YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

3 9002 05350 1665

Caldwell , Samuel L.
Oration. . ,
Providence, 1861.

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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

1942

O R A^ T I o isr

DEHVEKED BEPOKE THE

MUNICIPAL AUTHOKITIES

CITIZENS OF PROVIDENCE

ON THE EIGHTT-FIFTH ANNITEKSAKT OF

AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE,

JULY 4, 1961.

BY SAMUEL L. CALDWELL, D. D.

PEOVIDKNCE ;
KNOWLES, ANTHONY & CO., PRINTERS.
1861.

CITY or PEOVIDENCE.
By the Citt Cototcil, July 8, 1861 —
Resolved, That the Committee appointed to make arrangements for the
Municipal Celebration of the anniversary of American Independence, be
and they are hereby authorized to request of the Kev. Dr. Caldwell, a copy
of the Oration delivered by him, on the fourth instant, and to cause the same
to be published in pamphlet form, for the use of the City Council.
Attest,
SAMUEL W. BKOWN, City Cleek.

ORATION.

It "were a serious and unreasonable breach of pubhc
duty to suspend the usual observance of thi^ day. I
know not that grave perils, or solemn duties, that any
thing but conscious shame, should sober its usual and fes
tal joy. The past, at least, is secure. The day has won
its prescriptive and immortal right of separation from all
days, at the top of our calendar, at the head of our his
tory. The Eevolution, of which the Declaration which
has just been read was the written justification to the
nations and to history, is a fact accomplished ; safe and
sacred in the recollections of America, in the honor of
the human race. It has passed the audit of time, and
the judgment of civilized man ; its spirit, its methods,
its heroes, its results, justify it to all ages ; while it
would seem that its issues can be opened never again.
Fragments falling from us might indeed go back to the
old dependence ; for such seems the inevitable direction

4
of the schismatic States. CaroHna planters, sick of de
mocracy, over their rare Madeira, may sigh for
" The good old Colony times,
When we lived under a king,"
and propose to take one of England's rather redundant
supply of royal heirs in exchange for a blockaded cot
ton crop. Divided sovereignty is likely to bring back
Europe into America, and for no good result ; unless to
fight over again the old issue. But if that comes, it
will not come first ; and whatever comes, whatever the
future may undo, whatever lies angry in this imme
diate present, there lies behind us, in its calm morning
glory, the Eevolution. This day comes, bringing that
in its first and ancient grandeur, mighty with its un
spent inspirations. Whatever is lost, this remains.
Whatever is disputed, whatever has departed, the glory
has not gone out of the day, any more than the day
has gone out of the year. It gives us the benefit of
its unsullied example. It tells what America was. It
comes, still wearing on its head this great and holy
memory, undiminished by disaster, unhonored only by
the unworthy. Nothing which comes after can dis
crown or stain it. It has passed into the high and se
rene heaven of history, to be reached by mortal change
no more.
It returns, indeed, as it never came ; itself the same,
to look into the face of a new and kindred hour. All
at once it finds a time with pulses mated to its own,
great with similar duties, pregnant with vaster issues.

\It has been coming every year, and handsome words,
and much powder, and the clanging bells have given it
the honor which is in the air, and lasts its hour. For a
day, we remembered that once liberty was put into the
pinch of a real struggle, and found men who did not
fail her. And it seemed as if they had done the work
for aU generations, and nothing was left for us but a
holiday. But at last the tide resurges, and fills the day
with new meaning. We are finding that no generation
is allowed to anticipate its successor, to take all ques
tions into its single decision. Their duty was done, and
they are dust. But ours stands waiting. Liberty, and
not that only, but all that goes with it, nursed by it, or
making for it a larger, and a better home ; the national
life of America, is put upon us to carry, for our short
hour, to meet its exigencies, such as God, in his order,
brings. They, four score and five years ago, turned one
of the sharp corners of history, and now, the stress and
sharpness of another difficult passage comes to us. We
stand before the future, as they did, in the jaws of a
great crisis in the civilization of America, at the turning
point and head of a new era ; unless we are faithful as
they, at the end of what they begun.
For the Revolution was the beginning and usher of
a new era. It was preparatory to a work great as itself
It was but one of the steps, forward and decisive indeed,
in the construction of a new society, in the begetting
and life of a nation.
It came as a political, a providential necessity, pre-

pared through all the antecedent history, precipitating
tendencies and attractions, long held in solution. It
was predestined in a thousand causes, and chiefly in the
spirit of the people from the start. Says De Tocque-
ville, « Methinks I see the destiny of America embodied
in the first puritan who landed on these shores, just as
the human race was represented by the first man."
The free spirit was always here. It blew the May
flower westward, stronger than any Atlantic wind. It
set its front of resistance always against aggression,
firm as the shores against the Atlantic wave. Inde
pendence did not begin with the declaration of it.
George the Third only provoked into overt resistance,
the temper which came here with Winthrop and Will
iams ; which was always jealous ; which for a century
and a half had grown to be a habit of the people ;
which Burke boldly told Parliament was " unalter
able by any human art." The Eevolution was latent
always in their breasts, and when events were ripe for
it, it came. It came almost without intention. They
did not mean independence, in the beginning. They
meant remonstrance. " They builded better than they
knew." It is Providence which is wiser than man, look
ing over his head, and bringing out of his meaning its
own ; out of our conflict of to-day, ends disavowed, and
it may be, unexpected.
So far as the origin of the Eevolution dates in any
visible event, we are now closing the century since it
was born. In 1761, just one hundred years ago, John

Adams heard James Otis argue against the writs of as
sistance in the old Town House in Boston ; and dated
from that hour, the beginning of the Eevolution.
" American Independence was then and there born."
In the same year, 1761, Eichard Henry Lee, the mover
of Independence fifteen years later, was making his
first recorded speech in the Legislature of Virginia,
fuU of generous ardor for human freedom, against that
great crime of Great Britain, charged so solemnly
against her in Jefferson's original draught of the De
claration, of forcing the trade in slaves upon the colo
nies. The Legislature of Virginia in 1861, does not
well honor the anniversary of her first opening of the
Eevolution. It will not answer for Great Britain, after
a century of human progress, to allow the interests of
trade to lead her into her old mistake, and provoke a
new grudge.
But, as the Eevolution did not begin with itself, it
did not end with itself It came out of Providential
necessities ; so new necessities came out of it, and after
it. It severed a false and injurious coimection, which
allowed no national character and life ; while it brought
into being the possibility and the necessity of that.
This was the great problem which issued out of the
struggles of Eevolution. Independence pointed fur
ther than itseE It was not enough. It left a people
free, but unequal to their destmy. It contained the
necessity and prophecy of a government, of " a more
perfect union," of a nation. The free spirit was here ;

8
the elements of a great and free State ; the possibili
ties of a national life, grand as the continent which,
through the ages, God had reserved for it ; into which
should enter the choice blood, and the richest forces of
modern civilization ; which should cast itself into such
institutions as best reflect human intelligence, as best
promote human benefit. And the problem was one of
organization, to organize liberty into government, a
people into a nation, and all nebulous and chaotic ele
ments into planetary order and movement. By revo
lution the noxious element of foreign authority had
been expelled. But the creative, constructive work
remained ; if, indeed, it is not still on hand. A great
Providential experiment was opened, with terms so
grand, with an aim so above all precedent, involving in
its process such difiiculties, in its success such benefit,
in its failure such disaster, that it summons to itself
our noblest virtues, and the anxieties of -the whole
world. It is our Providential calling and destiny to be
a nation, with undivided sovereignty, a common soil,
and common laws, vital in every part with the same
instincts and aspirations. This was the question facing
our fathers instantly in the very act for which we are
doing them honor, — whether they would accept their
destiny, and come into such terms as should fix it in
one organic, indissoluble commonwealth. They had
hardly an election. Common dangers, common as weU
as conflicting interests, poHtical necessities, necessities
in history, geography, language, blood, as well as events,

forced them together, into unity of government, as a
condition of other and more spiritual unity. The effort
of that age of our history, to throw off the disease
which came of British rule, was not more admirable,
perhaps was really less essential to our progress, than
the effort which followed, to grasp all existing possibili
ties of union, and knit them into an organized State.
The crisis of revolution was followed by the crisis of
crystalUzation. The loose bonds were tightened. At
tractions were combined, repulsions reduced, remote
and opposite interests balanced and adjusted ; and a
single articulated sovereignty came forth, to which the
hopes, the aspirations, the powers and the destiny of a
free people were committed. Into a new constitution of
government, most nicely balancing local and general
powers, was put the rich freight of American national
ity and American civilization.
The experiment has been magnificent, and it has
been difficult. It has been an attempt to manage, on a
vast scale, the most comphcated, and often contending
forces. It covers a vast and spreading space, — the width,
it may be, prospectively the length of a continent;
liable, therefore, to fly apart, from its very greatness,
like the revolving stone of the cutler. Eeduced, as
distance and separation are, by the improved methods of
modern locomotion — so that in some respects the coun
try is smaller, with all its growth, than when its people
were this side of the AUeghanies, — still its very geog
raphy necessitates social and industrial and personal
2

10
differences. The vast geographic distances are offset
indeed, as also are social and political oppositions, by
controlling laws of geography, which forbid the section
of the country simply by a surveyor's line. One lan
guage, also, is paramount and almost universal, and no
lines of religion are interposed to make enemies of
States and sections. The influences and tendencies of
a common civilization, — often more potent than any
compact of law, — commerce, religion, literature, educa
tion, travel, all intercourses by road or mail, serve to
wear away the edges of collision, while they assimilate
and unify the remote and strange populations.
But, in the beginning, the thirteen States had been
for generations autonomies, each with its local interests
and passions ; almost nationalities by themselves ; as
much so as the States of Germany or of Italy ; and it
is not easy to blend and merge such centres of local
attachment and sovereignty into one ; as Charles the
Fifth found it about as hard to make all his clocks
strike at once, as to govern all the contending elements
of his empire. The spirit of nationality, the loyalty to
national authority, the influence of national institutions
and laws, the cohesive power at the centre are liable to
be reduced, and in some junctures over-borne, by local
pride, and the jealous individualism of separate States.
The divisive, centrifugal forces are always waiting
their time, till at last they seem to have found it. It is
only in theory, and in contemplation of law that we are
one. In fact, a crude and heterogeneous mass is here

11
trjing to blend and coalesce ; alien and native popula
tions, habits of thinking and life, narrow contempts and
sour prejudices, material and political interests, diverse
and dividing, and the spirit of democratic freedom in
aU, to be organized into a consentaneous and power
ful nation. Says DeTocqueville, " The dangers which
threaten the American Union do not originate in the
diversity of interests, or of opinions ; but in the various
characters and passions of the Americans."
More closely implicated than anything else in the
experiment of nationality here, is the presence of a
servile race, and the type of civiUzation it has pro
duced. For while other difficulties have given way
under the general influences of our civilization, while
many repugnancies and many omens of danger, which
existed in the beginning, have passed out of sight, this
has emerged to complicate our difficulties, and endan
ger our experiment, as nothing else. By inevitable so
cial laws, I might say, by the eternal laws which God
has planted in the human soul, such an institution could
not be at peace in the mixed conditions under which
our national life goes on. It is anomalous, to say the
least, in a democratic state ; in the judgment of Christ
endom it is immoral and pernicious ; the instincts of
human nature, and the tendencies of our civilization are
against it. Eight or wrong, for better or worse, it has
entered the structure of society in half the States, and
of course, created there a style of life, manners, civil
ization pecuhar to itself And so, imder the act of Un-

12
ion, in the bonds of a common national covenant and
life, are married, for better or worse, two radically dis
tinct civilizations. The one is of the past, and draws
backward, and keeps society behind ; the other goes
with time, is of the nineteenth century rather than the
twelfth, and by a law strong as the winds, and inevita
ble as gravity, must possess and rule the future. In
the inevitable friction of two forms of society thus
lying side by side, and by necessities of the case oppug-
nant, it has happened that both the pHancy and stiff
ness of our institutions have been tried. At any rate,
thus has been precipitated the dread issue, in which it is
to be tried whether we are two nations or one ; whether
the secret and unwritten laws of our national life, are
inconsistent with the Constitution ; whether for this
one and only reason under heaven, we shall dissolve ;
whether this shall outweigh all reasons, necessities, as
pirations for unity and nationahty ; whether the old
struggle between central and local, between State and
Nation, complicating itself with an institution anteda
ting Independence, imperious in its nature and habit,
and loyal only to its own law, and not to the Common
wealth, shall now at last break through the walls of con
stitutional order which are the security of us all, and
bring down our national authority into the dust. This
is the exigency; this we have on hand; this is the duty
high, clear, inevitable as that of Seventy-six, to reinte
grate the Union, into which our fathers fought their way
through the Eevolution. And it would seem as if we

13
were to do it on the same terms — ^may it be in the
same courageous and persistent spirit ! Not by our
election, we are compelled to try force, and by that to
vindicate, if we cannot restore, national order and au
thority. If we succeed, it will be worth what it costs.
If we fail, we shall save our honor, and be ready to be
gin again. The problem, which, through all our history,
we have been trying to work out in peace, must now
be settled by the ordeal of battle. So rebellion wflls.
So Providence orders, — for it allows no option but a base
and a fatal one. So be it !
" Sound, sound the clarion, fill the fife !
To all the sensual world proclaim —
One crowded hour of glorious life
Is worth an age without a name."
War is^n evil, and a terrible one. But it may be
the least of evils. It is to be accepted by us as a terri
ble necessity, only better than disintegration and na
tional death. It is to stop when peace will do better ;
as soon as national authority ^will stand upright in its
throne, without a cordon of bayon'ets. But it ought
not to stop till one thing is settled, as perhaps only the
heaviest artillery can settle it, viz : Whether this is a
government, or only a temporary agreement, to be re
ceded from at will ; whether what was bought on so
many fields of trouble, shall be sold without our con
sent, at Montgomery or Eichmond ; whether the Amer
ican people is only an encampment of squatters, chang
ing allegiance according to inclination, or whether it is

14
a nation, with an organic life, with a history, and a re
sponsibility, and a destiny, a vital creature, " with large
discourse of reason, looking before and after." The
questions in issue go to the foundations of society, of
law, order, of morals and of human well-being. It is
whether our liberty is a regulated, constitutional liberty,
regarding oaths and compacts, or the lawless Hberty of
Bedouins and Saint Antoine. It is whether the State is
an extemporary contract, its government resting on
chance consent, and liable to be dissolved at the pleasure
of any party in it, or whether its powers are ordained of
God, loyalty to it a moral obligation, and revolution the
last desperate remedy against a government intolerably
bad. A State, and in this I mean the Union, as the
true and supreme State, is a perpetual, organic creature,
from which, by its very nature and vital law, there can
be no secession at will. Says Mr. Burke, in his Eeflec-
tions on the French Eevolution :
" The State ought not to be considered as nothing
better than a partnership agreement in a trade of pep
per and coffee, calico and tobacco, or some other such
low concern, to be taken up for a little temporary in
terest, and to be dissolved by the fancy of the parties.
It is to be looked on with other reverence ; because it
is not a partnership in things subservient to the gross
animal existence, of a temporary and perishable nature.
It is a partnership in all science ; a partnership in all
art ; a partnership in every virtue and in all perfection.
As the ends of such a partnership cannot be obtained

15
but in many generations, it becomes a partnership not
only between those who are living, but between those
who are hving and those who are dead, and those who
are to be born. Each contract of each State is but a
clause in the great primeval contract of eternal society,
linking the lower with the higher natures, connecting
the visible with the invisible world."
This, fellow citizens, we shall settle for all time to
come, for whatever country is left to be governed by
our Constitution, — that secession means violence, revo
lution, and is not to be undertaken but at the hazard
of civil war, and being slain with " a sword bathed in
heaven." This we shall settle, and must, — that the sov
ereignty of the United States is undivided and indivis
ible ; that there is no double allegiance ; that there can
be no provincial loyalty to Virginia or Ehode Island,
which releases from loyalty to the country, and to the
whole country. This, we shall settle, — that the election
of the people according to the Constitution, cannot be
trifled with, whoever is offended by it. We fight for
the sacredness of the ballot box, and well we may. It
is the depository of the nation's will, the necessary in
strument of peaceful liberty. Say the worst you can
of its decisions, despise as you may the creatures that
often come out of it, — like Noah's ark, clean and unclean
things may go into it, two and two, — still it is the ark
which carries our fortunes, and keeps our liberties through
the deluge. Go forth, then, ye sacred legions, who war
upon this insurrection against the ballot box and against

16
the flag. The flag is the symbol of national unity and
national sovereignty. It belongs to no state, and to no
administration. The people see in it the life, the honor,
the power of a Nation, which cannot be broken into
fragments, "which cannot, but by annihilating, die."
The blood of all their milKons leaps in its red veins ;
their hopes are in its heaven of stars. The conscious
ness of nationality, of a Providential calling and des
tiny, something deeper than geography, or trade, or
constitutional agreement, a soul of Americanism, lies
at the bottom of this struggle, and has armed our dis
puted borders with forests of steel. It is that myste
rious sentiment of nationality, running in the blood,
nourished by all that makes the country worth loving,
nourished by the memories of to-day, by the liberty,
the good government, the prosperity of every day,
which breaks into this struggle, and is to restore our
unity. " While the manners, while the arts
That mould a nation's soul,
Still cling around our hearts.
So long from either beach,
The voice of blood shall reach,
More audible than speech,
' We are one.' "
Fellow citizens ! it is good for us to be here, to go
up into the Mount of Eemembrance, to take counsel of
the past and the futiire, of memories which cannot die,
of hopes which cannot be disappointed, of the stern
duties, as well as the patriotic joys of the hour. The
day is left us, and it comes to us with all its great bur-

17
den of meaning and inspiration. Forsworn by the men
who have madly violated its rich heritage, or stolen by
them
" To face the garment of rebellion
With some fine color that may please the eye,"
it remains here unstained, and it remains for us to keep
it with more than its ancient honor. The gallant fel
lows who stand for us, to-day, along the lines, keeping it
after some sterner fashion than of a hohday, are to
make a history not unworthy of that of the Eevolution,
to be remembered with a like grateful reverence by
our children's children. , Let us keep it in sympathy
alike with the fathers and the sons, glad that the chil
dren of the men who burned the Gaspee, and bought
victory with Perry on Lake Erie, who marched to Fort
William Henry, and fought with Greene at Monmouth
and Lajrfayette at Yorktown, are their heirs in spirit, in
courage, in great service for America.
Let us stiU keep this day in the old spirit of hope.
Despair does not become us, nor pusillanimity, but
courage rather, and faith. We have a right to believe,
under God still with us, in our destiny ; in the destiny
of free principles, of civilization, of an American nation,
to hold the field, to have room enough, to live our time.
If our territory be reduced, our soul shall be enlarged.
The laws of population, the spirit of the age, the forces
of spiritual religion, of a better civilization, the Provi
dence which works through all will push their way, and
it is barbarism, and despotism, and anarchy, which must
3

18
go toljhe wall:. Let us take the word of Washington.
^'I do not believe," he says, " I do not beheve that Prov
idence has done so much for nothing. The Great Gov
ernor of the universe has led us too long and too far
on the road to happiness and glory to forsake us in
the niidst of it." Let us have faith, not so much in
events as in ideas ; in that great idea, whose deposi
tory and incarnation God made this nation to be. Out
of disintegration, even, by faith, we can reconstruct
a better order. From aU aberrations, like the beau-
tiful stranger flaming so suddenly on the front of our
Northern evening, the exorbitant stars will come back,
and our history shall resume and run its course.
" Far, like the comet's way through infinite space,
Stretches the long untravelled path of light
Into the depths of ages : we may trace,
Afar, the brightening glory of its flight,
Till the receding rays are lost to human sight."
Men of Ehode Island ! the most individual, independ
ent of the colonies, born of the stiff, uncomplying spirit
of WUliams, the first to declare independence, and in
augurate Eevolution, the last to come into the compact
of national order and union, your local pride and
the fire of your soul dilated by your narrow bounda
ries, — this is your glory, that you have learned to love
your State in your country ; that America is greater to
you than Ehode Island; that you have no choice to
make between them ; that you have no honor parted
from hers ; that you are finding your honor in main
taining hers^with the purse at home, and the flower of

19
your sons on the field. Alone, on this narrow spot,
amidst jealous neighbors, in advance of aU the world
you have wrought out a great principle which illus
trates your history. It has become the possession of
the nation. It is to be the possession and joy of civ
ilized man. Nothing remains for us then, but true
to our traditions, and our principles, to give your
selves to the good and glory of our country, and of our
whole country. If this State is not too small for our
affections, America is not too large. Large, or small,
let it be ours to make her pure, to make her free, to
make her the everlasting home of Liberty resting on
Law, of Law resting on Eighteousness, of a nation
great in all virtue, meekly fulfilling a beneficent des
tiny, under a Providence, never alienated and never
forgotten.

ORDER OE EXERCISES.

1. MUSIC — BY Shepaed's Cornet Band.
2. SINGING— BY A Select Cnoni-from the High School
and Grammar Schools — imder the direction of
Seth Sumnee, Esq., Teacher of Vocal Music :
GOD BLESS OUK NATIVE LAND.
God bless our native land !
Firm may she ever stand,
Through storm and night :
When the wild tempests rave,
Kuler of winds and wave.
Do Thou our country save.
By Thy great might.
For her our prayer shall rise
To God, above the skies ;
On him we wait.
Thou who art ever nigh.
Guarding with watchful eye.
To thee aloud we cry,
God save the State.
3. PEAYEE, BY THE Eev. A. H. Clapp, Pastor of the
Beneficent Congregational Chuch.

22
4. READING OF THE DECLARATION OF INDE
PENDENCE, BY N. W. De Munn, Principal of the
Benefit Street Grammar School.
5. SINGING, BY THE Select Choir :
FIRMLY STAND, MY NATIVE LAND.
Firmly stand, firmly stand.
My native land !
Firmly stand, firmly stand,
My native land !
True in heart and true in hand,
All that's lovely cherish.
Thus shall God remain thy fi:iend ;
Then shall heaven thy walls defend,
Freeedom, fi?eedon, freedom shall not perish 1
Firmly stand, firmly stand, my native land, my native land I
Safely dwell, safely dwell.
My native land !
Safely dwell, safely dwell.
My native land I
May thy sons united stand,
Firm and true forever I
God forbid the day should rise.
When 'tis said our fi'eedom dies :
Freedom, fi^eedom, fi'eedom, die, — O never !
Firmly stand, firmly stand, my native land, my native land !
Sing for joy, sing for joy,
My native land !
Sing for joy, sing for joy.
My native land !
In thee dwells a noble band,
All thy weal to cherish !
God with might will guard thee round.
While thy steps in truth are found.
Freedom, fi'eedom, fi-eedom, shall not perish !
Firmly stand, firmly stand, my native land, my native land !

23
6. ORATION, BY Rev. Dr. Samuel L. Caldwell, Pastor
of the Fn-st Baptist Church.
7. SINGING, BY THE Select Choir :
STAR SPANGLED BANNER !
Oh ! say can you see by the dawn's early light.
What so proudly we hail'd at the twilight's last gleaming ;
Whose broad stripes and bright stars through the perilous fight.
O'er the ramparts we watch'd, were so gallantly streaming.
And the rocket's red glare, the bombs bursting in air.
Gave proof, thro' the night, that our flag was still there ;
Oh, say does the star spangled banner yet wave.
O'er the land of the fi-ee, and the home of the brave !
On the shore dimly seen thro' the mists of the deep.
Where the foe's haughty host in dread silence reposes ;
What is that which the breeze o'er the towering sweep,
As it fitfiiUy blows, half conceals, half discloses ?
Now it catches the gleam of the morning's first beam.
In fiill glory reflected now shines on the stream ;
'Tis the star-spangled banner, oh ! long may it wave.
O'er the land of the fi?ee, and the home of the brave.
And where is that band who so vauntingly swore.
That the havoc of war, and the battle's confiision,
A home and a country should leave us no more ?
Their blood has wash'd out their foul footsteps pollution.
No refuge could save the hierling and slave,
From the terror of flight, or the gloom of the grave :
And the star-spangled banner in triumph doth wave.
O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave.
Oh ! thus be it ever, when fi-eemen shall stand
Between their loved home and the war's desolation :
Bless'd with victory and peace, may the heaven-rescued land
Praise the power that has made and preserved us a nation.
Then conquer we must, when our cause it is just,
And this be our motto, " In God is cue Trust ;"
And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall wave.
O'er the land of the fi'ee, and the home of the brave.
8. BENEDICTION, by the Eev. A. H. Clapp.

. V*

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