YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

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A P LAN

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Ibeotheely copaetiSeshipI

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NORTH AND SOUTH,

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BT ELIHU BURR1TT,;'MW|V

PRICE, TEN OENTS. .

N E W Y 0 R B: : j
DAYTON AND BURDOCK, „
29 ANN STREET.

1856.

THE

b'^rinrp of fijp Irmse nf Jiiiiii;
' THREE YEARS IN JERUSALEM,
7 N
^Ellg' PAYS ©F^^FOM^HUS FIILAIIE,
The Boole is n liirge 12mo. vohime, of 500 pnges, and ia embellialied
¦wUli a steel pi ale Portrait of tlie

1 an Engraved Tille Page, and three large, splendid engravings, illuslroling
CHHIST RAISING THE WIDOW'S SON,
. THE BAPTISM OF OUR SAVIOUK,
AND THB CRUCIFIXION,
/ from entire new designs, and execnted h\ llie first arlisis in llie coniitry,
in.-iliiiiff all together one of the most Leaiitifiil and interesting boolirever
I offered lo the Anicriean pnblie.
Tlie Aiillior find Pnblishers boing anxious to placo tlie worl; in tJie Lands
. of every person that is able (o read, have fi.\ed the price al
TME Ki&liV SWSm OF ^1 25.
 .  <»-  o-  ' 
Fmm tlie Cliriilimi Adtocaie ond Journal.
" This is certainly among tlie mott delightful volnmes we bare ever
read. It is rery ably and most eloquently written. Ko novel or ronianeo
eoiild be more efiicient in its efi'ect on tlie imagiiialion, or llie afiections
of the heart; while its facts and incidents are in keeping willi tlie evan
gelical reeiii'ds. It is a book wbich oiiC would read again and again, fur
the delightful nnd fanclifung emotions it aAvakens in one wbo feels and
realizes his personal interestin tbe " story of the t-ross."
From llie Disjinlcli, liicliiiioiid, Va.

• ijesiis was

?//C?7i

. well

i God ! In tliis book lie is seen, conversed
with, eaten with Visa man!" Ihe book presents hini in the social and
moral relations of life, with exemplary fidelity lo the li-'criplure i ariative,
and yet wilh a freshness which falls upon ihe mind like a neAv and thrill
ing narrative, and a life-likeness in every lineament whicii we feel, must
be true to the original. In Iruth.. ihe.readers. ii<> mailer how conversant
wilh Ihe sacred writings, is drawn along with breathless interest, and llie
very depths of his heart rrached ."md stirred iuto vnconlrollahle emotion.
Outside of the Holy Gospels themselves, we have iicNcr seen so inoring
a picture of the life of the Man. of borrow', r.or any leprcsenlation ofthe
wondrous beauty of Ihe Divino character, so touching and so true. ,
TMn hook mil bo smt ly inail, postage paid, io any part of ihe Uniied
States. on receipt of ihe price.
'\ m^"- Agents wanted in all parls of the country, to sell the above work-
\T<irm8 liberal. Address, "  " '.
A DAYTON & BUR.DICK, ,
^ \ No. 20 ANN STKr.JEX, N. ¥.

r

A PLAN

BEOTKEELT COPAETIEESHIP

NORTH AND SOUTH,

^at^fttl (Kitiit^tiflit 4 Slahrg,

BT ELIHU BURRITT.

NEW TORK:
DAYTON AND BURDICK,
29 ANN STEEET.

1856.

.YALE

CUl-520

y

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A PLAN OP _
BROTHERLY COPARTNERSHIP.

In whatever lands beyond the sea, the American citizen
may sojourn, he carries with him the glowing sentiment of
his country's greatness and capacity for mighty deeds. He
carries with him its vast dimensions, as one would carry in
his pocket a two-feet rule. He sometimes puts all the
great rivers of Europe together between two banks, and
measures against their united volume the giant Mississippi.
He stretches the line of his country's length across the Eu
ropean Continent, from the Pacific to the Mediterranean,
and from the Straits of Dover to the Bosphorous, and bids
the bystanders note the results of the comparison. Now
and then, he demonstrates to some patriotic Briton, how
the whole of England might be put into Lake Michigan,
leaving ample room for navigation on every side. Is the
Frenchman or German proud of his native land ; he sug
gests that both Frauce and Prussia might be set down in
the single State of Texas, and still leave territory enough
within its boundaries to make a kingdom as large as Bel-

4 UNION POR EMANCIPATION.
gium. But it is not what nature has done to make a home
for the mightiest nation on earth, that constitutes the
proudest boast of the American, on either side of the At
lantic. He insists that the institutions of his country have
done far more than nature for its greatness and glory ; that
these have developed the energies of its people to an unpar
alleled capacity, while they operate with resistless attrac
tion upon the industrial populations of Europe, drawing
them in a gulf-stream of emigration to the United States.
It is what his countrymen have done and are doing to make
the moral grandeur of the nation commensurate with its
rivers, mountains, lakes, prairies, and all its boundless na
tional resources, that fills his heart with honest pride and
inspires his anticipations of a glorious future. He watches
its long-reaching strides in the race of science and civiliza
tion with the old powers of Christendom. He sees it dis
tancing one of them almost yearly in population aud every
other element of national strength. If the winters of three
score years and ten have whitened his locks, he remembers
when the whole population of the American Union did not
equal numerically the present inhabitants of the State of
New York. The little family of States which set out on
its career when he was a boy, has become a commonwealth
of thirty-one nations ; six of which contain each as many
inhabitants as Denmark, and one, a larger number than
Holland. Of all who speak the English language around
the globe, he dwells most frequently and complacently upon
the expansive and irresistible energy and genius of the

EMANCIPATION FOK UNION. 5
Anglo-Saxon race. He maintains that this race is to give
to the world the highest manifestations of these innate
qualities on the American continent, as the only compact
territory fitted by its magnitude and character to develop
and employ them. Already there are more of that race on
this continent than in Europe. The census of 1860 will
show a greater population in the United States than in the
United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Thirty-five
years ago, the whole State of Illinois did not contain as
many inhabitants as one of the third-rate manufacturing
towns in England ; now it numbers at least a million, or as
many as one of the larger principalities of Germany.
While the United States have thus expanded in territory
and population, they have made equal progress in the ac
quisition of other elements of national strength. They
have more mileage of Railway in operation than all other
countries of the world put together ; more in the single
State of New Tork than there is in the whole of France;
more north of the Ohio than in all the British realms. In
commerce, the Union is running neck and neck with France,
and is only second to Great Britain. Its exports have
more than doubled since 1850, and must reach the annual
amount of $500,000,000 by 1860, if it maintains its present
ratio of increase. Including its lake, river, and canal nav
igation, it has doubtless more tonnage employed than all
the nations of Europe put together. Containlag within
itself all the producing climates and soils of the earth, it
grows abundantly all kinds of grain, grass, and fruit known

6 UNION FOB EMANCIPATION.
to Europe, and, in addition to these, cotton, rice, and tobac
co, which that continent cannot raise, and which constitute
one-half of the domestic produce exported from the United
States. Its ports on the Pacific are within twelve days'
reach, by its steam marine, of the most thickly peopled re
gions of Eastern Asia ; whilst its Atlantic ports are within
the same distance from Europe ; thus, with equally out
stretched hands, taking hold of the trade of both continents
of the Old World. The Pacific Railroad only is needed
to connect them by the sUken ligament of commerce across
the bosom of the American Union ; bringing London with
in thirty days' journey of the eastern ports of China. By
the Panama railway and other Americanizing agencies in
Central America, a powerful cordon of commerce and civil
ization is surrounding the whole of Mexico, and preparing
a frontier for our nation far beyond the Southern boundary
of that decadent Republic, and drawing its disorganized
States into the sisterhood of our confederation.
The political compact by which thirty-one almost inde
pendent Republics are connected in one great Union, is
admirably adapted for the harmonious confederation of all
the civilized States that could bc erected from Hudson's
Bay to Patagonia. So long as each shall retain its present
prerogatives of sovereignty, and be allowed its present
scope and margin for revolving upon its own axis ; for mak
ing all the laws and regulations necessary for the well-being
of its own citizens ; for incorporating in its institutions theii
customs, ideas, language, &c. ; in a word, so long as Ma»

EMANCIPATION FOK tlNION. 7
achusetts may be so diff'erent from Mississippi, and Cal
ifornia from Connecticut, the bonds of the American Con
federacy need not weakened, though it should embrace all
the populations in the Western Hemisphere. It would not
be even indispensably necessary that they should all be of
the same race, language, or religion. Those States most
widely severed by distance would be most strongly bound
together by the necessity of each others' productions. If
each would eschew monarchy, and consent to one federal
custom-house system, coinage, postal organization, Army
and Navy, Supreme Court of Appeals, and official inter
course with foreign nations, it might be as sovereign in its
independence as any State could wish. With all these
rights and prerogatives guarantied to every one of the
great family of States, there would be no serious danger
of its harmony being disturbed, from the accession of any
number of new members, from North or South. If the
American flag, as it floats on the ocean breeze, should show
to the Old World oue hundred stars, instead of thirty-one,
in the year 1900, that emblasoned constellation might rep
resent a federal harmony more complete and peaceful than
it ever has done since it numbered but the " Old Thirteen."
Notwithstanding all the vehement agitation and sectional
bickerings that exist at the present moment, take away the
single disturbing element of Slavery, and it will be conced
ed by every candid mind, that the unity of sentiment, inter
est and institutions is far greater, now that the Union has
extended to the Pacafic, than it was before it had crossed the

8 UNION FOB EMANCIPATION.
Mississippi, or even the Ohio. The old party divisions and
struggles in connection with Protective Tarifs, Sub-treas-
nries, National Bank, Internal Improvements, Federalism,
and State-rights pohty, and other questions, have almost
entirely disappeared. The intercourse between the several
States is incalculably more intimate now than it was in
1800. The sentiment and fact of oneness would be infinite
ly greater with thirty-one than with thirteen, were it not
for the existence of Slavery alone.
WhUe the American Union gives to every State such a
latitude of liberty to act for itself, to be such a complete
sovereignty, in almost every faculty of independence, still it
is capable of acting through the Federal Congress with a
decision as instantaneous, and with an energy as concentra
ted as an autocracy or despotism itself, in any sudden con
tingency, involving the defence of- the nation against foreign
aggression. If the alhed Powers of the rest of the world
should rise against it in arms, its Central Government could
do nearly all that the Czar of the Russias could do in a
similar case of invasion. Were New York or New Orleans
in imminent danger of being bombarded and burnt by the
fleets of England and France, it would have full power to
sink every American merchant ship in port in the entrance
of the harbor, to save the city from destruction, without
consulting captain or owner. If the emergency required
such an exercise of power, it could force every man capable
of bearing arms into the service of the country ; take posses
sion of railroads ; cut down the choicest trees, level the cost-

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 9
liest edifices of towns and cities. More than this; if the allied
enemies of the nation should concentrate their forces against
the Southern States, and threaten to subjugate the entire
country, through the weakness of slavery, our Federal Con
gress, by an act as decisive and peremptory as the decrees
of a Nicholas or a Nebuchadnezzar, would have power to
free every slave in the Union, and thus make him its friend
and defender, instead of a dangerous foe. Of course, all
the parties owning the property thus appropriated or des
troyed would demand and receive an equitable indemnifica
tion for its loss.
The financial ability of the nation gives it a pre-eminent
position among the great Powers of Christendom. The en
ormous expenses of past wars, and the cost of military
armaments in time of peace, have bought some of them to
the very brink of bankruptcy, and imposed a fearful burden
upon the rest. For several years past, the annual deficit of
Austria, in consequence of these expenses, has been more
than half of the entire amount raised by the United States.
The mere annual interest of the debt of Great Britian is
more than twice the whole sum appropriated by our Gov
ernment to all its departments of expenditure. That
Power spends more on its army and navy, by ten millions
of dollars a year, than the public income of the United
States. The whole annual expenditure of Great Britain is
about $20 per head for every man, woman and child of its
population, whilst that of the United States is not $2 50
yer capita. To illustrate the difference of these burdens,

10 UNION FOE EMANCIPATION.
and the relative capacities of the two countries for some
new and vast enterprize, or for a race on the high-road of
progress, England starts with a weight of 40 lbs. per sub
ject on its back, while the United States only have 5 lbs..
per inhabitant to carry on the national shoulders. Not
withstanding the great wealth of England, it may count its
millions of subjects within the British Isles, from whose
poverty scarcely any revenue can be wrung ; especially
since the Temperance movement commenced in Ireland.
On the other hand, nearly all the inhabitants of the United
States produce revenue by the consumption of dutiable arti
cles. Travel through the Western States, and you will find
thousands upon thousands emerging from the log-cabins into
elegant framed houses, to be supplied with fashionable furni
ture and articles of ornament and luxury ; all yielding rev-
nue for the Federal Government . Every factory girl in
New England, who buys a silk dress, with the annual
amount of ribbon and lace she deems necessary to her prop
er adornment, contributes more to our national treasmy
than the English Chancellor of the Exchequer receives from
fifty potato-eating peasants in Ireland who have signed,
and still adhere to. Father Mathew's temperance pledge.
The Irish and German immigrants, the very first year of
their life in the United States, become national revenue-pro
ducers, and doubtless pay more of it here in one month than
they did in a whole year in their native countries. At the
present ratio of increase, the population of the Union must
number 30,000,000 in 1860, every individual of whom will

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 11
be a contributor to the public income. It will be as easy
in that year to raise $100,000,000, as it is to raise $60,-
000,000, at the present moment.
There is no nation on earth that has such a vast public
domain as the United States. Nor are there any govern
ment lands in the world that command such a ready sale
and produce so much annual income as ours. Railroads are
intersecting them in almost every direction, enhancing their
their value, and bringing them into a speedy market. This
landed estate of the Union contains more than 160,000,000,
of acres, which, if well husbanded, should produce $1200,-
000,000. Possessing all these present and prospective elements of
power, it is natural and inevitable, that the American
citizen, at home and abroad, should feel that the time has
come when his country can do a great thing before the na
tions, should it put forth all the strength of its Samson
sinews. The Governments and people of Europe perceive
and admit this capacity of the American Union, and fre
quently call it the mighty Republic of the Western World.
In a word, there seems to be an expectation prevalent
throughout Christendom that our nation will soon do some
great thing ; that it will show all the giant strength of its
young manhood in some vast undertaking. It has stood
quietly by and seen the foremost Powers of Europe put
forth their strength in a tremendous war, in wbich at least
100,000 human bemgs were sacrificed, and $1,500,000,000
lavished upon the work of human destruction. England

12 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
has expended $500,000,000 in the vague and fruitless
struggle ; France as much more ; and Russia an almost
equal sum. It is now the turn of this great continental
family of States to do something large— something to
enhance its estimation in the eyes of the world ; to increase
its political power at home and abroad, and to strengthen
and perpetuate its bonds of union. What shall it do to
secure these objects ? Shall it go to war with a coahtion
of European Powers ? A victorious conflict with a world
in arms would not be so glorious in the estimation of the
other nations of Christendom, as the extirpation of that
great domestic foe, which is arraying one section of the Re
public in the bitterest antagonism to the other, and filling
it with the malignant breathings of malice and mutiny. The
system of Slavery is an enemy which imperils the life of our
beloved Union far more than a world of foreign foes could
do. It turns its harmonies into grating discords. It engulfs
its fraternities in a sea of fierce and endless agitation. It is
pitting the two great divisons of the country against each
other in a struggle embittered with every element of strife.
The halls of that Federal Congress, which should represent
the unity of the Nation, echo for session after session with
fiery and inflaming speeches, harsh invective, cutting retorts
and taunts that sting and poison the wound they make.
In ecclesiastical assemblies, at the meetings of benevolent or
educational societies, even in social circles at private houses,
the great disturber is present to stir up dissension. Where
ver " the sons of God come together," or the sons of men,

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 13
this Satan of discord is sure to come with them. Hardly a
minister of the Gospel, or even a school-master can be set
tled over a congregation or school, North or South, without
starting up this evil genius. Not a square mile of land can
be brought into the Union without a struggle between sla
very and freedom. Threatenings of disunion and civil war,
and other disasters attending the breaking up of this great
confederation, are becoming more and more frequent and
familiar./ There is no ingenuity nor power in human legis
lation tliat can silence or stay the tempest of these angry
dissensions until their source shall be extinguished. They
wOl wax louder and fiercer, from year to year, in spite of
all compromises and concessions. God himself connot make
peace with slavery, nor can He give peace to this nation,
while it exists within its borders. It will go on, "casting
up mire and dirt," and foaming with furious contortions
under the awakening conscience of the surrounding world.
All the eflforts to confine it to the space which it now
blights with its curse, wiU only make its rage more desper
ate. More than fifty years of the nation's life have passed
away, and we have no union yet. Apparently we are fhr-
ther from it than ever. The recent events in Congress and
Kanzas denote, beyond all foregoing transactions, how wide
and deep the abyss has grown that divides the North and
South. There are no two independent Powers in Europe
seemingly in such danger of deadly collision as these two
sections of our Republic. Their criminations and recrimi
nations, are growmg more and more malignant and bitter ;

14 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
and bloodshed and civil war are threatened, and expected
in some quarters, with but a slight show of affiiction at the
catastrophe. It would be a mockery of every honest con
ception of political harmony, to call this condition of things
a Union. We never had a greater variety of poUtical or
ganizations than at this moment. But not one of them
pretends to present a plan or platform that shall bridge
this broad abyss between the North and South, and unite
them in the oneness of fraternal fellowship. Not one of
them proposes to put its hand upon the only source of the
nation's disease and eradicate it root and branch. " Non-
extension " will never work out the non-existence of slavery,
It has already grasped nearly every acre of this continent
on which it can live ; and has territory enough without
Kanzas for fifteen millions of slaves, if it were peopled with
as many of them per square mile as South Carolina.
Such is the insidious enemy that is sapping the founda
tions of our beloved Union, and threatening it with dissolu
tion and utter destruction. AU that is precious in its exist
ence may depart, like a human soul, leaving its physical
form apparently intact. It is not the legislative inter-link
ing of thirty-one States by the bonds of the national Consti
tution or Congress that breathes life into the Union, and
keeps it throbbing within its bosom with healthful pulsations;
any more than it is the physical mechanism of the human
body that creates and perpetuates in it the living spirit
which animates the whole. It is not the federal mechanism
by which these States are connected that can perpetuate that

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 15
social existence so dear to every American patriot. A
living spirit of brotherly love and sympathy, which laws can
neither create nor preserve, must be kept burning and beat
ing within the heart of the corporate nation. A sentiment
of oneness must prevade its members in every contingency
and crisis of its experience. Fraternal memories and afiBni-
ties, kindly and spontaneous leanings of the heart toward
each other must under-breathe, over-act and out-run all
federal legislation and relationships in making them "di
verse like the waves, but one like the sea." This spirit is
the living soul of the Union. In his own and other lands,
the true American thus regards it. He dweUs most fondly
and frequently upon those choice passages of his country's
history which have been most brightly Uluminated by the
manifestations of this spirit. The long trial and struggle
of the Revolution ; the heroic partnerships in suffering and
privation which endeared the " Old Thirteen " to each other,
and enriched them with common and immortal memories ;
these constitute to his mind the vital bonds that hold this
great family of States together by Ugaments stronger than
all the letters of the Federal Constitution and laws. All
the external enemies which the nation has confronted, from
the first day of its recognized existence, have aimed their
weapons merely at its physical constitution. They essayed
only to destroy its political organism. Their efforts tended
to strengthen its inner Ufe ; to attach its federal members to
each other by new bonds of sympathy and brotherhood.
But slavery strikes immediately at the vital principle, at

16 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
the very soul of the Union. This it threatens to extinguish,
leaving the frame-work of the great confederacy lying as
lifeless on the scite of its structure as thirty-one chain links
of iron coUed on the frosty earth. It has already made de
plorable progress in this surreptitious and fatal work. The
crisis has come — the time for united and irresistible action.
How shall this monstrous domestic enemy be met and con
quered I Just as the gigantic foe of the young Republic
was met in 1716 — by the most brotherly and energetic co
operation of aU sections of the Union ; in that sentiment of
oneness to which the men of the Revolution left the red
tokens of their devotion on the battle-fields of a seven years'
war. The utter extirpation of Slavery from American soil,
should be achieved in a way and in a spirit that should
attach all the members of the confederacy to each other by
stronger bonds than had ever existed between them ; which
should bequeath to their numerous posterity of States a rich
legacy of precious memories, deepening and perpetuating
their sense of relationship, as co-heirs of the noblest chapters
of Amercan history. There is a magnanimous and glorious
way by which this terrible evU in our midst may be removed,
so as to produce these happy associations and results.
That is, by a fraternal union and co-operation of all the
States of our RepubUc in emancipating it fully and forever
from this distructive system, at whatever cost it may be
peacefully and honorably effected. In the first place, such
a copartnership is indispensable to the work, for its achieve-

EMANCIPATION FOB UNION. 11
ment wiU require the concentrated energies of the mightiest
nation ever erected on the face of the globe. When we
come to the final tug of an undertaking, the like of which
no nation on earth ever accomplished, no State, town or
viUage, from California to Canada, can be spared. Every
praying heart and wiUing hand wUl be needed for the
grand effort.
There is but one way by which the whole nation can take
upon its shoulders the total extinction of slavery. That is,
by compensating the slave holders, out of the public treas
ury or the public domain, for the act of manumission.
Let us face the cost of this vast pecuniary transaction at
the outset. Would the undertak ag devolve a burden upon
the nation which would exceed its financial abiUty, and
prove onerous to its population ? Taking all the slaves in
the Union, young and old, sick and disabled, $250 per head
must be admitted as an equitable average price. Three
mUlions and a half, at this valuation, would amount to
$815,000,000 ; a much smaUer sum than England and
France expended in the recent war with Russia. Eveu
suppose, what could hardly be possible, that all the South
ern States would accept this pecuniary consideration, and
emancipate their slaves .simultaneously and at once, the
annual interest of the whole amount would be $52,500,000
at 6 per cent. This interest would not be half the sum
appropriated every year by Great Britain to her army and
navy in time of peace. If the population and wealth of the
nation continue to increase at the ratio of the last ten years,

18 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
its ordinary revenue must reach $100,000,000, m 1860,
and advance by several miUions annuaUy after that date.
Thus, if emancipation took effect in 1860, the natural in
come of the^nation would yield about $50,000,000, for the
current expenses of the Government, besides the interest of
the debt contracted for freeing the country from slavery.
With due economy, the people would be burdened with no
more taxation than at the present moment.
The Free States ought to be moved by a sense of high
moral obligation, as well as considerations of enUghtened
expediency, not only to accept, but to offer this mode of
exterminating that perilous evU which is slowly eating
through the life-strings of the Union. It must be confessed
that the North participated in the inhuman trafiio that
planted slavery in the Southern States with all the unscru
pulous greed of gain that marks the chattelization of human
beings. After the importation of slaves from Africa was
suppressed, a vast majority of the people of the Free States,
up to 1840, resisted all active opposition to Slavery with
more persecuting zeal than the land-owners of England
manifested against the movement for the abolition of the
corn-laws. Pulpit, Press and Platform, from Maine to
Missouri, seemed almost unanimous in the determination to
sUence aU agitation of the subject. The few men and wo
men who had the nerve of truth and righteousness to de
nounce the system as a sin and curse, were branded with
obloquy, and regarded as outlaws or fanatics, equally dan-_
gerous to the peace of the Christian church and the safety

EMANCIPATION FOB UNION. 19
of the nation. Hardly twenty years have elapsed, since
they were mobbed under the windows of FanueU Hall.
Within the shadow of Bunker HiU, at its eve-tide length,
they were hunted like felons, and worse than felons, by
their own fellow citizens.
For the first half century of the nation's life, the preju
dice against color in the North was so general, implacable
and tyrannical, and the treatment of the African race so
degrading and oppressive, that a candid mind wonld have
been obliged to infer, that the victims of such dispositions
and deportment were regarded as only fitted for slavery.
Even at this moment, one or two of the Free States have
" Black Laws " in force, which exclude from their borders
a free colored man, as if he were worse than the leper once
compelled to wander outside the gates of Jurusalem ; which
virtually sells him as a brute, if he persists in his attempt to
make himself a humble and honest home in the obscurest
corner of their vast and thinly-peopled territory. In stUl a
larger number of Northern States, one of which boasts ita
Charter Oak, and two hundred years of Puritan nurture in
the principles of civU liberty, the slightest tinge of African
blood drives a very saint in virtue from the ballot box, and
forbids him that right of suffrage which the most vicious
foreigner may easily obtam.
For fifty years, the most able and astute defenders of
Slavery have been Northern men residing in the South.
They have fiUed many of its pulpits, and the editorial chairs
of its public press. They have made their way to the helm

20 UNION FOB EMANCIPATION.
of its commercial enterprise and literary institutions. They
have become its leading merchants, speculators and factors.
They have supplied nearly all its school teachers ; thus
commanding the current of popular education. Having a
character to establish as " Northern men with Southern
principles," they have far outrun the native slaveholders
themselves in zeal for slavery. They have elaborated the
most subtle and wicked arguments to sustain it. Many of
them have exhibited an ingenuity in distorting the Holy
Scriptures to this end, which Southern born theologians
have never been able to equal. The most heartless sophis
tries to make the teachings of Jesns Christ and his apostles
sanction " the pecuUar institution " of the South, have been
the inventions of men born in the highest latitudes of civU
liberty in the North. Thousands of them have become
slave-owners on their own account, and thousands more
hireling and relentless drivers of slaves for others. By cor
respondence and social intercourse, they have kept up among
their relatives and friends in the Free States, a countless
standing army of apologists for the system, of almost eqnal
zeal and bitterness.
Up to the present moment, the North has been a com
mercial and equal partner with the South in all the material
values or pecuniary results produced by slavery. In the
first place, the great southern staples, Cotton, Tobacco and
Rice, with their vast valuation, constituting virtually the
commercial currency between America and Europe, have
mostly passed through the hands of Northern merchants

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 21
and factors, enriching them with lucrative profits. Then
slavery rendered the Southern States dependent upon the
North for all the manufactured articles they used ; from
parlor books to kitchen brooms, from beaver hats for the
master to the coarsest chip hats for the slave ; from pen
knives to ploughs. Nearly all the goods they used were
either manufactured or imported for them by the North.
Their teas, coffees and other foreign productions either came
to them through New York, PhUadelphia, or Boston, or
were brought to them direct from across the sea in Northern
ships. The factories and ships of the Eastern States and
the fertUe prairie lands of the West, teemed with the indus
trial activities which these important staples employed and
rewarded. What three miUions of slaves grew under the lash
in the South, made a continuous and profitable business for
at least twice that number of freemen in the North. The
latter, by that species of compromise for which it has been
distinguished, grasped at the lion's share of the dividends
of this commercial partnership. It coveted to sell to the
Southern States, far more than it purchased from them.
If they would only consent to a high protective tariff, which
would give their market for manufactures exclusively to the
North, anti-slavery agitation in the Free States should be
put down and extinguished. The mobbing of "abolition
agitators " in Boston, New York, PhUadelphia and other
Northern cities was a part of this business transaction — a
small instalment of the purchase price of Protection. Each
of these acts of violence was one of the pieces of silver paid

22 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
for Southern trade. Take it aU m aU, probably two thirds
of " aU the wealth that sinews bought and sold " have pro
duced on this continent, have accrued to the States north of
Mason's and Dixon's Line, as the pecuniary result of their
silent partnership in the system of human bondage.
A candid, impartial statesmen, looking at the legislative
history of the United States, from a distant stand point,
would be shut up to the conclusion, that slavery was here
accepted and defended as a national institution. Let him
read simply the enactments of Congress, and this conviction
wonld be inevitable. Every aggression of the slave-power
upon the Free States has found originators or abettors
among their most distinguished Senators. The notorious
Twenty-first Rule, which trampled under foot the first right
of the people, and spurned their petitions unread from the
table, was generally moved by a Northern representative.
The Fugitive Slave Bill, the most aggravated infrmgment
of the rights of personal liberty which the Free States have
been called to endure, wiU go down to the last day of the
nation's existence identified with the name aud fame of
Daniel Webster, as its father and founder. The aid his
vast influence and talents gave to it wUl make him its
originator, in the view of future generations, though he may
not have interpolated a line in the text of the BiU. The
Nebraska Bill will go down to posterity stamped with its
Northern origin. It is doubtful whether any senator in the
American Congress, except Stephen A. Douglass, could have
achieved the passage of that measure. No man, nnques-

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 23
tionably, in the nation, except himself, possessed the extras
ordinary capacities and characteristics requisite to that
achievement. Was he an isolated traitor to the North ? did
he stand alone in this act ? No ; he was sustained by Lewis
Cass, who stands at the head and front of living American
statesmen in European estimation, for his distinguished abil
ity and long experience. Nearly one half of the senators
from the Free States voted for the BiU. In the House of
Representatives, those States have a large majority ; yet
the Bill passed that body.
By popular sentiment, commercial partnership, religious
communion, and legislative action, the Free States have
lived in guilty complicity with the system of slavery from
the foundation of the Republic. It is far too late for them
to cleanse their garments of the stains of that guUt by the
flames and fumigation of indignant emotion. Tears of re
pentance can only do the work, followed by acts proving
it to be sincere and honest. It is in vain for them to plead
that the seductions of the slave-power were too strong for
their love of . truth and righteousness ; to charge upon the
tempter their own lack of virtue. The mother of our race
ventured to present this plea in extenuation of her gmlt, and
to saddle her sin upon the serpent. But the God of justice
did not accept it ; nor will He in the case of the Free
States against the South. Before His holy eyes, before all
the civUized communities of mankind around us, their long
and aggravated participation iu slavery has nationalized it ;
has drawn it to the bosom of the whole Union as with a

24 UNION FOK EMANCIPATION.
cart rope. In view of this wicked compUcity, the system
has been unsectionalized, and aUowed to cast as dark a
shadow on the highest hiU top of Vermont as upon the
lowest rice swamp of Carolina. Before God and man, the
North deserves to be fined heavily for its derehction of duty
to freedom. It deserves it richly, as an act of penal justice
to humanity. It should be made to pay its share of the
cost of extinguishing slavery, whatever pecuniary expense
it may involve.
Motives of enlightened patriotism, as well as of justice
and necessity, should unite all sections of the Republic in
the annihUation of its only enemy, which endangers its ex
istence, destroys its unity, and paralyzes its influence upon
the rest of the world. AU the powers of Europe arrayed
in arms against the American Union could not subject it to
the perU in which it lives by fostering in its heart the ever
lasting antagonism and weakness of slavery. AU other
sources of sectional jealousy and controversy have disapear-
ed, or haye been swaUowed up in this great seething gulf of
discord. There is no ingenuity nor power in human legisla
tion that can sUence or stay the tempest of these angry dis
sensions until their source shall be extinguished. They wUl
wax louder and fiercer, from year to year, in spite of all
compromises and concessions. God himself cannot make
peace with slavery, nor can He give peace to this nation,
while it exists within its borders. It will go on, " casting
up mire and dirt," and foaming with furious contortions
under the awakening conscience of the surrounding world

EMANCIPATION FOE UNION. 25
All the efforts to confine it to the space which it now blights
with its cm-se, will only make its rage more desperate.
More than fifty years of the nation's life have passed away,
and we have no Union yet. Apparently we are further
from it than ever. The recent events in Congress and in
Kansas denote, beyond all foregoing transactions, how wide
and deep the abyss has grown that divides the North and
South. There are no two independent Powers in Europe
seemingly in such danger of deadly colUsion as these two
sections of our Republic. Their criminations and recrimi
nations are growing more and more malignant and bitter ;
and bloodshed and civU war are threatened, and expected
in some quarters, with but a slight show of affiiction at the
catastrophe. It would be a mockery of every honest con
ception of poUtical harmony, to call this condition of things
a union, No measure short of the total extinction of slavery can
establish a Union on this Continent worth saving ; and that
is au achievement beyond the power of any section, or sect
ional party, though it should enrol in its ranks every voter
north of Mason and Dixon's Line. We never had a great
er variety of political organizations than at this moment.
But not one of them pretends to present a plan or platform
that fshaU bridge this broad abyss between the North and
South, and unite them in the oneness of fraternal feUowship.
Not one of them proposes to put its hand upon the only
source of the nation's disease and eradicate it root and
branch. "Non-extension" wiU never work out the non-

26 UNION POE EMANCIPATION.
existence of slavery. It has already grasped nearly every
acre of this continent on which it can live ; and has terri
tory enough without Kansas for fifteen millions of slaves,
if it were peopled with as many of them per square mUe as
South Carolina.
The extinction of slavery would make the nation a mighty
and multitudinous unit — one in interest, one in sentiment
and public policy. The power of its attraction would be
increased ten fold ; attaching State to State by new bonds
of brotherhood, and drawing into its embrace, by the peace
ful ties of sympathy, all the North American populations
that now surround it. We should have no more " Missouri
Compromises," Fugitive Slave BUls, or Nebraska Bills.
Mason and Dixon's Line would be erased forever. The
birth and introduction of a new State would be a common
and equal gladness to all sections of the Union. We
should have no more balance of power questions connected
with the. annexation of neighboring States, desirous of cast
ing in their lot with us as a nation. On whatever side they
should gravitate into the Union, they would be welcome to
North and South, East and West.
We ought to exterminate slavery at once, at whatever
pecuniary expense it might involve, as an act of enUghtened
policy towards the other nations of Christendom. In the
midst of these revolutions and upturnings in the world,
America cannot afford to hug slavery to her bosom another
twenty-five years. She cannot afford to let the clankmg of
its fetters drown the speech of those great principles embo-

EMANCIPATION FOE UNION. 21
died in the Declaration of Independence at a time like the
present. No human mind could conceive what America
might do for the world in the next quarter of a century ;
what hand of help she might extend to prostrate and des
pairing peoples ; what burning beacons she might raise
along their pathway to civU freedom, if she would but now
arise in her united might, and put away from her the sin,
shame and schism of slavery.
For even the material well being of the Union, it would
be better to pay the annual interest of a thousand mUUons
of dollars, rather than to permit slavery to have a lease to
Uve another fifty years on this Continent. The nation would
make money by its immediate extinction, even at that cost.
The curse which degrades human labor, and palsies its sinews
would be lifted from fifteen of the largest States of the Re
public. Their vast agricultural and mineral resources would
be developed to a wealth beyond computation. The bar
rier which has so long shut out from their midst the enrich
ing industry of free sinews, would be leveled to the ground ;
and they would soon be filled with energetic and inteUigent
populations from the Free States and from Europe. The
increased value of their lands would augment the wealth of
the whole nation. Buy of slavery at once ; foreclose its lease,
and the Public Revenue would doubtless reach $100,000,-
000 per annum in ten years, and constantly increase beyond
that period, without including the income from the pubUc
lands. The only possible way by which the Free States can ac-

28 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
quire the right to legislate for the extinction of slavery
throughout the Union, is by compensating the slaveholders
of the South for the act of manumission. If aU the British
Provinces in North America, and all Mexico, should be
come part and parcel of this Republic, and surround the
South with a cordon of Free States six deep, the Constitu
tion would not give them one iota of power to vote the ex
termination of slavery in Virginia or Georgia, unless that
power were acquired through this pecuniary arrangement.
Unless this were adopted, the mUUons of Free State voters
surrounding the area of slavery, from Newfoundland to
Hudson's Bay, from Hudson's Bay to Oregon, and from
Oregon to Yucatan, would be obliged to stand by with
powerless baUots and watch the slow and sUent working of
their opinions alone upon Southern legislation. Not one of
them could cast a vote directly upon the great question.
But let the Free States say they are wUling to bear their
part of the expense of removing slavery from the Union,
and they might bring the proposition before Congress this
very session.
National indemnification would be an act of liberal just
ice towards the Southern States, which would enable them
to enter at once upon the great work of emancipation, from
which they would doubtless shrink for a century, if they
alone were obliged to bear all the burden of its cost. It
would at once and forever sUence that perpetual and pow
erful argument of their lips, that the Free States are plot
ting to rob them of their property ; to annihilate the great
interest in which they think their all is staked.

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 29
The pecuniary arrangement proposed would be an act of
good policy, as well as of good will and necessity, on the
part of the Xorth towards the Southern States. It would
hold them up from that bankruptcy or long and deep pros
tration which would result from their taking the whole
weight of emancipation upon their own shoulders. Admit
ting, in the Southem sense, that the slaves represent de
facto property, the value of 3,500,000, at $250 per head,
taking young and old, sick and disabled, would be $815,
000,000. The immediate and unconditional annihUation
of this vast interest would bring as much pecuniary loss
and as much poverty and distress upon the slave-holders of
the South, as if that interest were sanctioned by the laws
of God and humanity. Every slave has cost as much, or
represents as much money, as if those laws did in very deed
recognize and justify a property value in him. It would
be a legal impossibility, or an act of legal injustice on the
part of Southern legislatures, to repeal at once all their
laws sanctioning this property, and to emancipate imme
diately and fully all the slaves in those States, without
indemnifying their owners. What the fifteen States south
of Mason and Dixon's Line cannot legally do, the thirty-one
of the whole Union cannot justly accomplish. It would
also be, or be deemed, pecuniarily impossible for the South
ern States to take upon themselves alone the burden of
$815,000,000, for the emancipation of their slaves.
National compensation would be an act which would put
the Free States in a completely new attitude towkrd the

30 UNION FOE EMANCIPATION.
South ; an attitude not of scorn, indignation, or superciUous
repugnance, but a brother's posture and aspect, reaching a
hand of help to his own mother's twin-born son, to enable
him to throw oflf a burden which he himself had, by indi
rection, aided in binding to his neck. Even pagan nations,
in their sanguinary wars with neighboring countries, have
professed to hold the sword in one hand and the olive branch
in the other. God himself makes conditions with the vUest
sinner, and offers him peace and joy, like a river in this
world, and His glorious heaven in the next, as the result of
his sincere repentance. But in this long and fierce-waxing
struggle with the South, we have not imitated Divine justice,
nor that of unenlightened paganism. We have grasped a
sword in each hand up to the present hour. We have never
promised the Slave States any reward for their repentance ;
we have never offered to do any thing for them, not even to
give them the full communion of our sympathy, if they
would put away from them this great sin in our eyes.
National indemnification wonld not be a mere compromise,
but an earnest and brotherly partnership between the North
and South, in working out a glorious consummation, which
would bless equally both sections of the RepubUc. The
extinction of slavery, at every stage of this process, instead
of dissevering, would unite the States by affinities and
relationships that have never existed between them. A
new spirit would be generated in the heart of the nation,
and cover it like an atmosphere of fraternal amity. Snch
a spirit would be worth to the country twice the value of

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 81
aU the slaves in its borders. Without this spirit pervading
the Union, the wrongs of the slaves can never be righted.
Nothing but slavery itself, of the most atrocious stamp,
could be worse for them than emancipation in the midst of
a tempest of malignant passions, of fierce and fiery hate.
Fearful and almost hopeless would be theif condition, if the
fetters of their physical bondage should be rent asunder in
a thunder-burst of burning wrath. Of all parties to this
great moral struggle, their well-being wiU be most depend
ent upon the prevalence of benevolent sentiments and frater
nal sympathies throughout the nation at the time of their
manumission. The means at the command of the nation for the extinc
tion of slavery by the mode proposed, are ample. There is
one source of revenue alone, not needed for the current ex
penses of the Government, which would be suflficient to
emancipate all the slaves in the Union. This is the Public
Domain of the United States. This landed estate of the
nation, according to oflBcial estimate, contains, exclusive of
the lands acquired from Mexico by the treaty of 1853,
1,600,000,000 of acres. At the average of 15 cents per
acre, they would yield $1,200,000,000. Admitting $250
per head for the whole slave population to be a fair average
price, taking infant and aged, sick and infirm, the 3,500,
000 in the United States would amount to $815,000,000.
Thus, the pubUc lands would not only defray the expense
of emancipating all these slaves, but would also yield a large
surplus for their education and moral improvement.

32 UNION FOE EMANCIPATION.
Did any nation ever have such an extent of territory as
a free gift from Providence ? How could we more appro
priately recognize this gift, than by consecrating it to free
dom ? than by making it the ransom-price from slavery of
all the chattelized human beings in the Union ? Whereui
and how could they contribute more to the true dignity,
harmony and well-being of the nation ? If not thus appro
priated in advance, they wiU be aUenated from the Federal
Government altogether. They will be frittered away in
sectional bribes, or sources of Executive patronage, and
thus become capital for political corruption — the pension
money for partisan warfare. This is the very moment to
arrest this squandering process, and to appropriate what
remains of this public domain to some great object connect
ed with the peace and prosperity of the whole nation. The
act, or even the certainty of emancipation, would greatly
enhance the value of the public lands in all the Slave States ;
thus producing tho revenue necessary to accomplish the
magnificent enterprise.
The only action which it would be necessary to ask Con
gress to take in this matter at the outset, .would be —
To make a provision by law, that whenever any State of
the Union, in which slavery now exists, shall decree the
emancipation of all slaves, and the abolition of involuntary
servitude, except for crime, within its borders, an exact
enumeration shaU be made, and for each and every slave
thus emancipated, there shall be paid from the National
Treasury to such State, for equitable distribution among

EMANCIPATION FOE UNION. 33
the slaveholders, a certain sum of money, to be ascertained
as Congress may direct ; and that the net revenue from aU
the future sales of the public lands, shall be appropriated
exclusively to the emancipation of all the slaves in the
United States in this manner.
The prerogative of each individual State to retain or
abolish slavery, remains untouched by the Congressional
enactment proposed. Not the slightest form or aspect of
Federal compulsion is assumed towards its sovereignty. The
Central Government only makes a generous offer to each
and every Southern State simultaneously. It leaves that
State in the freest exercise of its sovereign will to accept
or reject that offer. If it accepts, then the stipulated sum
of money is paid to its appointed agent by the Government.
That money is distributed by the State receiving it in its
own way.
Althongh this offer were made to all the Southern States
individually, it is quite certain that they would not all ac
cept it simultaneously. One State, after some hesitation,
would lead the way, and be followed one after the other by
the rest. Doubtless the one containing the smallest number
of slaves would be the first to try the experiment of eman
cipation. This would be Delaware, which has only about
2000 at this moment. These, at $250 per head, would
only amount to $500,000. The whole revenue from the
Public lands in 1855 was $11,491,000. The odd dollars
of this sum above eleven mUlions, would have freed Dela
ware from Slavery. By the census of 1850, Arkansas had

34

UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.

about 41,000 slaves. Thus the income from the public
lands last year would have emancipated all these human
beings, and have added Arkansas to the Free States of the
Union. The surplus revenue now in the Treasury of the
United States, mostly derived from these lands, would eman
cipate all the slaves in Missouri. We might go on in this
way, freeing a slave State once in two years, without adding
to the taxation of the Union.
Taking the number of Slaves in 1850, according to the
Census, the Southern States would receive the foUowing
sums, aUowing them $250 per head for the emancipation of
their slave population : — ¦

States.

No. of Slaves.

Compensation.

Virginia,

. 412,528

$118,132,000

South Carolina,

384,984

96,246,000

Georgia,

381,682

95,420,500

Alabama,

342,892

85,723,000

Mississippi, .

309,818

11,410,500

North Carolina,

288,548

12,131,000

Louisiana,

244,809

61,202,250

Tennessee, .

239,460

59,865,000

Kentucky,

210,981

52,145,250

Maryland,

90,368

22,592,000

Missouri,

87,422

21,855,500

Texas,

58,161

14,540,250

Arkansas,

47,100

11,115,000

Florida,

39,309

9,287,250

Dist. Columbia,

3,687

921,150

Delaware,

2,290

512,500

The amounts thus received by the several Southern

EMANCIPATION FOE UNION. 35
States would not represent all the pecuniary compensation
which they would realize from emancipation. The extinct
ion of slavery would open the flood gates of free labor and
its fertiUzing and ingenious industry. Vast numbers of in
telligent and vigorous men from the North and from
Europe would pour into Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky,
Tennessee, Missouri and other Southern States, and create
a great demand and value for their lands. Those in Mis
souri, for instance, would advance to the price at which the
same quality is now sold in Iowa. Real estate in Kentucky
would rise to the Ohio standard. Land in Virginia would
sell for as much as that of the same capacity of production
in Pennsylvania.. It would be a moderate estimate to as
sume, that emancipation, as soon as declared, would double
the value of all the lands in the Southern States. This in
most cases would constitute a larger pecuniary consider
ation than the several amounts of money received for the
manumission of their slaves, as will be seen from the fol
lowing figures, taking the valuation of their farms as given
by the Census of 1850.

states.

Additional val
ue of Farms.

Money Compen- Tot. Am. for
sation. caoli Stave.

Virginia,

$216,401,543

$118,132,000

$108

South Carolina,

82,431,684

96,246,000

464

Georgia,

95,153,445

95,420,500

500

Alabama,

64,323,224

85,123,000

437

Mississippi,

54,138,634

11,410,500

391

North Carolina,

41,891,166

12,131,000

485

Louisiana,

15,814,398

61,202,250

560

36 UNION. FOE EMANCIPATION.

Additional val

Money Compen- Tot. Am. foi

states.

ue of Farms.

sation.

each slave.

Tennessee,

91,851,212

59,685,000

651

Kentucky,

155,021,262

52,145,250

984

Maryland,

81,118,545

22,592,000

1,214

Missouri,

63,225,543

21,855,500

982

Texas,

16,550,008

14,540,250

534

Arkansas,

15,265,245

11,175,000

514

Florida,

6,323,109

9,281,250

400

Dist. Columbia,

1,130,460

921,150

120

Delaware,

18,880,031

512,500

850

Those States whose lands would be the most speedUy
and largely increased in value by the act of Emancipation,
are Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee and Mis
souri, because their climate and soil are the best adapted
to free white labor. If slavery were abolished within
their borders, the streams of emigration from the Eastern
States and from Europe would pour in upon them, occupy
ing and fertUizing their waste or exhausted lands, and dif
fusing the genius and vigor of agricultural and mechanical
skill and industry throughout the community. All their
sUent or idle rivers and streams would be set to the music
of machinery ; and manufactories for working into full
value the products of their fields, mines and forests, would
line their valleys, each surrounded by a white and thrifty
village. The Atlantic ports of the South would be whitened
by the canvass of all nations, and ships laden with emi
grants from England, France and Germany, would disem
bark their freights of human industry on their wharves.
One day's journey by railroad from Norfolk, WUmington,

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 31
Charleston, Savannah or MobUe, would take the European
farmer to the place of his destination. With aU the at
tractions which those States would possess, if freed from
slavery, it must seem a moderate estimate to every candid
mind, to assume that their lands would be merely doubled
in value by the act of emancipation. Admitting this smaU
ratio of enhancement, we have two positive pecuniary con
siderations operating upon every slave State in favor of
emancipation. For example, the act by doubling the value
of the farming lands of Virginia, would add over $216,-
000,000 to the wealth of that State. Then she would re
ceive $118;000,000 in money from the National Treasury,
as compensation for manumitting her slaves. Putting this
and that together, she would realize $334,000,000 at once
from emancipation on the terms proposed. This would be
equal to $100 per head for the slaves, taking young and
old, sick and disabled ; which must be at least twice their
average value. Take the case of Missouri, with its vast
expanse of uncultivated and low-priced lands, aU adapted
to free white labor. In the census of 1850, the value of
her farms is set down at $63,325,543, although her terri
tory contains 41,623,680 acres, thus averaging only about
$1 50 per acre for the whole area of the State. Every in
teUigent Missourian must see, that this is an exceedingly
meagre value for a vast landed estate, containing as many
arable acres to the square mile as any State m the Union.
It must be difficult for him to account for this fact, except
from the existence of slavery. To say that the honorable

38 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
and equitable extinction of this system would double, treble
or quadruple the worth of the lands in Missouri, must be a
moderate estimate of their enhancement in his view. But,
assuming that the act would only double the present value
of those lands, there would be over $63,000,000 added at
once to the wealth of Missouri, from this source of in
creased prosperity. Then she would receive from the Nar
tional Treasury about $22,000,000 for the emancipation of
her slaves ; making an aggregate consideration of $85,000,-
000 for manumitting 81,000 slaves, or nearly $1,000 per
head. But every well-informed and candid Missourian,
who fully understands the natural resources of his State,
its peculiar location and relationship, must surely admit
that emancipation would quadruple, in five years, the pre
sent value of its lands, thus increasing its wealth by $200,-
000,000. This amount, even without any compensation
from the National Treasury, would be equal to $2,000 per
head for every emancipated slave.
Another source of material wealth which may be justly
added to the other considerations in favor of emancipation, is
the rise of real estate in towns and viUages, which would in
evitably and immediately result from the act. In the fore
going estimates, its effect upon farming lands has only been
noticed. The value of these, for purely agricultural purpo
ses, it has been assumed, would be doubled. But extinguish
slavery in the Southern States, and thousands and tens of
thousands of acres along their sea-coats and river-shores
would be sold by the foot instead of the acre, and for a

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 39
price approaching to that of building scites in Chicago,
St. Pauls, MUwaukee, and other Western towns. Eman
cipation would raise up thousands of thrifty vUlages south
of Mason and Dixon's line, which land would be sold
for $1,000 per acre. Ten times the amount of land thus
sold for city and village scites, would be increased to tenfold
their present value by their proximity to these new markets
and centres of population and trade.
These are some of the leading peamiary inducements
vhich would operate upon the great majority in the South
ern States in favor of emancipation. Thousands of their
most intelligent minds must be prepared to appreciate these
material considerations ; as well those of higher import
ance, founded in the moral well-being of the community in
which they dwell. Make the offer suggested, and these
material and moral considerations would inevitably and at
once divide the whole population of every Southern State
into two great parties, one for emancipation, the other for
the retention of slavery. An immediate and general dis
cussion would ensue, and the final issue of it could not be
doubtful. Doubtless thousands of good and true men in the North,
as well as a majority of the Southern people, have come to
regard emancipation in the West Indies as a partial or
utter failure, so far as relates to the habits and condition
of the colored people on those islands. Havmg arrived at
this conclusion, they easUy and naturally adopt the idea,
that the same failure would attend the manumission of the

40 UNION FOE EMANCIPATION.
slaves of the United States. We fully believe that both
the premise and conclusion in this case are incorrect and
mistaken. In the first place, no true friend of freedom and
justice rfiould admit or regard emancipation in the West
Indies as a failure ; but if it were proved to be a failure, that
would not be an evidence that the same or a simUar result
would attend the experiment in the United States. We
cannot here bring forward the facts connected with the con
dition of the West Indies prior and subsequent to emanci
pation. Two or three may be succinctly stated. For at
least a century previous to this event, the proprietors of the
cotton and sugar plantations on those islands were the
worst kind of absentees. They mostly resided in England,
squandering at fashionable watermg-places all they could
drain from estates they seldom, if ever, visited, and which
were managed by a posse of attorneys, clerks, and overseers,
who, in their turn, put them through the process of a second
draining to fill their pockets. A far better system of ab
senteeism and proxy managing than this almost ruined Ire
land, involving a great portion of its lands in such heavy
indebtedness, that Government had at last to cut the meshes
of incumbrance, and force the mortgaged estates into liquid
ation and sale. For many years prior to emancipation, the
crops of most of the West Indian plantations were mort
gaged at seed time, to capitalists or merchants in England,
for advances made at Jewish rates of interest. In the
hands of these sharpers, cotton and sugar were sold Uke
forfeited goods in the pawnbroker's shop. If there had

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 41
never been a slave in the West Indies, this system would
lave inevitably terminated in a smashing break-down.
A.nd that break-down came. Even emancipation conld not
prevent it, nor could it expedite the issue.
Now, would emancipation in the United States find the
plauters of the South in this condition ? Have they pur
sued a system' of absenteeism like that described ? Have
they for years been rolUng and loUing in indolence and dis
sipation at watering places, three thousand mUes distant
from their estates ? Have they been in the habit of pawn
ing their crops, ere sown, in the shaving shops of English
cotton brokers or capitalists for advances at runious rates,
perhaps to be spent at the dice-box or card table ? Have
they thus meshed their estates with mortgages beyond
extrication ? No ; far from it, every candid mind must
admit. There is hardly any economical analogy between
the planters of the West Indies and those of the Southern
States, considering their condition prior to emancipation.
There would- doubtless be far less parity of condition after
the act of manumission ; even if we assume that the com
pensation per slave were exactly equal in the two cases.
The British Government paid $100,000,000 for the libera
tion of about 800,000 bond men, women and chUdren, or
about $125 per head. The United States Government pays
$815,000,000 for the manumission of 3,500,000. Every
doUar of this vast sum would go directly to the Southern
States, adding so much virtually to their wealth ; consti-
tntmg 130 much money capital in the hands of the planters,

42 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
wherewith to commence the economy of free labor produc
tion ; wherewith to recover their estates to more than ori
ginal fertUity, and to hire free sinews for their cultivation.
Compare this condition with that of the West Indies.
Nearly every pound sterling of the compensation allowed
by the British Government was retained in England, in the
hands of the absentee proprietors, their creditors and Par
liamentary agents. Hardly a dollar of the amount granted
ever found its way to the plantations thus bled to death's
door beyond the sea. Is there not a difference here upon
which a different result of emancipation may be predicted
in favor of our Southern States ? But there is another
difference in their favor of vast importance. In the plan
already developed and presented to the public, it is pro
posed that the American planters shall receive $250 instead
of $125, for the emancipation of their slaves. Now would
it not be a preposterous apprehension on their part to fear
a West India break-down as the result of emancipation,
with this enormous sum in their hands ?
Then there is another grand difference of position in fa
vor of the Southern States. Under slavery or freedom,
there could be comparatively no emigration of free labor
ers from Europe to the West Indies. Thns the enhance
ment of the price of lands in those islands must depend
mostly upon the abUity of the emancipated slaves to pur
chase and tiU them profitably. On the other hand, there
is nothing but the existence of slavery in the Southern
States that turns away from theh' borders the gulf-stream

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 43
of that immigration which would else overspread their terri
tory and occupy and enrich their thinly settled and im
poverished lands. Doubtless every acre in Virginia or Mis
souri would be trebled in value to-morrow, if it could be
made certain to-day that slavery in those States would be
aboUshed in the course of five years. Thus emancipation,
according to the plan proposed, would put into the hands
of the Southern States nearly $900,000,000 in ready money.
Then it would at least double the value of their farms, esti
mated in 1850 at $1,119,000,000. Here are about $2,000-
000,000, as the pecuniary result of emancipation to the
Southern States, without counting other sources of income
and prosperity which the measure would produce.
We now come to notice briefly the common argument or
impression, that the manumitted slaves wUl not work for
the stimulus of wages ; that they wUl sink down into
driveUing indolence and barbarism, if released from the
sting of the lash. The West Indies experiment is brought
forward to sustain this conclusion. There the emancipated
Africans cannot be hired to work ; they wUl see the sugar
plantations ruined for labor, before they wUl supply it with
their own hands. We think it quite likely that this is
true. We hope it is, at least. We hope that the miserly
pittance of a shiUing a day, offered by the d-devant slave;
holders of Jamaica or Barbadoes, wiU never hire many
freed men to labor for thek former masters, either in those
islands or in our Southern States. They never wiU do it,
we are confident, after having been able to buy or rent two

44 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
or three acres of land. We believe that the charge of in
corrigible indolence brought against the emandpados of the
West Indies to be a libel on the truth. It is the brutal
verdict of the old dUapidated plantation. It is the item
wherewith the deficit is balanced in the inventory of hogs
heads of sugar. Again we express our hope that men
freed from slavery wUl not work for a shilling a day, either
in the West Indies or the United States. We do not be
Ueve that our Southern planters wonld have the face to
ask even a slave to work for that price, and board himself.
There are thousands and tens of thousands of slaves hired
from their owners in the Southern States at the rate of
from $100 to $200 a year, to be fed, clothed and housed
by the employer. On an average, $12 a month are paid for
their labor, over and above the expense of their food,
clothing, &c. In hundreds, of cases, their employers give
them a chance to earn something for themselves, as a special
stimulus to their industry. They find this good policy, and
are wiUing to pay 50 cents a day to the owner of the slave,
and 25 or 50 more to the slave himself for the work he
may accomplish by extra exertion from sun to sun. It is
the work he wants, and the extra half dollar he pays to
the slave for it, is a profitable investment. Thus, there is
but little danger that the planters of the South would force
¦their former slaves into West India idleness by offering
tbem only a shUling a day for their labor. We would earn
estly commend this consideration to the attention of those
who have honestly apprehended such a result.

EMANCIPATION FOE UNION. 45
Since the rapid and wonderful settlement of California,
and the still more remarkable movements of the population
of Eastern Asia, the Chinese have formed no inconsiderable
stream of that broad river of emigration which is now
pouring nearly half a million of human beings yearly upon
the Atlantic and Pacific shores of this continent. Con
sidering the vast population of China, and the sudden open
ing of the great empire ; the condition of the people ; their
struggle for sustenance, and the miserly pittance of food on
which they subsist, and the facUity with which they might
be imported into the United States, the question has been
naturaUy suggested, whether or not these Asiatic myriads
might not be profitably substituted for the African race in
the Southern States. This question has been seriously dis
cussed. The central fact of the proposition is this ; that
the Chinese are to be substituted for the Africans, at least
in a far higher condition of freedom than it is thought safe
to concede to the latter. Doubtless all the Southern plant
ers, who have considered this suggestion, have concluded
that these Chinese laborers must not be literally bought,
and sold, and flogged as slaves ; that they must be paid
after a certain rate for their toil ; that they must be al
lowed a considerable scope and verge of liberty. Now,
then, cui bono 7 What earthly advantage could accrue to
the Southern States from the change of races on their soU ?
Draft a thousand of common field-hands from any dozen
plantations, and set them front to front with the same num
ber of these Asiatic pagans, and see which would show the

46 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
greatest apitude and fitness for the culture of cotton, corn,
or sugar. In what one quaUty of disposition, or of physi
cal constitution, would the Chinese be preferable ? Could
they perform more work per day ? Would they be more
tractable or faithful in-doors or out-doors ? Would the
moral atmosphere of their life and habits be more congenial
and agreeable ? Could they be taken safely into more inti
mate personal relations and intercourse with the planters
and their families, as trusty and affectionate servants ? In
complexion, features, and form, in voice and language,
would they be less exposed to prejudice, and more easUy
amalgamated with the native white population, and more
speedily Americanized and Christianized? These are a
few of the questions involved in the proposition of changing
races, in order to improve the labor of the Southern States.
We beUeve the anticipation of any benefit from such a
change is a complete and utter fallacy. If the Southern
planters and farmers had the range of aU the races and
populations of the globe, they would not find one more
suited to their sun and soil than the three millions of African
blood who now cultivate their fields, and serve them in
every capacity of industry. The raw material of theu:
labor is the best the world can furnish them. It is the
natural, native, acclimated labor of the South, fitted to
bear the heat and burthen of Southern sun and agricul-
¦ ture ; to live and thrive where white men would droop and
die. Search the earth over, and you wiU not find for the
South labor more docile, or laborers, male and female,

EMANCIPATION FOR UNION. 41
more capable of endurance, or more susceptible of warm
and faithful attachment to their employers. Then why
change them for an equal number of copper-colored pagans
from China ? There surely can be but one advantage an
ticipated from such a substitution, and that must be pre.
dicated on the positive admission that Chinese labor would
be more profitable, because it would be comparatively free ;
that, among other conditions, it would all be hired labor,
and hired of those alone whose own sinews were to perform
the work ; that consequently all the capital invested in the
labor bestowed on one years' crop would be the one years'
wages of the men employed to plant and gather it. Now,
put that consideration with another from which it cannot
be disconnected, and see to what an issue we come. In
order to effect this substitution, the slaves must be displaced
and sent beyond the bounds of the Union, if not to Africa.
On what conditions ? There is not wealth enough outside
of the Union, in the Western Hemisphere, to buy them,
were there a disposition for it. Africa wUl not buy them
back. The Northern States wiU never tax themselves to
compensate the slaveholders for freeing and then banishing
them, by expensive and cruel transportation. We hope
our Southern brethren wUl believe this. The time may
come, and soon, when the North, in its intense desire to
extinguish forever the system of Slavery, and to lift from
this great land the perilous incubus that weighs it down,
may offer to share with the South the cost of emancipation ;
but it wiU be on the condition that the emancipated slaves

48 UNION FOR EMANCIPATION.
shall not be exUed by force, as if freedom were a crime to
possess, and as if they must be punished for the gift. No ;
if they are ever bought out of slavery, from the national i
treasury, they must remain in the land of their birth, in
which they have as much right to dwell as any other por
tion of its population, and to which their labor is indispen
sable and invaluable. Now, then, why not at once put
them at least in the very condition in which it is proposed
by some southern , economists to introduce the Chinese?
On what possible ground can you apprehend that it would
be unsafe to give to the men and women born on your
plantations, that degree of freedom which you would ac
cord to those idolatrous foreigners from Asia ? Would
you prefer Chinese labor because it would be frte, and
easily obtained on hire ? Then frcz the human sinews you
have bought, and which you hold as property, and you will
have the best, most natural, faithful and trusty laborers the
world can yield you. You have seen, by many and various
experiments, how the slave wUl work, when you bring him
partially under the influence of hope and reward ; when
you allow him a chance to purchase, by an extra effort, a
few hours daUy, in which he may work for wages. Give
him aU the hours of the day, and bring to bear upon him
all the aims and impulses that stunulate freemen, and prove
what he will do in that condition. It is the only one that
can raise the labor of the South to the standard of that
which enriches and elevates the free States. Whenever our
Southern brethren are ready for this step, they wiU find a
large and generous co-operation on the part of the North!

SEND FOR ONE Oil MORE COPIES,

USEFUL ORNAMENT- FOR EVERY FAMILY.

{ELECTROTYPE EDITION.

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¦';jI>^.SBV«^ .Si7'y3f>--i!c •¦ -.-J'-^

?J

A BOOK FOR THE TIMES!!!

THE LIFE OF

mm

i lliffll If 1 Mffllffl EilifflEU
AND HIS
GRE A T SPEE CH ON KANSAS.i
BY Bo -Ao HAE§HJl,
Author of " Eminent Orators and Statesmen," &c., &c., with a.

li

FINE PORTRAIT OF MR, SUMNER,^,!',
AND AX K:.'QRAVIK0 EEI'RESBNTra.G
I'HE mum in tbe maf cD.m]i
350 Pages, l.Smo., Cloth.— PHIOS, $1,00.
From ihe New Eiir/'.aad Farmer, Bouton, Mass.
This tribute to oiu' noblo nv.A eloquent Sera'or is very neally cxecli!i
and will gr.atify the wishes of Ihonsands, ¦who desire to knosv more ofl
personal history of the iTinn ¦who ha.s'Tiindc so bold amnrlc upon his ag
It is not a rnmaiitio or ovei^lfiil life tliat is here recorded ; but it hm,
full of instruciion- for tlie jyotiig,,fi;ll of enoouraL'ement. lo the liniid,iaiu
full of interest to all. S^isidigs a menioir of Mr. Sumner, the vohmiftico
tains choice extrads from most of his speeeheX llie great Kansas speeL
entire, and some of the most scatlii:ngdcniii;ci,itu)ns of the Brooks a>slim
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tains a portrait of Mr. S. and a view of tho assault iu the Senate Chan»btf^
"This is an excellent .and timely bpoli. It will find a host of. rcadM
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" Eminent Orators aud Statesmen." — Salem Observer, Mass.
" We are glad to meot wiili a work like this before us, wliieli pres&
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,^-.» Fr.om the paily Journal, Bangor, Me.
" This memoir gives the leading incidents in thc life of the MassacKuseA
scholni- and Senatoi', upon whom the brulalatid rutlianly outrage oil
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,bool; is neatly printed, and will find many readers."
1^'" Agents wanted in all parts of the Country, to sell this ISs
71iis Look mil be sent'hy mail, rosT paid, on receipt of the Pnd
DAYTON &,, BURDICK, Publisheji
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