letter addressed to the leading bishops of the East, inviting them to take part in a synod. For a brief notice of its acts, see Anastasius, Prwf. ad Concil. CEcumen. vni. [i. e. the so-called oecumenical council of Constantinople, 869] : Mansi, xvi. 1 sq. 3 Above, pp. 121, 122. 4 He dwelt especially on the 'Western doctrine of the Procession of the Holy Ghost, the celibacy of the clergy, and fasting on the Sabbath (Saturday). The cause of the Latins was defended, among others, by the learned Batramnus of Corbey, whose reply (in D'Achery's Spicilegium, I. 63 — 112) is characterized by great moderation. 5 See on this point the annotations of Neander, vi. 314. The same view is taken by the writer in Smith's Biogr. Did. in. 349. 6 Mansi, xvi. 46. ' 'Ibid. xvi. 1 sq. This council was preceded by a kindred one at Borne (June, 869: see Jaffe", pp. 256, 257), and Boman influence, telling as it did in favour of Ignatius, was predominant throughout, Some of the Greek prelates, it is true, protested, ' non bene factum fuisse, quod ecclesiam Constantinopolitanam tanta subjectione Bomanae subdi eccle- sias permiserint' (Mansi. xvi. 29); and the following entry of a Frankish SEPARA TION OF EAST AND WEST. His quarrel with pope Nicholas I. and tje Latin Church. Restorationof Igna- 1 84 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 SEPARATION OP EAST AND WEST. at the Coun cil of Con stantinople, 869. Reappointment of Photius, 878, approved try the Council of Constanti nople, 879. 13, 870), where Photius was again condemned, the schism between the rival patriarchs, as well as that between the Christians of the East and West, appeared1 to have been healed. In 878, when Ignatius was no more, the choice of the emperor fell upon their ancient adversary, Photius, whom he had already called from banishment. It seems, how ever, that there was a numerous party in the East, who were all bitterly opposed to the imperial nomination, on the ground that Photius still lay under sentence of a coun cil headed by the pope. To satisfy the scruples of this school2 an effort was next made to win his approbation of their recent conduct, such appearing the most likely way to bring the quarrel to a close. Accordingly the pontiff, John VIIL, more pliant than his predecessors, and affecting to undo the late decisions at Constantinople by a special act of grace3, despatched his legates to the scene of the dispute (Aug. 16, 879) : but in the following council, while the Easterns seemed to recognize his right of in- terference, they most artfully evaded all the ultra-papal claims, to the annoyance of the Roman Church4. The chronicler (quoted by Gieseler, n. 471) is most significant: 'In qua synodo de imaginibus adorandis aliter quam orthodoxi doctores ante definierant, statuerunt ; quaedam etiam pro favore Romani pontificis, qui eorum votis de imaginibus adorandis annuit, et quaedam contra antiquos canones,' etc. The claim of the council to be called oecumenical (cf. above, p. 76, n. 2) is entirely set aside by the fact that the other three patriarchs were not represented ; the pretended envoys of those sees being in truth agents from the Saracens, who had come to Constantinople on matters of busi ness (Photii, Epist. cxvm.: cf. Palmer, Treatise on the Church, n. 161, 162; 3rd edit.). 1 The old controversy about Bulgaria was, however, still unsettled, and we find John VIH. (878) repeatedly holding out the threat of excom munication against Ignatius on account of an assertion of patriarchal rights in ordaining clergy for that district: Mansi, xvn. 67. The Eastern influence finally triumphed; the province of Achrida or Justinianopolis adhering to the see of Constantinople. Wiltsch, i. 405. But the strug gle has been renewed in our own days, in 1860 and 1861. 3 Neander, vi. 321, 322. 3 See his Letters in Mansi, xvi. 479 sq. The policy of John VIIL was chiefly aimed at securing for himself the province of Bulgaria; and at least, according to the Roman version of the matter, Photius had accepted this condition, but had afterwards falsified the papal re script, so that before it was submitted to the council it appeared more favourable to the independence of the Eastern Church. 4 The Acts of the council are in Mansi. xvn. 373 sq. In the fifth -1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 185 sanction of that church, indeed, was for a time conceded to their Acts1; but when she saw that the Byzantine patriarch determined to retain his jurisdiction in Bulgaria, notwithstanding her reiterated threats, she had recourse to another fulmination2 (circ. 881), and thus the inter communion of the two rival churches was again sus pended. For a century and a half at least the marks of inter course are slight and discontinuous. In 1024 (or there abouts), the emperor Basil II., struck by the degraded state of Western Christendom, proposed to reestablish a concordat, on the understanding that the patriarchs of Rome and of Byzantium should hereafter act upon a level ; and it seems that John XIX. was only frightened from considering the suggestion by the ferment it excited in the West3. Indeed a kindlier feeling had been now more generally diffused, as we may gather from the fact that public worship, in accordance with the ritual of the Greeks, was tolerated at Rome, and the converse at Byzantium. But this very circumstance eventually became the ground of fresh disputes, and led the way to the final schism. The patriarch of Constantinople, Michael Cerularius, in 1053, peremptorily forbade the celebration of the Latin session (Jan. 26, 880), the Boman legates declared that they recognized Photius as the lawful patriarch, and rejected the council of 869, at which he was condemned. In the second session (Nov. 16, 879), the claims of the papal legates with regard to Bulgaria were mildly repelled. But the most remarkable feature of the synod was its reaffirmation of the Niceno-Constantinopolitan Creed, without the clause ' Filioque.' Ib. p. 515. 1 Thus the pope writes to Photius (Aug, 13, 880) : 'Ea, quae pro causa tuae restitutionis synodali decreto Constantinopoli misericorditer acta sunt, recipimus.' He rejects, however, any of the Acts to which his legates may have assented ' contra apostolicam praeceptionem.' Mansi, xvn. 185. The synod was afterwards called by the Latins 'Pseudo- synodus Photiana.' The Greeks regard it as ' oecumenical.' 2 Mansi, xvi. 449 ; xvn. 537. For the later measures of the popes against Photius, see ibid. xvm. 11. He was again displaced in 886, from political motives, by Leo VI., and died an exile in Armenia (circ. 891). 3 Glaber Badulph. Hist. lib. iv. c. 1. After stating the proposal as above, he continues : ' Dum ergo adhuc leni sub murmure hujusce machinatores in conclavi sese putarent talia tractavisse, velox fama de ipsis per universam Italiam decucurrit. Sed qualis tunc tumultus, quam vehemens commotio per cunctos exstitit, qui audierunt, dici non valet.' A remonstrance on the subject was addressed to the pope by William of Dijon. SEPARA TION OE EAST ANE WEST. Freshquarrel with the pope. Attempt to restore com munion (circ. 1024). Final rup ture, 1054. 1 86 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 ritual in his province1; and, assisted by Leo, metropolitan of Bulgaria, published an intemperate attack2 on all the members of the Western Church. This angry missive roused the indignation of the Latins, more especially of the polemic cardinal Humbert3, whose reply, though very bitter in its tone, is marked in some respects by larger views of evangelic freedom. All attempts to calm the passion of the disputants were vain : and when the papal legates, at the instance of a Romanizing emperor4, arrived at Constantinople in 1054, they found the patriarch im- moveably opposed to their pretensions. They departed, therefore, after placing on the altar of the church of St Sophia (July 16) an imperious writ of excommunication5, which was followed in its turn by an anathema from Cerularius and his clergy6. The disunion of the Roman and Byzantine sees was consummated by these acts ; and as the patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch7, and Jerusalem 1 See the letter of Leo IX. (1054) to Cerularius of Constantinople and Leo of Achrida : Mansi, xix. 635. 2 It is only extant in the Latin version of cardinal Humbert, in Baronius, Annal. ad an. 1053, §§ 22 sq. It was addressed to John, bishop of Trani (in Apulia), but through him ' ad universos principes sacer- dotum et sacerdotes Francorum et monachos et populos et ad ipsum reverendissimum papam.' He insists, among other trivial things, on the importance of using common or leavened bread in the celebration of the Eucharist, instead of the paschal or unleavened bread, which after the eighth century had been common among the Latins : see the Dissertation concerning Azymes, in Neale's Eastern Church, Introd. n. 1051 sq. The ground of the objection to the Latin custom was alleged to be its Judaizing tendency. See another angry work in opposition to the Latin Church by Nicetas, a Studite monk, in Canisius, Led. Antiq. in. pt. i. pp. 308 sq., where Humbert's Responsio is also printed. Nicetas afterwards recanted. 3 See above, p. 171. His refutation is printed at length in Canisius, Led. Antiq. in. pt. i. pp. 283 sq. 4 This tenderness for Borne is indicated in the letter addressed to him by Leo IX. (1054) : Mansi, xix. 667. 6 See the Brevis Commemoratio of Humbert in Canisius, Ibid. pp. 325 sq. Among other charges levelled at the Orientals in this document the following are remarkable : ' Sicut Arriani rebaptizant in nomine sancttB rrinitatis baptizatos, et maxime Latinos ; sicut DonatistaB affir mant, excepta Graecorum Ecclesia, Ecclesiam Christi et verum sacrifi- cium atque baptismum ex toto mundo periisse ; sicut Nicolaitae carnales nuptias concedunt et defendunt sacri altaris ministris ; sicut Severiani maledictam dicunt legem Mosis ; sicut Pneumatomachi vel Theomachi absciderunt a symbolo Spiritus Sancti processionem a Filio,' etc. 6 In a synod held at Constantinople (1054) ; see Leo Allatius, De Libris Ecclesiasticis Grcecorum, ed. Paris. 1645, pp. 161 sq. 7 Peter of Antioch acted at first the part of a mediator : see Monu- — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. i S7 adhered to the more powerful see of Constantinople, the estrangement was transmitted almost universally to other countries of the East1. THE EASTERN AND WESTERN SECTS. The rise and growth of the Pa.ulicians2 have been fully traced already, though their influence gave a colour to the present period of the Church. They flourished chiefly in Armenia, on the borders of the Zendic or Parsee re ligion; and a mixture of their creed with it appears to have produced the sect of the Thontrakians, founded by one Sembat, a Paulician (between 833 and 854) in the province of Ararat3. In spite of persecution4 it made nu merous converts, more especially when it was joined by an Armenian bishop, Jacob, in 1002. This century also witnessed a revival5 of the mys tic sect of Euchites (or Enthusiasts), who afterwards were known by an equivalent Slavonic name, the Bogomiles. Proceeding from the Eastern Church they seem to have maintained substantially the Zendic doctrine of two prin ciples, and also to have held with it exaggerated views of the importance of monastic life, which they regarded as the one effective agent for the subjugation of the flesh and for disarming all the powers of darkness. menta Eccl. Graec. ed. Coteler. ii. 123 sq. In the same collection (pp. 138 sq.) are letters addressed to Peter by Cerularius, in which he com plains of the pride and insolent demands of the legates, and points out what he considers fresh scandals in the Latin Church. 1 At the period of the separation it seems probable that the number of episcopal sees was nearly equal on both sides. Palmer's Treatise on the Church, i. 164, 165, 3rd edit. 2 Above, pp. 78—84. 3 See Chamchean's (or, as the Germans write it, Tschamtschean's Geschichte von Armenien, n. 884 sq. ; Neander, vi. 342 sq. 4 The Armenian Church (cf. above, p. 175, n. 4) had retained a large amount of Judaizing elements (even animal sacrifices in memory of the dead), and accordingly the antagonism between it and the Paulicians was complete. Ibid. Akin to the Armenians in their tenderness for Judaism, were the new sect of Athinganians, who appeared in Phrygia. Neander (vi. 347 sq.) conjectures that they were a remnant of the Judaizing misbelievers whom St Paul rebukes in the Epistle to the Colossi ans (ii. 21 sq.). 6 Several traceB of them in the interval between the fourth and eleventh centuries, have been pointed out by Gieseler, n. 489 (note). They seem to have had a regular church constitution, and to have named The sect of the Thon trakians. Revival of the Eu chites. State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 Many of these oriental sects, desirous of securing pro selytes or driven from their early haunts by dint of per secution, migrated, as it would seem, most frequently along the course of the Danube, into several countries of the West. The progress of the Bogomiles and the related school of Cathari belongs to the following period : but the seeds of lasting controversies were now scattered far and wide, in Italy, in France, and even in the Nether lands and some parts of Germany. The name with which the sectaries are branded in the works of a host of un- discfiminating adversaries, is the odious name of Mani- chasans1, — misbelievers who had formerly aroused the zeal of St Augustine. They had gained a stable footing in the church of Orleans (circ. 1020), and attracted notice almost simultaneously in other distant spots. So far as we can gather from the extant traces of the movement2, all its chief adherents were distinguished by a tendency to rationalism, while they preserved the mystic and ascetic elements of thought we have just noted in the Euchite. Questioning the possibility of supernatural birth, the chief teachers ' apostles. ' The fullest source of information re specting them at the latter date is the liepl ivepyelas Saipovuv AidXoyos of the very learned Michael Psellus (circ. 1050), ed. Norimberg. 1838. Among other startling practices he mentions that the Euchites were ' devil-worshippers :' perhaps connected in some measure with the ' Yezeedees,' on whom see Badger's Nestorians, I. Ill — 134: Lond. 1852. 1 The other view (advocated, for instance, by Gieseler, n. 491) is, that the western sects, now stigmatized as Manichaans, were really descended from the ancient Manes, whose disciples had not been ex tinguished in some parts of Italy. This class of writers grant, however, that after the crusades there was a kind of fusion of the eastern and western sects, and that the Bogomiles (or Euchites) were then exactly like the French and Italian ' Manichaeans.' The view adopted in the text is that of Muratori, Antiq. Italia medii Mvi, v. 81 — 152 ; Gibbon, v. 283 sq. , ed. Milman ; and Neander, vi. 348. See Bobertson, Church History, n. 423. 2 See especially the Acts of the synods of Orleans (1022) and of Arras (1025) in Mansi, xix. 373, 423 ; Glaber Badulph. Hist. lib. iii. c. 8 ; and the Clironicle of Ademar, a contemporary monk of Angouleme, in Bouquet, x. 154. Besides the tenets mentioned above, these sectaries made light of all the mediaeval saints, and reverenced none except apostles and martyrs : they opposed the veneration of the cross ; they ridiculed the consecration of churches ; they insisted on the greater dignity of the unmarried state, and even spoke of sexual intercourse when sanctified by matrimony as a thing accursed. Like the Euchites, they are said to have worshipped the devil (above, n. 5), and to have religiously abstained from every kind of animal food. -1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 189 they represented the humanity of Christ as the mere serrir blance of a body, and accordingly concluded that His death and resurrection also were unreal : while the same Docetic theory resulted in contempt of all material media instituted to promote the culture of the soul. They undervalued, if they did not openly abjure, the holy sacraments, professing to administer a spiritual baptism and a spiritual Eucha rist instead of corresponding ordinances in the system of the Church1. On the detection of this band of heretics in Aquitaine and other parts of France, a synod was convened at Orleans in 1022, where thirteen of the ' Manichaeans,' who were true to their convictions, suffered at the stake2. Soon afterwards a kindred faction was impeached in the dioceses of Liege and Arras by a synod held at the latter place s (1025). But notwithstanding the extreme severity4 with which the leading misbelievers were repressed, the sect went on fermenting, more especially among the workirg class5. Besides a host of other ' Manichaeans ' who were executed in these parts and even in the north of Germany6, the neighbourhoods of Milan and Turin supplied fresh vic tims to the sanguinary spirit of the age (1030). The here tics abounded most at Monteforte7; and their creed, so far 1 See the remarks of Neander on this point, vi. 352. The sect ad ministered a rite resembling confirmation. They termed it the ' conso- lamentum,' or communication of the Comforter. Ibidi At the synod of Arras they brought three reasons against the efficacy of baptism as administered by the Church — ' (1) quia vita reproba ministrorum bap- tizandis nullum potest prabere salutis remedium : (2) quia quidquid vitiorum in fonte renunciatur postmodum in vita repetitur : (3) quia ad parvulum non volentem neque currentem, fidei nescium, suaeque salutis atque utilitatis ignarum, in quern nulla regenerationis petitio, nulla fidei potest inesse confessio, aliena. voluntas, aliena fides, aliena confessio nequaquam pertinere videtur.' Mansi, xix. 425. 2 Authorities above, p. 188, n. 2. 3 Mansi xix. 423 sq. The abp. Gerhard II. refuted the objections of the sectaries at length. Ibid. 4 Almost the only prelate who denounced the persecuting spirit of the times was Wazo, bishop of LiSge (d. 1047) ; see his noble language in the Gesta Episcoporum Leodiensium, in Martene and Durand's Col- lectio, rv. 898 sq. 5 They were particularly stimulated, first by Gundulf, an Italian, and then by a teacher of the name of Bamihed, who was at last hunted down and burned. « Herimanni Chron. an. 1052 (Pertz, vn. 130). 7 Glaber Badulph. Hist. lib. iv. c. 2. A new name began to be Persecu tion of the sectaries. IQX) State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 as we can judge, had even fewer elements of truth1 than were surviving in the other branches of the sect. applied in Italy at this period to all kinds of sects. It was that of Patareni, or Paterini, which appears to be derived from 'pataria,' a Milanese word = ' popular faction.' It was originally the nickname given by the clergy to the popular party of Milan during the agitations against the marriage of the priests : Schrockh, xxin. 349, 350 ; Neander, vi. 67, 68. 1 See Landulphi Hist. Mediolan. lib. ii. c. 27 (in Muratori, Script. Ital. iv. 88. sq.), where an account is given of the sect by one of its functionaries, Gerhard, who was summoned by archbp. Heribert of Milan. According to him, the doctrines of the Gospel, though in words accepted as the truth, were robbed of all their meaning by an ultra- spiritualistic style of exposition. Thus the Son of God is made to signify a soul that has become the object of God's love ; the birth of Christ from the Virgin is the new birth of a soul out of the sacred Scriptures ; while the ' Holy Ghost ' is the true understanding of these Scriptures. -1073] ( i9i ) CHAPTER VIIL ON THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. In sketching the religious life of Western Christendom at this period, a distinction must be drawn between the tenth century and the remaining portions of the ninth and the eleventh. The influence of the Carlovingian schools, supported as they were by Louis the Pious and Charles the Bald1, was very widely felt : it ended only when do mestic troubles, the partition of the empire, and the savage inroads of the Northmen checked all further growth. The same is, speaking generally, true of England ; but the noble efforts of king Alfred2 to revive the ancient taste for learning rescued his dominions, in some way at least, from the barbaric darkness which continued to oppress the continent of Europe, till the dawn of the Hildebrandine reformation. Nearly all the intermediate time is desert, one expanse of moral barrenness and intellectual gloom3. As in the former period4, the instruction of the masses was retarded by the multiplicity and breaking up of lan guages, and most of all, by the adherence of the Western Church to Latin only as the vehicle of worship. It was 1 In the former reign the literature was almost exclusively religious, owing to the predilections of the monarch, but the court and schools of Charles the Bald displayed a stronger relish for more general learning (' utriusque eruditionis Divinae scilicet et humanae ' is the language of the Council of Savonieres in 859): cf. Guizot, n. 371. 2 Above, pp. 173, 174. 3 See, for instance, Mahillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened., saec. v. Praef. Other writers (e. g. Hallam, Lit. of Middle Ages, pt. i. ch. i, § 10) consider the tenth an advance upon the seventh century, more particularly in France. 4 See above, p. 87. MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. The varia tions in the degree of intelligence. Tenth cen tury pecu liarly dark. Decay of the Latin language. 192 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 814 MEANS OE GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Injunctions on preach ing. now, in fact, disused1 by nearly all excepting clerics. Many of the councils have, however, laid especial stress on the necessity of preaching in the native dialects 2. They urge that opportunity should be afforded, bpth in town and country parishes3, of gaining a complete acojiaintance^with the precious Word of God. The doctrines of- the Saviour's incarnation, death, and final triumph in behalf of man, the gift of the Holy Ghost, the value of the sacraments, the blessedness of joining in the act of public prayer, the need of pure and upright living, and the certainty of future judgment in accordance with men's works, are recom mended as the leading topics for the expositions of the priest4. But insufficient training5, even where he was alive 1 Bahr, Geschichte der romisch. Lit. in karol. Zeit. p. 59. 2 e.g. The council of Mentz, in 847, orders (c. 2) that bishops should not only be assiduous in preaching, but that they should be able to translate their homilies into Romana rustica or Theotisca (Deutsch), 'quo facilius cuncti possint intelligere quae dicuntur.' The practice of the English in this respect is illustrated by iElfric and Wulfstan (see above, p. 174) : and in iElfric's Canons, c. 23 (Johnson, i. 397), the priest is dis tinctly reminded of his duty to expound the Gospel in English every Sunday and mass-day. 3 e.g. The council of Valence (855), c. 16. Pope Nicholas I. soon afterwards (between 858 and 867) urges the importance of erecting 'plebes, vel baptismales ecclesiae' (parish churches), 'ut ibi conventus celebrior populorum fiat et dodrina fidei pradicetur.' Mansi, xv. 452. 4 See, for instance, the Capitula of Herard, archbp. of Tours (858), c. 9 (in Baluze, I. 1285): and council of Mentz, as above, n. 2. 6 The requisite amount of knowledge is laid down by Hincmar in his Capitula (852); Mansi, xv. 475. Besides committing several offices and formulae to memory, the priest is to be able to expound the Apostles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Creed of St Athanasius ('Quicunque Vult'), and understand forty homilies of Gregory the Great. Several councils complained bitterly of unlearned priests: e.g. that of Rome (826), which also insists on the importance of securing school-masters, 'qui studia litterarum liberaliumque artium dogmata assidue doceant:' c. 34; Mansi, xiv. 1008 : cf. ib. 493. So grossly ignorant were the clerics of Verona, that Eatherius (d. 974) found many (plurimos) unable to repeat even the Apostles' Creed: D'Achery, i. 381. See Ratherius von Verona und das zehnte Jahrhundert, von Albrecht Vogel, Jena, 1854. He had also to contend with others (of Vicenza) who had sunk into anthropomorphism, resolutely maintaining (like the present Mormons) ' corporeum Deum esse:' Ibid. 388 sq. This part of Christendom, indeed, would seem to have been very prone to such unworthy speculations. Here sprang up the 'Theopaschites' condemned at Borne (862), when the decision was that the Godhead of our Saviour was impassible, that He 'passionem crucis tantummodo secundum carnem sustinuisse' (Mansi, xv. 658) The same council was under the necessity of condemning an opinion that in baptism 'originale non ablui delictum.' • — 1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 193 to his vocation, rendered him unable to imprint those verities effectually upon his semi-barbarous flock. As children they were taught indeed by him and by their sponsors1 several elements of Christian faith [e.g. the Lord's Prayer and the Apostles' Creed) : yet there is reason to infer that in the many, more especially of tribes which were now added to the Church, the roots of heathenism were still insuperably strong2. How far the masses learned to read is not so easily determined. The amount of education must have differed with the circumstances of the country, diocese, or parish : still we are assured that efforts were continually made to organize both town and village schools3. The richest institutions of this class were the conventual seminaries of the French and German Benedictines ; and although they often shared in the deterioration of the order, and were broken up by the invasions of the Mag yars and Northmen, we must view them as the greatest boon to all succeeding ages ; since in them4 especially the copies of the Sacred Volume, of the fathers, and of other books were hoarded and transcribed5. The reverence for the Holy Scriptures on the ground of their superhuman character was universally retained6, 1 Gieseler (11. 265, n. 29) mentions a German-Latin exhortation on this subject belonging to the present period. Still, as we may judge from the council of Trosli (909), c. 15, multitudes of either sex were unable to repeat even the Lord's Prayer and the Creed. 2 Cf. above, p. 87, n. 1; p. 110; p. 116; p. 132, n. 2. 3 e. g. Council of Valence (855), c. 18; council of Savonilres (859), c. 10. Herard of Tours, in like manner, enjoins (c. 17) 'ut scholas presbyteri pro posse habeant et libros emendates.' It seems, however, that there was a constant jealousy of the lay or secular schools on the part of the monks, who succeeded in getting several of them closed. Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. VII., 1. 290. 4 Some idea of the contents of a monastic library at this period may be formed from the catalogue belonging to the French convent of St Biquier, in Chronicon Monast. S. Richarii Centulensis (D'Achery's Spicil. 11. 310 sq.). 5 The founder of a reformed branch of the Benedictines, the Congre gation of Hirschau, did great service in this way: 'Duodecim monachis suis scriptores optimos instituit, quibus ut Divina auctoritatis libros, et sanctorum Patrum tradatus rescriberent, demandavit. Erant praeter hos et alii scriptores sine certo numero, qui pari diligentia scribendis volu- minibus operam impendebant.' J. Trithemius [John of Trittenheim], Annates Hirsaugienses, 1. 227 : ed. St Gall, 1690. 6 See the Benedictine Hist. Lit. de la France, iv. 252 sq., v. 291 sq., M.A. O MEANS OP GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Crudene^s of the po pular in struction. Schools, especially the Bene dictine. 194 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 MEANS OE GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Too often, however, the supply of biblical as well as other manuscripts appears to have been extremely small1 ; and very few even of the well-affected clergy had sufficient means to purchase more than two or three separate works" of the inspired Authors. Copies of the Psalms and Gospels were most frequently possessed. The laity, when they could read, had also opportunities of gathering crumbs of sacred knowledge, here and there at least, from versions now in circulation3 of some parts of holy Writ, from interlinear glosses of the Service-books4, or from poetic paraphrases, harmonies, and hymns in the vernacular, — productions which indeed grow very numerous at this period5. and, for England, JElfric, Ore the Old and New Testaments, translated by LTsle, Lond. 1638. At the consecration of a bishop the following ques tion was asked: 'Vis ea quae ex Divinis Scripturis intelligis plebem cui ordinandus es et verbis docere et exemplis.' MS. quoted in Soames, Bampt. Led. p. 95. See Maskell's Monumenta Ritualia, in. 246. Dun stan urges the advantage of a familiar acquaintance with the Holy Scrip tures in his ' Exposition of the Bule of St Benedict :' Cambr. Univ. MSS., Ee. n. 4, fol. 26, b. 1 Mr Kemble (Saxons, n. 434) quotes a letter from Freeulf bishop of Lisieux to Babanus Maurus, in which he says ' in episcopio nostrae parvitati commisso, nee ipsos Novi et Veteris Testamenti repperi libros, multo minus horum expositiones.' 2 This was implied in the advice of Biculf, bishop of Soissons (889), who urged his country clergy to bestow especial pains upon their schools, and to provide themselves with as many books as possible. If they could not procure all the Old Testament, they were at least to have the Book of Genesis : Fleury , liv. liv. § 4. In the • conventual catalogue, above cited, p. 193, n. 4, the ' Bibliotheca, ' or entire Bible, was in one copy ' disperse in voluminibus xiv. ' 3 Above, p. 89. King Alfred is said to have commenced a version of the Psalms into English (W. Malmsbur. De Gest. Regum. p. 45, ed. Francof. 1601). The fragments of iElfric's Heptateuchus, a translation of portions of the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, &c, have been printed, ed. Thwaites, Oxon. 1698. The Anglo-Saxon Gospels (best edited by Thorpe, Lond. 1842) are also traceable to this period. The Slavonic churches of Moravia, Bussia, Servia, and probably others, possessed the Bible and Service-books in the vernacular. See above, p. 113, p. 121, p. 125: but it is worthy of remark, that in the cognate church of Dal- matia, subject to the popes, attempts were ultimately made (e. g. council of Spalato, 1069) to banish the Slavonic ritual and to substitute the Latin. 4 Above, p. 89, n. 4: and Wright's Biogr. Brit. i. 427. The 'Durham Book' (Cotton MS. Nero, D. iv.), of which the Latin portion was written between 687 and 721, received the interlinear gloss about 950. 6 Louis the Pious had a metrical version of the Scriptures made under his direction (Palgrave's Normandy, i. 188), which most probably ^—1073] State of Intelligence and Pietif. 195 Still, as writers of the age itself complain, a careful study of the Bible was comparatively rare, especially throughout the tenth century; the clerics even giving a decided preference to some lower fields of thought, for instance, to the elements of logic and of grammar1. The chief source of general reading was the swarming ' Lives of Saints,' which had retained the universal influence we have noticed on a former page2. The Eastern Church was furnished with them even to satiety by Simeon Meta- phrastes3 ; and a number of his wildest Legends were transmitted to the West. The general craving for such kinds of food is well attested by the fact that iElfric had himself translated two large volumes at the wish of the English people, and had subsequently been induced to undertake a third for the gratification of the monks4. The counteraction to this growing worship of the saints was now less frequent and emphatic than before. The voice of a reforming prelate, such as Agobard5 or Claudius of Turin6, did little to abate the ruling spirit of the age. is the Heliand (circ. 830), an Old-Saxon Gospel Harmony (ed. Schmeller), alliterative in form. Another Harmony, or Paraphrase of the Gospels, is by Ottfried (circ. 868), a monk of Weissenburg. See this and other ver nacular pieces in Schilter's Thesaurus Antiq. Teutonicarum. The Psalms also were translated into the Low-German dialect (ed. Hagen). Von Baumer (as referred to above, p. 89, n. 1) will point out many other fragments of this class. In the eleventh century, Notker Labeo, a monk of St Gall, and Williram, master of the cathedral-school at Bamberg, added to the stock of vernacular theology ; the former having published a German paraphrase of the Psalms, and the latter a German translation and exposition of Solomon's Song. 1 See the complaint of Notker in Neander, vi. 177. Agobard of Lyons, at an earlier date, in his endeavours to reform the Liturgy, and raise the spiritual character of the priesthood, bears the following wit ness to the evils of his time : ' Quam plurimi ah ineunte pueritia usque ad senectutis canitiem omnes dies vitae suae in parando et confirmando expendunt, et totum tempus utilium et spiritalium studiorum, legendi, videlicet! et Divina eloquia perscrutandi, in istiusmodi occupatione con- Bumunt.' De Corredione Antiphon. c. 18. Opp. 11. 99, ed, Baluze. 2 p. 90. 3 Above, p. 179. : 4 See the Preface to an Anglo-Saxon Passion of St George, edited by the present writer, for the late Percy Society, No. lxxxviii. Time for reading would be found on Sundays, which were still most rigorously observed: e.g. Council of Eanham (1009), c. 15, c, 30 (Johnson,1 1. 486, 490) ; Council of Coyaco, in Spain (1050), e. 3. s De Imaginibus, c. xxxv: Opp. 1. 267. 6 See Neander, vi. 129. . , ... 02 Popularity of the Lives of Saints, Saint-wor- ship. 196 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Increase in the number of Saints. The exces sive vene ration of the Virgin. The calendar was crowded more and more with names, occasionally, it is true, the names of genuine saints1, or those of missionaries who expired in the evangelizing of the heathen; but frequently they represent a host of mythic beings, coloured, if not altogether forged, to satisfy the wants of an uncritical and marvel-hunting generation2. In some cases, it is probable, the authors of the Legends put them out as nothing more than historical romances, but the ordinary reader did not view them in this light ; and therefore the results to which they naturally led, in moulding the religious habits and ideas of the Middle Ages, were extensive and profound3. Of all the saints whom Christians venerated more and more, the blessed Virgin was the chief. The story of her exaltation into heaven obtained a general credence, and as men were often vying with each other in attempts to elevate her far above the common sphere of humanity4, they now devised a public service for this end, — the Hours or Office of St Mary\ It was gradually accepted in the 1 e.g. Count Gerald of Aurillac, whose life was written by Odo, the abbot Of Clugny, in the Biblioth. Cluniacensis, ed. Paris, 1614. He is said to have left many clerics far behind in his knowledge of the Scrip tures. 2 e.g. Bellarmine even thinks that the productions of Simeon Meta- phrastes were indebted largely to his own inventive powers (they were narrations ' non ut res gestae f uerant, sed ut geri potuerant ') : but this idea is rejected by another of the Boman controversialists, Leo Allatius, in his De Simeonum Scriptis, pp. 43 — 47. Many legends also were repeated of different saints merely with a change of names : Gieseler, n. 424, 425. The Church besides was deluged at this period by ' heretical' or 'apocryphal' hymns and martyrologies : see, for instance, the Pref. quoted in p. 195, n. 4. Agobard informs us in like manner that it was usual for some persons to sing the most heterodox effusions even in the churches: 'non solum inepta et superflua sed etiam prof ana et haeretica in ecclesiis decantare.' De Correct. Antiphon. c. 18. He proposes in stead of these to have a reformed Antiphonary, ' ex purissimis Sancta Scripturae verbis sufficientissime ordinatum.' Ibid. c. 19. 3 We may conceive of this effect more dearly by remembering that Ignatius Loyola was fired to institute the Order of the Jesuits by reading the Legenda in a time of sickness. An account of the Martyrologies produced by the present period may be seen in Schrockh, xxiii. 209 sq. 4 e. g. Peter Damiani (Hildebrand's coadjutor) has the following: ' Numquid quia ita deificata, ideo nostrae humanitatis oblita es? Nequa- quam, domina....Data est tibi omnis potestas in ccelo et in terra.' Sermo xliv. Opp. ii. 107. His sermons on the Virgin are always in this strain; cf. Soames' Bampton Led. pp. 232 sq. 6 Hymns in honour of the Virgin are somewhat older, hut Damiani seems to have been among the first who engrafted them on the public —1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 197 monasteries, where the custom of performing mass on Saturdays1 to the especial honour of the Virgin also took its rise. The saints indeed were worshipped by the more en lightened on the ground that every act of veneration paid to them was ultimately paid tp Christ Himself, and would redound to the glory of His grace2: but in the many it was very different. Owing to their want of spiritual and intellectual culture, a distinction of this kind was for the most part altogether unintelligible. They would naturally confound the courtiers and the king ; in other words, the worship of the holy dead, as understood by them, was bordering close upon polytheism. The formal recognition (' canonization ') of a saint, not only in one single district but in every province of the Church (a usage dating from the present period3), added greatly to the downward im pulse. We have glanced already at the storm excited by the images and pictures of the saints. It seems that on the close of the Iconoclastic troubles they were now employed in East and West alike, although the more intelligent continued to regard them in the light of historical re- worship of the Church : see his Opuscul. xxxin. c. 3. It was now not unusual to call her ' mater misericordiae,' ' beata regina mundi,' ' sae- steorra,' etc. Mahillon (Annal. Benedict, iv. 462 sq.) traces the Rosary, or Psalter of the Virgin, to the eleventh century, when it existed in Eng land and the Netherlands. 1 Damiani, ubi sup. c. 4. He met with opposition when he urged this observance on some of the Italian convents. A monk, Gozo, resisted it on the ground that it was an innovation: see Gieseler, 11. 428, n. 18. 2 e.g. Such is the language of John XV. in 993 (Mansi, xix. 170) ' quoniam sic adoramus et colimus reliquias martyrum et conf essorum, ut Eum Cujus martyres et confessores sunt adoremus, honoramus servos, ut honor redundet in Dominum,' etc. Even Batherius of Verona was an advocate of saint- worship in this sense: Praloquia, lib. iv. p. 892, ed. Ballerini. On the other hand, Claudius of Turin (above, p. 158) con demned the practice. The ideas of king Alfred may be gathered from expressions like the following : ' I Alfred king, in honour of God and of the Blessed Virgin Mary and of all the Saints,' etc....' Whosoever shall misappropriate this gift, may he be by God and the Holy Virgin Mary and all the saints accursed for ever.' Codex Diplomaticus, ed. Kemble, 11. 106. 3 See above, p. 90, n. 2. The earliest well-authenticated instance of a canonization by the pope is that of Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg, which took place in 993: Mansi, xix. 169. The metropolitans, however, in some districts exercised their ancient right till 1153; Pagi, Breviar. Pontif. in. 115. CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Prevailing ideas of the nature of Saint-wor- 1 98 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 membrancers, and not as in themselves the end, or even the especial channels of devotion1. A perpetual source of mischief and profaneness was the feverish passion to become possessed of relics of the saints. The gross credulity of some, and the unpardonable fraud of others, multiplied the number of these objects of research to a prodigious and most scandalous extent. They grew at length into a common article of traffic2. Monasteries in particular, where many of them were enshrined from motives either of cupidity or superstition, reaped a harvest by exhibiting their treasures to the simple-hearted crowd. A few indeed of the disinterested or less credulous abbots interposed occasionally, and shut up some wonder-working relic from the gaze of the tumultuary assemblage whom it had attracted to the spot3. Too often, however, ' the religious,' running with the stream of popular opinion, acquiesced in the circulation of the vilest cheats4. The masses were thus more and more confirmed in semi-pagan notions with respect to amulets and charms ; believing everywhere, to some extent at least, in the protective and the therapeutic virtues of the relics. In connexion with this point we may remark, that 1 See above, pp. 158, 175. A remarkable specimen of the reigning modes of thought on this subject is supplied by the Laws of king Alfred (Thorpe, i. 44), where the second precept of the Decalogue is omitted, but in order to complete the number ten, we have the following addition, ' Make not thou for thyself golden or silver gods.' 2 e.g. Life of Rabanus Maurus, in Act. Sanct. .Febr. i. 513. Glaber Badulphus (Hist. lib. iv. c. 3) tells a story of an impostor who wandered (circ. 1020) from place to place, under different names, as a vendor of dead men's bones, which he dug up almost indiscriminately. Numbers of relics now began to be imported by the pilgrims on their visits to the East. Thus Simeon of Treves (circ. 1030) introduced relics of St Catha rine to the Western Church, where she was hitherto unknown ; Fleury, Hist. Eccles., lib. lix. s. 27. Perhaps no more striking characteristic of the spirit of the times has been recorded than the contest respecting a St Martial (one of the companions of St Denis the Areopagite ?) whom the monks of Limoges endeavoured to exalt into the rank of an apostle. See an account of the controversy in Schrbckh, xxm. 145 sq. 3 e.g. Gesta Abbatum Trudonensium (St Trond), in D'Achery's Spi cileg^ n. 664. Cf. Guerard, Cartulaire de I'Eglise de Notre-Dame, p. xxv. 4 The number of these finally suggested the application of the fire- ordeal (cf. above, p. 155, n. 3) to test the genuineness of relics. See Ma- billon's Vet. Analeda, p. 568. Schrockh (xxm. 180 sq.) enumerates some of the most cherished of the relics now discovered or transmitted to the West; e.g. a Tear of Christ, Blood of Christ, &c. — 1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 199 a more ancient practice of the Church in seeking to ward off the ravages of sickness, now obtained an almost universal currency. This was the rite which subsequently bore the name of 'extreme unction.' It was at the first applied by private Christians1, and was not restricted, any more than the anterior custom noticed by St James (v. 14), to mortal sickness only. The administration was however, in the eighth century, confined to members of the sacerdotal class2, the rite itself attaining to the rank of special ordinances, which, in laxer phrase, were not unfrequently entitled 'sacraments3.' As might be augured from the cheerless aspect of the age, a number of the more devout of either sex had been impelled into seclusion, where they lived amid inhospitable woods and wilds. These hermits, it would seem, abounded most in the tenth century*. Disgusted with their former selves, or with the desperate state of morals and religion in the town, they hoped to find in solitude an interval of holy calm which they might dedicate to prayer and closer self-inspection. A more earthly spirit breathed in the prevailing rage for pilgrimages. Many doubtless undertook them with a mingled class of feelings, differing little, if at all, from those of modern tourists : while the rest would view such journeys, as the Church herself did for the most part, in relation to the penitential system of the age. As the more hopeful doctrines of the cross had been forgotten 1 Cf. Neander vi. 145: Klee (Boman-catholic), Hist, of Christ. Dod. (in German), Part n. ch. vi. § 5. 2 ' Omnes presbyteri oleum infirmorum ab episcopo expetant secum- que habeant; et admoneant fideles infirmos illud exquirere ut eodem oleo peruncti a presbyteris sanentur,' etc. Bonifacii Opp. ir. 24, ed. Giles. The usage is again sanctioned, more especially in case of mortal sickness, by the council of Pavia (850), c. 8. In the Canons enacted under Edgar (Thorpe, n. 258) it is enjoined that " the priest shall give 'husel' (the Eucharist) to the sick, and unction also, if they desire it." 3 e.g. Damiani speaks of twelve rites to which this name is applicable, unction in the number: Sermo lxix; Opp. n. 167. It may be noted here that although communion in both kinds was still the rule of the Church, the oonsecrated wine was often administered, for prudential reasons, through a tube ('calamus,' ' eanna,' ' fistula') : see Spittler, Gesch. des Ketches im Abendmahl. The practice of receiving the consecrated elements into the hand of the communicant began to be discontinued after the Counoil of Bouen (880) : Grancolas, Les Anc. Liturg. 11. 323. 4 Oapefigue, L'Eglise au Moyen Age, 1. 251. CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Extreme unction. Solitaries. Pilgrim ages, 200 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 or displaced, men felt that the Almighty could no longer be propitious to them while resorting to the common means of grace. Accordingly they acquiesced in the most rigid precepts of their spiritual director and the heaviest censures of the Church. The pilgrimage to Rome stood highest in their favour during all the earlier half of the present period ; the extravagant ideas of papal grandeur, and the hope of finding a more copious absolution at the hands of the alleged successor of St Peter, operating very powerfully in all districts of the West1. But subsequently the great point of confluence was the Holy Sepulchre, which from the year 1030 seems to have attracted multitudes of every grade2. It must, however, be remembered, that the better class of prelates, even where they yielded more or less to the externalizing spirit of the times, have never failed to censure all reliance on these works as grounds of human merit, or as relieving men from the necessity of inward transformation to the holy image of the Lord3. A number also, it must be allowed, of the ascetics, both in east and west, exhibited the genuine spirit of humility and self- 1 See above, pp. 141, 142. Such pilgrims were called Romei, Homines peregrini et Romei, Romipeta. Nicholas I. (862) declares, 'Ad hanc sanc- tam Bomanam ecclesiam, de diversis mundi partibus quotidie multi sceleris mole oppressi confugiunt, remissionem scilicet, et venialem sibi gratiam tribui supplici et ingenti cordis mcerore poscentes:' Mansi, xv. 280. Individual bishops protested against this custom; and the council of Seligenstadt (1022) commanded that the German Christians should first perform the penance prescribed by their own clergy, and then, if they pleased to obtain the permission of their bishop, it allowed them to go to Borne : c. 18 ; Mansi, xix. 398. A similar proof of independence is supplied by archbishop Dunstan: Soames, Anglo-Saxon Church, p. 207, ed. 1844. 2 ' Per idem tempus (circ. 1030) ex universo orbe tarn innumerabilis multitudo ccupit confluere ad sepulchrum Salvatoris Hierosolymis, quan tum nullus hominum prius sperare poterat. Primitus enim ordo infe rior's plebis, deinde vero mediocres, posthsec permaximi quique reges et comites, marchiones ac praesules : ad ultimum vero, quod nunquam con- tigerat, mulieres multae nobiles cum pauperioribus illuc perrexere.' Gla- ber Badulph. Hist. lib. iv. c. 6. For earlier instances of these visits, see Schrockh, xxni. 203 sq., and the treatise of Adamnan De Situ Terra; Sandce, ed. Ingolstadt, 1619. The fame of St James (San Jago) of Compostella (above, p. 93, n. 2) was now increasing in the West. See Heidegger, Dissert, de Peregrinat. Religiosis, pp. 18 sq. Tiguri, 1670. 3 See e.g. the Libri Tree de Institutione Laicali of Jonas, bishop of Orleans, passim, in D'Achery's Spicileg. i. 258 — 323. —1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 20 r renunciation1. Yet, upon the other hand, it is apparent that the penitential discipline of the Church was under mining the foundations of the truth. The theory most commonly adopted was, that penances are satisfactions paid by the offender, with the hope of averting the dis pleasure of Almighty God. Its operation, therefore, would be twofold, varying with the temperament or the con victions of the guilty. The more earnest felt that the effects of sin could only be removed by voluntary suffer ing, by an actual and incessant mortification of the flesh. Accordingly they had recourse to measures the most violent, for instance, to a series of extraordinary fasts and self-inflicted scourgings2, not unlike the almost suicidal discipline which had for ages been adopted by the Yogis of the east. The other and the larger class who shrank from all ascetic practices could find relief in commu tations, or remissions, of the penances3 prescribed by canons of the ancient Church. A relaxation of this kind, now legalized in all the Libri Pcenitentiales, was entitled an ' indulgence.' Grants of money for ecclesiastical pur poses, a pilgrimage, the repetition of religious formulae, and other acts like these, were often substituted for a long term of rigorous self-denial4, and too often also (we must apprehend) for genuine change of heart and life. The magnitude of penances was greater in the case of clerics 1 Thus Anskar, the Apostle of the North, who carried the practice of self-mortification to a high pitch, could pray notwithstanding that he might be kept from spiritual pride which threatened him at times: 'Qua de re tristis factus, et ad Domini pietatem totis viribus in ora- tione conversus, postulabat ut Sua eum gratia ab hac perniciosissima impietate liberaret.' Vit. S. Anskar. c. 35 : Pertz, n. 717. In the same spirit, Theodore the Studite could attribute all he had and all he was to God : Aid crirXdyxva oUrippwv, obK i£ tpyuv pov nvw ov yap iirol-no-d ri dyaBbv eVi ttjs yijs dXXd tovvuvtIov. Epist. lib. n. ep. 34. 8 The great advocate of this extreme asceticism was Damiani, who regarded it as a 'purgatory' on earth. He had to defend his views, however, from the censure of opponents: See his Opuscul. xliii. De Laude Flagellorum et Disciplina, and cf. Gieseler, n. 444, n. 10. 3 This practice of the Church had been condemned (e. g. in the re forming synod of Clovesho 747, c. 26 ; and afterwards in that of Mentz, 847, c. 31), hut it had gained an almost universal currency in the present period. 4 See Muratori, Antiq. Ital. v. 710 sq. ' De redemptione Peccatorum.' The custom of granting indulgences to certain ' privileged ' churches dates from the profligate pontiff, Benedict IX. (above, p. 139, n. 5) : see Mahillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. saec. v. praef. § 109. CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. False views of peni tence. Self-scourging and ex treme asce ticism. Indul- or commu tations of penance. 202 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Vicarious fasting. Confession: Excommunication, A nathe. Interdict. than in that of laymen ; it was greater also in the high born than the low : but through a sad confusion of ideas it was possible for the more wealthy sinner to compress a seven years' fast, for instance, into one of three days, by summoning his numerous dependents, and enjoining them to fast with him and in his stead1. Beside the discipline allotted to the individual, on con fessing voluntarily to the priest, more overt acts of sin2 had to be publicly acknowledged on the pain of excom munication. When offenders proved refractory, the issuing of this sentence, backed as it now was by the civil power, incapacitated them for holding offices or reaping honours of the state. Another engine of the spirituality was the more dreadful sentence of anathema, by which the subjects of it were excluded altogether from the fellowship of Christians3, But the heaviest of those censures, which we find developed in its greatest vigour at the opening of the eleventh century, was termed the interdict4, or utter excommunication, not of individuals merely, but of all the province where a crime had been committed. The morose and servile feelings which the penitential system of the Church engendered or expressed, were deep ened by the further systematizing of her old presentiments respecting purgatory5. The distinction, to be afterwards 1 A case of this very kind occurs in the Canons enacted under Edgar (Thorpe, n. 286). It is presumed, of course, that the offending lord who profits by the regulation is penitent himself, but from the whole passage one is bound to draw the inference that a sin was to be liqui dated exactly like some ordinary debt. ' The man not possessing means may not so proceed, but must seek it for himself the more diligently ; and that [the canon is compelled to add] is also justest, that every one wreak his own misdeeds on himself, with diligent bdt (satisfaction). Scriptum est enim : Quia unusquisque onus suum portabit,' p. 289. Damiani (Opuscul. v. : Mansi, xix. 893) makes use of the following lan guage ; ' Centum itaque annorum sibi poenitentiam indidi, redemptio- nemque ejus taxatamper unumquemque annumpecunia <*uam£itatepraefixi.' 2 The bishop inquired into such flagrant cases on his visitation-tour. See Eegino, De Disciplinis Eccl. lib. n. c. 1 sq., ed. Baluze, 1671. 3 See Neander, vi. 153. 4 Earlier instances occur, but till the present period they had been condemned by the more sober class of prelates; e.g. Hincmar's Opusc. xxxni. (against his nephew Hincmar of Laon, who had placed his diocese under an interdict). The first example of the mediaeval practice which drew down no condemnation, happened in 994: see Bouquet's Historiens des Gaules, etc x. 147. The penalty was legalized in 1031 by the provincial synod of Limoges (Limovioense II.) ; Mansi, xix. 541. 6 See above, p. 95. *— 1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 203 evolved, between the temporal and eternal consequences of sin, was still indeed unknown : but in defining that a numerous class of frailties, unforgiven in the present life, are nevertheless remissible hereafter, the dominion of the sacerdotal order and the efficacy of prayers and offerings on the part of the survivors were indefinitely extended to the regions of the dead1. From this idea2, when em bodied ultimately in a startling legend3, sprang the 'Feast of All Souls' (Nov. 2), which seems to have been instituted soon after 1024, at Clugny, and ere long accepted in the Western Church at large. Perhaps the incident which of all others proved the aptest illustration of the spirit of the age, is found in a prevailing expectation that . the winding-up of all things would occur at the close of the tenth century. At first arising, it may be, from misconceptions of the words of the Apocalypse4 (xx. 1 — 6), the notion was apparently confirmed by the terrific outbreak of the powers of evil ; while a vivid consciousness of their demerit filled all orders of society with a foreboding that the Judge was standing at the door. As soon as the dreaded year 1000 had gone over, men appeared to breathe more freely on all sides. A burst of gratitude for their deliverance5 found expression in rebuilding or in decorating sanctuaries of 1 Thus John VIIL (circ. 878) declares that absolution is to be granted to those Christians who have died while fighting ' pro defensione sanctae Dei ecclesiae et pro statu Christianae religionis ao reipublicae,' against pagans and infidels. Mansi, xvn. 104. . 2 Cf. Palgrave, History of Normandy, 1. 164. 3 Vit. S. Odilonis, c. 14 ; in Mahillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened, saec. VI. pt. 1. p. 701 : cf. Schrockh, xxm. 223. 4 Hengstenberg, Die Offenbarung des h. Johannes, 11, 369, Berlin, 1850 ; Mosheim, Cent. x. part 11. c. in. § 3 : Capefigue, L'Eglise au Moyen Age, 1. 259 sq. Deeds of gift in the tenth century often com mence with the phrase, ' Appropinquante mundi termino.' 5 Capefigue, pp. 269, 270. Gratitude might enter very largely into men's feelings at this crisis ; but more frequently it was the wish to make compensation for sin (' synna gebUan' is the Anglo-Saxon phrase) which stimulated men to acts of piety and benevolence. ' Pro redemp- tione aninue meae et preedecessorum meorum' may be taken as a fair specimen of the motives which were then in the ascendant : cf. Schrbckh, xxm. 139 sq. and Kemble's Codex Diplomaticus, passim. The excite ment in connexion with the year 1000 was renewed in 1033, at the beginning of the second thousand years after the Crucifixion. Many were then stimulated to set out for Palestine, where Christ was expected to appear : see above, p. 200. CORRUP TIONS ANr- ABUSES. The effects of the belief in purga tory, FeastofAll Souis. Generalexpectationof the final judgment. 204 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814-1073 God and other spots connected with religion. To this circumstance we owe a number of the stateliest minsters and cathedrals which adorn the west of Europe1. Much, however, as the terrors of the Lord had stimu lated zeal and piety, it is too obvious that the many soon relapsed into their ancient unconcern. The genuine re formation of the Church 'in head and members,' though the want of it is not unfrequently confessed, was still to human eye impossible. She had to pass through further stages of probation and decline. It almost seems as if the consciousness of individual fellowship with Christ, long palsied or suppressed, could not be stirred into a healthy action till the culture of the human intellect had been more generally advanced. Accordingly the dialectic studies of the schools, however mischievous in other ways, were needed for the training of those master-minds, who should at length eliminate the pagan customs and un christian modes of thought which had been blended in the lapse of ages with the apostolic faith. It was required especially that Hildebrandine principles, which some had taken as the basis of a pseudo-reformation, should be pressed into their most offensive consequences, ere the local or provincial Churches could be roused to vindicate their freedom and cast off the papal yoke2. 1 ' Infra millesimum tertio jam fere imminente anno contigit in uni- verso poene terrarum orbe, praecipue tamen in Italia et in Galliis, inno- vari ecclesiarum basilicas, licet plereeque decenter locates minime in- diguissent, etc.Erat enim instar ac si mundus ipse exoutiendo semet, rejecta vetustate, passim candidam ecclesiarum vestem indueret.' Glaber Badulph. Hist. lib. in. c. 4. 2 Schaff (Ch. Hist. ' Introd.' p. 51) remarks on the character of this period : — ' This may be termed the age of Christian legalism, of Church authority. Personal freedom is here, to great extent, lost in slavish sub jection to fixed, traditional rules and forms. The individual subject is of account, only as the organ and medium of the general spirit of the Church. All secular powers, the state, science, art, are under the guardianship of the hierarchy, and must everywhere serve its ends. This is emphatically the era of grand universal enterprises, of colossal works, whose completion required the cooperation of nations and cen turies ; the age of the supreme outward sovereignty of the visible Church. Such a well-ordered and imposing system of authority was necessary for the training of the Bomanio and Germanic nations, to raise them from barbarism to the consciousness and rational use of freedom. Pa rental discipline must precede independence: children must first be governed, before they can govern themselves : the law is still as in the days of Moses, a schoolmaster to bring men to Christ.' Cjrirh |Jmrir d % gtifole %$t$. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH FROM GREGORY VIT. UNTIL THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON. 1073—1305. ( 206 ) [a.d. 1073 NORTHERN MISSIONS. Militaryconversionof the Finns, CHAPTER IX §1. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. The districts in the north of Europe, which had hitherto continued strangers to the Christian faith, were for the most part now 'converted;' though the agency employed was far too frequently the civil sword, and not the genuine weapons of the first Apostle. AMONG THE FINNS. These tribes, addicted still to a peculiar form of nature- worship1, were subdued (circ. 1150) by Eric IX., king of Sweden, whose exertions in diffusing Christianity2 have won for him the name of saint3. Impelled by a misgoverned zeal, he laboured to coerce the Finns into a knowledge of the Gospel. His ally in this crusade was Henry, bishop of Upsala4, an Englishman, who ultimately perished while attempting to excommunicate a murderer (1158). Some real progress was effected5 in the reign of Eric; 1 Mone, Gesch. des Heidenthums, i. 43 sq. 2 Sweden was itself imperfectly Christianized in the former period (p. 107, n. 3). In 1123 a crusade was formed against the heathen of Scania, where several Englishmen, David, Askil, Stephen and others were distinguished missionaries (Laing's Sweden, p. 239, Lond. 1839); and in some of the other districts Eric carried on the work of conversion (Schrbckh, xxv. 279). 3 See his Life in the Acta Sanct. Maii, iv. 187. 4 He also was canonized: see his Life in the Acta Sanct. Januar n 249. 6 A bishopric was founded at Bendamecki, afterwards (? 1228) trans ferred to Abo. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geogr. n. 259, n. 14. It was included in the Swedish province of Upsala. -1305] Growth of the Church. 207 but in 1240 we find the natives generally adhering to their ancient superstitions, and most eager to annihilate the little Christian flock. A Swedish jarl, accordingly (1249), began a fresh crusade against them, and his violence was copied on a further provocation by the Swedish monarch, Thorkel who reduced a tribe of Finns beyond the Tawastlanders. It is said that, prior to the date of his incursion, tidings of the faith had reached them through a Russian channel1. AMONG THE SCLAVONIC TRIBES. The rapid progress of the truth among this section of the human family has been already traced2. The present period witnessed an extension of the missionary work. The earliest converts were the Pomeranians, then possess ing Pomerania Proper, Wartha, and Lusatia. From the date of their succumbing to the Poles (circ. 997) attempts were made, especially in Eastern Pomerania, to annex the heathen natives to the Church by founding a bishopric at Colberg3 (1000). But their fierce resistance4 to the mis sionary long impeded his success ; and only when the Polish sway was extended over all the western district by the arms of Boleslav III. in 1121, could any stable groundwork be procured for the ulterior planting of the Church. A Spanish priest named Bernard5, who embarked upon the mission in the following year, was found obnoxious, from his poverty, asceticism, and other causes, to the bulk 1 Dbllinger, in. 277, 278. 2 Above, pp. Ill sq. 3 Wiltsch, i. 397, n. 2. The bishop Beinbern, however, had no suc cessor (see Kanngiesser's Bekehrungs-Gesch. der Pommern zum Christen- thume, pp. 295 sq., Greifswald, 1824) ; the diocese being united with that of Gnesen. 41 Sed nee gladio praedicationis cor eorum a perfidia potuit revocari, nee gladio jugulationis eorum penitus viperalis progenies aboleri. Saepe tamen principes eorum a Duce Poloniae praelio superati ad baptismum confugerunt, itemque collectis viribus fidem Christianam abnegantes contra Christianos bellum denuo paraverunt.' Martinus Gallus (as above, p. 116, n. 3). 5 Vit. S. Ottonis, in Ludewig's Script. Rer. Episcop. Bamberg..!. 460 sq. A more nearly contemporary account of the mission is the Vit. B. Ottonis, in Canisii Led. Antiq. ed. Basnage, in. pt. ii. pp. 35 sq. POMERA NIAN CHURCH. The mis sionary efforts of the Poles. 208 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1073 POMERA NIAN CHURCH. Labours of Otho, bi shop of Bamberg(d. 1139). Successful at Stettin. of the heathen natives. He was therefore superseded at his own desire by one more fitted for the task, the cheerful and judicious Otho, bishop of Bamberg, who set out (April 24, 1124) with an imposing retinue and many tempting presents. He commenced the missionary work at Pyritz (near the Polish frontier), where a large assemblage was col lected for the celebration of a pagan feast ; and after twenty days no less than seven thousand of them were admitted to the sacrament of baptism. Wartislav, the duke of Pomerania, was a warm supporter of the mission, exer cising a most salutary influence by his own renunciation of polygamy, and his endeavours to repress the other heathen customs1. Fear of Poland, blended with increas ing admiration of the earnestness of bishop Otho, gradually disposed the natives of all ranks to seek for shelter in the Church. From Cammin, where the ducal family resided, Otho bent his course to the important isle of Wollin, whence however he was soon obliged to fly from the assault of an infuriated mob. He next addressed his offers to the lead ing town of Pomerania, Stettin, and succeeded after fresh resistance in demolishing the temple of its chief divinity2 (Triglav), and in winning over a large band of converts3. Having lingered here five months, he crossed again to Wollin, the remaining stronghold of the pagan party, and was now enabled to adopt the town of Julin as the see4 of the first bishop (Adalbert). He then took his leave of Pomerania and returned to Bamberg in the spring of 1125 : but learning subsequently 1 From Otho's addresses (in Canisius, as above, pp. 61 — 63) to the recently-baptized converts we learn, among other things, that the un natural custom of destroying female children at their birth prevailed to a great extent. 2 The interesting circumstances connected with this and similar acts are given at length in Neander, vn. 16 — 21: cf. Mone, i. 178. 3 Numbers seem to have been influenced by a promise now elicited by Otho from the duke of Poland, to remit the annual tribute of the Chris tian Pomeranians (Vit. B. Ottonis, in Canisius, p. 69). 4 Owing to quarrels with the Danes, the bishopric was afterwards (1175) transferred to Cammin. Wiltsch, n. 85. It was exempted from all archiepiscopal jurisdiction and placed in immediate dependence on the see of Borne by Innocent II. (1140): Hasselbach, Codex Pomerania Diplom- 1. 36 ; ed. Greif swald, 1843. Clement III. sanctioned the trans fer of the see in 1188, on the understanding that the bishops should pay annually to the pope ' fertonem (=farthing) auri.' Ibid. p. 152, —1305] ' Growth of the Church. 209 that a strong reaction had commenced in favour of the ancient religion, he was constrained to enter on a second journey in 1128. Deflecting from his earlier route1 he came into the dukedom at the town of Demmin (Timiana), where the Gospel was unknown. A diet held at TJsedom (TJznam), soon after his arrival, sanctioned its diffusion in these parts, and Otho lost no time in sending out his staff of missionaries, two and two, among the neighbouring heathen. As before, he frequently encountered opposition from the populace, especially at Wolgast . (Hologasta), Which he visited in person. A large band of soldiers headed by the duke himself, could hardly keep the mul titude in check. At length, however, they consented to behold the demolition of the pagan temples, and promoted the erection of a Church. On leaving Wolgast Otho steadily declined the services of Albert the Bear, who would have fain employed his sword against the pagans. Giitzkow (Gozgangia) was the place at which the missionaries halted next, and where they reaped a larger harvest of conversions2. An attempt to gain the Slavic isle of Riigen having failed, they bent their course to Stettin with the hope of counteracting the revival of the pagan rites. The bishop found an ardent coadjutor in a former convert Witstack3, and their courage, tempered with affection, finally disarmed the frenzy of the zealots, who passed over in great numbers to the Church (1128). Henceforward it was everywhere triumphant. Christian, more particularly Saxon, colonists supplied the waste of population which had been occasioned by incessant wars; and as the clergy for the most part were Teutonic also, Pomerania both in language and in creed was Ger manized4. The Wendish tribes, especially the northernmost (the Obotrites), who had relapsed into polytheism upon the martyrdom of Gottschalk5 (1066), continued for the most 1 Vit. B. Ottonis, as above, pp. 75 sq. 2 Ibid. pp. 77 sq. On the consecration of a stately church, the bishop dwelt at large upon the truth that the one genuine temple of the Lord is in the human heart. His sermon wrought a deep effect, especially in Mizlaf, the governor of the district. 3 Ibid. pp. 83 sq. 4 Neander, vn. 41. 6 See above, pp. 118, 119. M. A. P POMERA NIAN CHURCH. Otho's second missionary tour. Bitterly opposed at Wolgast : but finally successful. Vicissi tudes of religion : .'10 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1073 WENDISH CHURCH. its re-esta blishment in the southern provinces. Subjuga tion of the Obotrites. Previous labours of Vicelin (d. 1154). If is re verses : part the implacable opponents of the Gospel till the middle of the twelfth century. His son, indeed, assisted by the neighbouring Christian states, restored the Wendish king dom in 1105, and made some brief and feeble efforts to restore the truth1. The dissolution of the empire on the death of Cnut (1131) facilitated the political designs of German princes and the spread of Christianity. The arms of Albert the Bear (1133 sq.) in Brandenburg (Leuticia) and of Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony (1142 sq.), re placed the Wendish Church upon its early footing, and soon after it was able to reorganize a number of the sees2 that had been ruined in the former period. Many of the northern Wends3, however, stubbornly adhered to the ancestral religion until the utter subjugation of the Obotrites in 1162. Their chief apostle was the saintly Vicelin4, a man of learning and of indefatigable zeal. Attracted to this field of missionary enterprise (1 125), he preached at first in the border-town of Neumunster (Faldera), selecting it as a kind of outpost in his plan for the evangelizing of the northern districts of the Elbe. He drew around him a fraternity5 of laymen and ecclesiastics, and in 1134, when the emperor Lothair II. paid a visit to the north, the earnest labours of the mission had been very largely blessed. A church in Liibeck, with authority to organize religion in those parts, was now committed to the hands of Vicelin; but the Slavonians, on the death of the emperor (1137), suspecting him of a design against their liberties, rose up 1 The best general accounts are Helmold, Cliron. Slavorum, lib. i. c. 24 sq. (as above, p. 118, n. 1), and Gebhardi, Geschichte alter Wendisch- Slavischen Staaten, I. 143 sq. 2 Cf. above, p. 118, u. 1. The see of Oldenburg, after being occupied by "Vicelin and Gerold, was transferred to Liibeck by Henry the Lion; that of Mecklenburg to Schwerin (1197), 'propter tyrannidem Sclav- orum.' Wiltsch, n. 79. The see of Batzeburg was also revived Ibid. pp. 79, 238. 3 Helmold, Chron. Ibid. 4 See De Westphalen's Origines Neomonaster. in the Monument. Cim- brica, n. 234 sq. and Praf. pp. 33 sq.: cf. St Vicelin, von F. C. Eruse, ed. Altona, 1826. Vicelin studied Biblical and other literature for three years at the university of Paris under Eudolf and Anselm. He was born at Quernheim, a village on the banks of the Weser. 5 According to Schrockh (xxv. 261), the Bule adopted was that of the ' Praemonstratensians. ' — 1305] Growth of the Church. 211 in arms and banished every herald of the faith1. Retiring only when the storm was loudest, Vicelin continued to watch over the affairs of his disheartened flock. At length the partial subjugation of the Slaves by Adolph, count of Holstein, opened a more prosperous era; and in 1149, the toil-worn missionary was promoted to the see of Ol denburg by Hartwig, the archbishop of Bremen. A pro longed misunderstanding now ensued between that primate and the duke, upon the subject of investiture2; but though embarrassed by it, Vicelin continued3 to the last (1154) a pattern of devotion and of evangelic zeal. By dint of arms, by missionary labour, and a large infusion of Ger manic settlers, gradually displacing the more ancient population, Christianity was now triumphantly diffused in all the broken empire of the Wends. The latest fortress and asylum of Slavonic heathenism'4 was the extensive isle of Riigen. It had shewn a bitter and imperious zeal in favour of paganism when Pomerania was converted5. Otho had, indeed, on more than one occasion, purposed to extend his visits thither, but the warlike bearing of the people, and the fears of his com panions had constrained him to desist6. It was reduced, however, in 1168, by an invasion of the Danes', who broke in pieces the chief shrine (of Swantewit) at Arcona, and reared a Christian sanctuary upon the site. The natives generally, convinced by the successes of the adversary that their own divinities were powerless, now assented to the Gospel. The ecclesiastical supervision of the island was entrusted to a luminary of the Danish Church, the bishop Absalom of Roskild8. 1 Helmold, Chron. c. 48— e. 55. 2 It appears that this and other sees were re-erected contrary to the wishes of the duke (Schrockh, xxv. 263). He therefore claimed at least the right of granting investiture to the newly-chosen bishops, as was done by the German kings. To this Hartwig, proud of his primatial dignity, objected as disgraceful to the Church: but Vicelin at length consented. 3 Helmold, Ibid. c. 71 sq. * Mone, Gesch. des Heidenthums, i. 173 sq. 5 Menacing their recently converted neighbours of Stettin and Julin 1 quod sine respeetu et consilio eorum idolis renunciassent.' Ibid. p. 184. 0 See the account at length in Neander, vn. 32, 33. 7 Helmold, Ibid. lib. ii. c. 12, c. 13 : Gebhardi, n. 9 sq. 8 Biigen was thus annexed to his own diocese: Wiltsch, n. 95. P 2 elevation to the see of Oldenburg. Final triumph of the Gospel, Militaryconversionof Riigen. 212 Growth of the Church. [ad. 1073 LIVONIAN CHURCH. Labours of Canon Meinhard. Relapse of his eon- verts. Succeededby Ber thold. AMONG THE LIEFLANDERS AND OTHER NORTHERN TRIBES. These tribes1, who bordered mainly on the Baltic and extended northward to the Gulf of Finland, were most probably a branch of the Slavonic family, though largely intermingled, it is said, with others of the Indo-European stock, and also with the Ugrian race of Finns. Livonia had been for some time visited by its northern neighbours, when an aged canon of the name of Mein hard2 joined himself to certain merchants from the port of Liibeck, or Bremen, who were trading thither in 1186. He had been reared in one of Vicelin's foundations (Sege- berg), and was truly anxious to extend a knowledge of the Christian faith. As soon as he had made some pro gress in the work, he was appointed to the see of Yxkull' (Ykeshola, on the Duna) by the German prelate Hartwig, the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen, who had signalized himself in other missionary fields. The hopes, however, which this step excited in the breast of Meinhard, were all blasted when he came into his diocese. The fickle multi tude had speedily relapsed, and though he spared no pains to rescue them afresh from the seductions of polytheism, be died without attaining any permanent success (1196). His post was filled by a Cistercian abbot, Berthold4, out of Lower Saxony, who after trying more pacific measures, carried on the mission in a very different spirit. Aided by pope Innocent III.5 he summoned a large army of crusaders from the neighbouring regions ; and the terrified Livonians were at length compelled to acquiesce in his demands. He fell in battle : but as soon as the victorious army was withdrawn, the pagans rose afresh to wreak their ven- 1 Bespecting their mythology, see Mone, i. 66 sq. 2 See the Origines Livonia sacra et civiles (a Chronicle by Henry, a Livonian priest, written about 1226), ed. Francof. 1740, pp. 1 — 5: Geb- hardi, Gesch. von Liefland, etc pp. 314 sq. 3 It was secured to the province of Hamburg by the grant of pope Clement HI. (1188) : Lappenberg, Hamburg Urkundenbuch, i. 248. 4 Origines Livonia (as above, n. 2), pp. 10 sq. 5 See bis three Letters on this subject in Baynaldus, Annal. Eccl . ad an. 1199, § 38. He directs those who had vowed a pilgrimage to Borne, to substitute for it a crusade against the Livonians. —1305] Growth of the Church, 21" geance on the Christian body. Berthold was succeeded by a priest of Bremen, Albert (1198—1229), who also came into the diocese attended by a numerous army. He established1 in 1201 the knightly Order of the Sword ('Ordo Fratrum militia Christi'), by whose chivalry the elements of paganism were gradually repressed. The centre of his operations was at Riga (built in 1200), to which place the see of Yxkull was transferred". The zeal of Albert now impelled him to extend the Church in the adjoining countries. Esthland (or Esthonia) seems to have been visited already at the instance of pope Alexander III.3 (1171), but the attempt, as far as we can judge, was fruitless. A fanatical campaign4 of the Knights of the Sword, aided by the king of Denmark, Waldemar II., had a different issue (1211 — 1218). The province now succumbed and was evangelized at least in name5. The twofold nature of the influences exerted in this work gave rise to a vexatious feud between the Germans and the Danes, which terminated after many years in the ascend ancy of the former. Similar disputes had previously grown up between the military Order and the bishops6. The conversion of Semgallen7 followed in 1218, and that of Courland8 in 1230, though in neither case are we at liberty to argue that the truth was planted very deeply9. 1 Helyot, Hist, des Ordres Relig. et Militaires, in. 150 sq. Better influences were at work in Biga. Thus, archbishop Andreas of Lund, who had come over with the allied Danes in 1205, lectured during the whole winter on the Book of Psalms. Neander, vn. 53. 2 Wiltsch, n. 82, n. 13. The church of Biga was soon raised to archiepiscopal rank, and a large province assigned it, by pope Alexander IV. Baynaldus, Annal. Eccl. ad an. 1255, § 64. 3 Mansi, xxi. 936. A certain Fulco is there mentioned as the bishop of the Esthlanders. 4 Origines Livonia (as above, p. 212, n. 2), pp., 122 sq. 5 One bishopric was planted at Beval, a second (1224) at Dorpat, and a third at Pernau, finally transferred to the isle' of Oesel. Wiltsch, n. 268. The see of Beval was of Danish origin ; the German party planting theirs in the first instance at Leal, afterwards at Dorpat : cf . Schrockh, xxv. 304. 6 Origines Livonia, pp. 47 sq. The pope at last decided in favour of the Enights. Ibid. p. 74. 7 A bishopric was placed at Seelburg: Wiltsch, n. 268. The natives, however, soon relapsed into heathenism. 8 Bishopric at Pilten. Ibid. 9 The visit of William of Modena, as papal legate, in 1225, was salu tary in appeasing strife and urging the necessity Of Christian education. ESTHONIAN CHURCH. Suppres sion of the pagans by force. Military conversion of Esth land : Semgallen and Cour land. 214 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1073 PRUSSIAN CHURCH. ¦ Labours of the monk Christian(d. 1241). Reaction. AMONG THE PRUSSIANS. Prussia, whose inhabitants were chiefly Slaves, with an admixture of the Lithuanian and Germanic blood, was now divided into several independent states, all marked, how ever, by inveterate hatred of the Gospel. In the time of Adalbert of Prague and Bruno, chaplain of Otho III., this fierce antipathy, embittered, we may judge, by their incessant struggle with the Christian Poles, had shewn itself in the assassination of the missionaries 1 ; and as late as the opening of the thirteenth century, the fascinations of a simple and voluptuous paganism2 retained their an cient power. The first successful3 preacher was a monk, named Chris tian, from a Pomeranian convent (Oliva) near Dantzic (circ. 1210). He was supported warmly by pope Inno cent III.4, and on a visit to the see of Rome (circ. 1214), in which he was attended by two Prussian chiefs, the first-fruits of his zeal, the pontiff made him bishop of the new community. Ere long, however, the suspicions of the heathen (anti-Polish) party woke afresh, and drove them in their rage to take a signal vengeance on the Christians5, and to scourge the neighbouring districts Among other things he warned the German clergy, ' ne Teutonici grava- minis aliquod jugum importabile neophytorum humeris imponerent, sed jugum Domini leve ac suave, fideique semper docerent sacramenta.' See the account of his proceedings at length, in Gebhardi (as above), pp. 361 sq. 1 See above, p. 115, n. 3. 2 Mone, Gesch. des Heiden. I. 79 sq. Among other barbarous and bloody rites, it was the custom to destroy, or sell, the daughters of a family excepting one. On the antiquities of Prussia, see Hartknoch, Alt und Neues Preussen, Kb'nigsberg, 1684. - 3 He was preceded (in 1207) by a Polish abbot, Gottfried, and a monk, Philip, but the work appears to have been interrupted by the murder of the latter. There is, however, some confusion in the history at this point. See Schrockh, xxv. 314 sq. The original authority is Peter of Dusburg, who wrote his Chronicon Prussia about 1326. It is edited, with dissertations, by Hartknoch, Jenee, 1679. 4 He committed the supervision of the converts in the first place to the archbishop of Gnesen: Innocent III. Epist. lib. xni. ep. 128. But the missionaries had another form of opposition to endure, arising from the jealousy of their own abbots. See Innocent's letter (1213) in their behalf. Epist. lib. xv. ep. 147. 0 Pet. de Dusburg, Chron. Pruss. Pars n. c. 1 sq. Nearly three hun- ^-1305] Growth of the Church. 215 which belonged to Conrad, duke of Masovia1. Through his efforts, aided by the sanction of the pope, a body of Crusaders were attracted to the theatre of strife (1219). The 'Order of Knights-Brethren of Dobrin'2, allied to those whom we have met already in Livonia, was now formed upon the model of the Templars ; but as soon as they had proved unequal to the work of subjugating Prussia, the more powerful 'Order of Teutonic Knights' was introduced3, upon the understanding that the con quered district should remain in their possession. Step by step, though frequently repelled, they won their way into the very heart of Prussia. In the course of these revolting wars, extending over fifty years (1230 — 1283), and waged in part with native pagans, and in part with Russians, Pomeranians4, and other jealous states, the land was well-nigh spoiled of its inhabitants. A broken rem nant5, shielded in some measure by the intervention of the popes, were now induced to discontinue all the heathen rites, to recognize the claims of the Teutonic Order, and to welcome the instruction of the German priests. The dioceses6 of Culm, Ermeland, Pomerania, and Samland, organized before the final conquest by Innocent IV.7 (1243), were subdivided into three parts, of which two rendered homage to the Knights, and the remainder to the bishop, dred churches and chapels were destroyed, and many Christians put to death. 1 It is clear from a spirited epistle of Innocent III. (Mb. xv. ep. 148), that the authorities of Poland and. Pomerania pressed hard upon the con verts, and employed the Gospel chiefly as an organ for effecting the sub jugation of the Prussians. Hence the reaction. 2 Chron. Pruss. ibid. c. 4: Dbllinger, in. 281, 282. 3 Ibid. On the following events, see Hartknoch's Fourteenth Disser tation (as above, p. 214, n. 3,) and the various documents appended to his work; 1. pp. 476 sq. 4 The chief opposition came from this quarter ; Svantepolk, the duke of Pomerania, being jealous of the military Order. He complained of their despotic conduct to the pope, who laboured to secure more favour able terms for the oppressed: see PrivilegiumPruthenis, a.d. 1249 con- cessum, in Hartknoch, pp. 463 sq. Eventually, however, the Teutonic Knights were almost absolute in the ecclesiastical affairs. Dollinger, p. 284. 6 Some few, however, would not yield, but found a sanctuary among their heathen neighbours of Lithuania. Chron. Pruss. Pars in. c. 81, 6 Wiltsch, n. 270 sq., where an inquiry is made as to the subsequent distribution of the Prussian dioceses. 7 Hartknoch, pp. 477, 478. PRUSSIAN CHURCH. Crusades of the Knights- Brethren ; and the Teutonic Knights. Theheathen finally subdued, 1283. Ecclesias tical or ganization. 2l6 Vicissitudes of the Church. [a.d. 1073 as their feudal lord. A multitude of churches and re ligious houses now sprang up on every side. The Prussian youths were sent for education to the German schools, especially to Magdeburg, and at the close of the present period the Teutonic influence was supreme. § 2. VICISSITUDES OF THE CHURCH IN OTHER REGIONS. The Nestorian body, though its power was on the wane, continued1 to unfurl the sacred banner of the cross, al most without a rival, among the tribes of Eastern Asia. We are told, indeed, that one of the Khans of Kerait, who bore the name of ' Prester-John,' despatched an embassy to Rome2 in 1177, and that a leading member of it was there consecrated bishop. But in 1202 3 the kingdom of Kerait sank before the revolutionary arms of Chinghis-Khan, the founder of the great Mongolian dy nasty; although a remnant of the tribe appears to have survived and to have cherished Christianity as late as 12464. While hosts of Mongols poured into the steppes of Russia (1223), threatening to eradicate the growing Church, in north and south alike6, and even to contract the limits of the German empire (1240), the Nestorian 1 See above, pp. 128, 129. The residence of their patriarch was still 2 The authorities for this account are exclusively English. The letter of pope Alexander III. (dated Sept. 27, 1177) is preserved in Benedict of Peterborough, i. 210, and Boger of Hoveden, ii. 168; the address is 'Ad Johannem regem Indorum.' s D'Herbelot, Bibliotheque Orientate, ' Carit ou Kerit,' p. 235. 4 Dollinger, in. 287. It is even said (cf. Neander, vn. 65, 66) that Chinghis-Khan espoused the Christian daughter of Ung-Khan, the priest- king of the period. 6 See the touching narrative of these incursions in Mouravieff, Hist. of the Russ. Church, pp. 42 sq. The centre of Bussian Christianity, Kieff, after a bloody siege, was given up to fire and pillage ; and the me tropolitans transferred their residence first to Vladimir and then to Mos cow, where they groaned for two centuries under the yoke of the Mongols. Cf. Neale's Hist, of the Eastern Church, Int. i. 56. One of the native princes, Daniel ('dux Bussiae'), supplicated the assistance of Pope Inno cent IV., who sent a legate into Bussia for the sake of negociating the admission of that country into the Latin Church; but Oriental influence baffled the attempt. Capefigue, n. 106. —1305] Vicissitudes of the Church. 217 missionary, as it seems, was still at liberty to propagate his creed, and sometimes very high in the favour of the Khan, whose sceptre quickly stretched across the whole of Persia, and the greater part of Central and of Eastern Asia. The incursions of the Mongols into Europe, joined with a report that some of them had shewn au interest in the Christian faith, excited Innocent IV. to send an embassy1 among them in 1245. Soon after three Franciscan monks embarked upon a kindred mission into Tartary itself2. They found the Khan apparently disposed to tolerate the Gospel, and a number of Nestorian clergy at his court. But this and other hopes3 of his conversion proved illusive. Actuated, as it seems, by a belief that it was necessary to propitiate the gods of foreign lands before he was allowed to conquer them, the Khan attended with an equal affability to the discourses of the Catholics, Nestorians, Buddhists, and Muhammedans, by all of whom he was solicited to cast his lot among them. In the end, when the posterity of Chinghis saw their arms victorious every where, they set on foot a composite religion4, — the still thriving Lamaism, — as the religion of the state. The first Grand Lama was appointed under Kublai-Khan in 1260, for the eastern (or Chinese) division of the empire5. Chris- 1 A report of their journey and negociation with the Mongolian gene ral in Persia is given by Vincent of Beauvais (Bellovacensis), in his Spe culum Historiale, lib. xxxi. c. 33 sq. The arrogance of the pope and the unskilfulness of his Dominican envoys only irritated the Mongolian. 2 They were accompanied by an Italian, John de Piano Carpini, whose report is given as above. The fullest form of it appears in the Paris edition of 1838. 3 An embassy of Louis IX. of France (in 1253) grew out of the report that Mangu-Khan, as well as some inferior princes, were disposed to join the Church. The leading envoy was a Franciscan, William de Bubru- quis, whose report is in the Relation des Voyages en Tartaric, edited by Bergeron, Paris, 1634. He disparages the missionary labours of the Nestorians, and draws a gloomy picture of their own condition. This, however, should be taken ' cum grano salis.' His discussions with the various teachers of religion are most interesting. Neander (vn. 71 sq. ) gives a sketch of them. See also Wuttke, Gesch. des Heidenthums, 1. 215 —218, Breslau, 1852. 4 It was largely intermixed with Buddhism, or rather Buddhism formed the essence and substratum of it. See Schlosser's Weltgeschichte, Band. 111. Th. 11. Abth. 1. p. 269: cf. M. Hue's Voyages dans la Tartarie, etc., in which its numerous points of resemblance to the mediaeval Chris tianity may be at once discerned. 5 In Persia (circ. 1258) Hulagu-Khan, whose queen was a Nestorian, favoured Christianity (Asseman, Bibl. Orien. torn. m. pt. 11. pp. 103 sq.), EASTERN ASIA. Their in cursions into Negocia- tions with a view to their con version. Their adoption of Lamaism. 2l8 Vicissitudes of the Church. [a.d. 1073 tianity, however, even there was tolerated, and at times respected by the Khans. This feeling is apparent in the history of Marco Polo1, a Venetian, who resided many years at the court of Kublai- Khan (1275 — 1293) ; and still more obviously in the re ception given to a genuine missionary of the Latin Church, John de Monte Corvino2, a Franciscan. After sojourning a while in Persia and India, he proceeded quite alone, in 1292, to China, where he preached, with some obstructions, in the city of the Khan, Cambalu (Pekin). He was joined in 1303 by Arnold, a Franciscan of Cologne. His chief opponents were Nestorians, who eventually secured a fresh ascendancy in China, counteracting all his labours. On the death of John (1330), aided though he was at length by other missionaries, every trace of the Latin influence rapidly decayed3. A notice of the mighty movements, known as the Crusades, belongs more aptly to a future page : for much as they subserved the interest of the papacy, entangled the relations of the Greek and Latin Church, united na tions and the parts of nations by one great idea, and modified in many ways the general spirit of the times, they wrought no lasting changes in the area of the Christian fold.and so did many of his successors : but this circumstance aroused the hatred of the Muhammedans (who formed the great majority of the popu lation), till at last the Christian Church was almost driven out of Persia. Neander, vn. 75, 76. 1 His curious work, De Regionibus Orientalibus, written after his return to Europe, has been frequently printed. 2 The original account of his missionary travels is in Wadding's Annates Fratr. Minor, torn, vi.: cf. the sketch in Neander, vn. 77 sq. He instituted schools: he translated the New Testament and Book of Psalms into the Tatar language: and one of his converts (formerly a Nestorian), who appears to have been descended from the ' priest-kings,' began to translate the whole Boman liturgy into the vernacular, but died prematurely (1299). In 1303, Clement V. elevated the Church of Pekin to the rank of an archbishopric. Wiltsch, n. 325. The Nestorians had already occupied the see (circ. 1282), and kept their hold till the begin ning of the 16th century. Ibid. 366. Some interesting illustrations of the part taken by English sovereigns in promoting these missions may be found in Bymer's Fcedera, n. 17, 18, 37, &c. 3 The next prelate, nominated by John XXII., never took possession of his dioeese, probably on account of the change of dynasty by which the Catholics appear to have been expelled (1369). Asseman, Bibl. Orient. torn. in. pt. n. 516, 535. -1305] Vicissitudes of the Church. 2IQ The impulse they communicated to the nations of the west is further shewn by the attempts, in part abortive and in part successful, to eject the Moors from Africa and Spain1. Too often, however, the conversion of the unbeliever, in the proper meaning of the phrase, was but a secondary object. The enthusiastic Francis of Assisi2 is one instance of the better class of preachers ; a second is supplied in the eventful life of a distinguished scholar, Raymond Lull3 (1236—1315). When he perceived how the Crusaders had in vain attempted to put down the Saracens by force of arms 4, he tried the temper of the apostolic weapons, and endeavoured to establish truth by means of argument and moral suasion. In the intervals between his missionary tours, directed chiefly to the Sa racens and Jews of his native isle, Majorca, and the north of Africa5, he hoped to elaborate an argumentative system ('Ars Generalis') by the help of which the claims of Christianity might be established in so cogent and com plete a way, that every reasonable mind would yield its willing homage to the Lord", He acted on these prin ciples, and after eight-and-twenty years of unremitting toil, was stoned to death in the metropolis of the Mu hammedans, at Bugia (Bejyah). The fanaticism, which found expression in the violence of the Crusaders, still continued to abhor and persecute 1 Capefigue, n. 82, 83. The chief agents in this work were the Fran ciscans and Dominicans. 2 See the account of his preaching to the Sultan of Egypt in 1219, in Jac. de Vitry's Hist. Occid. c. 32, and Neale's East. Church, n. 286. 3 See Wadding's Annal. Fratr. Minor., ad an, 1275, 1287, 1290, 1293, 1295, and (especially) 1315 : cf. also a Life of him in the Act. Sanct. Jun. v. 661 sq. An edition of his very numerous works was published at Mentz in 1722. 4 At first indeed he thought that arms might be of service in support ing his appeal (Neander, vn. 263) : but subsequently he confessed that such a method was unworthy of the cause (Ibid. pp. 265, 266), One of his projects was to found missionary colleges, in which the students mig'ht be taught the languages of heathen countries, and at length (1311) the plan received the approbation of pope Clement V. and the Council of Vienne. Professors of Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic were in future to be supported at Borne, Paris, Oxford and Salamanca (Ibid. pp. 85, 95, 96). 6 He travelled, on one occasion, into Armenia, with the hope of win ning the natives over to the Latin Church. 6 See his Necessaria Demonstrate Articulorum Fidei. SPAIN ANn NORTHERN AFRICA. Others in Spain and Africa. Betterspiril ma nifestedin Ray mond Lull (d. 1315). Attempts to Christian ize the Jews. 220 Vicissitudes of the Church. [a.d. 1073 Their occa sional suc cess. the Jews \ That wondrous people in the present period manifested a fresh stock of intellectual vigour, and so far as learning 2 reached were quite a match for their calum niators and oppressors. It is true that men existed here and there to raise a hand in their behalf 3 : and of this number few were more conspicuous than the better class of popes4. Whenever reasoning5 was employed to draw them over to the Christian faith, their deep repugnance to the Godhead and the Incarnation of our blessed Lord, as well as to the many forms of creature-worship then prevailing in the Church, is strongly brought to light. Occasionally the attempt would prove successful, as we gather from the very interesting case of Hermann6 of Cologne, who was converted at the middle of the twelfth century: but issues of this happy kind were most un questionably rare. 1 A full account of their condition at this period may be seen in Schrbckh, xxv. 329 sq. 2 Joseph Kimchi (circ. 1160), with his sons David and Moses, were distinguished as Biblical scholars (see list of their works in Fiirst's Bib lioth. Judaica, Leipzig, 1851). Babbi Solomon Isaac (Bashi) also flou rished at the close of the twelfth century. But the greatest genius whom their nation has produced, at least in Christian times, both as a free expositor of Holy Scripture and a speculative theologian, was Maimo- nides (Moses Ebn-Maimun), born at Cordova in 1131 : see Fttrst, Ibid, Th. ii. pp. 290—313. 3 e.g. St Bernard defended them from the onslaught of a savage monk, Budolph, who, together with the cross, was preaching death to the Jews : Neander, vn. 101, and the Jewish Chronicle there cited. 4 Ibid. pp. 102 sq., where many papal briefs are noticed, all protect ing Jews and urging gentle measures in promoting their conversion. But Neander overlooks a multitude of other documents in which the popes and councils of the 13th century have handled the Jews more roughly.; see Schrockh, xxv. 353 sq. 5 e.g. Abbot Gislebert (of Westminster), Disputatio Judai cum Chris- tiano de Fide Christiana, in Anselm's Works, pp. 512 — 523, ed. Paris, 1721 : Eichard of St Victor, De Emmanuele, Opp. pp. 280—312, ed. Eo- thomagi, 1650. A more elaborate work is by a Spanish Dominican, Baymond Martini, of the 13th century. It is entitled Pugio Fidei, and directed first against Muhammedans, and next against Jews; edited by Carpzov, Leipzig, 1687. 6 See his own narration of the process, appended to the Pugio Fidei, as above. He finally entered a convent of the Praemonstratensians at Kappenberg in Westphalia. —1305] ( 221 ) CHAPTER X. CONSTITUTION AND GOVEENMENT OF THE CHEISTIAN CHUECH. § 1. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION. Refekbing to a later page for some account of the encroachments now effected by the hierarchy in the province of the civil power, as well as for a sketch of the reactions they produced in England, Germany, and France, we shall at present notice only the internal con stitution of the Church regarded as a spiritual and in dependent corporation. In the western half of Christendom the pope, who formed its centre, was no more a simple president or primus, charged with the administration of ecclesiastical affairs according to the canons1. He had gradually pos sessed himself of the supreme authority : he was the irresponsible dictator of the Church, the only source of lawful jurisdiction, and the representative of Christ 2. The claim which he put forward in the half-century from Innocent III. to Innocent IV. (1198 — 1243), though reach- 1 Cf. the language even of Boniface, p. 19, n. 8; and of Dunstan, p. 200, n. 1. In the present period individuals were not wanting to dis pute the claim of popes, who promulgated new enactments of their own (e.g. Placidus of Nonantula, De Honore Ecclesia, in Pezii Thesaur. Anecdot. n. pt. ii. pp. 75 sq., and especially Grosseteste of Lincoln, see below, p. 228) : but their power of dispensing with the canons of the Church was almost everywhere allowed, in many cases 'ante factum.' See authorities at length in Gieseler, in. 162 sq. Among the few limita tions to which this power was subjected is the case when any dispensa tion would be 'contra quatuor evangelia,' or 'contra praeceptum Apos- toli,' i.e. ' in iis quae spectant ad articulos fidei.' John of Salisbury (op. 198, ed. Giles) limits the papal power in the same manner. a e. g. Innocent III. Epist. lib. i. ep. cccxxvi. INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. The culmi nation of the papal 222 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 INTERNALORGANIZA TION. ing to an almost preterhuman height1, was very generally allowed. The metropolitans and other bishops, having lost their independence, were content to be esteemed his vassals, instruments, or vicars2. They were said to be appointed 'by the grace of God- and of the apostolic see.' In other words, the scheme which had been advocated by the Pseudo-Isidore 'Decretals' was at length in active operation. No one clung to this idea so intelligently or promoted its development so much as the indomitable Hildebrand3, or Gregory VII. (1073). His leading principles are stated, both in reference to the Church and civil power, in certain propositions known as the Dictatus Hildebrandini*. Trained, while serving former pontiffs, in the art of government, he turned his wondrous energy and diplomatic skill to the immediate execution of the projects he had cherished from his youth. These were (1) the absolute ascendancy of papal power, and (2) the reformation of abuses, more es pecially of those which had been generated by the bishops and the clerics5. Hildebrand was seconded from first to 1 The former pontiff, in a passage quoted with approbation by Cape figue (n. 61), styles himself 'citra Deum, ultra hominem,' and again, 'minor Deo, major homine.' Yet in cases where the popes surrendered any of these claims, their partisans contended (e.g. Dbllinger, in. 339) that an unpalatable edict of the Boman see could, not invalidate the acts of former synods. At the crisis here alluded to, the French bishops almost to a man ('universi paene Franciae episcopi') determined on the excommunication of the pope himself, if he abandoned any more of the hierarchical pretensions. See Gerhoh of Beichersberg, De Corrupto Ec clesia Statu, c. 22. 2 See Innocent HI. Epist. lib. i. epp. ccccxcv, ccccxcvi. The office of a bishop was regarded as a cession made by him of part of his own universal pastorship. In the Canon Law (Sexti Decret. lib. i. tit. n. c. i.) it is affirmed of the Boman pontiff ; ' jura omnia in scrinio pectoris sui eonsetur habere.' The same spirit is betrayed in the absolute limitation of the name 'apostolic see' to the Churoh of Borne; thereby swallowing up the other ' sedes apostolicae.' 3 Above, pp. 140 sq. 4 Bowden's Life of Greg. VII. n. 394. Mr Bowden (DM. n. 50, 51) argues that this series, consisting of twenty-seven propositions, ought not to be ascribed to Hildebrand himself ; yet it is obvious that they have preserved, in a laconio shape, the principles on which his policy was uni formly based: cf. Neander, vn. 165. 6 Above, p. 140. Gregory's earnestness on this point can hardly be questioned. Wedded as he doubtless was to the idea of carrying out the papal claims at any cost, and wanting therefore, as he showed himself, in truthfulness on more than one occasion, he was, notwithstanding, actu ated by a firm belief that God had raised him up for moral ends, espe- —1305] Constitution of the Church. 223 last by very many of the nobler spirits of the age1, who trusted that a sovereign power, if wielded by the Roman pontiffs, might be turned into an agent for the moral exaltation of the Church. But in the Hildebrandine (or ' reforming') party there were many others who had been attracted chiefly by the democratic (or in some, it may be, the fanatic) spirit of the movement2. They were glad of an occasion for expressing their contempt of married clergymen, or for escaping altogether from domestic rule. The policy of Hildebrand, on this and other questions, was adopted in the main by his successors, Victor III. (1086), Urban II. (1088), Paschal II. (1099), Gelasius II. (1118) ; but owing to the bitter conflicts with the German emperor as well as to the coexistence of an influential anti-pope, Clement III.3 (1080 — 1100), their usurpations in the Church at large were somewhat counteracted. The two following pontiffs, Calixtus II. (1119) and Honorius II. (1124), maintained the Hildebrandine principles with almost uniform success, and in the reigns of Innocent II.4 (1130), Ccelestine II. (1143), Lucius II. (1144), Eugenius III. (1145), Anastasius IV. (1153), Hadrian IV. (1154), Alex ander III.5 (1159), Lucius III. (1181), Urban III. (1185), cially for the repression of the worldly spirit which possessed the mass of the ecclesiastics (e.g. Epist. lib. 1. ep. 9 ; Mansi, xx. 66) : cf . Neander, vn. 116 sq. 1 Neander, Ibid. 125 (note), 153. * It is plain that Hildebrand always counted on the succour of the populace (cf. above, p. 146), and in his efforts to put down clerical mar riages, as well as customs really exceptionable, he relied on what is called the force of ' public opinion,' which he lost no time in seeking to exaspe rate : see Neander, vn. 128, 135, 147: Dollinger, in. 318. This movement afterwards became unmanageable (Neander, Ibid. 202), and it seems that not a few of the later forms of misbelief (e.g. the invalidity of sacraments administered by unworthy clergymen) are traceable to the workings of the spirit which the Hildebrandine principles called up. 3 On his death Theoderic was elected by the rival party, but soon afterwards shut up in a monastery. Albert (also called 'antipapa') fol lowed in 1102, and Silvester IV. (or Maginulfus) in 1105. The last was deposed by Henry V. in 1111, when his dispute with Paschal II. had been adjusted for a time. See Jaffe', pp. 519 — 521. The antipope to Calixtus II. was Burdinus (Gregory VIIL), 1118—1121. 4 He was opposed, however, first by Anaeletus n. (1130 — 1138), and next by Victor IV. (1138) ; but as the schism did not grow out of political considerations, the dominion of the papacy was not much weakened by it. Innocent II. was supported by the almost papal influence of St Ber nard, and the peace which he effected was consolidated at the council of Lateran (1139). 0 Under this pontiff an important decree was made for obviating the INTERNAL OKGANIZA- TION. Tlie series of popes. 224 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 Gregory VIIL (1187), Clement III. (1187), Ccelestine III. (1191), the papal claims, though not unfrequently contested at those points in which they trenched upon the civil jurisdiction, were, in sacred matters, still more generally allowed. With Innocent III.1 (1198), the idea of the Roman pontiff as the organ and the representative of God in the administration of all sublunary things was carried, step by step, into the most extravagant results. He was, indeed, the second Hildebrand ; but, owing to the circumstances of the age, he far exceeded every other pontiff in the grandeur of his conquests and the vigour of the grasp by which they were retained. Honorius III. (1216), Gregory IX. (1227), Ccelestine IV.2 (1241), and Innocent IV. (1243), inherited his domineering spirit and perpetuated the efforts he had made in carrying out his theory of papal absolutism : but the tide (as we shall see hereafter) now began to turn, and at the close of the present period many of their worst pretensions, after calling up a spirited reaction, had been tacitly with drawn. The following are the other members of the series, dating from the time of Innocent IV. to the im portant epoch, when their honours had begun to droop, divisions which arose at the papal elections : Mansi, xxn. 217. Further regulations were introduced with the same object by Gregory X. : cf. Neander vn. 266. Alexander III. had to encounter a series of formi dable rivals, Victor IV. (1159—1164), Paschal HI. (1164—1168), Calixtus IH. (1168—1178), Innocent III. or Landus Sitinus (1178—1180), backed by the imperial interest ; but his triumph was secured by the exertions of men like our English primate, Becket, who appear to have carried with them the general feeling of the age. 1 See Neander's remarks on his character and conduct, vn. 239 sq. Some>of his very numerous Letters were edited by Baluze, in 2 vols. folio ; and his Works are now printed in 4 vols, of Migne's Patrologia, Paris, 1855 : cf. the able, but Bomanizing work of Hurter, Gesch. Papst Innocenz des Dritten, Hamburg, 1834. The towering claims of Innocent and his successors were supported by the new school of canonists (' de- cretists,' afterwards ' decretalists,') which had sprung up especially at Bologna. About 1151, Gratian published his Concordia Discordantium Canonum [the Decretum Gratiani], in which he forced the older canons into harmony with the Pseudo-Isidore Decretals. As the papal edicts multiplied and superseded more and more the ancient regulations of the Church, a further compilation was required. It made its appearance in 1234, under the sanction of Gregory IX. , in five books. A sixth (' Liber SextuB') was added by Bonifaoe VHI. in 1298. See Bohmer's Dissert. in his edition of the Corpus Juris Canonici, Hales, 1747. 2 The papal chair, which he filled only a few days, continued vacant until June, 1243. -1305] Constitution of the Church. 225 and when the papal chair itself was planted at Avignon1 —Alexander IV. (1254), Urban IV. (1261), Clement IV. (1265), Gregory X.,(1271), Innocent V. (1276), Hadrian V. {1276), John XX. or XXI.2 (1276), Nicholas III. (1277), Martin IV. (1281), Honorius IV. (1285), Nicholas IV.3 (1288), Ccelestine V.4 (1294), Boniface VIIL (1294), Bene dict XI. (1303), Clement V. (1305). The leading agents, or proconsuls, of the pope in the administration of his ever-widening empire, were the legates (or 'legati a latere'), whom he sent, invested with the fullest jurisdiction, into every quarter of the world. Officials of this class appeared occasionally in the time of Hincmar5 : but their mission was regarded as intrusive, and excited many hostile feelings in the coun try whither they were bound6. The institution was how- 1 Another vacancy, of two years and nine months, occurred at his death. 2 This was the title which the pope himself assumed (thereby, as it has been argued, counting Joan as a pope), although he was really the twentieth of the name. 3 The Boman see was vacant at his death for two years and three months. 4 Known as the 'hermit-pope:' see Dollinger, iv. 79, 80. He abdi cated after a brief reign of three months. 5 Above, p. 137, n. 2. 6 Thus Chicheley, archbishop of Canterbury, writes at a still later period : ' Be inspection of lawes and cronicles was there never no legat a latere sent into no lond, and specially in to your rengme of Xngland, withowte grete and notable cause And yit over that, he was tretyd with or he cam in to the lond, when he shold have exercise of his power, and how myche schold bee put in execution,' &c. Vit. H. Chicliele, p. 129, Lond. 1699. In the year 1100, when the archbishop of Vienne came into England in this capacity he made no impression on the people, but departed ' a nemine pro legato susceptus, nee in aliquo legati officio func tus.' Eadmer, ed. Selden, 1623, p. 58. William of Corbeuil, however, the archbishop of Canterbury, who had been sent to Bome, to complain of the intrusion of a legate into England, returned in 1126, the bearer of the very office against which the nation had protested (Gervas. Dorobern., in Twysden's Script. X., col. 1663); being elevated to that office by Ho norius H. (Wharton, Ang. Sac. 1. 792.) The archbishop by accepting the office was enabled to exclude the interference of any other legate from Borne, whilst the pope, by commissioning the archbishop as legate, was enabled to regard all the proper jurisdiction of the metropolitanate as exercised under his own authorization. From the year 1195 to the reformation the archbishops of Canterbury were with scarcely an excep tion legates, legati nati, commissioned by the popes as a matter of course. The dislike of the English seems to have been directed rather against the Italian extortioners who as Cardinals appeared for a short time with special commission a latere. M.A. Q INTERNAL ORGANIZA. TION. The vast influence of the papal legates. >226 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 "INTERNAL 'ORGANIZA TION. Appeals to Rome. ever, an essential element of Hildebrandine despotism1 : and while its operation here and there was salutary, or was tending to correct abuses2 in some ill-conditioned province, it more frequently became an engine of ex tortion, and thus added to the scandals of the age. The constant intermeddling of the popes in other churches, by the agency of roving legates, indicated more and more the worldly spirit which possessed them, notwithstanding all their affectation of peculiar purity and all their pro jects of reform. The 'curia' (or the court) of Rome3 was now the recognized expression ; and no object lay so near the heart of him who bore the legatine au thority4, as the advancement of its temporal interests in opposition to the crown and every species of domestic rule. The same desire to elevate and to enrich the papacy, 1 e.g. see Gregory's Epist. to the duke of Bohemia : Mansi, .xx. 73. He exhorted the civil authorities to compel the acquiescence of Jaromir, -the contumacious bishop of Prague, 'usque ad interniciem. ' According to the Didatus Hildebrand. , § 4, the legate was to take precedence of all bishops. 2 St Bernard's ideal of a legate will be found in the De Consideration ad Eugenium, lib. rv. c. 4. His picture was, however, realized too sel dom : ' Nonne alterius saculi res est, redisse legatum de terra auri sine auro? transisse per terram argenti et argentum nescisse?' c. 5. On the general duties of the legate and his influence in promoting the consolida tion of the papacy, see Planck, iv. pt. n. 639 sq. 3 ' Neque enim vel hoc ipsum carere macula videtur, quod nunc dici- tur curia Romana quae antehac dicebatur ecclesia Romana.' Gerhoh of Beichersberg, De Corrupto Ecclesia Statu, Praefat. (seu Epist. ad Henri- cum Card.) § 1, Opp. n. 9, ed. Migne. 4 The legates constantly urged the right of the pope to dispose of vacant benefices, and even bishoprics. Planck, ubi sup. pp. 713 sq. At first he recommended individuals, by way of 'petition;' but in the 13th century the 'preces' were changed into 'mandata;' and he finally insisted on the promotion of his favourites (sometimes boys, and chiefly absentees) in the most peremptory manner, by an edict ' non obstante.' It was a case of this kind (1252) which stirred the indignation of Grosse teste, bishop of Lincoln: see the account-in Matthew Paris (ed. 1684), p. 740 ; cf. pp. 749 sq. A former pope (Honorius HI. ) in 1226 (Matthew Paris, p. 276) had been constrained to make the most humiliating con' fession by his legate, Otho: ' Idem papa allegavit scandalum sanctae Bo- manae ecclesiae et opprobrium vetustissimum, notam scilicet concupiscen- tias, quae radix dicitur omnium malorum : et in hoc praecipue, quod nullus potest aliquod negotium in Bomana curia expedire nisi cum magna effu sions pecuniae et donorum exhibitione,' etc. : cf. John of Salisbury's Policraticus, lib. v. c. 16. An exact account of the steps by which papal influence was introduced into English church patronage will be found in Bishop Forbes's Explanation of the 39 Articles, n. 749, Oxford, 1868. -1305] Constitution of the Church. 227 though blended in some cases with a wish to patronize the feeble and to shelter the oppressed, is seen, in a re quirement now extended in all quarters, that appeals, instead of being settled in the courts at home, should pass, almost indiscriminately1, to the Roman court, as the ultimate tribunal of the West. Attempts2, indeed, were made (occasionally by the popes3 themselves) to limit this unprincipled recourse to foreign jurisdiction : but the prac tice, notwithstanding such impulsive acts of opposition, kept its hold on every side, especially in all the newly- planted churches. The development of papal absolutism, though it tended to protect' the bishops from the violence of feudal lords, and even to exempt them altogether from the civil juris diction, swallowed up the most important of their rights. The metropolitans, in cases where they did not also fill the post of legate, were compelled to yield obedience to the papal nominee4, though he might often be a priest and nothing more. The vows of servitude imposed on them at the reception of the pallium5 were exacted also 1 See St Bernard's remarks, Ad Eugenium, lib. in. c. 2. Innocent III., a shrewd administrator, checked the excessive frequency of appeals, on the ground that numbers would avail themselves of this privilege merely to buy off the execution of the laws : e.g. Concil. Lateran. (1215) 5 Above, p. 141. q2 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Effect Of papal ab- 228 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Roman izing spirit of the monks. from the other bishops1, who, in order to secure the friendship of the pope, betook themselves to Rome, and sued for confirmation at his hands. The pride, extortion, and untruthfulness of many of the pontiffs stirred them, it is true, at times into the posture of resistance, and a man like Robert Grosseteste8 did not hesitate to warn the pope himself, that by persisting in extravagant de mands, the Roman Church was likely to become the author of apostasy and open schism. Yet, generally, we find that a belief in the transcendant honours of the Roman see retained the western bishops in their old con nexion with it. Galling as they felt the bondage, they had not the heart to shake it off. The stoutest advocates of papal usurpation were the members of religious orders. Gifted with a very large amount of the intelligence, the property3, the earnestness, and the enthusiasm of the age, they acted as the pope's militia4, and became in troublous times the pillars of his throne. On this account he loaded them with favours5. 1 See Neander, vn. 276, 277 : Dolhnger, m. 332. The protestantism of Matthew Paris breaks out afresh at this indignity, when it was urged more pointedly in 1257. He calls the papal edict ' Statutum Bomao cruentissimum, quo oportet quemlibet electum personaliter transalpinare, et in suam laesionem, imo eversionem, Bomanorum loculos impraegnare :' p. 820. 2 ' Absit, autem, absit, quod haec sacratissima sedes, et in ea prsesi- dentes, quibus communiter et in omnibus mandatis suis et preeceptis obtemperatur, praecipiendo quicquam Christi praeceptis et voluntati con- trarium, sint causa verse discessionis.' See the whole of this startling and prophetic Sermon in the Opuscula R. Grosseteste, in Brown's Fasci culus, n. 255. There is a copious Life of Grosseteste, by Pegge ; his letters have been published in the Chronicles and Memorials, edited by Mr Luard, 1861. 8 Their property was very much augmented at the time of the Cru sades by mortgages and easy purchase from the owners, who were bent on visiting the Holy Land. Planck, rv. pt. n. 345 sq. Others also, to escape oppression, held their lands feudally from the religious houses and the clergy. 4 For this reason they incurred the bitter hatred of the anti-Hilde- brandine school, who called them ' Pharisees ' and ' Obscurantes ' (Ne ander, vn. 133, 134). When the Church was oscillating between Alex ander HI. and the anti-pope (Victor), the Carthusians and Cistercians warmly took the side of the former, and secured his triumph. See Life of Bishop Anthelm in the Act. Sanct. Jun. v. c. 3. 6 e.g. the abbot was allowed to wear the insignia of the bishop, sandals, mitre, and crosier; and exemptions (see above, p. 148, n. 1) were now multiplied in every province, as a glance at Jaffa's Regesta Pontific. Roman, will abundantly shew. The nature of these privileges —1305] Constitution of the Church. 229 Many of the elder Benedictines had departed from the strictness of their rule, and in this downward course they were now followed by the kindred monks of Clugny : but a number of fresh orders started up amid the animation of the Hildebrandine period, anxious to redeem the honour of monasticism, and even to surpass the ancient discipline. Of these the order of Carthusians, founded by Bruno1 of Cologne (1084), at the Chartreuse, near Grenoble, proved themselves the most unworldly and austere. They fall into the class of anchorets, but like the Benedictines they devoted many of their leisure hours to literary occupations2. Other confraternities3 ap peared ; but none of them were so successful as the order pf the Cistercians (monks of Citeaux near Dijon), who endeavoured to revert in every feature of their system to the model of St Benedict. The founder4, Robert, having vainly sought for peace and satisfaction in the life of a recluse, established his new convent in 1098. Its greatest may be gathered from an epistle of Urban II. (1092) in Mansi, xx. 652. Complaints respecting them were constantly addressed to the succeeding popes: e.g. that of the archbishop of Canterbury among the Epist. of Peter of Blois (Blesensis), ep. 68 ; and St Bernard, Ad Eugenium, lib. in. c. 4. 1 See Mahillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. vr. pt. 11. 52 sq. : Annates, v. 202 sq. Many of the later legends respecting Bruno are purely mythical. The order of the Carmelites founded in Palestine about 1156 was transplanted into the West during the following century and assimi lated to the other orders of Friars. They grew up into a somewhat numerous body. See Holstein's Codex Regular, in. 18 sq., and Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. lxxvi. § 55. 2 Labbe has published their Institutiones in his Bibliotheca, 1. 638, sq. : cf. Neander, vn. 368. 3 e.g. The Ordo Grandimontensis (of Grammont) founded about 1070 (see Life of the founder, Stephen, in Martene and Durand's Ampliss. Gollectio, vi. 1050 sq. ; Mahillon's Annates, v. 65 sq.) : the Ordo Fontis- Ebraldi (of Fontevraud), founded in 1094 (Mahillon's Annal. v. 314 sq.). The Order of St Anthony, founded by Gaston in 1095, attended on the sick, especially the leprous (Act. Sanct. Jan. n. 160 sq.) : the Trinitarians ('Fratres Domus Sanctae Trinitatis ' ), founded by John de Matha and Felix de Valois (1198), endeavoured to procure the redemption of Chris tians who had fallen into the hands of the infidels. See Fleury, liv. lxxv. § 9. 4 See Mahillon, as above, v. 219, 393 sq. ; Manrique, Annates Cis- tercienses, Lugd. 1642; and Holstein, Codex, n. 386 sq. Among the other features of the institute we notice a peculiar reverence for episcopal authority : see the papal confirmation of their rules (1119) in Manrique, 1.115. INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Rise of the Car thusians.1084. Rise of the Cister. dans, 1098. 230 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION, Influence of St Ber nard. Monastic orders ill adapted to the times. The rise of the Fran ciscans, 1207. luminary was St Bernard1 (1113—1153), who, after spend. ing a short time in the parent institution, planted the more famous monastery of Clairvaux (Clara Vallis), in the diocese of Langres. Aided by the influence of his name and writings, the Cistercian order rapidly diffused itself in every part of Europe2, and became ere long the special favourite of the popes3. It formed, indeed, a healthy contrast to the general licence of the age, as well as to the self-indulgence and hypocrisy of many of its ccenobitic rivals4. But however active and consistent they might be, these orders were imperfectly adapted to the wants of the thir teenth century. As men who had renounced the business of this world, to make themselves another in the cloisters where they lived and died, they kept too far aloof from secular concerns, and even where they had been most assiduous in the duties of their convent, their attachment to it often indisposed them to stand forward and do battle with the numerous sects that threatened to subvert the empire of their patron. Something ruder and more prac tical, less wedded to peculiar spots and less entangled by superfluous property, was needed if the Church were to retain its rigid and monarchic form5. The want was made peculiarly apparent when the Albigenses had be gun to lay unwonted stress on their own poverty, and to decry the self-indulgence of the monks. At this conjuncture rose the two illustrious orders known as mendicant, (1) the Minors or Franciscans, 1 See Neander's Life of him. There is an English Life of Bernard by J, C. Morison. London, 1864. 2 At the death of Bernard (1153) he left behind him one hundred, and sixty monasteries, which had been formed by monks from Clairvaux. 3 e.g. Innocent III. and the council of Lateran (1215), c. 12, held it up as a model for all others. 4 One of these was the order of Clugny, presided over (1122 — 1156) by Peter the Venerable, who, though anxious to promote the reformation of his house, resented the attack which had been made on it by some of the Cistercians. For an account of his friendly controversy with Bernard, see Maitland's Dark Ages, pp. 423 sq. There are traces of the controversy in the poem De Clarevallensibus et Cluniacensibus, among those attributed to Walter Mapes, ed. Wright, pp. 237 sq. 5 Innocent III. seems to have felt this : for, notwithstanding his desire to check the multiplication of fresh orders of monks (Concil. Lateran. 1215, c. 13, 'ne quis de caetero novam religionem inveniat'), he oould not resist the offers now held out by such an army of auxiliaries. Constitution of the Church. —1305] (2) the Preachers or Dominicans, both destined for two centuries to play a leading part in all the fortunes of the Church. The former sprang from the enthusiasm of Francis of Assisi1 (1182 — 1226). Desirous of reverting to a holier state of things (1207), he taught the duty of renouncing every kind of worldly goods2, and by a strain of spirit-searching, though untutored, eloquence attracted many thousands to his side. The pope3 at first looked down upon this novel movement, but soon afterwards con firmed the rule of the Franciscans, and indeed became their warmest friend. By founding what was termed an ' order of penitence4' (the third estate of Friars), they were able to embrace, in their fraternity a number of the Working classes, who, while pledged to do the bidding of the pope and to observe the general regulations of the institute, were not restricted by the vow of celibacy nor pompelled to take their leave entirely of the world. The stricter spirits of this school could not, however, be so easily confined within the limits which their chief was anxious to prescribe. They followed out their prin ciple of sacred communism, or evangelical perfection, to its 1 See the Life of him by Thomas of Celano, his companion (in Act. Sanct. Octob. n. 683 sq.) ; another, by Bonaventura, a Franciscan (Ibid. 742 sq.) : cf . Chavin de Malan, L'Histoire de S. Francois d'Assise, Paris, 1845; Helyot, Hist, des Ordres, etc., torn. vn. The great authority on the Franciscan Order generally is Wadding's Annates Minorum, Bomae, 1731 — 1741. Cf. Pref. to Monumenta Franciscana, ed. Brewer, 1858, in. the Chronicles, die. of Great Britain. We find the germs of it in an early sect of Euchites, who, from a desire to reach the summit of ascetic holiness, renounced all kinds of property and common modes of life. Neander, in. 342. 2 In the fashion of the age he spoke of Poverty as his bride and the Franciscan order as their offspring. Before ten years had elapsed, five thousand mendicants assembled at Assisi to hold the second general chapter of their order. Sir J. Stephen's Essays, ±. 121, 122. The Order of St Clara (' Ordo dominarum pauperum ') was animated by the same spirit, and adopted the Franciscan rules: Holstein's Codex, in. 34 sq.: Helyot, vn. 182 sq. On the stigmatization of St Francis, and the impious extravagances to which it led, see a temperate article in the Revue des deux Mondes, Tome vm. pp. 459 sq. a Innocent HI., after hesitating n while, extended to them a cordial, but unwritten, approbation (1209). In 1223, the order was formally adopted by Honorius III.: see Holstein, in. 30 sq. A pledge of absolute obedience to the pope is contained in the first chapter. Nicholas IV. was so ardently attached to them that he enjoined the use of their service- books on the whole Church. Capefigue, n. 180. 4 Holstein, in. 39 sq.: Helyot, vn. 216 sq.: cf. Sir J. Stephen's re marks on this supplemental institute, I. 127, 128, 231 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Their alli ance with the Pope. The aberr ations of an extreme party. 232 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. The rise of the Domi nicans, 1215. most obnoxious length, and even ventured to affirm that Christ and the original Apostles had nothing of their own. A quarrel was now opened, in the course of which the rigorous faction1 (' Spirituales ' they were called), deriving their ideas2 very mainly from one-sided views of the Apocalypse, commenced a series of attacks upon the members of the hierarchy and the secularizing spirit of the age. A party of these malcontents were drafted off at length into a fresh community, entitled the Cceles- tine-Hermits3 (1294), but in the end they seem to have entirely separated from the Church, and to have been absorbed into the sect of the 'FratricelliV where, indeed, they underwent a bitter persecution. The twin-order, that of the Dominicans or ' Preachers,' took its rise in 1215 at Toulouse. Its founder was the canon Dominic5 (b. 1170), a native of Castile, although the plan was due rather to his bishop Diego (Didacus) 1 They professed to be adhering literally to the will of their founder; but the popes, especially Greg. IX. (1231) and Innocent TV. (1245), took the other (or the laxer) side : see their bulls in Boderic's Nova Colledio Privileglorum, etc., ed. Antverp. 1623, pp. 7, 13. 2 These may be gathered from a production called the Introductorius in Evangelium Sternum, which appeared at Paris in 1254. The subject is exhausted by Gieseler, in. 251 sq. ; and Neandor, vin. 369 sq. When Nicholas IH. (1279) explained the rule of St Francis still more laxly, the ' spirituales ' grew still more indignant. They were headed by the friar John Peter de Oliva, of whose Postilla super Apocalypsi, extracts are pre served in Baluze and Mansi, Miscell. n. 258 sq. In commenting on Apoc. xvii., he has the following passage: 'Nota quod haec mulier stat hie pro Bomana gente et imperio, tarn prout fuit quondam in statu paganismi, quam prout postmodum fuit in fide Christi, multis tamen criminibus cum hoc mundo fornicata,' etc. 3 So called from pope Coelestine V., their patron: Helyot, vn. 45. They were, however, persecuted by the rest of the Franciscans (e. a Wadding, ad an. 1302, §§ 7, 8). 4 See Capefigue, n. 147, 148. Among their supporters may be ranked Ubertinus de Casali, a pupil of the Franciscan Oliva above mentioned, n. 2: see the Articuli Probationum contra fratrem Vbertinum de Casali mdudarum, and his reply before John XXII., in Baluze and Mansi, Miscell. n. 276 sq. One charge brought against him is for saying ' quod a tempore Ccelestini papae non fuit in Ecclesia papa vents.' ' 5 The oldest Life of Dominic is by his successor Jordanus, printed with l others, in the Act. Sand. August, i. 545 sq. For the Constitutions of the Order see Holstein's Codex, iv. 10 sq. At the suggestion of Innocent IH., the basis of the rule of Dominic was borrowed from the Augustiman: and soon after, at a general chapter-meeting (1220) the principles of Francis of Assisi were adopted, in so far as they abiure'd all property and income. Vit. S. Dominici (by Jordanus) c 4 —1305] Constitution of the Church. 233 of Osma, who, while journeying in the south of France, had noticed with concern that anti-papal and heretical opinions were most rife, and threatened to disturb all orders of society. His object, therefore, was, in concert with the prelates of the district, to refute the arguments adduced by the heresiarchs, to emulate their poverty, and to win their followers back to the communion of the Church. In carrying out this undertaking, Dominic had been distinguished from the first, and when its author died (circ. 1207) he still continued, with a few of his com panions, in the same sphere of duty. In 1209 the mis believing province of Languedoc was desolated by the earliest of the Albigensian crusades1. The leaders of that savage movement found a spy and coadjutor in the over- zealous missionary; and soon after he began to organize and head the larger confraternity, whose foremost object was the spiritual benefit2 of others and the vindication of the Church. Accompanied by the notorious Foulques3 (or Fulco), bishop of Toulouse, he laid his project at the feet of the sovereign pontiff in an hour when Rome might well have trembled for its empire in the south of France (1215), and readily procured the papal sanction. In the following year the institute was solemnly confirmed4 by Honorius III. It soon attracted many able and devoted members, and diffused itself on every side. Though parted from each other now and then by mu tual jealousies6, the Minorites and Preachers commonly proceeded hand in hand6, particularly in resisting the at tacks which they provoked, not only from the clergy and 1 See below, ' State of Beligious Doctrine,' § /Sects. 2 ...'studium nostrum ad hoc debet principaliter intendere ut proxi- morum animabus possimus utiles esse.' Constit. Prol. c. 3. 3 Cf. Sir J. Stephen's Led. on the Hist, of France,^ 1. 221, ed. 1851. 4 The bull of confirmation is prefixed to the Constitutions of the order, as above, p. 232, n. 5. According to the pope's idea the Dominicans were to become 'pugiles fidei et vera mundi lumina.' 4 See the graphic picture of Matthew Paris, Hist. Major, a.d. 1243, p. 540. They afterwards contended still more sharply touching the im maculate conception of the Virgin, the Franciscans faking the positive, the Dominicans the negative. Klee, Hist, of Christ. Dogmas (German), pt. n. c. iii. § 25. 6 e. g. the generals of the two orders issued a number of caveats in 1255, with a view to cement or re-establish friendly relations. Wadding's Annal. Minor, ad an. 1255, § 12. INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Its con nexion witn, the Albi gensiancrusades. Contro versy be tween the Mendi cants and the Uni- versitiis. 234 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 monastic orders1, but from nearly all the. Universities.' Presuming on their popularity, their merits2, and the strong protection of the Roman court3, they thrust them selves into the professorial chairs, and not unfrequently eclipsed all other doctors4. Paris was at present the chief seat of European learning, and in it especially (1251), the Mendicants, although in favour with the king, had to en counter a determined opposition5. For a while they were discouraged by a bull of Innocent IV.6, who saw the in roads they were making on the constitution of the Church,' and was accordingly induced at length to take the part of the University ; but on his death (1254) they found an ardent champion in pope Alexander IV.7 His influence and the writings of the more distinguished members of their body (such as Bonaventura8 and Aquinas*) aided 1 e.g. Matthew Paris, a.d. 1243, p. 541 ; a.d. 1247, p. 630. He was himself a Benedictine, and implacable in his hostility to the new race of teachers. 2 These must originally have been very considerable, for besides their zeal in missionary labour, they conciliated the good opinion of a class of men like Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, who. employed them in his diocese. He defended them against the opposition of his clergy, and even charged the latter through the archdeacon ' ad inducendum effica- citer populum ut Fratrum utriusque Ordinis praedicationes devote et attente audiat,' etc. : Brown's Fascic. ii. 382. He afterwards bequeathed his library to the Franciscans at Oxford, among whom the famous Boger Bacon was educated (Warton, Eng. Poetry, n. 89, ed. 1840): though Matthew Paris writes that on his death-bed he complained that they had disappointed his expectations, and had begun to degenerate most griev ously: Hist. Maj., a.d. 1253, p. 752. 3 e. g. Gregory IX. (1237) begins a grant of privileges in the following terms: 'Quoniam abundavit iniquitas, et refriguit charitas plurimorum, ecce ordinem dilectorum filiorum fratrum Praedicatorum Dominus sus- citavit,' etc., in Matth. Paris, a.d. 1246, p. 607. The popes claimed the right of sending Friars anywhere without the acquiescence of the bishops or the clergy. 4 Most of the theological professors in the University of Naples, founded 1220, were chosen from the Mendicants. Their first establish ment in England was at Oxford, 1221, when, for some time, they pro duced the leading scholars of the age. Warton, as above, pp. 88, 89. 6 See Bulauis (Du Boulay), Hist. Univers. Paris, in. 240 sq.; Cape figue, ii. 167 sq. The latter is a warm apologist of the Friars. Their most vigorous opponent at the time was William de Sancto Amore, a Parisian doctor of divinity, who composed his treatise De Periculis Novissimorum Temporum, in 1255. It is printed (as two Sermons) in Brown's Fasciculus, n. 43—54. The author was condemned by Alexander IV. , but reconciled to Clement IV. 6 Buleeus, I6i<*.'270 sq.: cf. Neander, vn. 392. 7 Bulaeus, 273. In this bull he exempts them from the jurisdiction of the bishops and parish priests. 8 He was general of the Minorites, and often argued for them on the -1305] Constitution of the Church. 235 them in bearing down resistance, and in virtually sup planting for a time tne ordinary teachers of the Church. The Mendicants, as we have seen already, fostered in their bosom many germs of misbelief. In this particular they seem to have resembled the still older groups of Beguins or Beghards1, who finally took refuge (1290) in the third order of the Franciscans2. They were chiefly females ('Beguinae') in the earlier stages of their history, but, subsequently, when the number of them had pro digiously increased3, the principle on which they had associated was borrowed (circ. 1220) by the other sex4 ('Beguini'). They were ridiculed5 as 'pietists' (boni ho mines), and in the end appear to have adopted most of the opinions held by the extreme or Apocalyptic school of the Franciscans, so that 'Begum' often was synonymous with heretic. Another wing of the great army which the Christians of the Middle Age employed for their defence and the con solidation of the papal empire were the Military Orders. Their triumphant struggle with the heathen of the north of Europe has been mentioned on a former page6. It was their leading object to combine the rules of chivalry and knighthood with monastic discipline, which they derived, to some extent, from the Cistercian institutions. . The Knights Templars1 ('Fratres Militise Templi') were plea of necessity, alleging that the ordinary ecclesiastics were so corrupt as to neglect all their sacred duties: see e.g. his Liber de Paupertate Christi contra Magist. Gulielmum, etc. * See his Opuscul. xix., contra Impugnantes Dei cultum et religionem. 1 See Mosheim, De Beghardis et Beguinabus Commentarius, passim. They seem to have existed as early as the eleventh century in Flanders. The name (see Ducange, sub voc.) appears to have been extended to all kinds of female associations ('collegia') where the secular and monastic life were partially combined. The inmates ('canonissae') could leave the establishment and marry, 2 Helyot, vn. 251. 3 Matthew Paris (a.d. 1250, p. 696) speaks of the German 'Beguinae' as an ' innumerabilis multitudo.' 4 Mosheim, as above, p. 168. 5 See Ducange, under ' Papelardus.' 6 pp. 213, 215. 7 See, on their general history, L'Art de verifier les Dates, 1. 512 sq., and the Hist. Crit. et Apologet. des Chevaliers du Temple, Paris, 1789. Their Regula is printed in Holstein, 11. 429 sq.; and in Mansi, xxi. 359 sq. INTERNAL ORGANIZA- TION. The Be guins or Military Orders. The Knights Templars, 236 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 founded at Jerusalem (1119), and through the powerful advocacy of St Bernard1 the idea whifch they attempted to embody won the sanction of the western prelates in the synod of Troyes 2 (Jan. 13, 1128). The order soon extended into every part of Europe, where it was most hberally endowed. Amid the stirring incidents of the crusades, the Templars had abundant opportunity for justifying the discernment of their patrons. On the fall of Acre in 1291, they could maintain' the Christian cause no longer, and retreated to their rich domains in Cyprus : but suspicions3 of their orthodoxy which had once been irreproachable were now quite current in the west. A long and shame ful controversy ended in the dissolution of the order4 at Vienne (March 22, 1312). Their property was all sequestrated and in part trans ferred5 to what are known as the Knights Hospitallers", organized as early as 1048, to wait on the sick pilgrims in the hospital of St John, at Jerusalem, but not converted into a military order till the twelfth century7. They also were ejected from the Holy Land with the last army of 1 He wrote his Exhortatio ad Milites Templi at the request of the Grand-master, Hugh des Payens. See also his Tract, de Nova Militia. 2 Concil. Trecense: Mansi, xxi. 357. 3 The charges brought against them may be classed as follows: (1) Systematic denial of Christ on their admission into the order, accom panied with spitting or trampling on the cross. (2) Heretical opinions concerning the sacraments. (3) Beception of absolution from masters and preceptors, although laymen. (4) Debauchery. (5) Idolatry. (6) Ge neral secrecy of practice. See English Review, Vol. 1. p. 13. 4 The Templars were not allowed to speak in their own defence, and all the Enghsh, Spanish, German and some other prelates were accordingly resolved to take no part in their condemnation. This was the work of the French king Philip the Fair and his creature, pope Clement V., who also carried off a portion of the spoil, by levying fines on the transfer of the property. The Grand-master and others were burnt by the arbitrary act of Philip. 6 See the remarkable statute De Terris Templariorum, 17 Edw. H. st. in. The 'Temple' of London was given, by some private arrange ment, to the earl of Pembroke (whose widow founded Pembroke College, Cambridge), but afterwards passed into the hands of the Hospitallers, who leased it to the students of the laws of England. 6 Helyot, in. 74 sq.; Vertot's Hist, des Chevaliers Hospitallers, etc., Paris, 1726. 7 The Bule given to the order by Eaymond du Puy (1118), in Hol stein, n. 445 sq., is silent as to their military duties: but in the same year they performed a prodigy of valour. Helyot, p. 78. They were taken under the special protection of Pope Innocent H., in 1137: Bre- quigny, Table Chronol. des Diplomes, etc., in. 4, Paris, 1769. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 237 Crusaders, but continued to exist for many centuries. Their chief asylum was at Rhodes (1309), and finally at Malta (1530). A connecting link between the rest of the religious orders and the seculars, or ' working clergy,' is supplied by the canons regular of St Augustine whose institution, the re sult of the failure of all attempts to reform the old secular canons, coincides in date with the opening of this period1. Another order of a similar kind was that of the Prsemon- stratensians (canons of Premonstre), who sprang up in the diocese of Laon, in 1119. Their founder, Norbert2, was himself a secular, but on awakening to a deeper sense of his vocation, he resolved to .organize an institution for the better training of ecclesiastics3. With this object he en deavoured to unite the cure of souls and a conventual mode of life. The canons secular, in pursuance of their ancient policy4, withdrew still further from the reach of their diocesan. At the conclusion of the struggle which the Church main tained against the civil power respecting the episcopal ap pointments, nearly all the bishops were elected absolutely by the canons of the cathedrals5, which could not fail to add fresh weight to their pretensions. They exceeded all the 1 See above, p. 144: 2 See hisL ife by a Praemonstratensian in the Ad. Sanct. Jun. 1. 804 sq., and Hugo's Ord. Pramonst. Annal., Nanceii, 1734. He died archbishop of Magdeburg, in 1134. 3 It was commended in 1129 by pope Innocent H. (Hugo, 11. 109), who afterwards granted to it many privileges. Le Paige, Biblioth. Pramonst., p. 622, Paris, 1633. 4 See above, pp. 144, 145. 5 Thus Innocent HI. (1215) enjoins respecting the election of a bishop, 'ut is eollatione adhibita eligatur, in quern omnes vel major vel sanior pars capituli consentit:' Decret. Gregor. lib. 1. tit. vi. c. 42 (in Corpus Juris Canon.). Before this time a certain right of assent had been re served for 'spiritales et religiosi viri' (including, perhaps, the laity): but by an edict of Gregory IX. (ibid. c. 56) it is forbidden, notwithstanding any usage to the contrary, 'ne per laicos, cum canonicis, pontificis [i.e. of a bishop] electio praesumatur.' This right of election had long been possessed by the Scotch Culdees (Keledei=' servants of God'), who were an order of canonical clergy, some, if not all, of them being attached to the cathedral churches. Dbllinger, hi. 270, 271. They were at length superseded in many places by canons regular, and on appealing to Boni face VIIL in 1297, with the hope of recovering their ancient right of electing their bishop, they were unsuccessful. Cf. Spotswood, Hist, of Church and State of Scotland, p. 51. INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. The order of Prae monstra tensian canons. Power and. degeneracyof the canons. 238 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 other clergy both in rank and in worldliness, regarding the cathedral prebend as a piece of private income, suited more especially for men of noble birth1, and not unfrequently employing substitutes2 (or 'conduct-clerics') to discharge their sacred duties. Many an effort, it is true, was made to bring about a reformation3 of the canons, and in some of the western churches the new impulse which accom panied the Hildebrandine movement may have been con siderably felt : but, judging from the number of complaints that meet us in the writings of a later period, those reform ing efforts were too commonly abortive4. We have seen5 that many of the functions of the chor episcopi devolved on the archdeacons. After the thirteenth century the supervision of a diocese was often shared by titular or suffragan bishops 6, whom the pope continued to 1 This plea was urged by the chapter of Strasburg in 1232 ; but the pope (Decret. Greg. IX. lib. in. tit. v. c. 37) replied that the true nobility was 'non generis sed virtutum:' cf. Neander, vn. 286. 2 'Clerici conductitii : ' see Ducange, under 'conductitius.' This point is dwelt upon by a most rigorous censor of the canons, although one of their own order, Gerhoh of Beichersberg. See his Dialogus de differentia clerici regularis et sacularis. 'Noa autem' (says the Secular Canon) 'paene omnes genere, nobilitate, divitiis excellimus:' Gerhohi Opp. u. 1419, ed. Migne. 3 As early as 1059, Nicholas II. and a Boman synod had enjoined (c. 3) the strict observance of their rule (Mansi, xix. 897). In very many cases canons were allowed to have private property : but when attempts were made to reform the order, the new canons ('canonici regulares') as dis tinguished from the old ('canonici saeculares') boasted of their 'apos tolical' Community of goods. Schrockh, xxvn. 223 — 226. The name of ' canons ' however was everywhere given to the cathedral clergy, whether or no they had ever accepted a rule; and after the foundation of the Augustinian canons or canons regular, the pretence of a rule was scarcely maintained by the canons secular at all. The Augustinian canons occu pied most of the .Scottish cathedrals and that of Carlisle. The other English cathedrals remained until the Beformation divided nearly equally between the Benedictines and the secular canons; the latter possessed the cathedrals of the Continent with very few exceptions. 4 Planck, rv. pt. n. 570 sq. 5 Above, p. 46, n. 2. 6 'Episcopi in partibus infidelium.' The number of these increased very much when Palestine became a Turkish province. Councils were Neander, vn. 297, 298. These bishops under the title of suffragans were very largely employed in those countries in which, as in England and Germany, the dioceses were large, and the diocesan bishops employed in secular business ; a list of the English suffragans may be found in the Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum (Oxford, 1S58), pp. 142 148. -—1305] Constitution of the Church. 239 ordain for countries which the Saracens had wrested from his hands. These bishops found employment more espe cially in Germany. Where they did not exist, arch deacons were unrivalled in the vast extent of their author ity1, which numbers of them seem indeed to have abused by goading the inferior clerics2 and encroaching on the province of the bishop3. In the hope of checking this presumption, other functionaries, such as 'vicars-general' and 'officials'4, were appointed to assist in the adminis tration of the churches of the west. But these in turn appear to have excited the distrust and hatred of the peo ple by their pride, extortion, and irreverence5. The more solemn visitations6 of the bishop were con tinued ; and he still availed himself of the diocesan synod for conferring with the clergy and adjusting purely local questions. Other councils also7, chiefly what are termed 1 This maybe ascertained from the Decret. Gregor. IX. lib. 1. tit. xxm., which contains ten chapters 'De officio Archidiaconi.' 2 e. g. John of Salisbury (ep. lxxx.) complains at length of the 'rabies archidiaconorum.' Some of them, however, were most exemplary, travel ling, staff in hand, through their archdeaconries and preaching in every .village. Neander, (vn. 293) quotes such an instance. 3 Thomassinus, Vetus et Nova Ecclesia Discipl. pt. 1. lib. n. c. 18 — 20. Alexander III. found it necessary to inhibit the archdeacon of Ely, among others, from committing the cure of souls to persons ' sine mandato et licentia episcopi.' Mansi, xxn. 364. 4 Thomassinus, ibid. c. 8, 9: Schrbckh, xxvn. 150 sq. Other duties of the archdeacon were transferred to the 'penitentiary' of the diocese, an officer appointed at the council of Lateran (Decret. Gregor. lib. 1. tit, xxxi. c. 15) to assist the bishop ' non solum in praedicationis officio, verum etiam in audiendis confessionibus et pcenitentiis injungendis, ac caeteris, quae ad salutem pertinent animarum.' However, as the archdeacons were generally in deacon's orders, they could not have discharged the duties imposed on the penitentiaries. They should be regarded as ecclesiastical lawyers, not as persons in charge of souls. 6 See an epistle of Peter Blesensis (of Blois) , where at the close of the twelfth century he calls the officials 'episcoporum sanguisugae:' ep. xxv. Other instances are given by Neander, vn. 294. 6 See above, p. 46. The council of Lateran (1179), c. 4, passed some curious regulations limiting the equipages of the prelates and archdeacons while engaged on these visitation-tours. ' Their number may be estimated from the list in Nicolas' Chronol. pp. 239 — 259. What are called by the Church of Borne 'general' or 'oecumenical' councils, those of Lateran (1123), of Lateran (1139), of Lateran (1179), of Lateran (1215), of Lyons (1245), of Lyons (1274), were such neither in their mode of convocation (having no true representatives from other patriarchates), nor in their reception by the Church at large. See Palmer's Treatise on the Church, n. 162 sq., 3rd ed. Provincial synods were commanded to be held every year by the council of Lateran (1215), c. 7. internal organiza TION. Exorbitance of archdea cons. Vicars- general and of ficials. Synods. 240 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 'provincial' (or, in England, ' convocations'1) were assem bled through the whole of the present period. Their effect, however, was diminished by the intermeddling of the papal legates and the growth of Romish absolutism2. From these councils, much as they evince of the genuine spirit of reform, we are constrained to argue, that the general system of the Church was now most grievously disjointed and the morals of the clergy fearfully relaxed. Abuses of ecclesiastical patronage3 which Hildebrand and others of his school attempted to eradicate had come to light afresh. A race of perfunctory and corrupted priests, non-residents and pluralists, are said to have abounded in all quarters4; and too often the emphatic voice of 1 See above, pp. 50, 53; p. 153, u. 5. From the foundation of the Anglo-Saxon church, the bishops and abbots had been accustomed to meet in ecclesiastical councils ; sometimes in national (Bede, H. E. iv. 17), sometimes in provincial assemblies (Sim. Dun. Man. Hist. Brit. p. 670), and this independently of the witenagemots, and before the assembling of a general witenagemot for England was possible. After the Conquest for a long period the ecclesiastical councils were national, . and attended by the prelates of both provinces, as, for example, that of London in 1075; (Will. Malmesb. Gesta Pontificum, pp. 66 — 68,'ecL Hamilton.) In 1127, the king held a council at London, and the arch«s; bishop another at Westminster (H. Hunt. fo. 219, ed. Savile), in a way which has been compared with the modern custom of holding parliament and convocation at the same time. See Wake, State of the Church, p. 171, London, 1703. Becords of provincial councils are very rare, until the custom of voting money in them arose. That of 1175 however, at West minster, was clearly a provincial council of Canterbury (Hoveden n. 72), and that of 1195 held by Hubert Walter as legate, at York, was a pro vincial Council of the Northern province (Hoveden, in. 293 — 297). Provincial councils become more frequent after the beginning of John's reign; and diocesan ones also in which the money-grants of the clergy were arranged. During the thirteenth century it is difficult to distin guish in every case the ecclesiastical and secular character of these meetings; and towards the end of it, Convocation in two provincial representative assemblies was established on its present basis. The representative principle was introduced rather earlier into the ecclesi astical than into the lay councils ; proctors for the cathedral clergy being summoned as early at least as 1225. In 1258 the archdeacons act as proctors or proxies for the clergy of their archdeaconries; in 1273 the bishops are directed to name the representatives ; in 1277 the diocesan clergy are represented by proctors, and from 1283 each diocese is repre sented as at the present day. These Convocations must be carefully distinguished from the Parliamentary assemblies of the clergy which were not provincial. See Select Charters (Oxford, 1870), pp. 38, 442—446, 456, &c. 2 Capefigue, n. 65, 66. 8 Above, pp. 143 sq. 4 On this subject, see the Verbum A bbreviatum of Peter Cantor (a Paris theologian, who died 1197), c. 34, ed. Montibus, 1639, and Gerhoh of —1305] Constitution of the Church. 241 councils, stipulating as to the precise conditions on which sacred offices were to be held, produced no visible or permanent effect. One source of the more glaring immoralities1, which synod vied with synod in denouncing, was the celibacy of the clergy. This had been at length established as the practice of the Western Church through the astute and unremitting efforts of the Roman pontiff. It is true that even Gregory VII. had been constrained to shew in dulgence2 in some cases where the married priest appeared incorrigible ; and in England, at the council of Winchester (1076), the rigours of the Hildebrandine legislation were considerably abated3: but the marriage of the clergy, dis credited on every hand, was gradually disused, and died away entirely at the middle of the thirteenth century. The prohibition was at length extended also, after a pro tracted contest, to sub-deacons and inferior orders4 of the Eeichersberg, De Corrupto Ecclesia Statu; Opp. n. 10 sq. ed. Migne. The language of men like Bonaventura (Opp. vn. 330, ed. Lugduni), where, in his defence of the Mendicants, he draws a most gloomy picture of the clergy, should be taken ' cum grano salis ;' but his colouring is not very much deeper than that of bishop Grosseteste (ep. cvn.), in Brown's Fascic. 11. 382: cf. his Sermo ad clerum, contra pastores et pra- latos malos; Ibid. 263. Schrockh (xxvn. 175 sq.) has proved at large from the decrees of councils, that simony, which Hildebrand and others after him denounced, was rife in nearly every country, often in its most obnoxious forms. 1 e. g. Schrbckh, xxvn. 205, 206. Men like Aquinas saw clearly ' minus esse peccatum uxore uti quam cum alia fornicari' (Ibid. p. 211) ; but they all felt that the canons of the Church were absolutely binding, and there fore that clerical marriages were sinful. 2 The imperial party, now in the ascendant, won the sympathy of many of the married priests, and Hildebrand accordingly advised his legates for the present (1081) to dispense with some of the more rigorous canons on this subject: Mansi, xx. 342. As late as 1114, the council of Gran (Strigoniense) decreed as follows, c. 31: 'Presbyteris uxores, quas legitimis ordinibus acceperint, moderatius habendas, praevisa fragilitate, indulsimus : ' Petorffy's Concil. Hungar. 1. 57, ed. Viemiae Austr. 1742 : Mansi, xxi. 106. 3 'Decretum' est, ut nullus canonicus uxorem habeat. Saeerdqtes vero in castellis vel in vicis habitantes habentes uxores non cogantur ut dimittant; non habentes interdicantur ut habeant,' etc.; Wilkins, 1. 367. For the later aspects of the struggle in England and other countries, see the references in Gieseler, in. 205 — 207, n. 4. Zealots like Boscelin con tended that the sons of clergymen were not eligible to any ecclesiastical office. Neander, vin. 9. 4 Thomassinus, Eccl. Discip. pt. 1. lib. n. c. 65. According to the Decret. Greg. lib. in. tit. 111. c. 1, a cleric under the rank of subdeacon INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Constrain ed celibacy: its exten sion, M.A. E 242 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 Other vices of the se culars. clerical estate. A darker train of evils was the conse quence of this unnatural severity. Incontinence, already general1 among the higher clergy, now infected very many of the rest. Nor was that form of vice the only one which tended to debase the spirit of the seculars and counteract the influence which they ought to have exerted on their flocks. Their levity, intemperance, and extortion2 had too frequently excited the disgust and hatred of the masses, and so far from meeting with the reverence which their sacred office claimed, they were the common butt of raillery and coarse vituperation3. The more earnest of their charge might retain his wife by relinquishing his office, hut subdeacons and all higher orders are compelled to dismiss their wives and do penance : cf, Synod of London (1108) : Wilkins, ±. 387: 1 Thus the Gloss, on Distinct, lxxxi. c. 6 (in Corpus Jur. Canon.) adds that deprivation is not meant to be enforced 'pro simplici fornica- tione ; ' urging, as the reason, ' cum pauci sine illo vitio inveniantur.' 2 The prevalence of these vices may be inferred from the numerous complaints of men like St Bernard (see passages at length, in Gieseler, in. 208 — 210, n. 10), and the decrees of councils (e. g. Lateran, 1215, cc. 14, 15, 16). The same is strongly brought to light in the reforming (anti-secularizing) movement headed by Arnold of Brescia : see Neander, vi;. 205 sq. 3 See, for instance, the Collection of Political Songs, &c, edited by Mr Wright for the Camden Society, and 'Latin Poems commonly at tributed to Walter Mapes' (appointed archdeacon of Oxford in 1196), edited by the same. These specimens, together with the whole cycle of Provencal poetry (the sirventes of the Troubadours and the fabliaux of the Trouveres), contain the most virulent attacks on the clerical, and sometimes the monastic, Order. Much as satire of this kind was over- coloured by licentious or distempered critics, it had, doubtless, some foundation. The champion and biographer of Becket, Herbert of Bose- ham, did not hesitate to employ the following language in speaking of the clergy : ' Sacerdos quippe nisi sensum Scripturarum praehabuerit, tanquam omni carens sensu, idolum potius quam sacerdos judicatur... Utinam et juxta prophetae votum illis fiant similes qui ea faciunt, qui tales in Dei ecclesia ordinant. Simia quippe in aula, talis sacerdos in ecclesia.' Supplementa Herb, de Boseham, pp. 102 sq., ed. Caxton Soc. 1851. It should, however, be borne in mind that the very evidence on which this account of the clergy is received proves the existence of a better and higher idea, and that the ruling one. The enactments of councils are necessitated by a single case as well as by many, and the fact that such enactments were possible proves that the majority of at least the influential clergy were on the right side. No institution could stand if it were to be judged by vulgar caricatures such as the popular songs are ; nor could the history of public morality at the present day be drawn from the police reports. The abuses of certain sorts were through the medieval period great and notorious, but if they had been the rule generally the Church must have long ngo ceased to exist. It is observable also that the worst charges are all in general language. No accurate —1305] Constitution of the Church. 243 preferred the ministrations first of monks, and then of mendicants, whose popularity must have been chiefly due to their superior teaching and more evangelic lives. Ex ceptions there would doubtless be in which the humble parish-priest approved himself the minister of God and was the light and blessing of his sphere of duty : but the acts of such are seldom registered among the gloomy annals of the age. §2. RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH TO THE CIVIL POWER. The Western Church was now exalted by the papacy as the supreme and heaven-appointed mistress of the State; or looking at the change produced by this conjuncture from a different point of view, she ran the risk of falling, under Gregory VII., into a secular and merely civil in stitution. Having generally succeeded in his effort to repress the marriage of the clergy, he began to realize the other objects that had long been nearest to his heart, the abolition of all ' lay-investitures,' the freedom of epis copal elections, and his own ascendancy above the juris diction of the crown l. In carrying out his wishes he advanced a claim to what was nothing short of feudal sovereignty in all the kingdoms of the west2, in some upon the ground that they were the possessions (fiefs) of St Peter3, and in others as made tributary to the popes by a specific grant4. judgment can be drawn from the generalities of fanatical reformers or from the sneers of professed enemies. 1 His own election, it is true, had been confirmed by the emperor ac cording to the decree of Nicholas II. (above, p. 140, n. 1) : but that is the last case on record of a like confirmation. Bowden's Life of Gregory VII. 1. 323. 2 In his more sober moments he allowed that the royal power was also of Divine institution, but subordinate to the papal. The two dig nities ('apostolica et regia ') are like the sun and moon: Epist. lib. vn. ep. 25 (Mansi, xx. 308). An apology for Gregory VII. on claiming oaths of knightly service from the kings and emperors, is made by Dbl- linger, in. 314—316. 3 Spain was so regarded ('ab antiquo proprii juris S. Petri fuisse'): Epist. lib. 1. ep. 7. 4 Thus ' Gregory VII. (1074) reproaches the king of Hungary for accepting the emperor as lord paramount of his dominions, Thait B2 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Their gene ral unpo pularity. The main features of the Hilde brandine policy. 244 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 KELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Struggle of the pope withHenry IV. The chief opponent of these ultra-papal claims was Henry IV. of Germany1: but his abandoned character, his tampering with the church-preferment, and his un popularity in many districts of the empire, made it easier for the pope to humble and subdue him. The dispute was opened by a Roman synod in 1075, where every form of lay-investiture was strenuously resisted2. After some pa cific correspondence, in which Henry shewed himself dis posed to beg the papal absolution3 for the gross excesses of his youth, he was at length commanded to appear in Rome for judgment4, on the ground that Hildebrand had been entrusted with the moral superintendence of the world. Henry now hastened to repel this outrage : he deposed his rival6, and was speedily deposed himself and stricken with the papal ban6 (1076). Supported by a kingdom is said to be 'Eomanae ecclesiae proprium a rege Stephano olim B. Petro oblatum. ' The letter goes on to say : ' Praeterea Heinricus piae memoriae imperator ad honorem S. Petri regnum Blud expugnans, victo rege et facta victoria, ad corpus B. Petri lanceam coronamque trans- misit et pro gloria triumphi sui illuc regni direxit insignia, quo princi- patum dignitatis ejus attinere cognovit.' Lib. n. ep. 13: cf. above, p. 128, n. 5. On the sturdy language of William the Conqueror, when asked to do homage to Gregory, see Turner, Hist, of England, ' Middle Ages,' i. 131, ed. 1830. 1 See Stanzel, Gesch. Deutschlands unter den frank. Kaisern, I. 248 sq. 2 On the historical connexion of this law, see Jaffe', p. 417. It runs as follows : ' Si quis deinceps episcopatum vel abbatiam de manu ali- cujus laicae personae susceperit, nullatenus inter episcopos habeatur,' etc.... ...adding, 'Si quis imperatorum, regum, ducum, marchionum, comitum, vel quilibet saecularium potestatum aut personarum investi- turam episcopatuum vel alicujus ecclesiasticae ' dignitatis dare prae- sumpserit, ejusdem sententiae [i.e. of excommunication] vinculo se adstrictum esse sciat :' Mansi, xx. 517. Gregory had already (1073) threatened Philip of France with excommunication and anathema for simoniacal proceedings : Epist. lib. i. ep. 35. 3 His letter (1073) is given at length in Bowden, i. 340 sq. The hopes which it inspired in Gregory are expressed by his Epist. lib i. epp. 25, 26. 4 See Bruno, De Bella Saxon, o. 64 (in Pertz, vn. 351) ; and Lam bert's Annates, a.d. 1076. According to the latter writer Henry was summoned, on pain of anathema, to appear in Borne by Feb. 22 : but cf. Neander, vn. 144, 145. o The stronghold of the imperialists was the collegiate chapter of Goslar. They were backed on this occasion by the synod of Worms (Jan. 24, 1076), which, not content with a repudiation of the pope assailed his character with the most groundless calumnies : Lambert' as above ; Bowden, n. 92 sq. ' 6 Mansi, xx. 469. ' Henrico regi, filio Henrici Imperatoris, qui contra -1305] Constitution of the Church. 245 number of disloyal princes who assembled at Tribur, the terrible denunciation took effect ; they formed the resolution of proceeding to appoint another king, and Henry's wrath was, for a time at least, converted into fear1. An abject visit to the pope, whom he propitiated by doing penance at Canossa2, ended in the reconstruction of his party, and the gradual recognition of his rights3. The papal ban, indeed, was reimposed in 1080 ; but Henry had strength enough to institute a rival pontiff4 (Clement III.) : and although his arms were partially resisted by the countess of Tuscany5 (Matilda) and the Normans under Robert Guiscard6 who came forward in behalf of Gregory, the subjects of the pope himself were now in turn estranged from him7. He therefore breathed his last (1085) an exile from the seat of his ambitious projects8. It was made apparent in the course of this dispute that numbers were unwilling to concede the pope a right of excommunicating monarchs, even in extreme cases; and tuam ecclesiam inaudita superbia insurrexit, totius regni Teutonicorum et Italiae gubernacula contradico, et omnes Christianos a vinculo jura- menti, quod sibi fecere vel facient, absolvo, et ut nullus ei sicut regi serviat interdico... vinculo eum anathematis vice tua alligo '. ... Cf. Paul. Bernried, Vit. Gregor. c. 68 sq. This and other works in defence of Gregory will be found in Gretser, Opp. torn. vi. Those which take the opposite (or imperial) side have been collected in Goldast's Apolog. pro Imper. Henrico IV. , Hanov. 1611. 1 Neander, vn. 153. 2 See the humiliating circumstances detailed by Gregory himself (Jan. 28, 1077) in a letter written to the German princes : lib. iv. ep. 12. The tone of this letter is most unapostolic. 3 The enemies of Henry, it is true, proceeded to elect Budolph of Swabia for emperor, the pope remaining neutral at first, and afterwards (1080) espousing (Mansi, xx. 531) what he thought the stronger side : but Budolph's death soon after left his rival in possession of the crown, and ruined the designs of Gregory. 4 Jaffe-, p. 443. 5 On the relations of Gregory with this princess, see Neander, vn. 155 (note), and Sir J. Stephen's Essays, i. 45 sq. 6 This rude soldier had been excommunicated by Gregory in 1074 (Mansi, xx. 402), but in 1080 (June 29) the services of the Norman army were secured at all hazards. See Gregory's investiture of their leader in Mansi, xx. 314. t 7 See Bowden, n. 318. 8 One of his last public acts was a renewal of the anathema against Henry and the anti-pope : see Bernold's Chron. a.d. 1084 (Pertz, vn. 441). The letters of Gregory VH. bearing on German and imperial topics have been published in » very convenient form by Jaffe, Monu- menta Gregoriana, Berlin, 1865. RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. 'Reform ing' princi ples deve loped by it. 246 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWEE. Further papal en croachments. Strength ened by the Crusades. that others who admitted this denied the further claim to dispossess an emperor of all his jurisdiction and absolve his subjects from their oath of allegiance1. The relations of the spiritual and temporal authorities were now embarrassed more and more by popes who fol lowed in the steps of Gregory. The second TJrban, after placing Philip I. of France2 under the papal ban (1094), forbade a priest or bishop to swear any kind of feudal homage3 to the sovereign or to other laymen, — an in junction which, if carried out, would have been absolutely fatal to the union of the Church and civil power. This pontiff also headed the new movement4 of the age for rescuing Palestine from the dominion of the Saracens. The project had been entertained before by Gregory VII.5, who seems to have expected that Crusades, while strength ening his throne,' would tend to reunite the Eastern and the Western Christians ; but no step was taken for the realizing of his wish until it found a mighty echo in the heart of TJrban II.e Of the many consequences which resulted from that wondrous impulse, none is more appa rent than the exaltation of the papal dignity7 at the expense of every other. Rome had thus identified her- 1 Cf. on the one side Neander, vn. 149 sq., Gieseler, 111. 16, n. 25, with Dbllinger, in. 323 sq. Gregory's own defence of his conduct may be seen in his Epist. lib. iv. ep. 2. According to Capefigue (1. 294 sq. ), the excommunicated emperor was to be avoided like a leper, and there fore his deposition followed as a matter of course. 2 In this case as in others (cf. p. 136, n. 4) the papal fulmination was a popular act, Philip having repudiated his lawful wife. He was resisted by Ivo, the bishop of Chartres, who begged the pope (Epist. 46) to adhere to the sentence he had pronounced through his legate at the council of Autun. The ban was accordingly pronounced afresh at the council of Clermont (1095) in Philip's own territories. Bernold's Chron. a.d. 1095 (Pertz, vn. 464). 3 See Dollinger's remarks on what he calls ' the new and severe addi tion,' in. 330. 4 On the Crusades generally, see Wilken, Gesch. der Kreuzzuge, Michaud, Hist, des Croisades, and Gibbon, ch. lviii. 3 Epist. lib. n. ep. 31. In lib. n. ep. 49, he begs that men who love St Peter will not prefer the caruse of secular potentates to that of the Apostle, and complains of the sad depression of the Eastern Church. 8 See the acts of the council of Clermont (Nov. 18—28, 1095), in Mansi, xx. 815 sq. 7 Neander, vn. 176. On the establishment of the kingdom of Je rusalem (1099) the power of the pope was fully recognized in temporal as in spiritual things. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 247 self with the fanaticism of princes and of people, to secure an easy triumph over both. Paschal II., known in English history as the supporter of archbishop Anselm1 in- his opposition to the crown, had sided with Henry V. in his unnatural effort to dethrone his father (1104) : but soon afterwards he drove the pope himself into concessions which were deemed an ignominious compromise. Paschal2 openly surrendered into the hands of the civil power all the secular fiefs which had been bestowed on the clergy, on condition that the king should in his turn resign the privileges of investiture ; but sub sequently even this condition was abandoned, and the over- pliant pontiff went so far as to concede that Henry should invest the prelates, in the usual way, before their conse cration. But the pledge was speedily revoked. Amid the crowd of conflicting theories as to the limits of the sovereign power in matters ecclesiastical, there grew up in the popedom of Calixtus II. a more tractable and intermediate party3; and since all the combatants were now exhausted by the struggle4, a concordat was agreed 1 See Hasse's Life of Anselm, Lond. 1850; and Turner's Middle Ages, 1. 155 sq. The investiture-controversy (cf. above, p. 155, n. 1) was settled in England as early as 1107 ; the pope and Anselm having conceded that all prelates should, on their election, do homage to the king. This concordat was accepted in the synod of London, 1107: Wilkins, 1. 386. 2 He had already (1106) prohibited every kind of lay investiture like his predecessors (Mansi, xx. 1211): but in 1111, on the advance of an imperial army, he proposed (1) to resign the regalia held by bishops and abbots, ' i.e. eivitates, ducatus, marchias, comitatus, monetas, telo- neum, mercatum, advocatias regni, jura centurionum, et curtes, quae manifeste regni sunt, cum pertinentiis suis, militia et castra regni' (in Pertz, iv. 67); and (2) to grant the king, 'ut regni tui episcopis vel abbatibus libere praeter symoniam et violentiam electis, investituram virgae et annuli conferas,' etc. ; Ibid. p. 72. The pope, however (see above, p. 222, n. 1), was soon compelled by his party to revoke these concessions: Ibid. Append, pp. 181 sq. : cf. Cardinal, de Aragon. Vit. Paschalis II., in Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script, in. part 1. 363, and Nean der, vn. 186—194. A very bold and bitter protest was put forth (circ. 1102) against the temporal assumptions of Paschal, by the church cf Liege. Their organ was Sigebert, a monk of Gemblours (Gemblacensis). The letter is printed, among other places, in Mansi, xx. 987. 3 This school was represented by Hugo, a monk of Fleury, whose Tradatus de Regia Potestate et Sacerdotali Dignitate is preserved in Baluze and Mansi's Miscellan. iv. 184 sq. 4 The following language of Calixtus to the emperor (Feb. 19, 1122) deserves attention: 'Nihil, Henrice, de tuo jure vendicare sibi quaerit RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Humilia tion of Pas chal II. Concordat of Worms, 1122. 248 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 upon at Worms1 (in September 1122), and solemnly con firmed by the council of Lateran2 in the following year (March 27). It was there determined that the emperor should cease to claim the right of investiture by ring and crosier and should grant to every church the free election of the bishop, while the pope conceded that on their elec tion prelates should receive the 'regalia' from the king by means of the sceptre, and should thus avow their willingness to render unto Csesar the things that are truly his. But though one topic of dispute was now adjusted, fresh ones could not fail to be evoked by the aspiring projects of the papacy: while on the other hand, the opposition offered by the house of Franconia, under Henry IV. and Henry V., was stubbornly continued for a hundred years (1137 — 1236) by the new line of emperors3 (the Hohen- staufen, Waiblingen or Ghibellines). The pontiff could, however, keep his ground, supported as he was by the political assailants of the empire4. His throne, indeed, was shaken for a time in the im petuous movement headed by a minor cleric, Arnold of Brescia5, who came forward as the champion of the volun- ecclesia ; nee regni nee imperii gloriam affectamus : obtineat ecclesia quod Christi est, habeat imperator quod suiim est,' etc. ; in Neugart's Codex Diplom. Alemannia, n. 50, ed. 1791. 1 See Ekkehard, ad an. 1122 (Pertz, vni. 260) ; Vit. Calixti, in Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script, in. pt. I. p. 420 : Planck, iv. pt. i. 297 sq. 2 Dbllinger (in. 345, 346) remarks that on the subject of the act of ' homage' as distinguished from the oath of fealty, the concordat was entirely silent, indicating that Calixtus 'tolerated' it. In a letter dated Dec. 13, 1122, he congratulates the emperor on his return 'nunc tandem ad ecclesia! gremium:' Mansi, xxi. 280. 3 See Von Baumer's Gesch. der Hohenstaufen und ihrer Zeit, Leipzig, 1840. 4 The Guelphs (Welfs) and Ghibellines became the 'Whigs' and 'Tories' of this period, the pope allying himself with the former: cf. F. von Schlegel, Philos. of History, p. 369 (Bohn's ed.), who views the matter differently. The Welfs took their name from the line of princes which gave dukes to Bavaria and Saxony. Under Frederick I. this line was represented by Henry the Lion ; and later on by his son Otho IV ; both of whom represented the ancient dislike of the Saxons of North Germany to the imperial rule, and so were united in a common antipathy with the popes. The use of the party names however is later than the struggle itself ; the power of both Hohenstaufen and Welf was extinct by the middle of the 13th century, and they represent merely imperial and papal partizanship in Italy of a later date. 6 See Schrbckh, xx. 112 sq., and 155, 156, on the different views -1305] Constitution of the Church. tary system, and impugned the right of bishops and of popes themselves to any temporal possession. A republic was proclaimed at Rome (1143) ; the principles of Arnold spread in every part of Lombardy, and though repressed at length by the imperial arms1, the fermentation they excited did not Gease for twenty years, after which the mis guided author of it fell into the hands of the police2 (1155). The German empire was now administered by one of the sturdiest of the anti-papal monarchs, Frederic I. or Barbarossa (1152 — 1190). But after he had proved him self a match for Hadrian IV.3, he was compelled (1176) to recognize the claims of Alexander III.4, who, counting on the disaffection of the Lombards, carried out the Hil debrandine principles in all their breadth and rigour. He was seconded in England by the primate Becket6, who, although he rose to eminence as a minister of the king6, respecting him. Neander's estimate is favourable (vn. 203 — 209). It appears to be established that Arnold was a pupil of Abelard : Ibid. p. 204 (note). Francke, Arnold von Brescia, Zurich, 1825, tries to connect him with the Waldenses and Cathari. He was condemned as early as 1139, at the council of Lateran, in company with the anti-pope : cf. S. Bernard. Epist. 195, written in the following year to caution the bishop of Constance against Arnold and his principles. 1 The Bomans in this extremity invited Conrad to resume the ancient imperial rights: see e.g. the two Letters in Martene and Durand's Collect. n. 398. 2 Hadrian IV. desired the emperor to give up 'Arnaldum haereticum, quern vicecomites de Campania abstulerant . , . quern tanquam prophetam in terra sua cum honore habebant.' Card, de Aragon. Vit. Hadriani, in Muratori, as above, p. 442. He was immediately hanged : cf. Neander, vn. 223. 3 He had reminded Frederic (1157) that the imperial crown was con ferred ('collatam') by the pope, with the addition, 'Neque tamen poenitet nos desideria tuae voluntatis in omnibus implevisse, sed si majora bene- ficia excellentia tua de manu nostra suscepisset, si fieri posset, non immerito gauderemus:' see Badevicus Gest. Frid. lib. i. c. 9; in Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script, vi. 746 sq. The pope, in 1158, was forced to explain away the obnoxious terms: Ibid. c. 22; Pertz, iv. 106. 4 See Von Eaumer (as above), pp. 244 sq.; Dbllinger, rv. 19, 20; Gieseler, in. § 52, n. 22. 5 A copious stock of authorities for the Life of Becket is contained in the 5. Thomas Cantuariensis, edited by Giles, 8 vols. Oxf. 1845 : see also J. C. Eobertson's Becket, a Biography, London, 1859. 6 Sharon Turner has tried to shew that several limitations of the clerical encroachments had been made under his own auspices : Middle Ages, i. 233, and note 55, ed. 1830. The instances, however, are not very convincing ; and all that can be proved is that whilst Becket was minis ter, the bishops and abbots were brought under contribution for the scutage. The same writer has shewn (p. 259, n. 112) that at one period 249 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. The anti- hierarchical move ment under Arnold. Earlystruggle of Frederic Barbarossa with the popes. The influ ence of Becket. 250 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 threw himself, on his promotion to Canterbury, on the side of clerical immunities and ultimately perished in the cause. The point on which he took his stand was the ex emption of all clerical offenders from the civil jurisdiction, urging that, whatever was the nature of their crime1, they should be tried in the spiritual courts, and punished only as the canon law prescribed. The king insisted, on the contrary, that clerics, when convicted in his courts, should be degraded by the Church and then remanded to the civil power for execution of the sentence. In a meet ing2 called the 'Council of Clarendon' (Jan. 25, 1164), Becket had allowed himself to acquiesce in regulations which he deemed entirely hostile to the Church and fatal to his theory of hierarchical exemption : but the pope im mediately absolved him from the oath3, and afterwards, until his murder (Dec. 29, 1170), countenanced his un remitting opposition to the crown4. His canonization, and the miracles5 alleged to have been wrought on pil grims who had worshipped at his tomb, conspired to fix the the clergy were apprehensive lest Henry should have broken altogether with the pope. 1 The number of crimes charged against clerics (major and minor) in the early years of this reign was very great. Engl. Review, vi. 61, 62. 2 It consisted of the king, the two archbishops, twelve bishops, and thirty-nine lay barons. Though purporting to re-enact the 'customs of England, ' the Constitutions of Clarendon infringe at many points on the existing privileges of the Church: e.g. the twelfth reduced the patronage of the bishoprics and abbeys almost entirely under the king's control. Wilkins, i. 435. 3 Epist. S. Thoma, n. 5, ed. Giles. 4 Alexander durst not bring the matter to an open rupture, on account of his own misunderstanding with the emperor Frederic : but (June 8, 1165) he reprimanded Henry (Ibid. n. 115) and incited some of the bishops to exert their influence in behalf of Becket. Among other things they were to admonish the king, ' ut in eo quod excesserit satisfaciat, a pravis actibus omnino desistat, Bomanam ecclesiam solita veneratione respiciat,' etc.; Ibid. n. 96: cf. n. 53. Even where he is urging Becket to proceed against his. enemies (April, 1166) he adds: 'Verum de persona regis speciale tibi mandatum non damus, nee tamen .jus tibi pontificale quod in ordinatione et consecratione tua suscepisti adimimus.' Ibid. n. 12. In a subsequent endeavour to effect a compromise, Henry insisted on the reservation ' salva dignitate regni,' and Becket on ' salva ecolesias dignitate,' so that nothing was accomplished. (Bobertson, Becket, p. 224.) But the king afterwards relented (Jan. 1170) when he found it likely that his kingdom would be placed under an interdict (Epist. S. Thoma, ii. 55). 6 John of Salisbury, Vita S. Thoma, Opp. v. 380, ed. Giles, —1305] Constitution of the Church. 251 triumph1 of those ultramontane principles which he had laboured more than others to diffuse. Meanwhile the conflict with the emperor had been re opened. Lucius III. and his immediate successors (1181 — 1187) were ejected from the papal city by domestic trou bles2; and the restless Barbarossa threatened to reduce them into bondage, when he was at length diverted from the theatre of strife to lead an army of Crusaders (1189). He did not survive the expedition3. The reign of Henry VI. and the minority of Frederic II. favoured the en croachments of the Roman pontiff. Innocent III. (as we have seen4) advanced the most exorbitant pretensions, and by force of character as well as circumstances humbled nearly all the European courts. His foremost wishes were the conquest of Palestine and an extensive ' reformation of the Church5,' but neither of these ends could, be achieved, according to his theory, except by the obliteration of all nationalities and the entire ascendancy of Rome above the temporal power. He gave away the crown of Sicily6 and governed there as guardian of the king : he elevated, and in turn deposed, a candidate for the imperial throne7: 1 See the Purgatio Henrici Regis pro morte beati Thoma, and the Charta Absolutionis Domini Regis in Boger de Hoveden, Chron. n. 35 — 37; ed. London, 1869. The vantage-ground secured to Alexander by these acts is shewn in language like the following (Sept. 20, 1172), where he had congratulated Henry on the conquest of Ireland : ' Et quia Eomana ecclesia aliud jus habet in insula quam in terra magna et con- tinua, nos earn spem tenentes, quod jura ipsius ecclesiae non solum conservare velis, sed etiam ampliare, et ubi nullum jus habet, id debeas sibi conferre, rogamus,' etc. Bymer's Fcedera, i. 45, ed. 1816: Jaffe, p. 751. 2 Dollinger, iv. 21 sq. 8 Von Baumer, as above, ii. 411 sq. 4 Above, pp. 224, 225. 5 Thus he writes (1215): 'Dlius ergo testimonium invocamus, Qui Testis est in coelo fidelis, quod inter omnia desiderabilia cordis nostri duo in hoc saeculo principaliter affectamus, ut ad recuperationem videlicet Terras Sanctae ac reformationem universalis Ecclesiae valeamus intendere cum effectu.' Mansi, xxn. 960, The foundation of the Latin empire at Constantinople (1204) added largely to the papal empire and excited larger expectations. It was destroyed, however, in 1261. 6 Securing from the crown a surrender of the following points : the royal nomination of bishops, the power of excluding legates, and pro hibiting appeals to Bome, and the arbitrary grant or refusal of permission to the bishops to be present at councils: see Planck, iv. pt. i. 452 sq.; Dollinger, iv. 27. 7 This was Otho IV., who had renounced all participation in ec- RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWEK. Frederic Barbarossa renews the contest.His influ ence coun teracted under In nocent III. 252 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 he freed the subjects of count Raymond of Toulouse, who was infected with the Albigensian tenets, from their allegiance1: he made Philip Augustus of France take back his rightful queen2: and, passing over similar achieve ments, it was he who forced a sovereign of this country (John) to hold his royal dignity as one of the most abject vassals of the pope3 (1213). The 'Magna Carta' was, however, gained in spite of Innocent's emphatic repro bation4, and his death in 1216 allowed the imperialists to breathe afresh and make an effort for diminishing the range of papal absolutism. Fretted by their oppo sition, Gregory IX. betrayed the fiery spirit of his pre decessors and pronounced his ban against the emperor Frederic II.6 (1227). A compromise ensued, in which the quarrel seemed to have been amicably settled: but the interval of calm was short ; and on the recommencement of hostilities, the fearless monarch was at length proscribed as an incorrigible misbeliever, who had justly forfeited his crown (March 24, 1239)6. The contest thus exasperated clesiastical elections and the 'jus spolii,' or title to the property of deceased bishops and other clergymen : but afterwards withdrawing from this engagement and seizing some of the temporalities of the Boman see, he was excommunicated by Innocent (1211) and his crown trans ferred to Frederic II. : Matthew Paris, from Boger of Wendover, A.D. 1210; Dollinger, iv. 31, 32. 1 See Sir J. Stephen's Lectures, i. 219, 220; ed. 1851. 2 Innocent. Epist. lib. in. ep. 11 sq.: Will. Armor, apud Bouquet, xvn. 88. 3 The pope ' sententialiter definivit ut rex Anglorum Johannes a solio regni deponeretur, et alius, papa procurante, succederet, qui dignior haberetur,' etc. M. Paris, a.d. 1212, p. 195; from Boger of Wendover, in. 241, ed. Coxe. He had before (1208) laid the whole kingdom under interdict. In John's deed of cession he speaks of it as made 'Deo et Sanctis Apostolis ejus Petro et Paulo, et Sanctas Bomanae ecclesiae matri nostrae, ac domino papae Innocentio ejusque catholicis successoribus...pro remissione omnium peccatorum nostrorum et totius generis nostri tarn pro vivis quam pro defunctis.' M. Paris, a.d. 1213, p. 199; B. Wendover, in. 253. The tribute-money was to be 'mille marcas esterlingorum annuatim.' 4 Wendover, a.d. 1215, in. 323. 5 Wendover (1228), iv. 157; M. Paris, p. 291. While under this ban Frederic actually set out on a crusade in spite of the Boman pontiff, issuing his orders 'in the name of God and of Christendom.' 6 The grounds on which. the papal fulmination rested are given at length in the bull of deposition: M. Paris (1239), p. 412: cf. Frederic's own letters, Ibid. pp. 415 sq. How far he merited the charge of blas phemy, infidelity, or free-thinking, is discussed by Neander, vn. 248 sq. The recent work, Historia Diplomatica Friderici Secundi, ed. Huillard- —1305] Constitution of the Church. 253 did not cease until his death in 1250, after having more and more developed the conviction in his subjects, that some check must be imposed on the ambition of the Roman see1. The papacy, indeed, appeared to have come forth tri umphant when the last of the Hohenstaufen, Conradin2, perished on the scaffold (Oct. 29, 1268) : but, in spite of the prodigious energy which it continued to evince, its hold on all the European nations was relaxing, while the hope of Eastern conquest faded more and more3. It is alike remarkable that one of the premonitory blows which Roman despotism provoked had been inflicted, half uncon sciously, by Louis IX. (St Louis) of France, and at this very juncture. What are known as the ' Gallican Liber ties ' are clearly traceable to him. In his ordinance of 12684 he proceeds on the idea of building up a ' national church ' in strict alliance with the civil power. But a more sensible advance was made in this direction under Philip the Fair5, whose conduct in ecclesiastical affairs, however selfish, arbitrary and unjust, was tending BreTiolles (Paris, 1853), contains the most accurate information respecting him. 1 A saving rose in Germany that Frederic would return, or that an eagle would spring from his ashes and destroy the papacy. 2 Von Baumer, Gesch. der Hohenstaufen, rv. 594. 3 Cf. the remarks of Neander on the dying-out of the Crusades: vn. 260 sq. 4 Commonly called a ' Pragmatic Sanction ;' printed in Capefigue, n. 352 sq. See the critique of this author (n. 171, 172). Another instru ment, bearing the title 'Pragmatic Sanction' and more plainly 'Gallican,' was issued by Charles VII. in 1438. Louis IX. also contributed to the foundation of the college of Sorbonne (1259), which afterwards produced a number of intrepid champions in the cause of 'nationality' as it di verges from the Boman theory of universalism. 5 On his important struggle with Boniface VIII. see Gieseler, in. 133—156, on one side, and Dollinger, iv. 80 sq. or Capefigue, u, 181 sq. on the other. After some preliminary skirmishing, Philip, backed by the States-General (Ap. 10, 1302), wrote a warning letter to the pope, whose indignation knew no bounds. In the famous decretal ' Unam Sanctam,' which appeared in the following November, and is printed in Capefigue, ii. 355 (cf. Neander, ix. 11), Boniface asserted the absolute supremacy of papal power ('Porro subesse Bomano pontifici omnem humanam creatu- ram declaramus, dicimus, difiinimus et pronuntiamus omnino esse de necessitate salutis'). He published the ban against his rival (April 13, 1303), but it was powerless. Philip summoned the States-General afresh (June 13), where he preferred a charge of heresy against the pope and stated his intention of appealing to a general council and a future pontiff. Boniface, however, died in October, and the next pope (Benedict XI.) RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Beginning of reaction against the papacy. 254 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. The grounds of this reuc- to reverse the whole of the Hildebrandine policy, and threatened more than once to rend the kingdom from its old connexion with the Roman see. The humbled pontiff, watched and crippled at Avignon, was for many years the creature and tool of the kings of France1. There was, indeed, no general wish to question the supremacy of Rome, so long as she confined herself within the sacerdotal province ; but her worldliness, venality, and constant intermeddling in the affairs of state, could hardly fail to lessen the respect with which her claims had been regarded : and as soon as the idea of an appeal from her decisions to a General Council2 was distinctly mastered, it is clear that the prestige by which her usurpations were supported was already vanishing away. The true relations of the regal and ecclesiastical authority8 were now discussed with greater freedom. A reaction had commenced. Mankind were growing more and more per suaded that prerogatives like those of Hildebrand or Inno cent III. were far from Apostolic, and could not be safely lodged in sacerdotal hands4. Prophetic warnings on the fall and secularization of the Church, poured forth by revoked all the edicts which Boniface had promulgated against the French king. 1 This period of about seventy years (1305 — 1309 at Lyons, 1309 to 1376 at Avignon) is known as 'the Captivity,' and was such when regarded from the ultramontane point of view: see Vita Paparum Avenionensium, ed. Baluze, Paris, 1693. 2 Frederic II. had done this in his circular Letters to the Christian princes and the cardinals: Matthew Paris, p. 416: Neander, vn. 248. The example was followed by Philip the Fair: see above, p. 253, n. 5. A remarkable symptom of the state of feeling on this point is furnished by a poem of the 13th century (Cambr. TJniv. MSS. Dd. xi. 78, § 18), where the Bomans, after arguing with pope Innocent III., and charging him with becoming 'apostaticus' (fol. 114, a), are made to carry their appeal to a general council, which pronounces in their favour. 3 e.g. by the Dominican, John of Paris, in his Tractatus de Potestate Regali et Papali, published in Goldast's Monarchia sancti Romani Im- peratoris, n. 108 sq. An analysis of it is made in the posthumous volume of Neander, rx. pp. 22 sq. See also the Quastio disputata in utramque partem pro et contra pontificiam potestatem, by iEgidius Eomanus (after wards archbishop of Bourges), in Goldast, n. 95 sq.; Neander, rx. 19. The worst evils of the age were traced to the temporal possessions of the pope and to the spurious 'Donatio Constantini,' on which those posses sions were believed to rest: cf. above, p. 40, n. 6. 4 See especially the 'Supplication du Pueuble de France au Roi contre le Pape Boniface le VIII.,' in the Appendix to Du Puy's Hist, du Diffi- rend cntre le Pape et Pkilippes le Bel, Paris, 1655. -1305] Constitution of the Church. 255 earnest souls like Hildegard and Joachim1, united with the sneers of chroniclers like Matthew Paris and a host of anti-papal songs2 in waking the intelligence and pas sions of the many : while the spreading influence of the Universities and Parliaments" was tending, by a different course, to similar results. The vices of the sacred curia, uncorrected by the most despotic of its tenants, had excited general grief and indignation, even in the very staunchest advocates of Rome. St Bernard4, for example, in ad monishing Eugenius III. to extirpate abuses, could not help reverting with a sigh to earlier ages of the faith, when 'the Apostles did not cast their nets for gold and silver but for souls.' And both in Germany and in Eng land, the impression had grown current that the Church of Rome, which had been reverenced there as a benignant mother, was now forfeiting her claim to such a title by imperious and novercal acts6. 1 The 'abbot Joachim, in his exposition of Jeremy, and the maiden Hildegare in the book of her prophecy,' are frequently cited in these times by writers on the corruptions of the Church (e.g. in a Sermon preached by B. Wimbledon at St Paul's Cross, a.d. 1389, and printed in London, 1745). Bespecting them and their influence, see Neander, vn. 298—322; Eobertson, in. 206—212. 2 Extracts from German ballads of this class have been collected in Staudlin's Archiv fiir alte und neu Kirchengesch. iv. pt. iii. pp. 549 sq. : cf. above, p. 242, n. 3. The unmeasured fulminations of the Albigenses and other sectaries will be noticed on a future page. Dante (it is well known) associated a Boman bishop with the apocalyptic woman riding on the beast 'con le sette teste.' 3 Cf. Capefigue's observations on this point, n. 163. ('On commen- cait une epoque de curiosite" et d'innovation.') Comte (Philos. Posit. lib. vi. c. 10) fixes on the opening of the 14th century as the origin of the revolutionary process, which has from that date been participated in by every social class, each in its own way. 4 See his De Consideration ad Eugenium, passim. In epist. 238, 'Amantissimo Patri et domino Dei gratia summo Pontifici Eugenio,' he asks: 'Quis mihi det antequam moriar videre ecclesiam Dei sicut in diebus antiquis, quando Apostoli laxabant retia in capturam, non in cap- turam argenti vel auri, sed in capturam animarum?' 5 Thus Frederic II., in writing to the king of England (Matthew Paris, A.D. 1228, p. 293), complains that the 'Curia Bomana,' which ought to be a' nurse and mother-church, is 'omnium malorum radix et origo, non maternos sed actus exercens novercales, ex cognitis fructibus suis certum faciens argumentum.' And John of Salisbury, the bosom friend of Hadrian IV., assured that pontiff how the public feeling was now set against the Boman church; 'Sicut enim dicebatur a multis, Bomana ecclesia, quae mater omnium ecclesiarum est, se' non tam matrem exhibet alas quam novercam.' Policraticus, lib. vi. c. 24. RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Premoni tory symp toms of the Reforma tion. 256 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 In other words, the struggle with the civil power had been maturing the predispositions that eventually attained their object in redressing ancient wrongs and in a general re-awakening of the Church. —1305] ( 257 ) CHAPTER XI. ON THE STATE OF EELIGIOTJS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. WESTERN CHURCH. The man who at this time surpassed all others in religious earnestness, and who has therefore been re vered especially by all succeeding ages of the Church, was the illustrious Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux1. In reference to his system of theology he bears the title 'last of the Fathers,' representing what is called the ' positive,' patristic or traditionary school, which in the twelfth century was giving place to philosophical inquiries and to freer modes of thought. St Bernard, in his numerous Letters, Tracts, and Sermons (of which eighty-six are on the 'Book of Canticles' alone), exhibits a decided opposition2 to the speculative, and as deep a love for the contemplative, or mystical, theology. His general object was to elevate and warm the spirit of the age in which he lived, and all his writings of this class are emanations from a truly Christian heart that, after communing profoundly with itself, appears to have obtained a satisfactory response 1 See above, p. 230, Neander's Life of him, translated by Wrench : and Hist. LilUr. de S. Bernard et de Pierre-le-Venirable by Dom Cle"- mencet, ed. 1773. 2 This antagonism is seen especially in his controversy with Abelard (see below). Thus, for instance, he writes in Epist. 192: 'Magister Petrus [i.e. Abelard] in libris sui3 profanas voeum novitates inducit et sensum, disputans de fide contra fidem, verbis legis legem impugnat. Nihil videt per speculum et in aenigmate, sed facie ad faciem omnia intuetur, ambulans in magnis et in mirabilibus super se.' The school of the Victorines (inmates of the abbey of St Victor at Paris) came back, as we shall see, in part to the standing ground of St Bernard. M. A. s 258 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 WESTERN CHURCH. The rise of the School men. Anselm, archbp. of Canterbury (d. 1109). General drift of Scholasti- to its most ardent aspirations in that view of Holy Scrip ture which had been transtnitted by the ancient doctors of the Church. But meanwhile other principles, allied in some degree to those which characterize the Syrian school of theologians in the fifth century and John of Damascus in the eighth1, were spreading in all parts of Europe. The scholastic era had begun. We saw the earliest trace of it, accord ing to its proper definition, in the monastery of Bee2, and Anselm, who became the abbot in 1078 and archbishop in 1093, may be regarded as the purest and most able type of schoolmen in the west8. He occupied the place of St Augustine in relation to the Middle Age. The basis of his principles indeed was also Augustinian4: but the form and colour which they took from the alliance now cemented between them and Aristotelian dialectics, gave to Anselm a peculiar mission, and, compared with his great master, a one-sided character. The leading object of the Schoolmen in the earlier stages of their course was not so much to stimulate a spirit of inquiry, as to write in the defence and illus tration of the ancient dogmas of the Church5. In this 1 See above, pp. 71, 72. 2 Above, p. 159, n. 6. 3 Cf. Mohler's Essay entitled Die Scliolastik des Anselmus in his Schriften etc. (Begensburg, 1839), i. 129 — 176: Bornemann's Anselmus et Abalardus, Havniae, 1840. 4 Thus, according to his own account (Epist. lib. i. ep. 68), it had been his desire in controversy, ' ut omnino nihil ibi assererem, nisi quod aut canonicis aut B. Augustini dictis incunctanter posse defendi vi- derem.' The work here referred to is the Monologium sive exemplm meditandi de ratione Fidei, which, together with his Proslogium (or Fides quarens Intellectum), gives the best insight into his theologico-metaphy- sical system. Some parts of it were attacked by a monk named Gaunilo, and Anselm replied in the Apologeticus. His Works, containing a Life by his English pupil, Eadmer, were edited by Gerberon, Paris, 1675, and have been reprinted in Migne's Patrologia cursus, Paris, 1R54. A contemporary, and in some respects an equal, of Anselm, was Hildebert of Lavardin, bishop of le Mans, and afterwards archbp. of Tours, who died about 1135. His works were published at Paris, in folio, 1708. 5 The principle on which the true scholastic wrote is forcibly stated by Anselm in the following passage : ' Nullus quippe Christianus debet disputare, quomodo quod ecclesia catholica corde credit et ore confite- , tur, non sit: sed semper eandem fidem indubitanter tenendo, amando, . et secundum illam vivendo humiliter quantum potest, quaerere rationem .'! quomodo sit.' De Fide Trinitat. contra Roscellinum, c. 2: or still more -1305] State of Religions Doctrine and Controversies. 259 capacity, they undertook to shew, (1) that faith and reason are not inconsistent ; or, in other words, that all the su pernatural elements of revelation are most truly rational : they laboured (2) to draw together all the several points of Christian doctrine, and construct them into one con sistent scheme ; and (3) they attempted the more rigorous definition of each single dogma, pointed out the rationale of it, and investigated its relation to the rest. This method of discussion was extended even to the most inscrutable of all the mysteries of faith, the doctrine of the Blessed Trinity in Unity : and some of the scho lastics did not hesitate to argue that the truth of it is capable of rigorous demonstration1. A dispute as to the proper terms in stating that and other doctrines opened out the controversy of the Nominalists and Realists, a question which employed the subtle spirit of the Schools at intervals for three or more centuries. The author of the former system2 was the canon Rousellin, or Roscel- linus", of Compiegne, who, holding that all general con ceptions are no more than empty names ('flatus vocis'), or, in other words, are mere grammatical abstractions, chosen to facilitate our intellectual processes, but with no real and objective import, argued boldly from these prin ciples that if, according to the current language of the Church, the essence of the Godhead might be spoken of as One reality (' una res '), the personal distinctness of the three Divine hypostases would be constructively denied. To view the Godhead thus was (in his eye) to violate the Christian faith : it was equivalent to saying that the Persons of the Holy Trinity were not Three distinct touchingly in the Proslogium, c. 1 ; ' Non tento, Domine, penetrare alti- tudinem Tuam, quia nullatenus comparo illi intellectum meum ; sed ilesidero aliquatenus intelligere veritatem Tuam, quam credit et amat cor meum. Neque enim quaero intelligere ut credam, sed oredo ut mtelligam.' 1 Elee, Hist, of Christian Dogmas (German), part n. ch. ii. § 11. 2 The problem, had, however, been suggested at an earlier date bv Porphyry : see Cousin's Ouvrages inedits d' Abelard, pp. Ix. sq. Paris, 1836 : Gieseler, in. 278, n. 5. 3 The historical notices of Boscellinus are very few: see Epistola Johannis ad Anselmum, in Baluze and Mansi, Miscell. 11. 174: Anselm's Liber de Fide Trinitatis et de Incamatione Verbi contra blasphemias Ruzelini. Gieseler, in. 281, n. 12, has also drawn attention to a letter of Boscellinus, Ad Petr. Abalardum, lately found in Munich. S2 WESTERN CHUKCH. Disputebetween the Nominal ists and Realists. Opinions of RoscetU- 260 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 WESTERN CHUKCH. condemnedat the Council of Soissons, 1092;and refuted by Anselm. Abelard and- his tendencies(d. 1142). subsistences ('non tres res'), but names and nothing more, without a counterpart in fact. He urged, accordingly, that to avoid Sabellianism the doctors of the Church were bound to call the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost three real Beings ('tres res') of equal majesty and will. A council held (1092) at Soissons1 instantly denounced the author of these speculations on the ground that they were nothing short of tritheism : and Anselm, as the champion of the other system (or the school of Realists), took up his pen to write in its behalf2. According to his view the genus has a true subsistence prior to, and independent of the individuals numbered in the class it represents: particulars arise from universals, being fashioned after these (the 'universalia ante rem') or modelled on a general archetype that comprehends the properties of all3. But though the Nominalists were now suppressed, they afterwards returned to the encounter, headed by a man of most extraordinary powers. Abelard, born in Brittany (1079), was educated under William of Champeaux4 (Cam- pellensis), a renowned logician of the Realistic school. The boldness of his speculations and his brilliant talents soon attracted crowds of auditors to Paris, where he opened his 1 SeePagi Critic. inBaronii Annal. ad an. 1094. Boscellinus abjured the heresy imputed to him, hut afterwards withdrew his recantation. He died at last in retirement. 2 The treatise above mentioned, p. 259, n. 3. He maintained that God, though Triune, is one 'Ipsum:' Dorner, p. 360. As the title indicates, Anselm looked upon the nominalistic theory of his opponent as subversive also of the doctrine of the Incarnation. He could not understand how Christ assumed humanity in all its fulness, if humanity be not a something real and objective, different from the nature of an individual man: cf. archd. Wilberforce, On the Incarnation, pp. 40 sq.. The thoughts of Anselm on this doctrine are preserved at length in his remarkable treatise, Cur Deus Homo, analysed in part by Schrbckh, xxvm. 376—384. 3 The Nominalists regarded all general ideas (universalia) as nothing but abstractions of the human understanding, and derived from the objects presented to its observation (post rem). The Bealists viewed such general ideas as having their origin entirely in the mind itself (ante rem), or as that which is essential in every thing actual (in re). Cf. Milman, Latin Christianity, in. 247 ; Neander, viii. 3; and references in Gieseler, in. 278, 279, n. 6. 4 See a Life of him in the Hist. Litter, de la France, x. 307 : cf. Cousin, as above, p. ex. A short Treatise of William de Champeaux, De Origine Aninur, is printed in Martene and Durand, Thesaur. Anecd. v. 877 sq. • — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 261 career1. Success, however, threw him off his guard ; and to the evil habits there contracted2 many of his future griefs as well as many of his intellectual aberrations may be traced. His earliest publication was an Introduction to Theology3, in which he has confined himself to an in vestigation of the mysteries connected with the Holy Trinity. It claims for men the right of free inquiry into all the subjects of belief, asserting that the highest form of faith is one which has resulted from a personal ac quaintance with the ground on which it rests4. The indiscriminate avowal of this principle, united in his pupils with the boast, that nothing really exceeds the compre hension of a well-instructed mind, provoked the opposition of the older school of teachers5. The council of Soissons (1121) compelled him to withdraw his more extreme po sitions, and consign his volume to the flames6. But the enthusiasm awakened by his lectures did not die, and as 1 He had indeed lectured for a while already at Laon in opposition to Anselm of that place, whose works are sometimes confounded with those of Anselm of Canterbury: see Cave, ad an. 1103. 2 See his own epistle De historia Calamitatum suarum, in P. Abalardi et Heloisa Opp. Paris, 1616: cf. Hist. Litter, de la France xn. 86 sq., 629 sq. ; Abelard, par C. de Bemusat, Paris, 1845 ; Milman, Latin Christianity, ni. 251 sq. 3 Introdudio ad Theolog. Christ., seu de Fide Trinitatis; Opp. 973 sq. He tries to shew that the doctrine of the Trinity is a necessary conception of right reason, and as such was not unknown even to the Gentile sages: cf. the larger and revised edition of the treatise entitled Theologia Christiana, in Martene and Durand's Thesaur. Anecd. v. 1139 sq. Gieseler (in. 282, n. 16) supposes that another work, Sententia Aba lardi, was derived also from this source. 4 See Neander's remark on the difference between Anselm and Abe lard, vni. 35, 36. The strong feelings of the latter on this point may be estimated from a single passage : 'Asserunt [i.e. the anti-philosophic school] nil ad catholicae fidei mysteria pertinens ratione investigandum esse, sed de omnibus audoritati statim credendum esse, quantumcunque haeo ab humana ratione remota esse videatur. Quod quidem si recipiatur ...cujusque populi fides, quantamcunque adstruat falsitatem, refelli non poterit, etsi in tantam devoluta sit caecitatem, ut idolum quodlibet Deum esse ac cceli ac terrae Creatorem fateatur.' Introd. ad Theolog. lib. n. c. 3, p. 1059. 6 Walter de Mauretania (Mortagne) was one of these : see his Epist. ad Petrum Abalard., in D'Achery, in. 525. 6 Cf. his own account, Hist. Calamit. suar. c. 9, with Otto Frising. De Gestis Frider. lib. 1. c. 47 (in Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script, torn. vi.). He now retired first to the abbey of St Denis, and afterwards to an ora tory in the diocese of Troyes ('the Paraclete'). This he transferred to Heloise when he himself became abbot of Buys in Brittany (1126 — 1136). WESTEKN CHUKCH. Condemnation of him at Soissons, 1121: 262 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 he still adhered to his opinions1, many charges of heretical teaching were brought against him. Bernard of Clair vaux, whose tone of mind was so completely different from his, had been induced2 to take the lead in checking the dissemination of his views. The two great doctors were confronted in the council of Sens (June 22, 1140) ; where it was decided that the teaching of Abelard was unsound3, but that the mode of dealing with his person should, on his appeal, be left to the superior judgment of the pope. The latter instantly (July 16) approved their verdict and condemned the misbeliever to perpetual silence4. He now published a Confession and Apology* and died soon afterwards, the guest of Peter the Venerable6 and the monks of Clugny (1142). The zeal of Bernard was now turned against a kindred writer, Gilbert de la Poree (Porretanus), bishop of Poitiers (1141), who, in criticizing the established language of the Church, had been apparently betrayed into a class of 1 Another startling work, his Sic et Non, had probably appeared in the mean time. Some portions of it are printed in Cousin's Ouvrages inSdits. It exhibits the multiformity of Christian truth by placing side by side a number of divergent extracts from the Bathers, forming a manual for scholastic disputation: cf. Milman, in. 271. If Bernard saw this treatise, it explains his implacable hostility. Other causes of offence were found in his Scito teipsum and his Commentary on the Epistle to the Romans. 2 By William, abbot of St Thierry, in Bernard. Epist. 326, al. 391. The ground of Bernard's opposition, which appears to have been first stated, to Abelard in private, may be seen in his Letters (Epp. 188, 192, 193), and his Tradatus de Erroribus P. Abalardi ad Innocent. II. ; Opp. i. 1441, ed. Paris, 1839. 3 The charges brought against him were of the most serious kind, e.g. that he made 'degreesMn the holy Trinity, that he denied, or eva cuated, the doctrines of- grace, and divided the Person of our Lord like the Nestorians. All that is known respecting the proceedings of the council has been collected in Gieseler, in. 287, n. 24. 4 In writing to Bernard and others, Innocent II. declares that he con demned. the 'perversa dogmata cum auctore,' Mansi, xxi. 565; and after wards commands, 'ut Petrum Abaelardum et Arnaldum de Brixia [see above, p. 249], perversi dogmatis fabricatores et catholicae fidei impug- natores, in religiosis locis... separatim faciatis includi, et libros erroris eorum, ubicumque reperti fuerint, igne comburi.' 5 Bespecting these and the spirit which suggested them, see Neander. vm. 62, 63. 6 By his influence a reconciliation was effected between Bernard and Abelard : see his Epist. lib. iv. ep. 4, in Bibl. Patr. ed. Lugdun xxn 907 ; Milman, in. 267. -1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 263 errors bordering on Nestorianism1. Convicted by a synod held at Paris in 1147, he disarmed his adversaries by recanting in the following year at Rheims2 (March 21). Our space will not admit a separate notice of the many other writers3, who in different ways attempted to pursue the philosophic methods of the Schoolmen in the study of theology. The impulse given in that direction by Abelard had been moderated for a time : the calmer views of Anselm having grown predominant, especially among the Victorines (surnamed from the abbey of S. Vic tor at Paris) — Hugo4, Richard", and Walter6, all of whom combined the cultivation of the dialectics of the age with a more spiritual and mystic turn of mind7. It was through their endeavours more especially that men like Bernard were conciliated by degrees in favour of the general prin ciples from which scholasticism had sprung. This combination was exhibited afresh in Robert le Poule (or Pullen), for some years distinguished as a 1 The fourth proposition he was charged with maintaining is ' Quod Divina natura non esset incarnata :' cf. Capefigue, 1. 357, 358. The fol lowing 'minor' points are also urged against him (Otto Prising. De Gestis Frider. lib. I. c. 50) : ' Quod meritum humanum attenuando, nullum mereri dieeret praeter Christum : Quod Ecclesiae sacramenta evacuando dieeret, nullum baptizari nisi salvandum.' He wrote, among other subjects, on the Apocalypse (ed. Paris, 1512). 2 See the 'Fidei symbolum contra errores Gilliberti Porretani,' in Mansi, xxi. 712. 3 e.g. John of Salisbury (d. 1180), a pupil of Abelard, but unlike him (Wright's Biogr. Brit. n. 230 sq.) : Rupert of Deutz (d. 1135) , a copious exegetical writer (Hist. LitUr. de la France, xi. 422 sq. : Dorner, ii. 389 sq.) 4 His chief works (ed. Botomagi, 1648) are De Sacramentis Fidei and the Summa Sententiarum (assigned incorrectly, with the title Tractatus Theologicus, to Hildebert of Tours) : see Liebner's Hugo von S. Victor und die theol. Richtungen seiner Zeit, Leipzig, 1832, and Hist. Litter, de la France, xn. 7. Neander (vm. 65 sq.) gives a striking summary of his modes of thought. 5 Bichard was of Scottish extraction, and wrote De Trinitate, De statu interioris hominis, etc. (ed. Botomagi, 1650) : cf. Neander, vm. 80—82 ; Schrockh, xxix. 275—290. 6 The opposition to Abelard and his school was strongest in this writer (otherwise called Walter of Mauretania; see above, p. 261, n. 5). His chief work is commonly entitled Contra quatuor labyrinthos Gallia, being a passionate attack on the principles of Abelard, Peter Lombard, Peter of Poitiers, and Gilbert de la Poree. Extracts only are printed in Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris, n. 200 sq., 402 sq., 562 sq., 629 sq. 7 On this peculiarity, and the Greek influence it betrayed, see Dorner, n. 360 sq. WESTERN CHtfKCH. Modifica tion of Scholasti- Hugo of St Victor (d- 1141). Richard of St Victor (d. 1173). Walter of St Victor (circ. 1180). Robert le Poule, or Pullen (fl. 1150). 264 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1073 WESTERN CHURCH. Peter Lom bard, Mas ter of the Sentences (d. 1164). preacher1 in Oxford, and at length a Roman cardinal (1144). His treatise called the Sentences2 ('Libri Senten- tiarum') recognized the principle of basing every dialectic process on the Holy Scriptures and the Fathers. But the classical production of this kind is one by Peter Lombard, of Novara, who attained the greatest eminence at Paris3, where he died as bishop in 1164. His work was also termed The Sentences4 (or ' Quatuor Libri Sententiarum '). It consisted of timid arguments upon the leading theolo gical questions then debated- in the schools, supported always by quotations from the older Latin doctors of the Church ; and since the whole is neatly and methodically put together, it was welcomed as a clear and useful hand-book by the students in divinity. Its fame, indeed, extended everywhere, and many able scholars both of that and future times wrote commentaries on it, making 1 .... 'ibique scripturas Divinas, quae per idem tempus in Anglia ob- soluerant, prae scholasticis quippe neglectae fuerant, per quinquennium legit, omnique die Dominico verbum Dei populo praedicavit, ex cujus doctrina plurimi profecerunt.' Quoted in Wright's Biogr. Britan. n. 182 (note). Another Englishman of distinction in the field of metaphysical theology was Bobert of Melun, bishop of Hereford, who wrote a Summa Theologia. Ibid. p. 201. Copious extracts from this Summa are printed in Bulaeus, Histor. Univers. Paris, n. 585 — -628. 2 Published at Paris, 1655. He appears to have also written on the Apocalypse, and twenty of his. Sermons are preserved among the Lam beth MSS. Wright, Ibid. p. 183. 3 He was opposed by Walter of St Victor (above, p. 263, n. 6), for his speculations touching the Incarnation (or 'Nihilianism,' as they were called) ; see Dorner, ii. 379 sq. : but his work On the Sentences received the formal approbation of Innocent III. at the council of Lateran (1215), c. 2. 4 The first book treats 'De Mysterio Trinitatis,' the second 'De Berum corporalium et spiritualium creatione et formatione,' the third 'De Incamatione Verbi aliisque ad hoc spectantibus,' the fourth 'De Sacramentis et signis sacramentalibus.' See Schrbckh's account of it and its author, xxvni. 487 — 534; and an analysis of the work in Turner, Middle Ages, Part rv. ch. 1; and cf. Milman, Latin Chris tianity, Bk. xiv. ch. in. Peter Lombard had before him a Latin version of the great work of John Damascenus, irepl 6pBoSb%ov irlareas, and thus connected the Western with the Eastern scholasticism: Dorner, n. 257, 258. Summm and Sententice were now multiplied in every quarter, the first being mainly devoted to the free discussion of doc trines and speculative problems, and the second more especially to the arrangement of passages derived from the writings of the Fathers. To the former class belongs the Ars Catholica Fidei ex rationibus natu- ralibus demonstrata, of Alanus Magnus, a Parisian dootor (d. 1202), in Pez, Thesaur. Anecdot. I. pt. ii. 475 sq. — rl305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 265 it the groundwork of more shrewd and independent speculations. Hitherto the influence of the Aristotelic philosophy had been confined almost entirely to the single field of dialectics1, where it served for the defence of Christian dogmas. Plato was the real favourite of the Church, although a concord2 having been in part established be tween him and the Stagirite, the opinions of the latter had indirectly tinctured the theology of many writers in the west. It is remarkable, indeed, that when the other works of Aristotle, through the medium of the Arabs and Crusaders, were more widely circulated in the twelfth i'oiitury, they were not only treated by the popes and councils with suspicion, but the physical and metaphysical books were actually condemned8. Yet this antipathy soon afterwards abated4, and in the more palmy period of the Schoolmen, dating from Alexander of Hales, the blending of the Aristotelic processes and doctrines with the con- 1 Cf. above, p. 160, n. 2. The other works of Aristotle were, how ever, studied with enthusiasm in the Moorish schools of Spain, especially after the time of Avicenna (Ebn-Sina), who died in 1036. A new impulse in the same direction was given by Averroes (Ebn-Bashid), at the close of the twelfth century, who combined with his belief in the Koran an almost servile deference to the philosophic views of the Sta girite. See authorities in Tennemann's Manual of Philosophy, §§ 255 — 257 : cf. Milman, vi. 265 sq. From the tenets of Averroes, when imbibed by Christian writers, grew the tendency to scepticism which the profound and ever-active Eaymond Lull (above, p. 219) especially en deavoured to resist in his Ars Generalis. 2 See Neander, vm. 91, 92, 127; and Dr Hampden's Thomas Aquinas, in Encyclop. Metrop. xi. 804, 805. 3 e.g. at the synod of Paris (1209 or 1210), and afterwards by a papal legate (1215). The ' statute ' of the latter (Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris, in. 81) is as follows : ' Et quod legant libros Aristotelis de dialectica, tam de veteri quam de nova in scholis ordinarie et non ad cursum...Non legantur libri Aristotelis de metaphysica et naturali philosophia, nee Summae de eisdem aut de doctrina magistri de Dinant aut Amalrici haeretici, aut Mauricii Hispani. ' These persons were infected with the Pantheistic principles advocated by Erigena, and then spreading in the Moorish schools: see Dorner, n. 365, 366. The pope (1229) again forbids the introduction of 'profane science' into the study of Scripture and tradition: cf. Capefigue's remarks, 11. 165, 166; and Milman, vi. 268. 4 Thus Boger Bacon (Opus Majus, p. 14, ei Jebb), writing fifty years later, says that Aristotle's treatises had been condemned 'ob densam ig- norantiam.' Among the works of Egbert Grosseteste (see above, p. 228) is a Commentary on parts of Aristotle (in Libros Posteriorum), ed. Venet. 1552. WESTERN CHURCH. Change of feeling with respect to Aristotle. 266 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 WESTEBN CHURCH. Alexander of Hales (d. 1245), the Irrefra gable. Bonaven-tura (d. 1274), the Sera phic. Albertus Magnus (d. 12S0), the Univer sal. troversies of the Western Church was almost uni versal1. Alexander of Hales (Alesius), after studying in the convent of that name in Gloucestershire, attained a high celebrity at Paris, where he was distinguished from the many scholars of the age as the 'Irrefragable Doctor.' His great work is a Summa Universce Theologian, in which the various topics handled in the book of Peter Lombard are extended and discussed according to the strictly syl logistic method of the Schools. He was a mendicant of the Franciscan order, and as such had taken part in the training of another schoolman (the ' Seraphic Doctor '), who was destined to effect a last ing hold upon the spirit of the Western Churches. This was John of Fidanza, or Bonaventura, in whom the rising order of Franciscans found an able champion3 and a vene rated head. Inferior in acumen to his fellow-countryman, archbishop Anselm, he was more than equal in the warmth and elevation of his feelings, though the mode in which they were too frequently expressed — the rapturous worship of the Virgin4 — is a deep and startling blemish on his character. His works are very numerous5, for the most part of a mystical, ascetic, and subjective kind. Contemporary with these two Franciscans, and no less distinguished, were the two Dominicans, Albert the Great and Thomas Aquinas, standing also in the same relation of tutor and pupil. Albert6, born in Swabia (1193), 1 Cf. Milman's remarks on the era of Scholasticism, and the school men; Latin Christianity, vi. 272 sq. ; and Brewer's Preface to Monu- menta Franciscana, pp. lii. sq., in Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain. 2 Opp. ed. Cologne, 1622, 4 vols. ; see Schrockh (xxix. 9 — 54) for a sketch of his theological system. 3 See above, p. 234 : and, on his life and writings, Hist. LitUr. de la France, xxix. 266 sq. ; Schrockh, xxix. 209 — 232. 4 When he became general of the Franciscans, he placed them under the peculiar patronage of the Virgin, and his works abound with extrava gant and almost impious sayings in her honour (e. g. Speculum de Laudibus B. Maria). It has been disputed whether the Psalterium B. Maria be his or not, e.g. by Alban Butler in his Life of S. Bonaventura (July 14) : et Schrockh, xxvm. 255, and Capefigue, n. 40. 5 The Vatican edition is in 8 vols, folio. Among the rest (vol. iv. v.) is a Gommentarius in IV. Libr. Sententiarum. The first and second volumes contain expositions of the Holy Soriptures. 8 See his Works in 21 vols, folio, ed. Lyons, 1651 : and, for his Life, -1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 267 educated at Paris and Bologna, and eventually settling at Cologne, exhibited all the marks of the genuine scholar. He was conversant with nearly every field of human thought, but most at home in physics, natural history, and ethics. His chief writings in divinity are Commentaries 1 on the Book of Sentences, and a Summa Theologiw2, in both of which, amid a crowd of metaphysical subtleties peculiar to the time, he manifests a clear conception of the leading truths of Christianity. But Albert and indeed all others were eclipsed by his illustrious and profound disciple. Thomas de Aquino8 (or Aquinas), honoured with the names of 'Universal' and 'Angelic Doctor,' and the founder of the able school of 'Thomists,' proved himself the master-spirit of scholas ticism, and a most worthy representative of medieval philo sophy. He took his stand among the school of Realists, and was devoted stroDgly to the Aristotelian dialectics, which he used as the organ of investigation : but his independent genius urged him to dissent materially from other principles of Aristotle, and to graft upon the older system many foreign elements. A careful study4 of the Bible and the Book of Sentences prepared him for the composition of those powerful works which occupied him till his death in 1274. The greatest of them is the Summa Totius Theologies5, which, as it forms a clear exponent of Scriptores Ord. Pradicat. by Quetif and Echard, ±. 162 sq., Schrbckh, xxiv. 424 sq. 1 Filling, vol. xiv — xvi. 2 See Schrbckh' s Analysis, xxix. 57 sq. 3 See his Life in the Acta Sanct. Mart. i. 655 sq., and on his philoso- phico-religious system, Dr Hampden's Aquinas, in Encycl. Metrop. xl. 793 sq. : Schrbckh, xxix. 71 — 208: Bitter's Gesch. der Christi. Philos. iv. 257 sq. 4 It is also mentioned in his biography (as above) that he never wrote, lectured, or disputed, without betaking himself to God in prayer for the Divine illumination, and he did the same when he was confronted by difficulties and doubts. The reason he assigned for the peculiar fre quency of his devotions was the following: 'Quia frequenter contingit, quod dum intellectus superius subtilia speculator, aflectus inferius a devotione remittitur.' 5 A good edition, with copious indexes, was published at Arras (Atrebati) in 1610. The whole works of Aquinas have been often reprinted. The best edition is that of Venice (1745 sq.) in 28 vols. 4to. His Catena Aurea (from the Fathers) has been translated into English (Oxf. 1843). WESTERN CHUKC1I. Thomas A quinas (1224- 1274),the Angelic. General outline of his Summa Theolo gian 268 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 WESTERN CHURCH. his views and is the most colossal work of that or any period, merits an especial notice1. It is divided into three great parts, (1) the, Natural, (2) the Moral, (3) the Sacra mental. In the first of these, the writer ascertains the nature and the limits of theology, which he esteems a proper science, based upon a supernatural revelation, the contents of which, though far transcending all the powers of human thought, are, when communicated, subjects for devout inquiry and admit of argumentative defence. Ac cordingly the writer next discusses the existence and the attributes of God, endeavouring to elucidate the nature of His will, His providence, the ground of His predestination2, and the constitution of the Blessed Trinity in Unity, — a doctrine which, although he deems it incapable of logical1 demonstration, finds an echo and a counterpart in man. Descending from the Cause to the effects, he analyses the constituent parts of the creation, angels, the material world, and men, enlarging more especially upon the functions of the human soul, its close relation to the body, and the state of both before the Fall. The second part is subdivided into the Prima Secundce, and the Secunda Secundce. The former carries on the general subject, viewing men no longer from the heavenly but from the earthly side, as moral and responsible agents gifted with a vast complexity of passions, sentiments, and faculties. The way in which these powers would naturally operate, if acting by themselves, is first considered, and the author then proceeds to shew how they are modified by supernatural agencies, or coexistent gifts of grace3. This leads him to compare the state, or the position, of mankind in reference to the systems (or economies) of 1 Cf. Hampden, as above, p. 267, n. 3, and Kling's Descriptio Summce Theolog. Thoma Aquin. succincta, Bonn, 1846. 2 On this point his views are rigorously Augustinian; Par. i. Quaest. ' xxm. Anselm wrote a special treatise on it in a somewhat milder tone. The title is, De Concordia Prwscientia et Prmdestinationis necnon Gratia Dei cum libero arbitrio. 3 He does not indeed suppose, as many of the Schoolmen did, that the communication of the gifts of grace was to depend upon the way in which mankind employed the simply natural qualities ('pura natu- ralia '). _ His view is, that grace was given from the first, and that the harmonious coexistence of the natural and the supernatural constituted man's 'originalis justitia.' The violation of this harmony (' inordinata dispositio partium animee') is original sin. Cf. Neander, vm. 193. -1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 269 grace and nature, and, as the immediate consequence, to treat of our original righteousness, free-will, original sin, justification1, and the various rules of life. In the Secunda Secundce, the several virtues are discussed in turn, as they exist under the operation of Divine grace or that of nature only. They are seven in number. Three of them are 'theological,' or supernaturally infused and nourished, — viz. faith, hope, and love, while the remainder are the four cardinal virtues of justice, prudence, fortitude, and temperance, and are 'ethical' or purely human. The discussion of these virtues forms an admirable work on Christian morals. The third part of the Summa is devoted to an expo sition of the mysteries of the Incarnation and the efficacy of the Sacraments, — a class of topics which, according to the principles of all the mediaeval writers, are essentially akin8. Aquinas traces every supernatural influence to the Person of the Word made flesh, who by the union of our nature with the Godhead has become the Reconstructor of humanity and the Dispenser of new life. This life, to gether with the aliment by which it is sustained, descends to man through certain outward media, or the sacramental ordinances of the Church : their number being seven, viz. Baptism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Penitence, Orders, Matrimony, and Extreme Unction3. In the last division of the work we see the mighty influence of Aquinas in determining the scientific form and mutual action of those 1 This he makes to be primarily the infusion of grace, which operates (1) in the spontaneous movement of the will to God, (2) in the resistance to sjn, and (3) to its forgiveness ; although these effects are said to be produced simultaneously. Prima Secund, Quaest. cxin. Art. 8: cf. Neander, vm. 222 sq. 2 'Post considerationem eorum quae pertinent ad mysteria Verbi Ineamati, considerandum est de Ecclesiae sacramentis, quae ab Ipso Verbo Incarnato effieaciam habent.' Quaest. lx. On the mutual relations and order of the sacraments in the theological system of Aquinas, see Quaest. lxv. Art. 1, 2. One of his reasons for assigning the chief place to the Eucharist is this : 'Nam in Sacramento Eucharistiae continetur Ipse Christus substantialiter, in aliis autem sacramentis continetur quaedam virtus instrumentalis participata a Christo.' Ibid. Art. 3. 3 The discussion of these points in detail was cut short by the author's death, before he reached the 'sacrament of orders:' but a Supplement containing his opinions on the rest was formed out of his Commentary on the Book of Sentences, and is appended to the Arras and other editions of the Summa. WESTERN CHURCH. Tertia Pars. 270 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 WESTERN CHURCH. John Duns Scotus (•I. 1308), the Subtle. The pecu liar opin ions of his school. doctrines which hereafter threatened to obtain complete ascendancy in all the western Churches. The most powerful rival of Aquinas and the Tho- mists of this period was the English Franciscan, John Duns Scotus1, whose acumen and success in the scho lastic fields of war enabled him to organize the party known as ' Scotists.' He was termed the ' Subtle Doctor,' and although a realist in the dispute concerning uni- versals and particulars, diverged on many topics from the system of Aquinas2, and attracted a large number, of disciples. In the narrower province of theology he is remarkable for his antagonism, in part at least, to the authority of St Augustine. He maintained the freedom of the human will, and stated other principles in such a way as to incur the imputation of Pelagianism3; while in his theorizing with regard to the conception of the Virgin he opposed, not only the more ancient teaching of the Church4, but also that of Bernard5 and the school of Thomists6. 1 Born at Dunston, near Alnwick ; or at Dunse in Berwickshire ; at 'Duns in the countrey of Mers, according to Spotswood (anno 1328),' p. 54. See Life of Scotus by Wadding (the Franciscan annalist) prefixed to his edition of the Works of Scotus, Lugdun. 1639, 12 vols. fol. 2 Schrbckh, xxiv. 435 sq. ; Bitter, rv. 354 sq. Gieseler (in. 305, n. 26) draws attention to an order in which all the Franciscan lecturers are commanded to follow Scotus 'tam in cursu philosophico quam in theo- logico.' 3 e.g. on the question of original sin he argued that it was barely negative, a ' carentia justitiae debitae ' (In Lib. Sentent. lib. n. Dist. xxxn. § 7) , discarding from his definition the idea of concupiscence (Ibid. Dist. xxx.) He questioned the absolute necessity of preventing grace, asserting 'quod ex puris naturalibus potest quacunque voluntas saltern in statu naturae instituta diligere Deum super omnia' (Ibid. lib. ni. Dist. xxvn. § 15) : and while Aquinas made the heresy of Pelagius to consist in main taining ' quod initium bene f aciendi sit ex nobis, consummatio autem a Deo' (Summa, Part i., Quaest. xxm., Art. 5), Scotus thought the root of it to lie in the position 'quod liberum arbitrium sufficiat sine gratia' Ibid. lib. n. Dist. xxvni. § 1). These Pelagianizing tendencies of the Scotists were opposed by archbp. Bradwardine (of Canterbury), who died 1349, in his De Causa Dei contra Pelagium, etc., ed. Savile, Lond. 1618. 4 Cf. above, p. 233, n. 5. Dorner (n. 416, 417) connects the Mario- latry of Scotus with his peculiar views of tbe Incarnation. 6 Bernard in his Epist. clxxiv. speaks of the doctrine of the immacu late conception as a novelty, 'quam ritus Ecclesiae nescit, non probat ratio, non commendat antiqua traditio,' etc. 0 In the Summa, Part. in. Quaest. xxvn. Art. 1, as contrasted with Duns Scotus, In Libr. Sentent. lib. in. Dist. in. Quaest. i. §§ 9, 14 sq. ; and Rosarium B. Maria, seu Append, ad quast. 1. dist. 3: cf. Klee, His*. — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 271 Passing by a crowd of minor writers1 who adhered to one or other of these theological parties, our attention is arrested by the most original genius whom the thirteenth century produced. The Friar Bacon2, born at Ilchester, in Somersetshire, 1214, was trained in the universities of Oxford and Paris, where his time was for the most part devoted to scientific pursuits, and to the study of languages. His great proficiency in these had won for him the name of 'Doctor Mirabilis.' He entered the Franciscan Order, but the more fanatic members of that body, joining with unlettered clergymen and academics, put an end to his public lectures, and eventually procured his incarceration (1278), on the ground that he was prying too minutely into all the mysteries of nature. In the Opus Majus de utilitate Scientiarum3, — a collection of his works addressed in 1266 to Pope Clement IV., — the general object is to inculcate the need of a reform in the physical and other sciences : but he did not hesitate to push his principle of free inquiry into every sphere of human thought4. While indicating little or no love for the scholastic subtleties5, of Dogmas, part 11. ch. in. § 25, where it is mentioned that Duns Scotus so far carried his point in the University of Paris as to exclude all persons from degrees who did not pledge themselves to maintain the truth of the immaculate conception. 1 William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris (d. 1248), deserves some men tion as a theologian and apologist (Opp. Paris, 1674, 2 vols, folio), and as a sample of the scanty stock of writers who were not attached to one or other of the Mendicant Orders. Of the ritualists belonging to the thir teenth century the most eminent is Duranti (not to be confounded with a nominalistie schoolman, Durand de S. Pourcain), whose Rationale Divi- norum Officiorum is a copious exposition of the principles supposed to be expressed in the structure, ornaments, the ministry, and ritual of the Church. It has been often published, e.g. Venet. 1609. On the other liturgical writings of the period, see Schrockh, xxviu. 277 sq. 2 Boger is to be distinguished from his contemporary Robert Bacon, the friend of Grosseteste. See Tanner's Biblioth. under the names : from which source a good account of Friar Bacon and his writings may be drawn. Some idea of his marvellous acquaintance with chemistry and other sciences is given by Dr Shaw, in Dr Hook's Eccl.Biogr. 1. 450, 451: cf. Palgrave's Merchant and Friar, passim ; and the Preface to the volume of Bacon's Opera Inedita, ed. Brewer, 1859, in the series of Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain. 3 Ed. Jebb, Lond. 1733. 4 e.g. he points out errors in the writings of the Fathers (c. 12), arguing that 'in omni homine est multa imperfectio sapientiae, tam in Sanctis quam in sapientibus.' 5 He preferred Aristotle on the whole, but added very characteris- Roger Bacon (d. 1294), the Won derful. His general views in relation to theology. 272 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1073 EASTERN CHURCH. Deadness of the Greek commu nion. he spoke in favour of the wider circulation and more earnest study of the sacred volume, tracing nearly all the evils of the times to want of personal acquaintance with this heavenly rule of life1. He proved the clearness and fertility of his convictions on these points by recommending a revision of the Latin Vulgate2, and especially by urging the importance of recurring to the Greek and Hebrew texts. Indeed the mind of Roger Bacon was so greatly in advance of the period when he lived, as to have ante dated much of what has only flourished since the reforma tion of the Western Church. EASTERN CHURCH. There was little in the mind of Eastern Christendom to correspond with the activity, enthusiasm, and almost universal progress we have noted in the sister churches of the West. Reposing with a vague and otiose belief on the traditionary doctrines as they had been logically systematized by John of Damascus, the great body of the 'orthodox' (or Greek) communion were subsiding fast into a state of spiritual deadness and of intellectual senility. The rigours of Byzantine despotism, too prone to inter meddle with the articles of faith3, the ill example of a tically, 'Posteriores ipsum in aliquibus correxerunt, et multa ad ejus opera addiderunt, et adhuc addentur usque ad finem mundi : quia nihil est perfedum in humanis inventionibus : ' Ibid, part n. c. 8. The highest of all sciences (according to him) is the science that treats of divine things, and it is all contained in the Bible ' quae in sacris Uteris tota con tinetur, per jus tamen canonieum et philosophiam explicanda:' as in the following note, p. 421 : cf. Neander, vm. 112, 113. 1 See the remarkable extracts from his Epistola de Laude Scriptura Sancta, in the additions made to Ussher's Hist. Dogmat. by Wharton (Lond. 1689), pp. 420 — 424. The MS. is in the Library at Lambeth: no. cc. fol. 38. 2 This idea was carried out in part by Hugo de S. Charo (S. Cher), ii Dominican (d. 1263), who by the aid of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin MSS. reformed the text of the whole Bible. He also composed a Concordance of the Scriptures (Schrockh, xxvin. 331), and Postilla in Universa Biblia, juxta quadrupiicem sensum (Ibid. 368). 3 Cf. above, p. 50, n. 4. In the present period Nicetas Choniates (De Manuele Comneno, lib. vn. c. 5) remarks that the emperors expected men to believe that they were, us ZoXopSv Beocroipoi Kal Sayparurral BeioTaroi, Kal Kavoves tCjv Kav6vo)v evBearepoi, Kal a7rXcus BeltovKal avBponrlviav irpaypuTwv a-rpoo-tpaXeis •) viipoves. The emperor here alluded to (1143 — 1180) excited a most violent controversy, by insisting on the general adoption of this — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 273 crowd of idle and unlettered monks1, and the perplexities entailed upon the Eastern empire by the recklessness of the Crusaders2, had contributed to this result. The literary spirit now and then revived, however; and if they in whom it wrought are often shadows in comparison of men like Chrysostom, or Basil, or the Gregories, they must be, not withstanding, viewed as bright exceptions to the general dulness of the age. Among the foremost scholars of the eleventh century is Michael Psellus, the younger, who besides composing multifarious treatises3 on jurisprudence, physics, mathe matics, and philosophy, displayed an aptitude for higher fields of contemplation in his Chapters on the Holy Trinity and the Person of Christ, and his Paraphrases on the Old Testament. Contemporary with him was Theophylact4, archbishop of Bulgaria, who achieved a lasting reputation by his Commentaries on the Gospels, the Acts, the Epistles of St Paul, and the Minor Prophets. They are based, how ever, for the most part on the corresponding labours of St Chrysostom. Another exegetical writer was a monk of Constantinople, Euthymius Zigabenus6, who commented on the Psalms, the Gospels, and the Pauline Epistles, in the style, and not formula, rbv aeaapKujpkvov Qebv irpoa^ipeiv re bpov Kal Tpoo-rfripeadai (Ibid.). Some of the bishops who resisted it, when sanctioned by a council, were instantly deposed: cf. Neander, vm. 252, 253. On a later occasion, when the prelates made a stand against him, Manuel threatened, to call in the pope, which ultimately led to a compromise : Ibid. p. 254. The despotism of Michael Palaeologus (1259—1282) occasioned what is known as the Arsenian schism (1266 — 1312), by which the Church of Constanti nople was for a time divided in itself and separated from that of Alexan dria. See Neale, n. 311, 312. 1 See the startling revelations of Eustathius, "ExicKefis pMov povaxi- kov ivl SiopBdo-ei tov irepl avrov, passim. Opp. ed. Tafel, 1832. 2 On the relations of the East and West at this period, see below, pp. 276 sq. 3 See a list of them in Oudinus, De Scriptoribus Eccl. 11. 646, and the article in Smith's Biogr. Diet. in. 563, 564. The work on the Trinity and some of the paraphrases have been published. Psellus also wrote an ecclesiastical treatise, Eis rds dylas iirrd awbSovs, Basil. 1536. 4 Opp. Venet. 1754—1763, 4 vols. fol. : cf. Schrockh, xxvm. 315—318. The sober views of Theophylact on the separation of East and West may be gathered from his Lib. de Us in quibus Latini accusantur. 5 Cf. above, p. 180, n. 1. Gieseler contends that he should be called Zygadenus. His valuable Commentaries on the Psalms and Gospels have M.A. T EASTERN CHURCH. MichaelPsellus (d. 1105?) Theophylact (d. 1112?) EuthymiusZigabenus (d. 1118?) 274 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 EASTERNCHURCH. NicetasAcominatus (d. 1206 ?) Nicholas l>p. of Me- thone (d.1200?) Eustathius archbp. of Thessalo- nica (d. 1198). unfrequently the language, of the earlier doctors of the East. He also wrote a Panoply1 in refutation of all forms of misbelief, deriving the great bulk of his materials from the same quarter. In the following century a kindred work2, intended as the complement of this, proceeded from the learned pen of Nicetas Acominatus (born at Chonse, formerly Colosse). The title is Thesaurus Orthodoxies, but only portions of it have been published. Nicholas, bishop of Methone (in Messenia) was a more original and able writer. He examined and rejected the philosophy of Proclus3, the Neo-Platonist, whose principles appear to have survived in the Peloponnesus, and was also energetic in repelling the encroachments of the pope and in defending the peculiar tenets of the Greeks. But all the Eastern scholars of this period are surpassed by the archbishop of Thessalonica, Eustathius. His gi gantic commentaries4 on the ancient poets, more especially on Homer, did not so engross his mind as to unfit him for the prosecution of his ecclesiastical studies. Some of his minor works5, including Sermons and Epistles, have lately come to light, and we there see him treading in the been often printed in Latin versions. The Greek text of that on the Psalms is in Theophylacti Opp. Tom. rv. 325 sqq. : that on the Gospels was printed at Leipzig, 1792, and Athens, 1840. The Commentary on the Epistles exists only in MS. Cf . Fabricius, Bibl. Graca, vm. 328 sq. ; Gieseler, in. 485, n. 4; and Schrockh (xxvm. 306 sq.) on the character of his works. 1 The full title is na»07rX'a SoypariKT) rfjs opBoSo^ov wiareus. Part only of the Greek original has been published (at Tergovisto, in Wallachia, 1711). A Latin translation appeared at Venice in 1555 : but the thir teenth title, Kard twv t^s vaXaias 'Vupns, rrroi t&v 'IraXuv, on the doctrine of the Procession, is there dropped. See an interesting article (by Ull- mann), in the Studien und Kritiken, for 1833, in. 665. Another work of this class (A Collection of the Principles of Faith) was composed for the Alexandrine Jacobites by Ebn-Nassal. It not only refutes the systems of paganism and Judaism, but makes an assault on the Nestorians and the Melchites. Neale, n. 304. 2 TJllmann, Ibid. p. 680. The whole is extant in the Boyal Library of Paris. The first five books appeared in Paris, 1569. On the historical writings of the author, see Smith's Biogr. Diet. n. 1183. 3 The title of the treatise is 'Avdirrv^is rijs BeoXoyiKrjs o-Toixeuicew UookXov, ed. Vomel, Francf. 1825 : cf. TJllmann, as above, pp. 701 sq. His treatises De Primatu Papa, etc. are not published (Fabricius, Bibl. Grac. xi. 290). 4 See Smith's Biogr. Did. n. 120. ! Eustathii Opuscula, ed. Tafel, Francof. 1832 : cf. Neander, vm. 248. — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. -'75 steps of Chrysostom, and waging war against the hollow- ness, frivolity, and superstitions of the age. Besides a multitude of long-forgotten writers on divinity, and some who still enjoy considerable fame as jurists and historians, others had continued to spring up beyond the pale of the 'Orthodox' communion. Ebed-Jesu1 metro politan of Soba (Nisibis) was the most able and voluminous writer of the Chaldsean (or 'Nestorian') body; and among the Jacobites were Dionysius Bar-Salibi2, bishop of Amida, Jacob3, bishop of Tagritum, and Abulpharagius * (Bar- Hebra3us), maphrian or primate of the East. The kindred sect of the Armenians also added many contributions to , the province of dogmatic and polemical theology, as well as to the other fields of learning5. The best known and most accessible are those of the Armenian catholicos, Nerses6, who exhibits a decided predilection for the western modes of thought. Hated and occasionally persecuted by their Moslem con querors, these sects had gradually been drawn more closely to each other7, though retaining their distinctive creeds. The state of feeling was, however, different in the Greek and Latin Christians, whom we saw diverging more com pletely and exchanging the most bitter fulminations at the close of the previous period. 1 Among other things (see Asseman, Bibl. Orient, in. part. i. 325) he wrote a treatise entitled Liber Margarita seu de Veritate Christiana Religionis, printed in Maii Script. Vet. Nova Colledio, Bom. 1825, Tom. x. part. ii. 317 sq. 2 He wrote Commentaries on the whole Bible and many other treatises (Asseman, Ibid. n. 156). His Liturgia is published in Benaudot, Liturg. Orient. Colledio, n. 448 sq., ed. 1847. 3 On his Liber Thesaurorum, see Asseman, Ibid. n. 237. 4 Besides a very important historical work, Hist. Dynastiarum, of which versions have been printed entire (ed. Pocock, 1663), together with a portion of the original Syriac (Leipzig, 1789) and extracts from the rest in Asseman (Ibid. u. 244 — 463), Abulpharagius wrote many strictly theo logical works, e. g. Horreum Mysteriorum, Candelabrum Sanctorum de .Fundamentis ecclesiasticis. His Nomocanon Ecclesia Antiochena is pub lished in a Latin version by Mai, as above, Tom. x. part. n. 1—268 : and his Liturgia in Benaudot, n. 455—467, where see the editor's annotations, pp. 467—470. 5 See Neumann's Gesch. der Armenisch. Liter, p. 148 : cf. above, p. 175, n. 4. 6 His works, with a Latin version, were published at Venice, in 2 vols. 8vo. 1833. 7 Asseman (n. 251) quotes the following from Abulpl.ai-ngius, who, T 2 EASTERN CHURCH. Ebed-Jesu (d. 1318). Bar-Soli 'b i (d. 1171). Jacob of Tagritum(d. 1231). Abulpharagius (d. 1283). Nerses (d. 1173). 276 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 RELATIONS OP THE EAST ANE WEST. Prolonga tion of the schism. Reunion attempted1098: RELATIONS OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES. The effect of the scholastic system, and still" more of the development of papal absolutism, was to sharpen the great lines of demarcation which divided East from West. The Latin theory as to the mode of the Procession of the Holy Spirit, which has constituted, with some points of minor moment, an insuperable bar to compromise, was now more clearly stated and more logically urged into its consequences by a master mind like AnselmV; while the towering claims of Hildebrand, content with nothing short of uni versal monarchy in every patriarchate of the Church, were met by indignation and defiance2. It is likely that the thought of widening the papal empire was a moving cause of the Crusades; and when the first of those enterprises was considered at the council of Bari3 (in Apulia), 1098, the Latin doctrine was distinctly after censuring those who introduced absurd heresies into the Church, continues: 'Beliquae vero quae hodie in mundo obtinent sectae, cum omnes de Trinitate et incolumitate naturarum, ex quibus est Christus absque conversione et commistione, ague bene sentiant, in nominibus unionis solum secum pugnant :' cf. Ibid. pp. 249, 266. The Armenians on more than one occasion made overtures to the Greek empire with a view to the establishment of union, and that union seemed to be almost com pleted in 1179. (Gieseler, in. 503, n. 9.) But subsequently (1199) fresh negotiations were opened with the popes, which led to a more permanent result (Schrockh, xxix. 368 sq.). In 1239 it is recorded that the catho- licos received a pallium from Bome (Ibid. 370). This truce was, however, ultimately broken in its turn. The powerful Latins also threatened at one period (1237—1247) to absorb the Jacobites and the Nestorians : see Bay- naldus, Ann. Eccl. ad an. 1247, §§ 32 — 42 ; Schrockh, xxix. 363—367. 1 See his De Processione Spiritus -Sancti contra Gracos: Opp. ed. Ger- beron, pp. 49—61. The sober tone of this production may be estimated from the Prologue where he is speaking of his antagonists : ' Qui quoniam Evangelia nobiscum venerantur, et in aliis de Trino et Uno Deo credunt hoc ipsum per omnia quod nos, qui de eadem re certi sumus ; spero per auxilium ejusdem Spiritus Sancti quia si malunt solidae veritati acquies- cere quam pro inani victoria contendere, per hoc quod absque amhiguitate confitentur ad. hoc quod non recipiunt rat ionabiliter duci possint. ' 2 e.g. Anna Comnena, as quoted by Gibbon, ed. Milman, vi. 5, n. 11. Under Hildebrand (1075) the Western pontiffs made their first attempt upon the Bussian church, 'ex parte B. Petri:' Mansi, xx. 183: Moura vieff, p. 362. 8 Anselm happened to be present, and (adds William of Malmeshury) 'ita pertractavit quaestionis latera, ita penetravit et enubilavit ultima, ut Latini clamore testarentur gaudium, Graeci de se praeberi dolerent ridicu- lum.' De Gestis Pontif. p. 100; ed. Hamilton. Out of this oration grew the treatise above mentioned. -1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 277 reaffirmed, and the anathema imposed afresh on all who ventured to impugn it. In the reign of the next pontiff (Paschal II.) a negotiation was set on foot (1113) by sending Peter Chrysolanus1, archbishop of Milan, to the court of Alexius I. Comnenus, (1081 — 1118), who was trembling at the progress of the Seljuk Turks on one side and the wild Crusaders on the other. Terms of union were again proposed in 1115, Paschal writing a pacific letter to the emperor, but urging the submission2 of the Eastern prelates as the foremost article of the concordat he was anxious to arrange. The project failed, however, as we learn from its revival in 1136, when Anselm, bishop of Havelberg. and ambassador of Lothair II., disputed with Nicetas, the archbishop of Nicomedia, at Constantinople. It is obvious from the extant record3 of this interview, that the divergency of East and West had rather widened since the time of Cerularius; and the other writings of the age4 bear witness to the fact. They shew especially6 that the encroachments of the pope were now more keenly felt to 1 See his Oration in Leo Allatius, , Gracia Orthodoxa, 1. 379 sq. Bom. 1652. The treatise De Eccl. Occident, atque Orient, perpetua Consen- sione, by the same author, is an important, though one-sided, authority in this dispute. 2 'Prima igitur unitatis hujus via haec videtur, ut confrater noster Constantinopolitanus patriarcha primatum et reverentiam sedis apostolicae recognoscens...obstinatiam praeteritam corrigat...Ea enim, quae inter La tinos et Graecos fidei vel consuetudinum [diversitatem] f aciunt, non viden- tur alitor posse sedari, nisi prius capiti membra cohaereant.' The whole of this letter is printed for the first time in Jaffe, Regest. Pontif. Roman. pp. 510, 511, Berolin. 1851. The independent bearing of the Bussian Church at this period is well attested by a letter of the metropolitan of Kieff to the pope, in Mouravieff, ed. Blackmore, pp. 368 — 370. 3 In D'Achery's Spicileg. 1. 161 sq. Cf. the modern German essays, referred to by Neander, vm. 256 (note). 4 See the list in Gieseler, in. 491, n. 7. The popular hatred is graphi cally sketched by Gibbon, vi. 5 sq. At this period grew up the still pend ing controversy on the subject of the Holy Places at Jerusalem. After the capture of Jerusalem in 1187, the 'orthodox' or Greeks purchased from Saladin the church of the Holy Sepulchre; but Latin Christians, and even some of the Eastern sects (e.g. the Armenians), were allowed the use of chapels in it, to the great annoyance of the proper owners. 5 Thus Nicetas, in the Disputations above quoted (lib. in. c. 8, p. 196) : 'Si Bomanus Pontif ex in excelso throno gloriae suae residens nobis tonare, et quasi projicere mandata sua de sublimi voluerit, et non nostro concilio, sed proprio arbitrio, pro beneplacito suo de nobis et de ecclesiis nostris judicare, imo imperare voluerit: qua fraternitas, seu etiam qua paternitas hac esse poterit ? Quis hoc unquam. aequo animo sustinere queat?' etc. RELATIONS OP THE EAST AND WEST. and subse quently : but the ef fort una vailing. ?78 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies., [a.d. 1073 RELATIONS OP THE EAST AND WEST. Founda tion of a Latin em pire at Con stantinople. Its effect on the reunion •if the Churches. be subversive of religious nationality, and that the 'Roman' Church was being substituted for the Catholic and Apostolic brotherhood which they were taught to reverence in the creed1. The founding of a Latin empire at Constantinople by the French and Venetians, and the brutal pillage that had been its harbinger (1204), could only deepen the hereditary hatred of the Greeks, and add fresh fuel to the flame2. It chanced, however, that the new political relations which this Latin dynasty effected, led the way to another series of attempts for binding the antagonistic churches into one. The Eastern emperors, who held their court at Nicsea, watching for an opportunity to stem the furious tide of western domination, ultimately sought to bring about this object by negotiating a religious treaty with the popes. The step originated in the able politician, John III. Vatatzes (1222-1255), who was seconded by two severe but on the whole conciliatory letters3 from the pen of Germanus, the patriarch of Constantinople (1232). Gre gory IX. attracted by these overtures dispatched his envoys to the East (1233). They were instructed to declare4 that while he could not tolerate in any one the slightest deviation from the doctrines of the Roman Church, he 1 Ibid. 2 So deep had the aversion grown that at the date of the council of Lateran (1215), it was not unusual for the Greeks to rebaptize those who had been already baptized by the Latins; c. 4: cf. above, p. 186, n. 5. Other sweeping charges which polemics brought against each other may be seen in the Tradatus contra Gracorum errores de Processione Spiritus S. , de animabus defunctorum, de azymis et fermentato et de obedientia Rom. Ecclesia (1252), in Canisius, Led. Antiq., ed. Basnage, iv. 29 sq. In the midst of these dissensions the French king, Philip Augustus, founded a 'collegium Constantinopolitanum' in Paris for the training of the Greeks who now and then embraced the Latin rite : Bulaeus, Hist. Univ. Paris. in. 10. 3 Preserved in Matthew Paris, a.d. 1237, pp. 386 sq.: but misdated, See an account of the life and writings of Germanus in Smith's Biogr. Did. n. 264. He did not hesitate to trace the schism between the rival churches to the pride and tyranny of Bome: 'Divisio nostras unitatis processit a tyrannide vestrae oppressionis [addressing the cardinals], et exactionum Bomanae ecclesiae, quae de matre facta noverca suos quos diu educaverat, more rapacis voluoris suos pullos expellentis, filios elon- gavit:' p. 389. 4 See the papal Letters in Matthew Paris, pp. 390 sq. The envoys were two Dominicans and two Franciscans, respecting whose negotiation, see Baynaldus, Annal. a.d. 1233, § 5 sq. -1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 279 would allow the Orientals to retain a few of their peculiar Usages, and even to omit, provided they did not repu diate1, the expression Filiooue, in their recitation of the Creed. Although this effort shared the fate of many of its predecessors, an important school with leanings to the Western view of the Procession now arose among the Greeks. The leader of it was an influential ascetic, Nicephorus Blemmidas2; and when the policy of John Vatatzes was continued under Michael Palseologus, who drove the Latins from Constantinople (1261), the plan of a reunion was more widely entertained, and in so far as the Byzantine jurisdiction reached, was almost carried to effect. The emperor himself appears to have been forced into this negotiation by his dread of the crusade3 which Urban IV. had organized against him, for the purpose of replacing Baldwin II., his Latin rival, on the throne. When every other scheme for warding off the danger failed him, he convened a synod at Constantinople, and enlarging on the critical position of affairs, attempted to win over the reluctant Clergy to his side. He argued4 that the use of leavened or unleavened bread might be in future left an open question; that it was imprudent, and uncharit able also, for the Eastern Christians to require an absolute agreement in the choice of theological terms, and that they ought to exercise forbearance on such points, pro vided the antagonistic Latins would in turn expunge their Filioque from the Creed ; that by agreeing to insert the 1 They were even required to burn the books which they had written against the Latin doctrine of the Procession, and to inculcate it in their sermons. 2 He wrote two works on the Procession, in the one maintaining the Greek doctrine, and in the other manifesting a decided preference for the Latin. Leo Allatius (De Perpetua Consensione, lib. n. c. 14) attempts to explain this variation. Both the treatises are published in that writer's Gracia Orthodoxa, 1. 1 — 60. The firmness of Nicephorus in declining to administer the sacrament to Marcesina, an imperial mistress, is applauded by Neander, vm. 263. 3 See Gibbon, vi. 96 sq., ed. Milman. 4 The best account is that of Georgius Pachymeres, who was advo cate-general of the church of Constantinople, and wrote, among other things, an Historia Byzantina, containing the life of Michael Palaeo- logus; see especially lib. v. c. 18 sq., ed. Bonn, 1835, and cf. Schrbckh, xxix. 432 sq. RELATIONS OP THE EAST AND WEST. Fresh at tempts at The argu ments of Michael Palao-logus. 280 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d.1073 RELATIONS OF THE EAST AND WEST. Resistanceoffered to them. His depu tation to tlic pope, 1273. Reunion of Rome and Constanti- name of the Roman pontiff in the 'diptychs,' they would not incur the charge of elevating him unduly, nor of derogating from the honour of the Eastern patriarchs; and lastly, that the exercise of papal jurisdiction in the matter of appeals, if such a claim as that should be in words asserted, could not, owing to the distance of the Eastern empire, be so harsh and burdensome as they were ready to forebode. The patriarch of Constantinople, Joseph, who was ever an inflexible opponent of the compromise, had found a warm supporter in the chartophylax Beccus, or Veccus, (keeper of the records in the great church of Constan tinople). But it seems that the convictions of the latter underwent a thorough change1 while he was languishing in prison, as a penalty for his resistance to the wishes of the court ; and afterwards we find him the most able and unflinching champion of the party who were urging on the project of reunion. Michael Palffiologus now sent a message2 to pope Gregory X., in which, ignoring the dis inclination of the patriarch and the hostility of his own subjects at Constantinople, he expressed a strong desire for unity, and even ventured to hold out a hope of its im mediate consummation ^1273). In the following year a larger embassy3 appeared in his behalf at what is called 1 This change is ascribable, in part at least, to the writings of Ni cephorus Blemmidas. Some have viewed it as no more than hypocritical pretence. But his subsequent firmness, notwithstanding all the persecu tions he endured from the dominant party, is opposed to this construc tion. Many of his works are published by Leo Allatius, in the Gracia Orthodoxa. 2 Neale, East. Church, 'Alexandria,' n. 315. The displeasure of the people at this movement of the court is noticed by Pachymeres, as above, lib. v. c. 22. Gibbon mentions, however, that the letters of union were ultimately signed by the emperor, his son, and thirty-five metropolitans (vi. 98), which included all the suffragans of that rank belonging to the patriarchate : yet (as Mr Neale remarks) they do not address the pope as 'oecumenical,' but only as the 'great pontiff of the Apostolic see.' Ibid. p. 316. 3 The members of it were Germanus, formerly patriarch of Constan tinople, Theophanes, metropolitan of Nicaea, and many other court dig nitaries. In the letter which they carried with them (Mansi, xxiv. 67), Michael Palaeologus, after he had made a statement of his faith according to a form drawn up by Clement IV. in 1267, preferred the following request : ' Bogamus magnitudinem vestram, ut ecclesia nostra dicat sanc tum symbolum, prout dicebat hoc ante schisma usque in hodiernum diem;' but it seems that the delegates themselves had no objection to tne -1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 281 the ' general' 1 council of Lyons; and on June 29, 1274, the formal work of 'reconciliation' was inaugurated, in the presence of the pope himself, with unexampled grandeur and solemnity2. A later session of the prelates, on July 6, beheld the representatives of Michael Palasologus abjure the ancient schism, and recognize the papal pri macy, as well as the distinctive tenets of the Roman Church. On their return, the patriarch Joseph, who had pre viously retired into a convent waiting for the issue of negotiations he had vainly striven to retard, was superseded by his former colleague Beccus3: but the people of Con stantinople viewed the union with unmixed abhorrence, and in many cases went so far as to decline religious inter course with any one suspected of the slightest tenderness for Rome. The gentle pen of Beccus was in vain em ployed to soften the asperity of public feeling ; and although he often interceded with the emperor in mitiga tion of the penalties inflicted by that heartless tyrant on the nonconforming party, his endeavours only tended to increase the general agitation, He resigned his honours, Dec. 26, 1282, convinced that he should never reconcile his flock to the unpopular alliance with the West4. The Roman pontiffs had in turn grown weary of the .coldness, craft, and insincerity betrayed byjtfichael and his clause FilioqUe, as they chanted the creed with that addition on the 6th of July. 1 The Council was not recognized as 'oecumenical' by-Eastern churches: it contained no representatives of Athanasius the patriarch of Alexandria, nor of Euthymius of Antioch, nor of Gregory II. of Jerusalem. The last of these positively wrote against the union. Neale, Ibid. p. 317. The Bame repugnance to the union was felt in Bussia. Mouravieff, p. 49. 2 Five hundred Latin bishops, seventy abbots, and abeut a thousand other ecclesiastics were present, together with ambassadors from Eng land, France, Germany, &c. The pope celebrated high mass, and Bona ventura preached. Aquinas, who had recently composed an Opusculum contra Gracos, was expected to take part in the proceedings of the coun cil, but died on his journey thither. 3 Pachymeres, as above, lib. v. u. 24 sq., and Neander, vni. 270 sq. Banishment, imprisonment, confiscation of property, scourging, and personal mutilation were among the instruments employed by Michael Palasologus in forcing his subjects into an approval of the union with the Latins. On the other side, the ultra-Greeks were most unmeasured in their animosity and in the charges which they brought against their rivals. 4 Pachymeres (lib. vi. c. 30) says that, with the exception of the em peror and patriarch, and a few of their immediate dependents, irdvres iSvo-pivpiivov 7-3 elpi]vn. nople, at the council of Lyons, 1274. General disappro bation of the mea sure. Formaldissolutk of the union,1281, 282 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1073 son in carrying out the terms of union. They accordingly allowed the crown of the Two Sicilies to fall into the hands of his powerful rival1, Charles of Anjou (1266) : and when he instigated the revolt of those provinces in 1280, pope Martin IV. restrained himself no longer, breaking up the hollow and unprofitable treaty by his excommuni cation of the Eastern emperor2 (Nov. 18, 1281). The speedy death of Michael Palseologus (1282) was followed by the overthrow and disappearance of the Latin party, and the formal revocation3 of the acts in which the see of Constantinople had succumbed to that of Rome. THE EASTERN AND WESTERN SECTS. The most important of the Eastern sects who flourished at this period were the Bogomiles,. or the Massilians", kindred (as we have already seen5) to the Enthusiasts or Euchites. Issuing in the early part of the twelfth century1 from Bulgaria, where they grew into a formidable body, they invaded other districts in the patriarchate of Con stantinople, and soon afterwards obtained a footing in Egyptian dioceses6. At the centre of their theological system7, which was 1 Gibbon, vi. 100 sq. 2 See the document in Baynaldus, Annal. Eccles. a.d. 1281, § 25.' Earlier traces of displeasure are noted in Schrockh, xxix. 449. 3 The new emperor Andronicus II., although he had joined his father in negotiating the union on political grounds, was really opposed to it : see his Life by Pachymeres, lib. i. c. 2. He also was excommuni- ' cated, by Clement V., in 1307. 4 That these names may be regarded as descriptive of the same body, is proved by the following passage, among others : 'H iroXvwvvpos nil tiaacikiavwv, elrovv 'BoyoplXwv alpeais iv Tao-n vbXei, Kal x^Pf, Ka' ^rapx'? iirnroXdfa ravvv. Euthymius Zigabenus, in his work entitled "EXeyx05 Kal Qptapftos ttjs ^Xaa .-.-»*-> +nT<»Tnn+ 4* l"i n vt WESTERK CHURCH. John Tauler(1290- 1361), ' doctor sublimis et illumina-tus.' profound than the scholastic subtleties, more fervent than the cloudy reveries of Plato. Such was the new race of mystics. Here and there we find them swerving into-' serious errors1, but more commonly they are distinguished by a simple and unreasoning adherence to the central doctrines of the faith, combining with it a peculiar earnestness and a desire to elevate the tone of personal religion. In the members, therefore, of this school (the 'Friends of God' as they were called) we may discern precursors 2 of a genuine reformation. At the head of them is John Tauler3, a Dominican of Cologne. He was originally captivated by the dialectic studies of the age, and the effect of them continued to be traceable in all his writings : but his intercourse with a Waldensian4, Nicholas of Basel (1340), produced a thorough change in his convictions and pursuits. For twenty years he was an indefatigable preacher, stimulated5, as it seems, by the political distractions of his country and the ravages of a terrific pestilence (' the black death'). His thrilling sermons6, of which many were preserved in the ver nacular dialects, are marked by evangelic, tenderness and sacris scriptoribus Aristoteles atque Plato in Ecclesiam irruperunt. Ne que haec ita intelligi velim, quasi reprehendam philosophies studium... sed sic se res habet, ut, nisi divinitatis cognitio praemonstratrix, mens ipsa hominis errans et vaga ad loca spinosa deviaque deducatur.' Stur- mius ad Cardinales delectos ; Argentor. 1538. 1 e.g. Master Eckart (Aichard), a Dominican of Cologne, who died about 1325, and was one of a class of mystics who diverged into Neo- Platonism, affirming, for example, that our individuality would be for feited at last on our reabsorption into the Divine essence. See Schmidt, Etudes sur le mysticisme allemand au xiv siecle, a Paris, 1847, pp. 12 sq. ; Neander, ix. 569 sq., and Bitter, Christi. Philos. iv. 498 sq. Some of the doctrines of Eckart were condemned in a bull of John XXH. (1329) : see Baynald. ad an. 1329, §§ 70, 71. 1 See Ullmann's Reformatoren vor der Reformation, Hamb. 1841 and 1842. 11 See especially Schmidt's Johannes Tauler von Strassburg, Hamb. 1841, and his French Essay quoted in a previous note. 4 On this point, see Neander, ix. 563 sq. * Ibid. p. 588. ,: 6 The last (modernized) edition was printed at Frankfort, 1826, in 3 vols, octavo. Luther (1516) spoke of them as follows : ' Si te deleotat puram, solidam, antiqua simillimam theologiam legere in Germanica lin gua efiusam, Sermones Johannis Tauleri, praedicatoriae professionis [i.e. a Dominican], tibi comparare potes... Neque enim ego vel in Latina vel in nostra lingua theologiam vidi salubriorem et cum Evangelio conso- nantiorem.' Luther's Letters, ed. De Wette, i. 46. — -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 357 spiritual depth. They were peculiarly useful in resisting the general tendency to overvalue the liturgic element of worship. Tauler will be found to have had numerous points in common with John Ruysbroek1, prior of the Canons-Regular at Groenendaele near Brussels. He was equally desirous of conforming to the public institutions of the Church2, al though his language more than once excited a suspicion of his orthodoxy. Gerson3 wrote (1406) against some chapters of a book in which the doctrine of eventual absorption into God appears to be maintained. The works4 of Ruysbroek, in the Flemish language, were ex tensively circulated. They are characterized by thorough knowledge of the spiritual wants and aberrations of the age. He strove to wake afresh the consciousness of in dividual fellowship with God, in opposition to the modes of thought which prompted men to lean for help on out ward union with the Church. The faults of Ruysbroek 1 See Schmidt, Etudes sur le mysticisme, etc. pp. 213 sq., Schrockh, xxxiv. 274 sq., and Neander ix. 579 sq. His works appeared in a Latin translation at Cologne, 1552, and subsequently. 2 Extracts in Neander, pp. 556, 557. 3 The title is Epist. super tertia parte libri Joh. Ruysbroech de ornatu spiritualium nuptiarum, Opp. i. 59, ed. Du Pin, where the remainder of the controversy will be found. 4 They were translated into Latin (ed. Colon. 1552) and afterwards into German (Offenbach, 1701) : cf. Schmidt, Etudes (as above), pp. 213 sq., Neander ix. 580 sq. A third writer of this school was Henry Suso (1300 — 1365), a Dominican of Swabia, on whom see Diepenbrock, Suso's Leben und Schriften, Eegensburg, 1837. Many other Dominicans fol lowed in his steps. Thomas a Kempis, one of the ' Common-Life' clerics (see above, p. 348, and Schrockh, xxxiv. 302—339), may be added to the number, and so may the unknown author [? Ebland] of the famous trea tise, Eyn teutsch Theologia, das ist, eyn edles Biichlein torn rechten Ver- stand, etc., edited by Luther in 1518. He says, in the Preface, that next to the Bible and St Augustine (his usual mode of speaking) there was no book he prized more highly. The best modern edition is that of Biesen- thal, Berlin, 1842: another by Pfeiffer (Eoman Catholic), Stuttgart, 1851. In England the mystical school, though far less influential, had a worthy representative in the hermit Bichard Eolle, of Hampole, near Doncaster, who died in 1348. Very many of his writings are poetical. See Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1340, and Warton's Hist, of Eng. Poetry, n. 35 43, ed. 1840. The treatise De Emendatione Vita (printed at Paris, 1510) furnishes a good specimen of his teaching, e.g. cap. ix. : ' Si cupis ad amorem Dei pervenire et succendi in desiderio coelestium gaudiorum, et induci ad contemptum terrenorum, non sis negligens ad meditandum et legendum sacram Scripturam.' Several of his English .Treatises have been printed by the Early English Text Society. WESTERN CHURCH. JohnRuysbroek (d. 1381), 1 doctor ecstaticus.* 35 8 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 are the common faults of mystical writers^ springing from undue development of the imaginative faculty. John Charlies de Gerson, chancellor of Paris (1395), whom we have noticed as an adversary of the ultra-papal claims', and also as opposed in some degree to Ruysbroek, was himself upon the whole addicted to the principles of mysticism 2. But many of his writings indicate especial apt ness for discussing points of practical Christianity3. He was the most illustrious theologian of the time, and even now is generally revered. The part, however, which he played at Constance in promoting the condemnation of Huss4 must ever be a grievous stain upon his character. He died in virtual exile5 at Lyons, 1429. Another mystic of a warmer temperament than Gerson, but deficient in his mental balance, was the Dominican, Girolamo Savonarola6, born in 1452 at Ferrara. Some of his contemporaries, it is true, denounce him as a wild and visionary demagogue7, but the majority bear witness 1 Above, p. 333. 2 See, for example, his De Mystica Theologia, and other kindred treatises in the collection of his Works by Du Pin,, torn. in. pt. n. But he never failed to guard against the feverish illusions of enthusiasm: thus he wrote Contra sectam Flagellanlium; and also De probations Spi- rituum, giving rules for distinguishing false from true revelations. Cf. Schrockh, xxxiv. 291—302. 3 On this account he was surnamed 'Doctor Christianissimus. ' Schmidt has published an able Essai sur Jean Gerson, Paris, 1839. 4 Lenfant, liv. in. § 5. It was of him that Huss wrote as follows : ' 0 si Deus daret tempus scribendi contra mendacia Parisiensis Cancel- larii, qui tam temerarie et injuste coram tota multitudine non est veritus proximum erroribus annotare.' Ibid. 6 Ibid. liv. vi. § 82. On his return from his asylum at Molk, he exercised the humble office of catechizer of children, whom he collected daily in the church of St Paul at Lyons, and of whom he required no other reward than that they should repeat this simple prayer, ' God, have mercy on thy poor servant, Gerson.' 6 A Life of him by Pico of Mirandola, his friend, is contained in the Vit. Select. Virorum, ed. Bates, Lond. 1681, pp. 108 sq. But the best accounts are that in Sismondi, Hist, des Repub. Ital. tome xn. ; Meier's Girolamo Savonarola, Berlin, 1836 ; Tlie Life and Times of Giro lamo Savonarola (containing a complete catalogue of his writings), Lond. 1843 ; Jirbme Savonarole, sa vie, ses predications, ses Scrits, d'apres les documens originaux, par F. T. Perrens, Paris, 1853 ; see also an Article on Savonarola in Quart. Rev. No. cxcvn. 7 He laid especial stress on the Apocalypse, which, after 1485, he expounded at Brescia, Florence, and elsewhere to crowded audiences; denouncing the vengeance of heaven against Italy, and even claiming to himself a kind of prophetio mission (see Life and.Times, as above, pp. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 3,59 to his patriotism, his zeal, his learning, and his saintly life. The fiery eloquence of Savonarola was evoked1 by the unparalleled corruption of the Roman see, as then administered by Innocent VIIL and Alexander VI. How many elements of superstition and fanaticism had been unconsciously blended with his nobler feelings is not easy to determine : but the freedom of his speech2 in censuring the vices and disputing the infallibility of the pope has never been denied. In May, 1497, when he was laid under the ban of excommunication3, he answered the papal brief in letters full of vehement remonstrances, and even ultimately dared4 to excommunicate the pope in turn (Feb. 18, 1498). His capture, prompted by the rage of his political ad versaries, followed on the eighth of April, and soon after wards his ashes were thrown into the Arno at Florence (May 22), with the sanction, if not through the instiga tion, of Alexander VIs. Savonarola has been called the Luther6 of Italy : but his eventual implication in the quar rels of the Florentines proved fatal both to him and to his cause. A truer prototype of Luther was John Wessel7 (sur- named Basilius and also Gansfort), born at Groningen 97 sq., and Savonarola's Compendium Revelationum). He. became the head of the Frateschi, or republican, party at Florence, who endeavoured to avert the judgments of God by checking the fearful spread of immo rality (Ibid. p. 155). i Even Dollinger (iv. 227) admits this, and praises ' the eloquent and venerated Dominican.' 2 Life and Times, as above, pp. 267 sq. His invectives were also directed generally against the prelates of the church. ' Illorum libidi- nem avaritiamque, illorum luxus simoniacasque labes insectabatur, pub- lice privatimque monere solitus, a Babylone (Eomam intelligens) fugien- dum esse,' etc. Vit. Select. Viror. as above, p. 118. 3 It was now that Pico of Mirandola wrote his Apologia pro Hie- ronymi Savonarola viri propheta Innocentia, which is printed in Goldast's Monarch, n. 1635 sq. 4 Life and Times, pp. 320—322. 5 Ibid. p. 351. 8 Attempts have been made, but not successfully, to prove that he held the Lutheran view of justification, indulgences, &c. : cf. M'Crie's Reformation in Italy, p. 18, Lond. 1827. 7 The best authority is TJllmann's Johann Wessel, evn Vorgdnger Luthers, Hamb. 1834, and in the Reformatoren vor der Reformation, Hamb. 1842. The Works of Wessel (with a Life prefixed) were pub- listed at Groningen, 1614. He is not to be confounded with his acquaint ance Johann von Wesel (de Wesalia), called also Biehrath and Burchar- dus who was a professor of theology at Erfurt and afterwards a ' reform ing' preacher at Worms. He died in prison (1482), as it seems, for 360 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 John Wessel (1420- 1489). Biblical studies. Nicholas de Lyra (d. 1340). (1420). After studying and then lecturing in the univer sities of Heidelberg, Paris, Rome, and elsewhere, he grew dissatisfied with the scholastic theology, and took refuge in a warm but scientific mysticism. On almost every point, on justification, penance, purgatory, and even on the Eucharist, he has anticipated the conclusions of those earnest spirits1 who were destined to commence the Saxon reformation of the Church. John Wessel was alike dis tinguished as a theologian and as a general scholar. He died in peace at Groningen (1489), protected from the Inquisition by the bishop of Utrecht. In Wessel, as in many of his predecessors, there had been awakened a fresh love for biblical studies. This alone had constituted in their hearts a bond of sympathy with men like Wycliffe and the Hussites, more especially perhaps in Germany, where versions of the Holy Scriptures had been made, and very largely circulated2, in the latter half of the fifteenth century. Before that time the only critical works deserving notice3 are the Postills of Nicholas de Lyra4, a Franciscan, who applied his Hebrew knowledge holding intercourse with the Hussites. For his Paradoxa and the pro ceedings against him, see Brown's Fascic. 1. 325 — 333, and TJllmann, Reform, vor der Ref. 1. 367 sq. His Disputatio adversus Indulgentias is printed in Walch, Monim. Med. JEvi, 1. Ill sq. He denied the supre macy of the Eoman Church, and asserted that of Holy Scripture: but, as John Wessel lamented (Opp. ed.. 1614), p. 920, his 'eruditio et peracre ingenium' not unfrequently betrayed him into novelties. His 'reform ing' principles were shared in some measure by the prior of a nunnery at Malines, John Pupper of Goch, near Cleves (d. 1475). Eespecting him and others, see TJllmann, as above, and for some of his writings, Walch, Monim. Med. JUvi, n. pt. I. 1 sq., and iv. 73 sq. 1 See, for instance, the extracts in Gieseler, v. § 153, pp. 172 sq., n. 18. Luther wrote the preface to a Farrago of his works, ed. Basil. 1522, and expressed himself in the following terms (which furnished TJllmann with a motto) : ' Wenn ich den Wessel zuvor gelesen, so liessen meine Widersacher sich diinkcn, Luther hatte Alles vom Wessel genoin- men, also stimmet unser Beider Geist zusammen.' 8 e.g. the old High-German version, printed first at Mentz, 1462, was reprinted ten times before the Beformation (see other evidence in Giese ler, v. § 146, p. 74, n. 13). In like manner an Italian version, printed at Venice as early as 1471, is said to have gone through nine editions in the fifteenth century (see M'Crie's Reform, in Italy, p. 53, Lond. 1827). 3 Exceptions may be made in favour of the English Dominican Eobert Holcot (d. 1349), on whose exegetical and other works, see Whar ton's Append, to Cave's Hist. Liter, ad an. 1340; and of the Spanish pre late, Tostatus of Avila (d. 1454), on whom, see Schrockh, xxxiv. 147 sq. 4 His Postiilm Perpetual in Biblia have been often published, first at Rome, 1471, in 5 vols, folio. — 1620] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 361 with effect to the elucidation of the Old Testament, and Gerson, who was led by corresponding works of St Au gustine to construct a Harmony of the Four Gospels1. But on the resuscitation of the ancient literature and the discovery of printing, stronger impulses were com municated in this direction. The superior scholarship and taste of Laurentius Valla2, cardinal Ximenes3, Reuchlin4, Erasmus6, and others, indicated that a brighter period was now dawning on the field of scriptural hermeneutics. Though it be unfair to urge that men were -wholly un acquainted with the Bible in the times anterior to the Reformation, we may safely argue that the Reformation was itself a consequence of the enlightenment which bibli cal inquiries had produced. EASTERN CHURCH. As there was almost nothing in the Eastern Churches corresponding to the Middle Ages in the West, we meet with nothing like the healthy series of reactions just de scribed. The present period was indeed more sterile and monotonous than all which went before it. Scarcely any theological writers6 of importance can be traced excepting 1 This work is entitled Monotessaron, seu unum ex quatuor Evangeliis : Gerson, Opp. ed. Du Pin, iv. 83 sq. He looks upon the variations in the Sacred Writers as constituting a ' concordissima dissoriantia.' 2 His entire works were printed at Basel in 1540. The chief of them in this connexion (cf. above, p. 354, n. 4) is the series of Annotationes in Novum Testamentum, which display great critical ability. His work, De Libero Arbitrio, and still more the famous Declamatio de falso credita et ementita Gonstantini Donatione (cf. above, p. 254, n. 3), have laid him open to Bellarmine's charge of being a precursor of the Lutherans. 3 Cf. above, p. 318. His sagacity and zeal in the preparation of the Complutensian Polyglott (1514 — 1517) were beyond all praise : see Schrbckh, xxxrv. 81 sq. The papal sanction was, however, withheld until after the cardinal's death in 1522. 4 Beuchlin's fame is mainly due to his restoration of Hebrew litera ture, in which he was bitterly opposed by many of the German monks. (See Maii Vit. Reuchlini, passim.) Against them are directed the most cutting satires of the Epistola Obscworum Virorum (see above, p. 354, n. 4). Beuchlin's Hebrew grammar and lexicon were published in 1506: and in 1518 a fine edition of the Hebrew Bible appeared at Venice. M'Crie, Reform, in Italy, p. 40. 5 His edition of the New Testament appeared at Basel in 1516: Ibid. pp. 47 sq. The mighty influence which his theological works exerted on the Eeformation, more especially in England, where his cau tion was appreciated, belongs in strictness to the following period. 6 To Church-history an important contribution was made by Nice- WESTERN CHURCH. Gerson (d. 1429). Laurentius Valla (d. 1451). Ximenes (d. 1522). Reuchlin (d. 1522). Erasmus(d. 1536). Scarcity of great writers. 362 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.d. 1305 EASTERN CHURCH. Theophanesof Niccea (circ. 1347). Simeon of Thessalo- nica (circ. 1410).George of Trebizond (1396— I486). Russian sect of Stri- golniks. The Quiet- ist or Hesychast controversy: those who figured in the controversy with the Latin Church. The most distinguished of the biblical scholars was Theophanes1, archbishop of Nicsea, who composed a Har mony of the Old and New Testament, and also an elaborate Apology, directing both of them against the Jews. A monk of Thessalonica, Simeon2, wrote a Dialogue against all Heresies, and many other works in vindication of the ' orthodox ' (or Greek) communion. George of Trebizond, a somewhat copious author3, added to the stock of evi dences in a book on the Truth of Christianity. The state of feeling in the great majority of Eastern Christians was so torpid as to cause but few internal ruptures. The Strigolniks4 of Russia, who in 1371 and afterwards obtained a host of proselytes at Novogorod, are the only formidable sect that sprang up in this period. They were bitterly opposed to all the members of the sacerdotal order, and their tenets, in some points at least, resemble those now current with the English ' Lollards.' But another controversy5, that broke out in the neigh bourhood of Constantinople, also merits our attention, yielding as it does some insight into the prevailing modes of thought. A party of the monks who swarmed upon the ' Holy Mountain ' (Athos)6, in their contemplations on phorus Callisti Xanthopuli (circ. 1333), whose work in eighteen books extends from the Incarnation to the death of Phocas (610) : see Dowling's Introd. to Eccl. Hist. pp. 91 sq., Lond. 1838. 1 See Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1347. 2 Ibid, ad an. 1410, Leo AUatius (the Bomanizer) writes, with refer ence to Simeon's Dialogus, that it is 'pius et doctus, dignusque qui aliquando lucem videat, sed manuductus a Catholico.' De Simeonum Scriptis Diatriba, p. 193. Another work of this Simeon is On the Faith and Sacraments of the Church, printed, according to Schrockh (xxxiv. 427), in Moldavia (1683) with the authority of Dositheus, patriarch of Jerusalem. 3 Wharton, as above, ad an. 1440, and Leo AUatius, De Georgiis Dia triba, pp. 395 sq. 4 See Mouravieff, ed. Blackmore, pp. 65, 379, 380. They maintained that all Christians are invested with the rights of priesthood, and elected their own teachers from among themselves. They also denied the neces sity of confession, and made no prayers and offerings for the dead. 6 On this controversy, see Schrockh, xxxiv. 431 — 451; Engelhardt, Die Arsenianer [cf. above, p. 272, n. 3] und Hesychasten, in Illgen's Zeit- schrift, Bd. vm. st. i. pp. 48 sq.; Dorner, Lehre von der Person Christi n. 292—297. 6 Since the 9th century Mount Athos has been covered with monas. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 3^3 the blessedness of 'seeing God,' were led to argue that the Christian may arrive at a tranquillity of mind entirely free from perturbation, and that all enjoying such a state may hold an ocular intercourse with God Himself, as the Apostles were supposed to do when they beheld His glory shining forth in the Transfiguration of our Lord. These mystics bore the name of Quietists, or Hesychasts1 (Uav^aaTai). They were vehemently assailed2 by Bar- laam (circ. 1341), a learned monk of the order of St Basil, and in all his earlier life a staunch defender of the Eastern Church3. His strictures roused the indignation of Gregorius Palamas4, afterwards the archbishop-designate of Thessalonica ; by whose influence several councils5, held at Constantinople (1341—1350), were induced to shelter, if not absolutely patronize, the Quietists. Their censor, driven to revoke his acrimonious charges, instantly seceded to the Western Church6, where he became the bishop of Gerace in Calabria The Hesychastic school was thus enabled to achieve a triumph. They were generally sup ported by the eastern theologians7; among others by the celebrated mystic, Nicholas Cabasilas, archbishop also of Thessalonica (circ. 1350). His important treatise on The Life in Christ8 is now accessible to scholars. teries. See their number and condition (in 1836) described in Curzon's Visit to Monasteries in the Levant, Lond. 1849, pp. 356 sq. 1 Other names given to them by their opponents were Massalians (above, p. 282, n. 4), and 'OpibaXbtpvxoi (Umbilicanimi). The latter seems to have referred to their custom of sitting still and gazing on the pit of their stomach (not unlike some of the Hindu and other hea then ascetics). 2 Joh. Cantaeuzenus, Hist. lib. n. c. 39; Niceph. Gregoras, Hist. Byzant. lib. xi. c. 10. 3 See, for instance, his Ilepl ttjs tov TIdira Apxys, ed. Salmasius, Lugdun. 1645. 4 Joh. Cantaeuzenus, Ibid. On his other writings, see Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1354. « (1341), Mansi, xxv. 1147; (1347), xxvi. 105; (1350), ib. 127. 6 Cantaeuzenus, lib. n. c. 40 ; Niceph. Gregoras, Ibid. Some of the Letters which he wrote on the Western side of the controversy are printed in Canisius, Led. Antiq., ed. Basnage, iv. 361 sq. Other instances of secession to the Latin Church occur now and then. 7 Cf. Schrbckh, xxxiv. 449, 450. 8 See Gass, Die Mystik des Nicolaus Cabasilas vom Leben in Christo, Griefswald, 1849 : Wharton, as above, ad an. 1350. Among other works in vindication of the Greek Church, he wrote a treatise on the Procession of the Holy Ghost, in answer to Aquinas (cf. above, p. 281, n. 2). Uastebn CHURCH. opened by Barlaam (circ.1341). Resistance ofGregoriusPalamas, and Nicholas Cabasilas. 364 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.d. 1305 BELATIONS OF EAST AND WEST. Easternantipathi to the LatinChurch. Reopening of nego tiations. Visit of John VI. Palaologus to Rome, 1369. RELATIONS OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES. The ancient resolution to maintain their freedom in defiance of the Roman court was still the general feeling of the eastern Christians. Some of them, for instance Nilus Cabasilas1, who had preceded his nephew Nicholas in the archiepiscopal chair of Thessalonica, wrote with temper and ability. But in proportion as the Turks were menacing Constantinople, it became the policy of the en feebled emperors to win the favour of the Latin Churches. This could only be effected by the healing of the schism. Negociations were accordingly reopened as early as 1333. In 1339 Andronicus III. Palseologus2 dispatched a formal embassy to Benedict XII. at Avignon. The leader of this party was the monk Barlaam, who, as we have seen3, immediately afterwards passed over to the Western Church. His mission was, however, fruitless in re spect of his fellow-countrymen at large : and though another emperor, John VI. Palasologus, betook himself in person4 to the court of Rome (1369), and by his abject homage to pope Urban V. endeavoured to awake the sympathy 1 His works, De Causis Divisionum in Ecclesia and De Primatu Papa (translated into English, Lond. 1560), were edited by Salmasius, Hanov. 1608. He also wrote at great length De Processione S. Spiritus adversus Latinos: see Leo AUatius, Diatriba de Nilis, p. 49. Another Nilus (surnamed Damyla), circ. 1400, wrote several treatises on kindred sub jects, but in a more bitter spirit: see Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1400. 2 On the earlier correspondence, see Baynald. ad an. 1333, §§ 17 sq., and Gibbon, ch. lxvi. In 1339 (Baynald. ad an. §§ 19 sq.) the Greeks promise, 'Qusecunque a generali concilio determinata fuerint, omnes orientales libenter htec recipient.' They also begged that the mode of stating the Procession of the Holy Ghost might be left an open question; but the Latins answered, that this would be to violate the unity of the faith ('quia in Ecclesia Catholica, in qua una fides esse noscitur, quoad hoc duplicem fidem minus veraciter esset dare'). With regard to the papal supremacy, Benedict intimated that the only way to ' auxilia, consilia, et favores,' was by cordially returning to 'the obedience of the Roman church.' A fresh embassy was sent to Avignon by Cantaeuzenus (see his own Hist. lib. iv. c. 9), for the sake of negociating a union with Clement VI. (1348) ; but it also was fruitless. 3 Above, p. 363. 4 Eaynald. ad an. 1369, § 1 sq. He had already (1355) bound him self by a secret oath to become 'fidelis, obediens, reverens, et devotus beatissimo patri et domino, domino Innocentio sacrosanctse Bomana; ac universalis Ecclesire .... summo pontifici et ejus successoribus. ' Eay nald. ad. an. 1355, § 34; cf. Gibbon, ch. lxvi. (vi. 217 — 220, ed. Milman). -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 365 of European princes, his defection from the Eastern Church produced no spiritual nor temporal results. His son, Manuel II., notwithstanding a fresh canvass for auxi liaries1 in Italy, France, Germany, and England (1400 -1402), was unshaken in his predilections for the creed and worship of his fathers2. The invasions of Timur (or Tamerlane), who conquered Anatolia in 1402, and thus diverted3 for a while the onslaught of the Turks, relieved the emperor from the necessity of forming an alliance with the west ; but, danger having finally become more imminent than ever, a fresh series of negociations were commenced (1434) under John VII. Palseologus, his son. This monarch, after some preliminaries, undertook to hold another conference with the Latin Church beyond the Adriatic ; and when he was driven to determine4 whether the true channel of communication were the Roman pontiff or the council of Basel, an accident eventually threw him into the arms of the former. He was carried off in triumph to the council of Ferrara (Feb. 28, 1438), attended by twenty-one eastern prelates, in addition to the patriarch of Constantinople6. The chief spokesmen on his side were 1 Gibbon, Ibid. pp. 220 — 222. On account of the papal schism (above, p. 328) the emperor had studiously avoided committing himself to either party, and indeed that circumstance facilitated his application to the different courts. s He even wrote twenty Dialogues in its defence: Leo AUatius, De Eccl. Occident, et Orient. Perpet. Consensione, p. 854. In 1418, however, he appears to have sent an embassy, headed by the archbishop of Kieff, to the council of Constance, where the Greeks were allowed to perform Divine Service according to their rite. See Lenfant, Hist, du Concile de Const, liv. vi. ch. 44. 3 Cf. Miller's History philosophically illustrated, n. 371, 3rd edit. 4 Both the council and the pope (cf. above, p. 337) had sent vessels to fetch the emperor from Constantinople, but the pope's galleys anticipated the other by a few days, and thus in all probability decided a most critical question as to the relations of the East and West in future ages. The admiral of the pope's galleys was his nephew, who had received instructions iva iroXep-fia-g biroS dv evpn rd Karepya tt)S SvvbSov, Kal, el SvvqBn, KaraSiari Kal d(pavio-Q. See on the whole subject the work of Syropulus (circ! 1444), Vera Hist, unionis non vera inter Gracos et Latinos, ed. Creyghton, Haga? Comitis, 1660, and the Acts of the coun cils of Eerrara and Florence, in Labbe, an, 1 sq. : cf. Schrbckh, xxxiv. 413 sq. 5 The Bussian church at this time was governed by a metropolitan of Kieff, called Isidore, who had been appointed at Constantinople under Bomanizing influences. He went to the council of Ferrara in spite of the misgivings of king Basil, and at length espoused the tenets of the DELATIONS--' OF EAST AND WEST. Anti- Roman bias of his son. Fresh nego ciationsunder John VII. Palceo- logus. 1434- 1438. Council of Ferrara,1438. 366 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 RELATIONS or EAST AND WEST. Subjects of discussion. Synod transferred to Florence, 1439. Mark of Ephesus, Dionysius of Sardis, and Bessarion of Nicaea. Legates also were accredited for the occasion by Philotheus of Alexandria and Dorotheus of Antioch; while Joachim of Jerusalem entrusted his subscription to Mark of Ephesus. The pope (Eugenius IV.) was not generally present in the council, after the second session (March 15); but he left behind him two accomplished advocates, the car dinal Juliano1, who had now retreated from the synod of Basel, and Andrew, the Latin bishop of Rhodes. The scheme of questions to be handled by the deputies con sisted of the following heads : (1) the Procession of the Holy Spirit, (2) the addition of the clause Filioque to the Constantinopolitan creed, (3) Purgatory and the interme diate state, (4) the use of unleavened bread in the holy Eucharist, (5) the jurisdiction of the Roman see and the supremacy of the pope. A long delay occurred before the actual business of the conference was opened, owing to the thin attendance* of the western prelates at Ferrara. But in the following autumn (Oct. 8), when the vigour of the Basel assembly was declining, a debate3 was held respecting the first point of controversy. It continued, with some interruptions, till the synod was at length transferred, by reason of the plague, to Florence. There the sessions were resumed on Feb. 26, 1439, and with them the discussions as to the Procession of the Holy Ghost. The Latin arguments, adduced by the provincial of the Dominicans in Lombardy, were stigmatized at western theologians. On his return, however, decorated with the Boman purple, he was for a while shut up in a monastery; but escaping thence took refuge with the pope. Mouravieff, pp. 76 — 78. 1 See above, p. 334, and p. 336, n. 4. * In the first session before the arrival of the Greeks there were pre sent only cardinal Juliano, five archbishops, eighteen bishops, ten abbots, and some generals of monastic orders. Many of the European princes were in favour of the council of Basel (see above, p. 337), and Charles VII. of France, in particular, at first forbade any of his subjects to go to Ferrara. 3 Andrew of Bhodes contended at great length in the 6th session (Oct. 20) that the clause Filioque, which the Greeks regarded as a mere addition, was in truth an explication, or necessary consequence of what j had heen maintained from the beginning. In the next session '(Oct. 25) he illustrated his remark by the enlargement of the Niceue Creed at Constantinople in 381. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 367 length as absolutely heretical by Mark of Ephesus1, but on the other hand Bessarion8 owned himself a convert to the western doctrine, which he now proceeded to defend with vigour. A decree3, embodying his conclusions, was put forward, pledging all who signed it to believe that the Holy Spirit is eternally from the Father and the Son, and that His essence is eternally from Both as from One principle, and by one only spiration ('tamquam ab uno principio et unica spiratione'): or, in different lan guage, that the Son is verily the Cause, or principle, of the subsistence of the Holy Spirit equally with the Father. It was next conceded by the Easterns that un leavened bread as well as leavened might be lawfully and efficaciously employed in celebrating the Eucharist4. The Latin theories on purgatory also were admitted, the new definition being, that the soul of every penitent who dies in the love of God, before he has made satisfaction for his past misdeeds by bringing forth the fruits of peni tence, is aided after death by prayers and other offerings which the faithful make in his behalf; while he himself is undergoing pains ('poenis purgatoriis ') in order to his final purification and reception into heaven5. Whether this effect be due. to elemental fire or other agents, is 1 Bespecting him and his numerous anti-Latin writings, see Whar ton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1436. His Epistola de Synodo Florentina ad- omnes Christianos is printed, in the reply of Joseph, bp. of Methone, in Labbe, xni. pp. 677 sq. Another Greek declared on this occasion, when a threat had been applied to make him surrender his belief : ' Mori malo, quam unquam Latinizare.' a See Wharton, as above. Bessarion became a Boman cardinal, and on the death of Nicholas V. (1455) was on the point of succeeding to the popedom. His munificence and abilities contributed much to the diffu sion of Greek literature in Italy. 1 Labbe, xni. 510 sq. 4 The language is remarkable: 'In azymo sive iermentato pane triticeo corpus Christi veraciter confici [in Bessarion's version reXelo-Bai iXriBus] ; sacerdotesque in altero ipsum Domini corpus conficere debere, unumquemque scilicet juxta sua? ecclesia;, sive occidentals, sive orien- talis, consuetudinem.' 5 Ibid, and cf. Schrockh, xxxiv. 429, 430. The other two cases, where the destination of the spirit is either heaven or hell, are put as follows: 'Illorumque animas, qui post baptisma susceptum nullam om nino peccati maculam incurrerunt, illas etiam, quae post contractam peccati maculam vel in suis corporibus, vel eisdem exutie corporibus, prout superius dictum est, sunt purgatas, in calum max recipi, et intueri olare ipsum Deum Trinum et TJnum (cf. above, p. 326, n. 1), sicuti est, pro meritorum tamen diversitate alium alio perfectius; illorum autem RELATIONS OP EAST AND WEST. Secession to the Latin side. Decrees on the Procession : on un leavenedbread : on Pur gatory : 368 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 HELAMONS OF EAST AND WEST. Completion of the union. declared to be no matter for a synodal decision. As to the supremacy (to irpuiTeiov) of the pope1, the Greeks were willing to acknowledge it in all its latitude, unless indeed the final clause for saving the canonical order, rights, and privileges of the Eastern patriarchs were meant to circumscribe his power. This memorable edict was published July 6, 1439, when it exhibited the signatures2 of the emperor, the repre sentatives of the patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, aud Jerusalem, and of many others, not including Mark of Ephesus, nor the patriarch of Constantinople, who had lately died at Florence. The great object of so many conferences might seem to have been reached. But when the tidings of reunion were divulged in Russia3 and the Eastern Church4 at large, the synod was immediately re pudiated by the several churches. The new patriarch of Constantinople, Metrophanes, became an object both of hatred and contempt to his own suffragans, who forced him in the end to abdicate his throne. All ' Latinizers ' were regarded by the populace as abject traitors to the faith of Christ ; and even the compliant patriarchs5 who took a share in the proceedings at Ferrara, soon repented of their aberrations and openly reverted to the ' orthodox ' belief. animas, qui in actuali mortali peccato, vel solo originali decedunt, max in infernum descendere, poenis tamen disparibus puniendas.' 1 ' Item difiinimus, sanctam apostolicam sedem et Eomanum ponti- ficem in universum orbem tenere primatum et ipsum pontificem Eoma num successorem esse beati Petri principis apostolorum, et verum Christi vicarium, totiusque ecelesias caput et omnium Christianorum patrem ac doctorem existere,' etc. Ibid. The pope, however, it was added, is to act in accordance with the canons of the Church (kuB' Sv rpdirov Kal iv to?s irpaKTiKols twv olKovpeviK&v avvoSwv, Kal iv rots Upois Kavotri SiaXapfid- veraC). s On the Latin side the persons who affixed their names were the pope, eight cardinals, the Latin patriarchs of Jerusalem and Grado, two episcopal ambassadors of the duke of Burgundy, eight archbishops, forty- seven bishops (nearly all Italians), four generals of monastic orders, and forty-one abbots. The Greeks, to the number of thirty, arrived at Con stantinople, on their return, Feb. 1, 1440. 3 See above, p. 365, n. 5. 4 Neale's Eastern Church, 'Alexandria,' n. 337: and Gibbon, ch, lxvii. (vi. 260, 261, ed. Milman). 6 See e.g. their synodal letter (1443) in Leo AUatius, De Perpet. Con- sensione, pp. 939 sq., in which they characterize the council of Florence as piapav, and threaten to excommunicate all who fraternize with the Latins. Their epistle to the emperor is quite as denunciatory ; Ibid, pp. 942 sq. > — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 369 On the annihilation of Byzantine glory (1453) the rea sons for soliciting the friendship of the Western Church had ceased to operate. The Christians of Constantinople were then permanently disengaged from their alliance with the civil power, and from that day to this, in spite of many proselytizing efforts, concentrated at the close of the six teenth century against the Church of Russia1, the inveterate quarrels of the East and West have never been composed. The fears awakened at Constantinople by the Turks had acted in like manner on the court of Armenia. As early as 1317 an embassy2 was sent imploring help from John XXII., and promising as an equivalent to bring about a cordial reconciliation with the Latin Church3. The briefs, however, which he circulated in the west of Europe with the hope of stirring up a new crusade were fruitless4: while, upon the other side, hereditary hatred of the council of Chalcedon5 and a strong attachment to 1 Mouravieff, p. 122. 8 Baynald. ad an. 1317, § 35: cf. ad an. 1308, § 32, and above, p. 275, n. 7. 3 Ibid, ad an. 1318, §§ 8—17. In the same year (§ 15) the pope sent a party of Dominicans to facilitate the union ; but it never seems to have extended beyond the court and the nobles of Lesser Armenia: see (as , below, n. 5) Art. xxxrv. Of course the little Latinized kingdom of Ar menia (Cilicia) could not undertake for the Armenian Church, the bulk of which lay far off, and had been long under Turkish dominion. 4 The patience of the Church was already well-nigh exhausted by the levying of tenths and other contributions with a similar pretext, for the benefit of the popes and the kings of France : cf. Twysden, Vindication, p. 103, Camb. ed. The pope, however, in the present case forwarded pecuniary help to the Armenians (Eaynald. ad an. 1323, § 5 : Schrbckh, xxxiv. 453). There is some danger of confounding the Armenians of the little Christian kingdom which became extinct in 1393, with those of Greater Armenia, where the strength of the Armenian Church lay. The kingdom from its close connexion with the Crusaders was always more than half Boman. 8 See a catalogue of errors alleged against them in 1341 by Benedict XII. (in writing to the Catholicos of Armenia) ; Eaynald. ad an. 1341, §§ 45 sq. It is there stated (Art. 111.) that they held a festival in ho- -nour of Dioscorus who was condemned at Chalcedon (Oct. 13, 451), them selves maintaining with him, or at least deducing from his theory, ' Quod sicut in Domino Jesu Christe erat unica Persona, ita erat una Natura, Bcilicet Divina, et una voluntas et una operatio' (cf. above, p. 64). They appear to have also held (Art. iv.) that since the Passion of our Lord original sin has been remitted to all the children of Adam ('pueri qui nascuntur ex filiis Adam non sunt damnationi addicti'). They did not believe in a purgatory (' quia, ut dicunt, si Christianus confiteatur peceata sua, omnia peceata ejus et pana peccatorum ei dimittuntur,' Art. xvn.). They offered no prayers for the dead with the hope of procuring a remis- KELATIONS OF EAST AND WEST. Perpetuity of the schism. Vain attempts to win over the Arme nians, M. A. BB 370 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.D- 1305 EELATIONS OP EAST AND WEST. renewed at Florence ; extended to the Copts. Latin party in Abyssinia. Overtures to the Nestorians and the Maronites. their semi- Jewish notions1 swayed the bulk of the Arme nian people to resist the tempting offers of the pope. In 1367 their country fell a prey to the Mameluke Turks, who threatened to erase all vestiges of Christianity2, Yet even in the little kingdom a remnant survived. At the council of Florence, after the departure of the Greeks, a specious edict was drawn up (Nov. 22, 1440) for the purpose of embracing the Armenians in the general peace3. The kindred sect of Copts (or Jacobites) of Egypt, who had also undergone a frightful persecution at the hands of the Mamelukes4, were made the subjects of a like decree5 (Feb. 4, 1441). An emissary of the Coptic patriarch6 ap peared in Florence, to facilitate this work. In neither case, however, did the overtures prevail except with individuals here and there. A firmer footing was at length obtained among the Christians of Abyssinia7. It proceeded from an interchange of salutations at the Florentine synod on the part of their king Zara Jacob and Eugenius IV. The ultimate effect of it was the formation of a Latinizing school, which flourished, for some time at least, under the auspices of the court of Portugal8. We gather also from the closing acts of the council of Florence, now translated to the Lateran (Sept. 30, 1444, and Aug. 7, 1445), that the prelates made a vigorous effort to win over the Jacobites9 (' Syrians '), and that numerous section of the Maronites 10, who still sion of sins (' sed generaliter orant pro omnibus mortuis, sicut pro beata Maria, Apostolis, Martyribus, et aliis Sanctis, ut in die judicii intrent in regnum caleste.' Ibid.), In Arts, lxxxtv., lxxxv., we are told that they absolutely denied the papal supremacy. 1 Thus (Art. xl vi.) they observed the legal distinctions between the clean and unclean meats: cf. above, p. 187, n. 4. 2 Eaynald. ad an. 1382, § 49. 3 Labbe, xni. 1197 sq. ; Schrockh, xxxrv. 458. 4 Benaudot, Hist. Patr. Alcxand. Jacob, pp. 602 sq. ; Neale, n 322, 323. 5 Labbe, Ibid. 1204 sq.: Schrockh, xxxiv. 416. 6 Neale, n. 336. 7 Neale, n. 336. 8 See above, p. 315, n. 5. 0 Labbe, xni. 1222 sq. This decree states that Abdalla, archbp. of Edessa, had come to the synod in the name of Ignatius, patriarch of the Syrians. 10 {bi?\ ,1225 sq- (cf- aboTe' P- 71>- 0n the same occasion, deputies presented themselves in the name of Timotheus, metropolitan of the 'Chaldeans' (Nestorians) of Cyprus. By these proceedings, writes the Continuator of Fleury (ad an. 1445, s. 5), all the eastern sects would -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 371 adhered to the Monothelete opinions. Whether any kind of change resulted from these later manifestoes of the Western Church, it is not easy to decide. CONTINUOUS EFFORTS TO WORK OUT A REFORMATION. The name of Reformation1 had been long familiar in the West of Europe. During all the present period, more especially the earlier half of the fifteenth century, it never ceased to vibrate in men's ears. A consciousness that the ecclesiastical system was diseased and lamentably out of joint, as well as a presentiment that things could not long continue as they were, had been awakened on all sides among the earnest and more thoughtful members of the Church. These feelings were occasionally shared by the chiefs of the Roman court2 itself: but for the most part it had now become the centre of corruption and a rallying point for all the self-complacent and reactionary spirits. Hence the origin of the continued struggle made at Pisa, Constance, and Basel, to circumscribe the papal monarchy. The leaders in it felt that such a step was absolutely indispensable for healing the disorders of the age. The council-party, as we saw, enjoyed the patronage of kings and governments ; it was supported almost uni formly by the lawyers and the more intelligent among the laity. We must, however, bear in mind that few reformers of this class had ever meditated critical in quiries into the established dogmas of the Church. One section of them were disposed to carry their reformatory principle no further than the temporal branches of the papal jurisdiction or the gross excesses in the lives of Clergymen and monks. Accordingly the failure3 of the have been united to the Church of Bome, 'si ses decrets eussent 6U recfis sur les lieux ; mais par malheur ils n'eurent point d'effet :' cf. Gibbon, vi. 241, ed. Milman. 1 See e.g. above, p. 21, n. 8; p. 251 n. 5. 2 e.g. Pius III., above, p. 339, n. 3. The language of Hadrian VI. (by his Nuncio), at the diet of Nuremberg in 1522, is most emphatic : Baynald. ad an. 1522, § 66. 8 See above, p. 334, n. 1. The cry for a general council was renewed, however, at the end of the fifteenth century, and prolonged by the Ger mans and English to the middle of the next. We gather from the fol lowing expressions that little hope was held out of a conciliar reforma tion: 'Quia ista deficiunt [i.e. obedientia principum, zekis fidei], quasso, ex conciliis cujusmodi reformatio proveniet . . . . Ecclesiam per concilium reformare non poterit omnis humana facuitas: sed alium modum Altis- I BB2 KEFORMA- TOKV EFFOBTS. Refonncrsin the Church. 372 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 REFOEMA- TOI4Y EFFORTS; movement they had started, for convening general councils periodically, seemed a blow quite fatal to their projects. of reform. But others who like them w*ere anxious to preserve the outward unity of Christendom at almost any price, went further in applying sanatory measures. Chilled and wearied by the subtleties of a degenerate race of schoolmen, they reverted1 for illumination to the Holy Scriptures, and the writings of the early Church. The great majority, indeed (for instance men like Gerson or Thomas a Kempis), were not conscious of antipathy to the established creed or ritual institutions of their country, Many doctrines2 which have since been methodized in such a way as to present a sharper, a more startling and more systematic form, were tacitly allowed or even strenu ously defended : yet meanwhile the general tone of their productions, as the use to which they were hereafter put by leaders of the Reformation shewed, was adverse3 to the modes of thought and feeling which prevailed before that epoch. simus procurabit, nobis quidem pro nunc incognitum, licet heu! pra foribus existat, ut ad pristinum statum ecclesia redeat.' The words are addressed by the Inquisitor Henry Institoris to the enthusiast (or impos tor) Andrew archbishop of Crayn, who in 1480 summoned a general coun cil on his own authority to Basel, and died in prison in 1484. Hottinger, Hist. Eccl. saec. xv. p. 413 ; see also Farlati, Illyricum sacrum, vol. vn. pp. 437 — 448. Andrew was a Dominican friar, named Zuccomakehi, and his see was probably in partibus; he gave himself out as Cardinal of S. Sixtus. His whole history, which might be interesting, is unfortu nately obscure. See Gieseler, v. pp. 154 — 156. 1 See above, p. 356. 2 Gerson, for example, reconciled himself to a belief in the Immacu late Conception of the Virgin, on the ground that it was a development: ' Doctores addiderunt multas veritates ultra Apostolos. Quapropter dicere possumus, hanc veritatem " beatam Mariam non fuisse conceptam in peccato originali" de illis esse veritatibus, qua noviter sunt revelata vel declaratm, tam per miracula quas leguntur, quam per majorem par tem Ecclesia? sancta?, qua? hoc modo tenet.' Opp. in. 1330, ed. Dupin. He also applies the remark to purgatory. Juster views are advocated in a Wycliffite treatise (1395) edited by Forshall (1851), the author asking (p. 79) in a parallel case : ' Bi what presumpcion bryngith in this synful man this nouelrie, not foundid opinli in the lawe of God neithir in reesun V 3 The Catalogus Testium Veritatis, qui ante nostram cetatem recla- marunt Papa (ed. 1556), though constructed in a narrow, grasping, and, at times, in something like a disingenuous spirit, will furnish many illustrations of this remark. See also Field, On the Church, Append, to Book in. (n. 1 — 387, ed. 1849), who proves at length that the extreme opinions, stereotyped by the Council of Trent, were held only by ' a fac tion' in the age preceding Luther's. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 373 While the timid, calm, or isolated efforts of this kind were tending in the bosom of the Church itself to some thing more emphatic, other agencies external to it had been also urging on the work. In spite of the Inquisitors1 who prowled in every part of Europe, many sects, retain ing more or less of truth, and more or less antagonistic to the hierarchy and the ritual of the Church, continued to recruit their forces. Though the Cathari, or Albigenses, had been massacred2 in all the south of France (except a miserable remnant8), they were at the middle of the fourteenth century so numerous4 in Croatia, Slavonia, Dalmatia, Albania, Bulgaria, and especially in Bosnia, as to form a large proportion of the populace. The school of Peter Waldo had been similarly thinned by ruthless persecutions5, but it still survived6 in France, in parts of Germany, and even in Bohemia, as well as in the more sequestered vales and fastnesses of Piedmont'. The Beghards8 also, with the German Lollards, or at least that section of them which had now revolted absolutely from the Church, including Fratricelli, 'Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit,' and a minor group of mystical and antinomian confraternities, appear at intervals on every side. They seemed to thrive not only in their earlier settlements, but also in the south of France, in 1 Schrockh, xxxrv. 468 sq. s See above, p. 289. 3 Such are, possibly, ' the Cagots of the Pyrenees : Schmidt, Hist, des Cathares, etc. i. 360. 4 Ibid. i. 125 sq. The inhabitants of Bosnia and Albania, where the doctrines of the Bogomiles were deeply rooted, afterwards became the champions of Islamism. Spencer's Travels in European Turkey, i. 303 — 312, Lond. 1851. 5 The first of these, in the present period, was set on foot by John XXII. (1332), and many others followed : Schrockh, xxxiv. 488 sq. 6 The numbers in Dauphiny, as late as 1373, are said to be 'maxima multitudo' (Baynald. ad an. § 20). Traces of them in different parts of Germany are noted by Gieseler to the end of the fourteenth century; iv. § 122, pp. 218, 219, n. 5. They are said to have entered Bohemia at the close of the twelfth (see The Reformation and Anti-Reformation in Bohemia, Lond. 1845, i. 5; and Krasinski, Reform, in Poland, i. 53). 7 Above, p. 294. 8 See above, pp. 232, 235, 294, n. 5, p. 346. In 1322, a person named "Walter [Lollard ?] was put to death at Cologne, for circulating heresy in the vernacular: see John of Trittenheim (Trithemius), Annal. n. 155. EEFOHMA. TOEY EFFOETS. Reformersout of the Church, 374 State, of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 John Wycliffe (d. 1384), the ' Evan gelic Doc tor.' Italy and Sicily1. To these may be subjoined the Adamites, the Luciferians, the Turlupiues (all independent offshoots from the Beghards2), the disciples of John Pirnensis3 in Silesia, and a party of Flagellants4, who, because they pushed ascetic principles to an intolerable length and flogged themselves in public several times a day, were finally restrained by Clement VI. (1349). They now seceded in great numbers from the Church. A movement altogether disconnected5 from the rest had meanwhile been advancing rapidly in England. Its author was John Wycliffe, (or John of Wycliffe), born not far from Richmond, Yorkshire (? 1324). It is said that he 1 John XXII. levelled a bull against them (Dec. 30, 1317), in the Extravagantes Johan. XXII., tit. vn. ('Corpus Juris Canon.'). From it we gather that they sheltered themselves under the pretext of belonging to the tertiary order of Franciscans. 2 See the literature respecting them in Gieseler, tv. § 122, pp. 224, 225, n. 10, 11, 12. Gerson (as there quoted) charges some of these sec taries with the most unbridled licentiousness. 3 The author of this sect appeared in 1341, maintaining among other kindred tenets that the pope was Antichrist, and more especially distin guished by his hatred of the clergy: Krasinski, Reform, in Poland, I. 55, 56. Perhaps they were in some way connected with the Bussian Stri- golniks (cf. above, p. 362), and many would at length pass over to the more extreme party of Hussites. 4 Cf. above, p. 201; and see Hahn, Gesch. der Ketzer im Mittelalter, n. 537 sq. The later Flagellants ('Bianchi') wore white garments, and on crossing the Alps into Italy (1399) produced a marvellous sensation. Benedict IX., however, finally apprehended the leader, and consigned him to the flames. Members of the sect were found in Thuringia and other parts of Germany at the outbreak of the Eeformation. Another group of sectaries, entitled 'Dancers' (from their violent gesticulations under what they deemed the influence of the Holy Ghost), sprang up in Flanders about 1370 : cf. Gieseler, iv. § 119, pp! 203, 204, n. 23, 24. Some of the phenomena presented by them may remind us of the modern ' electro-biology. ' 6 'It is a remarkable fact that the writings of Wycliffe never give us any reason to suppose that he was acquainted in any degree with the history of the Waldenses, the Albigenses, or with any of the con tinental sects:' Vaughan's Wycliffe, p. 46, ed. 1853. The predecessor whom he valued most was Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln. ' Seith Eobert Grosteed that this [pope's] bulles ben heresies' (MS. quoted in Turner, v. 148, n. 5) — is only one of a multitude of references which he has made to that prelate. In the Wycliffite treatise (1395) edited by Mr Forshall, with the title, Remonstrance against Romish Corruptions (Lond. 1851), there are no less than five such references to 'the worshipful clerk, Grosted, bisshop of Linoolne.' On Dr Maitland's theory for con necting the English Lollards with the political and other prophets of the continent (e.g. the abbot Joachim, above, p. 255, n. 1), see his Eight Essays (1852), pp. 207 sq. -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, 375 was at one time a resident in Queen's College, Oxford1, but as there were certainly two if not three persons at the university bearing the same name at this time, this is very uncertain2. The first fact distinctly known about him is that in 1361 he was master or warden of Balliol College3. Devoting his attention to scholastics, he is said to have outstripped4 all others in that field of study: but his title Evangelic (Gospel) Doctor indicates that he was no less favourably known at Oxford for proficiency in biblical literature. Recent historical research has shewn that the theory once received, of the commencement5 of Wycliffe's controversial labours6 by an attack on the friars, is un tenable. 1 Even this statement about him is uncertain. Compare Shirley, Fasciculi Zizaniorum, pref. xii. xiv. ; and the remarks of Mr H. T. Eiley in the Second Eeport of the Historical MSS. Commission, 1871, pp. 141, 142. 2 The John Wycliffe whose history is most frequently confounded with the reformer's, was in 1356 a fellow of Merton College, and after wards rector of Mayfield in Sussex, who died in 1383. It is probable that this person was also Warden of Canterbury Hall. These prefer ments have frequently been assigned to the great Wycliffe, who however was a Doctor of Divinity at the time that his namesake was a Bachelor. The whole argument against the identity of the two is stated by Dr Shirley, Fasciculi Zizaniorum, pp. 513 — 528. 3 He was also presented by this society (1361) to the rectory of Fyling- ham, in the archdeaconry of Stow, a benefice which he afterwards ex changed (1368) for Ludgershall, nearer to Oxford. 4 Thus Henry Knyghton (in Twysden's Scriptores X., coL 2644) is driven to admit, 'in philosophia nulli reputabatur secundus, in scholas- ticis disciplinis incomparabilis : ' ,cf . Le Bas, Life of Wiclif, pp. 93, 944, Lond. 1832. He was a Bealist, and thus opposed himself to Ockham. For a complete list of his scholastic and philosophical writings (many of which are preserved in the Library of Trinity College, Cambridge, MSS. No. 326), see Shirley's Catalogue of Wyclif's Original Works, Oxford, 1865 ; Select English Works of Wyclif, ed. Arnold, in. xvii. ; and Vaughan's Wycliffe, pp. 541 sq., ed. 1853. s ''That in 1356 he published his first work, The Last Age of the Church; that the same year he was one of the fellows of Merton, that in 1360 he took up the pen of the dying Archbishop Fitz Balph of Armagh in his memorable controversy with the Mendicants, are facts only by courtesy and repetition. The Last Age of the Church has been assigned to him in common with half the English religious tracts of the four teenth and fifteenth centuries, in the absence of all external, and in defiance of all internal evidence." Shirley, Fasc. Zizan. pref. xiii. Qn the authorship of the Last Age of the Church, see Shirley's Catalogue of Wiclif's Works, pref. p. xiii. It was edited by Dr Todd, Dublin, 1851. ^ ,, . 6 See e.g. his Two Short Treatises against tlie Orders of Begging Friars, Oxf. 1608; printed also in the Select English Works of Wiclif, UEFOKMA- TOE1' EFFOETS. His early career. 37^ State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 BEFOBMA- TOE1 EFFOETS. HisObjections to the Friars, To whatever date however this hostility is to be re ferred, his works on the subject are the utterances of a man righteously indignant at the hollowness, the self- indulgence, and extortion of the papal volunteers. He seems to speak as if he had been personally thwarted by them in his ministerial labours : every scandal and disaster of the times was laid to their account. By them the work ing of the Church was said to have been so enfeebled and disorganized, that till they had been taught to understand the 'freedom of the Gospel' and the 'clean religion of Jesus Christ,' all other remedies would prove inefficacious. Wycliffe never paused nor faltered1 in his declamations on this head, and therefore the hostility which he excited in a large and powerful section of his countrymen pur sued him even to the grave. But on the other hand his zeal, his patriotism, and learning commended him to ed. Arnold, Oxford, 1871; in. 366. Mr Arnold ascribes these tracts to 1382 and 1384, and. even questions whether they are Wycliffe's. They contain however much of the teaching of his school on the subject. He had been preceded in this line by several writers (see above, p. 344, n. 5), especially by Eichard Fitzralph, archbishop of Armagh, who had (in 1357) arraigned the Mendicants before the pope and cardinals at Avignon (above, p. 345, n. 1), The Friars, on the other hand, were not desti tute of champions. See, for instance, Wil. Wodfordus (a Franciscan) adversus Joh. Wiclefum Anglum (in Brown's Fasc. I. 191 sq.), which' is a full examination of the various errors charged on Wycliffe and his school. 1 One of the few anecdotes preserved respecting him informs us that, when dangerously ill in 1379, he was visited by certain Mendicants who urged him to recal the accusations he had levelled at them. His reply was, 'I shall not die, but live, and again declare the evil deeds of the Friars:' Le Bas, p. 196. In the tract, De Ecclesia et Membris suis, written in the last year of his life (1384), and edited in 1851, with two other treatises by Dr Todd, and by Mr Arnold in the Select English Works of Wyclif, in. 338, he urges that 'for profit of the chirche shulden freris worche to quench this striyf.' 'But noon,' he adds, 'groundith here his word, as noon of thes newe ordris groundith, that he cam inne bi Crist, and but gif [i.e. unless] this groundyng be in dede, dremes and confermyngis ben nougt. On this maner shulden trewe men seke wisely the sothe, and purge our moder of apostemes, that ben harmful in the chirche. To this shulde the pope helpe, for to this dette weren apostlis boundun, and not to lordshipis of money but [i.e. except] in as myche as it helpide herto' etc., p. xlvii. (ed. Arnold, p. 353). The next treatise in Dr Todd's volume, De Apostasia Cleri (Arnold, p. 430), [i.e. their abandonment of their proper duties], shows that Wycliffe was not blind to failings in that quarter also ; and the same is still more manifest in a work doubtfully attributed to him Of Clerks Possessioners : see an account of it in Vaughan, p. 526. Shirley, Catalogue, p. 41; Arnold, Select Works of Wyclif, in. xix. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 377 Edward III., who made him one of the royal chaplains1 and bestowed on him the prebend of Aust in the collegiate church of Westbury (Worcester) and the rectory of Lutter worth in Leicestershire2 (1374). The favour of the crown had been already manifested in selecting him for one of the commissioners appointed to negociate at Bruges with certain papal envoys touching the pecuniary exac tions of their master. Though the mission does not seem to have produced3 a real mitigation of abuses, it would hardly fail to rivet the attention of an earnest soul like Wycliffe's on the manifold enormities prevailing in the papal court and the administration of the Church at large. His controversial career, so far as it can be dated by ex tant monuments, began about 1363, when on philosophical subjects he was engaged in a dispute with the Carmelite Kynyngham". To Wycliffe's mind philosophical and prac tical questions presented themselves in close conjunction, scholastic, theological, and ecclesiastical abuses were too firmly allied to stand severally alone when once the re former's hand was raised against any one of them. Still in 1366 we find him prepared to call himself ' a lowly and obedient son of the Roman Church5;' as though the clearest 1 This point is rather open to discussion, resting mainly on the way in which he speaks of himself as standing in a close relation to the crown ('peculiaris regis clericus'). As such he professed his readiness to main tain that the sovereign of this country may justly rule, though denying tribute to the pope: Vaughan, as above, p. 106. 2 Le Bas, p. 155. He had meanwhile (before 1366) become a S. T. P. of Oxford, and as such lectured in Theology: see Shirley, Fasc. Ziz. pref. p. xvii. 3 For instance, Wycliffe's coadjutor, the bishop of Bangor, was im- , mediately afterwards translated (1375) by a papal bull to Hereford, although the issue of the conference was that the pope should desist from all 'reservations,' and that the king should no longer confer bene fices by an arbitrary writ ('Quare impedit'): Le Bas, p. 154. The in fluence of the recent negociations may be seen, however, in the 'Bolls' of what is called the 'Good Parliament' (1376), which demanded among other things that no papal questor or collector should remain in England on pain of life and limb (see Rot. Pari. 50° Edw. III., § 114). 4 Dr Shirley divides Wycliffe's literary career into three periods; the first lasting up to 1366 or 1367, including his logical, physical and scholastio works; the second including his attempts at constitutional reform in the church extending to the date of the great schism; the third from 1376 to his death, including his doctrinal writings. Fasc. Ziz. pref. pp. xxxix— xliii. 6 Vaughan, p. 109. His views at this time on the question whether EEFOEMAi TOBY. EFFOETS. i Diplomatic mission to Bruges,1374r- 1375. 378 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 insight into its corruptions and its crooked policy were absolutely needed ere he could be roused to controvert the papacy itself. His eyes were opened by the diplomatic mission to Bruges1, and accordingly, soon after his return, the Ro manizing party in the Church of England, stimulated as it seems by the emphatic warnings of the pope, and headed by William Courtenay, bishop of London, insti tuted measures for convicting him of heresy. He was cited to appear and vindicate himself before the convo cation, which assembled at St Paul's Cathedral, 'Feb. 3, 1377'2. The charges brought against him were that he advanced, in lectures and elsewhere, a class of tenets like the following3: — that the Church of Rome is not the the crown of England owe any feudal homage to the pope in consequence of the proceedings in the time of John (cf . above, p. 252) are stated in a Determinatio, printed in Lewis, Life and Sufferings of John Wiclif, pp. 349 sq., Oxf. 1820. In this treatise (p. 354) we may see the germ of a strange doctrine which afterwards became a reproach to him and his followers, viz. that power and property are held by the tenure of grace, and therefore liable to be forfeited by the 'mortal sin' of the owner. Mr Le Bas endeavours to relieve Wycliffe from this charge, pp. 350 sq. : cf. Vaughan, p. 460. 1 He came from thence, persuaded that the 'proud, worldly priest of Bome' was 'the most cursed of clippers and pursekervers.' Lewisj p. 37. 2 The chronology of these events is rather confusing, but according to the authorities at present accessible, the following appears to be the sequence. The Convocation at which Wycliffe first appeared was held at St Paul's for the purpose of granting a subsidy, Feb. 3, 1377, (Hody, p. 225). Wycliffe's appearance and the riot that broke up the sitting are placed on the 23rd of February. The pope's letters were issued on the 22nd of May. Of these the first is addressed to the University, and forbids the propounding of Wycliffe's opinions, (Wals. 346); the second to the archbishop and the bishop of London, bidding them ad monish the king and nobles not to favour Wycliffe (Ibid. 347). The third to the same two prelates enjoining them to cite Wycliffe to Bome (Ibid. 348). The fourth to the same directing the arrest of the reformer (Ibid. 350), the fifth to the king desiring him to favour the prosecution. Edward died on the 21st of June. The letters of the archbishop and bishop addressed to the University, directing the appearance of Wycliffe at St Paul's in obedience to the papal mandate, are dated Dec. 28, 1377, (Wilkins in. 123). He is ordered to appear on the thirtieth day after citation. The place seems to have been changed, and probably the day also. The trial at Lambeth was the result, and it was broken up in muoh the same way as the former attempt at St Paul's. Compare Shir ley, Fasc. Ziz. xxvi — xxxiii., Vaughan, pp. 185 sq. 3 All the nineteen propositions are given in Wilkins, as above, p. 123 : cf. Massingberd's Eng. Reformation, p. 9, Lond. 1847. The last of the schedule must have been peculiarly offensive : ' Ecclesiasticus, immb -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 379 head of all Churches, nor has Christ committed larger functions to St Peter than to others of the Twelve ; that the Roman pontiff has no powers of absolution different from those entrusted to all members of the priesthood; that ecclesiastical censures ought not to be used for grati fying individual spleen, and that an excommunicated per son does not truly fare the worse unless he be already self-ejected from the fellowship of Christians ; that the civil power, in certain cases, may both lawfully and meritoriously punish a delinquent church by appropriating its revenues ; that the Gospel is sufficient as a rule of life for every class of Christians, and that other ' rules ' (adopted by religious orders, for example) can add nothing of perfection to the law of God. When on the 23rd of February he appeared before the convocation he was accompanied by the earl marshal, Percy, and by John of Gaunt, the duke of Lancaster. The latter, as the head of a numerous party who were bent on lowering the pretensions of the English eccle siastics, manifested a peculiar zeal in his behalf. Some verbal skirmishing that passed between the bishop of London and these powerful friends of Wycliffe, issued in a riot of the citizens, who could not brook what they esteemed the insult which was put on their diocesan, and who hated John of Gaunt. Amid this angry tumult the inquiry was suspended. During the few months that followed Wycliffe's enemies were busy at Rome. The king1 died in June, but before this the pope had issued letters against the reformer, addressed to the king, the archbishop of Canterbury, and fhe chancellor of Oxford2. In pursuance of these orders et Boroanus pontifex, potest legitime a subditis et laicis corripi et etiam accusari,' In the accompanying instruments the pope associates Wycliffe with Marsilius of Padua (see above, p. 324, n. 1) 'of accursed memory.' i Whether Edward, who enacted a statute of Praemunire (making the execution of all bulls, without the licence of the crown, a very grave offence), would have been likely to sanction the proceedings against Wy cliffe, is not easy to determine. 3 The following is part of Walsingham's entry at the year 1378, Biley's edition, vol. I. p. 345: 'Diu in pendulo hserebant [i.e. the Oxford au thorities] utrum papalem bullam deberent cum honore recipere, vel om nino cum dedecore refutare . . . Pudet recordationis tantsB imprudentia?: et ideo supersedeo in hujusmodi materia immorari, ne materna videar REFOEMA- IOEY EFFORTS. Summaryof his opinionsat this time. Proceed ings against him. 1377. 386 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 BEFOBMA- TOEV EFFOETS. His line of defence, and the principles there enunciated. Wycliffe appeared early in 1378 before the bishops at Lambeth ; but on this occasion a fresh uproar stirred up, it seems by the partizans of the reformer1, and supported by a message in his favour from the princess of Wales, determined the archbishop to dismiss him with a repri-* mand2. It is important to remark the tone and tactics of the culprit while he was arraigned at this tribunal3. He examined all the several propositions which the papal rescript had alleged against him, urging in the outset that they were a puerile and garbled version of his real tenets, and declaring his willingness to acquiesce in the decisions of ' holy mother Church.' In proving that man kind had no power to make St Peter and his successors the political rulers of the world 'for ever,' he appealed to the admitted fact that temporal property could only last until the second advent. Other arguments alike evasive were applied to propositions on the subject of civil dominion and of civil inheritance : but when he finally approached the questions touching church-property, the power of excommunication, and the different orders of the ministry, his language was more candid and distinct. As tithes and all ecclesiastical possessions were but elee' mosynary4, he maintained that to withhold them, in some ubera decerpere dentibus, qua dare lac potum scientiaa consuevere.' It appears also that Wycliffe carried with him a large party (even a major ity) of the Londoners (Vaughan, pp. 189, 190), although the municipal authorities, and many of the citizens, who hated John of Gaunt, were active on the other side. 1 Walsingham (p. 356) complains on this occasion, ' Non dico cives tantum Londinienses, sed. viles ipsius civitatis se impudenter ingerere prsesumpserunt in eandem capellam [i.e. at Lambeth], et verba facere pro eodem, et istud negotium impedire.' 2 See Walsingham' s indignant language on the cowardice or mildness of the prelates. He says, among other things, that they became ' velut homo non audiens, et non habens in ore suo redargutiones. ' Ibid. p. 356. Their injunction charging Wycliffe to abstain from publishing his opi nions, was altogether lost upon him. 3 The same chronicler taxes him with dissimulation and crooked dealing in the interview at Lambeth; Ibid. pp. 356, 363: cf. Le Bas, pp. 178 sq.; Lingard, iv. 256 sq.; and Vaughan, pp. 207 sq., the last of whom makes merry on .the occasion, it would seem to many readers, at Wycliffe's own expense. 4 The payments to the papacy had always been spoken of as alms ('eleemosyna beati Petri'). Sir Thomas More, Suppl. of Soules, (Works, I. 296) describes Peterpence as ' ever payde before the conquest1 »?— 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 381 instances at least,. might be an act of duty and of genuine charity1. His statement was, however, somewhat modified by intimating that such revocations should be only made in cases where they had been authorized by civil and by canon law2. Respecting excommunications, he avowed that no effect was wrought by them unless the sentence of the Church accorded with the will of Christ. He followed several of the schoolmen3 in regarding priests and bishops as of the same spiritual order, though dif ferent in rank or jurisdiction ; arguing on this ground, that each of the seven sacraments might be lawfully administered by any of the sacerdotal class. He also reaffirmed his earlier statement, that ecclesiastics, nay the pope himself4, might be on some accounts impleaded and corrected by their subjects, whether clerical or lay5. The death of Gregory XL in the spring of 1378 was followed, as already noticed6, by the schism which para lysed the vigour of the Roman court, Its jealousy to the apostolike sea towarde the mayntenance therof, but only by way of gratitude and almes.' On the Responsio magistri Johannis Wycliff (1377) respecting this question, see Fasciculi Zizaniorum, pp. 258 sq. , in Chron icles of Great Britain: cf. Twysden's Vindication, p. 96. Camb. ed. 1 Wycliffe, like the abbot Joachim, Hildegard, and the more rigorous school pf Friars, now arrived at the conviction that the secularity of the Church was mainly due to its abundant property. On this account he would have gladly seen ecclesiastics destitute of temporal possessions except the scantiest portion by which life could be sustained: cf. Le Bas, p. 194. 2 It is manifest, however, from the proceedings of the synod of Lon don (1382) that Wycliffe was still charged with holding more extreme opinions on this subject : ' Item "quod decimal sunt purfe eleemosynse, et quod parochiani possint propter peceata suorum curatorum eas detinere, et ad libitum aliis conferre.' Wilkins, in. 157. 3 See Palmer's Treatise on the Church, part vi. ch. iv. sect. 1. * He does not even shrink from the supposition ' Si papa fuerit a fide devius.' 5 After his escape from his enemies at Lambeth, Wycliffe had a con troversy on the same topic with an anonymous divine called 'mixtus theologus.' He there carries his opinions out more fully: see LeBas, pp. 190 sq.; Vaughan, pp. 216 sq. 6 Above, p. 328. In Wycliffe's treatise, Schisma Papa (1382), (Select English Works of Wyclif; ed. Arnold, Oxford 1871, p. 247,) he thus writes of the dissension : ' Trust we in the help of Christ on this point, for he hath begun already to help us graciously, in that he hath clove the head of Antichrist, and made the two parts fight against each other. For it is not to be doubted that the sin of the popes which hath been so long continued, hath brought in this division.' Quoted in Vaushan, p. 374. 382 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305' REFORMA- IOB1 EFFOBTS. Wycliffe attacks the dogma of transub stantiation, 1380. was thus diverted from the struggles of the English Church, and Wycliffe gathered strength and courage for his work. He had been hitherto endeavouring for the most part to suppress the evils that grew out of mal administration1. If he called the papacy an ' antichristian' power, he only meant, as did a host of earlier writers who had used a similar expression, to denounce the practical corruptions then abounding in the see of Rome. But after 1380 many of his protests went far deeper2. He repudiated the prevailing dogmas on the nature of the 1 Thus in the one of his three manifestoes issued at this time, which Shirley fixes in October 1377, and Lewis after the Lambeth examination, his protest runs as follows: 'Hse sunt conclusiones, quas vult etiam usque ad mortem defendere, ut per hoc valeat mores Ecclesia reformare.' (Lewis, p. 389, Fasc. Ziz. p. 245.) Wycliffe, in other words, had hardly exceeded many of his predecessors in the area and vehemence of his critiques. See for instance, A Poem on the Times of Edward II. (circ. 1320), edited by the present writer for the Percy Society, No. lxxxii. , or the Vision and Creed of Piers Plowman, passim ; although the Creed may have been itself a Wycliffite production. 2 The following are five of the twelve theses which he is charged with maintaining at Oxford on this subject (1381) : 1. ' Hostia consecrata quam videmus in altari nee est Christus nee aMqua Sui pars, sed efficax ejus signum. 2. N alius viator [i.e. Christian] sufficit oculo corporali, sed fide Christum videre in hostia consecrata. 3. Olim fuit fides Eccle- sias Bomanae in professiona Berengarii, quod panis et vinum qua? rema nent post benedlctionem sunt hostia consecrata. 4. Eucharistia habet virtute verborum sacramentalium tam corpus quam sanguinem Christi vere et realiter ad quemlibet ejus punctum. 5. Transubstantiatio, idemptificatio, et impanatio, quibus utuntur baptists signorum in materia de Eucharistia, non sunt fundabiles in Scriptura.' Fasc. Ziz. pp. 105, 106. These views are fully stated in the fourth book of Wycliffe's Tria- logus (in 1382) , a work which embodies many of his academical lectures. It was printed in 1525, at Basel, with the title Jo. Wiclefi viri undiquaque piissimi Dialogorum libri quatuor; and has been republished at Oxford under the editorship of Dr Lechler of Leipzig, in 1869. In an English Confession, of the same date, preserved in Knyghton (inter Scriptores X., col. 2649), he deems it ' heresie for to trow that this sacrament is Goddus body and no brede; for it is both togedur.' He also draws a sharp dis tinction between hi3 view and that of 'heretykes that trowes and telles that this sacrament may on none wise be Goddus body.' Cf. also a Latin Confessio, in Vaughan, pp. 564 sq. ; Fasc. Ziz. 115—132, where Wycliffe taunts his adversaries on the ground that they are ' secta cultorum acci- dentium,' and expresses his belief ' quod finaliter Veritas vincet eos.' He also adduces seven witnesses from the Fathers of the Church ' ad testifi- candam Ecclesiaa judicis hujus sententiam,' ascribing the establishment of transubstantiation to Innocent III. and the Friars : cf. above, p. 302, Wycliffe's Trialogus, p. 263 (ed. Oxon.), and the Wycliffite Remonstrance, edited by Mr Forshall (Lond. 1851), ,p. 79. Neander (rx. pp. 218 sq., Bohn's edition) has investigated the opinions of the reformer on theSe topics. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 383 Presence in the Eucharist. According to his view there is no physical conversion of the elements ; they do not lose their proper substance after consecration : yet in some mode or other which he does not rigidly define, it is contended that the sacramental bread is simultaneously and truly the Body of Christ. In different language, Wycliffe seems to have revived the doctrine of Ratramnus, .Mfric, and Berengarius1. When these tenets had been advocated for some time in Oxford2, they excited the hostility of William Berton, the chancellor (1381), who, calling to his aid twelve other doctors, eight of whom were members of religious orders and on that account the bitter enemies of Wycliffe, instantly pronounced the views of the re former contrary to the determinations of the Church. They censured3 him, and with him all who were unwilling to confess that after the consecration of the Eucharistic elements 'there do not remain in that ¦ venerable sacra ment the material bread and wine which were there before, each according to its own substance or nature, but only the species of the same, under which species the very Body and Blood of Christ are really contained, not merely figuratively or tropically, but essentially, substantially, and corporeally, — so that Christ is there verily in His own proper bodily presence.' Silenced by the academical authorities, the fearless culprit next endeavoured to con found his adversaries by appealing to the king4 : but he 1 See the previous note, and cf. above, pp. 168, 169, 173. 2 HheDiffinitio contra Opiniones Wycliffianas, here alluded to (Vaughan, pp. 561 — 563; Fascic. Ziz. p. 110), complains that by the publication of 'pestiferous .documents' at Oxford, 'fides Catholica periclitatur, devotio populi minoratur, et hsac universitas mater nostra non mediocriter dif- famatur.' 3 Vaughan, p. 562 : cf . Twysden's Vindication, p. 234. They also ap pended a prohibition, ' ne quis de ctetero aliquem publico docentem, te- nentem vel defendentem prasmissas duas assertiones erroneas aut earum alteram in scholis vel extra scholas in hac universitate quovismodo audiat vel auscultet, sed statim sic docentem tanquam serpentem venenum pes- ¦ tiferum emittentem fugiat et abscedat sub poena exeommunicationis ma- joris,' etc. (Fasc. Ziz. 112.) To set himseif right with his friends and followers at large, Wycliffe now published (1381) his well-known tract entitled Ostiolum or Wyckett (printed first at Nuremberg in 1546). See Shirley's Catalogue, p. 33. He seems to have retreated from the Univer sity at the same time, but, according to Dr Vaughan (pp. 571 sq.), he was there again in the following year (1382). • See the extract from archbp. Sudbury's Register in Wilkins, in. EEFOEMA- TOBY EFFORTS. His teach ing on this subject condemned at Oxford. 384 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 was driven to suspend this measure by the intervention of John of Gaunt, who seems indeed to have been losing all his confidence in Wycliffe, when the latter animad verted on the doctrine, as distinguished from the practical corruptions and the secular encroachments, of the Church. A communistic outbreak of the English peasants and villeins, headed by Wat Tyler and John Balle1, occurred at this very juncture; and although it was not instigated3 or fomented by the new opinions, it could hardly fail to prejudice the civil power against all further movements ; more especially when, as in Wycliffe's, little or no tender ness was shewn to the Establishment and other constituted authorities of the realm. The primate had been murdered in the recent tumults. To his throne succeeded Courtenay, the old antagonist of the reforming party, who availed himself at once of the alarms now generally felt in England for. suppressing what was deemed by many of his school the surest pro vocation of God's anger3. By his influence a new synod4 171, where the language is remarkable: ' ...appellavit non ad papam, vel episcopum, vel ordinarium ecclesiasticum ; sed hasreticus adherens saeculari potestati in defensionem sui erroris et hasresis appellavit ad regem Eichardum, volens per hoc se protegere regali potestate, quod non puniretur, vel emendaretur, ecclesiastica potestate.' In the autumn of 1382, however, Wycliffe carried 'his appeal to Cassar,' in a Complaint which he addressed to the king and parliament (printed at Oxford in 1608, with other pieces under the editorship of Dr James; ed. Arnold, in. 507). It is divided into four articles, three of which relate to the vows of religious orders, the relations of the clergy to the civil power, and the withholding of tithes and offerings from unworthy curates; while the fourth re-states the theory of Wycliffe on transubstantiation. 1 Of this person, who was a priest, Knyghton (col. 2644) says that he was a ' precursor' of Wycliffe, but never intimates that the two were act ing in concert: cf. Wilkins, in. 152, 153. 2 This fact is well established by the author of a History of England and France under the House of Lancaster (Lond. 1852), pp. 16 sq., and notes : cf. Vaughan, pp. 260, 261. Mr Hallam, (Middle Ages, in. 178, 179, 10th ed.) leans to the other side. That incendiary principles were not uncommon at this period may be gathered from the condemnation of John Petit, a doctor of Paris, by the synod of Constance (July 6, 1415). 3 e.g. The zealot, Walsingham (vol. n. p. 11), who never charged the Wycliffites with stimulating tie insurrection, looks upon it as a judgment of heaven upon the prelates for not prosecuting the new heresy. 4 Wilkins, in. 157. One of the prelates was William of Wykeham. It is remarkable that, among the other accusations here brought against the reformer, one is to this effect, that after the death of Urban VI. no pope pught to he recognized, but that the people should be, like the Greeks, governed by their own laws: §9. See the contemporary history of these proceedings in Fasciculi Zizaniorum, ed. Shirley, pp. 272 sq. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 335 was convened at the house of the Black Friars, London, .. (May 19, 1382), in order to deliberate respecting certain strange opinions which were said to have been widely circulated among both the nobility and the commoners of England. The proceedings had the sanction of eight pre lates, with a sprinkling of canonists, civilians, and divines. Of twenty-four propositions1 there attributed to Wycliffe, ten were branded as heretical, and all the rest as execrable and erroneous. Some of Wycliffe's more distinguished partisans, especially Nicholas Hereford, Philip Repington, and John Aston2, were now called upon to disavow those tenets, or to suffer heavy penalties, — an ordeal which it seems but few of them had still sufficient constancy to meet3. There was indeed no English law at present which inflicted capital punishment in case of heresy: but Courtenay had been able to procure a royal letter4 (dated July 13) which authorized their banishment from Oxford and the ultimate imprisonment of all who might defend the new opinions. Lancaster himself enjoined the leaders of the movement to throw down their arms; and after 1 Many of these were statements, somewhat garbled, of what Wycliffe really taught. The most preposterous of them (§ 7) ran as follows: 'Quod Deus debet obedire diabolo,' an inference drawn perhaps from Wycliffe's rigorous views of predestination. Of the 'erroneous' con clusions one is thus expressed: 'Quod liceat alicui etiam diacono vel presbytero, prffidicare verbum Dei absque auctoritate sedis apostolica vel episcopi catholici, seu aha de qua sufficienter constet.' This charge originated in the fact that some of Wycliffe's disciples, 'Simple Priests' or 'Poor Priests,' itinerated, like the Friars, in all parts of the country, often barefoot and in coarse raiment of a russet hue, inveighing against the corruptions of the Church, comforting the sick and dying, and ex pounding the Scriptures. They formed a kind of 'home-mission.' Fasc. Ziz. xl. 2 Wilkins, in. 166. Fasc. Ziz. 289. The following passage from Walsingham (Hypodigma Neustria, in Camden's Anglica, &c. p. 535) appears to shew that Wycliffism was now most unpopular among the clergy. They granted, the king a tenth in the autumn of 1382, but with the condition 'ut videlicet Bex manus apponat defensioni ecclesia?, et prsBstet auxilium ad compressionem haereticorum Wicklevensium, qui jam sua prava doctrina poene infecerant totum regnum.' 3 Vaughan, pp. 269 sq. ; Hist, of England under the House of Lan caster, pp. 18—22, and note xn. How far Wycliffe was himself disposed at this time to modify his statements on the Eucharist may be gathered from the documents enumerated in p. 382, a. 2. 4 Addressed to the Oxford authorities and also to sheriffs and mayors : Bee Hist, of England, as above, p. 360; and Fascic. Zizaniorum, pp. 312 sq. REFORMA- TOEV EFFORTS. Condem nation of the Wy- cliffites. M. A. CC 386 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 Wycliffe had in vain endeavoured to excite the king and parliament in their behalf1, he quietly resided on his benefice at Lutterworth, where he expired2, in the com munion of the English Church, Dec. 31, 1384. Meanwhile, however, he had occupied himself in labours that were destined to immortalize his name. The earlier of those versions of the Bible and 'Apocrypha,' which are known as 'Wycliffite3,' was then completed. Not a few detached portions, as we have already seen4, were rendered into English at an earlier date : but never till the present period was the whole of the sacred volume generally unlocked and circulated freely among all orders of society. Though it is probable that many who resisted Wycliffe's movement as unauthorized were still in favour of vernacular translations5, others seem to have regarded 1 See above, p. 383, n. 4: Vaughan, pp. 289 sq. His comparative impunity now stimulated Urban VI. (the rival pope acknowledged in this country) to cite him to the court of Bome. Wycliffe replied excusing himself in a half-sarcastic letter (printed in Vaughan, p. 576; Select English Works, ed. Arnold, in. 504; and in Latin in Fascic. Zizan. p. 341), upon the ground of bodily infirmity (a paralytic affection of which he died at last). Among other things he says: 'I suppose over this, that the pope be most oblished to the keping of the Gospel among all men that liven here. For the pope is highest vicar that Christ has here in erth. For moreness [i. e. superiority] of Christ's vicars is not measured by worldly moreness, hot by this, that this vicar sues [i. e. fol lows] more Christ by vertuous living : for thus teches the Gospel.' 2 He was taken ill at mass on the feast of Thomas a Becket (Dec. 29) and died on the feast of pope Silvester, from which his enemies argued that his death was a Divine judgment for the violence with which he had assailed both these prelates. 3 See on this subject the able Preface to the Wycliffite Versions of the Bible, published at Oxford, 1850, p. vi. The later and more popular version is mainly due to John Purvey, the second champion of the Eng lish Lollards ; Ibid. p. xxxii; Vaughan, p. 359, note. 4 Above, p. 297, n. 4. Sir Thos. More (Works, p. 233, ed. 1549) actually asserts that Wycliffe's version of the whole Bible into English was not the oldest : but no one has ever verified the assertion : cf . Vaughan, p. 334. The extract given in Ussher (Hist. Dogmat., Works, xn. 346, ed. Eirrngton) states that an earlier version was put forth by John of Trevisa, chaplain to Lord Berkeley; but this theory is also un tenable; Pref. to the Wycliffite Bible, p. xxi. 6 Even archbishop Arundel (Constitutions against Lollards, § 6; with notes in Johnson, n. 466, 467, Oxf. 1851) does not absolutely forbid such translations (in 1408), but requires that they shall first be submitted to the diocesan, or if need be, to a provincial council. He also praises Anne of Bohemia (the queen of Bich. II.), 'quod quamvis advena esset et peregrina, tamen quatuor Evangelia in linguam Anglicam versa et doo- torum commontariis declarata assidue meditaretur.' Quoted in Ussher, -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 387 them in every case with horror and alarm1. In putting forth their work it is quite obvious that the authors were anticipating the most active opposition2. An attempt was made accordingly, soon after it appeared, to check its circulation3: but no measures of that kind were carried -out till twenty years later, in a synod4 held at Oxford (1408). The general views of Wycliffe on dogmatic questions may be gathered partly from the evidence adduced above, and partly from the multitudinous tracts5 he composed at Lutterworth immediately before his death ; but none of these are so distinct and comprehensive as the more scho lastic work entitled his Trialogus6. Accepting the con- ciliar definitions of the ancient Church7 as they related to the central truths of our religion, he professed to be desirous of reverting in all other points to Holy Scripture and the early standards of belief8. The prominence as above, p. 352. Eichard of Hampole's version of the Psalms (circ. 1340) was not prohibited. 1 Thus Knyghton, the anti-Lollard, has the following characteristic passage (col. 2644): 'Hie magister Johannes Wyclif evangelium, quod Christus contulit clericis et Ecclesia doctoribus, ut ipsi laicis et inferiori- bus personis secundum temporis exigentiam et personarum indigentiam cum mentis eorum esurie dulciter ministrarent, transtulit de Latino in Anglicam linguam, non angelicam, unde per ipsum fit vulgare et magis apertum laicis et mulieribus legere scientibus, quam solet esse clericis admodum literatis et bene intelligentibus : et sic evangelica margarita spargitur' etc. 2 For their mode of defence, see Preface to the Wycliffite Bible, pp. xiv, xv. note : Vaughan, p. 338. The title of Wycliffe's own treatise on this point is sufficiently startling : How Antichrist and Ms clerks travail •to destroy Holy Writ. 3 See the remarkable protest of John of Gaunt, when an attempt was made to suppress it by act of Parliament (1390), in Ussher, as above, p. 352. 4 Wilkins, in. 314; Johnson, n. 457. 5 Vaughan, p. 405. The number of them (see the Catalogue, Ibid. pp. 525 — 544) appears almost incredible. 6 Above, p. 382, n. 2. It is analysed in Turner's Hist, of Engl. 'Middle Ages,' v. 185— 193, ed. 1830. 7 See the extracts in Massingberd, Engl. Reformation, pp. 127, 128, 2nd ed. The Wycliffite Remonstrance (ed. Forshall) occupies the same ground. It contends that the doctrine of transubstantiation is not ex pressed in Holy Writ and is unproved by 'kyndeli [i. e. natural] reesoun,.' and experience. 'Also holi doctouris bi a thousand yeer and more taughten not this opinli, but expresli the contrarie, as it is opin of seynt Austyn, Jerom, and Chrisostom :' p. 78. 8 The following prophecy in the Trialogus (ed. Oxon. p. 349) is very remarkable : ' Suppono autem, quod aliqui fratres, quos Deus docere- CC2 BEFORMA- TJEV EFFOETS. Summary of his theological opinions : State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [a.d. 1305 awarded in his system to the Incarnation and Atone ment of the Saviour1 led him to renounce all trust in human merit, to suspect, if not to discontinue invocations of the saints, and more especially to fulminate against the impious sale of 'pardons/ or indulgences. Though he persisted to the last in speaking of the 'sacraments' as seven in number2, he arrived at clear distinctions with regard to their necessity, importance, and effect. The Eucharist, according to his view, while it is ' sacramentally the Body of Christ' is also 'in its nature truly bread3;' and consequently the supreme worship of the Host ap peared to him idolatrous4. In baptism, which he thought was properly administered to infants, he could recognize the ordinary channel instituted by the Lord Himself, and therefore commonly required, in order to the remission of sins5. He was in doubt as to the scripturalness of con firmation6, shocked by an excessive ritualism with which it had been loaded and obscured. The ministerial 'orders,' he contended, were originally two7; on which account the bishop ought to be included in a category with the pope, the cardinals, and others, who had no existence in the apostolic age. The first step in genuine penitence8, accord ing to his view, is thorough change of heart, and though dignatur, ad religionem primarvam Christi devotius convertentur, et relicta sua perfidia, sive obtenta sive petita Antichristi licentia, redi- bunt libere ad religionem Christi primarvam, et tunc aadificabunt eccle- siam sicut Paulus.' 1 Trialogus, pp. 310, 356 sq. : cf. Le Bas, pp. 321, 322. He is most emphatic on the subject of indulgences in his treatise On Prelates, (1383): Vaughan, pp. 428-^430. 2 Trialogus, pp. 245 sq. 3 Ibid. pp. 249 sq. : cf. above, p. 382, n. 2. 4 See Neander's remarks on this point, ix. 225. 5 Trialogus, pp. 281 sq. 6 Ibid. p. 292: cf. Le Bas, p. 340. 7 Cf. above, p. 381. The passage in the Trialogus (p. 296) runs as follows : ' In primitiva Ecclesia .... suffecerunt duo ordines clericorum, scilicet, sacerdos et diaconus .... Tunc enim adinventa non fuit dis- tinctio papse et cardinalium, patriarcbarum et archiepiscoporum, epi scoporum et archidiaconorum,' etc. In his treatise on Obedience to Pre lates (1382), he defends the irregularities of 'poor priests' (cf. above, p. 385, n. 1) by urging that the 'worldly' bishops had no right to prevent them from instructing the people : Vaughan, pp. 424 sq. 8 Trialogus, pp. 326 sq. Of confession he adds: 'Sed non credat aliquis, quin sine tali confessione auriculari stat hominem vere conteri et salvari, cum Petrus injunxit generalem pcenitentiam.' -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 389 he did not question the established usage of auricular con fession, he denied its absolute necessity in every case. His speculations on the nature and intent of matrimony1 are peculiarly erratic. On the one side he conceived it to have been ordained for the filling up the vacancies occasioned in the court of heaven by the apostasy of Satan and his angels2 : on the other, he regarded stipulations which forbid the marriage even of the nearest kindred as deriving all their force from human maxims and de crees3. The last in order of the 'sacraments,' extreme unction, was verbally retained : but he had looked in vain for traces of its institution in the Holy Scriptures4. While diverging thus at numerous points from the tradition of the Mediaeval Church, it is remarkable that Wycliffe still continued to believe in purgatory5, and at least to some extent in the effects producible on saints departed by the prayers and alms of holy friends surviv ing, and the service of the mass. A late, if not his very latest, publication6 represents the family of God in three divisions : (1) the holy angels and beatified men, (2) the saints in purgatory, who are doomed to expiate the sins 1 See the Trialogus, pp. 315 — 325, and Le Bas, pp. 342, 343. 2 Cf. above, p. 283, n. 2. 3 After speaking of the marriage of brothers and sisters in the in fancy of the world, he adds : 'Nee superest ratio, quare non sic liceret hodie, nisi humana ordinatio, quae dicit non solum ex cognatione, sed ex affinitate, amorem inter homines dilatari ; et causa hfec hominum est nimis debilis' (p. 318). More sober views, however, are expressed in An Apology for Lollard Doctrines, attributed to Wycliffe, pp. 70, 71, ed. Todd, 1842. 4 See the brief discussion in the next chapter of the Trialogus (lib. iv. c. 25). He maintains that St. James (v. 14) is not speaking of 'infirmitatem finalem, sed consolationem faciendam a presbytero, dum aliquis infirmatur, et quia per viam natura? oleum abundans in illis partibus valet ad corporis sanitatem. Ideo talem meminit unctionem, non quod illud oleum agat in animam, sed quod oratio effusa a sacer- 1 dote devoto medicat quemquam, ut Deus infirmitati animas suffragetur,' ,(p. 333). 5 In his treatise On tlie Curse Expounded [Select English Works, in. 286, 287 (1383)], he says that saying of mass, with cleanness of holy Hfe and burning devotion, pleaseth God Almighty, and is profitable to Christian souls in purgatory, and to men living on earth that they may withstand temptations to sins. Vaughan, p. 438: cf. Le Bas, pp. 327, 328. 6 De Ecclesia et MCmbris ejus, edited by Dr Todd (Dublin, 1851), and in the Select Works, in. 338 sq. EEFOEMA- TOBY EFFOETS. Purgatory. Tripartite division of the Church. 390 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 EEFOBMA- TOBY EFFOBTS. A bsolute reproba tion. Develop ment of his principles by the Lollards. committed in the world1, and (3) the remnant of true- hearted Christians who are following while on earth the footsteps of the Lord. As a result of his belief in ab solute predestination2, he confined the members of the Church to those who will eventually be saved3. The reprobate' he held to form a class essentially and irre versibly distinct ; although as long as men are in the body none (it was maintained) could feel assured of his eternal destination4. Many germs of error and extravagance may be de tected in the theories of Wycliffe, much as those were overbalanced by the noble witness he had borne to long- forgotten truths and by the virtues of his private life. The anti-social principles avowed by some of his successors (known as early as the year 1387 by the opprobrious name of 'Lollards ')5 had been logically drawn from his extreme positions on the nature of property and the inherent vice of all ecclesiastical endowments. Part, indeed, of the success6 attending his own labours would be due to this peculiarity of his creed : but there we also find an ele ment conducing more than others to its premature decline. The upper classes of society were alienated7, and a number * 1 The words are remarkable, particularly as indicating a distrust of prayers for the dead: 'The secound part of this chirche ben seintis in purgatorie ; and thes synnen not of the newe, but purgen ther olde synnes : and many errours fallen in preiying for theis seyntis ; and sith thei alle ben deede in body, Christis wordis may be takun of hem, Sue [follow] we Crist in our liyf and late the deede berie the dede;' Select Works, in. 339. 2 See Neander's investigation of this point, ix. 240 sq. One of the charges brought against Wycliffe at the council of Constance (1415) was, that ' omnia de necessitate absoluta eveniunt :' cf . Lenfant, Hist, du Con cile, liv. n. ch. 59, Art. xxvii. 3 ' This chirche is modir to ech man that shal be saaf, and conteyneth no membre but oonli men that shal be saved;' De Ecclesia, as above (Select Works, in. 339). 4 Ibid. p. 339. He adds, that 'as ech man shal hope that he shal be saaf in bliss, so he shulde suppose that he be lyme of holi churche.' 5 See above, p. 347, n. 1 ; and Turner, Middle Ages, v. 198, where the bishop of Worcester (1387) denounces the 'Lollards' as 'eternally- damned sons of Antichrist,' &o. 6 This was so marked, that Knyghton, in speaking (coll. 2661, 2666) of knights, counts, and even dukes among the ' Wycliviani sive Lollardi,' adds : 'Secta ilia in maximo honore illis diebus habebatur et in tantum multiplicata fuit, quod vix duos videres in via quin alter eorum discipu- lus Wyclefi fuerit.' ' Hist, of England under the House of Lancaster, pp. 36, 37. -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 391 of the more distinguished clerics, who had joined the move ment in its earlier stages, now withdrew and took the other side1. Soon after Wycliffe's death complaints were made that the 'Lollards' advocated tenets like the following2: They regarded absolution as sinful and even impious : pil grimages, invocation of saints, the keeping of saints'-days, and the use of images they branded as idolatry : they ques tioned3 the lawfulness of oaths, and, undervaluing all epi scopal jurisdiction, went so far as to ordain their ministers4 and organize an independent sect. On more than one occasion members of it were obnoxious to the charge of stirring up sedition5; and the English court, at length relieved from other adversaries, entered on a vigorous course of action for repressing every kind of misbelief. The same repressive policy was followed out by Henry IV., who on dethroning Richard (Sept. 29, 1399) had found it more than ever needful to secure the aid of the ecclesiastics, monks, and friars6. At this epoch, it would 1 Instances are given in Le Bas, pp. 386 — 390. The same occurred, and for similar reasons, in the great convulsion of the sixteenth century. Heath, for instance, an especial favourite of Melanchthon (1535), became the Marian archbishop of York (1555). 2 See the catalogue of these ' novi errores ' in Knyghton, col. 2707. 3 The words are ' Quod non licet aliquo modo jurare:' cf. the charges brought against the Waldenses, above, p. 294, n. 3. 4 Walsingham, Hypodigma Neustria, p. 544, alludes to this feature of their system in the following terms : ' Lollardi sequaces Johannis Wi- clifi in tantam sunt evecti temeritatem, ut eorum presbyteri, more pon- tificum [i.e. bishops] novos crearent presbyteros, asserentes quemlibet sacerdotem tantam habere potestatem conferendi sacramenta ecclesias tica quantum papa :' cf. the Apology for the Lollards, pp. 28 sq., and Dr Todd's remarks, 'Introd.,' pp. xxviii, xxix. 5 e.g. they placarded the churches in London with scurrilous attacks upon the priests. Hist, of England, as above, pp. 29, 30. The boldness of their tone at this period is attested by the remonstrances which they addressed to the parliament of 1395 (Wilkins, in. 221). The substance of their manifesto was then expanded and published in the English lan guage; and Mr Forshall has apparently identified the larger treatise with the Ecclesia Regimen, or so-called Remonstrance, which he edited in j 1851: see his Pref. pp. ix, x. In the following year (1396), eighteen propositions taken from Wycliffe's Trialogus were condemned by a synod held in London (Wilkins, in. 229), and answered in the treatise of Wood ford above cited, p. 375, n. 6. 6 Soon after his accession he put forth a proclamation with the sanc tion of the House of Lords, directing the seizure and imprisonment of all persons who dared to preach against the Mendicants (March 21, 1400): Eymer's Fadera, vm. 87. Henry V. (Nov. 6, 1413) made a grant of 25 marks per annum to the Warden and Convent of Friars Minors in the BEFOEMA- TOEY EFFORTS, Attempts of the Crown to repress them. 392 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 Further points of controversy opened. Persecuting statute. seem, the tenets of the Lollards1 were expressed with greater boldness and pursued more generally into their logical results. They lost all reverence for the sacra ments administered at church, and characterized the mass itself2 as the watch-tower of Antichrist. They absolutely rejected the doctrine of purgatory3, though retaining, with conditions, certain prayers and offerings for the dead4. They carried out their views of matrimony so far as to require that monks and nuns should marry, lowering at the same time its importance by dispensing with the in tervention of the priest. Their strong antipathy to saints' days now extended to the weekly festival of the resurrec tion, which they treated as a merely Jewish ordinance5. Of other features now developed, none was practically more important than the circulation of a host of semi- political prophecies6, suggested by extravagant ideas re specting the secularization of the Church. It was to meet these later forms of Lollardism that Henry and his parliament devised the sanguinary statute' De hwreiico comburendo. Trial in the civil courts was hereby superseded ; for certificates from any bishop or his commissary, stating that a person was convicted or was vehemently suspected of heresy, constrained the University of Cambridge for the support of the Catholic faith : Documents relating to the University, i. 38, ed. 1852. 1 See Hist, of England, as above, p. 32. ¦' Wycliffe himself is charged (but, as it seems, unfairly) with dispa raging 'the Mass and Hours.' Thus, in the Articuli Joh. Wiclefi con demned at Constance (in Brown's Fascic. i. 276), we read among others of this kind : ' Utile foret ecclesia? poni in pristina libertate : et sic ces- sarent missarum superadditarum solennia et orationes cum horis cano- nicis adinventse. Licet enim istas tres adinventiones human as per acci- dens prosint ecclesia, non tamen tantum quantum peccatum diaboli.' 3 Cf. above, p. 389. 4 e.g. in one of the Conclusions (§ 7), addressed to Parliament (as above, p. 391, n. 5), they speak aB follows: 'Quod spirituales orationes pro animabus mortuorum factffi in ecclesia nostra [i.e. the Church of England which they distinguish (§1) from its 'noverca,' the Church of Bome], praaferentes unum per nomen magis quam alium, est falsum fun- damentum .eleemosynas.' 5 Cf. above, p. 294, n. 3; where the same charge is brought againBt the Waldenses. 6 See Dr Maitland's 8th essay (1852) on The Lollards, pp. 216 sq. These ' prophecies' continued to be circulated until the very dawn of the Eeformation. 7 2 Hen. IV. c. 15 ; Wilkins, in. 252. On the doubts respecting the authority of this act, see Hist, of England, as above, Note xvii. -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 393 sheriffs and their officers 'forthwith in some high place, before the people, to do him to be burnt.' An early victim of the spirit which presided in the framing of this merciless enactment was William Sawtre1, a parish-priest, who had already manifested what were deemed heretical opinions, and had been driven to recant ; but on reiterating his denial of transubstantiation2, he was publicly burnt at Smithfield (Feb. 26, 1401). Another victim was Lord Cobham3 (Sir John Oldcastle), a person of extraordinary merit. He had always set the highest value on the works of Wycliffe4, and his mansion at Cowling Castle in Kent had often furnished Lollard preachers with a shelter and a home. Suspected of a leaning to the new opinions, he was now, on his appeal to Henry V.5, transferred into the court of archbishop Arundel, his most implacable opponent6 (Sept. 1413). The charges brought against him were that he impugned the jurisdiction of the English Church and propagated misbelief, particularly on the Eucharist, the merit of pilgrimages, relics, image-worship, a.nd the papal monarchy. The trial ended in a sentence which proclaimed 1 Vaughan, p. 486. The royal mandate for his execution (Rot. Pari. 2 Hen. IV. § 29) orders it to be made conspicuous 'in abhorrence of his crime and as an example to all other Christians.' 2 This was the gravamen of the case against him. A MS. Chronicle of the period (Cambr. Univ. Libr. Dd. xiv. 2, fol. 305), in recounting similar persecutions, states the crime of one of the sufferers in these terms: 'bicause that he said that godys body myjt nat be grounde in a mulle, and that he kept counseil in huyding of lollards boks.' 3 One of the best accounts of him is given in the anonymous Hist, of England, as above, pp. 60 — 87. „ . ... 4 Copies of them were diffused at his expense: Vaughan, p. 495. 5 This monarch is praised by a contemporary as ' Christo et mundo commendatissimus inter reges,' for raising a standard ' contra Wicle- vistas hsereticos.' .-,-,. j • In the convocation held at Oxford, 1408, and apparently adjourned to London he had published his violent Constitutions against Lollards (Johnson 'n 457—475, Oxf. 1851, where see the editor's notes). The first of these enjoins that ' no one preach to the people or clergy m Latin or in the vulgar tongue, within a church or without it, unless he present himself to the diocesan of the place in which he attempts to preach and be examined ' &c In § 4, scholars are forbidden to dispute ' publicly, or even privately, concerning the Catholic faith or the sacraments of the Church.' Arundel was now supported by a Carmelite friar, Thomas Netter of Walden, whose Doetrinale Antiquitatum Fidei Eccl. Cathol. (not unfrequently printed) is aimed at the Lollards. He is also generally regarded as the author of Fasciculi Zizaniorum magistn Johannis n ychf, (above, p. 380, u. 4) : see Shirley's Introd., pp. lxx. sq. EEFORMA- TORY EFFORTS. William Sawtre (d. 1401). Lord Cobham (d. 1417)- 394 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 him a ' pernicious and detestable heretic ;' but in the respite granted with the hope of wringing from him a confession of his guilt, he found an opportunity of escaping into Wales1, where he continued till 1417. He was then re captured, sentenced to the stake, and most barbarously executed in St Giles's Fields on Christmas-day2. A heavier blow had meanwhile been inflicted on the Lollards by the council of Constance3 (1415). However cordially the bulk of the ecclesiastics there assembled, might rejoice in the attempt of Wycliffe to repel the arrogance of Rome, to banish all administrative abuses, and to elevate the tone of morals in the Church at large4, they could not tolerate those branches of his system where he meddled with the order of society and questioned the traditionary faith of Christians. Five-and-forty articles5, extracted from his writings, were accordingly denounced (May 4, 1415). Another list, extending to no less than 1 Walsingham (ed. Eiley, n. 306, 307) ascribes the rumours of dis turbances in the following January to a secret conspiracy of the Lollards : but there is every reason to believe that Cobham was still in Wales : cf . Vaughan, pp. 503 — 505. In 1430, however, some of them did rise into actual rebellion : Turner, Middle Ages, ill. 14, 15. 2 Many other executions followed (Wilkins, in. 394 sq.) to the joy of men like Thomas Netter, who says (in the Proem, to his Dodrinale) that they were all consigned ' duplici pcenae, incendio propter Deum, suspen- dio propter regem.' Elmham, a Latin poet of the time, discovers Sir John Oldcastle in the apocalyptic number 666 : Liber Metricus, I. cap. n. 1. 89, 90. 'Nomine sexcenti sunt, sexaginta simul sex: Extrahe quot remanent, his sua vita datur.' Memorials of Hen. V., edited by Cole, in the series of Chronicles and Me morials of Great Britain, p. 96. 3 The University of Oxford had deputed twelve persons in 1412 to examine the works of Wycliffe, and the result was that no fewer than two hundred and sixty-seven conclusions were branded as 'guilty of fire:' Wilkins, in. 339 sq. A fact like this appears to militate strongly against the genuineness of the Publike Testimonie given out by the Universitie of Oxford in honour of Wycliffe, and bearing date Oct. 5, 1406 (Ibid. in. 302) : cf. Le Bas, pp. 309 sq. His writings were also condemned by pope John XXIII. in 1412 : Mansi, xxvn. 505. 4 We may estimate the strength of these feelings from the fact that the University of Oxford, which condemned the Lollard tenets in 1412, drew up in 1414, and by the king's express command, a series of Articles concerning fthe Reformation of the Church (Wilkins, in. 360 — 365). 6 See Von der Hardt, Concil. Constant, iv. 150 sq., and Lenfant, Hist. du Concile de Const, liv. n. ch. 59. The proceedings were prefaced by a sermon from the bishop of Toulon, in which it is remarkable that the pope himself was handled in the roughest way. -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 395 sixty articles1 was added in a further session (July 6) ; nearly all of them agreeing in the main with accusations that had been already urged against himself or some of his early followers in England. On the same occasion it was ordered that the bones of Wycliffe, if discernible from those of other persons, should be burnt, — a fulmination which, however, was suspended till the time of pope Martin V. (1428). The prelate whom he charged to see it executed was Fleming, bishop of Lincoln, once an ardent champion of the new opinions2, who proceeded to exhume the body of his former friend, and after burning it, directed that the ashes should be thrown into the Swift, the stream which flows by Lutterworth3. The only writer who applied himself in earnest to con vert the Lollards, by the use of candid argument and by diffusing tracts in the vernacular, was Reginald Pecock4, who had been translated from the bishopric of St Asaph to that of Chichester in 1449. His moderation was, how ever, almost fatal to him. He could not insist upon the absolute infallibility of the Church5 ; and after a vexatious controversy with his brother-prelates, he was driven by a threat of punishment for heresy to make a solemn recanta- 1 Von der Hardt, iv. 408 sq. ; Lenfant, liv. in. ch. 42. Chicheley, who succeeded Arundel at Canterbury, in the following year (1416) fol lowed up these censures in the same spirit (Wilkins, in. 378), aiming more especially to prevent the Lollards from holding 'secret conven ticles.' 2 See Le Bas, p. 390. 3 Lyndwood (Provinciate, p. 284, Oxon. 1679) mentions these barbar ous proceedings with apparent satisfaction. 4 See Lewis, Life of Pecock, passim: and Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1444. His chief book against the Lollards is entitled The Repres sor of overmuch blaming of the Clergy; printed (1860) in the series of Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain. In the first part he discusses at great length the principal objection of the nonconformists, that nothing is to be received as true, or obligatory on the Christians, if it be not fully and expressly stated in the Bible. He maintains (Pt. i. ch. v. p. 25), ' if eny semyng discorde be bitwixe the wordis writen in the out ward book of Holi Scripture and the doom of resoun, write in mannis soule and herte, the wordis so writen withoutforth ouTten be expowned and be interpretid and broujt forto accorde with the doom of resoun in thilk mater;' &c. B His obnoxious statements had appeared in his Treatise of Faith : see Mr Bahington's Introduction to Pecock's Repressor, pp. xxxii. sq., and p. xxxix. n. 1. The second book, in which he shews that Scripture is the only perfect and substantial basis of belief, was published, Lon don, 1688. REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. Burning of his bones, 1428. ReginaldPecock^ (silenced1457). •396 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 tion, and was finally imprisoned in Thorney abbey where he died1. Although it is not easy to trace out the fortunes of the Lollards during the political convulsions from which Eng land suffered in the fifteenth century, nor to determine whether they were still surviving at the outbreak of the Reformation2, we can scarcely doubt that strong predis positions were excited in its favour, by their preaching and their works. John Wycliffe may indeed be taken as the prototype3 of one important school of English, and still more of Continental Church-reformers. In the na tural bias of his mind, in the unwonted clearness of his moral intuitions, in his rude but manly style, and in the fearless energy with which he struggled, almost single- handed, to eradicate the gross abuses of the times, we see an agent qualified to censure and demolish errors rather than to strengthen the dismantled fortress of the Church, and beautify afresh the ancient sanctuary of truth : while some of his opinions, even where he was not conscious of the slightest wish to foster insurrection, were too easily convertible for such an end by over-heated crowds or by less scrupulous disciples. It is found, accordingly, that the Reformers who at last succeeded in the sphere of labour where his patriotic piety had failed, drew little, if at all, from his productions4: and in Germany, the Lutheran, 1 He was allowed no writing materials, and 'no books to look on, but only a portuous [i. e. breviary], a mass-book, a psalter, a legend, and a Bible.' Harleian MS. quoted by Turner, in. 143, n. 47: cf. Repressor, Introd. p. lvii, and note 3. Leland (Collectanea, in. 410, ed. Hearne) extracts a passage from an old chronicle which throws light on the con demnation of Pecock : ' male sensit de Eucharistia et de sanctionibus Ecclesia?. ' The suspicion with which he was regarded is further seen in a supplemental statute of King's College, Cambridge (founded 1441); provision being then made that every scholar, at the end of his proba tionary years, should abjure the errors or heresies 'Johannis Wiclif, Reginaldi Pecock,' etc. : Lewis, as above, p. 173. 2 Traces of their influence are found in the Acts of the Convocation ' of 1536: see Hardwick's Hist, of tlie Articles, pp. 34, 35, 2nd edition. 3 See Prof. Blunt's remark on the affinity between the Lollard and the Puritan, in his Sketch of the Reformation, pp. 87 sq., 6th edit. 4 Dr Todd, in the 'Advertisement' prefixed to his edition of Wy cliffe's treatise De Ecclesia et membris suis, quotes a passage from Ayl- mer's Harborough for faithful subjects, printed at Strasburg, 1559, and launching censures at the prelates on acoount of their temporal posses sions. The author seems to have been stirred to make this onslaught by reading ' Wicliefe's boke, which he wrote De Ecclesia :' but when ha. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 397 as distinguished from the Swiss divines, appear to have regarded Lollardism with positive distaste1. The feverish impulses, however, which that system had communicated to the general spirit of the age were soon transmitted to a distance. They not only tended to en lighten England, but ' electrified ' Bohemia. Some indeed of the reaction there produced is traceable to other causes2, for example, to the freer element in the original Christianity of the district; to the old antagonism between "the Slavic and Germanic families, of whom the latter was in close alliance with the pope; and even more to individual preachers3, who, anterior to the age of Huss or Wycliffe, started independent measures for the exaltation of their mother-Church. Of these precursors, three at least deserve a special notice. Milicz, a Moravian of Cremsier, was the archdea con of Prague, and secretary to the emperor Charles IV., the king of Bohemia. Anxious to devote himself entirely to the spiritual benefit of others, he resigned his large emoluments (1364), and during several years perambu lated the country as an earnest preacher of repentance4. He was more and more oppressed by a conviction that was at length promoted to the see of London, he 'changed his mind,' pp. 6 — 8: cf. Nicolas's Life and Times of Hatton, p. 237, Lond. 1847. The twenty-sixth of the Articles of Religion, if not others also, may have had an eye to errors of the Lollards; although in the Remonstrance edited by Mr Forshall, the writer of it grants that sacraments and other ordinances may be truly administered by ' evil men' (p. 123), but that in cases where the lives of priests are openly scandalous, their flocks are bound to keep aloof from their communion (cf. Apology for Lollard Doctrines, pp. 37—40, ed. Todd). 1 Some of their antipathy was due to the aberrations mentioned in the previous note: e.g. Apologia Confess. August, (by Melanchthon) , p. 149, in the Libri Symbolici, ed. Francke, Leipz. 1847: cf. other instances in Gieseler, rv. § 125, p. 257, n. 31, and Le Bas, pp. 320, 321. 2 See above, pp. 111—115. 3 The best modern authorities on this subject are Palacky's Gesch. von Bohmen, Prag. 1845, and Jordan's Vorlaufer des Husitenthums in BShmen, Leipz. 1846. 4 At first his influence was impaired by his want of familiarity with the native tongue, or the strangeness of his accent (' propter incongru- entiam vulgaris sermonis'); but afterwards he made a deep impression, more especially on the female auditors (' inceperunt mulieres superbae pepla alta et gemmis circumdata caputia et vestimenta auro et argento omata deponere'): see a Life of Milicz (by a disciple) in Balbinus, Mis cell. Hist. Bohemia, Decad. i., lib. iv., pp. 45, 46; Prag. 1682. REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. Simulta neous move ment in Bohemia. Milicz (i 1374). 398 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 the Church had sunk into the grasp of Antichrist1. He treated on this topic in St Peter's at Rome2 (1367), but was immediately silenced by the Inquisition3. Urban V, however, who attempted at that very juncture4 to reoccupy the old metropolis, released the culprit from his chains and sent him back to Prague. He there resumed his work; but certain Friars, envious of his popularity and writhing under his rebukes, commenced a fresh attack upon him.' He expired at Avignon in 1374, while the judicial process they had instituted was still pending5. One of his contemporaries was an Austrian, Conrad of Waldhausen6, who adopted a like method in Vienna for awakening all classes of society. He was at length invited by the emperor Charles IV to aid the holy movement in Bohemia7; and the sermons which he there delivered seem to have produced a marvellous effect. Like Milicz, he had also proved himself peculiarly obnoxious to the Mendicants8, who strove to silence him (1364). Their opposition failed, however, and he died in peace (1369). Among the numerous followers of Milicz none acquired 1 With this feeling he composed a Libellus de Antichristo, on which see Neander, rx. pp. 256 sq., Jordan, p. 29. 2 He there announced 'quod Antichristus venit' (Life, as above, p. 51): feeling himself constrained to pray and labour ' pro domino nostro papa et pro domino imperatore, ut ita ordinent ecclesiam sanctam in spiritualibus et temporalibus, ut securi fideles deserviant Creatori:' Neander, ix. 259. Another of the charges subsequently brought against him was for strenuously maintaining ' quod omnis homo tenetur de necessitate saltern ad minus bis in hebdomada sumere Corporis Dominici sacramentum :' Jordan, p. 39, where all the twelve articles are given. 3 This engine was now worked by Mendicants, to whom Milicz, like Wycliffe, made himself peculiarly obnoxious. On ids apprehension some of them announced to their congregations in Prague, 'Carissimi, ecce jam Militius cremabitur:' Life, as above, p. 51. 4 See above, p. 328. 6 This point does not seem to be very clearly established : see Jordan, p. 27, and Neander, ix. p. 263. 6 Sometimes called 'von Stiekna' through an error of the press which confounded him with another of the same class. Sczekna is said to have alBo distinguished himself by preaching ' contra clericos:' Neander, p. 264, note. _ 7 On his labours there and heretofore, see Jordan, pp. 3 sq. He also was persuaded that the Antichrist was rampant in the Church, 6 According to Balbinus (as above, p. 397, n. 4), p. 406, Conrad com. posed a large treatise entitled Accusationes Mendicantium: cf. Neander, pp, 268 sq. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. so high a reputation as Matthias of Janow (in Bohemia'). who, proceeding on the same conviction that the Church would decompose if it were not immediately reformed1, appears to have anticipated many of the views afterwards cherished by the Lutheran divines. A six years' residence at Paris (hence his title of 'Magister Parisiensis ') made him an accomplished scholar and philosopher : but holier aspirations were excited in him as he listened to the fervent preachers now arising in his native country. In 1381 he was collated to a stall in the cathedral church of Prague. The scandals there laid open to his gaze impelled him to rebuke the monks and clerics, in a work2 On the Abomination of Desolation in the Church. A more im portant work3, however, is entitled Rules of the Old and New Testament, in which, amid a number of prophetic theories, he handles the corruptions of the age with terrible severity. Among the remedies on which both he and Milicz had insisted, one was greater frequency in the reception of the Lord's Supper4: but a synod held at 1 He went so far even as to despair of the corrigibility of the Church in its present state : ' Dei Ecclesia nequit ad pristinam suam dignitatem reduci, vel reformari, nisi prius omnia fiant nova.' De Sacerdotum et Monachorum Abominatione Desolationis, etc. c. 37 (published in the Hist. et Monument. Joh. Hus, Norimb. 1715, I. 473 sq.). In an extract (given by Jordan, p. 68), he thinks it essential to a reformation that the ritual system of the Church and some of its dogmatical excrescences should be curtailed : ' Quapropter apud me decretum habeo, quod ad reformandam pacem et unionem in universitie Christiana expedit omnem plantatio- nem illam eradicare, et abbreviare iterum verbum super terram, et redu- cere Christi Jesu Ecclesiam ad sua primordia salubria et compendiosa.' The work has been ascribed sometimes to Wycliffe and also to Huss; but it is, no doubt, by Matthias. 2 As in the previous note. 3 The whole is still in MS., but extracts from it are supplied in Jor dan, as above, pp. 59 sq.: cf. Neander's review, ix. pp. 280—335. _ In one passage (p. 313) it is manifest that Janow, had he followed out his argu ment, would have insisted on the necessity of communion in both kinds. His words are, 'Propter quotidianam frequentiam et propter dualitatem utriusque speciei, panis et vini, a quibus hoc sacrificium integratur:' cf. .. p. 333. According to his view, the Eucharist was the crowning act of worship (p. 323), and the Bible the great source of Christian joy and knowledge.' On the latter point he spoke with a peculiar emphasis (Jor dan, p. 30) ; ' Unde cum vidi quam plurimos portare semper reliquias et ossa' diversorum sanctorum, pro defensione sua quilibet et sua singulari devotione...ego elegi mihi Bibliam, meam electam sociam meaj peregri- nationi, gestare semper mecum,' etc. ,.,..., 4 See above, p. 398, n. 2. Janow thus expresses himself m the un published work 'reviewed by Neander (p. 329) : ' Absit autem hoc a Chris- 399 REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. Matthias of Janow (d. 1394). 4oo State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. John Huss (d. 1415)- Trans mission of Wycliffe's writings to Bohemia. Prague1 in 1388 discountenanced the practice, by forbid ding laymen to communicate more frequently than once a month2. The ground had thus been broken for the sedulous but ill-requited labours of John Huss3 (Hus), who saw the light at Husinecz, a market-town of Bohemia, July 6, 1369. His place of training was the newly-founded University of Prague, where he became professor (i.e. public tutor) in philosophy (1396). Soon afterwards, in (1400), he was chosen as the spiritual director of the queen Sophia ; and his popular discourses at the chapel . of Bethlehem4 in Prague (1401) were instrumental to the spreading of his influence from the court and university to all the humbler grades of life. His 'orthodoxy' at this time was unimpeachable : we find him bearing a com mission from the primate Sbynco (Lepus) and conducting an inquiry into the genuineness of a reputed miracle at Wilsnack5. Huss had grown familiar with the Sacred Writings, with the doctors of the Western Church, especially Au gustine, and with modern authors of celebrity, including Grosseteste6 of Lincoln and his own fellow-countryman, Matthias of Janow, when the theological as well as other tracts of Wycliffe found their way as far as Prague and caused a general fermentation in the academic circles'. tianis quod debeant solum semel in anno agere memoriam Dominicaa passionis, quse continuis momentis debet in ipsorum pectoribus demorari.' He was in favour of daily communion. 1 Jordan, p. 55. 8 In the Ancren Riwle (Camd. Soc. 1853), p. 412, it is enjoined that, as men undervalue what is frequently administered, the laity should communicate only fifteen times in a year. 3 See especially, the Historia et Monumenta Joh. Hus atque Hieron. Pragensis, Norimb. 1715; Palacky, Gesch. von Bbhmen, as above; Nean der, ix. 339 — 537; and Daun's Magister Johannes Hus, 1853. Documenta M. J. Hus vitam, dodrinam, causam in Constantiensi concilio adam, &c. illustrantia; ed. Fr. Palacky, Prag. 1869. 4 The founder of this chapel states, in his deed of gift (Gieseler, v. § 150, p. 103, n.l), that he called it 'Bethlehem quod interpretatur domus panis. ..hac consideratione, ut ibidem populus communis et Christi fideles pane prffidicationis sancta? refici debeant.' 5 See the particulars in Neander, pp. 342 sq. 6 This may be concluded from references to Grosseteste in the works of Huss. 7 According to Huss himself (Contra Anglicum Joan. Stokes: Opp. I. 108), who informs us that as early as 1381 some of the Wycliffite tracts • — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 401 The exchange of sentiments promoted in this age by wandering scholars was facilitated in the case of England and Bohemia by the marriage, in 1382, of the princes? Anna, daughter of Charles IV, to our Richard II. We are also told1 that Jerome of Prague, who stood to Huss in a relation similar to that in which Melanchthon stood to Luther, sojourned for a time at Oxford (circ. 1398), and on returning home imported numerous copies of the Wycliffite tracts to circulate among the students in Bo hemia. Huss had not been favourably impressed with some of these productions ; but a change2 at length appears to have come over him, and he stood forth as Wycliffe's pupil and apologist. The ground-tone of their minds, however wide they may have been apart on isolated topics, was the same: they were both Realists3, and both intensely anxious to promote the reformation of the Church4. A numerous party' now began to cluster in the chapel were known in Prague, and that he was acquainted with them before 1391. These, however, may have been chiefly philosophical in their character. 1 The authority on which this statement generally rests is ./Eneas Sylvius (Hist. Bohem. c. 35), whose hatred of the Hussites will be gathered from the following extract: ' Imbutus jam ipse [i. e. vir quidam genere nobilis] Wiclevitarum veneno et ad nocendum paratus, turn quod erat f amilisB suae cognomen, Putridum Piscem, i.e. fcetidum virus, in cives suos evomuit.' Palacky, however, seems to think that the noble here mentioned was Nicholas von Faulfisch, a less distinguished follower of Wycliffe (m. pt. 2, 192, n. 245). 2 Vaughan's Wycliffe, p. 509. Yet it is obvious from the language used by Huss himself (Opp. 1. 330) that he did not acquiesce in some of Wycliffe's opinions even at the close of his career. He says that he holds to the ' sententiaa vera?' of the English reformer, 'non quia ipse dixit, sed quia Divina Scriptura, vel ratio infallibiMs dicit. Si autem aliquem errorem posuerit, nee ipsum, nee quemcunque ahum intendo in errore, quantumlibet modiee, imitari.' On the other hand, .Eneas Syl vius, as above, declares that Huss carried his admiration of Wycliffe to the highest pitch, asserting of his books that they contained all truth, ' adjiciensque crebro inter prsedicandum, se postquam ex hac luce migra- ret in ea loca proficisci cupere, ad quae Wyclevi anima pervenisset, quern virum bonum, sanctum, coeloque dignum non dubitaret. ' 8 Neander, ix. p. 349. The German students, on the contrary, were Nominalists, which introduced another element of strife. 4 Huss (Opp. 1. 109) mentions this as the great bond of sympathy with the English reformer: 'Movent me sua scripta, quibus nititur toto conamine omnes homines ad legem Christi reducere, et clerum prsecipue, ut dimittendo saeculi pompam et dominationem vivat cum apostolis vitam Christi.'' 6 Neander, pp. 352 sq. JSneas Sylvius (as above, c. 35) puts the Quarrel of M.A. DD 402 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 the German and Bohe mian aca demics. and the lecture-room of Huss. In him the natives saw an able type of the Bohemian as distinguished from the other class of students; and accordingly the advocacy of the new opinions in religion was ere long identified with nationalism in politics, and irritated by the national dis like of every thing Germanic. In the midst of this un happy war of races, nearly all the foreigners withdrew from Prague (1409), transfusing into other seats of learn-. ing the antipathy which most of them now cherished for both Wycliffe and the new reformers in Bohemia. One of the most glaring evils on which Huss insisted from the opening to the close of his career, was the degeneracy of the ecclesiastics1. His invectives roused the anger of his former friend, archbishop Sbynco2, who, imputing the sensation thus produced to the diffusion of the Lollard tracts, commanded them to be collected and committed to the flames3 (1408). A series of complaints were also lodged at Rome4, which finally evoked a bull of Alexander V (Dec. 20, 1409). He there enjoined a fresh inquiry, in the hope of burning all the other books of Wycliffe and suppressing every form of Lollardism, matter thus: 'Bexerunt scholam Pragensem usque in ea tempora Teu- tones. Id molestissimum Bohemis fuit, hominibus natura ferocibus atque indomitis.' After the secession of the Germans, who are said to have numbered, at the least, five thousand (others have it forty-four thousand) students, there were only two thousand, left in Prague. The malcontents established themselves at Leipzig. 1 Cf . above, p. 401, n. 4. In 1407 he preached before a diocesan synod from Eph. vi. 14 (Opp. n. 32 sq.), and betrayed his leaning to the views of WyclifTe and Matthias of Janow with regard to the ecclesiastical en dowments. He also inveighs against the dissolute habits of many of his audience ('prauati, canonici, plebani, et alii presbyteri,' p. 38). 2 Neander, pp. 361 sq. A formal treatise ('Antiwickleffus') was com posed at this juncture (1408) by Stephen, prior of the Carthusians of Dolan near Olmtitz. It is printed in Pez, Thesaur. Anecdot. rv. part. ii. 149 sq. where the Antihussus and other cognate pieces may be found (pp. 361 sq.). 3 Two hundred copies, of which many had been richly bound, were thus destroyed : cf. Vaughan's Wycliffe, p. 404. The University of Prague declared (June 15, 1410) that it was not a consenting party to the act of - archbishop Sbynco and the rest ' in combustionem librorum . magistri Johannis Wicklef :' Gieseler, v. § 150, p. 109, note 9. Neander (p. 377) places this combustion in the summer of 1410. 4 Another ground of complaint was that the new reformer exercised pernicious influence by his sermons. This was to be obviated by for bidding any one to preach in a private chapel, such as the Bethlehem, See Alexander's bull in Baynald. ad an. 1409, § 89. "—1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 403 But Huss, like his precursor, was at first in favour with the court1; and this advantage, added to a keen perception of the weakness and injustice of the papacy, induced him to appeal from the decision of ' a pontiff ill informed ' to one 'to be better informed2.' So confident was he in his integrity, that on receiving news of Alexander's death (May 3, 1410) soon afterwards, he promptly brought his case before the new pope3, the monster John XXIII. The Culprit was now cited to attend in person at Bologna ; but his friends, who knew the danger he was in, dissuaded him from such a step4, and on his failing to appear, the sentence of excommunication (Feb. 1411) was launched immediately against him, notwithstanding all the interest employed on his behalf by Wenceslaus and the queen6. Their influence was, however, more successful in promoting an accommodation between him and the archbishop; Huss avowing his respect for the ecclesiastical authority and his determination to adhere in all things to the will of Christ and of the Church6. But in the following autumn Sbynco breathed his last, and when a legate was despatched from Rome with the accustomed pallium for the new archbishop, John XXIII. annexed to it a parcel of indulgences, which purported to be at once available for all persons who might volunteer to execute the ban that had been issued for dethroning his opponent, the king of Naples. The enormity of this procedure stirred the vehemence of Huss7 and of his col- 1 Stephen, the prior of Dolan (as above), p. 390, ascribes the protec tion of Huss to the ' popularis vulgi favor et sseculare brachium.' 8 'A papa male informato ad papam melius informandum :' see Ne ander, p. 376. 3 His Appellatio ad sedem Apostolicam is printed in the Hist, et Monu ment, i. 112. Bespecting John XXTTI., see above, p. 331. 4 The following is part of his own version of the matter: 'Citatus autem personaliter ad Bomanam curiam optabam comparere humiliter ; sed quia mortis insidise tam in regno quam extra regnum priesertim a Teutonicis sunt mihi positse, ideo multorum fretus consilio judicavi, quod foret Deum tentare, vitam morti tradere, profectu Ecclesiae non urgente. Igitur non parui personaliter, sed advocates et procuratores constiiui, volens sanctse sedi apostolica? obedire.' See the rest of this Confession of Faith, correctly given in Pelzel, Lebensgeschichte des KSnigs Wenceslaus, Documents, No. 230; Prag. 1788. 5 Neander, pp. 392 sq. 6 .Ibid. p. 396. He now put forth the Confession, quoted above, vin dicating himself in the eyes of the University. 7 He justified his resistance on the following grounds: 'Ego dixi quod DD2 appeals to a pope better informed - is excom municated, 1411: but recon ciled to the arch- Indul gences sent into Bohe mia : 404 ourning of the docu ments hi Prague. Huss re. treats. State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [AJ- 1305 league, Jerome, to the very highest pitch. The latter, hot and sanguine, lost no time in propagating his enttni- siasm among the students, who, in order to exact a kind of vengeance for the seizure of Wycliffe's writings, or ganized a mock-procession in the streets of Prague and burnt the papal instruments1. Though Huss had not directly sanctioned this irregularity, and though he after wards regretted its occurrence, the most formidable cen-, sures of the Church alighted on his head2. He could no longer prosecute his public mission, but addressing an appeal to Jesus Christ Himself3, the only righteous Judge, retreated from the theatre of strife. The works4 which he composed in his retirement have affecto cordialiter implere mandata apostolica et ipsis omnino obedire, sed voco mandata apostolica doctrinas apostolorum Christi, et de quanta mandata pontificis concordaverint cum mandatis et doctrinis apostoliois, secundum regulam legis Christi, de tanto volo ipsis paratissime obedire. Sed si quid adversi concepero non obediam, etiamsi ignem pro combus- tione mei corporis meis oculis prssponatis:' Neander, p. 400. His views on indulgences may be seen at length in a remarkable Quastio devoted to that subject (1412) : Hist, et Monument. I. 215 sq. 1 See Pelzel, as above, n. 608 sq. It seems that the violence con nected with this act estranged the king from Hubs. According to Stephen1 of Dolan (in Pez, Thesaur. Monument, rv. part ii. 380), he published a decree, 'ut nequaquam aliquis audeat rebellare et oontradicere occulte vel publico, sub capitali pcena, indulgentiis papalibus.' Three youths were afterwards executed for interrupting preachers who invited their flocks to purchase indulgences; see Neander, pp. 417 sq., and Lenfant, Hist, du Concile de Constance, liv. in. o. 11. 8 He was excommunicated afresh, and all the place in which he lived was stricken by the papal interdict. Even the chapel in which he preached was to be levelled with the ground: Palacky, in. pt. i. 286, 3 See the Hist, et Monument, i. 22. 4 One of the most important, and indeed his very greatest work, is the Tradatus de Ecclesia (in the Hist, et Monument, i. 243 sq.). His division of, the Church, like that of Wycliffe (see above, p. 389), is tri partite. The 'ecclesia dormiens' he defines (c. 2) to be 'numerus prte- destinatorum in purgatorio patiens.' i By recognizing some of the finally condemned as members of the Church on earth, he shews that he did not follow Wyoliffe blindly (cf. above, p. 390, n. 4). The following are his words (c. 3): 'Dupliciter homines possunt esse de sancta matre Ecclesia, vel secundum prsBdestinationem ad vitam seternam, quomodo omnes finaliter sancti sunt de sancta matre Ecclesia; vel secundum pradestina- tionem solum ad praasentem justitiam, ut omnes, qui aliquando accipiunt gratiam remissionis peccatorum sed finaliter non persev erant.' He insists upon the fact (e.g. c. 4, c. 13 sq.) that Christ and He alone is the 'Head of the Church,' but also urges the importance of obeying the pope and cardinals (c, 17) 'dum doouerint veritatem juxta legem Dei.' Another source for ascertaining his opinions at this juncture are his Letters (Ibid. 1. 117 sq.: cf. Palaoky, in. pt. i. 297, 298). — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 405 enabled us to mark the final stages in the growth of his belief. To many of the characteristic dogmas then pre vailing in the Church he yielded his unwavering assent1, confining his denunciations mainly to those points which he regarded as excrescences, abuses, or distorted forms of truth. His principles2, indeed, had they been logically apprehended and consistently applied, must have con strained him to relinquish some of the positions advocated by the western schoolmen : but, unlike his English fellow- worker, Huss had not been largely gifted with the logical faculty, and therefore he continued all his life unconscious of his own divergencies. So far was he indeed from meditating the formation of a sect, that he had hoped to renovate the Western Church entirely from within. A reference to these facts may well explain the readiness3 he shewed to vindicate himself before the council of Con stance, whither he was now invited to proceed. That great assembly constituted in his eyes the lawful repre sentative of Christendom ; and as lie had no longer any hope of finding justice at the papal court, he went in search of it elsewhere. We see him starting for the council4 (Oct. 11, 1414) armed with testimonials of his 'orthodoxy' from the primate of Bohemia (Conrad), and the titular bishop of Nazareth, who was officiating as the inquisitor of heresy in the diocese of Prague6. He also bore the passport (or 'safe-conduct') of the king of the Romans, Sigismund , which guaranteed his personal 1 See Lenfant's Hist, du Concile de Constance, liv. in. c. 50 — 55 ; and of. liv. 1. c. 27. 2 Neander, pp. 429 sq. 3 After his arrival at Constance he stated that he came with joy, and added, that if he were convicted of any error he would immediately abjure it. Lenfant, liv. 1. c. 36. 4 Ibid. liv. 1. c. 24. 6 In this document (Hist, et Monument. 1. 3) the inquisitor declares, among other things, ' Collationes plures [i. e. with master John Huss] de diversis saerse scriptur» materiis faciendo, nunquam aliquem in ipso inveni errorem vel hteresim, sed in omnibus verbis et operibus suis ipsum semper verum et catholicum hominem reperi.' 8 Ibid. 1. 2. The violation of this promise was subsequently justified (Sept. 23, 1415) by a decree of the council (in Von der Hardt, iv. 521), on the ground that Huss, by impugning the ' orthodox faith,' had ren dered himself ' ab omni conductu et privilegio alienum ; nee aliqua sibi fides aut promissio de jure naturali, Divino vel humano, fuerit in pra- judicium catholica fidei observanda.' REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. gious opi nions at this time. He pro ceeds to the Council of Constance,1414; 4°6 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [AJrxJ^Oa protection in the very strongest terms. He reached Con stance1 on the third of November, attended by a party of his fellow-countrymen, especially the noble John of Chlum, his pupil and unwavering friend. But others, who were labouring to repress the holy movement in Bohemia, had arrived before him2. One of them, Palecz3, his former colleague in the university of Prague, was actively en gaged in circulating rumours to his disadvantage : and as many of the clerics there assembled had been prejudiced against him, partly through his recent quarrel with the German students, partly through his firmness in declining to pronounce an indiscriminate condemnation of Wycliffe and the Oxford school of church-reformers, he was treacherously taken into custody4 (Nov. 28). The scenes that followed are the most revolting in the annals of the Western Church. The oral explanations6 of the prisoner, even as reported by his adversaries, and the tracts6 which he composed while languishing in chains, shew that to the last his own opinions coincided in almost every point with those professed by members of the council. They were zealously employed in limiting the power and in denying the infallibility of Rome': they all of them ex- 1 According to Lenfant (liv. i. c. 26) Huss immediately notified his arrival to pope John XXTTT., who promised to lend him every help in his power. 8 Lenfant, liv. I. c. 35: Neander, rx. p. 465. They had been alienated from him chiefly by his vigorous opposition to the papal indulgences. ' 3 In a formal reply, Ad Script. Steph. Paletz, he had been constrained to speak as follows : ' Amicus Paletz, arnica Veritas, utrisque amicis exis- tentibus, sanctum est prsehonorare veritatem.' 4 Neander, pp. 472 sq. Some of the loose charges brought against him may be seen in Lenfant, liv. I. c. 42. One of them was, that he taught the necessity of administering the Eucharist in both kinds ; but we shall see hereafter that the accusation was groundless: cf. his own replies in Hist, et Monum. I. 15 sq. Gerson, the famous chancellor of Paris, also extracted nineteen articles from the treatise De Ecclesia, and called upon the council to condemn them (Ibid. pp. 29 sq.): cf. above, p. 358, n. 4. His fellow-countrymen expressed their indignation at the imprisonment of Huss (Hist, et Monum. I. 9 sq.), and they were seconded by the Polish nobles who were present at the council (Krasinski, Reform, in Poland, i. 62). 6 e. g. in his three puhlio hearings before the council (Lenfant, liv. in. c. 4 sq.; Neander, pp. 495 — 515). On the second of these occasions (June 7) he actually spoke of the view of Berengarius on the Eucharist as ' magna hseresis. ' 8 Lenfant, liv. i. c. 43. 7 See above, pp. 331 sq. II ;¦— 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 407 hibited a wish to elevate the morals of the clergy, and advance at least in some degree the reformation of the Church, — the very measures that lay nearest to the heart of Huss : yet so infatuated were they by their national prejudices, or so blinded by their hatred of a man who would not disavow all sympathy with Wycliffe1 (much as he receded from the doctrines of the Lollards), that they sentenced him to perish at the stake2. As soon as the executioner had done his barbarous work, the ashes of the victim were all flung into the Rhine, 'that nothing might remain on earth of so execrable a heretic' (July 6, 1415). The ardent Jerome of Prague, who shared his senti ments, and who appeared at Constance hoping for a prosperous issue, was at first so panic-stricken by the fate of Huss that he consented to abjure the errors which the council charged against him3 (Sept. 23). But his courage afterwards revived. He publicly revoked his abjuration (May 16, 1416), in so far as he had offered violence to truth or had defamed the memory of Huss arid Wycliffe. He was therefore handed over to the civil power, and several of his most infuriated enemies were struck by the unearthly joy that swelled his bosom even in the flames4 (May 30). The ashes of these two reformers lighted up a long ? A charge on which the council placed peculiar emphasis related to this point: 'Quod pertinaciter articulos. erroneos Wicleffi docuisset in Bohemia et defendisset.' On his reply, see Lenfant, liv. in. c. 5, and Neander, p. 501. The former of these writers (liv. in. c. 57) shews that partial sympathy with Wycliffe was the ground of his condemnation; and it is remarkable that the order of the council for burning the bones of the English refprmer immediately preceded the examination of Huss; cf. above, p. 395, 8 Hist, et Monum. 1. 33 sq., and Lenfant, liv. in. c. 45. The follow ing passage indicates a hope that reformation would come at last: 'Prius laqueos, citationes et anathemata Anseri [a play on his own name, Hus = Goose] paraverunt, et jam nonnullis ex vobis insidiantur. Sed quia Anser, animal cicur, avis domestica, suprema volatu suo non pertingens, eorum laqueos [? non] rupit, nihilominus alise aves, qua? Verbo Dei et vita volatu suo alta petunt, eorum insidias conterent.' Hist, et Monum. I. 121. 3 Lenfant, liv. iv. c. 31. See also the Narratio in the Hist, et Monum. Johan. Huss, n. 522 sq. ,,.,,, -u 4 Lenfant liv. iv. c. 85. As he went to the place of execution ne recited the Apostles' Creed, and at the stake his voice was heard chanting the Paschal Hymn, 'Salve, festa dies,' etc. The astonishment of Poggio, REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. and put to death, 1415. Martyrdom of Jerome of Prague,1416. Rise of the Hussite 408 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. Jacobellus de Misa. Tlie Calix- tines, or Vtraquists. and furious war1. Their countrymen had already expos tulated with the council, in the hope of rescuing the martyrs from its grasp; and when the tidings of their execution reached Bohemia, hostility to the Germans and to Sigismund expressed itself anew in revolutionary acts. Another element of strife had also been contributed. It seems that Huss, who held the- mediaeval doctrine of concomitance2, had acquiesced in the propriety of the com munion in one kind : but his disciple, Jacobellus de Misa (Jacob of Mies), incited probably by some expressions in the works of Matthias of Janow3, had begun as early as the autumn of 1414 to lay unwonted stress on the importance of administering the chalice to the laity4. The other side was taken quite as absolutely by the council of Constance3 (June 14, 1415), and ' The Chalice,' there fore, grew at length into a watch-word of that numerous party in Bohemia who revered the memory of Huss. For several years the forces of the empire were completely kept at bay: but the development of the religious dif ferences among the Hussites was afterwards fatal to their arms. One section of them, the Caliactines6 or Utraquists' ', may be called the moderate party. They adhered to Huss the Florentine scholar, on listening to his defence before the council,- is expressed in a letter to Leonardo Aretino, translated in Lenfant. c. 86. 1 See Lenfant, Hist, de la guerre des Hussites, etc. Amsterdam. 1731, with a Supplement by Beausobre, Lausanne, 1735. 2 Above, p. 303. The question is fully investigated by Lenfant, Hist. du Concile de Const, liv. n. v. 74 sq. 3 Cf. Neander, p. 488. 4 That he was the first to administer in both kinds is expressly stated in the Apologia vera Dodrina drawn up in 1538 by the 'Moravians' (in Lydii Waldensia, n. 292, Dordreci, 1617): 'Magister Jacobellus primus omnium communionem utriusque speciei in Bohemia practicare ccepit-' cf. .Eneas Sylvius, Hist. Bohem. c. 35. • / ,Se! *?* defee "* Von der Hardt' m- 646> wlae:l'e the modern practice 13 defended on the ground that it serves 'ad evitandum pericula aliqua et scandala. The doctrine of concomitance is also affirmed in the strongest terms ( cum firmissime credendum sit, et nullatenus dubitandum, inte grum corpus Christi et sanguinem tam sub specie panis quam sub specie vim veraciter contmen'). For the Apologia of Jacobellus in reply to this decree, see Von der Hardt, in. 691 sq. He was supported by the univer sity of Prague (March 10, 1417), whose manifesto is printed in the Hist et Monum. n. 539. * From Calix = chalice. ' From the phrase 'sub utraque specie.' — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 4O9 and Jacobellus, claiming1 that the Word of God should be freely preached in all the kingdom of Bohemia, that the Eucharist should be administered according to the terms of the original institution, that the incomes of the clergy should be lowered, and a more rigorous discipline enforced on all the members of the Church. This section of the Hussites, after many sanguinary struggles with the empire and their brethren, were eventually absorbed into the Western Church, negociations with them having been conducted through the medium of the council of Basel2 (1433). But the resistance was kept up much longer by the Taborites (so called from a Bohemian mountain, Tabor, where they pitched their earliest camp). While they adopted many theories like those now current in the sect of the Waldenses3, they diverged at other points into a gloomy and morose fanaticism". They ventured to destroy all sacred literature, with the exception of the Bible ; to denude religion of all pomp and every kind of ceremonial ; to deprive the clergy of their property; to pillage the religious houses ; and, confiding in the hope that Christ would soon return in person as their king, they bade de fiance to their constituted rulers in both church and state. They were suppressed, however, in the end, by the Bo hemian government (circ. 1453), or forced to sue for tole ration as a sect. From their communion, after its fanatic 1 See the whole document in Brzezyna (al. Byzynius), Diarium Belli Hussitici (in Ludewig's Reliquia Manuscr. vi. 175 sq.). 3 See the documents in Martene and Durand, Ampl. Collect, vm. 596 sq. The Compactata now drawn up concede the points on which the Calixtines had insisted, but with many stringent limitations : for instance, the priest who ministers in both kinds is nevertheless to teach the people that ' sub qualibet specie est integer et totus Christus : ' cf . Mansi, xxx. 692. In 1462, iEneas Sylvius (Pius H.) declared the Compactata invalid, but they kept their ground in spite of his denunciation: Gieseler, v. § 152, pp. 145, 148, notes 10, 17. 3 Members of this sect existed in Bohemia at this time: see above, p. 373, n. 6. 4 On their actions and opinions, see Brzezyna (as above, n. 1), pp. 145 6q., 190 sq., and the Reformation and Counter-Reformation in Bohemia, i. 14 sq. Lond. 1845. Their chief leaders were Ziska (d. 1424) and Pro- copius (see Brown's Fascic. n. 632 sq.) : but after 1453, when they had been defeated by the Calixtines, they disappear as a political body. About the same time (1450) they seem to have opened negociations with the patriarch of Constantinople: Ibid. p. 29. A section of the Taborites were now entitled 'Picards' (i.e. Beghards), a name of reproach already given to Milicz, and to the early followers of Huss. REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. The Tabor ites, Origin of the Moravi ans, or United Brethren (circ. 1450). 4io State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 element had been expelled, arose the peaceful and still thriving confraternity1 entitled the Moravians, or United Brethren, who thus constitute the chief historic link be tween the times of Huss or Wycliffe and our own. It seems that efforts had been made to propagate the Eussite doctrines in the neighbouring state of Poland. As early as 1431 a public disputation2 was held at Cracow between the doctors of the university and certain deputies from Bohemia ; and in 1450, a Polish senator3 proposed^' to expedite a reformation of the Church by calling in the aid of the secular authority. But further indications of this' spirit are not clearly traceable until the partisans of Luther made some converts at Dantzig4 and Thorn6 about the year 1520. He it was who carried out the principles6 which Huss had perished in attempting to diffuse. Their characters, 1 A complete history of them will be found in Carpzov, Religions- untersuchung der Bohmischen und Mdhrischen Briider, Leipz. 1742: see also Lydii Waldensia, n. 1 sq. Dordreei, 1617. They separated entirely from the Church in 1457, not ' propter cseremonias aliquas vel ritus ab hominibus institutes, sed propter malam et corruptam doctrinam.' They denied transubstantiation and condemned the adoration of the Host, affirming that Christ is not in the Eucharist 'corporaliter' but 'spiritali- ter, potenter, benedicte, in veritate.' See the Responsio Excusatoria Fratrum Waldensium (1508), in Brown's Fascic. i. 184. Other doctrinal peculiarities are enumerated in two kindred documents (Ibid. pp. 162 — . 172). Mosheim regards the modern Moravians, or United Brethren, rather as imitators than as representatives of the United Brethren of the six teenth century, remarking especially that but a very small fraction of them is Bohemian or Moravian. (Eccl. Hist. in. 479.) 2 Krasinski, Reform, in Poland, i. 79. 8 Ibid. I. 92 sq. 4 Ibid. p. 113, 6 Ibid. p. 124. When the papal legate came to this place, and was proceeding to burn a portrait of Luther, he was pelted away by the crowd, 6 See the striking words of Luther in the Preface he contributed to the Works of Huss, ed. Norimb. 1558 (quoted by Lenfant, Hist, du Concile de Constance, liv. i. c. 21). He speaks of his 'incredible astonishment' on reading a copy of the Sermons of John Huss, which he found (circ. 1506) in the convent at Erfurt: 'I could not comprehend,' he adds, 'for what cause they burnt so great a man, who explained the Scriptures with so much gravity and skill.' In 1519 Luther exchanged letters with some of the Utraquists of Bohemia, one of whom addressed him as follows: 'Quod olim Johannes Huss in Bohemia fuerat, hoc tu, Martine, es in Saxonia. Quid igitur tibi opus? Vigila et confortare in Domino, deinde cave ab hominibus:' see Gieseler, v. p. 246; Fourth Period, § i, n. 60. The con nexion between Huss and Luther is strongly stated in a contemporary ballad, edited by Soltau (Leipzig, 1845), pp. 278, 279. * — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 411 indeed, had many traits in common1. Both were strongly indisposed to vary from the standard teaching of the Church 2: yet both were ultimately driven into a posture of hostility by struggling to suppress the sacrilegious traffic in indulgences. Their conscience sickened and revolted at the spectacle. A power that authorized proceedings so iniquitous, and did not scruple to employ its engines for ^xterminating all whose moral nature had impelled them to protest, could hardly (so they reasoned) be of God. Although the Saxon friar had not anticipated the ulterior bearings of this thought while he was posting up his theses on indulgences3 (Oct. 31, 1517), his later inter views4 with Cajetan, Eck, and others tended to develope his opinions, and convinced him more and more that some thing must be done to purify the Western Church. When cited to the court of Rome, he entered an appeal6, as Huss had done before him, to a future and more evangelic pontiff (Oct. 16, 1518), and- soon after indicated his in tention of applying for redress to what he deemed the first tribunal of all Christendom, a general Council6 (Nov. 28). 1 One of the most important differences was in their philosophic modes of thought. Huss (we saw above, p. 401) was a determined Bealist; while Luther seems to have inclined in early life to Nominalism. His favourite authors were Peter d'Ailly, Gerson, William of Ockham (cf. above, p. 353, n. 1), and Gabriel Biel, preferring them to Thomas (Aquinas) and Duns Scotus. He was marked, however, like his great Bohemian prototype, by an intense love for biblical studies (' fontes doc trine caslestis avide legebat ipse;') while they both were strongly Augus tinian. Melanchthon says of Luther (Vita Lutheri, p. 7, ed. Heumann), after mentioning the above particulars: 'Sed omnia Augustini momi- menta et ssepe legerat et optime meminerat:' cf. above, p. 357, n. 4. 2 They were also ardently devoted to the pope. Luther has informed us that in early hfe he was so infatuated by the papal dogmas, 'ut para- tissimus fuerim omnes, si potuissem, occidere aut occidentibus cooperari et consentire, qui papas vel una syllaba obedientiam detrectarent.' Pref. to his Works, dated 1545. s See them (ninety-five in number) in Lbscher, Reformations-Ada und Documenta, 1. 438, Leipz. 1720. One thesis (§ 27) ran as follows : 'Homi- nem predicant, qui statim ut jactus nummus in cistam tinnierit, evolare dicunt animam' [i.e. out of purgatory]. The papal bull enforcing the generally received doctrine of indulgences is dated Nov. 9, 1518 : see it in Loscher, ii. 493. 4 An account of these discussions is reserved for a future volume, when the gradual change in Luther's views will be exhibited more fully. 5 'A papa non bene informato ad melius informandum.' See the document in Lbscher, as above, n. 484. 6 Ibid. ii. 505. He renewed this appeal Nov. 17, 1520. 412 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. D. 1305 REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. A further series of discussions, held at Leipzig1 (June 27, — July 16, 1519), ended in his formal condemnation by the pope (June 15, 1520): yet Luther, differing from a host of his precursors who had not been able to withstand the thunders of the Vatican, intrepidly arose to meet the danger, pouring forth a torrent of defiance and contempt. The bull of excommunication which had branded him as a heretic was publicly burnt2 at the eastern gate of Wit tenberg, together with a copy of the Decretals and other obnoxious writings3 (Dec. 10, 1520). Every chance of compromise and reconciliation4 va nished at this point : it forms one of the most momentous epochs in the history of Europe, of the Church, and of the world. The deep and simultaneous heaving that was felt soon afterwards in Switzerland5, in Spain, in Poland, and in Scandinavia, in the British Islands and in Hungary, 1 Ibid. in. 215 sq. Luther was supported on this occasion by Carl- stadt (Bodenstein) ; their chief antagonist was Eck. Immediately after wards Melanchthon wrote his Defensio contra Johan. Eckium: Opp. I, 113, ed. Bretschneider. In the following year Eck betook himself to Bome in order to stir up the pontiff (Leo X. ). The hull against Luther (in Baynald. ad an. 1520, § 51) was due to his exertions. 5 See the reasons he assigned for this act (Quare Pontificis Romanl et discipulorum ejus Libri a Dodore M. Luthero combusti sint) in his Works, ed. Walch, xv. 1927: cf. Eoscoe's Leo the Tenth, n. 218, 219, Lond. 1846. On the following day he told his college-class, ' Nisi toto corde dissentiatis a regno papali, non potestis assequi vestrarum animarum salutem.' His treatise De Captivitate Babylonica Ecclesia, which was prohibited as early as Oct. 20, 1520 (De Wette, I. 517), shews that on the doctrine of the sacraments he had now broken altogether from the Mediseval Church. 3 'Omnes libri Papae, Decretnm, Decretales, Sext., Clement., Extra vagant., et Bulla novissima Leonis X.; item Summa Angelica [a work on casuistry], Chrysoprasus Eccii [a treatise on predestination], et aha! ejusdem autoris, Emseri, et quaedam alia, qus adjecta per alios sunt:' Luthers Brief e, ed. De Wette, i. 532. 4 The nearest approximation to it, so far as the Saxon reformers were concerned, was at the diet of Batisbon (1541) : see the present writer's Hist, of the Articles, pp. 29, 30, 2nd edit. 6 According to a statement of Capito (1536) in Hottinger's Hist. Eccl. ssec. xvi. pt. n. 207, the Swiss reformation sprang up more independently: 'Antequam Lutherus in lucem emerserat, Zuinglius et ego inter nos communicavimus de Pontifice dejiciendo, etiam dum ille vitam degeret in Eremitorio. Nam utrique ex Erasmi consuetudine et lectione bonorum auctorum qualecumque judicium turn subolescebat. ' In Switzerland also it was the scandalous traffic in indulgences that fired the soul of Zwin- gli (Ibid, part iii. p. 162) : cf. De Felice, Hist, of the Protestants of France, Introd. pp. xxix., xxx. Lond. 1853. .—1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 413 in France, in Belgium, and the Papal States themselves, as well as in the German provinces extending from the Baltic to the Tyrol, proved that all things were now fully ripe for some gigantic change; THE Reformation had arrived. REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. '( 41 4 )' [A.D. 1305 MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Transi tional cha racter of this period. CHAPTER XVI. ON THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETT. Enough has been already urged to warrant us in say ing that this period in the lifetime of the Western Church is eminently one of twilight and transition. It may alto gether be esteemed a sort of border-province that unites the Mediseval to the Modern history of Europe. Many of the old traditions, whether social, civil or religious, had been rudely shaken in the conflicts of an earlier date; but it was only in the fourteenth, and still m'ore the fifteenth century, that we behold them tottering to their fall, or actually dethroned. Then also that romantic ardour, — the enthusiasm so characteristic of the Middle Age, producing its phantastic modes of thought and action, and diffusing over it an irresistible charm, — was more and more ex hausted1. Popes and preachers, for example, sought in vain to organize a fresh crusade: their motives were no longer thought to be above suspicion, and accordingly, when armies of the 'paynim' hovered on the confines of the Western Church itself and made the potentates of Hungary and Poland tremble for their safety, few could now be stirred to raise a hand in their behalf. The spirit of religious chivalry was dying, or at least had forfeited the strong predominance it once possessed : it yielded to the cold, and often contemptuous, voice of reason or the maxims of prudential statecraft ; while the failure of the public faith in the Roman system was tending to produce lukewarmness in the many, and in some a rabid unbelief. A different but no less portentous revolution had come over all the other faculties of man: he grew more con- 1 The chief exceptions will be found in Spain: cf. above, p. 318. '- — 1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 415 scious of his freedom, of his personality, and of his power. The dim and circumscribed horizon of his thoughts, which heretofore he never dared to pass, and which his fathers deemed impassable, was every day expanding on all sides. A prospect wider, grander, and more full of hope seemed stretching at his feet. The causes that had been conspiring to produce this mighty change were various, and were also acting through a multitude of independent channels. Some may be enu merated thus: — the bold discussions of the later School men1, which, however heartless, had not failed to sharpen and evolve the intellectual powers; the restoration of a purer taste2, exemplified in literature by men like Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Chaucer, and in art by Giotto, Michael Angelo, and Raphael; the frequent intercourse3 between the Eastern and Western Christians, more par ticularly in negotiating a reunion of the Church; the con quest of Constantinople by the Turks (1453); the west ward flight of scholars bearing with them Greek and other manuscripts; the spread of commerce; the discovery of unknown and long-forgotten Continents, unveiling wider spheres of intellectual enterprise; the cultivation of the modern languages, and the invention (or at least extended use) of paper4 as the common vehicle of writing. But the mightiest agent was the press ; typography, or printing by the aid of moveable metallic types6, originating at the middle of the fifteenth century. By means of it the ancient sources of instruction had been multiplied inde finitely; reading had become more easy and inviting, while the rapid diminution thus effected in the price of 1 See above, pp. 351 sq. 2 Miller's History philosophically illustrated, Bk. 11. ch. xni., xrv. Hallam (Lit. of Europe,Vt. 1. ch. 1. § 92) regards Petrarch as the restorer of polite letters. The reanimation of Architecture had preceded that of the other fine arts by many centuries. (See Hallam, Europe during the Middle Ages ch. ix. pt. 11.). Indeed it was the renaissance of heathen izing influence in the age preceding the Beformation that led to the de parture from the ancient types in Italy and other countries of the West, and interfered with the development of Christian architecture in the unreformed as weU as in the reformed communities. 3 F von Schlegel, Phil, of History, pp. 386, 387, ed. 1847. 4 See Hallam, Lit. of Europe, Pt 1. ch. 1. §§59 sq. 5 Ibid. ch. in. § 19; Miller, n. 446 sq. Tabular or block-printing was much older. MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Causes of the change. Printing one of the most im portant. 416 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 1305 MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Scholasticinstitutions and their results. books1 had made them more accessible to every grade of life. We may compute the influence of the new in vention by considering that in thirty years, from 1470 to 1500, more than ten thousand editions of books and pamphlets issued from the press2. The number of these publications may be also taken as an index to the growth of schools and other kindred institutions. It is true that as the monks degenerated3 many of the old establishments connected with religious houses were involved in their decline; and the same, though in a less degree, is often visible among the dif ferent ranks of Friars4: but meanwhile a considerable compensation had been made in every part of Europe by the founding of colleges and universities as well as minor seats of learning. Not a few indeed of these were planted on the very site of convents which had been legally suppressed for the purpose. At the time when Luther was engaged in giving lectures at Wittenberg, as many as sixty-six universities were organized in different parts of Europe, sixteen of them in Germany itself5; and even in the fourteenth century we know that such as then existed literally swarmed with students6. It is symptom atic of the influence exercised by institutions of this class 1 The price was immediately diminished four-fifths: Hallam, Ibid, §147. 2 See the statistics, Ibid. § 142. More than half of these appeared in Italy. The editions of the Vulgate were 91. In England all the books printed in this interval amounted to 141. 3 See above, p. 343. 4 Above, p. 345. 6 Mohler's Schriften, etc. n. 6 : Schrbckh, xxx. 64 — 127. 6 It is said, but the statement is quite incredible, that before the plague of 1348, no less than thirty thousand students were congregated at Oxford in nearly four hundred seminaries. The following is a portion of the statement made by Bichard, archbishop of Armagh, an Oxford man, in' Brown's Fascic. n. 473, 474: 'Item consequitur grave damnum in clero, in hoc, quod jam in Studiis [i.e. the scholastic institutions] regni Anglise propter talem substractionem a suis parentibus puerorum [i.e. their absorption into the Mendioant orders], laici ubique retrahunt suos filios ne mittant eos ad Studium, quia potius eligunt eos facere cultores agrorum eos habendo quam sic in Studiis eos tahter amittere : et sic fit quod ubi in Studio Oxoniensi adhuc meo tempore erant triginta millia studentium, non reperiuntur sex millia his diebus ; et major hujus minu- tionis causa sive occasio, prsemissa puerorum circumventio [i.e. by the Friars] testimatur:' cf. Vaughan' s Wycliffe, pp. 32, 33; and on the vast number of students who seceded from Prague in the time of Huss, see above, p. 401, n. 5, —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 417 that they invariably produced the chief antagonists of Roman absolutism1; Wycliffe, Huss, and others being numbered with the foremost academics of the age2. In very many, doubtless, no desire of reformation was awak ened by the subtle exercises of the schools; and it is cer tain that no aim was further from the thoughts3 of those who in the latter half of the fifteenth century were loud in advocating a return to every class of pagan models and were eagerly engaged in studying the aesthetics and philo sophy of Greece : yet even there we must remember that the critical faculty was stimulated in a way unknown to former ages. Some at length were bent on turning this new light directly to the Church. The copies of the Holy Scriptures and the Earlier Fathers were sought out, collated, and in certain cases printed, more especially bv scholars like Erasmus4, who were thus unconsciously supplying food as well as armour to the champions of a later day. Men needed little penetration to discern that Christianity, at least in its ordinary manifestations, had receded far from its ideal; and although by some these changes were explained on what has since been termed the theory of development5, another class of minds6 would labour to retrace their steps, in bringing back the creed and ritual of the Church into more perfect harmony with those of Apostolic times. 1 This, we have seen, was remarkably the case in the model-university of Paris: and accordingly writers like Capefigue (e.g. n. 169) always regard it as professing ' une theologie equivoque et un catholicisme mixte, osant quelquefois la negation partielle de l'autorite du pape.' 2 Even Gerson, while deploring the abuses of the period, turned with comfort to the thought that education might eventually uproot them: 'A pueris videtur incipienda Ecclesias reformatio.' Opp. 11. 109, ed. Du Pin. 3 See above, p. 355: and cf. M'Crie's Reformation in Italy, pp. 12. sq. 4 See above, p. 361. It was indeed a characteristic of the reforming party, that they encouraged learning and carried with them the chief scholars of the time, at least in earlier stages of the movement (Eoscoe, Life of Leo X., n. 103, 104, ed. 1846). Yet, on the other hand, we must remember that the anti-reformation school was by no means destitute of learning For instance, the decree which condemned Luther as a heretic was drawn and signed by the elegant pen of cardinal Sadoleti 6 Such, for instance, was the way in which Gerson reconciled himself to one prevailing doctrine of the age : see above, p. 372, n. 2, « This was the conviction of archbishop Hermann of Cologne, among others: see his Simple and Religious Consultation, 'Epistle,' A, iii. Lond. 1547. MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. M.A. EE 4iS State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 1305 MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Study of the Bible. Continued use of vet - nacular transla tions. The growing taste for purely biblical studies1 has been noted in a former page. That taste was chiefly though not altogether fostered by the anti-Roman party, — in the Church itself2 by those who urged the need of reforma tion, and still more by sectaries who justified their own abnormal acts by combating the errors and abuses that had long been festering in Christendom at large. Nor were the many absolutely destitute of sacred knowledge and of access to the oracles of God. The blow3 which had been aimed at the vernacular translations of the thirteenth century had ceased to operate, or was at least evaded, in all quarters. Several, it is true, including the more gifted ecclesiastics, looked upon those versions with an ill-concealed distrust4, and some of the more acri monious partisans of Rome denounced them altogether5: 1 Above, p. 360. 2 e.g. by Nicholas de Clemenges (in the De Studio Theologico, as above, p. 328, n. 4), who, after urging the study of the Fathers on the principle that they are streams which bear us up directly to the fountain, has remarked in reference to the Sacred Writings : ' Quoniam in his quas Divina sunt nihil debemus temere definire, nisi ex calestibus possit oraculis approbari; quas divinitus enuntiata de his, qua? scitu de Deo sunt necessaria, aut ad salutem opportuna, si diligenter investigarentur, nos sufficienter instruunt' (p. 476). Dr Abendon, an Oxford man, who preached at the council of Constance (1415), exhorted the prelates in particular to cultivate this study (Lenfant, liv. rv. c. 36) : and the reform ing cardinal D'Ailly, in like manner, recommends it on the ground that 'ipsum fundamentum Ecclesia;' is 'ipsa Sacra; Scripturae Veritas' (in Brown's Fascic. n. 510). We see the effect of the revival of letters in the following passage of Pico of Mirandola (quoted by Ussher, Opp. xn. 366, ed. Elrington): 'Ad hanc notitiam Divinorum capessendam veteres tlieologi omnes exhortantur. Huic juniores, Innocentius, Joannes Gerson, aliique nonnulli assidue monent incumbendum : et non modo his qui ex officio ad id negotii sunt obnoxii, ut sacerdotes et clerici, sed omnibus cujuscunque gradus et ordinis extiterint.' 3 See above, p. 299. To the instances there adduced, in note 2, if may be added that an English prose version of the Book of Psalms and certain Canticles was made (circ. 1320) by William of Schorham, and that another was contributed by Bichard of Hampole (cf. above, p. 357, n. 4), who added a brief commentary: see Preface to the Wycliffite Bible, p. v. 4 Even Gerson is to be reckoned in this class. He desires (Opp. I. 105, ed. Du Pin) 'prohibendam esse vulgarem translationem librorum sacrorum nostras Biblise, prasertim extra moralitates et historias,' adding, 'claras rationes ad hoc plurimas invenire facile est.' His authority is urged by the anti-reformation writer, CochUrjus, in the tract, 'An expedi.it Laicis legere novi Testamcnti libros lingua vernacula,' ed. 1533. The 'Ormulum' (above, p. 297, n. 4) was received with jealousy and opposi tion : see White's Pref. p. lxxv. Oxf. 1852. 5 See, for example, the offensive language Of Knyghton (Wycliffe's —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 419 yet in spite of this occasional resistance, they . could never be displaced. In England numerous copies of the Wycliffite Bibles1 were long cherished, even as it seems by many who did not embrace the Lollard doctrines; and in all the second half of the fifteenth century2 translations of the Scriptures found a multitude of readers, in both Germany and northern Italy, and some in Spain itself. We should remember also that a larger fraction of the whole community were educated at this period, having learned to write3 as well as read. The operation of the Crusades had proved most favourable to the growth of civil liberty : they had relaxed the trammels of the feudal system4. Artisans and traders had sprung up on every side, and the inhabitants of towns, supplying the prolific germ of the important middle-class, were far more nume rous than in all the earlier ages of the Church. Amid the humblest order of society, the peasants, where the bulk appear to have been scarcely above the state of villenage, some scanty tokens of amelioration and refinement5 were discernible. The powers of thought had been more com monly aroused, and, as the natural effect of such awakening, the masses had grown conscious of their own importance. antagonist), above, p. 386, n. 1. In an anti-Lollard song, printed by Bitson, it is said to be 'unkyndly for a knight' to 'bable the Bibel day and night.' 1 See above, p. 385, and the Preface to the Oxford edition, p. xxxiii. In the Constitutions of archbishop Arundel (Johnson, 11. 466), the reading of such versions is prohibited, under pain of the greater excommunica tion, at least until they have been formally authorized. 2 The numerous editions of the German and Italian Bibles have been mentioned above, p. 360 : cf. Buckingham, Bible in the Middle Ages, pp. 60 sq. Attempts were made, however, to suppress all vernacular transla tions, for instance, by the archbp. of Mentz in 1486 (quoted in Gieseler, v. § 146, p. 75, n. 14). In Spain the lovers of the Sacred Books evaded the Inquisitor by translating portions of them into Castilian verse (e.g. Job, Psalms, Proverbs, and the Life of Christ, drawn from the Evange lists): A. de Castro, Spanish Protestants, p. lxii., Lond. 1851. On the importance attached to the vernacular dialects and to the general diffu- sion of the Scriptures by the Waldenses, see Neander, ix. 565. The price of the Sacred Books, however, would be long a serious bar to their pro gress in the lower orders of society. Thus a copy of Wycliffe's Bible, at the beginning of the 15th century, cost four marks and forty pence (=£2. 16s. 8d. of present money): Blunt's Sketch of the Reformation, p. 69, 6th edit. 3 Hallam, Liter, of Europe, Pt. 1. ch. 1. §§ 54 sq. 4 See Sir J, Stephen, On the History of France, Lect. vi. 6 History of England and France under the House of Lancaster, p. 10. EE2 MEANS OF GRACE AM} KNOW LEDGE. Intelli gence more- widely dif-, fused. 420 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 1305 MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Other books of devotion They were often most impatient of the yoke which both in secular and in sacred matters goaded them at every point and bowed them to the earth. The strength of such con victions was peculiarly betrayed in all the fourteenth century, when it is easy to observe the rapid growth of self-assertion, breaking out into political discontent1. Besides the other tracts and ballads that were cir culated for the gratifying of these intellectual wants, there was a constant issue of 'religious' publications. Thus in England a vernacular book of devotion for the laity was furnished by 'The Prymer2.' The authors or trans lators of religious poetry3 were also very numerous, choos ing, for example, as their subject, an affecting passage in the life or sufferings of our blessed Lord, expounding Psalms or Canticles, or not unfrequently embellishing the passion of some primitive or mediaeval saint. A deep impression must also have been produced by tracts like those contained in the ' Pauper Rusticus' or ' Poor Caitif,' which were now disseminated far and wide in English, with the hope of leading ' simple men and women of good will the right way to heaven4.' The same idea was exten- 1 e.g. in England, as early as 1275, it was found necessary to repress a number of ballads and other pieces tending 'to cause discord, betwixt king and people ' (Warton, Engl. Poetry, 1. 45, ed. 1840) ; and in the time of Wycliffe and subsequently (see above, p. 384, n. 3) the spirit of dis affection Shewed itself in the most violent forms (cf . the Preface to a Poem On the times of Edw. II., ed. Percy Society, No. lxxxii. , pp. vii. sq.). 2 Edited, with a preliminary Dissertation, and an Appendix of some other vernacular forms of prayer, confession, See., in Vol. ii. of Maskell's Monumenta Ritualia. The contents are : the Matins, and Hours of our Lady; the Evensong; the Compline; the seven Psalms; the fifteen Psalms : the Litany (containing the germ of the English Litany now in use) ; the Placebo, and Dirige (the Office of the Dead) ; the Commenda tions; the Pater noster; the Ave Maria; the Creed; the Ten Command ments; the Seven deadly Sins. See the Contents of other copies of 'the Prymer,' ib. pp. xl. sq.; Procter, Hist, of tlie Prayer-Book, pp. 12 sq. 3 The Cambridge University Library is rich in this kind of literature. A remarkable instance occurs in MS. Dd. i. 1, § 7, entitled n- 5 5 tries to reform the service- books, 196, n. 2. Aidan (Irish missionary), 12, 13 n. 1. Alanus (Magnus), a Parisian school man, 264, ti. 4. Albert the Great, life and writings, 266, 267. Albert (priest of Bremen), employs force in converting the Lieflandcrs, 213. Albigenses (see Cathari), import of the name, 286, n. 5. Alcuin, opposed to compulsory conver sions, 24; 26, n. 4; his language to the pope, 41, n. 4; and to the empe ror, 54, n. 2; on the study of Holy Scripture, 56, n. 3, his character and writings, 60, 6r, n. 4; 62, n. 2, 3 ; 63. Aldphith (king of Northumbria), his conduct towards Wilfrith, 15, n. 3. Aldhelm, his writings, 59, n. 4; 89. Alexander VI. (pope), his heinous crimes, 339. Alexius Comnenus (emperor), opposes the Paulicians, 282, n. 5; and re presses the Bogomiles, 285. Alfred (king of England), 86, n. 1 ; 131; his patronage of learning and religion, 173; his works, 173, n. 4 ; his coadjutors, 174, n. 1. AH Saints, feast of, instituted, 92, 93, n. 1. All Souls, feast of, instituted, 203. Allemand, reforming cardinal, 337; and n. 2 ; 341, n. 3. Amalarius (of Metz), on the triplicity of the Body of Christ, 168, n. 1. Amandus, missionary, 18, n. 4; 23, n. 5. America, - tradition respecting, no, n. 4; discovery of, 316; attempts to con vert the natives, 317; eventual success, 317, n. 6. 434 Index. Amulo (archbp. of Lyons) engages in the Predestinarian controversy, 163. Anathema, 202. Andreas (archbp. of Lund), 213, n. r, Andrew (of Rhodes), defends the Latin Church, 366, and u. 3. ANDRONICUS III. PALiEOLOGUS, nego- ciates with the Latins, 364. Anglia (East), conversion of, n, 12. Anglo-Saxons, their settlement in Eng land, 6; their mythology, 7, n. 2. Anna (of Bohemia), Queen of Richard II. of England, 386, n. 5; 401. Annates, papal, 322, n. 3; 336, n. 3 ; 342. Anselm (archbp. of Canterbury), 159, n. 6; was the 'Augustine' of the Middle Age, 258, a Realist, 259, 260; writes against Roscellinus, 259, n. 3; against the Greeks, 276, and n. 3. Anselm (of Laon), 260, n. 2. Anselm (bp. of Havelberg), 277. Anskar (Ansgar), his missionary life, 101 — 105 ; receives the pallium, 140, n. 4. Anthropomorphists, 192, 11. 5. Apocrisiarius, what, 39, n. 1 ; 50, n. 3. Apostolicals (sect of), 294, 295; later traces of, 295, n. 4. Appeals (to Rome), 226,227; peculiarly obnoxious to the English, 227, n. 2; to a general council, 330, n. 2. Aquileia, archbps. of, suspend their com munion with Rome, 38, n. 2. Aquinas (Thomas), life and writings, 267; analysis of his 'Summa,' 267 — 269. Archbishops, their peculiar functions, 35; their influence weakened by the pa pacy, 35, 140, 141 ; metropolitans ap pointed in England, 36, 37, and in Germany, 36 ; how consecrated in En gland, 36, n. 6 ; vow obedience to the pope, 140; their rights defended at Milan, 141, n. 1. Archdeacons, 46; exorbitance of, 239, and n. 6. Archicapellanus, what, 45, n. 3; 143, n. 2. Archpresbyters, 46, n. 3. Ardgar, missionary in Sweden, 104, and n. 1. Ariald, a Milanese preacher, 144, n. 2. Aristotle, his influence in the Western Church, 160, 11. 1; 352, ii. 1; change of feeling in regard to him, 265, 267, 354. Armenians (church of the), their flourish ing condition, 175, n. 4; their judaizing turn, 187, n. 4 ; attempts to reunite them to the Church, 275, n. 7; re newed with greater chances of suc cess, 369, 370 ; their tenets in the 14th century, 369, n. 5; 370, 11. 1. Arno (archbp. of Salzburg), 26, in. Arnold (cleric of Brescia), his move ment against the hierarchy, 249; associated with Abelard, 262, n. 4. Arnulph (archbp. of Orleans), his 're forming' tendencies, 138, n. 4, Arsenian schism, 272, n. 3. Arundel (archbp. of Canterbury) op poses the Lollards, 393, n. 6. Ascetics, 200, 201, 307. Asia (Central), missions to, 27, 28, 12S, 129. Asser, Alfred's coadjutor, 174, n. 1, Aston (John), 385. Athanasian Creed, 57, n. 1. Athinganians, sect of, 187, n. 4. Atto (bp. of Vercelli), 142, n. 2; 174, n. 2. Audomae (Omer), missionary 18, u. 4. Augustine, St (of Hippo), his canoni cal institute, 44, n. 3 ; influence of his theology on the Middle Age, 57 sq. ; 156 sq.; 258; and especially on Lu ther, 357, n. 4; 411, n. 1. Augustine (of Canterbury), 6; 7, n. 4; 8. 9> "'; 43, u- 3- Augustinian Canons, 156, 257. Augustinian friars, 344, n. 5 ; 345, and n. 5. Autbert, missionary in Denmark, 102. Auvebgne (Wm. of), his writings, 271, n. i. Avares, mission to, 26. Averroes, his philosophy, 265, u. r. Avignon, papal residence at, 254, 322; effects of, 322, 323. Atlmer (bp.) on Wycliffe, 396, n. 4. Azymes, dispute respecting, 186, n. 2; 2 79. 366, 367. Bacon (Roger), life and writings, 271, 272. Balle (John), who, 384, n. 1. Bardanes (emperor) revives Monothe letism, 70, and n. 3. Barlaam (eastern monk), opposes the Quietists, 363, and secedes to Rome, 363 ; his negociation for unity, 364. ' Index. 435 Baptism, infant, 24, n. 2; 80; 164, 165; 189, n. 1; 192, n. 5; 288, 290, n. 3; 294, n. 3; 302, n. 2. Basel, council of, its leading objects, 334; struggle with the pope, 334 — 337 ; conduct of the Greeks respecting, 365. Basil I. (emperor) persecutes the Pau licians, 84. , Basil (monk), leader of the Bogomiles, 285. Bavaria, conversion of, i8sq. ; presence of an anti- Roman party, 20, 21. Beatus, a writer in the Adoptionist controversy, 63, n. 1. Beccus (chartophylax at Constantino ple), his Latinizing tendencies, 280, 281. Becket (archbp. of Canterbury), bis contest with the crown, 249, 250; his influence in consolidating the papal power, 250, 251, n. 1. Bede (Venerable), on the increase of the episcopate, 46, n. 2 ; his theolo gical writings, 59, 60; his devotion to biblical learning, 60, and n. 1; 89; on preaching in the native dialects, 87, n. 5. Beghards (and Beguins), their rise and progress, 235; 346; remains of, 373, 374. Benedict (of Monte Cassino), his order, 43- Benedict (of Aniano), his monastic re forms, 148, and n. 3. Benedict Biscop, his influence, 59, n. 55 94, n- 3- Benedict IX., one of the most profli gate of the popes, 139, n. 5. _ Berengarius, defends the ancient doc trine of the Eucharist, 169—173; extreme opinions of some of his ad herents, 170, n. 4; 406, n. 5. Bernard (a Spanish priest), his failure in Pomerania, 207, 208. Bernard (of Clairvaux), his influence in extending the fame of the Cister cians, 230; his writings, and the character of his theology, 257, 270; his opposition to Abelard, 257, u. 2; 262. Berno, founder of the Cluniacs, 148. Berthold, a distinguished preacher, 3°o, n. 1. . . . . . Berthold, a missionary in JL,ivoma, invokes military aid, 212, 213. Berton (Wm-)> chancellor of Ox ford, 383. Bessarion, convert to the Western Church, 367; his patronage of letters, 367, n. 2. Bible (see Scripture). Biel (Gabriel), last of the schoolmen, 354, and n. 1. Birinus, 10. Bishops (diocesan), their functions, 34 ; their visitations, 45, 46, and n. i; 97; election of, sometimes tumultuary, 50, n. 3 ; discontinuance of the prac tice, 51, 151, 341 ; its partial revival, £2, 151, n. 3; 341; usage in .Eng land, 53, 342; their general character, 142, 143; regarded as mere feuda tories of the crown, 150, 151 ; their en croachments on the state, 153, ex ceptions, 134, 155, and n. 1; fettered by the papal power, 227, 228; their vow of servitude, 227; titular and suffragan bishops, 238, 239; object of the Basel council to elevate the western bishops, 341, and n. 3. Bodzanta (archbp. of Gnesen), 313. Bogomiles, rise of, and main features of their heresy, 282 — 285 ; repressed in part, 285, and n. 6; connexion with western sects, 285, 286, and n. 6. Bohemia, conversion of, 114 — 116; as cendancy of German influence, 116; suppression of the Slavonic ritual, 116, n. 2.; reformatory movements iu> 397—4*°- Bonaventura, life and writings, 266; promotes the growth of Mariolatry, 266, n. 4. Bonifacius (Winfrith), extensive mis sionary labours, 19 — 23; his writings, 59, n. 4; his Romanizing tenden cies, 19, and n. 8; 35, and n. 4, 36, and d. 1, 2. Borgia (Csesar), 339. Bradwardine (archbp. of Canterbury), writes against the Scotists, 270, n. 3. Bremen (see of) ; united with Ham burg, 104, and n. 3 ; point of depar ture for northern missions, 119, n. 1. Bridget (of Sweden), 327, n. 7; her canonization, 424, n. 4. British Church, 6, and n. 4 ; 7, n- 4 ; 8, n. 6; 14, n. 4; 15, n. 1; 20, n. 4. Bruno (bishop of Angers) favours Be rengarius, 170. FF 2 436 Index. Bruno, founder of the Carthusians, 229, and n. 1. Bruno, perishes in attempting to con vert the Prussians, 115, n. 3. Bulgaria, conversion of, 121 — 124; its temporary union with the Church of Constantinople, 124; controversy re specting, 183, 185. Bclgri, 285, n. 7; 286, n. 2. Byzantinism, what, 50, 51, and 50, n. 4; 272, and n. 3. Cedmon, his Metrical Paraphrase, 89, n. 4. Cagots, who, 373, n. 3. Calixtines, Hussite party, 408, 409. Canary Islands, conversion of, 316. Candida Casa (=Whithern), 7, n. 1 ; 15, n. Z. Canon law, its component parts, 224, n. 1 ; 323, n. 3. Canons, order of, 44 ; their degeneracy, 144, 237; Dunstan's quarrel with them, 746; their right of electing the bishops, 237, and n. 5 ; attempts to reform them, 238; distinction be tween 'canons-regular' and 'canons- secular,' 238, n. 3. Canonesses, 44, n. 3. Canterbury, 8; 9, 11. 5; province of, 15, n. 2 ; primacy settled in it, 36, n. 5. Carinthia, conversion of, 25. Carloman, 42, n. 1. Carmelites (white-friars), 229, n. 1 ; 344, n. 5; .345, andn. 5. Carthusians, order of, 229, 343. Casali (Ubertinus de), a 'spiritualist' Franciscan, 232, n. 4; 324, n. 4. Casas (Bartolome' de las), friend of the American Indians, 317, and n. a. Catenae, age of, 179. Cathari, their rise, 286; principles of the sect, 286 — 288; their rapid growth and violent suppression, 289 ; remains of, 373- Catharine (of Alexandria), relics of, introduced into the west, 1 98, n. 2 ; legend of, disputed, 424, n. 4. Catharine (of Siena), her political in fluence, 327, and n. 7. Cedd, 10; 14, n. 4. Cerulabius (patriarch of Constanti nople) fixes the schism between East and West, 185, 186; his attack on the Latins, 186, n. 2. Chaldeans (see Nestorians). Champeaux (Wm. de), a schoolman, 260, and n. 4. Chaplains, 45, and n. 3; their abject position, 144, and n. 1. Chapters (rural), 45. Charo (Hugo de S.), a biblical scholar, 272, n. 2. Charles the Bald (emperor), 137, n. 1, 2; 154, 11. 1. Charlemagne, adopts coercive mea sures in the propagation of the Gos pel, 24; his coronation by the pope, 40, n. 6; enforces the payment of tithes, 48; his extensive power in matters ecclesiastical, 54, n. 2; 154; on the study of Holy Scripture, 56, 11. 2; his moderation respecting im ages, 77, and n. 5; his zeal in found ing schools, 86; his coadjutors, 86, n. 3; publishes a Homiliarium, 88, n. 4. opposes many superstitions, 90, n. 2. Chazars, partial conversion of, 124. Chichelet (archbp. of Canterbury), ou papal legates, 225, n. 6; persecutes the Lollards, 395, n. 1. China, early traces of Christianity, 27, 218; its decline, 218, n. t, 3. Chinghis-Khan, 216. Chorepiscopi, 46, n. 2; 142, n. 1. Chosroes (Kesra) persecutes the East ern Church, 29. Christian (monk), missionary labours in Prussia, 214. Chrodegang (bp. of Metz) 44, and n. 5; 88, n. 1. Chrtsolanus (Peter), archbp. of Milan, 277. Church-building, 93, 204. Cistercians, order ot, 229. Claba, St, order of, 23 1, n. 2 ; 304, n. 1. Clarendon, Constitutions of, 250, andn.2. Claudius (bp. of Turin), his 'protes tantism,' 158. Clemenges (Nich. de), his ' reforming ' works, 328, n. 4 ; 330, n. 5. Clement VII. (pope), his connexion with the forty years' schism, 329. Clement (anti-Roman prelate), 22. Clergy, proper, 47, and n. 2; their marriage, 47; 145; 241; 349, and n. 2, 3; their concubinage tolerated, 349, n. 4; their income, 48; effects of their close alliance with the state, 54, 55; their intellectual qualifica- Index. 437 tions, 86, and n. 3; 192, n. 5; their degeneracy, 142—144; 240 — 243; 348 — 35° > extension of the law of celibacy to the minor orders, 241; the right of inferior clerics to vote in synods, 331, n. 4. Clergy, itinerant, 45, and n. 2 ; 143. Clerici conductitii, 238, n. 2. Clugny, monks of, 148. Cnut (Canute the Great), interest in northern missions, 106, and n. 8. Cobham (Lord), opinions and martyr dom, 393, 394- Crelestine-Hermits, 232. Coipi, 12, n. 3. Colleges, 235, n. 1 ; 278, n. 2; 296, n. 2 ; 416. Colman (bishop of Lindisfarne), 14, and n. 7. Columba (Irish missionary), 6, 11. 1 ; 7, n. 1. Columbanus (Irish missionary), his la bours and opinions, 16. Common- life Brothers, order of, 347, 348 ; their salutary influence, 347, and n. 5. Communicants, number of, 85, n. 2 ; 96, ''¦ * ', 3°5, n- !) laymen foi bidden to communicate more than once a month, 400. Communion of children, discontinued in the west, 305, n. 1. Communion in one kind, 303 ; contro- ¦ versy reopened, 399, 11. 3 ; 406, u. 4. Concomitance, doctrine of, 303. Confession (auricular), generally prac tised, 97, 202 ; made absolutely bind ing, 308, and n. 1. Conrad (of Waldhausen), » 'reformer,' 398- Conbadin, last of theHohenstaufen,253. Consolamentum, what, 288, n. 2. Constance, council of, history and effects, 331; presence of Greek envoys, 365, n. 2. Constans II. (emperor), a Monothe lete, his Type of the Faith, 67 ; forces compliance with it, 68. Constantine, author of Paulicianism, 79. Constantine Coprontmus (emperor), his proceedings against images, 74, 75; his personal character, 74, n. 2; respected by Bogomiles, 285j n. 2 ; - and Petrobrusians, 290, n. 3. Constantini Donatio, 254, n. 3. Convocation (see Synods, provincial). Copts (see Jacobites). Corpus Christi, festival of, 304. Corbinian (missionary), 18. Cortes (conqueror of Mexico), his final wish to evangelise the natives, 317, n. 6. Cortesius, a scholastic, 354, n. 1. Councils (see also under Synods) : of Aix-la-Chapelle (799), 64; Ibid. (816), 44; of Aries (813), 45, n. 4; 46, n. 7; of Arras (1025), 188, n. 2; of Au- vergne (533), 51, n. 7; of Barcelona (599), 51, "• 6; of Bari (1098), 276; of Basel (1431— 1440), 334—337; of Biziers (1246), 299, n. 2; of Bologna (*43*), 335; of Bordeaux (1255), 305, n. 1; of Braga (675), 48, n. 5; of Cashel (1172), 87, n. 4; of Ceat- chyth (785), 46, n. 5 ; 57, n. 1 ; Ibid. (816), 141, n. 2 ; of Chdlons (649), 45, n. 3; 88, n. 2; Ibid. (813), 44, n. 3; 141, n. 2; of Clarendon (1164), 250; of Clermont (1095), 246, n. 6; of Clovesho (747), 21, n. 8; 46, n. 1, 5; 56, n. 2; of Cologne (873), 145, n. 1 ; of Constance (1414 — 1418), 331 sq. ; of Constantinople (680), 40, n. 2 ; Ibid. (754), 74; not oecumenical, 74, n. 4; Ibid. (867), 183; Ibid. (869), 183; not oecumenical, 183, n. 7; Ibid. (1054), 186, n. 6; Ibid. (1140 and 1143), 285, n. 6; of Cordova (852), 133; ,°f Coyaco (1050), 195, n. 4; of Douzi (871), 137, n. 1 ; of Eanham (1009), 145, n. 4; 195, n.4; of Fer- rara (1437), 337, 33s; 365 ! o{ Flmes (881), 148, u. 1 ; 154, n. 2; pf Flo- rence(i439), 338, 366 — ^o;oi Frank fort (794), 63. 78; of Gran (11 14), 241, n. 2 ; of Hertford (673), 15, n. 2 ; of Ingelheim (948), 106, n. 3 ; of Kier- sy-sur-Oise (849), 162 ; Ibid. (853), 164 ; of Lateran (1059), 146, n. 3 ; Ibid. (1123), 248; Ibid. (1139), 289, 11. 3 ; Ibid. (1 1 79), 239, n. 6 ; 293, n. 1; 296, n. 2; Ibid. (1215), 239, n. 7; 242, n. 2; 264, n. 3; 278, a. 1; 296, n. 2; 303; 305, n. 1; 327, n. 8; Ibid. (1444), 37°; Ioid. (1512— 1517), 340; 344, n. 6; 355; of London (1107), 247, n. 1; Ibid. (1108), 241, n. 4; Ibid. (1237), 307, n. 2; Ibid. (1382) ; 385 ; Ibid. (1396), 391, n. 5 ; of Lorn- bers (1165), 289, n. 3; of Lyons (1274), 438 Index. not oecumenical, 281, and n. 1; of Mentz (813), 88, Cji;Ibid. (847), 192; 11. 2 ; Ibid. (848), 162 ; of Melfi (1089), 307, n. 3; of Metz (859), 154, D- 2i Ibid. (863), 136, n. 4; M&- (888), 142, n. 1 ; Second Council of Niccea (787), 76; Sixth Oecumenical Council (680), 6g, 70; of Orleans (611), 48, n. 5; Ibid. (1022), 188, n. 2 ; of Oxford (1160), 288, u. 5; loid. (1408), 393, n.6; of Pons (557), 51, n. 7; Ibid. (615), 52; Ibid. (825), 176, n. 1; Ibid. (829), 142, n. 1, 3; of Pavia (850), 142, n. 3; 143, n. 5 ; 199, n. 2; of Pisa (1409), 330; Ibid. (1512), 34°, n- 2! of Poitiers (1076), 171, d. 6; of Prague (1388), 399,400; of Ratisbon (792), 63; of Ravenna (1311), 238, n. 6; of Rheims (624), 52; 76id. (991), 138, n. 5; 76id. (1148), 289, n. 3; of Rome (595), 46, n. 8; 76iS. (601), 42, n. 5 ; J6«i (649), 68 ; Ibid. (680), 69; Ibid. (731), 73, n.6; 7oid. (745), 22; Ibid. (769), 74, n. 4; /Wrf. (799), 63, n- 6 ; /fo'd- (826), 150, n. 3 ; 192, n. 5 ; 16 id. (853), 150, n. 3 ; Jiid. (863), 182; Ibid. (869), 183, n. 7; 75id. (1050), 169; Ibid. (1059), 238, n. 3; Ibid. (1075), 244; Uid. (1079), 172; of Savonieres (859), 165, and n. 3; 191, 11. 1; 193, n. 3; of Sell- genstadt (1022), 200, n. 1 ; of Sens (1140), 262 ; of Seville (618), 46, n. 5 ; of Soissons (744), 22; Ibid. (1092), 260; Ibid. (1121), 261; of Spalato (1069), 194, n. 3 ; of ' Tarragona ( 1 234), 299, n. 2; of Toledo (633), 46, n. 4, 7 ; 47, n. 1; 48, u. 4; 56, n. 3; Ibid. (653), 46, n. 7; 47, n. 5; Ibid. (675), 47, n. 1; Ibid. (681), 53; of Toulouse (1119), 289; Ibid. (1229), 290, 299; of Tours (813), 88, n. 4; Ibid. (1163), 289, n. 3 ; of Trosli (909), 148, n. 2 ; 154, 11. 2 ; 193, n. 1 ; in Trullo (691), 38, n. 2; 47; of Valence (855), 151, n. 3; 155, n-3; "64; I92> n- 35 '93, n. 3; of Whitby (664), 14; of Win chester (1076), 241 ; of Worms (1076), 244, n. 5; of York (1195), 307, n. 1. Courland, temporary conversion of, 213. Courtenat (bp. of London), Wyoliffe's antagonist, 378, 384. Craoovia (Matthseus de), reforming work, 330, 11. 2. Croats (Chrobatians), conversion of, 124, Cross, reverenced even by Iconoclasts,; 73, "• 5; 80, n. 3; festival in ho nour of, 93, n. 3; ' adoration 'of, 158, n. 2 ; abhorred by the Bogomiles, 285, n. 3. Crusades (eastern), 218; 246; 276, •277- . , Crusades (Albigensian), 233. Culdees, a Scotch order of canons, 237, n. 5. Cunibert (bp. of Turin), 146, n. 1. Cup in the Eucharist, withdrawal of, 199, n. 3; 303,11. 6, 304. Cusanus (Nicholas), his writings, 335, and n. 4. Cuthbert (archbp. of Canterbury), 21, n. 8; 36, n. 1. Cyril (a Greek missionary), in; trans lates the Scriptures, 1 1 2, n. 1 ; evan gelizes the Chazars, 124. Cyrus (patriarch of Alexandria), a Mo nothelete heretic, 65 . D'AILLY (De Alliaco), reforming cardi nal, 331, n. 4; 333, and ... 1; his theological writings, 354, n. 2. - Damascus (John of), 57; his theologi cal system, 7 r ; vehement defender of images, 72, n. 1 ; 73. Damiani (Pet.), the ally of Hildebrand, 146, n. 2. Dancers, sect of, 374, n. 4. Danes (see Northmen). Daniel (bp. of Winchester), 19, 23, n.6. Dante, 255, n. 2; 323, u. 5. Deans (rural), 46, n. 3. Decretals (Pseudo-Isidore), 41, n. 1; origin of, 134, n. 1 ; their influence in extending the papal power, 134, 135; 152 ; quoted with this object, 136, n. 5; 137, n. 1; 182, n. 6. Denmark, mission to, 102, 104 — too; 108 ; mythology of, 18, n. 3 ; 105, n. 3 ; confliots with the Germans in pro pagating the Gospel, 2 r 3. Deutz (Rupert of), 263, n. 3. Devil-worshippers, 187, n. 5. Didaous (bp. of Osma), co-founder of the Dominicans, 232, 233. Dinant, David of, a heterodox philo sopher, 265, n. 3; 299, n. 1. Dinoot (British abbot), 6, n. 4; 8, n. 6. Index. 439 Dionysius (Pseudo-), influence of his writings, 64, n. 4. Dionysius (the Areopagite), 160, n. 3. Dionysius (Bar-Salibi), «, Jacobite au thor, 275. Diuma (bp. in Mercia), 13. Dobrin, Knights-brethren of, 215. Dolan (Stephen of), anti-Hussite writer, . 404, n. i. Dolcino, 295. Dominicans (see also Mendicants), rise and progress of, 232. Druthmar (Christian), work of, 159; views on the Eucharist, 168. Dunstan (archbp. of Canterbury), the nature of his policy, 146; 153; 200, n. 1. Durand (de S. Pourcain), the Nomi- nalistic schoolman, 352 ; some of his . peculiarities, 352, n. 2 ; on indul gences, 431, n. 2. Duranti (Durandus), the liturgical writer, 271, n. I. Eadbald, 9. Eadwine, 12. Easter, modes of reckoning, 7, n. 4 ,' 13, n. 1, 4. Ebbo (archbp. of Rheims), 101 ; 103, n. 5. Ebtsd-Jesu, Nestorian writer, 275. Ebland, 357, u. 4. Ebn-Nassal, work of, 274, n. 1. Ecgberht (archbp. of York) his pa tronage of letters, 60; writings, 60, n. 4. Eogprith (king of Northumbria), his conduct towards Wilfrith, 15, 11. 3. Eokhart, a Neo-Platonist, 356, u. 1. Eddids, 59, n. 4. Elpeg (archbp.): see JElfheah. Eligius (Eloy), missionary bishop, 18, n. 4. Elipandus (archbp. of Toledo), his part in the Adoptionist controversy, 61, 63- Elmham, Latin poet, 394, n. 2. Emmeran (missionary bishop), 17, 18. England, growth of the Church in, 6 16; its comparative civilization before the incursions of the North men, 86. English missionaries to the Continent, 18—25; 106, n. 8; 107, 108; 109, n. 2; no, and n. 3; 206, n. 2. Erasmus, his opposition to the school men, 354, n. 4 ; his edition of the Greek Testament, 361, n. 5. Erio IX. (of Sweden), labours to ex tend the Church, 206. Erigena (see Scotus). Erimbert (northern missionary), 105. Essex, conversion of, 9, 10. Esthland, conversion of, 213. Etherius (bp. of Osma), 63, n. 1. Eucharistic controversy, 165 — 173. Euchites, sect of, 187, 282. EULOGIUS (patriarch of Alexandria) writes against the Bogomiles, 282, n. 6. EuSTASIUS (missionary), 17, n. 5. Eustathus (archbp. of Thessalonica), writings of, 274. Eutychius (patriarch of Alexandria), 180. Excommunication, 202. Faroe Islands, conversion of, no, in. Fasts, annual, 91, n. 4. Felix (bishop of Dunwich), n. Felix (bishop of Urgel), leader in the Adoptionist controversy, 61 — 64. Ferrara, council of, 365 ; presence of the Greeks, 365 ; transferred to Florence, 366. Ferrer (Vincente), 319, 11. 3; 428, n. 2. Festivals, 91, 92, 178, 203 ; 299, n-. 3 ;¦ 3°4- Ficino (Marsilio), a Christian Platonist, 355, and n. 1. Filioque (clause so called), 57, 11. I ; 184, n. 4; 279; 366, and n. 3. Finan (Irish missionary), io, 13. Finns, conversion of, 206, 207. Fitz-RALPH (Richard, archbp. of Ar magh), defends the clergy against the Mendicants, 345, n. 1, 4. Flagellants, 201, and n. 2 ; 307, n. 1 ; sect of, 374 ; their number and ex travagances, 374, n. 4 ; 428. Fleming (bp. of Lincoln), 395. Florence, council of, 366 — 370; trans lated to the Lateran, 370. Florus (deacon of Lyons), engages in the Predestinarian controversy, 163 ; views on the Eucharist, 168. Francis (of AsBisi), 219, 231. Franciscans (see also Mendicants) , their rise and progress, 230, 231 ; third 440 Index. estate of, 231 ; growth of an extreme, and anti-papal party, 231, 232; 346; their extravagant notions respecting purgatory, 426, n. 2. Fratricelli, 232, 373. Fredegis, 159. Frederic I., Barbarossa, his struggle with the popes, 249, 251. Frederic II. (emperor), continues the struggle, 251, 252; appeals to a ge neral council, 254, n. 2; his personal character, 252, n. 6. Friars (see Mendicants). Friars-regular, 346. Friesland, conversion of, 18 sq. Fulbert (bp. of Chartres), 175. Fubsey (Irish monk), n, 12 ; 95, n. 5. Gallus (Irish missionary), 1 7. Gaunt (John of), his connexion with Wycliffe, 379, 384. Gauzbert (or Simon), missionary in Sweden, 103 ; 105, n. 1. Gegnsesius, a Paulician leader, 82. George (of Trebizond), writing of, 362. Gerald (count of Aurillac), 196, n. 1. Gerbert (see Sylvester II.). Gerhard, a 'Manichsean' leader, 190, n. 1. ("Jerhoh (of Reichersberg), 240, n. 4. Germanus (patriarch of Constantinople), deposed for advocating image- worship, 73; his theory of 'relative' worship, 73, u- 2- Germany, conversion of, 16 sq. ; its hea then mythology, 18. n. 3. Gksson (John), chancellor of Paris, his reforming efforts, 330, h. 5 ; 333, and n. 2; his theological writings, 357, 361 ; his theory of development, 372, n. 2. Gezo (abbot of Tortona), on the Eucha rist, 169, n. 1. Ghibellines, conflict with the popes, 248 sq. Gislemar (missionary to Denmark), 102. Gi>slar (chapter of), stronghold of the German imperialists, 244, n. 5. Gottschalk (king of the Wends), his martyrdom, 118, 119. Gottschalk (monk of Fulda), revives the Predestinarian controversy, 160 — 162; his firmness and violence, 162, u . 2 ; defended by Remigius of Lyons and others, 164 ; his controversy re specting the phrase Trina Deltas, 165, n. 4. Gower (English poet), 348, n. 4. Gratian, his 'Decretum,' 224, n. 1. Gregory VII. (pope), his 'reforming' tendencies, 139; 143, n. 2; 144, n. 3; endeavours to restrain the marriage of the clergy, 145, 146; attacks 'lay- investitures,' 152; symbolizes with Berengarius on the Eucharist, 170, and n. 4; 171, 172, u. 3; his lead- ingprinciples as pope, 222, 223; 243; exasperates the people against the clergy, 223, and n. 2 ; his struggle with Henry IV. of Germany, 244, — 245; his sober views on penance, 3°7, u. 3. Gregory (of Utrecht), missionaryabbot, *3- Gregory the Great (pope), 6; con troversy with John the Faster, 38; enlarges the dominion of the papacy, 39, and n. 2, 3 ; his writings on the ology, 57—59- Gregory (of Tours), 89, n. 5 ; 92. Greenland, the Gospel in, no; sup pression of it by the Esquimaux, no, n. 4 ; reintroduced by Moravian mis sionaries, ibid. Groot (Gerhard), founder of the 'Com mon-life Brothers,' 347, and n. 4. Grosseteste (bp. of Lincoln), opposes the pope, 226, n. 4 ; warns him of his tendency to produce a schism, 228, and n. 2; his conduct with regard to the Mendicants, 234, n. 2 ; his complaint of the corruptions of the clergy, 240, 11. 4; his commentary on Aristotle, 265, n. 4 ; influences on Wycliffe, 374, n. 5 ; and Huss, 400. Gualbert, founder of the Coenobites of Vallombrosa, 149. Guelphs, allies of the pope against the emperor, 248. Guibert (abbot of Nogent), on relics, 306, u. 3. Guinea, coast of, partly Christianized, 316. Guisoard (Robert), 245, and n. 6. Guitmund (archbp), on the Eucharist, 170, n. 4. Guthlao (hermit), 90, u. 1. Index. 441 Hacon (Hagen) introduces Christianity into Norway, 108. Hadrian I. (pope), his activity in fa vour of images, 76, 78. Haimo (bp. of Halberstadt), writings °f, *59> views on the Eucharist, 168, n. 5. Hales (Alexander of), life and writings, 266. Halitgar (bishop of Cambray), 96, n. 5; 101. Hallam (Robert), bp. of Salisbury, at the council of Pisa, 330, n. 3. Hamburg (archbishopric of), 100, 103; 104, n. -i. Hampole (Richard Rolle of), his writings, 348, u. 4 ; 357, n. 4. Hartwig (archbp. of Bremen), 211, 212. Heathenism, remnants of, 46, n. 1; 87, n. 1. Henry IV. (emperor), his struggle with Gregory VII., 243—245. Henry (of Upsala), an English mis sionary, 206. Henry (the Cluniac monk), propagates the Petrobrusian tenets, 290 ; is con demned, 291. Hemming (archbp. of Upsala), 314. Heraolius, eastern emperor, drives back the Persians, 29; favours the Monothelete heresy, 65 ; his Eclhesis, 66. Hereford (Nicholas), partisan of Wy cliffe, 385. Herigar (abbot of Lobes), on the Eu charist, 169, n. 1. Hermann (of Cologne), a converted Jew, 220. Hesse (Henry of), 328, n. 1 ; 329, n. 3. Hessia, conversion of, 20 sq. Hesychastic controversy, 362, 363. Hieronymites, order of, 344, n. 4. Hildebert (archbp. of Tours), his works, 258, n. 4; 263, n. 4. Hildebrand (see Gregory VII). Hildegard (abbess), prophecies of, 254, 255- Hinomak (archbp. of Rheims), opposed to the ultra-papal claims, 136, 137, 140, n. 4; 141 ; and also to encroach ments of the crown, 151, n. 3; his activity in the Predestinarian contro versy, 162 sq. Hincmar (bishop of Laon), 137, 11. 1 ; 140, n. 2. Hirschau, monks of, 149, n. 3. Holcot (Robert), 354, n. 2 ; 360, n. 3. Holy Places (at Jerusalem), controversy respecting, 277, n. 4. Homiliarium, what, 88, u. 4. Honorius I. (pope), a Monothelete heretic, 64, n. 4 ; 69, and n. 4. Hospitallers, Knights, their rise and fortunes, 236, 237. Howel the Good (of Wales), 173, n. 2. Humbert (cardinal), his fierce opposition to Berengarius, 171; his mission to Constantinople, 186; and his attack on the Eastern Chuich,'i86, n. 2. Humbert (de Roman's), on preaching, 300, n. 5. Hungarians, antiquities of, 126, and n. 1 ; inroads into Europe, 106, 126; evangelized, 126—128; their union with the Western Church, 128; their bishops appointed by tl.e crown, 150, n. 1. Huss (John), life and writings of, 400 — 4°7; his early influence and repute, 400 ; studies the Wycliffite tracts, 400, and n. 7; his general sympa thy with Wycliffe, 401, and n. 5 ; his quarrel with the German students, 401, and n. 5; appeals to a pope 'better informed,' 403 ; his excom munication, 403 ; reconciled to arch bp. Sbynco, 403 ; condemns the papal indulgences, 403, 404; his religious opi nions, 405; his reputed 'orthodoxy,' 405 ; proceedings against him at Con stance, 405 — 407. Hussites, war of the, 407 — 409. Hutten (Ulrich von), chief contributor to the ' Epist. Obscurorum Virorum,' 354, u- 4J 361, n. 4. Iceland, conversion of, 109 ; remnants of heathenism, no, n. 2. Iconoclastic controversy, 72 — 78 ; re vived, 175—179. Ignatius (patriarch of Constantinople), deposed, 182 ; controversy with Pho tius, 182, 183; assisted by the pope, 183; 183, n. 7. Ildefonsus (of Toledo), 59, n. 2 ; 91, n. 3. Images (see also Iconoclastic Contro versy), how used in the time of Gre gory the Great, 72, n. 3 ; opposite decrees respecting, 75, and n. 1 ; 76, 442 Index, 77; views of the English Church, 78, and n. 3 ; of the French, 78, 1 76, n. 3 ; worship of, established permanently in the east, 178 ; its extravagancies, 178, 11. 1 ; prevailing theory, 197, 198, n. 1. India, early traces of Christianity, 27, 28. Indulgences, 201, 309, 333, u. 5; 34?, u. 1 ; condemned by Huss, 404, and n. 1 ; by Luther, 411, 431 ; ultimate development of the doctrine, 429 — 43'- Infidelity, rife in Italy before the Re formation, 352, n. 1 ; 355. Innocent III. (pope), carries the papal power to a climax, 221, 222, and 11. 1 ; 224 ; his immense influence in temporal matters, 251, 252 ; on read ing the Bible, 299, n. 1. Inquisition, origin of, 290; its early labours, 290, n. 2. Interdict, 202, and n. 4. Investiture, confused ideas respecting, 150; right of lay-investiture denied, 243, 244; how the controversy was settled in England, 247, n. 1 ; and on the Continent, 247, 248. Iona, 7, n. 1; 12; 14, n. 4; 131, n. 3. Ireland, conspicuous for its learning, 10, n. 6; 17, and n. 2 ; 19, n. 1 ; 59, n.3. Irene (empress), an ardent image- worshipper, 73. Irish missionaries, 7, and d. 4; 9 — 13; manyof them withdraw from -England, 14 ; their orders disputed, 15, n. 1 ; la ter traces of their influence, 87, n. 4 ; 141, n. 2; some penetrate to Iceland, 109, n. 4 ; no. Isidore (of Seville), his writings, 59; see also Decretals (Pseudo-Isidore). Ivo (Ives), bishop of Chartres, 145, n. 2. Jacob (bishop of Tagritum), a Jacobite author, 275. Jacobites (of Egypt), their missionary efforts, 28; patronized by the Mu hammedans, 32, n. 2; attempts to reabsorb them into the church, 275, n. 7. Jacobellus (of Misa), contends for communion in both kinds, 408 ; ques tions some of the legends, 424, n. 4. Janow (Matth. of), a Bohemian 're former,' 399. Jaruman (bp.), 10, n. 4. Jerome (of Prague), 401, and n. i; 404 ; his martyrdom, 407. Jews, forcible conversion of, 29, n. 3 ; 220; condemned by some, 220, n. 3 ; their copious literature, 220, andn. 2; 318, n. 7; their abhorrence of images, 72, and creature-worship, 220; occa sional conversions, 220; 319, n. 3 ; 320; writings against, 220, n. 5; fresh persecutions, especially in Spain, 318, 319. Joachim (abbot), prophecies of, 254, '55- Joan (the female pope), fable of, 136, n. 1. John the Faster, controversy with Gregory the Great, 38 ; his Panilen- tial work, 59, n 4. John the Chanter, introduces Roman psalmody, &o. into England, 87, n. 4. John the Grammarian (patriarch of Constantinople), opposes image-wor ship, 178. John (king of England), abject submis sion to the pope, 252, and n. 3. John (a Dominican of Paris) writes on the regal and papal power, 254, n. 3. John, a monk of Old Saxony, at Alfred's court, 150, n. 3; 174, n. 1. John III. Vatatzes (emperor), endea vours to unite the Eastern and West ern Churches, 278. John VI. Paleologus, submits to the pope, 364, and n. 4. John VII. PALiEOLOGUa, negociates with the Western Church, 365. John IV. (pope), opposes Monothelet ism, 66. John VIII. (pope), his policy in the case of Photius, 184, 185, n. 1. John XXII. (pope), his contest with the German emperor, 323 — 326; tax ed with heresy, 326, u. 1. John XXIII. (pope), appointed by the council of Pisa, 331 ; deposed at Con stance, 332. Jonas (bp. of Orleans), on images, &c, 158, n. 2; on penitence, 200, n. 3. Joseph (patriarch of Constantinople),! opposed to reunion, 280, 281. Jubilee, year of, 309, 428, and n. 4. Juliano (cardinal) 334, 336, n. 4; 366. Justus (bp. of Rochester), 9; 10, n. 2. Jutland, mission to, 101. Index. 443 Karbeab, a Paulician leader, 84. Kempis (Thomas a), 347, n. 4 ; a 'Com mon-life Brother,' 347 ; author of the 'De Imitatione Christi,' 348, n. 1; 421 ; his mystical tendency, 357, n. 4. Kent, conversion of, 8, 9. Kilian (Irish missionary), 17. Kumanians, conversion of, 314, 315; united with the Eastern Church, 315. Laity, their right to elect bishops denied, 237, n. 5 ; their influence in synods, 324, n. 2. Lamaism, what, 217. Lanfranc (archbp. of Canterbury), his controversy with Berengarius, 159, n. 6; 169 — 171. Langenstein, Henry of (see Hesse). Languages, variety of, 87. Lapps, partial conversion of, 314. Latins, effect of their empire at Con stantinople, 278, 279. Laurentius (of Canterbury), 9, and n. 4. Lebwin (missionary monk), 23, n. 7. Legates (papal), their vast influence, 225, 226; peculiarly obnoxious to the English, 225, n. 6; 340, n. 5. Legends (see Saints, Lives of). Leidrad (archbp. of Lyons), 64; 86, n. 3. Leo the Armenian (emperor), opposed to images, 176, 177: persecutes the Paulicians, 83. Leo the Isaurian (emperor), opens the image-controversy, 72, 73; his ad visers, 72, 11. 5; patronizes the Pau licians, 82. Leo IV. Chazarus (emperor), opposed to images, 75. Leo X. (pope), 339, n. 4; on indul gences, 431, and n. 3. Libri Carolini, account of, 77. Lieflanders, conversion of, 212, 213. Lindisfarne (or Holy Island), 12, 14; 15, n. 2. Lithuanians, nominal conversion of, 312, 313; through a Polish channel, 313; dependence on Rome, 313, n. 6; traces of heathenism, 313, n. 5. Liudger (missionary), 25, 100. Lollards, English, followers of Wycliffe, 390; their number, 390, 11. 6; their development of Wycliffe's principles, 300, 391; incur the hatred of the crown, 391; their persecutions, 391 sq. ; attempt to reclaim them, 390 ; remains of, 396. Lollards, foreign, their origin and office, 347; meaning of the word, 347, u. 1; suspected of heresy, 347, n. 3. Lombard (Peter), his 'Book of Sen tences,' 264. Louis of Bavaria, conflict with the popes, 325, 326; grants a, divorce, 326, n. 5. Louis the Pious, his interest in north ern missions, 101, 102, n. 4. Louis IX. (of France), his unconscious limitation of the papal power, 253, and n. 4. Luciferians, sect of, 374. Lull (Raymond), life and labours, 219, 265, n. 1. Lullards (see Lollards). Luther, on the decline of scholasti cism, 354, n. 4; recognizes many of his precursors, 356, n. 6; 357, n. 4; 360, n. 1; his early career, 410 — 412; his original moderation, 4.31. Lyra (Nicholas de), biblical writings 360, 361. Macarius (patriarch of Antioch), ad heres to Monotheletism, 69. Magna Carta, 252. Mahomet (see Muhammed). Mainotes, conversion of, 125, n. 1. Manichzeans, so called, 188, 189; 188, n. 2. Manuel II. (emperor), visit to the west, 365; his firm adherence to the Eastern Church, 365, n. 2. Mark (of Ephesus), defends the East ern Church, 367, n. 1. Maronites, account of, 71 ; fresh attempt to reabsorb them into the church, 370. Martial (St), controversy respecting, 198, n. 2. Martin I. (pope), his opposition to Monotheletism, 67, 68; his banish ment, 68. Marsilius (of Padua), 322, n. 1; his ' Defensor Pacis,' 324; associated with Wycliffe, 378, n. 3. Maby, St (seeVirgin). Masses (for the dead), 95. Masses (private), 95; condemned, g6, n. 2. Massilians (see Bogomiles). 444 Index. Matilda (countess of Tuscany), 245. Mauretania (Walter de), 261, n. 5; 263, n. 6. Maurice (of Prague), on communion in one kind, 423, n. 5. Maximus (the Confessor), strenuous opponent of the Monotheletes, 67; his barbarous fate, 68 ; the character of his theology, 67, 71; his works,67, n. 3. Meinhard (canon), missionary in Li vonia, 212. Melchites, Egyptian catholics, 32, 65. Mellitus (bp. of London), 9; 10, n. 2. Melun (Robert de), an English meta physical writer, 264, n. 1. Mendicants, mutual jealousies of, 233, n. 5; their amazing progress, 234; their conflicts with the university au thorities, 233, 234 ; their zeal as preach ers, 300 : their ultimate decline, 344, 345 ; Erasmus respecting, 345, n. 5. Mercia, conversion of, 13. Merits, treasury of, 309, and n. 3. Methodius (a Greek missionary), in, and n. 9 ; misunderstanding with Ger man missionaries, 113; vindicates himself at Rome, 113, 114; his in fluence in Bohemia, 1 14 ; and perhaps in Bulgaria, 122, n. 2. Metropolitans (see Archbishops). Michael II. (emperor), tolerates the image party, 178. Michael Pal^ologus (emperor), tries to unite the east and west, 279 — 282. Milicz, Bohemian 'reformer,' 397, 399; insists on very frequent communion, 399, a. 4. Minors (see Franciscans). Miracle-plays, 297, 298, and n. 1. Mirandola (Pico of), 355, u. 2 ; 386, n. 3. Missi, what, 54, n. 2. Mongols, their invasion of Russia, 216; attempts to convert them, 217, 218. Monks, importance and privileges of, 42 ; great varieties of in the East, 43, n. 2; order of St Benedict, 43, and n. 3 ; peculiarly ardent in defend ing images, 74, n. 1; degeneracy of, 147, 229; exemptions of, 42, 148, n. 1; 228, n. 5; the favourites of the pope, 228; how ill-adapted to the wants of the 13th century, 230; state of the eastern monks, 272, 273, n. 1; 343, n. 4; further degene racy of the western, 343; their supera bundant property, 343, n. 2; rain attempts to reform them, 344. Monotheletism (heresy), 64—71. Monte Corvino (John de), missionary in eastern Asia, 218. Montfort (Simon de), 290. Moors, attempts made to repel them from Spain and Africa, 219; success ful with regard to Spain, 318, 319; projects for converting them, 219. Moravia, conversion of, in — 114; by Greek influence, 112, 113; final as cendancy of the Germans, 114. Moravians (or United Brethren), their origin, 409, 410. Muhammed, origin and character of his religion, 29 — 31 ; its rapid conquests, 33; and thus augments the papal power, 37. Muhammedans, persecute the Spanish Christians, 132, 133; their literary labours, 33; 156, n. 2. Mystics, western school of, 356. Nations, vote by, at the Council of Con stance, 332. Nerses (Armenian catholicos), writ ings of, 275. Nestorians (Chaldseans), their vast mis sionary settlements, 26, 27; 128, 129; 216; 218; patronized by the Muhammedans, 27; 32; and Mongols, 216, 217; their internal condition, 217, n. 3 ; attempts to reabsorb them into the church, 275, n. 7. Netter (Thomas, of Walden) writes against the Lollards, 393, n. 6 ; 394, n. 2. Nicaea, second council of, 76, 77; not oecumenical, 76, n. 2. Nicephorus (Callisti), historical work, 361, n. 6. Nicephorus (patriarch of Constantino ple), advocates image-worship, 176. Nicephorus (Blemmidas), a Latinizer, 279, and n. 2. Nicetas (Acominatus), writings of, 274, and n. 2. Nicetas (Studite monk), writes against the Latins, 186, n. 2. Nicetas (archbp. of Nicomedia), 277. Nicholas I. (pope), quarrel with the Greek missionaries respecting Bul garia, 123, 124; his instructions to the natives, 123; commences a new Index. 445 epoch in the papacy, 136, 153; ap proves the ultra-predestinarian synod of Valence, 165, 11. 1 ; conduct in the case of Photius, 182. Nicholab (Cabasilas), writings of, 363, and n. 8. Nicholas (bp. of Methone), writings of, 274, and n. 3. Niem (see Theodoric). Nilus (Cabasilas), writes against the Latins, 364. Nilus, a Calabrian recluse, 149. Nilus (Damyla), an Anti-Latin writer, 364, n. 1. NiBibis, Nestorian seat of learning, 27, n. 6. Nominalists, what, 259, 260. Norbert, founder of the Pramonstra- tensians, 237. Northmen (Danes and Norwegians), ravages of, 103, 105,106, 129,130, 131. Northumbria, conversion of, 12. Norway, converted, 108, 109; through English influence, 108, 109, n. 2. Notker (a monk of St Gall), 194, n. 5. Notting (bp. of Verona), engages in the Predestinarian controversy, 16 1, n. 2, 3. Nubia, partly Christianized, 28, 29. Ockham (Wm. of), his anti-popery, 325, and n. I ; 327 ; his views on divorce, 326, 11. 5 ; founds a school of theology, 353; how far approved by Luther, 353, n. 1 j condemnation of Ockham- ism, 353, n. 4; but in vain, 353. CEcumenius, his writings, 1 80, and n. 1. Ofpa (of Mercia), regulation respecting tithes, 48, n. 9. Officials, 239. Olaf (the Holy) demolishes Paganism in Norway, 109. Olaf Tryggvason, reintroduces Chris tianity into Norway, 108. Oldcastle, Sir John (see Cobham). Olga, Russian Princess, 120, and n. 4. Oliva (John Peter de), leader of the ' spi ritualist' Franciscans, 232,n. 2 ; 346,n. 4. Ordeals, 155, and n. 3. Orders (religious), 228 sq. ; 343. Orders (military), 235 sq. Orkney, conversion of, no, in. Ormulum, 297, n. 4; 418, n. 4; 421, n. 3. Oswald (bp. of Worcester), patron of the monks, 146, n. 6. Oswiu (of Northumbria), 10, 13; joins the Roman party, 14, and n. 6. Otho (bp. of Bamberg), missionary la bours in Pomerania, 208, 209. Palamas (Gregorius), writings of, 363. Pallium, its nature, 37; worn by all eastern bishops, 37, n. 1; oath ex acted at the conferring of, 140, 141. Pardons (see Indulgences). Paris, university of, 234 ; its independ ence during the papal schism, 329, n. 3 ; 33*> n- 4; 335! and generally, 338,0.2. Parishes, 45, n. 1. Pasceal II. (pope), his humiliation in the investiture controversy, 247. Passagieri, 286, n. 3; 288, n. 5. Patareni, or Paterini, who, 189, n. 7 ; 286, n. 2. Patriarchs, eastern, how affected by Islamism, 37, 38; those of the Nes torians, 27, 37, n. 2 ; of the Jacobites, 29; 37, n. 2; original limits of the Roman, 37, n. 3; title (Ecumenical Patriarch, 38 ; mostly nominated by the emperor, 50. Patronage, right of, 45, and n. 4 ; how abused, 150, and n. 3. Paulicians, history and creed of, 78— 84 ; their vitality, 187; 282, n. 5; 286, and n. 1. Paulinus (patriarch of Aquileia), writes on the Adoptionist heresy, 64, 11. 1 Paulinus (Roman missionary), 12, u. 3,4- Pauperes Catholici, who, 293. PECOCK (Reginald), opinions of, 395, and n. 4, 5; 396, n. 1 ; his troubles, 395, 396- Pelagius (Alvarus), a Franciscan, 325, n. i. Penance, doctrine of, 96 ; 200, 201 ; com mutation of Penances, 97, n. 1 ; 201 ; systematized completely, 307, 308 sq. Penda, 12, 13. Persia, Christianity of, 27; almost era dicated, 217, n. 5. Peter (Comestor), his ' Scholastic His tory,' 297, n. 4. Peter (Patriarch of Antioch), mediates between the east and west, 186, n. 7. Peter (the Venerable), 230, n. 4; 262, and n. 6. Peter (Cantor), treatise of, 240, n. 4. Peter-pence, 380, 11. 4. 446 Index. Petit (John), condemned at Constance, 384, n. 2. Petrarch, 322, n. 2; 327, n. 6; 352, n. 1. Petrobrusiani, sect of, 290; opinions of the founder, 290, n. 3. Philip the Fair (of France), humbles the papacy, 253, 254; appeals to a general council, 253, n. 5. Phocas, establishes the papal primacy, 39, "• i- Photius (patriarch of Constantinople), his co-operation in missions to Bulga ria, 122 ; his quarrel with Pope Nic holas I., 123; his literary labours, 180; his controversy with Ignatius and the Western Church, 182 — 184. Picards (=Beghards), 409, n. 4. Pictures (see Images). Pilgrims, 41, n. 3; 94, n. 2; sober views respecting, 94; to Rome, 199, 200; and n. 1 ; to the Holy Sepulchre, 200, 203, n. 5 : and elsewhere, 200, n. 2 ; 306; 428, and n. 3. Piligrin (of Passau), a missionary in Hungary, 127. Piphiles, 286, n. 1. Pirna (John of), founder of a Silesian sect, 374, and n. 3. Pisa, council of, its history and effects, 33°, 331. Pius II. (see Sylvius). Plato, favourite of the church 265, revival of his philosophy, 352, u. 1 ; 354, 355- Plurahsts, 143, n. 2; 240; 341. n. 5. Pcenitentiaries (officers), 230, n. 4. Poland, conversion of, 116, 117; final ascendancy of German influence, 117; reforming party in, 406, n. 4; 410. Polo (Marco), Venetian traveller, 218. Pomeranians, conversion of, 207—209; gradually Germanized, 209. Poor-priests, followers of Wycliffe, 385, n. 1. Popelicani, 286, n. 1. Popes (see Rome), entire series of, 38 — 4*; 135— *4°; 222—225; 322—339. Pobretanus (bp. of Poitiers), an erratic schoolman, 262, 263, n. 1. Portuguese, effect of their discoveries, 315; their interference in the church of Abyssinia, 315, n. 5. Pragmatic Sanction, 253, n. 4; 335, n. 1; 338. Praemonstratensians, order of, 237. Praemunire, statute of, 328, n. 4. Predestinarian controversy, 160 — 165. Prester John, who, 129, and 11. 5 ; 216. Primates (see Archbishops). Printing, invention of, its effect on the Reformation, 415. Procession of the Holy Ghost, contro versy respecting, 181; 279; 364, n. 2 ; 366, 367. Provisions, papal, 322, n. 3 ; 340, n. 4 ; English statute respecting, 327, n. 5; 328, n. 4. Prudentius (bp, of Troyes), engages in the Predestinarian controversy, 163. Prussians, conversion of, 115, n. 3; 213 — 216; mythology of, 214, n. 2; gradually Germanized, 215. Prymer (English), what, 420, 11. 2. Psellus (Michael, the younger), writ ings of, 273. Pullen (Robert), an Oxford preacher and writer, 263, 264. Pupper (John), a 'reformer,' 359, n. 7. Purgatory (doctrine of), 58, n. 6, 8; 94, 95 ; effects of a belief in, 202, 203 ; how defined at Florence, 367. Purvey (John), second leader of the Lollards, 386, 11. 3. Pyrrhus (patriarch of Constantinople), a Monothelete, 66, 67, u. •*. RABANna Maurus (archbp. of Mentz), his writings and influence, 157; takes part in the Predestinarian controversy, 161, 163; opposes transubstantiation, 166, and n. 3. Radbert (Paschasius), 101 ; introduces the theory of transubstantiation, 166, 168, 169; maintains the miraculous dehvery of the Virgin, 166, n. 2. Ratherius (bp. of Verona), 138, n. 2 ; 144, n. 2; 146, n. 2; 174, n. 2; 197, n. 2. Ratramnus (monk of Corbey), engages in the predestinarian controversy, 163; opposes the theory of Pascha sius Radbert on transubstantiation, 167. Realists, what, 260. Recluses, 42, n. 2; 199. ' Reformation-college, what, 333, n. 4. Index, 447 Reformation, general cry for, 371 sq. Relics, 93, and n. 2; traffic in, 198 and n. 2; other abuses, 198. Repington (Philip), 385. Reservations, papal, 322, n. 3; 341, n. 3; 377, n. 3. Reuchlin, restorer of Hebrew litera ture, 361, and n. 4. Rimbert, northern missionary, 105, 107. Robert, founder of the Cistercians, 229. Rolle (see Hampole), Rollo, 131, 132. Rome, church and bishop of, their as cendancy in England, 13, and n. 3; 14, 41 ; occasionally checked, 15, and n. 3; rebuked by Columbanus, 17, and n. 1 ; their power extended to Germany, 19 sq., 35, 36; Spain and France, 39 ; and augmented by the Saracenic conquests, 37; rivalry of the church of Constantinople, 37, 38, n. 1 ; rapid progress of the papacy under Gregory the Great, 39, 40; and Hadrian I., 41, n. 1 ; popes often Greeks and Syrians, 40, n. 3 ; their temporal possessions, 40, n. 6 ; how lung dependent on the eastern em pire, 50; struggle with the emperor respecting Monotheletism, 68, 69, n. 4 ; temporary suspension of com munion between Rome and'Constan- tinople, 6(), n. 1 ; the pope defies the imperial edict, 73, and n. 6 ; fresh quarrel between Rome and Constan tinople, 122, 123; extension of the papal power under Nicholas I., 136, 182, 183; resistance to it still of fered, 140, 141, n. 1, 2 ; the nomi nation of the pope wrested from the civil power, 151 ; his temporal en croachments, 152, 153; 242 — 252 ; permanent breach with the Eastern Churches, 183, 184, 186; culmination of the papal power, 221, 222; intro duction of the phrase 'court of Rome,' 226 ; last instance of the pope's 'con firmation' by the emperor, 243, n. 1 ; papal power augmented by the Cru sades, 246; commencement of reac tion, 252 sq.; negociations with the Eastern Church, 278—282; fruitless, 282 ; fresh negociations, 364 — 368 ; ultimately disappointed, 368 ; general growth of anti-papal feeling, 321, 322 ; struggles with the German em perors, 244—254; 323—327; effects of the residence at Avignon, 322 ; and of the forty years' schism, 328; re cognition of the papal power at Flo rence, 368. Romuald, founder of the Camaldulen- sians, 149. Rosoellinub, author of the Nominal- istio philosophy, 259; abjures, 260, n. 1 ; opinions on clerical marriage, 241, n. 3. Roswitha, Latin poetess, 174, n. 5. Rubeuquis (William de), missionary in Tatary, 217, n. 3. Riigen, isle of, stronghold of Slavonic heathenism, 211. Rupreoht (missionary bishop), 18. Russia, conversion of, 1 1 9 — 1 2 1 ; by Greek influence, 120; intimate union with the church of Constantinople, 121, 11. 1 ; incursion of the heathen Mongols, 121; 216, and n. 5; po sition of the monks, 148, n. 1 ; re lation of the church to the state, 149, 150, and n. 1; attempt of Hildebrand against, 276, n. 2; its independence, 277, n. 2; 281, n. 1; repudiates the council of Florence, 365, n. 5; more recent attempts to win over to Rome, 3^9- Ruysbroek (John), life and labours, 357, 358; opposed by Gerson, 357. Sacraments, lax usage of the word, 199, and n. 3 ; restricted to seven rites, 301 ; doctrine of, systematized, 269 ; 301 ,' 423 >' eastern enumeration of, 301, n. 2 ; 423, n. 3 ; introduction of the phrase 'ex opere operate,' 302, n. 3. Sadoleti (cardinal), 417, n. 4. Sagarelli, 295. Saints (see also Virgin), exaggerated honour of, 91, and n. 1; 195, 196; 306 ; prevailing ideas, 197 ; 'apocry phal' saints, 196, and n. 2 ; 306; canonization, 197, and n. 3. Saints ('Lives of) very numerous and influential, 89, 90 ; their general cha racter, 90 ; attempts to suppress apo cryphal stories, 90, n. 2 j ' Golden Legend,' 297, n. 3. 448 Index. Salisbury (John of), 263, n. 3. Samaites, conversion of, 314. Samson, Irish opponent of Boniface, 22, n. 4. Sancto Amore (William de), writes against the Mendicants, 234, n. 5. Sanctuary, right of, 54, and n. 5. Savonarola (Girolamo), sketch of his life and writings, 358, 359. Sawtre (Wm.), his opinions and exe cution, 393. Saxons (continental), conversion of, 19, n. 5, 23, n. 7; coercive measures of Charlemagne respecting, 24. Sbynco (archbp. of Prague), 400, 402, 4°3- Schism, Papal, origin of, 328; divides the Western Church into equal fac tions, 329, and n. 3. Schism of East and West, 181 sq. Schleswig, conversion of, 106; remnants of heathenism, 107, n. 1. Schola Saxonum (English college at Rome), 41, n. 3. Scholasticism, 159, n. 6; its general drift, 258, 259; its chief luminaries, 258—271; 351—353; development of sceptical tendencies, 351, 352, and n. 1. Schools, 86, and u. 5; 156, n. 2; 191, u. 1 ; 192, n. 5; 193; 296, n. 2; 415. Scotists, 270. Scotland, conversion of, 6; 7, u- *» i2j n. 6; 15, ii. 1 ; Norwegian influence in, 131. Scotus (John Erigena), the character of bis theology, 159, 160; takes part in the Predestinarian controversy, 163 ; his writings condemned, 163, n. 7; views on the Eucharist, 168; his work confounded with that of Ratramnus, 168, n. 3; 169, n. 1. Scotus (Duns), life and writings, 270; some peculiarities of his school, 270, n. 3. Scripture (Holy), continued reverence for, 56; 193; 399, n. 3; vernacular translations, 89; 194, and n. 3, 5; 297, and 11. 4 ; Buarcity of copies, T94, 11. I, 2; decline in the study of, 195, andn. 1; 298, and n. 2; Roger Bacon's views respecting, 272, and n. 1 ; vernacular translations prohi bited, 299, and n.4; but not univer sally, ibid. ; 360, n. 2; 418,419, and n. 2; revival of Scriptural studies, 360, 361; 418; Wycliffite versions, 386. Semgallen, temporary conversion of, 2 1 •). Sends (? synods), 46, n. I. Serfs, manumission of, 55. Sergius (patriarch of Constantinople), a Monothelete heretic, 65. Sergius, second founder of Paulician ism, 82, 83. Sermons in the vernacular, how fre quent, 87, 88, and n. 4 ; 192, and n. 2, 3; 300, and n. 5; 421, 422. Servatus Lupus (abbot of Ferrieres), engages in the Predestinarian con troversy, 163. Servians, conversion of, 125; their ecclesiastical independence, 125, and n.6. Severinus, a German missionary, 16, n. 1. Shetland, conversion of, no, in. Sigeberht (the Good), 10. Sigeberht (of East Anglia), 11, and n. 5- Sigebert (of Gemblours), against the ultra-papal claims, 247, n. 2. Silvester (see Sylvester). Simeon (monk of Thessalonica), writ ings of, 362, and n. 2. Simeon (Metaphrastes), his writings, 179, n. 5 ; the influence of his 'Lives of Saints,' 195. Simony, crime of, 143, and n. 2; 144, 11. 2 ; 150, n. 2. Sixtus IV. (pope), his political turn, 339, n. 1 ; his special patronage of the friars, 344, n. 6. Slave-trade (Negro), how commenced, 3i7,ii. 1. Slavic races, n 1; 127; 207 sq. ; anti quities of, m, n. 5. Sophronius (patriarch of Jerusalem), a champion against the Monotheletes, 65, 66. Spain, persecutions in, 132, 133. Stedingers, sect of, 290, n. 2. Stephen (king of Hungary), his zeal in propagating the Gospel, 127. Stephen (see Dolan). Stercoranism, what, 168, n. 1. Stiekna, mistake respecting the name, 398, n. 6. Strabo (Walafrid), writings of, 159, and n. 2; views on the Eucharist, 168. Index. 449 Strigolniks, Russian sect, 362 ; 374, n.3. Sturm (of Fulda), missionary abbot, 23, 25. Styria, conversion of, 25, 26. Sunday, rigorous observance of, 88, 195, n. 4.; 425, n. 2 ; how regarded by the Waldenses, 294, n. 3 ; and the Lollards, 392. Suso, a mystioal writer, 357, n. 4. Sussex, conversion of, n. Sveno (or Svend), scourge of Christian ity, 106. Sveno (Estrithson), a zealous propa gator of the Gospel, 107, n. 1. Sweden (mission to), 102—105; imper fect conversion of, 107, u. 3; 206, n. 2; mythology of, 18, n. 3; 105, n. 3. Swineshead (Richard), 354, n. 2. Swithberht, missionary, 19. Sword-brothers, military order, 213. Sylvester II., a 'reforming' pope, 138, n. 4; on the Eucharist, 169, n. 1; *75- . Sylvius (iEneas), his popedom, 339, n. 2; 340, n. 1. Synods (diocesan), 46; regulations of the Council of Basel respecting, 342. Synods (provincial), action of the Frank ish revived, 21; 35, n. 3; of Eng land, 46, n. 4 ; of Spain, 46, n. 4; nature of their acts, 46; combined with civil courts, 50, 53, 54 ; by whom convened, 53; to be held every year, 239, n. 7; 342, 11. 2 ; in Eng land called 'convocations,' 240; early traces of the representative principle, 240, n. 1. Synods (oecumenical), 57, n. 1 ; 239, n. 7; sixth of this class held at Con- ¦ stantinople, 69, 70 ; declared superior to the pope, 332, u. 4; 333, n. 2; 335- Taborites, a, Bohemian party of reform ers, 409. Tajo (of Saragossa), 59, n. 2. Tarasius (patriarch of Constantinople), 76, and n. 1. Tatw-ii* (archbp. of Canterbury), 40, n. Tauler (John), life and labours, 356, 357. Templars (Knights), their rise and dis solution, 235 — 236; charges brought against them, 236, n. 3. M. A. Teutonic knights, influence of in Prus sia, 215, 216. Theodora (empress), restores image- worship, 178; persecutes the Pauli cians, 84. Theodore (the Studite), an ardent ad vocate of images, 177; other works, 177, n. 1; his repute as a theologian, 179. Theodore (Archbp. of Canterbury), 14 ; his writings, 59, n. 4. Theodore (bp. of Pbaran), author of the Monothelete heresy, 64, and n. 4. Theodorio (of Niem), 328, n. 4; 428, n. 4. Theopaschites, 192, n. 5. Theophanes (archbishop of Nicsea), writings of, 362. Theophilus (emperor), represses image- worship, 178. Theophylact, writings of, 273, and n. 4. Thomists, 267. Thontrakians (sect of), 187. Thuringia, conversion of, 20, 21. Timur (Tamerlane), 312, n. 4; 365. Tithes, 48. Tostatus (of Avila), 360, n. 3. Transubstantiation, doctrine of, not held in the 7th century, 95, n. 1 ; esta blished, 171 sq., 302, 303; practical results of this belief, 303, 304; Wy cliffe's attack upon it, 382. Trevise, or Treuga Dei, what, 155. Trinitarians, order of, 229, n. 3 Trinity Sunday, festival of, 425, n, 2. Triumphus (Augustinus), defends the papacy, 325. Troubadours, 242, n. 3 ; 289, n. 1 ; 297. Trullan Council (see also Councils), its importance, 85. Turlupines, sect of, 374. Tyler (Wat), 384. Ulfilas, 89. Ullerton (or Ulverstone), bis ' reform ing' paper, 329, n. 2. Unction (extreme), gradual elevation of, Universities, number and influence, 416, 417. Urban II. (pope), stimulates the first crusade, 246. Urban VI. (pope), his connexion with the forty years' schism, 329. Urolp (archbp. of Lorch), 1 1 1. GG 45<> Index. Valla (Laurentius), 354, u. 4; 361, and n. 2. Vasillo, a Franciscan missionary in Lithuania, 313. Vaudois (see Waldenses). Vecous (see Beccus). Vicars-general, 239. Vicelin (bp. of Oldenburg), missionary labours among the Wends, 210, 211. Victorines, school of theologians, 263. Vikings (northern pirates), 103. Virgilius, Irish opponent of Boniface, 24, n. 4. Virgin (the blessed), story of her as sumption, 92 ; festival m honour of it, ibid, and 92, n. 4; and of her birth, 92, u. 1 ; other festivals, 306, n. 1 ; excessive veneration of, 196, 197; 306; 423, 424; Hours and 'Psalter' of the Virgin, 196 and n. 5 ; 305, n. 5 ; dis pute respecting her immaculate con ception, 233, n. 5; 270; 306, n. 1; 4^3, u- 3- Vladimir, promotes the spread of Chris tianity in Russia, 120, and n. 5. Waldenses, different from Albigenses, 291, and 11. 3; founded by Peter Waldo, 292, and n. 1 ; fail to procure the papal sanction, 293 ; peculiar te nets, 293, and n. 5 ; 294, n. 3; their rapid diffusion, 293 ; after-fortunes of the sect, 293, 294, and n. 2 ; 373 and n. 6. Waldensis (see Netter). Waldhausen (see Conrad). Wazo (bp. of Liege), opposed to perse cution, 189, n. 4. Wends, conversion of, attempted, 117; but in vain, 119; new attempts, 216; more successful, 210, 211. Wesalia (John de), a 'reformer,' 359, n. 7; on indulgences, 431. Wessel (John), life and writings, 359, and n. 7, 360. Wessex, conversion of, 19. Wigheard (archbp. elect of Canterbury), 14, n. 6. Wilfrith, ii, 14, 15; his appeals to Rome, 15, n. 3 ; foreign missionary labours, 1 8. Willehad (English missionary), 25; 190, n. 1. Willebrord, bis missionary labours, ' ' 18, 19 ; sanctity, 93, n. 2. William (the Conqueror), his independ ent language to Hildebrand, 243, n. 4. Willibald (English traveller and mis sionary), 23, n. 1. ¦y)ffLLiRAM (schoolmaster at Bamberg), 194, n. 5. _' Winfrith (see Bonifacius). Witiza 'reforrning' king of Spain, 39. n. 6 ; 47. n. 5. Wolsey (cardinal), 340, u. 5 ; 341. n. 5; 342, n. 1. Woodford (Wm.), defends the friars against Wycliffe, 375, n. 6. Wulfram, missionary bishop, 19. Wulfstan (English bishop), 17^.. Wulfstan (monk), 174, n. 5. Wursing, missionary, 19. WykehaM (William of), 384, n. 12. Wycliffe (John), life and writings of, 374 — 390; his movement unconnected with others, 374; his profound respect for Grosseteste, 374, n. 5 ; assails the friars, 375, 376; diplomatic mission to Bruges, 377; summary of his ear lier opinions, 377; especially on church property, 377, n.~5; proceed ings against him, 378, 379 ; his line of defence, 380 ; his ' Poor Priests,' 385, 11. 1 ; assails the dogma of transub stantiation, 382, 383, and n. 1; bia teaching condemned at Oxford, 383 ; 394, n. 3, and London, 385 ; his version of the Bible, 386 ; "his theo logical opinions, 387 — 390; his death, 386 ; condemned afresh at Constance, 394 ; his bones burnt, 395 ; Oxford testimonial respecting him, 394, n. 3 ; influence of his writings in Bohemia, 400, 401; (see Lollards, English). Ximenes (cardinal), 318; his biblical studies, 361, and n. 3. York, regains ita archiepiscopal rank, 12, n. 6. JJlQAPEjitJS (Euthymius), writings of, •273, n. 5; 274, n. 1. ZwjNGLl, early projects of reform, 4,12, n- 5-" CAMBRIDGE : PRINTED BY C J. CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR. A History of the, Christian Church during the Reforma tion. Revised by W. Stubbs, M.A., Regius Professor of Modern History in the University of Oxford. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. Christ and other Masters. A Historical Enquiry into some of the Chief Parallelisms and Contrasts between Christianity and the Religious Systems of the Ancient World. New Edition, revised with a Prefatory Memoir by the Rev. F. Procter, M.A. New and cheaper Edition, revised, in the press. Twenty Sermons for Town Congregations. Crown 8vo. 6s. ed. MACMILLAN AND CO. LONDON. THEOLOGICAL WORKS. A Companion to the Lectionary. Being a Commentary on the Proper Lessons for Sundays and Holy Days. By the Bev. W. BENHAM, B.D., Vicar of Margate. Crown 8vq., 7s. 6d. A History of the Rook of Common Prayer. With a Rationale of its Offices. By the Bev. Erancis Procter, M.A. Ninth Edition, revised. Crown 8vo., 10s. 6d. An Elementary Introduction to the Book of Common Prayer. By the Rev. E. Procter, M.A., and the Rev. G. F. Maclear, B.D. With an Explanation of the Morning and Evening Prayer and the Litany. Fourth Edition. 18mo., 2s. 6d, The Psalms of David Chronologically arranged. An Amended Version, with Historical and Critical Introductions and Explanatory Notes. By Pour Friends. Second and Cheaper Edi tion, enlarged. Crown 8vo., 8s. 6d. Student's Edition, with Briefer1 Notes. 18mo., 3s. 6d. The Book of Isaiah Chronologically arranged. An Amended Version, with Critical and Historical Introduction and Explanatory Notes. By T. K. Cheyne, M.A., Fellow of Balliol College, Oxford. Crown 8vo., 7s. &d. Twelve Discourses on Subjects connected with the Liturgy and Worship of the Church of England. By 0. J. Vaughan, D.D. , Master of the Temple. Fcap 8vo., 6s. The Church of the First Days. By C. J. VAUGHAN, D.D, Second Edition. 3 vols. Fcap 8vo., 4s. 6d. eaoh. Vol. I. — The Church of Jerusalem. „ H.— The Church of the Gentiles. „ HI.— The Church of the World. MACMILLAN AND CO. LONDON. I«Lt UNIVERSITY LIBRARY illiuii'illlliiKiiliiliil! 3 9002 05333 6922