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Tale University Library

In Memory of
William White Gleason
Yale 1903
From the Fund Established
By his Wife
Elsie Smith Gleason
1944

MEMOEIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

MEMORIAL

ABRAHAM LINCOLN,

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY ORDER OF THE CITY COUNCIL.

MDOCOLXV.

PRINTED BT J. E. PAKWELL & COMPANY,
PRINTERS TO THE CITY.

CONTENTS.

Death of the President  9
Proceedings of the City Council  15
Communication of Mayor Lincoln  15
Remarks of Alderman Messinger  18
Resolves  19
Remarks of the President of the Council  22
Meeting in Faneuil Hall  27
Address of Mayor Lincoln  27
Remarks of Hon. P. W. Chandler  30
Resolutions  „¦  32
Speech of Hon. Charles G. Loring  ¦  34
Speech of Hon. A. H. Rice  50
Speech of Hon. R. H. Dana, Jr  56
Procession and services in Music Hall  <  63
Eulogy of Hon. Charles Sumner  87

DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT.

DEATH OF THE PRESIDENT.

As the President of the United States was sitting with his wife
in a private box at Ford's Theatre in Washington, on the evening
of April 14, 1865, — happy in view of the speedy termination of
a protracted civil war, and the fulfilment of his high purpose, — he
received a death-wound from a pistol-shot fired by an assassin.
He never spoke afterwards , but lingered until twenty-two minutes
past seven o'clock, on the morning of April 15, when he died.
The news of his death was received in this city soon after eight
o'clock, through a despatch from the Secretary of War, and pro
duced feelings of sadness and alarm never before equalled. By
order of His Honor, the Mayor, the bells were immediately tolled,
and the flags on all public buildings were displayed at half mast.
The places of business and amusement were all closed, and the
insignia of mourning appeared on nearly every building, public and
private, in the city. An informal meeting was organized early in
the day at the Merchants' Exchange, and a Committee was ap
pointed to prepare and send a despatch to Washington, expressing
sympathy for the family of the deceased, and giving an assurance
of confidence and support to his constitutional successor — Andrew
Johnson. The message was forwarded by Mayor Lincoln, with the
following indorsement : —

10 memorial of president lincoln.
Mayor's Office, City Hall,
Boston, April 15, 1865.
To His Excellency, Andrew Johnson, Washington,
D. C.: —
I have the honor to forward the accompanying resolu
tion, passed by the citizens of Boston upon hearing of the
sad event which has cast the Nation in gloom; and I
desire to unite most sincerely in their expression of grief,
and in the patriotic resolve to support the constituted au
thorities in their efforts to uphold the integrity of the
Eepublic. F. W. LINCOLN, Jr., Mayor.

resolution of the citizens.
The citizens of Boston, overwhelmed with grief at the
awful calamity which has befallen our common country,
in the tragic death of its great and good President, and in
the deadly assault upon the wise and sagacious Secretary
of State and members of his family, spontaneously assem
bled at the Merchants' Exchange, and resolved, that an
expression of their strong and fervent sympathy be imme
diately sent to the surviving members of the afflicted
families, in view of the irreparable loss which they and
their countrymen have sustained by this sad event ; and,
also, that a message be sent to Andrew Johnson, the con
stitutional successor of Abraham Lincoln, as President of
these United States, of their confidence in his integrity,
his patriotism, and his manhood ; and their determination

RESOLUTION OF THE CITIZENS. 11
to give him their undivided and unfaltering support, im
ploring the blessing of God to guide him with the wisdom
and virtue which characterized his lamented predecessor.
ALEXANDER H. RICE,
GEORGE B. UPTON,
JAMES L. LITTLE,
AVERY PLUMER,
ALPHEUS HARDY,
EDWARD S. TOBEY,
PHINEAS STOWE,
E. R. MUDGE,
Committee.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CITY COUNCIL.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CITY COUNCIL.

City of Boston, April 17, 1865.
A special meeting of the City Council of Boston was convened
at twelve o'clock this day, by order of His Honor, Frederic W.
Lincoln, Jr., Mayor, for the purpose of expressing their respect to
the memory of Abraham Lincoln, the late President of the United
States. PROCEEDINGS OF THE BOARD OF ALDERMEN.
There were present at this meeting the Mayor and all the
Aldermen. The Board having been called to order by the Mayor, he spoke
as follows : —
To the Honorable the City Council : —
Gentlemen : Abraham Lincoln, the President of the
United. States, expired at Washington on the morning of
April 15, between the hours of seven and eight o'clock.
The death of one so distinguished, whose eminent services
for the last four years have been so valuable to his country,
and whose individual opinions and actions were considered
so vital to its future welfare, has filled the Nation's heart

16 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
with gloom. In the midst of the jubilant and excited
feelings of a grateful people, bound to him with dearer
ties than ever before in his career, his connection with
them has been suddenly severed by the violent hands of
an assassin. The fresh joy of the recent glorious victories
of our armies, securing, we trusted, peace and prosperity
to a reunited country, has unexpectedly been turned to
mourning. The shouts of an exultant people are hushed, and the
stern discipline of sorrow is once more to test their char
acter and to prove their manhood. Called to the Chief
Magistracy of the nation "at a time of unexampled trial,
when the Union of our fathers was threatened with dis
ruption by degenerate sons, the loyal spirit of the country
responded time and time again to his patriotic appeals.
His talents and his practical virtues seemed to develop and
strengthen with the new exigencies which called for their
exercise ; and at the moment when success was crowning
our efforts, the great leader was summoned away, and
his office and his great trusts fall upon- another.
President Lincoln's career will ever be considered as
one of the best illustrations of the character and nature of
Republican institutions. He was emphatically a man of
the people. Born in an humble condition, he was never
tempted to rise by a sordid ambition for place ; but yet he
was ever ready to meet public responsibilities, when the
country demanded his services. His merits as a statesman
and patriot have been tested in the most momentous period
in the history of the Republic. His integrity and worth
as a man were seldom called in question while he lived,

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CITY COUNCIL. 17
and now that he has gone, his memory will be held in
blessed remembrance by his countrymen, and especially
by that race whose shackles of slavery were broken during
his administration, and who will cherish his name as that
of their great Liberator.
He has conducted us safely through the checkered
career ot the greatest civil war known in the history of
the world ; and at the time of his decease his clear and
honest intellect wa engaged upon those great and difficult
problems of statesmanship which, after such a conflict,
appertain to a condition of peace. At times when disas
ter befell our arms, or confusion attended our councils,
and the timid were disposed to give up in despair, his
faith never wavered in the final success of the cause, —
new difficulties aroused new energies, — and, relying upon
the patriotism of the people, he moved on with a resolute
will, in the work which Providence had placed in his
hands for the salvation of the nation.
The great responsibilities of his position, he bore with
complacency and good humor. His physical frame, which
was developed in early manhood, fitted him for the unpar
alleled labors of his public trust; and his tragic death
was caused by that fell spirit of treason and disloyalty,
which, had it not been for his efforts, might likewise have
been the death of the nation.
The Republic has lost its chief officer ; — every patriot
feels that he has lost a personal friend. We finite beings
cannot fathom the wisdom of the great calamity. He that
ruleth over the nations of the earth must be our abiding
trust. To the family of the late President, our heartfelt
sympathies and condolence should be tendered.

18 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
In common with the whole nation, this community joins
in the general sorrow; and in order that you may offi
cially take that public notice of the event which the
occasion demands, I have called the members of the City
Council together in special session.
Your wisdom will suggest the most appropriate manner
for the city of Boston to honor the memory of the distin
guished dead. F. W. LINCOLN, Jr., Mayor.
At the conclusion of the Mayor's Address, Alderman George W-
Messinger, Chairman of the Board, spoke as follows : —
It is with no ordinary emotions, Mr. Mayor, that I rise
to offer the resolutions pertinent to this occasion. The
sudden shock which our entire community experienced at
the reception of the astounding reports from Washington ;
the mingled feelings of grief, of horror, and of indigna
tion, have scarcely yet subsided ; the repose and reflections
incident to the Sabbath may have served to calm and tran
quillize, but only to bring forth a more realizing sense of
the irreparable loss which the nation has sustained by the
death of its Chief Magistrate.
At the very time when the Rebellion appears subdued,
when the days of battle are numbered and the horrors of
war are to give way to the blessings of peace, when the
restoration or reconstruction of our glorious Union is so
evident, that great and good man, at the head of our
nation, whose sound judgment and valuable counsels were
so much relied on, is stricken down by the hand of the

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CITY COUNCIL. 19
assassin. Without further comment, I now submit the
preamble and resolutions prepared by a joint committee
of the City Council : — RESOLVES.
Whereas, in the Providence of God, the shadow of a
great grief is now resting on the people of the United
States, in the sudden death, by the hand of violence, of
their beloved and honored Chief Magistrate, Abraham
Lincoln, now officially announced to the City Council by
His Honor the Mayor, therefore,
Resolved, 1. That in this early hour of the Nation's
bereavement and sorrow, the greatness of our loss cannot
be adequately expressed by words, but is evinced by the
unspoken and unutterable language of the heart, and the
tears of millions of our loyal countrymen, telling how
truly and affectionately he who was from the people, and
loved the people, was loved by them.
2. That we devoutly thank God for the noble work
our loved and honored President was permitted to do for
the nation, guiding it with consummate sagacity and skill
through the most difficult epoch of its existence ; that we
recognize especially his great wisdom and foresight in
issuing his proclamation of Emancipation, which will en
title him to the gratitude of the lovers of liberty through
out the world in all future ages, and give him a place in
his country's fame by the side of the immortal Washing
ton. 3. That we accord to the family of our late Chief

20 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Magistrate our heartfelt and tender sympathy in their
irreparable loss, assuring them that we cherish as one of
our country's priceless legacies the memory of him whom
the nation mourns.
4. That the atrocious attempt to take the life of our
Secretary of State, the Hon. William H. Seward, and the
assaults on the members of his household, have excited the
liveliest interest for his preservation ; and we trust that
his life may long be spared, and his valuable counsels
continue to benefit his country.
5. That we assure President Johnson of our cordial
support in the great task devolved upon him by this hor
rible crime, entreating him to believe that the nation,
instructed by this last bitter experience, will sustain the
Government more unitedly than ever in vigorous and
effective measures for suppressing a wicked and unnatural
Rebellion, in meting out justice to all its abettors, and
securing the amplest guarantees for peace in all coming
time ; trusting that he will not pause until every seed of
its possible life is destroyed, and our whole country rests
on^the sure basis of full and impartial liberty.
6. That as a proper mark of respect, Faneuil Hall and
the City Hall be draped in mourning for the period of
thirty days, and that on the day of the funeral ceremonies
in Washington, His Honor the Mayor order all public
offices, schools and places of amusement, to be closed, and
request an entire suspension of business on the part of our
citizens. 7. That a delegation from the city government, con-
sisting of His Honor Mayor Lincoln, two Aldermen, the

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CITY COUNCIL. 21
President and three members of the Common Council,
attend the obsequies of the late President of the United
States. 8. That a eulogy on the character and services of
Abraham Lincoln be pronounced before the city govern
ment at an early day, and that a joint committee be
appointed to make the necessary arrangements.
9. That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the
President of the United States, the heads of the different
departments at Washington, and the family of the deceased.
The passage of the foregoing resolutions having been advocated
by Alderman Nathaniel C. Nash, with some appropriate remarks,
they were unanimously adopted by the Board, each member rising
in his place.
The Chair having appointed Aldermen John S. Tyler and
Charles F. Dana as a Committee in behalf of this Board to attend
the Funeral Obsequies in Washington, and Aldermen George W.
Messinger, John S. Tyler, and Thomas Gaffield upon the Com
mittee of Arrangement for an Eulogy on the deceased, as contem
plated in the eighth resolve, said resolutions were sent down to the
Common Council for concurrence, and the Board of Aldermen then
adjourned. Attest : S. F. McCLEARY, City Clerk.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE COMMON COUNCIL.
The members of the Common Council were called to order by
their President, William B. Fowle, Esq., who addressed them as
follows : —

22 memorial of president lincoln.
Gentlemen of the Common Council : —
Were I to consult my own feelings upon this occasion,
I should indulge in speechless sorrow ; but, as representa
tives of our fellow citizens, it seems proper that we should
place upon record our estimation of the great and good
man whose loss the nation mourns.
Words are but feeble instruments to express deep grief;
far better the sympathizing grasp of the hand and the eye
glistening with the involuntary tear.
We respected Abraham Lincoln as the chief magistrate
of our country, and as such alone we should have felt
sorrow at his death, but we are now in mourning for more
than the loss of the nation's head.
Our country needed him. The marked ability with
which he had steadied the helm through the long night of
civil war, until the dayspring of peace seemed fairly open
ing to our vision, had taught us to look to him as the
guiding star under whose benignant auspices all troubles
were to cease. But deeper seated than even this is our
grief to-day.
He was cut off by a dastardly act in the midst of such
usefulness as it has rarely been the lot of man to experi
ence. We lament the cruel manner of his death, and our
grief deepens at the thought that for us and in our service
he died. But even this does not sufficiently account for
the gloom which rests upon us.
Beyond the magistrate whose ability we respected,
beyond the victim of the assassin who died for us, and
whose untimely fate we deplore, beyond the loss of his
services at a time when they were so sorely needed, we

PROCEEDINGS OF THE CITY COUNCIL. 23
each and all of us have lost a dear friend ; a great, good,
honest, noble-hearted friend, whom we all loved. Our love
for him is the great cause of our heartfelt grief.
Upon our nation's roll of honor, side by side with that
of the immortal Washington, let us place the name of
Abraham Lincoln, and let us pray to the Supreme Ruler,
that the exigencies of our country may nevermore need
that a third should be added to those two
 " immortal names,

That were not born to die ! "
The message of the Mayor having been read, the resolutions
adopted by the Board of Aldermen were then submitted to the
Common Council. Their passage by this branch of the City
Council was advocated by Messrs. Clement Willis of Ward 8,
Joseph Story of Ward 5, Benjamin Dean of Ward 12, and Sol
omon B. Stebbins of Ward 10, who spoke most earnestly and ap
propriately on the subject. The resolutions were then passed
unanimously in concurrence, each member present rising in his
place. The Chair appointed Messrs. Solomon B. Stebbins of Ward 10,
Benjamin Dean of Ward 12, and Moses W. Richardson of Ward
11, delegates on behalf of the Common Council fo attend the
funeral obsequies at Washington. And the President of the Com
mon Council, together with Messrs. Joseph Story of Ward 5, John
C. Haynes of Ward 9, Sumner Crosby of Ward 12, William D.
Park of Ward 7, and Solomon B. Stebbins of Ward 10, were
joined to the Committee of Arrangements for the proposed eulogy
on the illustrious deceased.
The Common Council then adjourned.
Attest : W. P. GREGG, Clerk.

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL.

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL.

In accordance with a request from His Honor the Mayor, the cit
izens of Boston assembled in Faneuil Hall on the seventeenth of
April, 1865, at three o'clock in the afternoon, for the purpose of unit
ing in a public expression of their sense of the bereavement which
the nation had sustained in the death of Abraham Lincoln. The
hall was darkened and heavily draped with emblems of mourning.
The meeting was called to order by the Mayor, and prayer was
offered by Rev. S. K. Lothrop, D. D.
His Honor Mayor Lincoln then addressed the assembly as fol
lows : —
Fellow Citizens: On the morning of the 15th of
January a revered and distinguished citizen, then engaged
in the pursuits of private life, died suddenly at his resi-
denc3 in Boston. As the news of the sad occurrence
extended, it produced a profound impression over the whole
country.; and the President of the United States immedi
ately took .notice of the event as a national bereavement.
- On the morning of the 15th of April, just three months
after the decease of the retired statesman, — on a day sol
emnly set apart by a portion of the Christian church to
commemorate the death of our blessed Lordx — the Presi-

28

MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

dent himself, invested with all the cares and prerogatives
of official station, was summoned to depart this life, and
to join the vast assembly of good and great of other days.
On that occasion in January, this venerable hall was
arrayed in its habiliments of woe ; and to-day, again put
ting on its emblems of mourning, we are assembled to
condole with each other in this new grief, and to take
counsel together on this new sorrow which has fallen
upon our country.
The last time the citizens of Boston assembled within
these halls, it was to give an expression of the exulting joys
of a happy people over the recent victories ; to-day we
meet, bowed down by a common affliction, seeking com
fort and consolation from each other in that depression
of spirits which every heart feels. Yesterday we went up
to our several houses of worship, and before the altars
of Almighty God, gathered those lessons of resignation
for ourselves, and that confidence in the wisdom of the
Great Disposer of events, which it is the mission of our
holy religion to inspire. To-day we meet in the accus
tomed place for tEe great gatherings of the people, to
pay our feeble tribute to the memory of the distinguished
dead, and to renew our vows of unfaltering fidelity to our
country in this hour of its extreme peril.
The death of the Chief Magistrate of the nation, who
has been set apart as its Ruler by the free suffrages of its
citizens, always awakens the most tender sympathies and
the profoundest regrets ; how much more so in the
recent crisis of our national affairs, when the events of
the last four years are so fresh in our remembrance.

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 29
The hand that guided the ship of state through the perils
of the past we fondly trusted would remain at the helm
until all danger was over and gentle breezes wafted its
course over calmer seas.
We knew and braced ourselves to the fact, at the com
mencement of the unholy Rebellion, that we should be
called upon to make many sacrifices to accomplish its
overthrow ; but little did we think that one so costly and
dear was to be required as the head of the nation. The
fatal shot, which, fired by an assassin's hand, laid low the
first in the land, was aimed at the happiness of the whole
people ; and we shall be recreant to duty, and false to our
high responsibilities if we fail to extirpate the disloyal
spirit which prompted it. We may divide and form par
ties on minor matters, but let the appalling event we
deplore unite all the people in one solid phalanx in behalf
of those principles of humanity and equal rights, which
our fathers enunciated at the birth of the nation, and which
will render the name of Abraham Lincoln a blessed mem
ory through many generations.
It is not my province, fellow-citizens, to furnish the
fitting words which will give an expression of the senti
ments of this assembly. There are those present who
will speak of the career and services of the lamented
dead, and of the exigencies in which the country is now
placed. My duty is performed, when, in consonance with
the action of the City Council, you are invited to partici
pate in the proceedings of this meeting, and are thus able
to testify in an official form to the world, the feelings of
the citizens of Boston on the most solemn and memorable
event in the history of the country.

30 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Hon. Peleg W. Chandler was then introduced. He said : —
It is about ten years since the citizens of Boston assem
bled at this place to express their opinion upon a most
outrageous assault on a senator of this ' Commonwealth,
who was nearly murdered at his seat in the Capitol of the
United States. I had the honor to address that meeting,
and I expressed a strong conviction that this brutal conduct
of a representative from South Carolina would be promptly
disavowed by the people of that State, — an opinion which
prevailed to a considerable extent at that time in this com
munity. So far, however, from the prediction proving
true, a directly opposite and most lamentable course was
taken. And so it came to pass that a representative in
the Congress of the United States from one of the oldest
States in the Union, who had made a murderous attack
upon the senator of Massachusetts, was everywhere re
ceived on his journey home by a perfect ovation. Public
addresses of congratulation, private letters of thanks, the
votes of assembled citizens poured in upon him as the
hero of the hour ; he was re-elected by an unanimous
vote, and was allowed to occupy, until his death, the seat
he had disgraced. And now, Mr. Mayor and fellow-citizens,
we are assembled in Faneuil Hall to consider the assassi
nation of the President of the United States, and the
attempted murder of the Secretary of State, under cir
cumstances of brutality, cowardice, and cruelty, that have
no parallel.
It has beer hinted that this was the act of a drunken
fool or a madman. Perhaps it was. But drunken fools

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. ¦ 31
and crazy fanatics are not seldom the chosen instruments
of those who act in darkness, and resort to murder by
assassination. I do not charge this specific act upon the masses at the
South ; I do not suppose that the wicked wretch had a
written order in his pocket from Confederate leaders. But
I do suppose, I do believe, that this transaction is the
direct result of the method of these leaders in their en
deavor to destroy the Union ; that it is the legitimate fruit
of the temper in which they have carried on this war from
the first ; that it is an external manifestation of a people
half civilized, and of leaders who do not scruple to violate
every principle of honor in order to accomplish their ne
farious designs. The assassination of the President has
been publicly threatened, time and again. Prisoners of war,
taken in fair and open fight, have been stripped of their
clothing and immured in prisons filthy beyond description.
Scores of brave men have perished by slow starvation,
while hundreds and thousands have returned to their
homes only to die or to drag out a wretched existence of
premature old age. A man was hung in New York the
other day, who was said to belong to a wealthy family in
Virginia, himself well educated after their style, and an
officer in the Confederate army. This man had been con
victed of an attempt to throw a railway train from the
track, which was crowded with women and children.
A former officer in the Confederate army is now under
sentence of death, who, with companions in guilt, under
took to fire most of the hotels in a large city, and thus
destroy hundreds and perhaps thousands of lives of inno-

32 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
cent people, and this far away from the active operations
of soldiers in the field.
When have these crimes been disavowed 1 What high
and magnanimous Southern officer has condemned them,
and threatened to resign if they were approved by his
superiors % What legislature has stamped them with rep
robation I When has the Rebel Congress disapproved of
them % What Southern newspaper has denounced them %
There is nothing in all this to stir up feelings of revenge
with us. Excited passions can do no good. But we have
a duty to perform, and the consideration of these transac
tions will render that duty less difficult. The present
condition of things must cease. We have a lesson to teach
here, and the pupils must learn that lesson. We must
banish from the land every relic of barbarism. We must
colonize the country with respectable men. We must
organize school -districts and build schoolhouses, and send
schoolmasters, and spelling books, and the New England
Primer, and ministers of the Gospel, and Bibles. We
must, if necessary, withdraw the missionaries from Turkey
and Asia Minor, India, and the Islands of the iEgean Sea,
and employ them nearer home. We will thus possess and
elevate this people, to the* end that life maybe safe, liberty
secured, property protected, and the Christian religion
maintained in its purity.

Mr. Chandler then offered the following

RESOLUTIONS.
The citizens of Boston, in Faneuil Hall assembled, desire

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 33
to bow in humble and trusting submission to the Divine
Providence by whose permission our beloved and honored
Chief • Magistrate has been violently removed from the
scene of his earthly labors ; and they earnestly pray for
the ability to restrain all feelings of revenge, — " for it is
written, Vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord."
Resolved, That the character of Abraham Lincoln is one
of the richest gifts ever bestowed upon a free people. An
•enlightened statesman whose highest ambition was the
happiness of his country, — a firm magistrate who knew
how to temper, justice with mercy, — a wise ruler who
listened to the counsels of others, but always acted upon
his own convictions of duty, — he stands to-day, in the
affection of all loyal citizens, not second to Washington
himself. Resolved, That we tender to the family of the deceased
our earnest sympathy in the death of a husband and father
whose kindness of heart, purity of intention, gentleness,
firmness, and sincerity are familiar as household words to
this whole people.
Resolved, That while we do not attribute to the mass of
Rebel citizens any complicity with a crime so enormous as
the one we now deplore, we are firmly convinced that it is
the direct result of the principles inculcated by their
leaders and a state of society that is utterly opposed to
the doctrines of enlightened morality and inconsistent with
the pure precepts of the Christian religion. The holding
of human beings in brutal ignorance and hopeless slavery,
the unprovoked resort to an armed resistance to the Con
stitution and laws of the country, the deliberate starving
5

34

MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

of prisoners taken in war, the concerted attempt to burn
the hotels of a large city, filled with women and children,
the brutal assault upon a senator at his seat in the Capitol,
and finally the assassination of the Chief Magistrate of
the country, and the attempted murder of the principal
executive officer, with every circumstance of cowardice and
atrocity, are so many kindred evidences of a state of ignor
ance, brutality, and wickedness which have no parallel in
the history of a civilized people.
Resolved, That we now and here avow our determina
tion, on this solemn occasion, to preserve the Union of our
fathers, to maintain the Constitution of these United States,
to enforce the laws of the country, to remove every vestige
of barbarism from our borders, — to the end that universal
freedom, enlightened civilization, pure morality, and the
sublime principles of the Christian religion may every
where prevail; and to this we do here, in this temple of
liberty where our fathers for generations have assembled,
pledge our lives, our fortunes, and our sa.cred honor, in
voking the aid and guidance of Him in whose hands are
the destinies of nations.
Hon. Charles G. Loring spoke as follows : —
Fellow-Citizens : You can suspect no one of assuming,
uninvited, the responsibility of addressing you upon this
sad and solemn occasion, nor could you hold otherwise
than in light esteem any one who would shrink from
obedience to the call to take part in these solemnities.
It is indeed good for us to be here. We should derive

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 35
comfort and strength, in this hour of deep affliction, by
thus meeting together, though no words were uttered, and
we only stood side by side with bowed heads and full
hearts in consciousness of the sympathy which unites us
to-day as one stricken family of mourners. But a few
simple words may be ventured expressive of our grief, — a
few words of counsel and resolve in view of the appalling
event which has summoned us here.
A brief time only has elapsed since we assembled in
this place to lay our tribute of love and grateful remem
brance upon the bier of a scholar, an orator, and a states
man, upon whom we had been accustomed to lean for
guidance and support in the dark hours of our country's
peril. Oh ! that he were now here with his matchless
eloquence to thrill our hearts and move our souls as none
but he could do.
Not many days afterwards your willing footsteps sought
this consecrated hall in jubilee and congratulation upon
our national triumphs, — and these walls rocked with the
thunders of your applause at every mention of the name
of the then loved and revered head of the nation.
To-day that head is laid low in the dust, — and a nation's
exultation and joy are turned into the profoundest sorrow
and apprehension. The father of his country is stricken
down, — the Minister of State, who has conducted the
foreign diplomacy of the nation with such unrivalled skill
and lofty patriotism, has been laid low, perhaps never to
rise again, — both have fallen by the hands of rebel assas
sins, — one in the place of the public assembly, and the
other in the privacy of his sick-chamber, and perhaps then

36 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
on his dying bed. The nation stands aghast at the unex
ampled atrocity of the crime ; the civilized world will
tremble and grow pale as it listens to the story. A blow
has been stricken upon law, humanity, civilization, and
every sacred sentiment of the human heart, which causes
the whole moral world to tremble to its foundations.
It is in the midst of this tumultuous emotion, my friends,
when every one is asking of each other, what shall we say,
or what shall we do, — what are to be the consequences of
these stupendous atrocities, — what do they teach, and what
responsibilities do they involve, — that we are assembled in
this venerated hall, so redolent of profound humanity, obe
dience to the law, and self-sacrificing patriotism, to give
vent to our grief and take counsel together upon our
duties. When the first shock given by the ghastly news was
over, and the mind recovered from the paralysis it had
caused, the immediate emotion in all hearts was that of
poignant grief as for the death of one personally beloved.
Connected as we felt ourselves to be with Abraham Lin
coln as the head of our national family, — accustomed as
we were to the displays of his cheerful, genial, generous,
humane, and loving nature amid the bewildering perplex
ities and embarrassments, the boundless responsibilities
and vexing cares of his official life ; to his magnanimity,
forbearance, and self-forgetfulness amid the cruel slanders
and persecutions heaped upon him both at home and
abroad, we felt, each cf us could not but feel, that his
death, besides being a calamity to the nation and the world,
was to us in the nature of a domestic loss, touching the

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 37
finest and tenderest chords of our hearts. It is surely
hazarding nothing to assert that no head of a great nation
was ever so tenderly and heartily loved as was Abraham
Lincoln by the great bulk of the American people. That
love is to-day more vehement and active than ever before,
and will long continue a vital agent of terrible energy in
completing the great work for devotion to which he was
sacrificed. Let no man be ashamed that he shed tears
upon news of the death of Abraham Lincoln. It
were far better to be accounted among those who did so
than among those who had none to shed on Saturday
morning. It is, however, the consciousness of the seemingly irre
parable loss to our country, in this removal of her trusted
ruler and guide, that sinks deeper in our hearts, awakens
our most painful solicitude, and casts the darkest shadow
upon our future.
If there be anything marvellous in personal history, —
if there be anything in the history of nations betokening
Divine intervention in the appointment of their rulers, —
if it be manifest that an especial Providence raised up
George Washington to be the founder of the Union .and
the father of his country, — I hold it to be no less mar
vellous and a no less signal proof of such interposition,
that Abraham Lincoln was appointed to be the ruler and
guide of this nation through the perils of this gigantic
Rebellion ; to be the father of his country in her new birth
to a Union founded on still broader principles of law,
freedom, and humanity, — that she may henceforth take
her place among the chief of nations with no blot upon

38 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
her pure escutcheon, and no stain upon her name as
indeed " the land of the brave and the home of the free."
The reckless wish has sometimes been uttered, and in
the darker hours of the struggle perhaps not unfre-
quently, that we had some leader of transcendent genius
or influence at the head of the nation to guide its counsels
and lead its armies, — a Caesar, a Cromwell, or a Napo
leon. But nothing could have been more fatal, if not to our
present success, at least to our permanent safety, than the
granting of any such wish. Our Government, my friends,
from its very nature, must depend upon the people, and
upon them alone. If they are not willing nor able to sus
tain it, and assert its just authority, it has failed, it has
become worthless ; and the sooner it passes into the hands
of a wise or generous despot the better. The moment the
salvation of a republic rests upon the genius, power, influ
ence, or life of any individual or number of individuals in
authority, that moment its days are numbered, its sub
stance has vanished. It is the crowning glory of the
American people at this hour, that, in this desperate
struggle for national life, amid reverses that at times
seemed overwhelming, and financial perils that might
well daunt the stoutest statesman, and without a leader of
marked genius in council or in the field, unless recent
events have revealed them, the people have carried on
this great war with unflinching courage and persistent
energy, and with voluntary sacrifices of blood and treas
ure, — such as no mere governmental authority could
have exacted, nor any military chieftain, however feared
or admired, could have induced.

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 39
It is this, fellow-citizens, that makes our progress safe
hitherto, and our future certain. The people have willed
that the national life shall be sustained, that law and free
dom shall bless the land, and the flag of the Union shall
wave, as before, over it from the Canadas to the Gulf, and
from ocean to ocean. They know and feel that they are
competent to the task ; and the result depends not, and
cannot be made to depend, upon the life or lives, or the
power or influence, of any man or set of men, however
individually great.
And it is exactly here that we find the great funda
mental element in the character of our beloved President,
that so peculiarly qualified him for the Chief Magistracy
of the Union in this hour of its extremity. He was in
the broadest, truest, deepest, and noblest sense, a man of
the people, — the incarnation of republican principle and
sentiment. His whole mental and spiritual structure
were steeped in the faith that with us, government is from
the people, to be exercised by the people, and for the
people. If you trace him from his earliest speeches, by
all that he has written and spoken from the time he left
his home in Illinois to take upon himself his august office,
down to his sublime address at Gettysburg, you will find
this to be the pervading spirit and fundamental principle
of them all. He everywhere recognizes the source whence
all authority in this country is derived, the influences that
should control its exercise, the responsibility it involves to
the people and the responsibility which it imposes upon
them. His whole official life may challenge proof of one
instance of the abuse of authority for any selfish purpose,

40 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
or the assumption of any, which we did not conscientiously
believe justified by the law under the necessities of the
case, and for the safety of the people whose security was
placed in his keeping. Of all the atrocious calumnies
which ever stained the blackest page of political ribaldry,
the charges against this great and good man, of intentional
usurpation of unlawful authority, of seeking to tyrannize
over his fellow-citizens, or of abusing his high trust for
any selfish purpose, will hereafter be regarded with in
credulity and indignation until they have sunk with their
authors into contempt and forgetfulness.
Another and no less important element in the character
of Mr. Lincoln was his personal integrity, so universally
acknowledged and so characteristic of his whole life, as to
have given him a title familiar to us all, homely indeed,
but one which any family might be proud to retain as a
patent of American nobility. Nor were his sturdiness of
purpose, his perfect sincerity and manly frankness less
conspicuous, all winning a measure of confidence and love
vouchsafed to few men on earth, — and of the value of
which in high places, we, my friends, too often seem
strangely ignorant or forgetful.
But perhaps the talent which most particularly distin
guished Mr. Lincoln, and qualified him so preeminently
for his high office as the head of a popular government in
times of such perilous perplexities and embarrassments,
and to be the leader and guide in the great organic change
which it was destined to undergo, was his profound, un
obtrusive, and quietly exercised sagacity.
No one can have watched the quickness of perception,

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 41
profound good sense and ingenuous simplicity with which
he has dealt with the numerous . embarrassing questions
which have arisen during his administration, as shown in
his official papers, correspondence, and reported conversa
tions, without admiration and delight. Nor can any one,
it is believed, contemplate the tact, the far-reaching fore
sight, the broad statesmanship and prophetic wisdom
evinced in his management of the seemingly insoluble
problem of Slavery, and his gradual preparation of the
public mind for its final stupendous solution, without a
feeling akin to awe, as if they could only be the result of
a Divine inspiration. With perfect comprehension of the
principles of the Constitution, the determination to make
them the rule of his administration, a marvellous insight
into the moral forces pervading the minds and hearts of
the people, a religious observer of the indications of Prov
idential design, he did not seek to be accounted a prophet,
but stood calmly a waiter upon events as manifestations of
the inevitable results to which all were tending, in order
to use them aright as means of accomplishing the salvation
of his country.
No sketch of the character of Abraham Lincoln, however
superficial, could be attempted without recognition of his
simple, fervent, unostentatious piety, breathing alike in
every important public document and throughout his cor
respondence and speeches to the last day of his life. He
seemed to live and act under a pervading sense of the pres
ence and providence of God; and in this doubtless he
found much of the strength that preserved him so calm
and firm, and even cheerful, in the terrific storms through

42 ' MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
which he was called upon to pilot the State. No one can
read his parting remarks to his friends in Illinois, when
first taking leave of them, his exquisite speech at Gettys
burg, than which nothing more grand or beautiful has
fallen from the lips of man in this generation, or his
sublime address at his second inauguration, which, although
sneered at by some ignoble critics at home, has brought
upon their knees even the London Times and Saturday
Review, and been pronounced by high authority in England
"a state paper, which, for political weight, moral dignity,
and unaffected solemnity, has had no equal in our time,"
without the conviction that he was indeed a God-fearing
and a God-trusting man. In the language, as it is believed,
of one of the most eminent authors in England, we may
well say : " When the heats of party passion and interna
tional jealousy have abated, when detraction has spent its
malice and the scandalous gossip of the day goes the way
of all lies, the place of Abraham Lincoln in the grateful
affections of his countrymen, and in the respect of the
world, will be second only, if it be second, to that of
Washington himself."
These words were written while he was yet living, the
revered and beloved ruler of our people. But the hand of
the assassin has stricken him down and " the places that
once knew him shall know him no more forever." The
parricides have murdered the father of their country as
well as of ours, for his generous and loving heart embraced
them as well as us in its longings for friendly and fraternal
restoration to the blessings of a common country. They
have laid low the hand that was outstretched for their

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 43
protection from the vengeance of an outraged nation ; they
have slaughtered their best friend ; and woe, woe to them,
more than to us, will be the consequence of this atrocious
murder. But we must turn from this sad but interesting thems to
ask ourselves for the interpretation of this seemingly hor
rible dream, from which we are yet but half awakened
Why has this terrible sin been suffered to be committed ?
How is it that the kind providence of God, which we have
so exultingly,and I trust reverentially, claimed as manifested
thus far in our behalf, thus apparently withdrawn its pro
tection, suffered our beloved leader to be stricken down
and our joy to be turned into mourning \ — our exultant
hopes into sadness and apprehension ]
It would indeed be presumptuous in us to attempt to
scan or to portray the designs of God in such an event as
this. All that we may do is humbly to trust that He
ordains all things for the best to those who seek the knowl
edge of His will, and to lay to heart the lesson He is thus
teaching as it addresses itself to our consciences and our
understanding. As there seems to be no pretence that the assassins were
instigated by any sense of personal wrong to themselves in
dividually, committed by their victims ; and as the attempted
destruction of life was not confined to the President alone,
but extended to the Minister of State, holding the next
most important office in the nation, and whose services
in this juncture are of peculiar moment ; and there is good
cause to believe was also designed to embrace the Minister
of War, holding the keys of the military resources of the

44 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
nation, and other offices of state, there can be no reason
able doubt that these crimes were the fruits of a conspiracy
for the breaking up or crippling of the Government, with a
view to save the sinking fortunes of the Rebels, by giving
them time for rallying their scattered forces and reviving
their fainting courage, or for the deadly purpose of wreak
ing a fiendish revenge for the overthrow which they have
sustained. Where this conspiracy originated, and how far it ex
tended; whether it was in pursuance of a plan concerted
by the Rebel leaders, or under their auspices, or whether
it was confined to a few desperate men only, is not and
perhaps never may be satisfactorily ascertained. Nor, so
far as our future safety or duty is concerned, is it material.
Unhappily for them, the whole course of conduct of the
instigators and leaders of this Rebellion has been notori
ously such as to render their participation or connivance-
in a crime like this neither impossible nor incredible. It
is of hardly less, if any inferior atrocity, though of more
dramatic conspicuousness, than many others of which they
have been guilty. The whole tone of public sentiment
with which they have long and systematically labored, by
every species of falsehood and malignity, to poison and
embitter the heart of the South against the North; the
rewards offered in their public prints for the heads of
Union officers ; the atrocious threats and anathemas which
they have, in public and in private, poured out upon the
heads of our soldiers and people ; the no longer question
able, deliberate, and fiendish destruction of the lives t)f
thousands, and tens of thousands, of our brethren, their

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 45
prisoners of war, by lingering deaths from cold and star
vation ; the almost universal cruelty with which others were
killed, maimed, or insulted, and even by women accounting
themselves ladies ; all too plainly indicate a deadly rancor
and hatred nursed and encouraged towards the people of
the North, of which this crime is nothing more than
the natural fruit, and for which these instigators and
leaders are justly accountable. It is but the natural cul
mination of the ferocity against the North, so long culti
vated as a Southern virtue.
It may be that this lesson was needed, more fully to
impress upon us and the world the true character of this
Rebellion, its inherent atrocity and the necessity for the
further continuance of our utmost energy and caution in
its entire suppression until every vestige of future danger
shall have been removed. It may be that, bewildered by
the magnitude of the Rebellion, extending over so vast an
area, and infecting such large numbers of men, and daz
zled by the valor and persistency with which they have
attempted to maintain their cause, or lulled by the syren
song of returning peace and commercial prosperity, we
were becoming blind to the enormity of the crime ; that a
weak sentimentality was taking place of our manly percep
tion of the right, and our resolution to maintain it ; that
there was danger that the old party associations and affilia
tions between Northern and Southern politicians might be
again revived to enable the South to recover its ancient
sway over the land, and allow its former leaders to resume
their places in the halls of Congress.
It may be that the perfidy of the authors and plotters

46 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
of the Rebellion, in planning and preparing for its accom
plishment, while holding posts of honor and trust under
the Government, which they intended to destroy ; that the
stealing of fortresses and arms and ammunition held in
trust for its use ; the memorable bloody assault in the
Senate chamber, on the perpetrator of which civic honors
and splendid gifts and the approving smiles of fair women
were showered without number, — a just type, indeed, of
this then incipient crime ; the bayoneting of wounded
soldiers on the field of battle ; the conversion of skulls of
those killed into drinking-cups and their bones into arm
lets and necklaces ; the robbery of prisoners of their only
clothing ; the raids and murders upon private citizens ;
the setting on fire of hotels and places of public amuse
ment filled with women and children in crowded cities ;
the deliberate, fiendish murder of tens of thousands of
prisoners of war by lingering deaths from cold and starva
tion — it may be that all these were not enough to excite
in us and foreign nations a due sense of the terrible enor
mities of this Rebellion in its origin and prosecution, but
that the dreadful climax of cold-blooded assassination was
needed to complete its crowning atrocity and shame, and
to make it stand out before the world and go down to his
tory with this further dread stamp of infamy branded
upon its forehead.
Perhaps the noble aristocracy of England, who have so
readily joined hands with the bastard aristocracy of the
South, founded upon traffic in human flesh, may recoil a
little now that the hands of their chosen allies are clotted
with the blood of the assassin's victim, as well as with that

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 47
of the slave. And the puissant Emperor of the French,
who so adroitly attempted to embarrass our Government
and encourage the Rebellion by his new Mexican empire,
and who has had impressive experience, may, perhaps,
feel a little fluttering at the heart, when he reflects that his
American allies are not Rebels only, but assassins also.
It is to be hoped, and we will believe so long as we
may, that the great mass of the Southern people will look
upon this stupendous crime with horror and detestation ;
and that it may awaken' many of them to a sense of the
hideous nature of the Rebellion and its inevitable tenden
cies. To all such, who may be disposed to return to their
allegiance to the Government in sincerity and good faith,
we should stand ready with open arms to receive them ;
but to the plotters and instigators of this foul treason, and
its chief managers and leaders, no such return should be
permitted. Their extermination by death or exile is the
only atonement that can be made for the oceans of pre
cious blood with which they have deluged the land and
desolated our homes ; the only reasonable vindication of
the majesty of the laws they have violated, and of the
authority they have defied.
The right of military occupation of the territories of
the Rebel States, until the inhabitants shall have been en
tirely subdued and brought into submission to the authority
of the Government of the Union, is unquestionable. That
right will not cease upon the mere laying down of arms and
professions of allegiance. It will continue so long as
there is reason to apprehend danger of renewed revolt, or
resistance of the law, or violation of the peace or rights of

48 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
loyal citizens, to whose safety such occupation is essential.
And of the necessity of its continuance the Government is
the sole and exclusive legal judge. Whenever, then, such
allegiance shall be honestly declared and faithfully adhered
to by the great majority of the inhabitants,, let them be re
stored as an organized State under the Constitution, visit
ing with condign punishment those disposed to disturb its
peace or withhold such allegiance. But whenever the
people submit, only because they must, to superior force,
and retain their sullen hatred of the people and govern
ment of the loyal States, and their disposition to evade or
resist its lawful authoritv, then let no such restoration take
place, — and if they elect extermination by exile or death
rather than faithful allegiance, then let that extermination
come, and let the blood be upon their own heads. Our
first, our most solemn and imperative duty to ourselves, to
our posterity, and to the civilized world, is to restore the
authority of the Union throughout the length and breadth
of the land originally under its sway. And here to-day,
upon the altar of our country, now freshly weeping with
the blood of its last and chief martyr, let us unitedly and
fervently pledge ourselves, that we will expend the last
dollar of our means, and coin our heart's blood if need
be, to fulfil this duty and accomplish this great salvation.
Fellow-citizens : One of the grandest, if not the sub-
limest, of the manifestations of the character of our peo
ple, in the vicissitudes of this terrible conflict,' has been the
religious faith which they have manifested alike in its suc
cesses and its reverses. Indeed, it seems hardly possible,
in contemplation of the wonderful course of events, all,

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 49
however seemingly adverse some may have for a time ap
peared, working together to produce the grand result, in
the near approach of which we now rejoice, — and in
view of the final solution of that dread problem of human
slavery which had so long baffled the wisdom of the
wisest, and seemed hopeless even in the eyes of Christian
faith, — it seems, I say, hardly possible to doubt the imme
diate hand of God, as guiding us through this wilderness
of crime and suffering. May we not hope that the fervent
faith of our fathers has descended, with their love of free
dom and energy of character, to their children, and that
we may manifest ourselves to be, as they were, a God-
trusting and God-abiding people \ God has permitted his
chosen servant, after fulfilment of the glorious mission on
which he was sent, to depart without lingering pain, in the
zenith of his fame, amidst the affections of a grateful peo
ple, and with the tears of a great nation falling on his
grave, to take his place above, with Him upon whom he
trusted, — and his place in the eternal memory of ages, by
the side of the Father of his Country. Let us humbly
believe that His guardian care will still be over us, and
that this dire calamity, now so fearful in our eyes, may be
made instrumental in the restoration of our country.
One other duty awaits us, my friends, to which I must
allude before relieving your patience. It is that which
. we owe to him who now, under the Constitution, has be
come the Chief Magistrate of the nation. He was chosen
by us to the position which now makes him the executive
head of the Union, because of our confidence in his ability
and patriotism ; because of his meritorious services in up-
7

50 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
holding the Government in circumstances of peculiar per
sonal peril, and his unquestionable fidelity to the cause of
the Union. Let us, then, readily and cheerfully pledge to
him the same united and cordial support given to his pre
decessor, in full confidence that he will deserve it, — and
so fulfil the solemn duties of his exalted station as to en
rol his name also, among the distinguished benefactors of
his country.
Hon. Alexander H. Rice was then introduced. He said : —
Mr. Mayor : I earnestly wish that I might remain a
silent observer and listener amid these, solemn scenes.
To me the occasion needs no interpretation by speech;
the meditations of the last two days, the appalling tidings
as they have spread from mouth to mouth, the saddened
countenances of the people, the tearful eyes, the beating
hearts, the solemn step, the decorated dwellings, the
closed places of business, and now these mourning
emblems in this temple of liberty, — these are the
eloquent interpreters of the public ..sorrow.
I feel deep down in my soul a fervent love and
veneration for that great and good patriot who has just
now passed from the society of men and the duties of earth
to the assembly of heaven ; but it is impossible for me
thus early either to rightly estimate his services or to
portray his virtues. It will indeed require more than
one day or one lifetime to gather up all the beneficent
fruits of his career.
Would that some tongue could gather up all that he

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 51
has done and its consequences, and pour it into the ears
of this nation and of mankind, so that in this time of
stupendous sorrow we might lay upon his bier the just
tribute of our veneration and gratitude and love. He
was a patriot and a statesman in the broadest and
completest signification of those terms. He was emi
nently wise, fearless in the maintenance of the right, as
gentle as a child to the erring, magnanimous beyond
all precedent to his personal enemies. Who that con
templates such a character, united to such varied and
important services as marked his administration of the
Presidential office, can but exclaim, O, Justice, surveying
our past national sins, could'st thou be satisfied with no
less a sacrifice ? O, Death, could not reddened fields
and hecatombs of dead complete thy carnival without
taking him also who was the deliverer and the hope of
this people 1
Fellow Citizens : Among the great benefits which the
nation has derived from its experience under the guidance
of him whose departure we mourn, is a better knowledge
of ourselves and of the nature and stability of the institu
tions under which we live. We have, during the whole
of his administration, been passing through the terrible
ordeal of civil war. Before the test of this experience
was applied, one-half of the discord and resistance which
we have endured, would, in the belief of mankind, have
thrown the nation into anarchy, and its institutions, civil
and political, into ruin ; but with all the conflicts of the
four years past, and with the prospect of immediate peace
before us, I believe the nation is stronger now than it has

52 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
been at any period since the. sun first shone upon its flag.
And we may also learn from this last and tragical calamity
that the country lives, not in men, but in institutions and
laws. Let us gather out of the past and the present the
sustaining hope that comes to us as we look upon the
effigies of departed patriots by which we are here sur
rounded, and upon whom and their compeers the
Republic so much depended in days by gone. Wash
ington is dead, Franklin is dead, the Adamses are dead,
and all their associates are gone. Clay and Jackson, and
our own Webster and Everett, of later years, have
departed, and now Lincoln is dead. But the Republic
lives ; and because its foundations are laid in immortal
truth, it will live as long as the stars shine on the face of
the sky. And hence we derive the admonition that we
must not long bathe our faces with tears, must not stand
gazing upon the cold remains in the Presidential mansion,
nor into the waiting grave so soon to receive all that is
mortal of him in whom we just now trusted. We may,
indeed, mingle our sympathies with that weeping wife
and with those sorrowing children, weighed down with
grief almost insupportable ; and we may mourn with the
poor and the oppressed everywhere, who have lost, in
the martyred President, their greatest friend and their un
tiring benefactor. But we must summon also our best
energies for the new exigencies and duties of the present
and the future which this calamity has thrown upon us
and upon our countrymen. And first of all let us give
our prompt and cordial and undivided support to Andrew
Johnson, who now becomes President in accordance with

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 53
the provisions of the Constitution. He is worthy of our
confidence, of our respect, and of our hearty co-operation
in the great and exhausting duties to which he is so
suddenly called. Since he appeared in public life, his
career has been that of a patriot and a hero ; and since
the great Rebellion against the Government arose, he, a
Southern man, has maintained a steadfast fealty to his
country, to • its laws, its institutions and to its liberties ;
and, whether in the Senate Chamber or as Governor of
Tennessee, has met the doctrines and machinations of
treason in every form with manly and defiant resistance.
Let us admit to our minds no fears or doubts that the
same guiding Providence which has carried the nation
safely thus far through this tremendous trial will-be with
it to the end. Does some man say that he does not know
Andrew Johnson 1 Well, we knew Abraham Lincoln even
less ; but we took him upon trust, and God revealed him
to us as a great instrument of his power in delivering the
oppressed from their bondage, and in shaping the destiny
of this nation through a more exalted and illustrious career.
Does some man doubt whether any successor can be like
him'? God only knows how great a patriot or what
varied qualities of inind and heart may be needed ; but if
the exigencies of the immediate future shall call for the
exercise of great and strong, and yet gentle powers, we
may trust that the selection of him who now accedes to
the place of the lately departed President, was not made
without the same acknowledged Divine interposition and
direction. The record of Andrew Johnson is the history of a brave

54 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
and honest man, possessing a comprehensive mind, an
open and generous heart quickened by the impulses of
patriotic devotion to liberty and his country. And if, in
these hours of natural depression and distrust, there be
doubts whether every event in his career has merited our
approbation ; if, in short, in a single instance we should
have felt a strong and fervent disapproval, yet let God be
praised if we can any of us gather all our misdoings into
the compass of a single act ; ay, and let Him be devoutly
thanked if we can offset the damaging incident by a long
record of laborious and faithful services. For my part,
Mr. Mayor and fellow-citizens, I have confidence and hope
in the future : apart from this great tragedy all the events
and circumstances by which we are encompassed are en
couraging. The Army and Navy of the Republic have
pressed back the once towering and threatening waves of
Treason and Rebellion. The lamented President, their
Commander-in-Chief, lived lohg enough to see the Rebel
flags trailed in the dust and the Rebel leader surrender the
flower of his army. He lived long enough to see the
Rebellion practically ended ; and in looking for the instruc
tive lesson that it may be designed we shall be taught by
the melancholy and tragic event which has taken the Chief
Magistrate of the country from us, perhaps God in His
wisdom saw it was a greater boon than any one mortal
should possess, to enjoy all the benedictions that shall
follow the triumph over rebellion and the restoration of
peace to our distracted land. Perhaps it was necessary
for our future security and for the ends of justice, that he
should pass away at this point of time and at this stage of

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 55
public affairs, and be succeeded by another, born and
raised in that section of the country where the Rebellion
was nurtured and originated, and who more intimately
understands its atrocity, and the spirit and purposes of
parricides and traitors.
It may be that Andrew Johnson's knowledge of the com
plications of slavery with the civil and industrial systems of
the rebellious States, was necessary to secure us against the
reappearance of its influence, and to blot out its existence
from our land. It may be that his firm hand was necessary
to guide the nation's settlement with the public enemies in
accordance with the terms of law and righteousness. He
has yet had no opportunity to declare his official policy, nor
to state with deliberation what he will seek to do with those
who may be amenable to the law ; but he has declared that
he esteems treason to be the greatest of crimes, — a crime to
be punished and not lightly forgiven, — and in this declar
ation he has but embodied the sentiment and feeling of a
large majority of his countrymen. Exhilarated by the
prospect of returning peace, we unite the influences of
magnanimity, of charity, and of forgivness ; we accept the
conviction and cherish the hope that by some means, in
the exercise of forbearance and consistently with the public
honor and a sense of justice, the masses of the people in
the now alienated sections of the country are to become
speedily reconciled ; but the instigators of this Treason and
Rebellion, the authors and principals in its barbarous atro
cities, and sickening cruelties, and assassinations, must
suffer the penalty of their crimes. We want no more of
their seditious utterances, sent forth to breed discord and

56

MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

death through the land ; we want no more of their open
or secret conspiracies against the lives either of citizens or
of the Republic ; no more of their presence in our halls
of legislation, none of their fellowship in our society ; and
the loyal people will demand that henceforth they shall
not be admitted there. This is demanded, not by vengeance
but by justice, if there be any virtue in penalties anywhere,
and as a security in the future against the recurrence of a
similar calamity ; that it may teach the lesson also to future
Presidents and Cabinets that the power and authority of
the nation are superior to those of the States ; and that
hereafter treason must be strangled in its infancy.
Fellow-citizens, let us not doubt, even in this dark hour
of national sorrow, that peace is near at hand, — such a
peace as shall bring compensation for the sacrifices and
for the heroism of this war, — peace to a country delivered
from slavery as well as from war ; and which in view of its
future greatness and reunion is already calling upon us for
a fresh consecration to freedom and to God.
Hon. Richard H. Dana, Jr., made the following remarks : —
The Martyr President ! The Martyr President !
" Treason has done its worst! Nor steel, nor poison,
Malice domestic, foreign levy, nothing
Can touch him further."
This is the great tragedy of history ! The most appalling,
the most pernicious, the most sickening ! For the assassi
nation of rulers, there has often been some show of
provocation or public cause ; but our President has

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 57
— " borne his faculties so meek, hath been
So clear in his great office, that his virtues
Will plead like angels, trumpet-tongued, against
The deep damnation of his taking off."
But this catastrophe is too vast, its lessons too vital, for
us to linger long about the person of the victim, however
strongly affection may bind us. Simple, prudent, natural,
faithful, affectionate, as a man ; events and causes provi
dential, inherent, circumstantial, and accidental have
made him the central figure in the great era of modern
times. It would be unworthy of him and his place in
history, beneath the vastness of the catastrophe, unfitting
the sacredness of this Hall, if we did not force our minds
from the contemplation of the tragic scene and the personal
•loss, to listen to the great lessons that this event is reading
to us.
It seems to-be written that no great blessing, no redemp
tion can come to race or nation, as not to human nature
itself, without the shedding of blood. This blood must be
sacramental to our country. It must be the seal, the final
seal to the covenant of our national existence and of
human rights.
Shall we dip our napkins in his blood with vows of
vengeance ? No ! The innocent blood of that kind heart
would teach us no such lesson. His life and death were
for his country and the liberty of the oppressed. Let us
take to heart then, as in the presence of the dead, the
lessons his death teaches us.
The spirit of assassination must be rebuked and cast
out. We owe it to the safety of our public men, and to
8

58 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
the fair fame of our country. We hoped it was the vice
of other ages and other climes. Is it possible that the
Southern temper, with the passions which Slavery fosters,
is developing in that direction % When our Senator was
struck down in the Senate chamber, by the representative •
from Carolina, was it rebuked % was it discountenanced by
"the power in whose interests it was done % No ! It was ap
plauded and honored by its legislatures, by its constituen
cies, by its press, without one prominent responsible excep
tion. Then came the murders and massacres by which Sla
very was forced into Kansas. Then came the general appeal
to arms. Is it possible, that that appeal failing, there is a
spirit that leads them to the secret steel and to the poisoned
cup ? If this be so, the soldier must meet it in arms, the
magistrate with the sword of justice, wherever it appears
in act. These murderers are not paradoxes, anachronisms,
without cause or accompaniments. They are but the crests
of a wave that lifts them up and bears them on. The spirit
must be exorcised, not by violence, not by retaliation, for
then violence becomes the order of the day. Wherever
any of its spirit appears, religion must denounce it as a
sin, and society cast it out as an offence. Here, in New
England, if there is a spot which did not answer with
horror to the tidings of this crime, " Let that spot be puri
fied, or let it cease to be of New England." If there was
a man whose first thought and utterance were not that of
horror and reprobation, who needed a second thought to
furnish him the seemly utterance, What shall we do with
him % I will tell you. If he be hungry, feed him ! If he
be naked, clothe him! sick or in prison, minister unto

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 59
him ! But mark him ! Let him live ! But let him live
among you " a man forbid."
The last four years have been a daily issue of life and
death for our country, the most momentous, perilous, and
costly struggle ever made for a nation's life. The scale
has turned for life. The clouds of war are clearing away,
but the civil dangers are imminent. Among the last words
of Mr. Lincoln, I find a true statement of the great prin
ciple which must guide us, and which at this hour we may
lay to heart. He declared that this Rebellion is the act of
individuals, and return to allegiance must be the act of
individuals ; that there is no public body to be dealt with.
If that simple, homely principle is adhered to, the Re
public will come out a Government, — in the strict sense
of the term, a State. If it is not adhered to, we permit
ourselves to be resolved into a Confederation. He clearly
understood that the Republic was a sovereignty, to which
each citizen owed a direct and paramount allegiance, from
which no State could absolve him, and consequently that
in return to allegiance and in the restoration of peace, no
State could be a party to a transaction with the Republic.
In war with a recognized nation, there is a power with
which you can make a treaty of peace, and a moment up
to which lawful war exists, and after which peace begins.
But in this Rebellion, peace must come as fair weather
comes after a tempest, as- general health comes after the
plague or the cholera. But who ever heard of health es
tablished by a compact to which the public were one party
and the epidemic another1? Yet, how near some ill-in
structed men came to sacrificing this vital principle the

60 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
other day at Richmond ! Thank God, the President lived
long enough, with his Cabinet, to set it right ! No State
can be permitted to repeal its ordinance of secession. No
State Legislature can be permitted to deliberate upon the
question of coming back into the Union. The authority
of the Republic over every foot of its soil and every one
of its citizens has never ceased. It must go on as of right,
and not by the consent of any body natural, or any body
political. Mr. Lincoln, from the beginning of his public life until
war changed the face of the question, contented himself
with resisting the advance of Slavery. Had the country
resisted it as he did, the war might never have begun. At
last, he would be content with nothing less than its total
extinction. This lesson his death must consecrate. To this
covenant of freedom the seal of his blood is set.
There is but one more lesson which at this moment I
seem to read through the gloomy air. It is the lesson of
forgiveness and conciliation. But when and how % They
are neither wise nor humane who are inexorable as to per
sons, but cloudy and temporizing on the vital principle.
Let us be inflexible on the principle. When that has
triumphed, when the Republic is recognized as paramount
by its own power and right, when all citizens have submit
ted as individuals, and the course of civil law runs smooth
through the country, then the lesson of conciliation and
pardon is to be put in practice. Then, not till then, has
the war ceased. A trial of strength or skill, a boxing-
match, ends when one party ceases to fight. But war is
not a trial of strength. It is a resort to force, to secure a

MEETING IN FANEUIL HALL. 61
public object. You may hold your enemy in the grasp of
war, until your just objects are secured. We will then
practise conciliation and forgiveness to the full measure of
Mr. Lincoln's kind and generous heart. In vast political
rebellions, which have taken the dimensions of war, and
have been treated as belligerent for the time, at home and
abroad, — it is justifiable to punish as traitors a few who
originated and concocted the treason. Yet, after security
is obtained, it is not in accordance with Christian civiliza
tion or the dignity and best interests of a people, to pursue
whole communities with criminal or penal consequences.
God grant the time may come, and that speedily, when a
conciliation and peace may exist over the land, which
would satisfy the kindest wishes of this our chief martyr,
ever hereafter to be called — of blessed memory !
The meeting closed with a Benediction, pronounced by Rev. Dr.
Lothrop.

PROCESSION

SERVICES ON THE FIRST OF JUNE.

PROCESSION AND SERVICES ON THE FIRST OE JUNE.

The President of the United States having set apart Thursday, the
first of June, 1865, as a day whereon all should be .occupied at the
same time in contemplation of the virtues, and sorrow for the sud
den and violent end of Abraham Lincoln, that day was selected by
the Committee appointed under the resolutions of the City Council,
as a proper occasion for the delivery of a Eulogy before the City
Government. An invitation was extended to the Honorable Charles
Sumner, to deliver the Eulogy in Music Hall, and was accepted.
As a number of organizations, civil and military, had expressed a
desire to make some demonstration of respect to the memory of the
late President, arrangements were made for a Procession on the
same day. Col. Francis W. Palfrey was appointed Chief Mar
shal ; and, in accordance with a general invitation from His Honor
the Mayor, a large number of bodies, Military, Masonic, Chari
table, Trades, and Fire companies, in Boston and its immediate
vicinity, reported to him for orders. The Procession was announced
to move at 12 o'clock m., and was marshalled in the following
order : — THE ESCOKT.

sc>

Mounted Police under the command of Capt. Edward H. Savage
Deputy Chief.
Brig. Gen. Wm. F. Bartlett, Commanding Escort
Capt. Chas. B. Amory, Assistant Adj. General.

66 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Band from the Charlestown Navy. Yard.
Battalion of United States Marines, Capt. George Butler Com
manding.
Detachment of Sailors from the United States Receiving Ship.
Boston Brigade Band.
Independent Corps of Cadets, Lieut. Col. C. C. Holmes.
Second Regiment of Infantry, M. V. M., Lieut. Col. O. W. Pea-
body commanding.
Twenty-fifth Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt. Alfred N.
, Proctor.
Morse's Cambridge Band.
Fourteenth Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt. Lewis Gaul.
Ninth Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt. Geo. H. Smith.
First Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt. Moses E. Bigelow.
Cambridge Brass Band.
Thirty-first Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt. Robt.
Torrey, Jr.
Twelfth Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt.. Geo. A. Meacham.
First Light Battery, M. V. M., Capt. Lucius J. Cummings.
Second Light Battery, M. V. M., Capt. Warren French.
Hiverhill Cornet Band.
Thirty-fourth Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt. Charles F.
Harrington.
Fourth Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt. John Q. Adams.
Fortieth Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt. John R. Farrell.
Forty-sixth Unattached Company, M. V. M., Capt. Timothy A.
Hurley.
Co. D. 42d Regiment of Infantry, M. V. M., Capt. J. P. Jordan.
Fifty-third Unattached Company, M. V. M. , Capt. John Maguire.
Chauncy Hall School Company, Capt. Gerald Wyman.
English High School Company, Capt. Thomas G. Johonnot.
Gilmore's Band.

PROCESSION AND SERVICES. 61
Seventh Regiment of Infantry, M. V. M., Capt. H. O. Whitte-
more commanding.
Chelsea Brass Band.
First Battalion- of Cavalry, M. V. M., Major Chas. W. Wilder.
Capt. Geo.W. Bird, Chief Engineer of the Fire Department.
Assistant Engineers, John S. Damrell, David Chamberlin, Joseph
Dunbar.
Veterans of the Department in carriages.
Engine No. 1, Capt. Fred. Wright.
Hose No. 1, Capt. B. C. Brownell.
Hook and Ladder No. 1, Capt. Moses Place.
Engine No. 2, Capt. John Brown.
Hose No. 2, Capt. Benj. Wright.
Hook and Ladder No. 2, Capt. Charles Simmons.
Engine No. 3, Capt. F. Hines.
Hose No. 3, Capt. Geo. W. Clark.
Hook and Ladder No. 3, Capt J. F. Marston.
Engine No. 4, Capt. John A. Fines.
Howard Engine No. 1, of Charlestown, Capt. H. L. Whiting.
Fire King Engine No. 2, of Chelsea, Capt. D. W. Pepper.
Hose No. 4, Capt. H. V. Haywood.
Engine No. 5, Capt Geo. A. Tucker.
Hose No. 5, Capt. Silas Lovell.
Engine No. 6, Capt. Chas. C. Geer.
Hose No. 6, Capt. Joseph Barnes.
Engine No. 7, Capt. Geo. L. Imbert. ¦
Engine No. 8, Capt. John S. Jacobs.
Hose No. 8, Capt. Chas. H. Prince.
Hose No. 9, Capt. Thos. C. Byrnes.
Engine No. 10, Capt Rufus B. Farrar.
Hose No. 10, Capt. Joseph Frye.

68 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Col. Francis W. Palfrey, Chief Marshal.
Aids.
Brevt. Brig. Gen. Wm. S. Tilton, Col. Chas. L. Peirson,
Maj. B. W. Crowninshield, Francis Bartlett,
A. J. Holbrook, John M. Glidden.
Volunteer Aids, consisting of officers of Massachusetts Volunteers,
under the command of Col. A. F. Devereux.
FIRST DIVISION.
Portsmouth Brass Band.
Detachment of Police under Sergeant Dunn.
Brevet. Brig. Gen. F. A. Osborn, Chief of Division.
Maj. Edward C. Richardson, Capt Thos. M. Sweet, Marshals.
Col. John Kurtz, Chief of Police.
His Honor the Mayor, and President of the Common Council.
Committee of Arrangements and Chaplains of the Day.
Invited guests, consisting of officers of the Army and Navy, repre
sentatives of Foreign Powers, and distinguished gentle
men from abroad.
Members of the Board of Aldermen, the City Clerk, and City
Messenger.
Members of the Common Council and Clerk.
Members of the School Committee.
Trustees, Superintendent, and Librarian of the Public Library.
Trustees and Superintendent of the City Hospital.
Trustees of the Mount Hope Cemetery.
Members of the Board of Directors for Public Institutions, and
officers of the Institutions.
Members of the Cochituate Water Board and Secretary.
City Treasurer, City Auditor, City Solicitor, and City Engineer.

PROCESSION AND SERVICES. 69
City Physician, Port Physician, Consulting Physician, and Physi
cians and Surgeons of the City Hospital.
•Superintendent of Streets, Superintendent of Public Buildings, Su
perintendent of Internal Health, Superintendent of Sewers
and Lands.
City Registrar and Water Registrar.
Principal Assessors and other city officers.
Members of the Massachusetts Society of the Cincinnati.
Members of the Humane Society of Massachusetts.
Members of the Massachusetts Historical Society.
Members of the Historic- Genealogical Society.
SECOND DIVISION.
Boston Cornet Band.
Sam'l A. B. Bragg, Chief of Division.
Geo. M. White, J. Frederic Marsh, Marshals.
This Division was composed of the following named Temperance
Organizations : — New Era Division.
Grand Division.
Old Bay State Division.
Massachusetts Division.
American Division.
Caledonia Division.
Island Home Division.
Bond's Cornet Band.
Grand Temple of Honor.
Trimount Temple of Honor.
Bay State Temple of Honor.
Union Temple of Honor.
Crystal Fount Temple of Honor.

70

MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

Williams Temple of Honor.
Commonwealth Temple of Honor.
Radiant Star Temple of Honor.
Sagamore Temple of Honor.
Naiad Temple of Honor.
All the Organizations were clad in regalia, and bore the banners
and insignia peculiar to the order.

THIRD DIVISION.
Germania Band.
Wm. B. May, Chief of Division.
Wm. H. Hill, Jr., Asa Potter, Marshals.
The Grand Lodge and Subordinate Lodges of Masons of Mas
sachusetts.
Woburn Brass Band.
The Grand Lodge of the Independent order of Odd Fellows of
Massachusetts, and Subordinate Lodges, as follows : —
Massachusetts Lodge.
Siloam Lodge.
Boston Lodge.
Oriental Lodge.
Tremont Lodge.
Franklin Lodge.
Bethesda Lodge.
Hermann Lodge.
Bunker Hill Lodge, Charlestown.
Mutual Relief Lodge, Haverhill.
Montezuma Lodge.
Bond's Second Band.
Ancient York Lodge of Free and Accepted Masons.

PROCESSION AND SERVICES. 71

FOURTH DIVISION.
Lieut. Col. C. G. Rowell, Chief of Division.
Lieut. Geo. W. Perkins, Wm. D. Foster, P. Mclnerny, Mar
shals.
Express Wagons of Adams & Co. Harnden & Co. and the Ameri
can Company.
American Brass Band of Providence.
Trades Associations in the following order : —
Workingmen's Assembly, composed of delegates of the various
Trades Unions.
Cooper's Union No. 1, of Massachusetts.
Boston Painter's Protective Union.
Steam Boiler Makers' Union.
Steam Boiler Makers from the Chief Engineer's Department in the
Navy Yard.
Sailmakers' Union Association.
Tailors' Trade and Protective Society.
Shipwright's Union.
Journeymen Shipwrights' Association, of Boston and vicinity.
Ship Fastener's Association of Charlestown.
Journeymen Marble Cutters' Association.
Brass Band from Fort Independence.
Columbian Association of Shipwrights and Caulkers. [Two
ancient banners were carried in the ranks of this Society, one of
which was carried at the funeral procession of Washington in
1799. J Bookbinders' Association.
Boston Printers' Union.

72

MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

FIFTH DIVISION.
U. S. Band from Galloupe's Island.
Col. P. R. Guiney, Chief of Division.
Lieut. Col. Norton, Capt. C. C. Plunkett, Marshals.
Military Associations in the following order : —
Bunker Hill Soldiers' Association, of Charlestown.
Massachusetts Volunteers in the Mexican War.
Eleventh Regiment Association.
Nims' Battery Associates.
First Massachusetts Veteran Volunteers.
Lynn Veterans' Union.
Massachusetts Veterans' Union, of Boston.
The rear of the Division was formed by a body of between two
hundred and three hundred disabled soldiers in carriao-es, belong-
O 7 ©
ing mainly to the Boston Veterans' Union.

SIXTH DIVISION.
Metropolitan Band of Boston.
Michael Doherty, Chief of Division.
James Fitzgerald, Thos. Doherty, Marshals.
Irish Associations in the following order : —
American Hibernian Society.
Boston United Laborers' Society.
The Fenian Brotherhood, composed of the following circles.
Boston Circle.
South Boston Circle.
East Boston Circle.
Chelsea Circle.

PROCESSION AND SERVICES. 73
McManus Circle of Boston.
Wolf Tone Circle of Boston.
Charlestown Circle.
Somerville Circle.
Emmet Circle, East Cambridge.
Davis Circle, Lynn.
Davis Circle, Cambridge.
Taunton Circle.
Brighton and Brookline Circle.
Watertown Circle.
Stoneham Circle.
South Reading Circle.
Woburn Circle.
West Cambridge Circle.
Weymouth Circle.
Corcoran Circle, Boston.

SEVENTH DIVISION.
Salem Brass Band.
James J. Flynn, Chief of Division.
Charles J. McCarthy, T. J. Leary, Marshals.
Irish Associations in the following order : —
Boston Roman Catholic Mutual Relief Society.
St. John's Institute Band.
St. John's Mutual Relief Society.
Boston Shamrock Society.
St. Vincent's Total Abstinence and Mutual Relief Society.
Boston Irish American Benevolent Society.
Hibernian Benevolent Society.
Emmet Association, accompanied by Quimby's Drum Corps.
Brighton Mutual Relief Society.
10

74 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
United Association of American Hibernians .
Brookline Hibernian Association.
Boston Provident Laborers' Benevolent Association.

EIGHTH DIVISION.
Maiden Brass Band.
Ezekiel W. Pike, Chief of Division.
David F. McGilvray, Maj. 'J. W- McDonald, Marshals.
Miscellaneous Societies in the following order : —
Boston Scottish Club.
Scots' Charitable Society.
Mechanic Apprentices' Library Association.
Charlestown Cornet Band.
German St. Vincent's Society.
Scandinavian Benevolent Relief Society.
Newton Brass Band.
American Protestant Association.
Independent Order of Redmen.
At the hour designated, the different divisions were put in motion
over the following route : Through Cornhill, Dock Square, Market
Square, south side, and South Market Street to Commercial Street,
through Commercial Street to Fleet Street, through Fleet Street to
Hanover Street, up Hanover Street to Blackstone Street, through
Blackstone Street, Haymarket Square, and Merrimac Street to
Causeway Street, through Causeway Street to Leverett Street,
through Leverett Street to Green Street, through Green Street,
Court Street, Tremont Row, and Tremont Street to Beacon Street,
through Beacon Street to Berkeley Street, through Berkeley Street,
to Commonwealth Avenue, through Commonwealth Avenue to Ar
lington Street, through Arlington Street to Boylston Street, through

PROCESSION AND SERVICES. 75
Boylston Street to Park Square, through Park Square and Pleasant
Street to Tremont Street, through Tremont Street to Chester Square,
through Chester Square and Chester Park to Washington Street,
through Washington Street to Cornhill.
The number of persons in the Procession was estimated at about
twelve thousand ; and the time occupied in passing a given point,
was one hour and forty minutes. On the arrival of the right of
the escort at Winter Street, soon after three o'clock, it was halted
and formed in line until the carriages containing the City Govern
ment and invited guests had proceeded up Winter Street to the
entrance of Music Hall.
The Hall was elaborately draped with the insignia of mourning.
The face of the upper balcony, opposite the platform, bore the
inscription — "Abraham Lincoln,
" Born Feb. 12, 1809. Died April 15, 1865."
And the side balconies —
"Inaugurated President of the United States March 4, 1861."
" Emancipation Proclamation Issued Jan. 1, 1863."
At the rear of the Hall were white banners suspended, with
these inscriptions : —
"It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task
remaining before us : that from the honored dead we take increased
devotion to the cause for which they have given the last full measure
of devotion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not
have died in vain ; that the nation shall, under Godj have a new
birth of freedom ; and that the government by the people, for the
people, shall not perish from the earth." — Lincoln's Address at
Gettysburg, Nov. 19, 1863.

76

MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

" With malice towards none, with charity for all, with firmness
in the right, as God shall give us to see the right, let us strive on to
finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation's wound, to care
for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and
orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting
peace among ourselves and with all nations." — Extract from Presi
dent Lincoln's Inaugural Address, March 4, 1865.
The platform was occupied by invited guests, and by members of
the Handel and Haydn chorus, numbering about six hundred.
In front of the organ there was a massive black pedestal, surmounted
by an urn, which was covered by a profusion of flowers.
At a quarter past four o'clock the services were opened with a
voluntary on the organ, by Mr. B. J. Lang.
Rev. E. B. Webb offered the following prayer : —
O Lord our God, assembled that we may commemorate
the virtues and honor the memory of our late beloved and
martyred President, we turn to thee rejoicing that thou
ever livest. We are like the grass of the field, — in the
morning it flourisheth and groweth up; in the evening
it is cut down and withereth. But with thee there is
no morning and no evening, — no beginning and no
end. We change, die, and disappear, but thou art the
same yesterday, to-day, and forever. Creatures of a
moment, we rejoice in thine Eternity. And we thank
thee for the knowledge which we have of thine attri
butes, character, and condescension to the sinful children
of men. Though thou dost by no means clear the
guilty, to the penitent and believing thou dost show
thyself merciful, forgiving iniquity, transgression, and

PROCESSION AND SERVICES. 77
sin. Do thou, who knowest the thoughts of all hearts,
make us truly penitent, and for the sake of Jesus Christ,
thy Son, our Saviiur, pardon all our neglect, omission, and
failure, — pardon all our transgression of the commands,
precepts, and spirit of thy most holy law and gospel.
And send the Holy Ghost, the Comforter, to make us
more tenderly obedient, and more truly like Him who
is our example as well as our Redeemer.
We thank thee to-day, O thou who hast appointed the
times and the bounds of the nations, for the rich broad
land in which we dwell ; and for the strong free govern
ment under which we live. We thank thee for the
memory of thy great goodness unto our fathers in the
midst of persecutions, privations, perils, and wars. We
thank thee for the mercies shown us, their children, in
these four long years of Rebellion, bloodshed, grief, and
anguish, — for the spirit of our people and for the success
of our arms. Truly thy judgments have been severe,
and as just as severe ; but in the midst of wrath thou hast
remembered mercy. By terrible things in righteousness
hast thou answered us, O God of our Salvation.
Especially now do we thank thee for the President whom
thou didst give us to preside over the Government in
these perilous times, and to bring our affairs to a pros
perous issue. Thou art our Creator and Preserver, and
thou art glorified in the life of all good men. We thank
thee that thou didst turn the hearts of the people to this
man again and again ; and that thou didst shield him
against sickness, accident, and the assaults of the enemy,
till his noble character was definitely defined and dis-

78 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
tinctly brought out to the eyes and the apprehensions of all
men. We thank thee for that childlike, honest mind, —
for that sweet, forgiving temper, — for that large, practical
common sense, which together called forth the confidence
of the people and bound them to him as with hooks of
steel. We thank thee that though he did not live to
enjoy the fruits of his toils and sacrifices, he did live long
enough to see the glory of the coming day. And now
that he is no more, help us with a truly grateful and
appreciative spirit to receive the inheritance of his virtues
and his life. Help us also to hear the voice which speaks
to us from his lips, bidding us trust thee in the darkest
hours ; bidding us watch for the finger of thy Providence
to determine our way ; bidding us to break every yoke,
and to mingle forbearance with severity, and mercy with
justice in all our acts. Sanctify to this nation the bereave
ment which has come upon us, and cause the wrath and
wickedness of traitors and assassins to praise thee. May
we learn not to trust in an arm of flesh, but in the Lord
God Almighty.
And now let thy blessing rest to-day and in the days to
come upon all the departments of the Government which
thou" hast so graciously sustained and so greatly prospered,
— regard thy servant, the President of these United States,
spare his life and bestow upon him the spirit of counsel
and of might; make him of quick understanding in the fear
of the Lord. Guide him in judgment, and make his
administration a reign of righteousness. Lay thy hand in
benediction also upon his Cabinet, and lift them, above all
selfish ambition, party-strife, and prejudice, — upon our

PROCESSION AND SERVICES. 79
Senators and Representatives in Congress, and enable
them to understand thy will, and to define and declare it
in laws which the people shall receive into their hearts
and consciences, and obey. Behold also and bless the
Chief Justice, and all his associates. Smile graciously
upon the Lieutenant-General, and upon all subordinate
officers, — upon our army and our navy.
Bless, we beseech thee, all the people, and sanctify the
loss and bereavement to those who mourn their dead, slain
in battle, starved in hostile prisons, or worn out with
disease and wounds in hospitals and show, them that the
prize gained for us and for our children, and for the
nations and generations to come, is worth the terrible
cost. And do thou, O God, forgive our enemies, defeated in
their appeal to arms, conquered at last on every field.
Have mercy upon the souls of such as shall be called to
surrender their forfeited lives in expiation of their crimes
and in satisfaction of justise. Grant repentance and par
don to all, O Lord, and make them henceforth loyal to
thee and to the Government whose hand has ever been out
stretched with protection and blessing. Remember with
thy favor the city in which we dwell, — all its officers and
enterprises. Make the mournful occasion which calls us
together at this time one of lasting profit to every citizen
and to the stranger within our gates. Help thy servant
who is to address us, to speak the truth in love, and cause
all the exercises of this day and the events of these years,
— all the terrible scenes and sufferings through which we
have been made to pass, to contribute to the purifying of

80 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
our hearts, to the perfecting of the nation, and to the
advancement of thy truth and glory throughout this whole
land and the world. Hear us, O Lord, in the name and
for the sake of Jesus Christ our Lord, whom thou dost
always hear.
And unto thy great and adorable name, Father, Son,
and Holy Ghost, shall be ascribed all honor, dominion,
and praise, now and evermore. Amen.
The dirge, "Mourn ye Afflicted People," from Judas Maccabeus,
was then performed by the Handel and Haydn Society, after
which Rev. Warren H. Cudworth read the following selections
from the Scriptures : —
Now the Lord had said unto Abram, Get thee out of thy
country, and from thy kindred, unto a land that I will shew thee :
and I will bless thee ; and make thy name great ; and thou shalt
be a blessing. And I will bless them that bless thee, and curse
him that curseth thee : and in thee shall all families of the earth be
blessed. — Gen. xii. 1-3.
And Abram journeyed, going on still toward the South. — Gen.
xii. 9.
And the Lord said, Lift up now thine eyes, and look from the
place where thou art, Northward, and Southward, and Eastward,
and Westward ; for all the land which thou seest, to thee will I
give it. In the length of it, and in the breadth of it, I will give it
unto thee. — Gen. xiii. 14-17.
Fear not, I am thy shield, and thy exceeding great r.eward. —
Gen. xv. 1.
And he believed in the Lord ; and he counted it to him for
righteousness. — Gen. xv. 6.

PROCESSION AND SERVICES. 81
And the Lord said unto him, I am the Almighty God : walk
before me, and be thou perfect. — Gen. xvii. 1.
And it came to pass at that time, that the Chief Captain of his
host spake unto Abraham, saying, God is with thee in all that
thou doest. — Gen. xxi. 22.
And the angel of the Lord called unto him out of heaven, and
said, Abraham, Abraham; by myself have I sworn, saith the
Lord, that in blessing I will bless thee ; and thy seed shall possess
the gate of his enemies, because thou hast obeyed my voice. —
Gen. xxii. 11, 16-18.
The steps of a good man are ordered by the Lord, and He
delighteth in his way. — Ps. xxxvii. 23.
Thou, Lord, wilt bless the righteous ; with favor wilt thou
compass him as with a shield. — Ps. v. 12.
Some trust in chariots, and some in horses ; but we will remem
ber the name of the Lord our God. — Ps. xx. 7.
Blessed is the nation whose God is the Lord : and the people
whom he hath chosen for his own inheritance. — Ps. xxxiii. 12.
Come, behold the works of the Lord, what desolations he hath
made in the earth. He maketh wars to cease unto the end of the
earth ; He breaketh the bow, and cutteth the spear in sunder ; He
burneth the chariot m the fire. — Ps. xlvi. 8, 9.
God hath spoken once ; twice have I heard this ; that power
belongeth unto God. — Ps. lxii. 11.
By terrible things in righteousness wilt thou answer us, O God
of our salvation; who art the confidence of all the ends of the
earth and of them that are afar off upon the sea. — Ps. lxv. 5.
Thou, O God, hast proved us, thou hast tried us as silver is
tried. Thou hast caused men to ride over our heads ; we went
through fire and through water : but thou broughtest us out into
a wealthy place. — Ps. lxvi. 10—12.
God bringeth out those which are bound with chains : but the
11

82

MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

rebellious dwell in a dry land, and his enemies shall lick the dust.
— Ps. lxviii. 6; Ixxii. 9.
O Lord God of hosts, thou hast scattered thine enemies with thy
strong arm. The North and the South, thou hast created them.
Justice and judgment are the habitation of thy throne : mercy and
truth shall go before thy face  Ps. Ixxxix. 8, 10, 14.
O give thanks unto the Lord, for he remembered his holy prom
ise, and Abraham his servant : and he brought forth his people
with joy and his chosen with gladness. And gathered them out of
the lands, from the East, and from the West, from the North, and
from the South, and led them forth by the right way. For He
hath broken the gates of brass, and cut the bars of iron in sunder.
— Ps. cv. 1, 42, 43. Ps. cvii. 3, 7, 16. Let everything that
hath breath praise the Lord. — Ps. cl. 6.
There is no wisdom, nor understanding, nor counsel against the
Lord. — Prov. xxi. 30. The Lord killeth, and maketh alive : He
bringeth down to the grave, and he bringeth up. He raiseth up
the poor out of the dust, to set them among princes : for the pil
lars of the earth are the Lord's, and he hath set the world upon
them. He will keep the feet of his saints ; and the wicked shall
be silent in darkness : for by strength shall no man prevail. — 1
Sam. ii. 6, 8, 9.
Is there not an appointed time to man upon earth ? are not his
days also like the days of an hireling? — Job vii. 1.
As the cloud is consumed and vanisheth away, so he that goeth
down to the grave shall come up no more. He shall return no
more to his house, neither shall his place know him any more. —
Job vii. 9, 10.
There is no man that hath power over the spirit, to retain the
spirit ; neither hath he power in the day of death : and there is no
discharge in that war. — Eccles. viii. 8.
Mark the perfect man and behold the upright, for the end of that
man is peace. — Ps. xxxvii. 37.

PROCESSION AND SERVICES 83
Precious in the sight of the Lord is the death of his saints. — Ps.
cxvi. 15.
A good name is better than precious ointment ; and the day of
death than the day of one's birth. — Eccles. vii. 1.
Blessed are they that mourn : for they shall be comforted. —
Matt. v. 4.
Let not your heart be troubled. I will not leave you comfort
less. Peace I leave with you, my peace I give unto you. Let not
your heart be troubled, neither let it be afraid. — John xiv. 1,
18, 27. In the world ye shall have tribulation: but be of good
cheer; I have overcome the world. — John xvi. 33. I am the
resurrection and the life. — Johnxi. 25.
Whether we live, we live unto the Lord ; and whether we die,
we die unto the Lord ; whether we live, therefore, or die, we are
the Lord's. — Rom. xiv. 8.
Remember now thy Creator in the days of thy youth, while the
evil days come not, nor the years draw nigh, when thou shalt say
I have no pleasure In them : when the keepers of the house shall
tremble, and the strong men shall bow themselves, and the grass
hopper shall be a burden, and desire shall fail ; because man goeth
to his long home and the mourners go about the streets : or ever
the silver cord be loosed, or the golden bowl be broken, or the
pitcher be broken at the fountain, or the wheel broken at the
cistern. Then shall the dust return to the earth as it was : and
the spirit shall return unto God who gave it. — Eccles. xiii. 1, 3,
5, 6, 7.
As in Adam all die, even so in Christ shall all be made alive. —
1 Cor. xv. 22.
I am persuaded that neither death, nor life, nor angels, nor
prinicipalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to come,
nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature shall be able to sep
arate us from the love of God, which is in Christ Jesus our Lord.
— Rom. viii. 38, 39.

81 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
For we know that, if our earthly house of this tabernacle were
dissolved we have a building of God, a house not made with hands,
eternal in the heavens. — 2 Cor. v. 1.
And the ransomed of the Lord shall return, and come to Zion
with songs and everlasting joy upon their heads : they shall obtain
joy and gladness, and sorrow and sighing shall flee away. — Isa,
xxx. 10.
Blessed be the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, which
according to his abundant mercy hath begotten us again unto a
lively hope, by the resurrection of Jesus Christ from the dead, to
an inheritance incorruptible and undefiled, and that fadeth not
away. — 1 Pet. i. 3, 4.
The choral " Cast thy Burdens upon the Lord " was sung.
His Honor the Mayor then introduced the Hon. Charles Sum
ner, who delivered a Eulogy. At the conclusion, the following-
hymn, written by Dr. O. W. Holmes, was sung : —
O Thou of soul and sense and breath,
The ever present Giver,
Unto Thy mighty Angel, Death,
All flesh Thou dost deliver ;
What most we cherish we resign,
For life and death alike are Thine,
Who reignest Lord forever !
Our hearts lie buried in the dust
With Him, so true and tender,
The patriot's stay, the people's trust,
The shield of the offender ;
Yet every murmuring voice is still,
As, bowing to Thy soverign will,
Our best loved we surrender.

PROCESSION AND SERVICES. 85
Dear Lord, with pitying eye behold
. This martyr generation,
Which Thou, through trials manifold,
Art shewing Thy salvation !
O let the blood by murder spilt
Wash out Thy stricken children's guilt,
And sanctify our nation !
Be thou Thy orphaned Israel's friend,
Forsake Thy people never,
In One our broken Many blend,
That none again may sever !
Hear us, O Father, while we raise
With trembling lips our song of praise,
And hless Thy name forever !
The benediction was pronounced by Rev. L. A. Grimes.

MR. SUMNER'S EULOGY.

CITY OF BOSTON

In Common Council, June 2, 1865.
Resolved, That the thanks of the City Council be presented to
Hon. Charles Sumner, for the highly eloquent, and truly
patriotic Eulogy, delivered by him, on the Life and Services of
Abraham Lincoln, late President of the United States ; — and
that he be requested to furnish a copy of said Eulogy for publica
tion. Sent up for concurrence. WM. B. FOWLE, President.
In Board of Aldermen, June 6, 1865.
Concurred. G. W. MESSINGER, Chairman.
Approved June 7, 1865. F. W. LINCOLN, Jr. Mayor.

EULOGY.

- In the universe of God there are no accidents. From
the fall of a sparrow to the fall of an empire, or the
sweep of a planet, all is according to Divine Providence,
whose laws are everlasting. It was no accident which
gave to his country the patriot whom we now honor. It
was no. accident which snatched this patriot, so suddenly
and so cruelly, from his sublime duties. Death is as
little of an accident as life. Perhaps never in history has
this Providence been more conspicuous than in that recent
procession of events, where the final triumph was wrapt
in the gloom of tragedy. It will be our duty to catch the
moral of this stupendous drama.
For the second time in. our annals, the country has
been summoned by the President to unite, on an appoint
ed day, in commemorating the life and character of
the dead. The first was on the death of George Wash
ington, when, as now, . a day was set apart for simul
taneous eulogy throughout the land, and cities, towns,
and villages all vied in tribute. More than half a century
has passed since this early observance in memory of the

92 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Father of his country, and now it is repeated in memory
of Abraham Lincoln.
Thus are Washington and Lincoln associated in the
grandeur of their obsequies. But this association- is not
accidental. It is from the nature of things, and be
cause the part which Lincoln was called to perform
resembled in character the part which was performed by
Washington. The work left undone by Washington was
continued by Lincoln. Kindred in service, kindred in
patriotism, each was naturally surrounded at death by
kindred homage. One sleeps in the East, and the other
sleeps in the West ; and thus, in death, as in life, one
is the complement of the other.
The two might be compared after the manner of Plu
tarch ; but it will be enough for the present if we glance
only at certain points of resemblance and of contrast, so
as to recall the part which each performed.
Each was at the head of the Republic during a period
of surpassing trial ; and each thought only of the public
good, simply, purely, constantly, so that single-hearted
devotion to country will always find a synonyme in their
names. Each was the national chief during a time of
successful war. Each was the representative of his coun
try at a great epoch of history. But here, perhaps, the
resemblance ends and the contrast begins. Unlike in
origin, conversation, and character, they were unlike also
in the ideas which they served, except as each was
the servant of his country. The war conducted by
Washington was unlike the war conducted by Lincoln —
as the peace which crowned the arms of the one was

mr. sumner's eulogy. 93
unlike the peace which began to smile upon the other.
The two wars did not differ in the scale of operations,
and in the tramp of mustered hosts, more than in the
ideas involved. The first was for National Indepen
dence ; the second was to make the Republic one and in
divisible, on the indestructible foundations of Liberty and
Equality. The first only cut the connection with the
mother country, and opened the way to the duties and
advantages of Popular Government. The second will have
failed unless it performs all the original promises of that
Declaration which our fathers took upon their lips when they
became a Nation. In the relation of cause and effect the
first was the natural precursor and herald of the second.
National Independence was the first epoch in our history,
and such was its importance that Lafayette boasted to the
First Consul of France that, though its battles were but
skirmishes, they decided the fate of the world.
The Declaration of our fathers, which was entitled
simply " the unanimous Declaration of the Thirteen
United States of America," is known familiarly as the
Declaration of Independence, because the remarkable
words with which it concludes made independence the
absorbing idea, to which all else was tributary. Thus did
the representatives of the United States of America in
General Congress assembled, solemnly publish and
declare " that these United Colonies are, and of right
ought to be, free and independent States ; that they
are absolved from all allegiance to the British Crown, and
that all political connection between them and the State of
Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved . . .

94: memorial of president Lincoln. ,
and for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reli
ance in the protection of Divine Providence, we mu
tually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and
our sacred honor." To sustain this mutual pledge Wash
ington drew his sword, and led the national armies, until
at last, by the Treaty of Peace in 1783, Independence was
acknowledged. Had the Declaration been confined to this pledge, it
would have been less important than it was. Much as it
might have been to us, - it would have been less of a
warning and trumpet-note to the world. There were two
other pledges which it made. One was proclaimed in the
designation " United States of America," which it adopted
as the national name, and the other was proclaimed in
those great words, fit for the baptismal vows of a Republic :
" We hold these truths to be self-evident ; that all men
are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness ; that to secure
these rights governments are instituted among men, deriv
ing their just powers from the consent of the governed."
By the sword of Washington Independence was secured ;
but the Unity of the Republic and the principles of the
Declaration were left exposed to question. From that
day to this, through various chances, they have been-
questioned, and openly dishonored, — until at last the Re
public was constrained to take up arms in their defence.
And yet, since enmity to the Union proceeded entirely
from enmity to the great ideas of the Declaration, history
must record that the question of the Union itself was

mr. sumner's eulogy. 95
absorbed in the grander conflict to uphold those primal
truths which our fathers had solemnly proclaimed.
Such are these two great wars in which these two
chiefs bore each his part. Washington fought for National
Independence and triumphed, — making his country an
example to mankind. Lincoln drew his reluctant sword
to save those great ideas, essential to the life and character
of the Republic, which unhappily the sword of Washing
ton had failed to put beyond the reach of assault.
It was by no accident that these two great men became
the representatives of their country at these two different
epochs, so alike in peril, and yet so unlike in the princi
ples involved. Washington was the natural representa
tive of National Independence. He might also have
represented national Unity, had this principle been chal
lenged to bloody battle during his life ; for nothing was
nearer his heart than the consolidation of our Union,
which, in his letter to Congress transmitting the Consti
tution, he declared to be " the greatest interest of every
true American." Then again, in a remarkable letter to
John Jay, he plainly said that he did not conceive " we
can exist long as a nation without lodging somewhere
a power which will pervade the Union in as energetic
a manner as the authority of the State governments
extends over the several States." But another person
was needed of different birth and simpler life to rep
resent the ideas which were now assailed.
Washington was of a family which may be traced in
English heraldry. Some of his ancestors sleep in close
companionship with the noble name of Spencer. By

96 memorial of president Lincoln.
inheritance and marriage he was rich in lands, and, let it
be said in respectful sorrow, rich also in slaves, so far as
slaves breed riches rather than curses. At the age of
fourteen he refused a commission as a midshipman in the
British Navy. At the age of nineteen he was military
inspector with the rank of major. At the age of twenty-
one he was selected by the British Governor of Virginia
as Commissioner to the French posts. At the age of
twenty-two he was colonel of a regiment, and was thanked
by the House of Burgesses in Virginia. Early in life he
became an observer of form and ceremony. Always
strictly just, according to prevailing principles, and order
ing at his death the emancipation of his slaves, he was
a general and a statesman l'ather than a philanthropist ;
nor did he seem to be inspired, beyond the duties of patri
otism, to any active sympathy with Human Rights. In
the ample record of what he wrote or said there is no word
of adhesion to the great ideas of the Declaration. Such
an origin — such an early life — such opportunities — such
a condition — such a character, were all in contrast with
the origin, the early life, the opportunities, the condition,
and the character of him whom we commemorate to-day.
Abraham Lincoln was born, and until he became Presi
dent, always lived in a part of the country which at the
period of the Declaration of Independence was a savage
wilderness. Strange but happy Providence, that a voice
from that savage wilderness, now fertile in men, was
inspired to uphold the pledges and promises of the
Declaration ! The Unity of the Republic on the inde-

MR. sumner's eulogy. 97
•
structible foundation of Liberty and Equality was vindi
cated by the citizen of a community, which had no exist
ence when the Republic was formed.
His family may be traced to a Quaker stock in Penn
sylvania, but it removed first to Virginia, and then, as
early as 1780, to the wilds of Kentucky, which at that
time was only an outlying territory belonging to Virginia.
His grandfather and father both lived in peril from
the Indians, and the former perished by their hands.
The future President was born in a log-house. His
mother could read but not write. His father could do
neither, except so far as to sign his name rudely, like
a noble of Charlemagne. Trial, privation, and labor
entered into his early life. Only at seven years of age
was he able to go to school for a very, brief period, carry
ing with him Dil worth's Spelling Book, which was one of
the three volumes that formed the family library. Shortly
afterwards his father turned his back upon that Slavery
which disfigured Kentucky, and placing his poor effects
on a raft which his son had helped him construct, set his
face towards Indiana, which was guarded against Slavery
by the famous Ordinance for the Northwestern Terri
tory. In this painful journey the son, who was only
eight years old, bore his share of the burdens. On reach
ing the chosen home in a land of Liberty, the son aided
the father in building the cabin, composed of logs fast
ened together by notches, and filled in with mud, where
for twelve years afterwards he grew in character and in
knowledge, as in stature, learning to write as well as to
read, and especially enjoying Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress,
13

98 memorial of president Lincoln.
•
iEsop's Fables, Weems's Life of Washington, and the Life
of Clay. At the age of twelve he lost his mother. At the
age of nineteen he became a hired hand at $10 a month
on a flatboat, laden with stores for the plantations on the
Mississippi, and in this way he floated down that lordly
river to New Orleans, little dreaming that only a few
years later, iron-clad navies would float on that same
lordly river at his command. Here also he was a learner.
From the slaves which he saw on the banks he took an
early lesson of Liberty, which had new charms in contrast
with Slavery.
In 1830, the father removed to Illinois, transporting his
effects in wagons drawn by oxen, and the future President,
who was then twenty-one years of age, drove one of the
teams. Another cabin was built in primitive rudeness,
and the future President split the rails for the fence to
enclose the lot. These rails have become classical in our
history, and the name of rail-splitter has been more than
the degree of a college. Not that the splitter of rails is
especially meritorious, but because the people are proud
to trace aspiring talent to humble beginnings, and because
they found in this tribute a new opportunity of vindicating
the dignity of free labor, and of repelling the insolent
pretensions of Slavery.
His youth was now spent, and at the age of twenty-one,
he left his father's house to begin the world for himself. A
small bundle, a laftghing face, and an honest heart ; these
were his simple possessions, together with that unconscious
character and intelligence, which his country afterwards
learned to prize. In the long history of " worth de-

MR. sumner's eulogy. 99
pressed," there is no instance of such a contrast between
the depression and the triumph — unless, perhaps, his
successor as President may share with him this distinction.
No Academy, no University, no Alma Mater of science or
learning had nourished him. No government had taken
him by the hand and given to him the gift of opportunity.
No inheritance of land or money had fallen to him. No
friend stood by his side. He was alone in poverty ; and
yet not all alone. There was God above, who watches all,
and does not desert the lowly. Plain in person, life, and
manners, and knowing nothing of form or ceremony, with
a village schoolmaster for six months as his only teacher,
he had grown up in companionship with the people, with
nature, with trees, with the fruitful corn, and with the
stars. While yet a child, his father had borne him away
from a soil wasted by Slavery, and he was now the citizen
of a Free State, where Free Labor had been placed under
the safeguard of irreversible compact and fundamental
law. And thus he took leave of youth, happy at least
that he could go forth under the day-star of Liberty.
The hardships of youth were still continued in early
manhood. He labored as a hired hand on a farm, and
then a second time he measured the winding Mississippi
to New Orleans in a flatboat. At the call of the Gov
ernor of Illinois for troops against the Indian Chief Black
Hawk, he sprang forward with patriotic ardor, and was
the first to enlist at the recruiting station in his neighbor
hood. The choice of his associates made him captain.
After the war he became a surveyor, and down to his
death retained a practical and scientific knowledge of this

100 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
business. In 1834, he was elected to the Legislature of
Illinois, and two years later he was admitted to the practice
. of the law. . He was now twenty-seven years old, and, under
the benignant influence of Republican Institutions, he had
already entered upon the double career of a lawyer and a
legislator, with the gates of the mysterious Future slowly
opening before him.
How well he served in these two characters I pause
not to tell. It is enough if I exhibit the stages of
his advance, that you may understand how he became
the representative of his country at so grand a moment
of history. It is needless to say that his opportunities
of study as a lawyer must have been small, but he
was industrious in each individual case, and thus daily
added to his stores of professional experience. Faithful
in all things, most conscientious in his conduct at the
bar, so that he could not be unfair to the other side,
and admirably sensitive to the behests of justice, so that
he could not argue on the^, wrong side, he acquired
a name for honesty, which, beginning with the com
munity in which he lived, became proverbial through
out his State ; while his genial, mirthful, overflowing
nature, apt at anecdote and story, made him a favor
ite companion where he was personally known. His
opinions on public questions were early fixed, under the
example and teachings of Henry Clay, and he never
departed from them, though constantly tempted, or
pressed by local majorities, speaking in the name of
a false democracy. It is interesting to know that thus
early he espoused those two ideas, which entered so

MR. SUMNER'S EULOGY. 101
largely into the terrible responsibilities of his latter
years, — I mean the Unity of the Republic, and the
supreme value of Liberty. He did not believe that
a State had a right, at its own mad will, to break up
this Union. As a reader of congressional speeches, and
a student of what was said by the political teachers
of that day, he was no stranger to those marvellous
efforts of Daniel Webster, when in reply to the treas
onable pretensions of nullification, that great orator of
Massachusetts asserted the indestructibility of the Union,
and the folly of those who would assail it. On the
subject of Slavery, he drew from the experience of his
own family and the warnings of his own conscience.
It was natural, therefore, that one of his earliest acts
in the legislature of Illinois should be a protest in the
name of Liberty.
At a later day, he became a representative in Congress
for a single term, beginning in December 1847, being
the only Whig representative from Illinois. His speeches
during this brief period have many of the characteristics
of his later productions. They are argumentative, logical,
and spirited, with that quaint humor and sinewy senten-
tiousness which belonged to his nature. His votes were
constant against Slavery. For the Wilmot Proviso, he had
voted, according to his own statement, " in one way and
another about forty times." His vote is recorded against
the pretence that slaves were property under the constitu
tion. From Congress he again passed to his profession.
The day was at hand, when all his powers, enlarged by
experience and quickened to their highest activity, would

102 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
be needed to repel that haughty domination which was
already undermining the Republic.
The first field of conflict was in his own State, with no
less an antagonist than Stephen A. Douglas, unhappily at
that time in alliance with the Slave Power. The too
famous t Kansas and Nebraska Bill, introduced by him
into the Senate, assumed to set aside the venerable safe
guard of freedom in the territory west of Missouri, under
the pretence of allowing the inhabitants " to vote Slavery
up or to vote it down" according to their pleasure, and
this barbarous privilege was called by the fancy name
of Popular Sovereignty. The future President did not
hesitate to denounce this most baleful measure in a series
of popular addresses, where truth, sentiment, humor, and
argument all were blended. As the conflict continued, he
was brought forward as a candidate for the Senate against
its able author. The debate that ensued is one of the
most memorable in our political history, whether we
consider the principles involved, or the way in which it
was conducted.
It commenced with a close, well-woven speech from
the Republican champion, in which he used words which
showed his insight into the actual condition of things,
as follows : " A house divided against itself cannot stand.
I believe this Government cannot endure permanently
half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union
to be dissolved, — I do not expect the house to fall, —
but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will
become all one thing, or all the other." Only a few
days before his death, when I asked him if at the time

MR. sumner's eulogy. 103
he had any doubt about this remark, he replied, " Not
in the least. It was clearly true, and time has justified
me." With like plainness he exposed the Douglas pre
tence of Popular Sovereignty as meaning simply " that
if any one man shall choose to enslave another, no
third man shall be allowed to object," and he an
nounced his belief in " the existence of a conspiracy
to perpetuate and nationalize Slavery," of which the
Kansas and Nebraska Bill, and the Dred Scott decision
were essential parts. Such was the character of this
debate at the beginning, and so it continued on the
lips of our champion to the end.
But the inevitable topic to which he returned
with the most frequency, and to which he clung with
all the grasp of his soul, was the practical character
of the Declaration of Independence in announcing the
Liberty and Equality of all men. These were no idle
words, but substantial truth, binding on the conscience
of mankind. I know not if this grand pertinacity has
been noticed before ; but I deem it my duty to say,
that to my mind it is by far the most important incident
of that controversy, and perhaps the most interesting
in the biography of the speaker. Nothing previous to
his nomination for the Presidency is comparable to it.
Plainly his whole subsequent career took its impulse
and character from that championship. And here too
is our first debt of gratitude. The words which he then
uttered live after him, and nobody can hear how he
then battled without feeling a new motive to fidelity in
the cause of Human Rights.

104 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
As early as 1854, in a speech at Peoria, against the
Kansas and Nebraska Bill, after denouncing Slavery as a
" monstrous injustice," which enables the enemies of free
institutions to taunt us as hypocrites, and causes the real
friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, he complains
especially that " it forces so many really good men
amongst ourselves into an open war with the very funda
mental principles of civil liberty, criticising the Declaration
of Independence." Thus, according to him, was criticism
of the Declaration of Independence the climax of infidel
ity as a citizen.
Mr. .Douglas opened the debate on his side July 9,
1858, at Chicago, by a speech, in which he said, among
other things, " I am opposed to negro equality. I repeat,
that this Nation is a white people. I am opposed to tak
ing any step that recognizes the negro man or the Indian
as the equal of the white man. . I am opposed to giving
him a voice in the administration of the Government."
Thus was the case stated on the side of Slavery.
To this speech the Republican candidate replied the.
next evening, and he did not forget his championship of
the Declaration. After quoting the words " we hold
these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created
equal," he proceeds to say : —
"That is the electric cord in the Declaration that links the
hearts of patriotic and liberty-loving men together, that will link
those patriotic and liberty -loving men together as long as the love
of freedom exists in the minds of men throughout the world. . . •
I should like to know if taking this old Declaration of Indepen
dence, which declares that all men are equal upon principle, and

MR. sumner's eulogy. 105
making exceptions, where will it stop? If one man says it does
not mean the negro, why not another say it does not mean some
other man? If that Declaration is not the truth, let us get the
Statute-book in which we find it and tear it out ! Who is so bold
as to do it? If it is not true, let us tear it out [cries of "no,
no " ] ; let us slick to it then ; let us stand firmly by it tlien."
Noble words ! worthy of perpetual memory. And he
finished his speech on this occasion by saying : —
" I leave you, hoping that the lamp of Liberty will burn in
your bosoms until there shall no longer be a doubt that all men
are created free and equal."
He has left us now, and for the last time, and I catch
the closing benediction of that speech, already sounding
through the ages, like a- choral harmony.
The debate continued from place to place in Illinois.
At Bloomington, July 16, 1858, Mr. Douglas again de
nied that colored persons could be citizens, and then
broke forth upon the champion of the Declaration.
"I will not quarrel with Mr. Lincoln for his views on that
subject. I have no doubt he is conscientious in them. I have not
the slightest idea but that he conscientiously believes that a negro
ought to enjoy and exercise all the rights and privileges given to
white men ; but I do not agree with him. I believe that this Gov
ernment of ours was founded on the white basis. I believe that it was
established by white men. I do not believe that it was the design
of the signers of the Declaration of Independence or the framers
of the . Constitution to include negroes,, Indians, or other inferior
races, with white men as citizens. . . . He wants them to
vote. I am opposed to it. If they had a vote, I reckon they would
all vote for him in preference to me, entertaining the views I do ! "
14

106 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Then again, in another speech at Springfield, the- next
day, Mr. Douglas repeated his denial that the colored
man was embraced by the Declaration, and thus argued
for the exclusion : —
' ' Remember that at the time the Declaration was put forth,
every one of the thirteen colonies were slaveholding colonies, —
every man who signed that Declaration represented slaveholding
constitutents. Did these signers mean by that act to charge them
selves and all their constitutents with having violated the law of
God in holding the negro in an inferior condition to the white
man? And yet, if they included negroes in that term, they were
bound, as conscientious men, that day and that hour, not only to
have abolished Slavery throughout the land, but to have conferred
political rights and privileges on the negro and elevated him to an
equality with the white man. . . . . The Declaration of Inde
pendence only included the white people of the United States."
On the same evening, at Springfield, the champion of
the Declaration, while admitting that negroes are not
" our equals in color," thus again spoke for the compre
hensive humanity of the Declaration : —
" I adhere to the Declaration. If Judge Douglas and his friends
are not willing to stand by it, let them come up and amend it. Let
them make it read that all men are created equal except negroes.
Let us have it . decided, whether the Declaration of Independence,
in this blessed year of 1858, shall be thus amended. In his con
struction of the Declaration last year, he said it only meant that
Americans in America were equal to Englishmen in England.
Then, when I pointed out to him that by that rule he excludes the
Germans, the Irish, the. Portuguese, and all the other people who
have come among us since the Revolution, he reconstructs his con-

MR. sumner's eulogy. 107
struction. In his last speech he tells us it meant Europeans. I
press him a little further, and ask him if it meant to include
the Russians in Asia ! Or does he mean to exclude that vast
population from the principles of the Declaration ? I expect ere
long he will introduce another amendment to his definition. He is
not at all particular. It may draw white men down, but it must not
lift negroes up."
Words like these must be gratefully remembered.
They make the Declaration, what the fathers intended it,
no mean proclamation of oligarchic egotism, but a charter
and freehold for all mankind.
Again, at Ottawa, August 21, 1858, Mr. Douglas, still
wishing to exclude the colored men from the Declaration,
exclaimed as follows : —
"I believe this Government was made on the white basis. I
believe it was made by white men, for the benefit of white men and
their posterity forever."
The Republican champion again took up the strain,
as follows : —
" Henry Clay once said of a class of men who would repress all
tendencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation, that they must,
if they would do this, go back to the era of our independence, and
muzzle the cannon, which thunders its annual joyous return ; they
must blow out the moral lights around us ; they must penetrate the
human soul, and eradicate there the love of liberty : and then, and
not till then, can they perpetuate Slavery in this country ! To my
thinking, Judge Douglas is, by his example and vast influence,
doing that very thing in this community, when he says that the
negro has nothing in the Declaration of Independence."

108 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
At Jonesboro, September 15, 1858, Mr. Douglas made
another effort against the rights of the colored race, in
the course of which he said : —
"I am aware that all the abolition lecturers that you find
travelling through the country, are in the habit of reading the
Declaration of Independence to prove that all men were created
equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights,
among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Mr.
Lincoln is very much in the habit of following in the track of Love-
joy in this particular, by reading that part of the Declaration
of Independence, to prove that the negro was endowed by the
Almighty with the inalienable right of equality with white men.
Now, I say to you, my fellow-citizens, that, in my opinion, the
signers of the Declaration had no reference to the negro whatever,
when they declared all men to be created equal."
At Galesborough, October 7, 1858, his opponent thus
again upheld the Declaration : —
" The Judge has alluded to the Declaration of Independence,
and insisted that negroes are not included in that Declaration ; and
that it is a slander upon the framers of that instrument, to suppose
that negroes were meant therein ; and he asks you, is it possible
to believe that Mr. Jefferson, who penned the immortal paper,
could have supposed himself applying the language of that instru
ment to the negro race, and yet held a portion of that race in
slavery ? Would he not at once have freed them ? I only have
to remark upon this part of the Judge's speech, that I believe the
entire record of the world, from the date of the Declaration of
Independence up to within three years ago, may be searched in
vain for one single affirmation from one single man, that the

MR. sumner's eulogy. 109
negro was not included in the Declaration. And I will remind
Judge Douglas and this audience, that while Mr. Jefferson was
the owner of slaves, as undoubtedly he was, in speaking upon this
very subject, he used the- strong language, that " he trembled for
his country when he remembered that God was just."
And at Alton, October 15, 1858, he renewed this same
testimony : —
" I assert that Judge Douglas and all his friends may search the
whole record of the country, and it will be a matter of great aston
ishment to me if they shall be able to find that one human being
three years ago had ever uttered the astounding sentiment that the
term "all men" in the Declaration did not include the negro.
Do not let me be misunderstood. I know that more than three
years ago, there were men who, finding this assertion constantly
in the way of their schemes to bring about the ascendency and
perpetuation of Slavery, denied the truth of it. I know that Mr.
Calhoun, and all the politicians of his school, denied the truth of
the Declaration, ending at last in that shameful declaration of Petit
of Indiana, upon the floor of the United States Senate, that the
Declaration was, in that respect, a " self-evident lie " rather than a
self-evident truth. But I say, with a perfect knowledge of all this
hawking at the Declaration without directly attacking it, that three
years ago there never had lived a man who had ventured to assail
it in the sneaking way of pretending to believe it, and then asserting
that it did not include the negro."
Lifted by the cause in which he was engaged, he
appealed to his fellow-countrymen in tones of pathetic
eloquence : —
" Think nothing of me ; take no thought for the political fate

110 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.-
of any man whatsoever, but come back to the truths that are in
the Declaration of Independence. You may do anythino- with me
you choose if you will but heed these sacred principles. You may
not only defeat me for the Senate, but you may take me and put me
to death. While pretending no indifference to earthly honors, I do
claim to be actuated in this contest by something higher than an
anxiety for office. I charge you to drop every paltry, insignificant
thought for any man's success. It is nothing. I am nothing.
Judge Douglas is nothing. But do not destroy that immortal emblem
of humanity — the Declaration of Independence."
Thus, at that early day, before war had. overshadowed
the land, was he ready for the sacrifice. " Take me and
put me to death," said he, " but do not destroy that
immortal emblem of humanity — the Declaration of Inde
pendence." He has been put to death by the enemies of
the Declaration. But though dead, he will continue to
guard that great title-deed of the human race.
The debate ended. An immense vote was cast. There
were 126,084 votes for the republican candidates, 121,940
for the Douglas candidates, and 5,091 for the Lecompton
candidates, another class of democrats ; but the support
ers of Mr. Douglas had a majority of eight on joint ballot
in the legislature, and he was reelected to the Senate.
Again returned to his profession, our champion still
cherished the Declaration. In answer to the Repub
licans of Boston, who had invited him to unite with
them in the celebration of the birthday of Thomas
Jefferson, he wrote a letter, under date of April, 1859,
which is a gem in political literature, where he again
asserted the supremacy of those truths for which he

MR. sumner's eulogy. Ill
had battled so well. In him the West thus spoke to
the East, pleading for Human Rights, as declared by our
Fathers : —
" But soberly, it is now no child's play to save the principles
of Jefferson from total overthrow in this nation.
" One would state wrth great confidence that he could convince
any sane child that the simpler propositions of Euclid are true ;
but, nevertheless, he would fail with one who should deny the
definitions and axioms. The principles of Jefferson are the defi
nitions and axioms of free society. And yet they are denied and
evaded with no small show of success. One dashingly calls them
' glittering generalities.' Another bluntly styles them ' self-evident
lies.' And others insidiously argue that they apply only to ' su
perior races.'
"These expressions, differing in form, are identical in object
and effect — the supplanting the principles of free government,
and restoring those of classification, caste, and legitimacy. They
would delight a convocation of crowned heads plotting against
the people. They are the vanguard, the sappers and miners of
returning despotism. We must repulse them, or they will sub
jugate iis.
" This is a world of compensation ; and he who would be no
slave must consent to have no slave. Those who deny freedom
to others deserve it not for themselves ; and, under a just God,
cannot long retain it.
" All honor to Jefferson — the man who, in the concrete pres
sure of a struggle for national independence by a single people,
had the coolness, forecast, and capacity to introduce into a merely
revolutionary document an abstract truth, applicable to all men and
all times, and so to embalm it there, that to-day, and in all com
ing days, it shall be a rebuke and a stumbling-block to the har
bingers of reappearing tyranny and oppression I "

112 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
In the winter of next year the Western champion ap
peared at New York ; and, in a remarkable address at the
Cooper Institute, February 27, 1860, vindicated the policy
of the Fathers of the Republic and the principles of the
Republican party. After showing with curious skill and
minuteness the original understanding on the power of
Congress over Slavery in the territories, he demonstrated
that the Republican party was not in any just sense sec
tional ; and he proceeded to expose the perils from the
pretensions of slave-masters, who, not content with requir
ing that " we must arrest and return their slaves with
greedy pleasure," insisted that the Constitution must be
so interpreted as to uphold the idea of property in man.
The whole address was in a subdued and argumentative
style, while each sentence was like a driven nail, with a
concluding rally that was a bugle-call to the lovers of
right. " Let us have faith," said he, " that right makes
might, and in that faith, let us to the end dare to do
our duty as we understand it."
A few months later this champion of the right, who
would not see the colored man shut out from the promises
of the Declaration of Independence, and who insisted
upon the exclusion of Slavery from the territories, after
summoning his countrymen to dare to do their duty, was
nominated by a great political party as their candidate
for President of the United States. Local considerations,
securing to him the support of certain States beyond any
other candidate, exercised a final influence in deter
mining his selection; but it is easy to see how, from

MR. SUMNER S EULOGY.

113

position, character, and origin, he was at that moment
especially the representative of his country. The Unity
of the Republic was menaced. He was from that vast
controlling Northwest, which would never renounce its
communications with the sea, whether by the Mississippi
or by eastern avenues. The birthday Declaration of the
Republic was dishonored, in the denial of its primal
truths. He had already become known as a volunteer
in its defence. Republican Institutions were in jeopardy.
He was the child of humble life, through whom Repub
lican Institutions would stand confest. These things
which are so obvious now, in the light of history, were
less apparent then in the turmoil of party. But that
Providence, in whose hands are the destinies of nations,
which had found out Washington to conduct his country
through the war of Independence, now found out Lin
coln to wage the new battle for the Unity of the Re
public on the foundations of Human Rights.
The election took place. Of the popular vote, Abra
ham Lincoln received 1,857,610, represented by 180
electoral ballots ; Stephen A. Douglas received 1,365,-
976, represented by 12 electoral ballots ; John C. Breck-
enridge received 847,953, represented by 72 electoral
ballots; and John Bell received 590,631, represented by
39 electoral ballots. By this vote Abraham Lincoln be
came President. The triumph at the ballot-box was
flashed by the telegraph over the whole country, from
north to south, from east to west ; but it was answered
by defiance from the slavemasters, speaking in the name
of State Rights and for the sake of Slavery. The declared

114 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
will of the American people, registered at the ballot-
box, was set at naught. The conspiracy of years blazed
into day. The National Government, which Alexander
H. Stephens characterized as " the best and freest gov
ernment, the most equal in its rights, the most just in
its decisions, the most lenient in its measures, the most
aspiring in its principles to elevate the race of man that
the sun of heaven ever shone upon ; " and which Jeffer
son Davis himself pronounced " the best government
that has ever been instituted by man," — that National
Government, whose portrait is thus drawn by its ene
mies, was defied. South Carolina was the first in crime,
and before the elected champion had turned his face
from the beautiful prairies of the West to enter upon his
dangerous duties, State after State had undertaken to aban
don its place in the Union, — senator after senator had
dropped from his seat, — fort after fort had been lost,
— and the mutterings of war had begun to fill the air,
while the actual President, besotted by Slavery, tranquilly
witnessed the gigantic treason, as he sat at ease in the
Executive Mansion — and did nothing.
It was time for another to come upon the scene. You
do not forget how the new President left his village
home, never to return except under the escort of death.
In words of farewell to the friendly multitude who sur
rounded him, he dedicated himself to his country and
solemnly invoked the aid of Divine Providence. " I
know not," he said, "how soon I shall see you again";
and then, with a prophetic voice he announced that a

MR. sumner's eulogy. 115
duty devolved upon him " greater than that which has
devolved upon any other man since the days of Washing
ton," and he asked his friends to pray that he might
receive that Divine assistance, without which he could not
succeed, but with which success was certain. Others
have gone forth to power and fame with gladness and
with song. He went forth prayerfully as to a sacrifice.
You do not forget how at each resting-place on the
road he renewed his vows, and when at Philadelphia,
visiting Independence Hall, his soul broke forth in
homage to the vital truths which were there declared.
Of all his utterances on the way to the national capital,
after his farewell to his neighbors, there is nothing so
prophetic as these unpremeditated words : —
"All the political sentiments I entertain have been drawn, so
far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which
originated, and were given to the world from this hall. I have
never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the senti
ments embodied in the Declaration of Independence." 
" Now, my friends, can this country be saved on this basis? If it
can, I shall consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if
I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it
will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without
giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be
assassinated on the spot."
And then, after adding that he had not expected to say
a word, he repeated again the consecration of his life, ex
claiming, " I have said nothing but what I am willing to
live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, to
die by."

116" MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
He was about to raise the national banner over the old
hall. But before this service, he took up the strain which
he loved so well, saying : —
"It is on such an occasion as this that we can reason together,
reaffirm our devotion to the country and the principles of the Declara
tion of Independence."
Thus constantly did he bear his testimony. Surely this
fidelity will be counted ever after among his chief glories.
I know no instance in history more touching, especially
when we consider that his support of those principles
caused his sacrifice. " Though every tile were a devil,
yet will I enter Worms," said Luther. Our reformer was
less defiant, but hardly less determined. Three times he
had already announced, that, for the great truths of the
Declaration, he was willing to die ; three times he had
offered himself on that altar ; three times he had vowed
himself to this martyrdom.
Slavery was already pursuing his life. An attempt was
made to throw from the track a train in which he was
journeying, and a hand grenade was found secreted in
another. Baltimore, which lay directly on his way, was
the seat of a murderous plot against him. Avoiding the
conspirators of Slavery, he came from Philadelphia to
Washington unexpectedly in the night ; and thus, for the
moment, cheating assassination of its. victim, he entered
the National capital.
From this time forward his career broadens into the
history of his country and of the age. You all know it

MR. sumner's eulogy. 117
by heart. Therefore a few glimpses will be enough, that
I may exhibit its moral rather than its story.
The Inaugural Address — the formation of his cabinet
— his earliest acts — his daily conversation — all attested
the spirit of moderation with which he approached his
perilous position. At the same time he declared openly,
that in the contemplation of universal law and of the Con
stitution, the Union of these States is perpetual ; that no
State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully get out
of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect
are legally void ; that acts of violence within any ' State
are insurrectionary or revolutionary; and that, to the
extent of his ability, he should take care, according to
the express injunction of the Constitution, that the laws
of the Union should be faithfully executed in all the
States. But, while thus positive in upholding the Unity
of the Republic, he was determined that on his part there
should be no act of offence ; that there should be no blood
shed or violence unless forced upon the country ; that it
was his duty to hold, occupy, and possess the property
and places belonging to the Government, but beyond what
was necessary for this object, there would be no exercise
of force, and the people everywhere would be left in that
perfect security which is most favorable .to calm thought
and reflection.
But the madness of Slavery knew no bounds. It had
been determined from the beginning that the Union should
be broken, and no moderation could change this wicked
purpose. A pretended power was organized, in the form

118 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
of a Confederacy, with Slavery as the declared corner
stone. You know what ensued. Fort Sumter was
attacked, and, after a fiery storm of shot and shell for
thirty-three hours, the national flag fell. This was 14th
April, 1861. War had begun.
War is always a scourge, and it never can be regarded
without sadness. It is one of the mysteries of Provi
dence, that it is still allowed to vex mankind. There
were few who deprecated it more than the President.
From his Quaker blood and from reflection, he was essen
tially a man of peace. In one of his speeches during his
short service in Congress, he arraigned military glory as
"that rainbow that rises in showers of blood — that ser
pent eye that charms but to destroy ; " and now that he
was charged with the terrible responsibility of govern
ment, he was none the less earnest for peace. He was
not willing to see his beloved country torn by bloody
battle, and fellow-citizens striking at each other. But
after the criminal assault on Fort Sumter, there was no
alternative. The Republic was in danger, and every man
from President to citizen was summoned to the defence.
Nor was this all. An attempt was made to invest Slavery
with national Independence, and the President, who dis
liked both slavery and war, described, perhaps, his own
condition, when, in a letter to one of the Society of
Friends, he said, " Your people have had and are having
very great trials on principles and faith. Opposed to
both war and oppression, they can only practically oppose
oppression by war." In these few words the whole case
is stated ; inasmuch as, whatever might be the pre-

MR. sumner's eulogy. 119
tension of State Rights, the war was made necessary
to put down the hideous ambition of Slavery.
The slava-masters simply put in execution a conspiracy
long contrived, for which they had already prepared the
way : first, by teaching that any State might, at its own
will, break from the Union, and, secondly, by teaching
that colored persons were so far inferior as not to be
embraced in the promises of the Declaration of Indepen
dence, but were justly held as slaves. The Mephistopheles
of Slavery, Mr. Calhoun, had, for years, inculcated both
these pretensions. But the pretension of State Rights was
merely a cover for Slavery.
Therefore, when it was determined that the slave-mas
ters should be encountered, two things were resolved :
first, that this Republic was one and indivisible ; and,
secondly, that no hideous Power, with Slavery blazoned
on its front, should be created on our soil. Here was
an affirmation and a denial; first, an affirmation of the
Unity of the Republic; and, secondly, a denial of any
independent foothold to rebel Slavery. In accepting the
challenge at Fort Sumter, the President became the voice
of the country, which, with a stern determination, insisted
that the Rebellion should be put down by war. The
people were in earnest, and would not brook hesitation ;
and they were right. If ever in history war was neces
sary, — if ever in history war was holy, — it was the war
then and there begun for the overthrow of rebel Slavery.
From the first cannon shot, it was plain that the Rebel
lion was nothing but Slavery in arms ; but such was the

120 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
power of Slavery, even in the Free States, that morfths
elapsed before this giant criminal was directly attacked.
Generals in the field were tender with regard to it,
as if it were a church, or a work of the fine arts.
It was only under the teaching of disaster that the
country was aroused. The first step was taken in Con
gress after the defeat at Bull Run. But still the Pres
ident hesitated. Disaster thickened and graves opened,
until at last the country saw that only by justice could
we hope for Divine favor, and the President, who leaned
so closely upon the popular heart, pronounced that great
word, by which all slaves in the Rebel States were
set free. Let it be named forever to his glory, that he
grasped the thunderbolt, even though tardily, under
which the Rebellion staggered to its fall ; that, following
up the blow, he enlisted colored citizens as soldiers in the
national army ; and, that he declared his final purpose
never to retract or modify the Emancipation Proclamation,
nor to return into Slavery any person free by the terms of
that instrument, or by any of the acts of Congress, saying,
loftily,. " If the people should, by whatever mode or
means, make it an executive duty to re-enslave such
persons, another and not I must be the instrument to
perform it."
It was sometimes said that the Proclamation was of
doubtful constitutionality. If this criticism did not pro
ceed from sympathy with Slavery, it evidently proceeded
from the prevailing superstition with regard to this idol.
Future jurists will read with astonishment that such a
flagrant wrong could be considered at any time as having

MR. SUMNER'S EULOGY. 121
any rights which a court was bound to respect, and
especially that rebels in arms could be considered as
having any title to the services of people whose allegi
ance was primarily due to the United States. But, turn
ing from these conclusions, it seems to be obvious, that
Slavery, which stood exclusively on local law without any
support in natural law, must have fallen with the local
government, both legally and constitutionally ; legally,
inasmuch as it ceased to have any valid legal support ;
and constitutionally, inasmuch as it came at once within
the exclusive jurisdiction of the Constitution, where
Liberty is the prevailing law. The President did not act
upon these principles, but, speaking with the voice of
authority, he said " Let the slaves be free." What Court
and Congress hesitated to declare, he proclaimed, and
thus enrolled himself among the world's Emancipators.
Passing from the Proclamation of Emancipation, which
places its author so far above human approach that
human envy cannot reach him, I carry you for one
moment to our Foreign Relations. The convulsion here
was felt in the most distant places — as at the great earth
quake of Lisbon, when that capital seemed about to be
submerged, there was a commotion of the waters in our
Northern Lakes. All Europe was stirred. There, too,
was the Slavery Question in another form. England, in an
unhappy moment, under an ill-considered plea of " neces
sity " — which Milton tells us was the plea by which the
fiend " excused a devilish deed " — accorded to rebel
Slavery the rights of belligerency on the ocean, and then

122 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
proceeded to open her ports, to surrender her workshops,
and to let loose her merchant ships in aid of this wicked
ness ; — forgetting all the relations of alliance and amity
with the United States — forgetting all the logic of
English history — forgetting all the distinctions of right
and wrong — and forgetting also that a new Power
founded on Slavery was a moral monster with which a
just nation could have nothing to do. To appreciate the
character of this concession, we must appreciate clearly
the whole vast unprecedented crime of the Rebellion,
taking its complexion from Slavery. Undoubtedly it was
criminal to assail the Unity of this Republic, and thus
destroy its peace and impair its example in the world ;
but the attempt to build a new Power on Slavery as a
corner-stone, and with no other declared object of sep
arate existence, was more than criminal, or rather it was
a crime of that untold, unspeakable guilt, which no
language can depict and which no judgment can be
top swift to condemn. The associates in this terrible
apostasy might rebuke each other in the words of an old
dramatist : — Thou must do, then,
"What no malevolent star will dare to look on,
It is so wicked ; for which men will curse thee
- Tor being the instrument, and the blest angels
Forsake me at my need, for being the author ;
For 't is a deed of night, of night, Francisco !
In which the memory of all good actions
"We cau pretend to, shall be buried quick ;
Or, if we be remembered, it shall be
To fright posterity by an example
That have outgone all precedents of villains
That were before us. \Massenger. Duke of Milan. Act I.

MR. sumner's eulogy. 123
To recognize such a Power; — to enter into semi-
alliance with it; — to invest it with rights; — to open
ports to it ; — to surrender workshops to it ; — to build
ships for it ; — to drive a busy commerce with it ; — all
this, or any part of this, is positive and plain complicity
with the original guilt, and must be judged as we judge
any other complicity with Slavery. To say that it was
a necessity, is only to repeat the plea which has been
made by slave-masters and slave-traders from the earliest
moment, when driven to vindicate their crime. But
a generous Englishman, who was an ornament of letters,
and who has told us in memorable lines " what consti
tutes a State," has denounced all complicity with Slavery
in words which strike directly at this plea of necessity.
" Let sugar be as dear as it may," said Sir William Jones
to the freeholders of Middlesex, "it is better to eat none ;
to eat honey, if sweetness only be palatable ; better to
eat aloes, or coloquintida, than violate a primary law of
nature impressed on every heart not imbruted by avarice,
or rob one honest creature of these eternal rights of
which no law upon earth can justly deprive him."
England led in the concession of belligerent rights to
rebel Slavery. No event of the war has been comparable
to this concession in encouragement to this transcendant
crime or in prejudice to the United States. It was out of
English ports and English workshops that rebel Slavery
drew its supplies. It was in English ship-yards that the
cruisers of rebel Slavery were built and equipped. It was
from English foundries and arsenals that rebel Slavery
was armed. And all this was made easy, when her

124 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Majesty's gdvernment, under the pretence of an impos
sible neutrality, lifted rebel Slavery to an equality
with the United States. This was the fatal concession
which gave to rebel Slavery belligerent power on the
ocean. The early legend was here verified. King Arthur
was without a sword, when suddenly one appeared",
thrust out from a lake. " Lo ! " said Merlin, the en
chanter, " yonder is a sword ; it belongeth to the Lady
of the Lake ; if she will, thou mayest take it ; but if she
will not, it will not be in thy power to take it." And the
Lady of the Lake yielded the sword, so says the legend
— even as England has since yielded the sword to rebel
Slavery. The President saw the painful consequences of this
concession, and especially that it was a first step towards
the acknowledgment of rebel Slavery as an Independent
Power. Clearly, if it were proper for a Foreign Power
to acknowledge Belligerency, it might, at a later stage, be
proper to acknowledge Independence ; and any objection
vital to Independence, would, if applicable, be equally
vital to Belligerency. Solemn resolutions, by Congress,
on this subject were communicated to Foreign Powers ;
but the unanswerable argument against any possible
recognition of a new Power founded on Slavery — whether
as Independent or as Belligerent — was stated by the
President, in a paper which I now hold in my hand,
and which has never before seen the light. It is a copy
of a resolution drawn by himself, which he gave to me,
in his own autograph, for transmission to one of our
valued friends abroad, as an expression of his opinion

MR. sumner's eulogy. 125
on the great question involved, and a guide to public
duty. It is in these words : —
" Whereas, while heretofore States and Nations have tolerated
Slavery, recently, for the first [time] in the world, an attempt has
been made to construct a new nation upon the basis of Human
Slavery, and with the primary, and fundamental object to maintain,
enlarge, and. perpetuate the same, therefore
" Resolved, that no such embryo State should ever be recognized
hy, or admitted into, the family of Christian and civilized nations ;
and that all Christian and civilized men everywhere should, by all
lawful means, resist to the utmost such recognition or admission."
You will see how distinctly any recognition of rebel
Slavery as an Independent Power is branded, and how
" all Christian and civilized men everywhere" are sum
moned "to resist to the utmost such recognition;" and
precisely for the same reason " such Christian and civil
ized men everywhere " should have resisted to the utmost
any recognition of rebel Slavery as a Belligerent Power.
Of course, had such a benign spirit entered into the
counsels of England when Slavery first took up arms
against the Republic, this great historic nation would
have shrunk at every hazard from that fatal concession,
which was in itself a plain contribution to Slavery, and
opened the way to infinite contributions, without which
the criminal pretender must have speedily succumbed.
There would have been no plea of " necessity." But
Divine Providence willed it otherwise. Perhaps it was
essential to the full revelation of its boundless capacities,
that the Republic should stand forth alone, in sublime

126

MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

solitude, warring for Human Rights, and thus become an
example to mankind.
Meanwhile the war continued with the proverbial
vicissitudes of this arbitrament. Battles were fought
and lost. Other battles were fought and won. Rebel
Slavery stood face to face in deadly conflict with the
Declaration of Independence, when the President, with
unconscious power, dealt it another blow, second only
to the Proclamation of Emancipation. This was at the
blood-soaked field of Gettysburg, where the armies of
the Republic had encountered the armies of Slavery,
and, after a conflict of three days, had driven them
back with destructive slaughter — as at that decisive
battle of Tours, on which hung the destinies of Chris
tianity in Western Europe, the invading Mahometans,
after a conflict of three days, were driven back by
Charles Martel. No battle of the present war was more
important. Few battles in history can compare with it.
A few months later, there was another meeting on that
same field. It was of grateful fellow-citizens, gathered
from all parts of the Union to dedicate it to the mem
ory of those who had fallen there. Among these were
eminent men from our own country and from foreign
lands. There too was your classic orator, whose finished
address was a model of literary excellence. The Pres
ident spoke very briefly; but his few words will live
as long as time. Since Simonides wrote the epitaph for
those who died at Thermopylae, nothing equal to them
has ever been breathed over the fallen dead. Thus he

MR. sumner's eulogy. 127
began : " Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers
brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived
in Liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are
created equal." The Equality of all men, which he had so
often vindicated and for which he was willing to die, is
thus heralded, and the country is again called to carry it
forward, that our duty may not be left undone.
" It is for us the living, rather to be dedicated here to the
unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly
advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task
remaining before us, that from these honored dead we take in
creased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last measure
of devotion ; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not
have died in vain ; that this nation under God shall have a new
birth of Freedom, and that government of the people, by the
people, and for the people, shall not perish from the earth."
That speech, uttered at the field of Gettysburg, and
now sanctified by the martyrdom of its author, is a mon
umental act. In the modesty of his nature he said :
" the world will little note, nor long remember what we
say. here ; but it can never forget what they did here."
He was mistaken. The world noted at once what he said,
and will never cease to remember it. The battle itself
was less important than the speech. Ideas are always
more than battles.
Among the events which secured to him the assured
confidence of the country against all party clamor and
prejudice, you cannot place this speech too high. To
some who had doubted his earnestness, here was touching
proof of their error. Others who had followed him with

128 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
indifference, were warmed with grateful sympathy. There
were none to criticise.
He was re-elected President; and here was not only a
personal triumph, but a triumph of the Republic. For
himself personally, it was much to find his administration
thus ratified ; but for republican ideas it was of incal
culable value, that, at such a time, the plume of the
soldier had not prevailed. In the midst of war, the
people at the ballot-box deliberately selected a civilian.
Ye, who doubt the destinies of the Republic — who
fear the ambition of a military chief, — or who suspect the
popular will — do not forget, that, at this moment, when
the voice of battle filled the whole land, the country
quietly appointed for its ruler this man of peace.
The Inaugural Address which signalized his entry for
a second time upon his great duties, was briefer than any
similar address in our history ; but it has already gone
further, and will live longer, than any other. It was
a continuation of the Gettysburg speech, with the same
sublimity and gentleness. Its concluding words were like
an angelic benediction.
And now there was a surfeit of battle and of victory.
Calmly he saw the land of Slavery enveloped by the
national forces ; saw the great coil bent by his generals
about it ; saw the mighty garrote as it tightened against
the neck of the Rebellion. Good news came from all
quarters. Everywhere the army was doing its duty.
One was conquering in Tennessee ; another was march
ing in Georgia and Carolina; another was watching at

MR. SUMNER'S EULOGY. 129
Richmond. The navy echoed back the thunders of (the
army. Place after place was falling — Savannah,'Charles-
*ton, Fort Fisher, Wilmington. The President left the
National Capital to be near the Lieutenant-General. Then
came the capture of Petersburg and Richmond, with the
flight of Jefferson Davis and his cabinet. Without pomp
or military escort, the President entered the Capital of the
Rebellion and walked its streets, from which Slavery had
fled forever. Then came the surrender of Lee. The
surrender of Johnston was at hand. The military power
of rebel Slavery had been broken like a Prince Rupert
drop, and everywhere within its confines the barbarous
government it had set up was tumbling in crash and ruin.
The country was in ecstasy. All this he watched without
elation, while his soul was brooding on thoughts of peace
and clemency. His youthful son, who had been on the staff
of the Lieutenant-General, returned on the morning of
Friday, 14th April, to resume his interrupted studies. The
father, was happy in the sound of his footsteps, and felt the
augury of peace. On the same day the Lieutenant-General
returned. In the intimacy of his family the President said
that this day the war was over. In the evening he sought
relaxation, and you know the rest. Alas ! the war was not
over. The minions of Slavery were dogging him with
unabated animosity, and that night he became a martyr.
The country rose at once in an agony of grief, and
strong men everywhere wept. City, town, and village
were darkened by the obsequies, as they swept by with
more than " sceptred pall." Every street was draped
with the ensigns of woe. He had become, as it were,
17

130 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
the^ inmate of every house, and the families "of the land
were in* mourning. Not only in the Executive mansion,
but in uncounted homes, was his vacant chair. Never*
before was such universal sorrow ; and already the voice
of lamentation is returning to us from Europe, where can
dor towards him had begun even before his tragical death.
Only a short time ago, he was unknown, except in his own
State. Only a short time ago, he had visited New York
as a stranger, and was shown about its streets by youthful
companions. Five years later, he was borne through
these streets with funeral pomp, such as the world never
before witnessed. Space and speed were forgotten in
the offering of hearts. As the surpassing pageant moved
over counties and States, from ocean- side to prairie, on
iron highways, at thirty miles an hour, the whole afflicted
people bent their uncovered heads.
#U the first moment it was hard to comprehend this
blow, and many cried in despair. But the rule of God
has been too visible of late to allow any doubt of his con
stant presence. Did not our martyr remind us in his last-
address, that the judgments of the Lord are true, and
righteous altogether ] And who will say that his death
was not a judgment of the Lord ? Perhaps it was needed
to lift the country to a more perfect justice and to inspire
it with a sublimer faith. Perhaps it was sent in mercy to
set a sacred, irreversible seal upon the good he had done,
and to put Emancipation beyond all mortal question.
Perhaps it was the sacrificial consecration of those primal
truths, embodied in the birthday Declaration of the Re
public, which he had so often vindicated, and for which

MR. sumner's eulogy. 131
he had announced his willingness to die. He is gone, and
he has been mourned sincerely. It is only private sorrow
that could wish to recall the dead. He is now removed
'. beyond earthly vicissitudes. Life and death are both past.
He had been happy in life. He was not less happy in
death. In death, as in life, he was still under the guar
dianship of that Divine Providence, which took him early
by the hand and led him from obscurity to power and
fame. The blow was sudden, but not unprepared for.
Only on the Sunday preceding, as he was coming from
the front on board the steamer — with a quarto Shake
speare in his hands — he read aloud the well-known words
of his favorite Macbeth : —
Duncan is in his grave ;
After life's fitful fever, he sleeps well.
Treason has done his worst ; nor steel, nor poison,
Malice domestic, foreign levy, nothing
Can touch him further.
Impressed by their beauty or by some presentiment
unuttered, he read them aloud a second time. As" the
friends who then surrounded him listened to his read
ing, they little thought how, in a few days, what was
said of the murdered Duncan would be said of him.
Nothing can touch him further. He is. saved from the
trials that were gathering about him. He had fought
the good fight of Emancipation. He had borne the
brunt of war with embattled hosts against him, and had
conquered. He had made the name of Republic a triumph
and a joy in foreign lands. Now that the strife of bloo
was ended, it remained to be seen how he could confront

132 MEMORIAL OP PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

•

those machinations, which are only a prolongation of the
war, and more dangerous because more subtle, where re
cent rebels, with professions of Union on the lips, but still
denying the birthday Declaration of the Republic, vainly
seek to organize peace on another Oligarchy of the skin.
From all these trials he was saved. But his testimony
lives and will live forever, quickened by the undying
echoes of his tomb. Invisible to mortal sight, and now
above all human weakness, he is still champion, as in his
early conflict, summoning his countrymen back to the truths
that are in the Declaration of Independence. Dead, he
speaks with more than living voice. But the author of
Emancipation cannot die. His immortality on earth has
begun. His country and his age are already enshrined
in his example, as if he were its great poet gathered to
his fathers : —
Back to the living hath he turned him,
And all of death has passed away ;
The age that thought him dead and mourned him,
Itself now lives but in his lay.
If the President were alive, he would protest against
any monotony of panegyric. He never exaggerated. He
was always cautious in praise, as in censure. In endeav
oring to estimate his character, we shall be nearer to him
in proportion as we cultivate the same spirit.
In person he was tall and bony, with little resemblance
to any historic portrait, unless he might seem in one respect
to justify the epithet which was given to an early English
monarch. As he stood, his form was angular, with

MR. sumner's eulogy. 133
something of that straightness in its lines which is
so peculiar in the figure of Dante by Flaxman. His
countenance had more of rugged strength than his
person, and while in repose sometimes seemed sad ;
but it lighted up easily. Perhaps the quality which
struck most at first sight was his simplicity of manners
and conversation, without form or ceremony of any kind,
beyond $iat among neighbors. His handwriting had the
same simplicity. It was as clear as that, of Washington,
but less florid. Each had been a surveyor, and was per
haps, indebted to this experience. But the son of the
Western pioneer was more simple in nature, and the man
appeared in the autograph. That integrity which has
become a proverb, belonged to the same quality. The
most perfect honesty must be the most perfect simplicity.
The words by which an ancient Roman was described
belong to him : Vita innocentissimus, proposito sanctissimus.
He was naturally humane, inclined to pardon, and never
remembering the hard things said against him. He was
always good to the poor, and in his dealings with them
was full of those "kind little words which are of the same
blood as great and. holy deeds." Only on the Saturday
before his death I saw him shake hands with more than
five thousand soldier-patients in the tent hospitals at
City Point, and he said afterwards that his arm was not
tired. Such a character awakened instinctively the sym
pathy of the people. They saw his fellow-feeling with
them and felt the kinship. With him as President, the
idea of Republican Institutions, where no place is too
high for the humblest, was perpetually manifest, so that

134 memorial of president Lincoln.
his simple presence was like a Proclamation of the
Equality of all Men.
While social in nature and enjoying the flow of conver
sation, he was often singularly reticent. Modesty was
natural to such a character. As he was without affecta
tion, so he was without pretence or jealousy. No person
civil or military can complain that he, appropriated to
himself any honor that belonged to another. » To each
and all he anxiously gave the credit that was due. And
this same spirit was apparent in smaller* things. On one
occasion, in a sally of Congressional debate, he said that a
fiery slave-master of Georgia, to whom he was replying,
" was an eloquent man, and a man of learning ; — so far as
he could judge of learning, not being learned himself."
(Congress. Globe, Appendix, 1st session, ZQth Congress, p.
1042.) His humor has become a proverb. He insisted
sometimes that he had no invention, but only a memory.
He did* not forget the good things that he heard, and
was never without a familiar story, to illustrate his mean
ing. When he spoke, the recent West seemed to vie with
the ancient East in apologue and fable. His ideas moved,
as the beasts entered Noah's ark, in pairs. At times his
illustrations had a homely felicity, and with him- they
seemed to be not less important than the argument,
which he always enforced with a certain intensity of
manner and voice. But this same humor was often dis
played where there was no story, and with a point that
might remind you of Franklin. I know not how the
indifference, which many persons showed with regard to

MR. sumner's eulogy. 135
Slavery, could be exposed more effectively than when
he said of a political antagonist, who was thus in
different, "I suppose the institution of Slavery really
looks small to him. He is so put up by nature that a lash
upon his back would hurt him, but a lash upon anybody
else's back does not hurt him." And then, again, there
is a bit of reply to Mr. Douglas, which is characteristic
not only for its humor, but as showing how little at that
time he was looking to the great place which he reached
so soon afterwards. " Senator Douglas," said he, " is of
world-wide renown. All the anxious politicians of his
party, or who have been of his party for years past, have
been looking upon him as certainly, at no distant day, to
be the President of the United States. They have seen
in his round, jolly, fruitful face, post offices, land offices,
marshalships, and cabinet appointments, chargeships and
foreign missions, bursting and sprouting out in a won
derful exuberance, ready to be laid hold of by their
greedy hands. . . On the contrary, nobody has ever
expected me to be President. In iny poor, lean, lank face
nobody has ever seen that any cabbages were sprout
ing out. These are disadvantages that the Repub
licans labor under. We have to fight the battle upon
principle, and upon principle alone." {Debate with Douglas,
p. 55.) Here is a glimpse with regard to himself,
which is as honorable as it is curious. In a different
vein, he said, while President, " the national government
must not undertake to run the churches." Here wisdom
and humor seem to vie with each other.
He was original in mind as in character. His style

136 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
was his own ; formed on no model, and springing directly
from himself. While failing often in correctness, it is
sometimes unique in beauty and in sentiment. There are
passages which will live always. It is no exaggeration to
say, that, in weight and pith, suffused in a certain poetical
color, they call to mind Bacon's Essays. Such passages
make an epoch in State Papers. No Presidential mes
sage or speech from a throne ever had any thing of such
touching reality. They 'are harbingers of the great era
of Humanity. While uttered from the heights of power,
they reveal a simple, unaffected trust in Almighty God,
and speak to the people as equal to equaL
He was placed by Providence at the head of his coun
try during an unprecedented crisis, when the fountains
of the great deep were broken up, and men turned for
protection to military power. Multitudinous armies were
mustered. Great navies were created. Of all these
he was the constitutional Commander-in-Chief. As the
war proceeded, all his prerogatives enlarged and others
sprang into being, until the sway of a Republican Presi
dent became imperatorial and imperial. But not for one
moment did the modesty of his nature desert him. His
constant thought was his country, and how to serve it.
He saw the certain greatness of the Republic, and was
pleased in. looking forward to that early day, when,
according to assured calculation, its millions of people
will count by the hundred ; but he saw in this prodigious
sway nothing but the good of man. Personal ambi
tion at the expense of patriotism was as far removed
from the simple purity of his nature as poison from

MR. sumner's eulogy. 137
a strawberry. And thus with equal courage in the
darkest hours he continued on, heeding as little the
warnings of danger as the temptations of power. " It
would not do for a President," he said, " to have guards
with drawn sabres at his door, as if he fancied he were, or
were trying to be, or were assuming to be, an emperor."
And in the same homeliness he spoke of his return at
morning to his daily duties as " opening shop." Though
commissioning officers in multitudes beyond any other
person of authentic history, he never learned the mystery
of shoulder-straps and of buttons in the military and naval
uniforms, except that he had noticed three stars on the
shoulders of the Lieutenant-General.
When he became President he was without any con
siderable experience in public affairs ; nor was he much
versed in history, whose lessons would have been most
valuable. As he became more familiar with the place,
his facility evidently increased. He had " learned the
ropes," so he said. But his habits of business were
irregular, and they were never those of despatch. He
did not see at once the just proportions of things, and
allowed himself to be too much occupied by details.
Even in small things, as well as in great, there was in
him a certain resistance to be overcome. „ There were
moments when this delay caused impatience, and im
portant questions seemed to suffer. But when the blow
was struck there was nothing but gratitude, and all
confessed the singleness with which he had sought the
public good. There was also a conviction, that, though
slow to reach his conclusion, he was inflexible in main-
is

138 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
taining it. Pompey boasted that by the stamp of his foot
he might raise an army. The President might have done
the same ; but, according to his own words, he " put his
foot down," and saved a principle.
In the statement of moral truth and the exposure of
wrong, he was at times singularly cogent. There was
fire as Avell as light in his words. Nobody exhibited
Slavery in its enormity more clearly. On one occasion
he blasted it as "a monstrous injustice"; on another
he pictured the slave-master as " wringing his bread
from the sweat of other men's faces"; and then, on
still another he said, with exquisite, simplicity of diction,
" If Slavery is not wrong, then nothing is wrong."
Would you find any condemnation of Slavery more com
plete, you must go to the sayings of John Brown or to
those famous words of John Wesley, when the great
Methodist held it up as " the sum of all villanies."
Another mind, more submissive to the truth which he
recognized, and less disposed to take counsel of to-morrow,
would not have hesitated in carrying forward this judg
ment to its natural conclusion. Perhaps, his courage to
apply truth was not always equal to his clearness in
seeing it. Perhaps, the heights that he gained in con
science were not always sustained in conduct. And
have we not been told that the soul can gain heights
which it cannot keep ? Thus while blasting Slavery,
he still waited, till many feared that his judgment would
" lose the name of action." And even while vindicating
the Equality of all Men, against the assaults of one of the
ablest debaters of the country, and insisting, with admi-

MR. sumner's eulogy. 139
rable .constancy, that colored persons were embraced
within the birthday promises of the Republic, he yet
allowed himself to be pressed by his adversary to an il
logical limitation of this self-evident truth, so that colored
persons might be excluded from political rights. But
he was at all times willing to learn and not ashamed
to change. Before death he had already expressed his
desire that the suffrage should be extended to colored
persons in certain cases ; but here again he failed to
apply that very principle of Equality for which he so
often contended. If the suffrage be given to colored
persons only in certain cases, then, of course, it can be
given to whites only in the same cases ; or Equality ceases
to exist.
It was his own frank confession that he had not con
trolled events, but that they had controlled him. At all
the great stages of the war, he followed rather than led.
The people, under God, were masters. Let it not be for
gotten that the triumphs of this war, and even Emanci
pation itself, sprang from the great heart of the Amer
ican people. Individual services have been important ;
but there is no man who has been necessary.
There was one theme on which latterly he was dis
posed to conduct the public mind. It was the treat
ment of the rebel leaders. His policy was never an
nounced, and of course it would always have been
subject to modification, in the light of experience. But
it is well known that, at the very moment of his assas
sination, he was much occupied by thoughts of lenity
and pardon. He was never harsh, even in speaking of

140 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Jefferson Davis ; and, only a few days before hi,s end,
when one who was privileged to speak to him in that
way, said, " Do not allow him to escape the law, — he
must be hanged," the President replied calmly, in the
words which he had adopted in his last Inaugural Ad
dress, " Judge not, that ye be not judged." And when
pressed again by the remark that the sight of Libby
Prison made it impossible to pardon him, the President
repeated twice over these same words, revealing unmis
takably the generous sentiments of his heart. The ques
tion of clemency here is the very theme so ably debated
between Csesar and Cato, while the Roman Senate was
considering the punishment of the confederates of Cati
line. Caesar consented to. confiscation and imprisonment,
but pleaded for the lives of the criminals. Cato was
sterner. It is probable that the President, who was a
Cato in patriotism, would on this occasion have followed
the counsels of Csesar.
Good will to all men was with him a science as well as
a sentiment. His nature was pacific, and, throughout the
terrible conflict, his thoughts were always turned on
peace. He wished peace among ourselves, and he wished
peace with foreign powers. While abounding in grati
tude to the officers and men, who had so grandly fought the
national battle, he longed to see their swords concealed
in their scabbards, never again to flash against the sky.
His prudence found expression in the saying, " One war
at a time ; " but his whole nature seemed to say, " Peace
always." . And yet it was his fortune to conduct one of the
greatest wars of all time. " With malice towards none ;

MR. sumner's eulogy. 141
with charity for all ; with firmness for the right, as God
gives us to see the right ; " so he worked and lived, and
these words of his own might be his honest epitaph.
His place in history may be seen at once from the
transcendent events with which his name must be forever
associated. The pyramids of our country are built by
the people more than by any ruler ; but the ruler of the
people at such a moment cannot be forgotten.
It is impossible to exaggerate the Proclamation of
Emancipation as an historic event. Its influence cannot
be limited to the present in place or time. It will reach
beyond the national jurisdiction, and beyond the present
age. Besides its immediate efficacy in liberating slaves
at homo, it will be one of the landmarks of Human
Progress. From the solidarity of Slavery, the fall of this
abomination among us, must cause its fall everywhere, —
so that in Cuba, Porto Rico, Brazil, or wherever else
a slave may wear a chain, that Proclamation will be felt.
It will also be proudly recognized in the destinies of the
Republic which it advanced. Only a short time before
the Czar of Russia, by Proclamation also, raised twenty
millions of serfs to the dignity of freemen ; but even
this great act was less historic. Though of incalculable
importance to the serfs, it was not the triumph of
Popular Government, and it came from the East instead
of the West. It is to the West that the world now looks
for sunrise. Video solem orientem in occidente. But the
Emancipation Proclamation itself was one of the agencies
in the military overthrow of the Rebellion, which, if

142 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
regarded as an achievement of war, is one of the greatest
in the history of war, but, if regarded in its political con
sequences, is one of the grandest events in all history.
Here again the magnitude of the event can be fully
appreciated only when it is considered, that the triumph
of the Republic is the triumph of Popular Institutions
everywhere. It is much that the Republic has become
impregnable, whether against " malice domestic " or
" foreign levy ; " but it is more that it has become an
example to the world. That all this should be done
under a President, who represented especially the people,
who spoke always in sympathy with the people in words
of power that cannot be forgotten, and who sealed his de
votion with his life, adds to the grandeur of the example.
Here are great heralds of fame, such as few have had
as they entered the lofty portals. Our martyred dead
may be seen also in the company to which he will
be admitted, among the purest spirits of all time, —
martyrs, patriots, philanthropists, servants of truth and
duty. Milton, Hampden, Sidney, Wilberforce, — all will
welcome the new-comer. Washington will lead the hosts
of his own country to do him honor, from the Pilgrims of
the Mayflower to the thronging crowds who have laid
down their lives for the Republic.
By the association of a common death he will pass
into the same historic galaxy with Caesar, William of
Orange, and Henry IV. of France, all of whom were as
sassinated, — and his star will not pale by the side of
theirs. Csesar was a contrast to him in everything, unless
it be in clemency, and in the coincidence that each was

MR. sumner's eulogy. 143
fifty-six years of age at the time of his death. How
unlike in all else. Csesar was of a brilliant lineage,
which he traced on one side to the immortal gods, and on
the other to one of the recent chiefs of Rome ; of com-
pletest education ; of amplest means ; of rarest experi
ence ; of acknowledged genius as statesman, soldier, ora
tor, and writer; — being in himself the most finished man
of antiquity ; but he was the enslaver of his country, whose
personal ambition took the place of patriotism, and
whose name has since become the synonyme of imperial
power. William of Orange was of princely origin, and in
early life was a page in the palace of Charles V. During
the long contest of Holland with Spain, he became the
liberator of his country, which he conducted wisely, surely,
and greatly, — anticipating the example of Washington.
The name of " Silent," which he bore, may suggest the
reticence of his American parallel. Henry IV., memorable
for practical sense, anecdote, and pregnant wit, represent
ed the idea of National Unity in France as the Supreme
condition of national safety. He died, leaving great plans
unfulfilled, and his career has been illustrated by the popu
lar epic of his country, La Henriade, of Voltaire. These
are illustrious names ; but there is nothing in them which
can eclipse the simple life of our President, whose ex
ample will be an epoch in the history of Humanity, and
a rebuke to every usurper, — to be commemorated forever
by history and by song. The cause which he served was
more than empire. The motive of his conduct was higher
than success; as devotion to Human Rights is higher
than genius or power ; as MAN is higher than aught els

144 memorial of president Lincoln.
There is another character, who, like him, was taken
away at the age of fifty-six, with whom the President may
be more properly compared. It is St. Louis of France ;
and yet here the resemblance is only in certain kindred
features, and the common consecration of their lives.
The French monarch, though at the head of a military
power, was a lover of peace, and cultivated justice to
wards his neighbors. Under his influence, a barbarous
institution was overthrown, and France was lifted in the
career of civilization.. Though in an age of privilege, and
wearing a crown, he was moved to the practice of Equal
ity. History recalls, with undisguised delight, the simple
justice which he administered to his people, as he sat
under an oak in the park of Vincennes. Our President
struck too at a barbarism, and lifted his country. He too
practised Equality. And he too had his oak of Vin
cennes. It was that plain room, where he was always
so accessible, as to make his example difficult for future
Presidents. But there were stated times when he was
open to all who came with their petitions, and they flocked
across the continent. The transactions of that simple
court of last resort would show how much was done to
temper the law, to assuage sorrow, and to care for the
widow and orphan ; but its only record is in heaven.
Such, fellow-citizens, is the Life and Character of
Abraham Lincoln. You have discerned his simple
beginnings ; — have watched his early struggles ; —
have gratefully followed his consecration to those truths
which our fathers declared ; — have hailed him as the

MR. sumner's eulogy. 145
twice-elected head of the Republic, through whom it was
known in foreign lands; — have recognized him at a
period of national trial as the representative of the
unfulfilled promises of our Fathers, even as Washington
was the representative of National Independence ; and
you have beheld him struck down, at the moment of
victory when rebel Slavery was everywhere succumbing.
Reverently we acknowledge the finger of the Almighty,
and pray that all our trials may not fail ; but that the
promises of the Fathers may be fulfilled, so that all men
shall be equal before the law, and government shall stand
only on the consent of the governed, — two self-evident
truths which the Republic at its birth announced.
Traitorous assassination struck him down. But do not
be too vindictive in heart towards the poor atom that
held the weapon. Reserve your rage for the responsible
Power, which not content with assailing the life of the
Republic by atrocious Rebellion, has outraged all laws
human and divine ; has organized Barbarism as a prin
ciple of conduct; has taken the lives of faithful Unionists
at home; has prepared robbery and murder on the
northern borders; has fired hotels, filled with women
and children ; has plotted to scatter pestilence and
poison ; has perpetrated piracy and ship-burning at sea ;
has starved American citizens, held as prisoners; has
inflicted the slow torture of Andersonville and Libby ;
has menaced assassination always ; and now at last, true
to itself, has assassinated our President; and this
responsible Power is none other than Slavery. It is
Slavery that has taken the life of our beloved Chief
19

146 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
Magistrate, and here is another triumph of its Barbarism.
On Slavery let vengeance fall. Spare if you please the
worms it employs ; but do not — I entreat you — yield
any amnesty to this murderous wickedness. Ravaillac,
who took the life of Henry IV- of France, was torn
in pieces on the public square in front of the City Hall,
by four powerful horses, each of them attached to one of
his limbs, and tearing in opposite directions, -until at last,
after a fearful struggle, nothing of the wretched assassin
remained in the hands of the executioner, except his
bloody shirt, — which was at once handed over to be
burned. Such be our vengeance ; and let Slavery be the
victim. And not only Slavery, which is another name for
property in man, but so also that other 'pretension, which
is not less irrational and hateful, that Human Rights can
depend on color. This is the bloody shirt of the assassin ;
and it must be handed over to be burned.
Such a vengeance will be like a kiss of reconciliation ;
for it will remove every obstacle to peace and harmony.
The people where Slavery once ruled will bless the
blow which destroyed it. The people where the kindred
tyranny of Caste once ruled, will rejoice that this too
fell under the same blow. They will yet confess that it
was dealt in no harshness to them, in no unkindness, in
no desire to humiliate, but simply and solemnly, in the
name of the Republic, and of Human Nature ; for their
good as well as ours ; ay, for their good more than ours.
It is by ideas that we have conquered, more than by
armies. The sword of the Archangel was less mighty

MR. sumner's eulogy. 147
than the mission which he bore from the Lord. But if
the ideas which have given us the victory are now neg
lected ; if the promises of the Declaration, which the
Rebellion openly assailed, are still left unfulfilled, then
will our blood and treasure have been lavished in vain.
Alas ! for the dead who have given themselves so bravely
to their country ; alas ! for the living who have been left
to mourn the dead ; -*- if any relic of Slavery is allowed
to continue ; especially if this bloody impostor, defeated
in the pretension of property in man, is allowed to per
petuate an Oligarchy of the skin !
And how shall these ideas be saved? In other
words, how shall the war waged by Abraham Lincoln
be brought to an end, so as to secure peace, tran
quillity and reconciliation'? At this moment all turns
on the colored suffrage in the rebel States. This
is now the pivot of national safety. A mistake on this point
is worse than the loss of a battle. And yet here again
we encounter the Rebellion in all its odious pretensions,
hardly less audacious than when it took up arms. As its
camp-fires expire, the men who -have trimmed them —
taking fresh oaths of allegiance on their lips — renew
their early activity in plotting how still to • preserve an
oligarchical power. The demon of Caste takes the place
of the demon of Slavery. In setting ourselves against this
fearful demon, we only follow the solemn behests of the
great Declaration, of which our martyred President was
the champion. And now as I close this humble tribute,
let me ask you to adopt that championship which was his

148 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
first and most constant title to the national gratitude. Let
each be a standard-bearer of the Declaration. I cannot
err, if speaking at his funeral, I detain you to insist upon
this absorbing duty in which for the moment all other
duties are swallowed up.
The argument for the colored suffrage is overwhelming.
It springs from the necessity of the case, as welLas from
the rights of man. This suffrage is needed for the secur
ity of the colored people ; for the stability of the local
government ; and for the strength of the Union. Without
it there is nothing but insecurity for the colored people,
instability for the local government, and weakness for the
Union, involving of course the national credit. Without
it the Rebellion will break forth under a new alias,
unarmed it may be, but with white votes to take pos
session of the local government and wield ¦ it at will,
whether at home or in the national councils. If it be
said that the colored people are unfit, then do I say
that they are more fit than their recent masters, or even
than many among the " poor whites." They have been
loyal always, and who are you, that, under any pretence,
exalts the prejudices of the disloyal above the rights of
the loyal "? Their suffrage is now needed ; more even
than you ever needed their muskets or sabres. An Eng
lish statesman, after the acknowledgment of the Spanish
Colonies as Independent States, boasted that he had called
a new world into existence to redress the balance of the
old. In similar spirit, we too must call a new ballot
into existence to redress that tyranny which will not
learn the duty of justice to the colored race.

MR. sumner's eulogy. 149
The same National authority that struck down Slavery
must see that this other pretension is not permitted to
survive-; nor can there be any doubt that the- authority
which struck down Slavery is competent to this kindred
duty. Each is a part of that great policy of justice
through which alone can peace be made permanent and
immutable. Nor can the Republic shirk this remaining
duty, without leaving Emancipation unfinished and the
early promises of the Republic unfulfilled. Vain is
the gift of Liberty, if you surrender the rights of
the freedman to be judged by the recent assertors of
property in man. Burke, in his day, saw the flagrant
inconsistency and denounced it, saying, that, whatever
such people did on this subject was " arrant trifling," and,
notwithstanding its plausible form, always wanted what
he aptly called " the executive principle." These words
of warning have been adopted and repeated by two later
statesmen, George Canning and Henry Brougham ; but
they are so plain as not to need the support of names.
The infant must not be handed over to be suckled by the
wolf, but carefully nursed by its parent ; and since the
Republic is the parent of Emancipation, the Republic
must nurse the immortal infant into maturity and
strength. It is the Republic which at the beginning
took up this great work. The Republic must finish what
it began ; and it cannot err on this occasion, if, in anxious
care, it holds nothing done so long as anything remains
undone. It is the Republic, which, with matchless
energy,' hurled forward its armies until it conquered.
The Republic must exact that " security for the future,"

150 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
without which this unparalleled war will have been
waged in vain. It is the Republic, which to-day, with
one consenting voice, commemorates the murdered dead.
The same Republic, prompt to honor him, must require
that his promises to an oppressed race be maintained in
all their integrity and completeness, in letter and in spirit,
so that the great cause for which he became a sacrifice,
may not fail. His martyrdom was a new pledge beyond
any even in life.
There can be no question here, whether a State is in
the Union or out of it. This is but a phrase on which
discussion is useless. Look at the actual fact. Here all
will agree. The old governments are vacated, and this
is enough. Until the whole body of loyal people have set
up a government, all is under the National authority, act
ing by the Executive or by Congress ; and, since the Con
stitution, even without the injunction of the Declaration
of Independence, knows nothing of color, it is the obvious
duty of the National authority to protect the whole body of
loyal people against any denial of rights on this preten
sion. Already it has undertaken to say that certain per
sons shall not vote. Surely the same authority which may
limit the electoral law of Slavery, may enlarge it. If the
National authority can do anything about elections ; if it
can order an election ; if it can regulate an election ; if
it can exclude a traitor who is still at large, it can admit
a loyalist, whose only incapacity is his skin.
The colored suffrage is now a necessity. But beyond
this, in making it an essential condition of the restoration

MR. sumner's eulogy. 151
of rebel States to the Union, we follow, first, th'e law of
reason and of nature, and secondly the Constitution, not
only in its text, but as read in the light of the Declaration
of Independence. By reason and nature there can be
no denial of rights on account of color ; and we can do
nothing which is thus irrational and unnatural. By the
Constitution it is stipulated that the " United States shall
guarantee to every State a republican form of government ; "
but the meaning of this guaranty must be found in the
birthday Declaration of the Republic, which is the
controling preamble of the Constitution. Beyond all
question the United States, when called to enforce this
guaranty, must insist on the Equality of all men before the
law, and the consent of the governed. Such is the true
idea of a Republican government according to American
institutions. The slave-masters, driven, from their first intrench-
ments, already occupy inner defences. Property in man
is abandoned; but they now insist that colored persons
shall not enjoy political rights. Liberty has been won.
The battle for Equality is still pending. And now a new
compromise is proposed, by which colored persons are
to be sacrificed in the name of State Rights. It is sad
that it should be so. But I do not despair. The cause
may be delayed; but it cannot be lost; and all who
set themselves against it will be overborne ; for it is the
cause of Humanity. Not the rich and proud, but the
poor and lowly, will be the favorites of an enfranchised
Republic. The words of the prophet will be fulfilled ;

152 MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
" and I will punish the people for their evil, and the
wicked for their iniquity, and I will cause the arrogance
of the proud to cease, and will lay low the haughtiness
of the terrible. I WILL MAKE A MAN MORE
PRECIOUS THAN FINE GOLD, EVEN A MAN,
THAN THE GOLDEN WEDGE OF OPHIR." I
catch these sublime promises, and echo them back as the
assurance of triumph. Then will the Republic be all that
heart can desire or imagination can paint — " Supremely
lovely and serenely great, Majestic mother " of a free, happy,
and united people, with Slavery and all its tyranny
beaten down under foot, so that no man shall call another
master, and all shall be equal before the law.
Fellow-citizens, your task is before you. Mourn not the
dead, but rejoice in his life and example. Rejoice as you
point to this child of the people who was lifted so high, that
Republican Institutions became manifest in him. Rejoice
that through him Emancipation was proclaimed. Rejoice
that under him " government of the people, by the people
and for the people," has obtained a final verdict which
can never be set aside or questioned. Above all, see to it
that his constant vows are performed, and that the prom
ises of the Fathers are maintained, so that no person'
in the upright form of man can be shut out from their
protection. Do this, and the Unity of the Republic will
be fixed on a foundation that cannot fail. The corner
stone of National Independence is already in its place,
and on it is inscribed the name of George Washington.

MR. sumner's eulogy. 153
There is another stone which must have its place at
the corner also. This is the great Declaration itself,
once a promise only, at last a reality. On this ada
mantine stone we will gratefully inscribe the name of
Abraham Lincoln.

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