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3 9002 05350 1947

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BLESSINGS OF THE FIG-TREE AND VINE:

THANKSGIVING SERMON,

BY THE

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FREDERICK T

'. BROWN

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NOVEMBER 25,
1853.
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PUBLISHED BY BEQUEST OF THE CONGREGATIONS OF THE
EIBST PEESBYTEKIAN CHUECg. / , . „ .
MADISON :
PRINTED AT TUK OCgCTRIEH JOB QSTtlCE.
1852.
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BLESSINGS OF THE FIG-TREE AND VINE:

THANKSGIVING SERMON.

BY THE

REV. FREDERICK T. BROWN,

NOVEMBER 25,

PUBLISHED BY BEQUEST OF THE CONGREGATION OF THE
FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH.

MADISON:
PKI>"TED AT THE COURIER JCB OFFICE.
1852.

CORRESPONDENCE.
MADISON, November 26th, 1852.
Rev. F. T. Bkown— Dear Sik:
At a meeting of the members of your congregation, held this evening,
the undersigned were appointed a committee to request a copy of the sermon
delivered by you on the 25th instant ( Thanksgiving day) for publication. C. BARNES,
L. J. ADAMS,
WM. CLOUGII.
MADISON, Saturday afternoon, )
November 27th, 1852. f
Messes. Babnes, Adams and d,oran —
Gentlemen : Your kind and complimentary note, requesting a copy of my
Thanksgiving Sermon, for publication, cSupe to hand this morning.
My first impression was to decline complying with your request — sincerely
believing that the discourse was not worthy of the honor. But, upon second
thought, I concluded that perhaps the judgment of modesty itself should be to let
you and the congregation, in behalf of which you act, be the judges of that.
Accordingly 1 place it at your disposal.
Very sincerely, your friend and pastor,
FREDERICK T. BROWN.

SERMON.
" And Jndah and Israel dwelt safely, every man under his vine, and under his
fig-tree, from Dan even to Beer'-sheba."— 1st Kings, i: 25.
To say that any people dwell safely under their own vines and
fig-trees, is to say nearly everything that need be said of their
prosperity and happiness. Neither the vine nor the fig are emblematic
trees under our sky, but we very well understand the allusion,
and the emblems could hardly have been more expressive to the Jew
than they are to us. But it has occurred to us that perhaps each,, of
the symbols used had its seperate and particular meaning. The 'fig
tree symbolizing all the blessings of the state, not purely religious
in their character. The vine symbolizing all the purely religious
blessings of life. This may be mere fancy, but it strikes us pleasantly,
and serves the good purpose of classifying our blessings. To say
that we dwell under the fig tree, is to say that we are welly wisely
and happily governed, and that vie are not governed too much. The
great evil of most governments is that, they govern the people too
much. Some government is necessary, and government itself is of
divine authority, but the very least under which any people will
thrive, and be strong and happj', is the best government for them.
To say that we dwell under the vine, is to say that we have religious
light and religious liberty: that every man who will may read the'
Bible, and is free to worship God after the dictates of his own
conscience. Whether fanciful or not, this is the view of our text that
we propose to take on the present occasion. For it is true that, from
Dan to Beer-sheba in these United States, our annual thanksgiving
day finds us dwelling under our own fig-tree — well, wisely and
happily governed, and not governed too much : — with one solitary
exception, the odious Fugitive Slave Law, which not one person of all
this audience, as we suppose, ever expects to obey. We will suffer
its penalties, if need be, like good citizens, but to obey it is out of
the question.: — And dwelling under our own vine : with the fullest
religious liberty and religious light, free, every one of us, to read the
Bible, and to worship God after the dictates of our own consciences.
For these blessings of the fig-tree and the vine, we meet together
tO;day in this house, to give solemn thanks to God.
The idea of true representative liberty has been of very slow

4
growth In the world. It is a fampiar truth to .us, but it has not beeiji
many hundred years since its birth, and it was born into the world
an infant, and at the present day not exceeding one third of the
inhabitants of the earth have ever heard of it by the hearing of the
ear: and, of the thousand millions of our fellow men, not fifty
millions, perhaps, have any just conceptions of what it is. It is
perhaps not too much, nor too little to say, that the State prisons of
Paris would hold all the Frenchmen in France who have any correct
notion of what true representative liberty is. It takes the man as
well as the mind — and more than the mind — to comprehend some
truths. The same statement might be made respecting Italy,
respecting Spain and Portugal, respecting Austria, respecting
Sardinia, Belgium, Russia. The State prisons of their capitals
would hold all the people in these respective countries who comprehend
•and love true representative liberty. In Prussia, Sweden, JVorway,
Denmark, Holland, a few faint streaks of the dawn are seen. In
Hungary and in Switzerland the light shines more clearly, but not
with the clear, steady light of perfect day. In Great Britain the
large and powerful middle class — the intelligent, industrious,
enterprising middle class of the people — understand representative
liberty nearly as it is understood among us. But pass out of Europe
into Asia, and where, among her five hundred millions, will we
find five hundred free men? Africa has one bright spot — the
Liberian Piepublic — a bright spot, but no bigger than the tip of one's
finger to the whole country, and what shall we say of the one
hundred and fifty millions of blacks out of Liberia, her oilier
inhabitants? What do the Canadians know of representative liberty?
What do the Mexicans know of.it? or the Central Americans? or
the people of the Republics and Empires of South America? A
careful inspection of the position and condition of the world will, we
think, convince the most sceptical that, of the thousand millions of
earth's inhabitants, not exceeding fifty millions have any just
conception of what true representative liberty is.
A like examination of the Republics, and other of the best
governments of the ancient world, will reveal a similar truth. Egypt,
in her day, was the centre of intelligence and power, but the mass of
the Egyptians were unrepresented slaves. Babylonia and Assyria grew
to be mighty kingdoms, stretching out their arms like seas, and
trampling, with the haughty pride of conquerors, over all the
immediately surrounding nations; but, in their palmiest days, the
mass of the Assyrians and Babylonians were unrepresented slaves.
In the early iron age of Greece there was some sort of rude indepen-

5
dence and freedom, but it was very far from being elevated intellect
ual representative liberty; and, in the boasted silver and golden ages
of the Republics, the mass of the Greeks were unrepresented slaves.
Roman liberty was an advance on Grecian liberty, and there were
some noble things about the stern, old Roman Republic; but Roman
liberty was still not pure representative liberty; and, in the days of
her most glorious renown, the mass of the Romans were unrepresent
ed slaves. This brings us down to the advent of Jesus Christ, and leads us
to say that the germ of true representative liberty is to be found only
in the Gospel of the Son of God. The politics of every people
springs from their religion. True representative liberty, wherever it
is found, is an indiginous growth from the Gospel of the Son of God.
Search through all the old heathen philosophies and religions, and
there is never a truth to be found which, planted as a seed, will
make a whole people, governors and the governed, a free people.
Search through all the heavy tomes of modern infidelity, and there
is never a truth to be found — unless perhaps here and there a truth
stolen from God's word, as the slave trader steals slaves and sell's
them into bondage — which, planted as a seed, will make a whole
people, a free people. Where is that laboured production of the
French Encyclopaedists of the Revolution, that was to be a new and
most sweet and winning Evangel to the other benighted nations of
the earth? France ate the books, and they were in her mouth sweet
Ss honey, but since then her belly has been bitter. We repeat it.
The politics of every people springs from, their religion; and true
representative liberty, wherever it is found, is an indiginous growth
from tjie Gospel of the Son of God. The germ of liberty was in the
Gospel from the beginning, but because of the political ascendancy
of heathenism till the church grew corrupt, and because of the
leaden sleep of the dark ages that followed, the germ was not
quickened till at the Reformation.
The Gospel reveals to us one God, who is the common Father of
us all: one Lord Jesus Christ, who is the common Saviour of us all:
one Divine Spirit, who is the common Regenerator of us all. The
Gospel places all men on one common level, so far as rights are
concerned. The Gospel says indeed give honor to whom honor is
due: give fear to whom fear is due: give reverence to whom reverence
is due. but this very law puts into every man's hand — into the hand
of the humblest — a claim to be represented according to his rights.
No man is to be overlooked. No man is too insignificant to be free,
or to hold up in the sight of his rulers his vested rights, and claim

•6
for them the respect that is their due. "Render to all their dues,"' is
one law of the Gospel. "Do u'iito others as ye would that others
should do unto you," is another law of the Gospel. "Every one of us
shall give account of himself to God," is another law of the Gospel.
Plant these principles as seeds, and the growth will as certainly be
free representative liberty, as it is certain that the acorn will grow
the oak.
Government, we have said, is of divine authority. This is the
teaching of God's word. But no particular form of government is
of divine authority. The Sabbath was made for man, not man for
the Sabbath — a radical distinction. So government is intended for
man, not man for the government. Citizens, without power, in a
tyrannical, oppressive government, must submit, be good citizens, and
take the penalties of whatever laws they cannot in conscience obey.
This is according to the word of God. But citizens, with power, in
a tyrannical, oppressive government, must overthrow it, change it,
and make for themselves wholesome laws. This is according to the
word of God. The government is for the people, and not the people
for the government. The government — of whatever sort it be, a
monarchy, an aristocracy, a republic — is always responsible to God
for the highest good of the people. The highest possible form of
government, as we conceive, is a'Republic, every citizen of which is
a represented freeman. Of such a Republic as this God has made us
citizens; and there is no other government comparable to it on the :
face of the earth. This we say not in the spirit of boastful bragga- "
docio, but as being devoutly thankful to God.
Just twelve months ago this day, in a thanksgiving sermon on a
different topic from this we are discussing in the present discourse, we
had occasion to run some parallels between our own and some other
republics. Of the French Republic we used this language; "Who
so debased as to do reverence to that scorn of all patriotic and good
men, the Republic of France!" Some of you, perhaps, then thought
this strong language, too strong in condemnation of a powerful sister
Republic. But have not events' since then justified every word?
France is no longer a Republic, but an Empire. Her chief ruler is
no longer a President, but an Emperor. The people themselves
made this change. They prayed their President to consent to be
their Emperor, and do with them just what might be his pleasure.
The mayor of one of the departments paraphrased the Lord's prayer,
and blasphemously addressed it to Louis Napeleon, and it was very
graciously received. The French', as a people, were not fit to be
freemen, and they were fit to be just what they this day are, slaves.

7
It lakes men as well as mind — and more than mind — to comprehend
the idea of true representative liberty.
It is the fashion in this country to decry Great Britain, and more
particularly England. We confess to no sympathy with any such
detraction and enmity. On the contrary, we confess to great love
and great admiration for the English people. Not to such love or
admiration as we give to our own countrymen, but they have our
second-best affections. The splendid elegance and profuseness in
which the upper classes live in England has no parallel in the world.
The squalid poverty and wretchedness in which the lower classes live.
there has no parallel in the world. The lower classes have no true
representative liberty. The higher classes have, and have more than
of right belongs to them. These two features of the British govern
ment we greatly dislike. Between the higher and lower classes is
the great middle class — the intelligent, industrial class — the bone
and sinew of the country. These, for the most part, are freemen,
fully represented. The Queen — or the King, as it may be — is a
mere caput mortuum, without anything like the power that we repub
licans have put into the hands of our Presidents. But the aristocracy
of titles of nobility and great estates overshadows the land, and under
a perpetual shade, nor trees nor plants ever come to perfection. We
hate this shadow that the English nobility cast upon their poor
brethren. God made the sunshine for all. Every man should be
permitted to live in the sunshine, and cast his own shadow. We
hate, morever, the enormous taxation there is to keep the government
alive and moving, organized on these costly aristocratic principles.
Above all, we hate the Church-and-State religion of England, that
lays a ban upon the liberty wherewith Christ has made his people
free. The dissenters of England have no representative liberty in
matters of religion. Still, when looking in any other direction than
across the Atlantic, the English people may lay claim to be a nation
of represented freemen. There is more liberty of speech and liberty
of thought and liberty of action in that little island than in the whole
of continental Europe. Nay, more than in all the rest of the world
besides^- these United States alone excepted. And for learning and
generosity and deep, still-flowing, constant affections, the people of
Great Britain are surpassed by no people on whom the sun shines.
They have our second-best affections. And we give it as our opinion
that, though there are some things which cry loudly for reform, the
English people are better governed as they are than they would be
under a Republic. They love the ruts of their ancient highways
better than the smoothest roads*of democracy. The time has not yet

come there when the highest good of the largest number of people
demands that the hoary institutions of hundreds of years should be
overthrown, to make way for a Republic — even jast such an one as
our own. "Institutions are not created, but grow."
So of other countries in Europe. Europe all over is now in a state
of fierce effervesence, and Republican bubbles every few years will
rise to the surface, and will just as certainly burst. When the
masses become thoughtful, and intelligent, and constant, and reverential,
and serious-minded, a God-fearing people, then we •will have hopes
for France and Italy and Germany, and not before. It has been
said that, "To write an epic, a man must be a great epic poem
himself." Homer was a greater epic than the Iliad, Virgil than the
jEnead, Milton than the Paradise Lost. So to make a great Republic
the people must be greater than the Republic they make. The stream
cannot rise higher than its fountain. The germ must have its
existence in the earth, hidden from sight, else it cannot sprout above
ground, and grow into the stately tree. To illustrate exactly what
we mean, we call your attention to two facts — well-known, and,
without their key, most surprising historical facts.
After the revolution of 1 848 in France, the elite of French wisdom
and intelligence — their philosophers, their statesmen, their poets,
their divines — were gathered into Paris, and agglomerated into a
most imposing convention, to frame a Constitution for a great Republic.
They deliberated, they debated, they vociferated, they gesticulated
for months, and at length the model Constitution was given to the
world with a most sonorous flourish of trumpets. And now what
was it? Partur'mnt monies, nascetur ridiculus mus. It was such a
school-boy performance as might have disgraced the pupils of any
first-class academy in our land.
About this same time gold was discovered in California. Imme
diately, across the continent, by the Isthmus, and round Cape Horn
there was a rush of people to the gold mines. They were people
from every class of society known to. us, but most of them were from
the very worst classes — gamblers, desperadoes, seedy adventurers,
broken-down hacks; many of them were very young men; a very
small percentage had ever been in public life, or ever would have
been had they remained at home. They were men who went to
make money, and not laws. They were men who went to search for
gold, and not for precedents. They were men who went to frame
their fortunes, and not constitutions . But presently the whisper passed
round, "We must have laws; we must frame a constitution; we must
be a State." No sooner said than 'done. A convention was called,

9
find the convention met: and such a convention never sat before
beneath the broad heavens, and such another never will sit perhaps
again. Some were from the wet-diggings, and some were from the
dry-diggings, and some were from the gold-bearing quartz mines.
Some had been cattle-drivers. Some had trundled wheelbarrows.
Some had served as porters or hotel waiters — the most menial
employments turned tip their man. They were dressed, moreover, as
men were never dressed before: and whiskered and "bearded like
the pard."
Well, these men met in haste — for they had no time to spare from
the great business for which they had forsaken country and home —
deliberated in haste, made hasty speeches, and only to the point; and
after a very few weeks dispersed again to their several employments,
quietly: but leaving behind them, in the way of a State Constitution,
one of the most astonishing productions of legislative wisdom that
the world has ever seen, — all things considered: a most admirable
Constitution for representative freemen and republicans. The
Frenchmen conducted their water along, with great ceremony, in
silver and golden pipes; but, do what they would, the stream could
not be induced to rise higher than its fountain, and that unfortunately
was extremely low. The Californians conducted their water along in
hastily-made troughs of rough-hewn logs, and without any ceremony,
but it sparkled and foamed, and rose higher and higher, till the
stream swelled into a river, and the river into a lake of clear, sweet,
never-failing waters. That anomalous convention had — as old
divines, speaking of another subject would say — ¦ "the root of the
matter in them:" its members thought and spoke and acted such
constitutions every day of their lives, unconsciously, just as naturally
as they breathed atmospheric air.
What, then, must be the condition of that people whose most
reckless, venturous, turbulent citizens — to use no stronger expressions
— habitually think constitutions teeming with the very clearest ideas
of true representative liberty ? Never before, as we believe, were
our peculiar institutions held up so high to the gaze of a wondering
world as by that astonishing convention of reckless, constitution-
making gold-seekers on the shores of the Pacific. If the superfluous
sprouts, the excresences of the tree, as it were, bear such fruits, any
season, and under whatever sky, what may we not look for from the
parent tree herself in her own native soil, and under her own sky?
The truth is, thanks be to God, our fig-tree is bountiful- beyond
all other fig-trees to other people, in shade and generous fruits. We
can think of no better government that we could pray Almighty God

10
to give us than this, of which, in his infinite mercy, he hath made us
citizens. It protects us, and does not oppress us. It secures to us
our rights without adding any wrongs. It encourages us to all good,
and discourages us from evil. It frowns upon ignorance and smiles
upon knowledge. It delights to bless and abhors to curse. It
recognizes every man as a man in the sight of God and man. It
does not hinder, but it gives a helping hand to every man's proper
and highest development. A late English writer has described the
American citizen, and written of our institutions in a singularly happy
manner for a foreigner. The picture is slightly caricatured, but is
substantially true to nature. Mr. Casey says: "Vieing with the
Parisian in dress — the Englishman in energy — cautious as a
Dutchman — impulsive as an Irishman — patriotic as Tell' — brave as
Wallace — ¦ cool as Wellington — ¦ and royal as Alexander, there goes
— the American citizen! In answering your questions, or speaking
commonly, his style is that of the ancient Spartan; but put him on
the stump and he becomes a fountain of eloquence, passion, sentiment,
sarcasm, logic and drollery, altogether different from anything known
or imagined in the Old World." In the street, "walking right on,
as if it were life against time, with the glass at fever-heat, yet taking
it cool in the most serious and pressing matter — a compound of the
Red Man, Brummel and Franklin ¦ — statesman and laborer as he goes
— divided and subdivided in politics and religion — professionally
opposed with a keenness of competition in vain looked for even in
England; yet, let but the national rights or liberty be threatened, and
that vast nation stands as a pyramid of resolve, tinited as one man,
with heart, head, hand and purse burning with a Roman zeal to
defend inviolate the cause of the Commonwealth.
" To him who has lived among the Americans, and looked largely
at the theory and practice of their government and its executive,
there remains no possible doubt that the greatest amount of personal
security and freedom has been produced from the least amount, of
cost of any nation in the world. Culling its principles and wisdom
from the history of all empires — he should have said, from the Bible,
and particularly from the free Gospel of the Son of God — it stands
the nearest of all earthly systems to perfection, because it is built on,
and embodies those principles which God hath proclaimed in his
attributes." Such is the fig-tree under which we dwell, and such
are some of the fruits it generously ripens and then drops into our
laps. For our fig-tree we give here this day, humble, hearty, solemn
thanks to Almighty God.

411
We come now to consider the blessings of the vine. "And Judah
and Israel dwelt safely, every man under his vine, and under his fig-
tree, from Dan even to Beer-sheba."
The vine is one of the common emblems of the church. It is no
forced construction, therefore, to classify under the vine the common
religious blessings of life.
Give us your attention, dear friends, for a few minutes, to some
considerations of a few first principles' in Ecclejiology. Christ told
the Pharisees that the Sabbath was made for man* and not man for
the Sabbath. We also showed you, in the previous part of this
discourse, that government is for the people, and not the people for
the government. We now say to you that the church is made for
the christian, and not the christian for the church. These all are
radical distinctions. You know the interpretation the Jews put on
the Sabbath — how they made the man for the day, rather than the
day for the man. You know the interpretation that monarchists have
put on government — how they have made the people for the king,
rather than the king for the people. And you know the interpretation
that prelatists have put on the church — how they have made the
christian for the church, rather than the church for the christian.
We need not carry any further forward than this the illustration of
the Sabbath: we have a sufficient and pertinent illustration in
government. As government is of divine authority, so, the church
is of divine authority. As government is for the happiness and good
of the people, so, the church is for the happiness and good of christians.
As no particular form of government is of divine authority, so, no~
particular form of the church is of divine authority. As whatever
form of government will best promote the welfare, the happiness,
and the most symmetrical and highest development of the people, is
the best government for them; so, whatever form of the church will
best promote the welfare, the happiness, and the most symmetrical
and highest development of christians, is the best church for them.
Both are open questions, and left to be decided in the responsible
court of every individual man's mind. These we hold to be first
truths on government and on the church. Accordingly, we have of
governments, scattered over the world, absolute monarchies, limited
monarchies, aristocracies, and republics — it being an' admitted
principle that every nation has a perfect right to choose its own form
of government for itself, responsible to God only for its choice. And
accordingly, we have of churches, scattered over the world, absolute
monarchies, as the Romish church; limited monarchies, as the
prelatical church of England, and the Episcopal church in the United

12
States; aristocracies, as the Methodist Episcopal church; and republics,
such as are all the other churches — of all of which, the purest
representative republic, without contradiction, is, our own Presbyterian
Church — it being a principle that cannot be successfully gainsaid,
that every church has a perfect right to choose its own form of
government for itself, responsible only to God.
But where do we find this last principle — the principle that every
man shall be permitted to worship God after the dictates of his own
couscicnce — fully recognized, saving only in the United States? We
give to Rome the fullest liberty, in this Republic, to teach, to preach,
to build churches, to make proselytes. At Rome we have one
American chapel, because we would have it: but the stripes and stars
wave over it, or its doors would be nailed up to-morrow. In other
parts of Italy, and in other Catholic countries of Europe, Protestants
dare not even read the Bible, except under the flag of some foreign
power. Do you know that, within the last few months, a Protestant
gentleman and his wife, of irreproachable life, have been sentenced
to five years of seperate imprisonment, by the great Duke of
Tuscany, for the crime of reading the Bible?. And do you know
that, though christians of Switzerland and France and England and
Holland and Prussia — and some of them high in rank — have
interceded for them, they have failed to procure their release? In
France, Protestant churches exist by sufferance only, and under
heavy and irksome disabilities? In England, Dissenters — though
numerous, and well educated, and refined, and men and women, of
most devoted piety — are heartily despised by the dominant church.
Not the most gifted and accomplished young English gentleman in
England, if a Dissenter, could receive a degree at Oxford or Cam
bridge. All sorts of obstructions and annoyances strew the paths of
those who do not adhere to the national church. They are forced —
if they run at all in competition for the prizes — to run a hurdle race,
'long side of a clear track.
None of these things can be said, blessed be God! of these United
States. We have no church-and-State religion. Our government is
built upon the Bible: but since the Bible does not prescribe any
particular form of church government, neither does the State. Our
first President, Washington, was a Presbyterian — at least, it is
known that he communed with that church, and it is not known that
he ever communed with any other American church.* Our second
* This statement, since the sermon was, delivered, has been the occasion of much
local and fruitless discussion. It must be judged — as all similar statements are —
by its qualifying clause.
The facts in the case arc theso: Before the breaking out of the Revolutionary

]3
President was a Congregatiohalist. Our third called himself a
Unitarian, but he was an Infidel. Our fourth and fifth were, we
believe, Episcopalians. Our sixth, J. Q. Adams, has been claimed
by both Congregationalists and Unitarians. Our seventh, Jackson,
was a Presbyterian. Our eighth was and is nothing, so far as we
know. Our ninth was an Episcopalian. President Tyler also, if he
is anything, is an Episcopalian. Our eleventh was a Presbyterian.
General Taylor we suppose to have been inclined to Episcopacy.
President Fillmore is a Unitarian. President Pierce is a Con-
gregationalist. So much diversity as this there has been in the
religious tenets of our Presidents. Among our other great men,
and among the mass of the people, the diversity is still greater.
Religion is honorable in all, but we give no preference to any
particular form of religion. Every man is free — absolutely free,
even in public sentiment — to worship God after the dictates of his
own conscience. Churches of different denominations stand side by
side in the city and in the village, and the worshippers commingle on
the street without one jarring sentiment. Members of the same
household may belong to as many different churches, and yet they
all walk together, hand in hand, toward the same blessed home. In
essentials they all agree; in non-essentials, they wisely agree to differ.
God has so constituted the human mind that men must differ in their
judgments, their sentiments and their tastes. No two men living hold
precisely the same opinions. The attempt to enforce uniformity has
always been attended with the Worst consequences. The things
War, Washington was a member cf the Church of England. At the Declaration of
Independence! that Churcheeased to have :iuy existence, in the United States. Its
place was taken by the Protestant Episcopal Church. With the Episcopal Church
Washington never connected himself, though he regularly sat under the ministrations
of Bishop White, and other Episcopal clergymen. The only American church with
which he was ever known to commune, from the commencement of the War to the
day of his death, was the Presbyterian church. Out of New England, the church
that took the strongest and most determined stand on the side of the Colonies against
Great Britain — as we have authorities in abundance to prove — was the Presbyterian
Church. Generals Morgan and Pickens were both Presbyterian Elders. Colonels
Campbell. James Williams, Cleveland, Shelby, Bretton and Sevier were all Presbyte
rian Elders. Major Dickson and Major Samuel Morrow were both Presbyterian
Elders. Presidents Witherspoon, Graham and Smith participated largely in the
war; the two latter gentlemen raised companies and marched against the enemy.
To the Rev'ds Hall, Houston, Caldwell, MeCaule, etc., we can only allude. The
celebrated Meeklinberg Declaration of Independence was put forth by the Rev.
Uezekiah Balch and nine Presbvterian Elders, with other citizens of Meeklinberg.
In all the thirteen States, the church that took the weakest and least determined
stand — to say the very least— on the side of freedom, was, the disintegrated
Church of England, just then, by the elective affinity of its particles, solidifying
into the Episcopal Church. Washington was not blind to these facts; and what
influence they may have had in leading him to make a large donation to the.
Presbyterian College at Lexington, Va., and to seek communion with the Presbvto-
rian Church, and to persistently refuse to commune with the Episcopal Church —
the loving daughter of a tory mother— every thoughtful man must decide for
himself.

14
essential to our happiness here, and, to our happiness hereafter, God
has clearly revealed. On other things we are left free to exercise
our judgments, ajid, to some extent also, to follow our preferences —
still, however, accountable to God for the thoughts we think, the
opinions we form, and the words we speak. In this way, and in this
wav only, can man receive his most intelligent, moral development.
What range of thought on the great questions of morals is allowed
the Catholic outside the dicta of his own church? What range of
thought on the great questions of morals, churches and church
governments, do the adherents to all national churches allow them
selves outside the dicta of their , own church? None whatever.
Dissenters of all sorts are to them little, if any, better than Infidels.
Indeed, it is no uncommon thing to find them contemptuously flinging
Dissenters and Infidels promiscuously into one common purgatory of
public opinion. The State has settled the great question of religion,
and whoever will not believe with the State, at the very least, deserves
to be damned. From such narrow-minded bigotry we may all devoutly
pray, "Good Lord deliver us!" Dwelling under our vine we know
nothing of this evil. God puts the Bible into our hands, tells us to
read it for ourselves, to look to the Lord Jesus Christ for salvation,
to search the scriptures, to prove all things, and hold fast that which
is true. The Bible prescribes the church for us, but it prescribes no
particular form of the church for us: and it is sheer folly, or madness,
or wickedness for any man to assert that it does. That is left an
open question. So, moreover, the consiitution of these States regards
it. Hc-re all the churches stand on one common level: and every
man is free — absolutely free, even in public sentiment — to worship
God after the dictates of his own conscience.
This is our vine, under which we dwell: and now what are the
clusters of grapes it bears? They are clusters larger and more
luscious than those that grew of old in the Valley of Eschol.
In the first place, the Church in. this Republic is purer than it is
any where else beneath the sun — both as to its ministry and its laity.
A distinguished ecclesiastic of the Church of Rome, who not long
since left her communion, declared that of a thousand priests whom
he had examined preparatory to admitting them into the priesthood,
he did not know one pure man. It is notorious that nine-tenths of
the priests, in all Cathotic countries, keep their mistresses, or other
wise lead immoral lives, and that they practice other enormities and
abominations that should banish , them from respectable society.
Almost the lowest and worst class of the people in Catholic countries
is, the Catholic priests. It would be merest folly to look for any

15
high-toned morality among the people when such things can be said
in truth of their spiritual instructors. This is one extreme.
One of the purest of national churches, on the other extreme, is
the English Establishment. But it is notorious that not half the
ministers in that splendid establishment have any sort of claim to be
considered as converted men. Many of them are younger sons of
persons who have livings in their gifts, and to whom these livings are
given for their support in life. Church livings and advowsons are
advertised in the newspapers in England, and are sometimes sold at
auction; and the people of the parish, in such instances, get as their
pastor the man who was the highest bidder for the living, or the man
whom he chooses to present to it. Others of them are men who
have turned to the church to get bread to put in their mouths, just
as they would turn to any other profession, and without a thought of
the solemn responsibilities they were taking on themselves. And it
is notorious that to get drunk and swear, and frequent immoral
houses does not debar a man from taking priests' orders in the English
National Church. Here again the proverb holds true, "Like priest,
like people." On the other hand, it is not too much to say that our
American Churches are pure, pastors and people. Here and there
an exception may be found. But such gross immortality as we have
been speaking of would not be tolerated among us a moment.
In the second place. The Churches of this Republic are purer
in doctrine than any other Churches of a whole country under the
sun. Roman Catholicism has degenerated to Paganism. The English
National Church has degenerated to formalism and puseyism. The
Scotch National Church is hardly any better. The French National
Church has become infidel. The1 Genevan National Church has
become socinian. The German Protestant National Church has
become rationalistic. The Churches of this Republic, however, free
from the malign influence of the State, and watchful over themselves
and over each other, have, by the grace of God, in the essentials of
religion, kept themselves pure in doctrine.
In the third place. The Churches of this Republic are benevo
lent and generous to a degree known no where else, except among
the Dissenters of England, France and Switzerland, and in the Free
Church in Scotland. One of the incomprehensible things — a
constant wonder — to the people of the miserable governments of the
old world, who pay tithes, is, that the people here will voluntarily
give money for the support of religion' — to build churches and to
pay for the preaching of the Gospel. In .the greatest wonderment
we have been asked, "How can' !you , Support religion in America

16
without assistance from the State?" It is just as hard — and just as
easy — to answer that question as it is to answer another question
forever on their lips, "How can you govern yourselves without a King?"
Men left to themselves as representative freemen, intelligent and with
the open Scriptures in their hand, will very well know how to govern
themselves. And such intelligent, Bible-reading representative free
men will very well know how to support religion, and support it
liberally, without any assistance from the State.
There are other clusters from our vine that we might pluck, but
you remember that we compared them to the grapes of Eschol, one
cluster of which was so large that the spies carried it on a staff
between two. We have shown you three such clusters, and our vine
bears many such, but we cannot now pluck any more.
Dear friends, it is this da)' true that, from Dan to Beer-sheba,
every American citizen dwells safely under his fig-tree, and under
his vine. We have many things — innumerable-many and great
things — for which to thank God. He has made the lines to fall to
us in pleasant places, and has given us goodly heritages. He has
crowned our lives with loving kindnesses and tender mercies. He has
blessed us, and blessed our families, and blessed many that are very
dear to us. He has touched the hearts of some of our dear friends
that did not love him, and melted them down at the feet of the Saviour.
He has continued to others of us every one of his covenant mercier.
He is inclining others to consider their ways, and apply their hearts
unto wisdom. He is encircling all of us, through the day and through
the silent night, in the arms of his infinite love. Some, indeed, have
had bitter cups given them to drink — and we sympathized with them
— but they were needful medicines — let us' not doubt — from a loving
hand. Through all the past year, God has certainly not forgotten one
of us, and we are all here to-day to testify of his goodness. Judah
and Israel dwell safely, every man under his vine, and under his
fig-tree, from Dan even to Beer-sheba. While, therefore, we mingle
with our friends, and rejoice and are glad, let us remember that every
wood gift and every perfect gift is from above, and cometh down from
the Father of lights, with whom is no variableness, neither shadow of
turning.