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LIFE AIJTD PUBLIC SEEVICES

JOHN SHERMAN.

ByBEN: perley poore.

JOHN SHERMAN'S paternal ancestors emigrated from Essex County, in old
England, to' Massachusetts and Connecticut, in New England, at the' time
when those colonies rose suddenly, like the dragon's teeth sown by Cadmus,
into full-grown strength — not, however, armed, like those fabulous warriors, with
weapons for their own d6struction, but with the virtues, the vigor and the intelli
gence of the Anglo-Saxon race.
His grandfather, Taylor Sherman, of Norwalk, Connecticut, was an accomplished
scholar and an able jurist, "%vho received a seat on the Bench, and who was a com
missioner of the Fire-lands settlements, when, in 1805, he went to Ohio to arrange
some disputed boundary questions. While engaged in this service, he became per
sonally interested in tracts of land, located in Sherman Township, Huron County j
but he returned to Connecticut, where he died in 181 5, He married, early in life,
Elizabeth Stoddard, a lineal descendant of Anthony Stoddard, who emigrated from
England to Boston in 1639. She was a sincere and honest woman, devoted to her
husband and her children, and lived to a good old age, dying in Ohio aboxit 1848.
Charles Robert Sherman, their son (the father of John Sherman), was born and
brought up at Norwalk, Connecticut, where he, in due time, commenced the study
of the law in the office of his father, who was then associated with Judge Chapman.
He was admitted to 'the Bar in 1810, and on the loth of May of that year he married
Mary Hoyt, also of Norwalk, who had growji up with him from childhood. She
was a^^^dfast, true-hearted woman, devoted to her family and beloved, by her
friends.^A few months after his marriage he went to Ohio in search of a home,
leaving his wife in Connecticut. . He arrived at Lancaster, on his way to Cincin
nati, and was so much pleased with the place and the people that he concluded to
remain there. Receiving a cordial welcome, he was soon engi-ossed in the practice
of his profession. The following season his wife came to him across the Alle-
ghanies on horseback, carrying her infant child (afterward Judge Charles T. Sher
man) on a pillow strapped before her saddle. It was a long and dreary road, beset
with hardships, but Mrs. Sherman was fortunate in having as companions a con
siderable party of emigrants from her native region, who- sought on the western
slope of the Alleghanies a new home.

4 JOHN SHERMAN AS A CIVIL ENGINEER.
alone, a sudden storm came up, blew their tent down, drenched them with rain,.
and left them in a sorry plight for the rest of the night.
After the work was carried to maturity, the corps was divided among the-
different stations where locks or canals were to be constructed. Sherman was-
stationed at Lowell as junior rod-man for Assistant Engineer Coffinbury. In the-
spring of 1838, by the resignation of the officer in charge of the work at
Beverly, Sherman was temporarily placed in charge and there remained during
the rest of his service on the improvement. This necessarily devolved on him.
a considerable responsibility, including the measurement of excavations, embank
ments and stone materials, the necessary leveling for a lock to the canal, and a
great variety of business growing out of the construction of a work that was to cost
about ii!300,ooo. Mr. Sherman has always 'regarded the responsibility thus thrown.
upon him, and the necessary diligence and care in performing ¦ the duties-
assigned to him, as a better education than a\iy he could possibly have had
else^yhere in the same time. It taught him" to study accuracy in details and
close attention to business, and inspired self-confidence. In the severest month^
of winter, 'work was necessarily suspended, especially in the construction of the
dam, and in laying the masonry of the lock. He was thus left a month or two-
of leisure in the winter of 1838-39. This he endeavored to occupy by a salt
speculation, which was for a long time a subject of joke among his kindred and
friends. He purchased a lot of salt and loaded it on a scow, intending to float
with it and three or four men down the river to Cincinnati. The prospects of
the speculatioVi were very good, as salt was high at Cincinnati and low in Mus
kingum, but, unluckily, within one day's float of the mouth of the river Sher
man's boat was frozen up tight and remained there two months, until the season
passed by and left him a loser instead of a gainer. He, however, when the
river permitted, went to Cincinnati, where his brother Lampson P. Sherman.
lived, as a member of the family of the somewhat famous Charles Hammond,
then the editor of the Cincinnati Gazette. He there spent a week or two in the
usual enjoyment of youths of his age, and had many long rambles about Cin
cinnati. In the fall of 1838, the Whigs, who had been in jjower, were suddenly thrown
out by the election, and during the following winter ^ new Board of Public Works-
commenced the common policy of making changes in the employes on the public
works. Colonel Curtis, whose politics were well known, was removed from his posi
tion in the spring of 1839, simply because he was a Whig. His subordinates were
not changed for* a time; but, as a sSnse of their gratitude to Colonel Curtis, most of
them' signed a letter expressing their confidence in him and their regret at the official
separation. Some of these young men who signed this paper were Democrats, and
others were Whigs ; but the letter was construed as an offense by Captain Wall, a
member of the Board of Public Works, in charge of the improvement, and all who
had signed the letter were summarily turned out. So, in the summer of 1839,
young Sherman was removed from his humble position, because he was a Whig.
Although but sixteen years of age, John Sherman was by birth and training ail
active, earnest Whig boy; and, without much knowledge of the dispute between
parties, he was without doubt as honest in his opinions as many grown people who-
knevv more of the subject-matter.
Upon being thus ousted, he returned to Lancaster and made, up his mind to
study law ; but, before doing so, his earnest desire was to go to college and com
plete a regular course. During his servicein the Engineer Corps he had improved

JOHN SHERMAN STUDIES AND PRACTICES LAW. t,
liimself by reading, by reviewing his studies, and by cdtifact with men ; so that he
could readily enter the junior year; and that was his wish, but, unfortunately, no
pecuniary means were available. Some of his kindred had been embarrassed by
the 1-eyulsions of the panic of 1837, and most of them were too poor to aid, and he
was too pi-oud to seek aid from others; so that, after a winter of rather listless
-Study at Langaster, upon the invitation of his brother Charles, he determined to go
to Mansfield to study law, keeping the hope of entering college in reserve.
Charles Sherman was then a good lawyer, in active practice, mostly as a com
mercial lawyer in the collection of debts of Eastern merchants, unmarried, and
nearly thirty years of age. John was just nineteen, tall, strong and active. Mans
field was then a village of 1 100 inhabitants, in its earliest stage of growth, without
pavements or other improvements, in the midst of a country which had been
settled less than thirty years, but which was rapidly becoming peopled with good
farmers, most of whom were of Pennsylvania descent and Democratic politics. It
was known as the "Berks of Ohio," from its very large Democratic majorities.
As a matter of course, any political ambition was entirely out of the question; and^
was fortunate for the young man that it was so for many years. John Sherman's
uncle, Jacob Parker, an old, well educated lawyer and a man of influence, lived in
Mansfield and took great interest in his nephew's progress. He constantly aided
and directed him in his course of studies. After he had read Blackstone and Kent,
he was set at work on Coke upon Littleton, and kept three months at this driest of
books, being frequently examined as to his progress. Judge Parker was a great
lover of the Law of Tenures and of ancient English law. Soon afterward (while
young Sherman was still a student), he became a judge of the/common pleas court,
and continued so until a short time before his death.
While studying law young Sherman regularly prepared the pleadings, and did a
good amount of the office business of his brother, practiced before justices of the
peacej prosecuted a great variety of business, and after the first year was entirely
self-supporting, and lost all interest in his former desire to complete a collegiate
course. The bar at Mansfield was then considered a very able one — as much so as any
in Ohio. James Stewart, T. W. Bartley, Jacob Brinkerhoff, were then active practi
tioners, and all of them were subsequently judges of the higher courts ; and a number
of other lawyers of very respectable standing contested with them. Quite a large
number of law students were then in Mansfield, among whom were Hon. Samuel J.
Kirkwood and Hon. W. B. Allisdn, now United States Senators from Iowa ; rFrank
Barker, and others who were admitted to the bar and attained distinction. These
younger lawyers organized themselves into a moot court, which for a year or two
was very useful, but finally broke up. The four years of life spent as a law student,
though longer than necessary, was still not without its value. Under the laws of
'Ohio young Sherman was compelled to wait until he *as twenty-one years of age
before he could be admitted, and impatiently did so, as he was prepared for admis
sion before, and was restrained from engaging in practice before the court until the
day of boyish emancipation came. Those who knew him then, speak of him as
having a quiet, determined manner, and once started in a direction he could not be
tinned aside until he had succeeded, or satisfied' himself beyond a doubt that he
was not working to a successful result. He had no bad habits or evil companions,
but gave his whole mind and attention to his professional studies. While not a
-jovial companion, in the usual acceptance of the term, he was always genial and
:affable'fo all, and seemed more desirous of -w'inning friendship through respect than
-establishing a reputation for good fellowship.

6 JOHN SHERMAN STUDIES AND PRACTICES LAW.
Mr. Sherman, was admitted to the bar on the nth of May,- 1844, at Springfield,,
Ohio, apd he at once entered into partnership with his brother (Charles T.) at
Mansfi.eld. From that time forward he was constantly, actively and profitably
einployed in the practice of his profession, until he was elected a member of
Congress in 1854. Incessant in his application to business, conciliatory in his
deportment, and identified with the people of Mansfield and the surrounding sec
tion, he soon occupied a high position in the courts. His oratorical powers were
not of that old Rpman school of declamation which was practiced by the Revolu
tionary fathers and their immediate descendants; but he argued his cases after a
plain, blunt, straight-forward style, which secured him the a,ttention of the court
and won the confidence of the jury at the outset. His conversational manner gave
freshness and, vigor to his legal arguments, as though his thoughts were spontane
ous, and he was quietly drawing all the law and the facts from the case of hi&.
client. Occasionally, when deeply interested, he would speak with wonderful
rapidity, and although he was at times sarcastic, his words never carried a venom
ous sting. To work was apparently Mr. Sherman's ambition, and he succeeded-
He not only studied with great Care all cases in which he was retained, searching
industriously for decisions bearing upon them, but he kept himself read up in the-
legal literature of the day. He also- prosecuted his general reading, especially-
uppn the great public questions of the period, and endeavored to ascertain the
¦vyis.hes of the people around him concerning them. No obstacle was ever permitted
to remain in his way; and this, if we may believe Abraham Lincoln, is a family
trait. When a revolt took place in the earlier part of the war for the suppression
of tl>e rebellion, and General William Tecumseh Sherman subdued it, one of the
officers complained to President Lincoln that the General had ¦ been very severe in
his language, and had said, if a similar disorder took place again, one of the old
regiments should fire on the regiment of recruits that was so disorderly. The offi
cer asked, Lincoln whether he didn't think that severe. "Well," said Mr. Lin
coln, "don't you trust those Shermans; they are so apt to do just as they say they
¦will." The citizens of Mansfield found that their young lawyer, -when he undertook.,
to do anything, was very apt tPido it.
: While, Mr., She^ma.n; had ,been a student, the building and the growth of rail
roads had been commenced — three of them being constructed, within a short period,
through Richland county, of -vyhich Mansfield is the .coiinty-seat. The first was the
road from Mansfield tp Sandusky, no-\v a part of the Baltimore and Ohio Road. It
was a flat-bar, illy constructed railroad, but was the best kind then thought of, and
answered the purpose of a forerunner to those which followed. It was at times
dangerous to ride on it on account of the "snake-heads" or rails; which, by the
weight of the cars, would.be bent upward and forced through the cars. Mr. Sher
man was the attorney for this road ; attended, to its business and assessed the dam
ages for roadway. So strong was the popular current in favor of railroads that the
damages assessed on twenty miles of the road -n-ere only ^^2,000, and most' damages-
as.sessed on a farm were at the rate of one cent. It was considered unpatriotic and:
illiberal to demand any danijtge at all. Some years after the construction of this
imperfect rpad, the Cleveland and Columbus Road was built through the north
ern part ,of th|e, county ; while the Pittsburgh and Ft. Wayne Road was built
through Mftnslield and a rapid growth of the town immediately followed, bringing,
with it a large increase of profitable, business to.lawyers and others.
Shortly after Mr. Sherman was admitted to the bar his mother removed fromi
her own home at Lancaster to Mansfield, where she and her two younger daughters-

JOHN SHERMAN SECRETARY OF WHIG CONVENTION. ^
kept house for him, and where she remained until her death in 1852, after her chil
dren were all married. In the winter of 1846-47, Mr. Sherman made his first visit
to Washington, remaining near a month, during which time he became acquainted
w-ith most of the men of the day, and especially with Mr. Douglass, then a promi
nent Democratic leader, who tireated him with great kindness; and who, but for his
politic's, would have won his hearty support. His refcollections of this visit are
quite vivid, and are calrefuUy preserved in a series of interesting letters which he
wrote to personal friends at home.
In the spring of 1848 Mr. Sherman was selected by the Congressional district
in which he' lived as a delegate to the National Convention to be held at Phil
adelphia. When the convention was 'being organized, upon motion of Colonel
Collyer, he was made a Secretary of the body by the jocular remark that there
was a young man there from the State of Ohio -who lived in a district so
strongly Democratic that he never could hope to get an office unless that con
vention gave liim one, and with the laugh that this created Mr, Sherman
advanced to his position. Mr. Defrees, now Public Printer, said there was a
young man from Indiana in precisely the same situation, and moved that
Schuyler Colfax be made Assistant Secretary. Colfax and Sherman walked up
to the stand together. The position of the delegates at Philadelphia was one of
high responsibility — each, man bad doubtless his sectional pride and personal
feelings to influence him ; but there was an overruling consideration. The
enemy was in possession of the Capital — under whom could a change be effected?
who was there with pure integrity, tried patriotism, high abilities and known
principles, who could rally the Whig forces and inspire them with confidence?
The convention followed the example of the ancient Romans and sought an
American Cincinnatus, -whose disinterested virtues, simplicity of manners and
long public services had won for him a reputation which in the hour of peril
filled the hearts of his countrymen and sent them to seek him in his tranquil
home to offer him the chief command of the Republic. The history of his life,
as inscribed on the records of his' country, was his recommendation; and they
selected him because they knew him by his deeds and felt "positive that a civic
wreath would be added to the victorious crown of hiiii who "never surren
dered." Mr. Sherman cordially supported the nomination and canvassed a portion of
Ohio foi- him. "Old Zack'' lost that Statej but he was elected President and
occupied the White House. During that same summer (on the 30th of August)
Mr. Sherman was married to Miss Cecilia Stewart, the only child of Judge
Stev^art, of Mansfield, who came there from Western Pennsylvania. She is a
lady of rare accomplishments, and capable of filling any social position, but
domestic in her tastes, a thorough house-wife, and kind to the poor and needy.
During the winter of 1848-49 the excitement about the discovery of gold in
California became very strong. The first clear account received in Ohio was in
a letter from Captain, now General Sherman, to his brother John, in which he
stated clearly and at length the history of the discovery and its e'ffect upon
affairs in CcDlifornia. Mr. Sherman has this letter in his possession, and, in view
of subsequent events, it is very interesting.
In the spring of 1849, Mr. Sherman built his house at Mansfield. It is a
plain, brick edifice, with a corner porch as seen from the front, and has since
been remodeled by the addition of a mansard roof. This porch, in summer, is
the Secretary's favorite resting-place; and up under the roof is his library and

8 JOHN SHERMAN'S HOME-LIFE AT MANSFIELD.
study. The house is surrounded by well-kept grounds, ornamented with a
variety of shade trees, , through which a broad drive way leads up to the
entrance. For years Mr. Sherman was very actively employed in the common country,
law practice of Ohio in those days. He rode the circuits of several counties.,,
attended the courts, tried cases, collected debts; and, besides, transacted a
variety of miscellaneous business. While he was a public-spirited and generous'
citizen, and far removed from any smallness in money matters, he enjoyed the
reputation of being a shrewd financier, who never made a mistake in his calcu
lations concerning investments. It is stated, by one who knew him well, that.
he made it a rule, early in life, to lay aside at least JS500 each year, and to
regulate his expenditures in conformity with that determination. He never
failed to do it; and when he saw this safely invested, then he used more — if
there was more — for pleasure, or was more liberal in personal expenditure^.^
About six years after he commenced the practice of law, he embarked in the
manufacture— then new to that part of Ohio — of flooring, doors, sashes, blinds
and other wood-work used in house-building. This investment was a profitable
one, yielding him a handsome profit for a number of successive years.
In the Whig Convention of Ohio, held in 1850, Mr. Sherman took an active
stand in favor of General Scott as the next Whig candidate for President, and
made a speech which at that time was thought to have had great influence in
directing public opinion in Ohio toward him. It was so well received that a
proposition was made to nominate Mr, Sherman for Attorney-General; but the
Committee thought proper to renominate Henry Stanbury. It has been previ
ously stated that John Sherman was a Whig boy; and as he grew older he
became more wedded to the principles of Washington and Hamilton, John
Marshall, Henry Clay and Daniel Webster — principles that will live and illustrate
the history of t|iis country and of constitutional liberty through all coming
time. The Whig party was eventually broken up by unscrupulous politicians;
but its choicest principles were preserved and embedded into the creed of the
Republican party. Those who had advocated them still assert with pride their
title to the appellation .of ."an Old Whig."
In the summer of 1852 Mr. Sherman was elected by the State Convention a
Senatorial delegate to the National Convention to be held at Baltimore. He
attended that enthusiastic and able gathering, where he warmly supported Gen
eral Scott, who was nominated. He advocated the selection of this old hero
not merely for his distinguished military services, but for his eminent qualities
as a civilian, his honesty as a man, his integrity as a citizen, and his devotion
to the Union, in defense of which he had poured out his life's blood, and for
the perpetuation of which he had pledged "his life, his fortune and his
sacred honor." Returning to Ohio Mr. Sherman participated in the canvass,
hut with very unsatisfactory results. While the election was pending he heard
of the sudden death of his mother, and relinquishing his remaining appoint
ments he returned home to Mansfield.
In the winter of 1853-54, Mr. Sherman opened r. law office in Cleveland, with
the intention of removing there at some future -time; but the proposition then
pending to repeal the Missouri Compromise, excited the greatest agitation and
alarm throughout the State— greater than has been known at any period since.
It shook all parties to their foundation. The bad policy of the movement its
want of faith, its threatened danger for the future, created a profound impression

JOHN SHERMAN A REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS. g
Upon public opinion, and upon Mr. Sherman's own mind as well. Up to hat
time he had been what might be called a conservative Whig ; anxious to avoid
all discussions about slavery ; feeling that it was wrong, indefensible, and ought
to be abolished, but believing it was protected by the Constitution, and, there
fore, ought not to be assailed. This proposed repeal convinced him that the
contest between freedom and slavery must come ; that it was unavoidable, and
that the proper and true way was to enter the lists. First, upon the ground that
in no event should slavery derive any benefit from the repeal of the Missouri
Compromise ; and. Second, that it should as rapidly as possible be abolished in all
the Territories of the United States. When the Congressional Anti-Nebraska
Convention, as it was called, met, composed of those who had been members of
the Democratic, the Whig, and the Free Soil parties, great difficulty existed in
forming a fusion of opposing elements, jealous of each other. The choice finally
fell upon Mr. Sherman, who was then but thirty-one years of age ; and while a
prominent Whig, was not so prominent as to be subject to bitter hostility from
opposing factions. There was a good deal of feeling in the northern counties of
the district because he was not up to their standard of opinion on the slavery
-question ; but his personal canvass through the district tended to dissipate these
feiirS, and he was elected, receiving 8,617 votes against 5i794 votes for Wm. D.
Lindsley, who then represented the district in Congress.
Mr; Sherman attended and was President of the first Ohio Republican State
Convention, in 1855, which nominated Salmon P. Chase for Governor, and par
ticipated in the organization of the great Republican party, which was at once
progressive, yet prudent ; radical, yet conservative ; neither afraid of the new
hecause it was new, nor contemptuous of the old because it was old. His acute-
Tiess of intellect, indefatigable industry and wisdom, which is master of his
temper, gave him a commanding position in the ranks of the new political move
ment, and since that time his life has been a part of the public life of the
country. Mr. Sherman took his seat in the House of Representatives of the Thirty-
fourth Congre-ss on the third of December, 1855, six years before the war — six
years of political strife, of civil commotion, ripening into open rebellion, which
formed an eventful career in our political history. Those who were meditating
the establishment of a new empire, based upon the enslavement of the African
race, were menacing, bitter and uncompromising; while, affiliated with them by
party ties, though not in sympathy, were Cass, Douglass, and other northern
Democrats, who vainly struggled against the current of events. Among the great
questions debated- during these six years were: the repeal of the Missouri Com
promise, the Dred-Scott Decision, the Imposition of Slavery, upon Kansas, the
Fugitive Slave Law, the national expenditures and receipts, grave questions of
finance, and other kindred measures involving the very existence of the Republic.
Mr. Sherman brought with him into the halls of the National House of
Representatives, at the commencement of the discussion of these vital questions,
the habits of business, and of patient labor and of thorough investigation which
his early training had given him; and he very soon acquired the respect of all
his associates and the confidence of his political friends in no ordinary degree.
He often participated in debate, and by his full comprehension of the subject,
the result of careful and dispassionate examination, and by his familiar acquaint
ance with public affairs, rose rapidly in reputation. A good speaker, a clear
thinker, and a logical reasoner, his strong point was in the proportion of his

lo JOHN SHERMAN ON THE INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE.
faculties to each other, which made him, without being an extraordinary man in
any one particular, equal to the greatest occasion, and to every difficulty. In
times of unexampled excitement and difficulties, he conducted himSelf with such
dignity that he impresse.d all who approached him with profound respect, and
yet inspired all with affection, esteem and confidence; and to this end he united
a firm fidelity to his principles, his party and friends, which was proof against
all changes and disasters, combining the fariitcr in re with the stcaviier in modo.
His bitterest political foes were disarmed by his calm and philosophical bearing ;
and his best friends shrank from all attempts to sway him from the path of duty,
from his honest convictions, and from his loyalty to the Union.
There was a fierce and protracted struggle attending the election of Speaker
when Mr. Sherman took his seat, and on the ninety-ninth ballot he gave his,
reasons for voting for General Banks, as follows ;
"I care not whether he is a member of the American party or not; I have
been informed that he is, and I believe that he is; but, I repeat, I care not to
what party he belongs, I understand him lo take this positioii — that the repeal
of the Missouri Compromise was an act of great dishonor, and that under no
circumstances ^^•hatever will he, if he have the power, allow the institution of
human slavery to derive any benefit from that repeal. That is my position I
I have been a Whig, but I will yield all party preferences, and will act in con
cert with men of all parties and opinions who will steadily aid in preserving
our western territories for free labor ; and I say now that I never will vote for
a man for Speaker of this House unless he convinces me by his conduct and
by his views that he never will, if he has the power to prevent it, allow the
institution of- slavery to derive any advantage from repealing the compromise of
1-820." ,
A variety of resolutions were introduced, as the balloting for Speaker was
continued, propounding interrogatories as to the political opinions of the several
candidates. Mr. Sherman finally introduced one which read \\\\i%:' "ResobKd,
That the only tests of the opinions of any candidate for public office are his
votes and acts; and that no man ought to occupy the high position of Speaker
of this House whose opinions upon important political questions are so unknown
that it is necessary to examine him as a witness." '
Kansas had meanwhile become ii battle-ground between the advocates of
slavery from the South and the opponents of it from the free States, each
faction hoping to secure the ascendancy. A state of violence amounting to
actual civil war ensued, and numbers were killed in guerrilla contests. Rival
State governments were e,stablished, each with its constitution. Governor and
Legislature, while acts of horrible atrocity were committed by organized bands
of "Border Ruffians," who roamed about the country plundering, and often
murdering peaceable and unoffending settlers. The matter became .so' serious
that the House of Representatives passed a resolution on the 19th of March
authorizing the appointment of a committee of three by the Speaker, to inquire
into and collect evidence in regard to the troubles in Kansas generally and
particularly in regard to any fraud or force attempted or practiced in relation
to any of the elections which had taken place in that Territory. The appoint
ment of Mr. Sherman as a member of that Kansas Investigating Committee was
, a turning-point in his political career. It came to him very unexpectedly when
he was on his way from IMansfield to Washington. He received a telegram at
Pittsburg that Speaker Banks had announced his appointment, and that^'it wa*
extremely important that he should go at once, .and without returnine to Wash
ington, so he started for Kansas accompanied by Mrs. Sherman. The Commit

JOHN SHERMAN AND THE BORDER RUFFIANS. ii
tee was composed of Mr. Howard of Michigan, Chairman, Mr. Oliver of, Mis
souri, and Mr. Sherman. It -«'as understood that Mr. Sherman was appointed
by Speaker Banks because he was a lawyer fresh from practice, familiar with
the modes of taking testimony, and -sufficiently industrious to apply himself to it.
Mr. Howard was in feeble health, and it was feared that he would not be able
to bear the fatigue of great labor. The Committee met at St. Louis, and then
proceeded by river to Kansas City, accompanied by five or six persons as clerks,
stenographers or sergeants-at-arms. Their arrival created great excitement.
They proceeded at once to Lawrence, and commenced taking testimony. The
state of society in Kansas was novel to Mr. Sherman, who for the first time
found himself in the presence of men armed and r^dy for fighting. Under thp
patronage of the New England Emigration Society, a body of able and brave
men from that section of the Union, together with active spirits from the theiv
Western States, were determined to maintain their right to establish o. free State
in Kansas. Among them were Dr. Robinson, afterward Governor, John Browra
and General James Lane. On the other side the rough frontier populationi
from Western Missouri was reinforced by daring young men from the South,
largely from Georgia and South Carolina. Almost every man bore arms, and
the condition of society could not have been more lawless and dangerous.
Murders had been committed by Missourians for political reasons, and it was:
unsafe to travel anywhere along the border. The Settlements were confined to a
few along the Missouri River, from Xansas City northward to Atchison, and
along the Kansas River from Kansas City to Topeka. But few settlements had
been made ten miles from one or the other of these rivers. Lawrence had beera
laid out, and the town started with capital furnished no doubt by the Emigrant
Aid Society, but there was not a brick house there with the exception of the
Free State Hotel, and that was unfinished, having but two or three rooms plas
tered, and the plaster was green.
The Committee commenced taking testimony, but it was all on one side, as
the Missouri people did not think it safe for them to appear, but a very com
plete statement was obtained of the Free' State side of the question, and a:
general history of the -violence at the previous elections, which was the main.
object of the inquiry. The Capital of the State had been , .established by the
Border Ruffian Legislature at Lecompton, a place about ten miles west of
Lawrence, started as a pro-slavery town, and peopled almost entirely by pro-
slavery men.
After the committee had finished their work at Lawrence, they \Vent ta
Lecompton and' took testimony there. Governor Robinson accompanied the'm„
and it was considered a very daring feat on his part to go to Lecompton, where
some of the worst spirits had been' collected. The committee then went to-
Topeka, a. town laid out and started by the Free State men, and from there to.
Leavenworth, passing through the Indian reservation, where no white settle
ments existed. At Leavenworth they took a large mass of testimony, including
that of some of the chief officers of the Government.
At that time the .spirit of hostility was more manifest than before. Lawrence
was sacked by an organized military force from Missouri, who burned the Free
State Hotel and many other buildings, and drove many of the inhabitants-
away. The same armed band of desperadoes went afterwards to Leavenworth^ /
threatening to burn that town, and probably the presence of the, United States-
troops at Fort Leavenworth, near by, was all that prevented the sacking 'of the-

3 2 JOHN SHERMAN AND THE BORDER RUFFIANS.
itown, and saved the lives of the committee. Notices (headed by drawings of
nhe skull and cross-bones) of the border-ruffians to "wipe out" the committee,
were posted on the doors of the committee-room.
In view of these dangers, the committee had sent forward copies of the testi-
inony then taken, by Dr. Robinson, but he was arrested on a boat on the Mis
souri River, and returned to the jail at Leavenworth. The testimony was concealed
on the person of Mrs. Robinson, who was allowed to proceed on her journey,
and she delivered it lo Speaker Banks, to await the coming of the committee.
After closing the testimony at Leavenworth, the committee went to Kansas
•City and Westport, a town a few miles back of Kansas City, -where armed men
were mustered for an invasion of Kansas, and they saw a company parading in
the streets, and marching off toward Kansas, where they committed atrocities.
The development of the testimony, which was impartially taken from both sides,
•disclosed a condition of affairs -worse, if possible, than civil war, and for a time
the members of the committee were threatened that they should not leave the
lown alive. The presence, as a member of the committee, of Major Oliver, who
was proven to have participated in the election, but who was in many respects
an excellent man, no doubt tended to protect them from violence. One day an
armed company of about sixty men marched into the committee room, dressed in
the border style, with red shirts and trousers, with bowie knives and pistols in
their boots, and it was thought for the purpose of stopping the investigation.
After the committee had spent ahout two months in this way, it concluded
its labors in Kansas and started for Washington. Mr. Howard's health became
so feeble that, at his request, his colleagues went with him to Detroit to collate
the testimony and prepare the report. Arriving there he was so ill that the duty
-of preparing the report devolved upon Mr. Sherman, and with the assistance of
the clerks who were with him, it was completed in about a week. Every state
ment made in the report was verified by the clearest testimony, and has never
been controverted by any one. This report, when presented to the House,
•created a good deal of feeling, and intensified greatly the antagonisms in Con
gress, being made the basis of the campaign of 1856; Mr. 'Sherman believed
then, as he believes now, that the stand taken by the Free State men in 1856
was all that prevented the extension of slavery over the Western Territories. In
:his speech in the House, he said in conclusion: "The worst evil that could
befall our country is civil war ; but the outrages in Kansas can not be continued
much longer -B^ithout producing it. To our Southern brethren I especially
appeal. In the name of Southern rights crimes have been committed, and are
being committed, which I know you can not and do not approve. These have
excited a feeling in the Northern States that is deepening and strengthening
¦daily, and may produce acts of retaliation. You are in a minority, and from the
nature of your institutions, you relative power is yearly decreasing. In excusing
this invasion from Missouri— in attempting to hold on to an advantage obtained
by force and fraud— you are setting an example which, in its ultiniate conse-
•quences, may trample your rights under foot. Until these wrongs are righted,
you must expect northern men to unite to redress them. It may not be this
year; but, as sure as there is a God in heaven, such a union will be effected,
and you will gain nothing by sustaining northern agitators in violatino- the com
promise of your fathers."
The administration of President Pierce persisted iu aiding the pro-slavery inter
ests in Kansas,' — United States soldiers and officers joining with border ruffians in

JOHN SHERMAN OPPOSES SLAVERY IN XANSAS. 13.
committing outrages upon the northern settlers. Mr. Sherman in a debate on the
appropriations for the Territorial government of Kansas, in which it -vvas stated that
the Senate would not consent to certain provisions of the act as proposed by the
House, remarked: "It is idle to say that the Senate will not consent, sir. We are-
the representatives of the people and can receive no law from them. If the Senate
are willing to make the issue with this House, that prosecution for political offenses
shall not cease ; if they insist that law and justice should be perverted, and force
and violence under the cloak of the judiciary shall reign supreme in Kansas, let
them bear the responsibility. We. will have done our duty and will be sustained
by those who sent us here,"
In the Presidential election of 1856, Mr. .Sherman supported Colonel John
C. Fremont for the Presidency, in opposition to Mr. Buchanan and Mr. Fillmore.
To use his own words, he acted with the Republican party with hundreds of
thousands of others, simply because the Republican party resisted the extension,.
but did not seek the abolition of slavery. The election of Mr. Buchanan aroused
the free States to their utmost energy of action. He not only was pledged to-
advance the interests of the slave-holding States by extending that institution in
the Territories, but by the acquisition of Cuba. Mr. Sherman stoutly combatted
the President's views. In reply to an inquiry put to him in the House of
Representatives, as to carrying slavery , into the Territories under the operation
of the Constitution, he said: "The Constitution of the United Stales carries-
slavery nowhere. It is a local institution, confined within State limits, and goes-
nowhere except wlny-e exjiress law .carries it; but, if the Supreme Court of the;
United States shouldulecide otherwise, I would -acquiesce in that decision."
Mr. Sherman, while a zealous champion of the rights of the Free States,
took also an active part in legislation on <i variety of practical questions. In,
the debate on the submmne telegraph he showed his, opposition to monopolies-
by saying: "I can jiot , agree that our Government shpuld, be bound by any
contract with any private incorporated company for fifty years ; and the amend
ment I desire to offer will reserve the' power to Congress to determine the.
proposed contract after ten years." In the debate on the tariff bill, with a
view to the reduction , of the revenue and an increase of the free list,;;'li^F.
Sherman said: "The additions to the free list should be of articles not-pro^Mad
in this country and whose free importation will not compete in any way .\vdtft,
the great interests of any section of this country."
The Kansas question occupied a -prominent place in the proceedings of the
Thirty-fifth Congress. Mr. Sherman, in an able speech against the admission of
the new State into the Union, took the ground that Congress should not recog
nize the Lecompton or any other constitution that had not been framed by a.
convention to which the people had delegated i full power, and which had not
been subsequently submitted to and approved by a popular vote. He then said:
"In conclusion, allow me to impress the South with two important warnings.
she has' received in her struggle for Kansas. One is^ that though her able and
disciplined leaders on this floor, aided by executive patronage, niay give her the
power to overthrow legislative compacts, yet, while the sturdy integrity of the
northern masses stands in her way, she can gain no practical advantage by her
well laid schemes. The other is, that while she may indulge with impunity-
the spirit of fillibusterism,, or lawless and violent adventure, upon a feeble and
distracted people in, Mexico, and Central America, she must not come, in contact
with that cool, determined , courage and resolutipn! -^hich forms the striking.
characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon race. In such a contest, her hasty ^ and
impetuous violence may succeed for a time, but the victory will be short-lived.

,4 JOHN SHERMAN ADVOCATES RETRENCHMENT.
and leave nothing but bitterness behind. Let us not war with each other; but,
with the grasp of fellowship and friendship, regarding to, the full each other s
rights,. and let us be kind to each other's faults, let us go hand m hand in
securing to every portion^of our people their constitutional rights.'
The foreign relations of GPvernment, the national censUs and other ques
tions, received Mr. Sherman's attention, and he was invariably a firm advocate
for -economy in the public expenditures. In a debate on the deficiency bill he
strongly urged the necessity of more detailed statements regarding the several
objects for which appropriations were asked by the different departments. "I
am not disposed," he said, "to cavil at appropriations demanded by the neces
sities of the country. I think it is the duty of Congress, however, carefully to
guard these appropriations from misapplication, and limit them strictly to the
necessary expenses of the Government. In my judgment, our Government has
departed from its original policy in the 'appropriation of money more than in
anything else." * » « * •» « - *
e , ¦» "Before we appropriate a dollar of money we should know pre-
cisely where the money has gone or is to go." « » e «
» '* -» * *- '• "I, sir, can not vote for any bill
making appropriations, unless the committee that reports it can give the specific
items that make up the aggregate sum." * » a «• «
« •« •* * ¦* "It is our duty as legislators to examine
, these matters carefully ; and the committee should either give us the items or
refer us to some public document which contains them."
The then prevalent system of making contracts iu advance of appropriations
was sternly denounced by him as illegal. He took the ground that the execu-
, tive officers, having no right to make any contract to expend a single dollar
beyond the .suins appropriated, violated the law in so doing; and he said!
"Now under Avhat authority of la-H' are these things done? If they are legal ,
and binding on the Government, then this House of Representatives is weaker,
aS" respects the control over the expenditures of the Government, than the head
of any bureau. I say, then, that if contracts have been made beyond the
amounts appropriated by Congress, they are illegal, and I would punish the
officers wh6 made ,them." * * ® -* -s- « »
* » » And it is time that the representatives of the people
should put a stop to such proceedings. Otherwise they will have no control over
the disljursement of money upon the part of the executive officers."
And his views of the duties of such representatives he gives in the following
language: "Retrenchment and reform are now matters of imperative necessity.
It is .not the mere cry of demagogues, but a problem demanding the attention
and worthy the highest ability of the representatives of the people. No party
is fit to govern this, country which can not solve it. It is in vain to look to
executive officers for reform. Their power and influence depend upon executive
patronage, and while we grant they will squtmder. The Senate is neither by
the theory of our system, nor by its composition, fitted for the task. This
House alone has the constitutional power to perfect a radical reform. The
Constitution provides that no money shall be drawn from the Treasury but in
consequence of appropriations made by law, and that all bills for raising revenue
shall priginate in the House of Representatives. These provisions were designed
to invest this House 'with the entire control of the public purse— the power of
supply. It is the pearl beyond price, without which constitutional liberty in
England would long since have fallen under the despotism of the crown."

JOHN SHERMAN A FRIEND OF THE OLD SOLDIERS. 15
And still further, in debating the same question, he says: "The proposition is
simply this — to bring back this government to the original policy of appropria
ting for a specific purpose, to be expended by the Executive Department within
a given time, and to refuse to the Executive the power to spend this money for
any other purpose or at any other time. The proposition is plain, simple and
practicable. The gentlemen talk about difficulties in public works when Con
gress is not in session. Why, Congress is always in session within three or four
months before the beginning of the fiscal year. If any disturbances, or any
difficulties, or any wars grow up in tjie course of the year, these difficulties
should be submitted to Congress, and Congress ought to consider whether money
appropriated for one purpose should be used for another, or whether money
appropriated for one fiscal year should be used for another. But, by abuses and
by our neglect, the Executive has seized on all thesfe important powers, and
exercises them instead of Congress."
Mr. Sherman was a steadfast friend of the old soldiers. He opposed a pen
sion bill which discriminated against the soldier in favor of the officer, and which
paid no regard to length of service, and offered ah amendment remedying these
defects. This amendment placed the soldiers of the war of 1812 and the soldiers
of the Indian wars — up to 1815 — upon the precise footing- soldiers of the conti
nental line occupied under existing laws. He maintained that the same honor
and the same reward ought to be given to the soldiers of the war of 1812 as was
given to the soldiers of the Revolution,
The bills appropriating public money were closely scrutinized by Mr. Sherman,
especially those which related to naval affairs; and he introduced several reso
lutions for the investigation of alleged abuses' at the navy yards, arid in the
purchase of fuel and of live-oak timber. While debating a naval appropriation
bill, Mr. Sherman, in supporting an amendment which he had offered with a
view to economy, said : " Mr. Chairman, occupying the position which I do, as
a member of the Republican party, I might fairly say to gentlemen on the other
side : pile on the appropriations as much as you choose ; you have the
responsibility of the government; but I deem it my duty, as a member of this
House, to endeavor to check, if I can, the growing extravagance of this adminis
tration, or of this Governmental do not care which. I therefore make this
proposition on my own account, and will simply say that I submit it in good
faith. If gentlemen on the qjther side of the House choose to vote it down,
well and good ; they have the responsibility. I have performed my duty, and I
do not care what they do." '
At the close of his second Congressional term, Mr. Sherman was recognized
as the foremost man in the House of Representatives. As a. debator he had
shown himself to be ready and effective ; he had not attempted oratorical dis
plays; his efforts were not characteriz,ed by, the rich imagery of fancy, or the
dazzling corruscations of genius ; but he was always practical, thoroughly
informed, judicious and forcible in his arguments. He had, from deep and
unchanged conviction, adopted the political faith of the Republican party, but
¦without any partisan rancor or, malignity toward the South. With ejtemplary
pejrsonal habits, unremitting in his attendance on the sittings of the House, and
well versed in its intricate rules, it was not a matter of surprise to his friends
that his name was mentioned in connection with the Speakership of the next
Hpuse. Mr. Sherman was equally popular in private life, especially among the growing

f6 JOHN SHERMAN A CANDIDATE FOR SPEAKER.
circle of Free State men at Washington. An instance of his kindness of heart is
related, which shows the condition of affairs at that time at the national capital.
A poor colored woman had a slave son, aliout twenty years of age, decoyed from her,
and she at last heard that he was. in the prison-pen at Alexandria." It was the
intention of the man who claimed him as a chattel to send him to Mississippi, but
the bereaved mother was informed that she could purchase her son's freedom for.
$1,200 in cash. She went to a lady well known in Washington, who had emanci
pated the slaves she had inherited, and who kindly gave her a list of names of
those lilvely to assist her. Among them was John Sherman, who was the first to
respond in the case with liberality, at once so seasonable and precious.
The Thirty-sixth Congress commenced its first session amid the excitement
caused, by the bold raid of John Brown, which was adroitly used by the leaders of
the Southern oligarchy to consolidate public opinion in their section of the coun
try, and to cast opprobrium on the Republicans at the North. They saw that their
ascendancy in the national councils was being brouglit to a close, and that if they
were to carry out their plans for a dissolution of the Union, so as to establish the
great .slave empire of their dreams -within the "golden circle," they must strike the
blow during the administration of Mr. Buchanan.
When the House of Representatives met, a motion to adjourn over without vot
ing for Speaker -was overruled, and a first ballot was taken without any result, some
of the Republicans voting for John Sherman, while others voted for Galusha A.
Grow. Mr. Grow, having the fewer number of votes, thereupon declined, and the
Hou.se was ,abpiit proceeding to a second ballot, with a fair prospect of the election
of Mr. Sherman, when Mr, Clarice, a representative from Missouri, rose to denounce
a recently published book, entitled: "Helper's Impending Crisis," and to assert
that no member of the House who had signed a recommendation of it should be
elected .speaker. The Republicans were thus drawn into an angry debate, and pro
tracted balloting ensued. The Democrats were unable to arraign Mr.' Sherman
upon his record, or for any vote or speech ; and they evidently feared his inflexible
courage, uprightness, and deterniin.3tion to uncover the corruption of the admin
istration. All their energies were accordingly bent on Mr. Sherman's defeat; and
hence the clamor over Helper's book, which was only the scapegoat of the occlsion.
For several weeks Mr. Sherman needed but three votes to secure his election ";
and he having been traduced as the standard-bearer of the Republican party, the
members of that organization felt that they should not yield to the insolent dicta
tion of unsuccessful opponents, or to cowardly lies. Mr. Sherman reluctantly per
mitted himself to remain as a target for attack and insult, until he could no lon<rer
keep silence, and he thus defined his position: " I desire to say that since I have
been a member of this House I have always endeavored to cultivate the courtesies
and kind relations that are due from one gentleman to another. I never addressed
to any member such language as I have heard here to-day. I never desire such
language to be addressed to me, if I can avoid it. I apj^eal to my public record
during a period of four years in this body ; and I say now that there is not a single
question agitating the public mind, not a single topic on which there can be sec
tional jealousy or sectional controversy, unless gentlemen on the other side of the
House thrust such subjects upon us : I repeat it, not a single question "
In relation to the Helper book, Mr. Sherman said: "I say now; I have said
It from he beginning to all; I have sent word to the gentleman who introdi" 4
the resolution, that I am willing to have that Helper book read, page by page
and then avow or disavow every sentiment contained in it. I nevL- concealed ^ ^

JOH.y SHERMAN A CANDIDATE FOR SPEAA'ER. ij
political opinion in my life, and never will. I am now wilUiig, if that offensive
resolutipn be withdrawn, to express at once my opinion of the extracts read at
the Clerk's table ; but, until that is done I appeal to every man who has a.
sense of manhood to say whether I, could say, more than I have,"
As, the tanvass advanced, . Mr. Sherman stated publicly that whenever the
friends who had so gallantly and liberally sustained him thus far believed that
his name in any way presented an obstacle to success, it was his sincere wish
that they shoiild adopt some other. Finally, after an eight week's struggle, it
was intimated to Mr. Sherman that, if he would give way, his colleague,
¦Governor Corwin, might be elected; and he patriotically retired from the con
test. It was first determined, however, to make an effort to , concentrate the
opposition vote on Mr. Pennington, of New Jersey; and the crowded galleries
¦witnessed an exhibition of devotion to principles regardless of men, and of jDarty
discipline in its highest and best sense, which has no parallel in the annals of
Congress. The supporters of Mr. Sherman marched over in solid column to
Mr. Pennington, changed the ground they had so long and so gallantly main
tained, for a new position, — this flank movement being executed in the face of
the enemy, and while exposed to his fire, without the Ipss of a single man. It
challenged the, admiration of the foe, compelling Democratic leaders to institute
comparisons between their own broken ranks and the impregnable front of the
Republicans and their allies. Pennington lacked vtwo votes of an electioii, but
the. next day he was chosen, and Mr. Sherman conducted him to the Speaker's
chair. Some of the Southern men who had been so bitter in their opposition
were especially respectful in their greetings of the Speaker, as they advanced to
take the constitutional oath which they so soon afterward broke. Meanwhile
they wanted to have conspicuous places on the Committees of the House, and
were accordingly gracious to the dispenser of power arid patronage.
Recognized as the leader of the Republicans in the House, Mr. Sherman
was appointed Chairman of, the Committee of Ways and Means. He at once
took a decided stand against the prevailing system of engrafting new legislation
upon appropriation bills, saying: ," Thig is a practice which has grown up within
the last few years, and the Committee of Ways and Means deem it their duty
at" once tp put a stop to it;, and, we have determined, so far as we can, to resist
the acloption of .all propositions looking to a change in existing law by amend
ments upon appropriation bills.. The theory of appropriatipn bills, is that they
shall provide money to carry on the Government, to execute existing laws and
not lo change existing laws or provide- new ones."
Seeing the importance of a ca,reful investigation into the merits of the
Pacific Railroad scheme, then before the House, as a committee of the whole,
Mr. Sherman introduced a resolution providing that the subject be referred to a
select committee of fifteen members, with leave to report by bill or otherwise.
This was the init;ia.l;ive in the, constructipn of .that great iron highway which
binds together, the people of the Atlantic and Pacific slope's.
President Bucli-aijan having sent to the House of Representatives a protect
against the investigation by that body of certain subordinate executive officers,
Mr. Sherman .expressed ,a wish that this protest, against the exercise by , the
House of oile of its most important constitutional prerogatives, should be care
fully consider;ed; "Mr. Speaker," said he, " the doctrine set up by the President,
of the United, States in this message is the same under which Europe was gov-'
erned for a thousand years — that the King can do no wrong; that is the doctrine.

l8 JOHN SHERMAN ON INDIVIDUAL RESPONSIBILITY.
that the King can not be tried and executed, because the King could do no
wrong. Charles I. went to the scaffold because the people of England believed
that the King was not above and beyond their power. So it was with Louis:
XVI. and the French people. This doctrine -set up by the President of the
United States is, in my judgment, the very worst that has been initiated since
the foundation of this Republic."
In a debate on the tariff bill, Mr. Sherman urged the necessity of co-operation
on the part of different branches of the General Government, in order to. promote
economy, saying: "No permanent or substantial reductions can be made without
an earnest co-operation between the Executive and Legislative branches of the
Government. We can limit appropriations, but we can not, except by the pro
cess of impeachment, prevent the misapplication of the public money. We. may
appropriate for officers and cleirks, but if the President or a head of Department
will detail them to edit a party newsjjaper, or pension them for party services,
by appointing them to offices whose duties they never perform, we can not pre
vent it. If the head of each Department shall, without fear or favor, administer
his Department, applying to services rendered there precisely the same rule, as
to fitness, industry, and- comiDensation, as would be applied by any prudent
private citizen in his own affairs, all the abuses we now hear so much of would
soon cease."
In May, i860, Abraham Lincoln was nominated by the Republicans for Presi
dent, and war was plainly declared against the principles and purposes of the
oligarchy of the slave-labor States. This made these conspirators, who had been
for years plptting treason against the Government, more insolent than ever. Mr.
Sherman, ever mindful of the necessary courtesy due from himself, was equally
determined that others should pay him the same respect; and in a debate on the
use of unparliamentary language by a member of the House, he said: "Gentle
men on this floor can not be expected to allow these epithets to be applied to
them. Either we must renew all the old habits and barbarous customs of the
feudal duel, or we must enforce rigidly the rules of this House to avoid personal
collisions. Shall we tolerate that which must inevitably end in disgraceful per
sonal battle upon this floor, or shall we rather enforce the rules of this House
by condemning those who violate them? In the midst of an excitement we
should never forget that we are the Representatives of the people, met to dehb-
erate upon the affairs of a great nation. Let us, then,, with dignity, but without
passion or feeling, cast our censure upon the member who' has violated the rules
of this House.''
When Congress met on the 3d of December, i860, the conspirators in both
Houses were outspoken, truculent, and defiant. The message of President
Buchanan was a non-committal document, showing that he was perplexed and
overwhelmed by events which he had not the courage to control. Encouraged
by his declaration, that the Executive possessed no constitutional power to use'
the Army and Navy for the preservation of the life of the Republic, the South
ern leaders worked openly for the destruction of the Union, which the President
had neither the heart nor the desire to defend.
Mr. Sherman, while carefully watching over the appropriation bills took
means to provide for the future support of the Government. Govlrnment at
that time, had not been able to pay for the past week or two the salarie's of
memhers of Congress and many 'other demands; and it was to relieve these
Jiressing necessities that Mr. Sherman secured the passage of the bill authorizing

JOHN SHERMAN MAINTAINS THE PUBLIC FAITH. 19
the issue of what have since been knovvn as the Treasury notes of i860. He
also introduced at an early stage of the session the following i^esolutions :
^'^ Resolved, That the only true and effectual remedy for the dissensions that
now exist between the several States and the people thereof, is in the faithful
observance of all the compromises of the Constitution, and of the laws made in,
pursuance thereof.
" Resokied, That the Special Committee of thirty-three be instructed to inquire
whether any State, or the people thereof, have failed to obey and enforce the
obligations imppsed by the Constitution ; and if so, the remedy therefor, and
whether any further legislation is required to secure such enforcement.
'^Resolved, That to avoid all further controversies in regard to the- several
Tei-ritories of the United States, said Committee divide said Territories ' into
States of convenient size, with a view to their prompt admission into the Union
on an equal footing with the other States."
Recognizing the importance of fnaintaining the public faith and integrity at
any cost, Mr. Sherman waived all objections' to the high rates of interest which
had been sanctioned by those who were anxious to destroy the national credit
and to cripple the resources. The Senate having amended the House bill, Mr.
Sherman thus explained the necessities of the occasion: "I will. state to the
House," said he, "that the House bill authorizes the, President to sell these
notes at any rate under par in order to raise the money. The Senate have
jDreferred, however, in allowing the President to increase the rate of interest, to
require that all notes shall be sold at par. They also authorize -the President to
issue them at eight, nine, ten, or whatever per cent, may be necessary to produce
the money. They also limit the amount to be issued, bearing interest at a higher
rate than six per cent., to ;?3, 000,000. On consultation with the Secretary of the
Treasury, it is found that this limitation of ;?3, 000,000 is too small, and my
amendment is submitted for' the purpose of obviating the difficulty. It author
izes the President of the United States to sell all the Treasury notes issued under
this bill, -if necessary, at a higher rate of interest than six per cent."
In the angry debates which took place on a variety of propositipns for paci
fying the defiant Southerners, Mr. Sherman was firm in his devotion to the
rights of the people and to their freedom of opinions as expressed through the
ballot-box: "Sir," said he, "it was but the other day. that I was told by a
distinguished citizen of an absolute monarchy — and the remark made a deep
impression upon my mind — rthat he deplored the events now transpiring around
us ; that he deplored what, he considered the inevitable fall of this Republic ; ¦
but, said he, one good will result from it: it will stpp forever the struggle for
free institutions i'n Europe ; it will esta.blish upon a secure basis Ihe existing
gojfernments of the Old World. I felt that the, remark was true. If this Gov
ernment can not survive a consti,tutional election ; if we can riot defend our
property and protect our, flag; if this Government crumbles, before the first sign
of disaffection, what hope, is there for free institutioris in countries wh|ei"e kings,
nobles, hereditary institutions, and laws of primogeniture have existed for ages ?
When in modern times the love of liberty has inspired the masses of any people
to demand the right, of self-government, they have been pointed to the French
revolution of 1798, and to South America, where changing Republics rise and
disappear sq rapidly that not ten men in this , House can tell. me their existing
names. They have been pointed also lo Mexico., God forbid that the despots of
th^ Old World- should ever adprn their irifernal logic by pointing to a disrupted
Uniorihere! It was said, with a ppet's license, that, 'Freedom shrieked as

20 JOHN SHERMAN STANDS- UP FOR THE UNION.
Kosciusko fell.' Sir, freedom will die with the fall of this Republic. Those
who survive the first calamity will find springing into existence military despot
isms North, South, East and West. , Instead of tw--o divisions, there will be
many divisions. The condition of this country will be worse than that of Mexico,
because we are a braver, a stronger, a more powerful people, and shall fight
each other -\vith greater tenacity. If this Government is dissolved, the man now
lives who will be the Napoleon of , some section of this. Republic. All history
teaches us that a free government is never broken up and disrupted unless a
military despotism of force is substituted for the will of the people ; and we have
no right to suppose that our country will be an exception to the general rule."
While some of the malcontents in Congress deserted their seats and formally
returned to their respective States, to foment hostility to the Union, others who
remained endeavored to cripple the financial resources of the Republic. It was
their avowed purpose to throw upon the inccuning Administration the large public
indebtedness incurred under President Buchanan. One of their propositions was
to provide no means for the retirement of the )flo,ooo,ooo of Treasury notes
which the Administration of Mr. Buchanan had issued at twelve per cent.
interest. Mr. Slierman, declaring that no Government and indeed no individual
could afford to pay twelve per cent, interest for any length of time, introduced
a bill authorizing the President to issue coupon bonds, bearing not to exceed six
per cent, interest, for the payment of this loan.
In a debate on the tariff bill he sliowed tliat when the Administration of Mr.
Buchanan came into power there was less than $20,000,000 of public indebted
ness, which had been increased to nearly $100,000,000. "We must," said he,
"as a matter of public duty, pass this or some other revenue bill — I do not
care what bill it is. If Congress will not pass this bill, let the tariff bill of 1846,
or any other measure, be introduced and passed; but this Congress should not
adjourn without providing means to pay the ordinary expenses of the Govern
ment. This is not a favorite measure of mine. I had nothing to do with it. It
was not framed by me. I am for a revenue tariff with such fair, and reasonable
incidental protection to industry as may be derived from a revenue tariff. I am
in favor of specific duties in all cases where they can be applied."
Mr. Sherman was boarding at Willard's Hotel, at Washington, in February,
1861, when Mr. Lincoln, accompanied by his wife, came there previous to his
inauguration. Shortly after his arrival Mr. Sherman called to see him, and his
first salutation while shaking hands was, "and so you are John Sherman?" He
inspected him from head to foot and then said: "Well, I am taller than you
anyway; let's measure.- They backed up against each other and some one said
that Mr. Lincoln was two inches taller than Mr. Sherman. From that time
their acquaintance and friendship continued during Mr. Lincoln's life Mr
Sherman saw him as frequently as others, and narrates many pleasant anecdotes
of him, several of which have found their way into print
Mi-. Sherman was in Washington in March, '1861, when the canvass occurred in
Ohio for the election of a United States Senator, to lake the place of Mr. Chase,
who had resigned to accept the position of Secretary of the Treasury. On the first
days balloting Mr. Shernian had a decided plurality over General Schenck, Gov-
ernor Dennison, and Mr. Delano; but his friends, finding that he could not at the
first meeting receive a majority, withdrew his name and telegraphed him to come
lo Columbus. Before his arnva , two nr iV,i-oo  T f ', ', ,,
' ™° °' '"lee canvasses had been held, but
there was no agreement as to a candirtnis -ivm,„ at 01' . ,
" ' canciiaate. When Mr. bherman arrived, the

JOHN SHERMAN A VOLUNTEER IN THE UNION ARMY. 21
field seemed lo be clear. lie was again placed in nomination and was nomin
ated on the second day's balloting and promptly elected. '
Mr. Sherman took his seat in the United States Senate on the 23d of March,
1861. It was near the close of the executive extra session of that body, con
vened for the purpose of acting upon the nominations made by President
Lincoln, and but little public business was transacted. A number of the States
were unrepresented; but Breckinridge, Clingman, Nicholson,, Polk, Powell, and
Wigfall still remained in their seats as Senators from their respective States,
doing all in their power to cripple the General Government, while Dougla and
Johnson had hopes that a civil war might be averted. In less than a week
after Mr. Sherman took his seat the Senate adjourned sine die, and tlie Southern
Senators hastened home to aid in organizing the great rebellion.
A few weeks later Fort Sumter was fired on and secession was initiated.
This aroused the northern spirit, and all partisan jealousies were obliterated in
the determination to defend the old flag at all hazards. ' Twenty million free
people appeared actuated by one mind, and volunteers responded to the Presi
dent's call from every part of the loyal North. Mr. Sherman was on his way
home when the first proclamation of President Lincoln, calling for 75,000 troops,
was issued. A company was promptly raised in Mansfield, under the command
of Captain McLaughlin, who was a veteran of the Mexican war, which was one
the of first organizations to take the field, and was mustered into the United
States service as Conipany "I" of the First Ohio 'Volunteers, at Columbus, on
the i8th of April. The two Ohio regiments then received into .the service of
the United States were ordered to Philadelphia. Mr. Sherman joined them at
Harrisburg, and there tendered to General Patterson, in command of the troops
then being levied for the, Pennsylvania border, his aid in any way that he
thought consistent with his duties as a, Senator. General Patterson appointed
him his aide-.de-camp, without pay, and Mr. Sherman remained with the Ohio
regiments and General Patterson until the meeting of Congress in July, 1 861,
serving at the time of the crossing of the Potomac opposite Williamsport.
Congress responded to the proclamation of President Lincoln, convening
them in extra session on the 4th of July, 1861 ; but when the Senate and the
House were called to order, it appeared that the Southern States were unrepre
sented. There were also indications at Washington of a disinclination to assume
an aggressive attitude toward the South, which forcibly struck the Senator from
Ohio. "Mr. President," said he, " w.hen I came to the city of Washington I could
not, help but notice the striking contrast between the feeling here and the feel
ing at home. Among, the' people of the States there is everywhere a generous,
noble enthusiasm. Men are -willing tp give up their lives to their country. I
came frpm a region of country where I saw men worth thoussands of dollars,
living in independence, with every comfort around them, come forward and sign
their names to an enlistment by which they engaged to serve as common soldiers;
in this war. I saw old men bring their sons, robust, stalwart youths, to fight
for their country. I saw mothers and fathers all willing to give at least one or
more members of their family to fight the battles of the country. Everywhere
there was the same generous feeling, and a desire to carry on this war with
vigor and energy. I do not see that feeling manifested here. On the contrary,
in many departments of the Government there have been constant impediments
thrown in the way . of the organization of our military forces. I speak this
knowing what I say, and willing to prove it."
Senator Sherman, while he encouraged at this extra session tlie use of all

22 JOHN SHERMAN RAISES A BRIGADE OF UN/ON TROOPS.
available means for the prompt suppression of the rebellion, did not lose sight
of the reforms in the disbursement of goverment funds which, jie had advocated
in the House of Representatives; and he introduced a bill to carry out those
])roposed reforms. Neither did lie forget that he was a Senator under oatli ; and
while he approved of several extraordinary acts of President Lincoln on a mat
ter of public necessity, he declined to vote for a resolution declaring that those
acts were strictly legal.
At the close of the extra session of the Senate Mr. Sherman returned to Ohio,
to aid in the great uprising of the loyal North in defense of the Union and of
the old flag. Regiments were in progress of enlistment in different sections of
Ohio, and he assisted until the October election, when, having received from Gov
ernor Dennison authority to raise a brigade, he applied himself diligently to that
work; adopting in organization somewhat peculiar, but which proved a good one.
Prior to the first of December he had recruited upon his own jDlan, and largely
at his own expense, two regiments of infantry, a squadron of cavalry, and a bat
tery of .artillery, comprising over 2,300 men, of as good material as ever enlisted
for the war. They were three years' troops, composed mainly of fanners' sons,
and commanded by company officers of their own selection. He had great diffi
culty in procuring the assignment to him of field officers possessing sufficient exper
ience to command men. He had announced in his plan that the leading com
manding officers should have received a military education, and that he would see
that persons competent to drill troops were selected. He ha4 great difficulty in
getting the assignment of such officers, and only succeeded upon the direct order
of President Lincoln, and against the remonstrance of Geneiral Scott. Second
Lieutenants H. Harker and Forsythe, two young officers of the Regular Army,
were finally assigned to the command of the two regiments ; Captain Bradley,
an experienced sergeant of the Regular Army, was assigned to the command of
the battery; and the squadron of cavalry was placed under the command of
General McLaughlin, who had had some experience in the Mexican War, and
resided in Mansfield. Before Mr. Sherman left, the troops were uniformed,
armed, and as well drilled as was practicable in the short period of time. By
the aid of Major Garesche, then Assistant Adjutant-General of the army, he
secured two or three sergeants and corporals of the Regular Army, to whom com
missions w'ere given. The whole force was under the direction of Major Robert
S. Granger, an officer of the Regular Army, who had been surrendered by
General Twiggs in Texas, and was then on parole. This force served during the
whole war, under the name of the "Sherman Brigade," and with the exception
of the squadron of cavalry, was kept intact and together.
Mr. Sherman came to Washington, at the meeting of Congress in December
intending to resign his seat as a Senator, and to offer his services in the army'
but both President Lincoln and Secretary Chase thought he ought not to do so'
but that he should retain his place, where he could be of more service to the
Union cause. He continued, however, throughout the war, to do all he could
to promote enlistments through others, and he made it a matter of duty con
stantly to look to the interest of Ohio troops, and contributed to the relief of a
great many officers and soldiers of his acquaintance who had been wounded in
the service. »
Mr Sherman's great services to the Union cause, however, were in his watchful
care of the public finances, and ni his endeavors to not only provide for the
support of the armies in the field, but to maintain and strengthen the public

JOHN SHERMAN OPPOSED TO LARGE SALARIES. 23
.credit. While advocating strict economy in the public expenditure, he was
always careful riot to inflict hard.ship upon others, or tp treat any one with
injustice, and he never lost sight of the paramount necessity of preserving the
Union. "Sir," said he, in February, 1862, when a foreign interference had been
hinted at :
"Rather than yield to traitors or the intervention of folreign powers, rather
Ihan bequeath to the next generation a broken Union and an interminable civil
war, I would light the torch of fanaticism and destroy all that the labor of two
generations has accumulated. Better a desert and uni-versal poverty than disunion ;
better the -war of the French Revolution' than an oligarchy founded upon the
labpr of slaves. But, sir, there is no heed of this. The resources, wealth, and
labor of twenty millions of freemen are amply sufficient to meet not only the
physical, but financial difficulties of the war. Thank God! the test to which all
nations in the course of their history are subjected, is . applied to, us when we
have an insignificant national debt; When our resources were never more mani
fest; when the loyal States are so thoroughly united; when our people are filled
with a generous enthusiasm that will make the loss of life and biirderi of taxa
tion easy to bear. If we conquer a peace by preserving the Union, the Conjti-
tiition, our Nationality, all our ample Territories, the rebound of prosperity in
this country will enable a single generation easily to pay the natioriaf debt, even
if the war is protracted until desolation is written upon every rebel hearthstone.
Mr. President, in my judgment, the only way by which our finances can be put
in a satisfactory condition, is the adoption in proper forms of legislation of
three propositions ; first, the prompt levy of a large amount of taxes in the form
of internal duties upon consumption and production rather than upon persons
and property ; second, the prompt revision of all compensation, whoever may be
affected thereby ; and, third, the prompt punishment of every man, high or low,
who takes or receives from the public Treasury a single dollar, of money without
rendering a true and proper return."
An attempt to increase the pay of members of Congress was sternly resisted
by Mr. Sherman. "How many years ago," said he, "was it when members of
'Congress came here at the rate of $8 a day and considered themselves pretty well
paid? How long is it since a brave officer of the army served with the rank
¦of Colonel at $1,500 a year? How long is it since Stewart and other gallant
¦officers of the navy served for small pay? How long is it since the people of
this country in their simple habits were willing to live on one moiety of what
is now received even by your pages, your clerks, and your messengers?" Sup
pose that in this hour, to preserve our Government, and to maintain the Union,
it is necessary for us to make this sacrifice; will it not be in a noble and a holy
cause?" The acts of Congress providing for internal taxation originated in the House
¦of Representatives, but they were most carefully considered by the Senate Com
mittee on Finance; Delegations were heard, and much of the time, especially of
Mr. Fessenden and Mr. Sherman, was taken up in such hearings and in proposing
amendments to the tax bills, many of which were of the most important charac
ter and largely absorbed their attention during the whole of the war. On these
questions, as the records will shpw, Mr. Sherman participated -very largely in
-.the debates ; but most of the taxes then imposed _^have since been repealed.
Mr. Sherman regarded some of these taxes as indefensible in principle, yet
voted for them, as a temporary expedient to raise money for revenue.
Taxes then paid, in his opinion, not only tended to reduce the present price of
commodities, but by reducing the sum to be bprrowed enabled the Government
io borrow on better terms; while ta.xes withheld tlien largely increased the sum

24 JOtiN SHERMAN ADVOCATES LEGAL TENDER CLAUSE.
to be levied afterward. What was paid then was paid withput interest ; for
what was postponed to the future the country paid tliiee-fold in accumulating
interest. The war had given vast activity to all classes of industry, and yielded
enormous profit to those who were in business. It was proper that they then
paid to the Government their full taxes on these profits before they were con-
suriied by e'xpenditure. ."Taxes," said Mr. Sherman, "must be fearlessly assessed
and impartially collected. We ca:n not increase our taxes after war ; we must
be prepared to reduce them. Taxes are more cheerfully paid now, in view of
the mountain of calamity that would overwhelm us if the rebellion should
succeed; but when we reach the haven of peace, when the danger is past, .you
must expect discontent and complaint. The grim specter of rejpudiation can
never disturb us if we do our duty of tax-paying as well as our soldiers do theirs.
of fighting." "Arid if, Senators, you have thought me hard and close as to^
salaries and expenditures, I trust you will do me the justice to believe that it is
not from any doubt of the ability of our country to pay, or from a base and
selfish desire for cheap reputation, or from ^a disinclination to pay my share,
but 'because I see in the dim future of our country the same uneasy struggle-
between capital and labor — between the rich and the poor, between fund holders-
and property-holders — that has marked the history of Great Britain for the last
fifty years. I do not wish the public debt increased one dollar beyond the
necessities of the present war; and the only way to prevent this increase is to
restrict our expenditures to the lowest amount consistent with the public service,
and to increase our taxes to the highest aggregate our industry will bear."
Meanwhile it had, become apparent that the United States Governn-ient must
furnish some kind of paper money as the basis of its operations. Specie pay?
ments had been suspended about the first of January, 1862, and the only paper
money in use was the bills of the local State banks, arid the demand notes of
the Governrrient, which did not enter into the general circulation. Here the
financial history of the war commenced. Whether thel notes to be i.ssued should
be a legal tender was the pivotaV question ; and upon that point Senator Sher
man, with Secretary Chase, had a strong and decided conviction that there was.
no safety in the then condition, except in making them a legal tender. Mr.
Sherman took a very active part in pressing the legal teiider clause while it was-
pending in the House ; and when the bill came to the Senate, he was the chief,
if not the only, advocate of the policy in the Committee on Finance. Mr. Fes
senden and Judge Collamer were both opposed to the legal tender clause, and
there were many warm debates in the committee upon the subject. Mr. Sher
man stated his views at length in supporting the bill to authorize the issue of
United States notes in February, 1862, in which he justified the legal tender
feature on the ground of necessity. "I do believe," said he, "there is a press
ing necessity that these demand notes should be made a legal tender, if w-e want
to avoid the evils of a depreciated, dishonored paper currency. I do believe
we have the constiUUional power to pass such a provision, and that the public-
safety now demands its exercise." Reviewing the whole financial situation and
showing the necessity of the measure, Mr. Sherman considered the constitutional
power of Congress to enact it. "I rest my vote," he said, "upon the proposi
tion that this is a necessary and proper measure to furnish a currency— a medium
of exchange— to enable the Government to borrow money to maintain an array
and to support a navy. Believing this, I find ample authority to authorize my
vote. We have been taught by recent fearful experience that delay and doubt

JOHN SHERMAN'S. VIEWS ON RECONSTRUCTION. 25
in this time of revolutionary activity are stagnation and death. I have sworn
to raise arid support our aririies, to provide for and maintain our navy, to
borrow moriey to uphold our Government against all enemies at home and abroad.
That oath is sacred. As a member of this body I am armed with high powers
for a holy purpose, and I am authorized — nay, required — to vote for all laws
necessary and proper for executing these high powers, and for accomplishing
that purpose. This is not the time when I would limit these powers. Rather
than yield to revolutionary force, I would use revolutionary force. •¦'= '-* '*
Regarding this great measure as a necessary and proper one, and withi'n our
]jower to enact, I see plain before itie the oath of duty, and one that is easy to
tread." Mr. Sherman's consistency in his efforts to reduce the expenditures of Gov
ernment was manifested very clearly iri the concluding paragraphs of his remarks
on a bill providing for the "experises of Congress:" "I will only repeat what
I have said riiany times in this Senate, that, under dire necessity, we must
revise the expenses of this Government. I am willing to commence wfith myself ;
then to take those around me ; and then extend the circle to those that are
further off, until finally, and as a last resort, we strike at the army and navy,
and all the officers engaged in those branches of the public service. I care not
in what form it comes, whether in the shape of a taxi' a pro rata reduction, or
a carefully' analyzed deduction. I am willing to vote for it, and I ani viilling to
commence with myself."
While he advocated severity toward those who had instigated the; rebellion
and who were its leaders, he was equally disposed to treat with leniency those
who had been blindly led irito ihe' struggle :
.",You must in war, "., said, he, ¦fad.opt the laws and policy of war. I am,
therefore, in favor of the most rigid law of confiscation against, the leaders of
this rebellion; but I would, as an act of wisdom, of amnesty, of wise forbear
ance and moderation, authorize the Presiderit, any time to proclaim an amnesty
to the great masses of the rebels. Against the captains of companies, the mem
bers of Congress, the leaders in the rebellion, those -who have staked their
property upon it, meii of intelligence and charaeter, I would, without mercy,
prosecute the laws of confiscation and war to the furthest extent. Let us adopt
this policy, guided by wise moderation, controlled by a manly earnestness, and
a determination to stand by each other, and I believe the Republican party will
not only save the country, but will give it an era of prosperity of which we
have had no example. If, on the ' contrary, any useless measures of legislation,
looking; to extreme means; be adopted, prejudicing the great mass of the people
of the Southern States, .destroying their rights as , citizens of those States, or
reducing the States to Territories, it, will only exasperate the people of those
States more and more, will make conquest impossible, and a reunion of all the
States utterly futile. , I believe that by a' wise system we may, one by- one,
gather these States again into the folds, of the Union ; and if: the Republican
party; through its wisdom and ability, shall carry, the country through this
revolution, I do not fear for the verdict of the popular will. I have heard
some of my I friends express a doubt, and say, 'let us do this now, because after
a while we may no,t have the power.', I will do what I. think is right, and I
have an abiding confidence in the people of the United States that they will
stand by those who follow their convictions of duty, with moderation and good
sense." -, ,, .
In offering a resplution calling for official reports on the battle of Pittsburgh
Landing, Mr. Sherm.ap paid a glowing tribute to the soldiers from his own
State, which he closed by saying:' "Sir, I refer to these events, not- with a
view of disparaging the achievements of others, but to secure to the people of

26 JOHN SHERMAN ON THE PROSECUTION OF THE WAR.
Ohio the just share of honor to which they are entitled. We ought always to
regard our State organizatipn with pride. It controls nearly all the relations
which affect home, family, kindred, property and personal rights. , I trust never
to see the States Ipse their ,iniporta,nce, in our system of Government. Although
rebels have cloaked their treason with the pretense of defending State rights,
by making the States independent of and superior to the United States, yet we
ought not, therefore, to reduce them below their jDroper position or impair in
the least the affection due from each citizen to his State. State pride, and State
rights are perfectly consistent with the higher allegiance we owe to the National-
Government. And, sir, the same sentiment which makes us sensitive for the
honor of our State will excite us to preserve the honor and just authority of
the United States.
''^It is this love of natipnality, the indefinable sentiment which animates us at
the _sight of our flag, kindles our bipod when the national hymns break upon
us, excites the pride and elevates the manhood of the brave and the timid, the
young and the old alilve, that now arms seven hundred thousand men and
malies twenty millions of people eager to make sacrifices of property and life for
their country.
"It is this love of nationality, founded upon the affection of our people for
both the State and General Qoveniments, that I trust will carry us safely
through this national trial, and under the blessings of divine Providence,
speedily bring us a permanent peace upon the true basis, the supremacy of each
State, and the indivisibility a,nd unity of all the people of the United States in
one. Government, for the purposes prescrib.ed by the Constitution."
Mr. Sherman never failed to let an opportunity pass without urging the most
vigorous prosecution of the war; and early in July, 1862, while debating a militia
bill, at that time before the Senate, he advocated the employment of colored men
as soldiers. He said :
"In my judgment, this war will never sucessfuUy end until the people of the
United States are thoroughly alive to the situation and condition of the country.
By conscription laws the rebels have united the whole physical power of the
rebel States in their army. They seize all kinds of men — white and black, loyal
or disloyal — and force them into an involuntary service. Some gentlemen here
are very much afraid that we will employ black men, and allow them to do loyal
service. While these gentlemen: are continually arraigning the Administration
and Congress, -and all who desire to put down the rebellion, for doing any act
that would not be justified in time of peace, they never say -one word about those
who are seeking to subvert the Government by means that we dare not resort to.

this rebellion, we will resort to all the power given us by the Constitution of the
United States. I have no hesitation in saying myself, that rather than see this
country broken/ up, rather than bequeath to the next generation a broken Union
and interminable war and anarchy, I would vote for a general conscript bill and
I think the necessity now exists for one. I would unite the whole physical
power of this country, -white and black; and if necessary to preserve the Union,
, would desolate every I'ebel State -The^ object is too great fo'r us to stand upon
trifles. We all know and feel that if this war ends upon the basis of a dissolu-
Uon of the Union, we bequeath to generations yet unborn interminable war.
You can not have two nations of the same race side by side with each other, with
a boundary of 2,000 miles, without it. There will be causes of jealousy spring
ing up between them that you cannot now forsee ; and if you should divide the
country, or, allow these men to divide it, there would soon be internal commo
tions in the Southern and in the Northern confederacy. The East and the West

JOHN SHERMAN ON THE ISSUH OF U. S. NOTES. ,27
-would quarrel. Factions embittered by local interests would destroy all that two
generations of men have accumulated. To avoid such calamities I am willing to
resort to extraordinary measures, and if the appeals now made for volunteers, if the
arming of the militia, if the employment of negroes is not sufficient, then I would
do what every other government has done under like circumstances— -what Pur
fathers did in the war of 1812 — I would, by a fair law, unite and combine to
gether, in one great army, the whole physical force of this country ; and, if nec
essary, I would desolate every State that stands in the way."
The summer of 1862 was a gloomy epoch in the loyal North. McClellan
had been recalled from the Peninsula. Pope had been driven back from the
Rapidan; and after an overwhelming series of confused and bloody engagements
forced to seek refuge in the defenses of Washington, In Ihe Southwest the
Union arms seemed to be in a torpid condition, Avhile the enemy was active. and
aggressive. In that department of the forces in which Ohio was especially
interested, there were grave delays in the long awaited movement on Chatta
nooga ; and finally it appeared that Bragg had arrived there before Buell. At
that critical, epoch it was not only necessary for some to organize armies and
navies, and for others to lead them to victory, but for the national legislators
to provide the means for recruiting, equipping, paying and feeding large hodies
of men ; for the purchase of vessels, arms, arid ammunition, and for the care of
the sick and of the wounded; and this had to be done l^y such legislation as
would prevent national financial failure. In this legislation Mr. Sherman took
a prominent part. ' ,
Mr. Sherman's position ou the. Finance Committee necessarily brought him
more in contact with Secretary Chase than with any- other executive officer of
the Government. Mr. Chase had been a Free Soiler, and Mr. Sherman a Whig
and the old divisions of parties still left their inipress upon the public men who
participated in the early life of the Republican party. They were always,
however, very cordial and intimate; and the Secretary often said to the Senator
that he rendered him more personal aid in the duties of his office than anyone
else. He freely consulted with him about all the loans and every measure
pending in Congress. At Mr. Chase's request Mr. Sherman took charge of .the
national bank bill. His business experience with bariks iri Ohio led him strongly
to antagonize the system of State banks then existing, and he was very anxious
to supersede it in some way, but was not entirely satisfied that it w'as wise
to organize national banks during the war, believing that the issue of United
States notes, supported by an issue of bonds, would furnish means enough to
carry on the operations of the war. It soon became apparent, however, that
the State banks were an obstruction to the national financial operations. They
issued paper money without regard to the limits prescribed by the State laws;
and their notes had a legal circulation which prevented to some extent the use
of United States notes. Mr. Sherman, as early as December, 1862, in a reported
speech, look strong ground against these banks and introduced and urged their
abolition by means of taxation. Believing that these banks could only be
absorbed by the formation of another system of banking, Mr. Sherman finally
took hold of the national bank bill, which had been recommended by Secretary
Chase in December, 1861; but which -was not .supported either by public opinion
or by any considerable number of members of Congress.
When Mr. Sherman, at the beginning of the session in December, 1862, un
dertook to perfect the bill,. Mr. Fessenden having doubts about it, or being op
posed to it," requested him to take charge of it, stating that he did not wish to

28 JOHN' SHERMAN ON TAXATION OF NATIONAL BANKS.
obstruct the views of Secretary Chase, but that he could riot support them.
The records of the debate show that Mr. Sherman's speech wa^, the only one
made in favor of the national bank bill, although it was before the .Senate off,
and on for ten days. Mr. Sherman feared that it would not pass; but, finally,
by active exertions and by the earnest, personal appeals of Secretary Chase to
Senator's opposed to it, a majority was secured.. It was a close contest, and
the financial change thus secured was a turning-point in the preservation of the
National credit, -and consequently of the national existence. Mr. Sherman has
always regarded his speeches on State banks, , and on national banks at that
timei as the most iniportaut that he made in the Senate during the war.
When the national currency act was discussed in the Senate, Mr. Sherman
took a stand in relation to the taxation of national banks which he has since
maintained, and which shows how ungrounded are the charges that he has been
disposed to show undue favoritism to these institutions: "The question of tax
ation," said he, "has given me more embarrassment in deciding upon my own
personal course upon this bill than any other thing connected with it. * '*
It is indepensable that these banks should pay not only the expense of their
management, but should pay a liberal tax to the Government of the United
States. I do not wisli to screen them from taxes, however friendly I may be to
this system. I wish to impose upon them severe burdens of taxation. -® -^-
" Yesterday, in discussing this matter, I suggested that the United States tax
proposed on the banks should be doubled, that the amount of tax on these banks
levied by the United States should be .so heavy that no one could say that
property employed in national banlvs paid a less rate of taxation than property
engaged in other business. ; , -* -* ¦<¦ ¦¦¦• -•¦-¦ •-' ¦•--¦
"There is one general idea that controls my vote on this matter. I do not
think it is a matter to get excited abput. The States are necessary to be sup
ported, and the counties and the cities must be maintained; but so must the
National Government, and the needs of the National Government are now greater
than those of any portion of the community; and the only question is, how can
these governments be sustained without injury lo each other, for all must be
sustained by taxation. The basis of my idea is that certain modes of taxation
should, by law, be set aside for the United States, as by the Constitution we
have set aside for national purposes the power to impose duties upon imports.
-;s iir ^ , ,-^ , ^ -*. ¦ -;i- •;,'' ^'^ ¥- s
It is proposed by this bill, also, to give to the United States Government an
other fund, another mode of collecting taxes, and what is it ? The bonds of the
United States invested iri a system of national bariks. They are to be reserved
to the nation as another fund from which the nation alone may draw taxes. ¦ Is
that extraprdinary ? The States have, by law, the exclusive power, and they, by
law,. collect exclusive taxes on all. the lands and, personal property of the United
States, with some small eicceptions. Is it uiireasonable that the Government of
the United States should claim as its peculiar source of taxation, first, duties on
imports; next, indirect internal taxation, and next, a, tax on its own securities?
We now have the power to tax all the bonds of the United States for national
purposes. The law declares that these bonds shall not be subject to State taxa-'
tion, but it does not relieve them from taxation by the nation. They are moneys
invested in the securities of the United States, and that fund may be set apart
used exclusively by the nation for the support of the Government. Is it unreas
onable, when this money is invested in a system of national banks, set aside to
maintain and build up a national currency upon, to extend this exemption of
United States stocks when owned by these national banks? ¦» -s- -»
-» •» -s- -Si ¦» ¦ » ts .<i' 55 j|. jj
I do. not want the owners of these national banks to escape taxation. I wish
that distinctly lUnderstood.-, ,-* * « » .» ' .» .j,
'f ¦* ; '* But, sir I want the tax derived from this source to go
into the National Treasury, where -we need it. No tax can be or has been pro

JOHN SHERMAN RE-ELECTED SENATOR. ^<j
posed, here that I will not readily vote for. If it is necessary still further to, tax
these banks, or if it is necessary still further to tax the national .securities, or to
iiicrea.se our duties on importations, or to increase our iutcrrial revenue, I am per
fectly willing to share in the responsibility of putting upon our people any bur-
deri of taxation. I believe we can collect one-half or even more than one-half
of our lai-jje expenditures by indirect taxation under our revenue law^., All that
I claim is, that if this system is organized by the National Government, the tax
imposed upon the property invested rn these banks shall be set aside as a na
tional fund lo be used for national purposes."
During the successive recesses pf Congress Mr. Sherman made it a point to
visit the armies of the Union then in the field. He was on the battleground
of the Wilderness when General Grant was moving in the summer and fall of
1864 ; and when the Monitor disabled the Merrimac, he -went immediately to tl;ie
seat of operations, and was on the Monitor the second or third day after the
battle. In March and April, 1865, upon the invitation of Secretary Stanton, he,
together with a number of other Senators, visited Charleston, Hilton Head, and
Savannah, while General Sherman was marching toward Gpldsboro. Later, upon
General Sherman's march northward, he returned from Washington with him to
his head-quarters at Goldsboro, and there saw the closing inspection of his army.
April, 1865, is recorded on the pages of history as a month of victory and
of sorrow to the people of the United States. In the earlier days the Confed
erate capital -was occupied by Federal troops, and the military chiefs of the re
bellion successively surrendered. A few days later , the life of President Lincoln
was taken by an assass.in, and Andrew Johnson became President of the United
States. The great armies pf the Republic, whose bravery and fortitude had
saved .its life, and had emancipated an enslaved race, were disbanded, ; and re
turned to the avocatipns of peace. It has truly been said that no argument in
favor of free institutions and a Republican form of Government so, conclusive
and potential as this wa? ever before presented to the judgment pf the, natipns,
of the earth. Resistance to the authority of the .United States by ipdiyidual
States was at an end and slavery had been abolished. But the ppsition of the
States recently in rebellion was lo be determined, and the political rights of the. -
emancipated race were to be defined. Th^ history of this;, reconstruction of the
political system of the insurrectionary States on those new condition.s which the
civil war had imposed and rendered necessary, is a history of earnest struggles
more or less successful. The Republicans took the ground that justice and not
expediency should be the rule in the readjustment of national affairs.
At Mr. Sherman's second election as Senator, his only competitor was Gen
eral Schenck, who had been wounded in the war and had developed a good
deal of strength; but he was nominated on the first ballot and elected. Whpi
Mr. Fessenden was . appointed Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Sherman became
Chairman of the Committee on Finance ; and after Mr. Fessenden returned to
the Senate he voluntarily surrendered this position to him.
It soon appeared that there was a wide difference of opinion between the
Senator from Maine and the Senator from Ohio on the question of refunding
the debt and providing ways and means for paying off the floating debt and
liabilities. Mr. Sherman was very decidedly opposed to ,tlie iss,u,e,of six. per cent.
bonds for that purpose, and has never entertained a, doubt that if the policy I>e
then (recommended had been adopted, we. could, have funded the whole of the
7-30 notes and the' floating indebtedness with, a five per cent. bond.
He took, however, a. hopeful view of national finances. " We shall not,"

30 JOHN SHERMAN ON FUNDING THE DEBT.
said he in April, 1866, "have to beg of foreign nations, or even of our own peo
ple, money within two or three years. Our natipnal debt will be greatly
sought for, I have no doubt. I take a hopeful view of the future. I do not
wish now to cripple the industry of the country by adopting the policy of the
Secretary of the Treasury, as he Calls it, Of reducing the currency by crippling
the operations of the Government, when I think that under any probability of
affairs all this debt will take care of itself. I believe if the Secretary of the
Treasury would do nothing in the world except sit in his chair, meet the
accruing indebtedness and issue his Treasury warrants, this debt will take care
of itself, and will fund itself, at foiir or fi-ve per Cent, before very long."-
"Credit," said he, at this time, "is based not only upon a strict compli
ance with contracts and ability to perform them, but also upon great care in
iriakiiig them. We must ha-ve prudence in making a contract, honor in ob
serving it, and ability to perform it. These are the elements of public as well
as private credit. Our history as a natiori has shown that we have the means
and will to fill our contracts ; it' is for us to show our prudence in making
them in the future. In private dealing we w-'ill not trust a man who has great
means and ample property if he is reckless in making engagements ; but we do
trust the man who has no resources but his prudence and property. As a
nation we ought not to impair our credit by making engagements more onerous
than other nations do, unless we are compelled to do SP by sheer necessity.
While we were in war, our Government in discredit, and our people fearing
the result of the struggle, we were forced by necessity to pay high rates ; but
to do so now is a confession of weakness that I see no foundation for."
Mr. Sherman's speeches on funding the national debt, delivered in the Senate,
on the 9th of April and the 22d of May, 1866, covered the whole ground and
attracted the attention of the country. "Why," he asked, "enter the money
market offering usurious interest ? Why pay more than any good merchant in
New York will pay ? Why traffic our loans, a mortgage on all our industry, on
terms worse than bankrupt nations of Europe offer? Go, backed by your
resources, your unclouded and undisputed empire, the love and faith of your people,
the respect of all nations— go, I say, with all these, and with confidence in
yourselves, to the people who hold your bonds, and you will be able to borrow
money at five per cent., yea, before long, at four per cent. Go not to the money
changers. If they are allowed to fix the rate of your interest, they will continue
it as it is with all its exemptions, until the people, fired at an injustice, will do
wrong to correct it. I conclude as I commenced, that to authorize the Secre
tary of the Treasury, in the process of refunding, to issue six per cent, bonds, is
a political crime.
Mr. Sherman stood in the Senate almost alone in opposition to the act passed
in April, 1866, which was strongly pressed by Secretary McCulloch, authorizing
the refunding of the floating indebtedness into a six per cent. bond. There are
reasons for believing now that Mr. Fessenden subsequently became convinced
that Mr. Sherman was right ; but the differences between them, which devel
oped some feeling, together with failing health, caused Mr. Fessenden to decline
to serve as Chairman of the Committee on Finance, after having served for but
one session. Mr. Sherman was designated as his successor, and was then identi
fied with the various' financial measures of Congress. He can fairly claim to have
been the author, in substance, of the refunding act, and to have t.iken the most
prominent part in the different financial measures that became laws.

JOHN SHERMAN ON THE TARIFF. 31
While Mr. Sherman was earnest in advoca.ting a refunding policy looking to the
lowering of the rate of interest on the debt, and to the resumption of specie
payments, it was almost impossible; to bring about a concurrence of opinion in
either party. A refundirig act had, in substance, been introduced by him as
early as 1867, but it was not adopted until 1870, substantially as he had pro
posed it, but without the features looking to the resumption of specie payments
which he had advocated. The teniper of the public was entirely against the
adoption of such measures. Prior to the panic of 1873, l''^ l^ad repeatedly intro
duced and urged measures looking to a coin standard, and at one time a bill
authorizing the Conversion of United States notes into bonds passed the Senate, but
was defeated in the House. ''
In supporting the tariff of 1867, Mr. Sherman carried out the opinions which
have already been quoted. He has ever believed in the doctrine of protection
for a new country like burs, and sustained bills looking ' to large collections of
duties on imported goods, and to the rapid repeal of all internal taxes. " Every
hour of domestic labor," said he, "contributes some portion of its product to the
wants of the nation. Under these circumstances it is the plainest principle of
political economy that we should so frariae our tariff laws as to produce the
largest possible income from imported goods. Revenue is the first, highest and
most pressing want, and it must be so levied as to do the least harhi to our in
dustry. It is in the application of this principle that all the difficulty in framing
a tariff law exists. This can not be done by applyirig any general rate or rule to
all articles. We must discririainate between articles' of luxury and articles of neces
sity ; between articles that may be produced in our country, and articles mainly
produced abroad ; betw'een raw materials necessary to domestic riiiariufacture, and
completed products of industry. The rate of duty must be modified by a multi
tude of circumstarices, as varied as human knowledge and with details far more
difficult than any subject of legislation."
While Mr. Sherman favored the imposition of duties ori imported articles, he
was largely instrumental in framing and passing the several acts repealing inter
nal revenue taxes, and reducing them to their present low rate on whisky,
tobacco, beer, arid « few stamp duties. "During the war," skid Mr. Sherman,
"these duties on imports were increased to counterbalance the internal taxes
levied upon domestic productions. With a few exceptions the last shred, of these
internal taxes will now be repealed,: and our manufacturers can compete with
their foreign rivals with no disadvantage but higher-priced labor, which is met
by an average duty on the whole list of fifty per cent. ' ® "» In a con
troversy like this, between opposing theories, the highest wisdom often lies.
between them. While protecting horiie industry -we ought not in any case to
levy a duty so high as to exclude the foreign fabric, but only such as will
secure 'fair but not excessive wages, and as will induce a competition between
the foreign' and domestic fabric that 'shall secure to' the customer the lowest
prices' consistent with the maintenance ' in our country of all the industries for
which we have equal natural facilities. We must not compel our laborers to
compete with the poorly paid labor of Europe; but we ought not by our pro
tection laws to secure to 'them higher \vag'es than can be earned in kindred
employments;' , , ,
At the time of the Credit Mobilier investigation all sorts of charges were
made against almost every man in public life:'' The air was full of calumny.
Up to that time no imputation had ever been cast upon Mr. Sherrii'an of personal

32 JOHN SHERMAN REPLIES TO ACCUSATIONS.
connection with anything improper or wrong. He was then severely gttacked
by iht Cincinnati Enquirer a.ai otWsr Tyimocta-tic papers in Ohio, because it was
said that he amassed great wealth out, of the , war,, and therefore must .h^ye
made it improperly. Mr. .Sherman met these, charges on the threshold by
writing two letters, one of -which -was -\>Titten to the Cincinnati Enquirer and the,
other to Judge Welcker .pf,,Ohip. ,,,,,, , . , ,
,, These letter?., stated the exact facts ,a,nd Mr. Sherman's defiant, attitude, to-w;ard
all similar, accusations. No man can say, therefore, that Mr. Sherman ever in'
the slightest degree received any benefit from the Government iji any business,
operatioij conijected with the Government, except the salary given him by law.'
It is a matter of public notoriety that no one could have ; been more stringent
in severing his connection with any transaction which by possibility could affect
the Government, or could be affected by periding legislation pf Congress. He
even carried this position to an extreme, , and never bought, or. sold, or dealt in.
any stock, bond, or security, or business which could be affected by his action in
Congress. The letters mentioned above promptly squelched these accusations at the
time, for they were sustained by volunt^ary declarations made by prominent
Democrats, especially in Ohio; but the poison of the undefined accusation still
continued, and they are, occasionally referred to, although not in the way of a
charge, but, rather an imputation founded upon false estimates of his property.
Thep^anic pf 1873, created a, profound impression, and led to a debate that
continued for siix months, but np .agreement was possible, and both parties were
about evenly diyided. This had a very injurious effect upon the fall elections
in ,1874, and every one was impressed with the importance of a definite financial
policy. At the first caucus held in December, 1874, Mr. Sherman offered a
resolutipn aijpointing a Republican committee -with a view to bring about a
concurrence of ppinion. It was adopted, and a committee of nine members of
vi'hich he was chairman, was appointed, composed nearly equally of those who
were classed as inflationists and contractipnists ; but by some yielding on both
sides, the resumption, act was adppted by that committee as a compromise
measure. There, was nothing in the bill. but what had been proposed on one
side or the other in the previous, debates ; but the effective section which fixed
the day of resumption and gave to the Secretary of the Treasury power to brincr
it about was agreed upon, but for opposite reasons. The members of the com
mittee had been so committed by previous opinions that, while they could agree
upon the measure, they could not agree upon the reasons for it, and it would
not have stood the test of debate. It was distinctly said that if one side stated
their, views of the defects of the measure the other would not vote for it, and
thus it would be defeated. The Democratic party, as purely a party of oppo
sition, would vote against any measure supported by the Republicans, and,
therefore, it was necessary for the latter to act together. This necessity o'f con
currence was all that secured an agreement upon the bill; and it was reported
to Ihe caucus and to the Senate with the distinct understanding that there
should be no debate on the side pf the Republicans, but that Mr. Sherman,
without conimitting any one, should be left to manage it according lo his own
discretion. This timidity on the part of the. friends pf the bill, naturally weak-"
ened it before the .country, for the newspapers and the public discussed it; and
though it was in the main a wise measure, it was denounced by both parties
as a surrender, and was not. satisfactory to the general public. Its execution
depended entirely upon the will of the Secretary of the Treasury for the time
being. '

John sUFrmAN'S financial confidence. 33
Meanwhile, Mr. Sherman was elected to the United States Senate for a third
time. There was no opposition to him developed in the Republican party, and
he received an almost unanimous nomination ; but this was at the beginning of
the formation of independent parties prior to the Presidential election of 1872,
and there was much fear that enough members could be Concentrated upon
some third candidate to defeat him after he had received the nominatidn. A
spirited effort was made to concentrate the opposition on an independent candi
date, to be voted for by the Democrats, but it failed; and in January, 1872, he
was elected by a strict party vote.
The sinking fund laws' were regarded by Mr. Sherman as inviolable. "Sir,''
said he in March, 1875, "pledges of public faith must be observed literally
and truly, and I am very glad the Secretary of the Treasury has taken the
position that whatever else comes the sinking fund shall be maintained. Indeed,
the law in regard to the sinking fund is so clear and so strong, that a Secretary
of the Treasury who would violate that law would clearly be subject to, and
ought to be, impeached. That law is an demerit of the public credit and must
not be impaired."
Throughout the long financial discussions that paved the way to Specie pay
ments, and during the dark period of commercial adversity that followed the
return of peace, Mr. Sherman never lost courage. " Sir," he said in January,
1876, " we ought to take a hopeful view of things in this centennial year of
our great country. Look at the aggregate of results: A century ago we were
3,000,060, now 40,000,000; then, we had a little border on the Atlantic ; we are
now eiftended to the Pacific. See what has been accomplished in a hundred
years : During that time there have been periods of darkness and doubt. Every
seven, or ten, or twelve years, peribdically, there have been times of financial dis
tress. We have lived through them all, I believe, and I trust in God that this
very year is the beginning of another period of prosperity, and that all these
dark clouds which gentlemen are trying to raise up from the misery of the past
two or three years and from their own clouded imaginations, will entirely disap
pear. I believe that even now we are in the sunshine of increasing prosperity,
and that every day and every hour will add to our wealth and relieve us from
our distresses."
In the political Campaign of 1876, Mr. Sherman made an able speech at Ma
rietta, Ohio, which did much to inspire the Republicans with confidence, and
which supplied their speakers and editors everywhere with a magazine of facts
and figures. In conclusion he urged his Republican friends to enter the contest
with a firm confidence that the people would do what was best :
"Let us," he said, " again gather around the Republican party, proud of all
the good it has done, anxious to repair its errors, determined to advance its
standard, to keep fully abreast of the holiest, noblest and highest purposes of our
age, to crown the full measure of our faith by protecting all men in equal fights,
by redeeming all pledges of the public faith, and by securing all refPrms attaina
ble by poor human nature.
President Hayes was inaugurated on the 4th of March, 1877, and, in selecting
his Cabinet, appointed Mr. Sherman Secretary of the Treasury. The transfer of
Mr. Sherman from the Finance Committee of the Senate to the Treasury Depart
ment was regarded with great satisfaction by all who were in favor of refunding
the public debt into bonds bearing a low rate of interest, and by all who desired
• the success pf specie resumption in 1879. 'kis large experience in the- Senate

34 JOHN SHERMAN SECRETARY OF THE TREASUrV.
Finance Committee ; his thorough familiarity with all financial legislation and
with the business condition and financial needs of the country at that time, and
his extensive knowledge of the monetary systems and policies of other countries,
all gave assurance that his administration of the Treasury would be successful.
During the exciting contest over the Presidential dispute, which had just hap
pily closed, the distrust and doubt which had been created in our political
affairs had caused such a depression in the public securities that the sale of bonds
for refunding was very limited.
On taking the office of the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Sherman found in
existence a contract between the Government and a number of associated bankers
in this country and Europe for the sale of $300,000,000 of 4^ per cent, bonds for
refunding purppses. This contract had existed since August 12th of the previous
year, and under it about $90,000,000 had then been sold.
The peaceable solution of the political difficulties, however, had removed
the distrust and doubt to a certain extent, and the sales under this contract
began to be made with considerable rapidity.
Mr. Sherman found there were of redeemable bonds, bearing a rate of interest
of five and six per cent., about seven hundred millions; and sound statesmanship
demanded that they should be replaced as soon as practiceable by bonds bearing
a lower rate of interest.
To his viewson this matter there was no opposition from any source. Mr.
Sherman also found that under the resumption act, which had then been in
existence more than two years, no steps had been taken with a view to the
resumption of specie payments by the Government, required by the terms of
that act to take place on January 1st, 1879.
In the sufficiency of this act to bring about resumption Mr. Sherman had
great faith. He had carried it through the Senate; he had fought against its
repeal; and he had tried in every way to popularize it with the people, and
convince them of its sufficiency and power to bring the country out of the
financial distress in which it had been plunged since the panic of 1873.
To his views on this matter great opposition sprang up; but so long as the
law remained on the statute book there was no alternative for Mr. Sherman
even if he had desired it, except to see that the provisions of the law were
enforced. So, on April 6th, when he had been Secretary but a few days, he
addressed a letter to Messrs. Rothschild & Sons, of the associated bankers,
with whom the Government had the contract for placing the 4)^ per cent.
bonds, in which letter he stated that when their sales reached $200,000,000, he
proposed to withdraw them from the market, and that he desired to sell for
refunding purposes, the four per cent, bond ; and he invited their aid in' this
policy. He also stated that he was authorized to sell, for resumption purposes,
bonds similar to those sold for refunding, and that he desired to do so at the
rate of thirty millions a year.
At the time that letter was written the 4>^ per cent, bonds were below par
in Europe, and were but very little above par at home. But the boldness of
the policy which was here outlined, showing the firm faith which Mr. Sherman
had in the credit of the country and in his ability to secure a lower rate of
interest, gave great confidence to the bankers and business men, and caused
such a rise iu the 4>^ per cent, bonds, that he was enabled to sell immediately
t-«'0 millions for refunding purposes ; and before the ist of July the whole
hundred millions were taken, of which fifteen millions were applied to
tion purposes. ^

JOHN SHERMAN ADVOCATES RESUMPTION. 35
Such -was the success of this policy, that Mr. .Sherman was enabled on the
9th of June to obtain a contract for the sale, firm, of twenty-five millions four
per cent, bonds at par, of which five millions could be applied to resumption
purposes; with a provision, also, that the loan should be open to public sub
scription for a period of one month. Thus, in less than six months, Mr. Sher
man had been enabled so to raise the credit of the country that he was ena.bled
to sell four per cent, bonds at par, and also to exact of the bankers who took
the loan a condition that they should open it to the public, ih order that all
might share in the benefits likely to accrue from the purchases; and he had
meanwhile secured at least $20,000,000 for resumption purposes.
Books for subscription to this loan were opened throughout the country
immediately. An enthusiasm in behalf of the loan was raised which reminded
one of the patriotic impulses that thrilled the heart of the North in the time of
the war. To the surprise of every one, before the close of the thirty days
during which the loan was opened to the public at large, more than seventy-
five millions of bonds had been sold, of which twenty-five millions were reserved
for resumption purposes.
About the time this transaction was completed. Congress convened in special
session. Among its first measures was the introduction, on one day, of no
no fewer than thirteen bills to repeal the resumption act ; and a bill for this
purpose passed the House on the 23d of the following month. Bills were also
introduced, almost without number, to restore the unlimited coinage of the
silver dollar, then worth about eighty-five cents in gold. The agitation of
these two measures so alarmed investors that subscriptions for the four per cerit.
bonds immediately ceased ; and, despite every effort of Mr. Sherman, neither
bankers nor other individuals could be induced to take the loan; which had
then fallen two or three per cent, below par ; and it seemed for a while as if a call
for six per cent, bonds, which had been made in advance, anticipating the sale
of fours, would have to be paid from the cash in the Treasury, and as if the hope
of selling any more four per cent. bonds for refunding, or of successfully resuming
specie payments, would have to be abandoned.
Further .discussion of these measures, however, seemed to indicate that there
was not sufficient strength in Congress to pass the silver bill unmodified, or to
repeal the resumption act, at all events over the veto of the President, which,
it was believed, would be immediately interposed. Consequently, in January,
the alarm concerning the public credit somewhat abated. On the 16th of that
month Mr. Sheirman, having concluded all contracts for the sale of fours, gave
notice that he would receive subscriptions from the public at large for the sale
of these bonds ; and he immediately brought to bear all resources and expedi
ents within his power to popularize them and facilitate their sale. A poster,
advertising the loan, was sent to every postmaster, banker, arid business firm,
in the country. On the 28th of February, the bill authorizing the coinage of
the silver dollar became a law over the veto of the President ; but it was
shorn largely of its power for evil by authorizing the coinage only upon Gov
ernmental account, the Government securing the difference between the bullion
-value of the gold and silver dollar. This would, for a time, render the coinage
harmless ; and there was a general belief that before any evil effects should flow
from it, the bill might be repealed, or so modified as to prevent injury in the
future. Consequently, subscriptions began again to be received; but Congress
still agitated the repeal of th? resumption act, and the doubt and distrust

36 JOHN SHERMAN'S SUCCESS IN PLACING BONDS.
arising from this agitation^ kept the credit of the country at such a low ebb
that the sale of the four per cent, bonds could be made only with difficulty.
On March the 19th, Mr. Sherman was required to appear before the Finance
Committee of the Senate, where he was sharply questioned as to the condi
tion of the Treasury, the action he had already taken, and the action that he
proposed in regard to securing a fund for the redemption of the legal tender
notes. His answers vvere so ready and satisfactory, and he showed such inti
mate knowledge ^f the matter in all particulars, that very little comfort was
given to the agitators for the repeal. Following this, on April Ist, he was
summoned before the Committee on Banking and Currency of the House, and
there subjected to a searching inquiry concerning the whole matter. The ablest
and most sincere of the men who had advocated inflation, and who believed re
sumption neither practicable nor wise, were in this committee, and they spared
no effort and lost no opportunity to secure from Mr. Sherman a thorough and
complete statement of his efforts and purposes concerning resumption. Mr.
Sherman clearly showed to them the existing condition of the Treasury,' and
did not hesitate to say that he proposed to increase the coin reserve by the sale
of bonds of some description or other, as authorized by law, to the amount of
$50,000,000. He assured them that he could do it, and that the gold could be
obtained and placed in the Treasury before the period fixed for resumption in
specie to take effect. He also demonstrated to them that with the fifty millions
added to the amount already accumulated, the Treasury would be stronger than
was the Bank of England when it resumed in l8'i9, or had been since, although
that bank had meanwhile maintained resumption ; that it would be stronger in
its reserves than either the Bank of France or the Imperial Bank of Germany ;
and the statements he presented, with the reasons given, were so explicit and
satisfactory that they cleared away all doubts in the minds of those who favored
resumption, and completely discomfitted the opponents of that measure. From
the publication of the proceedings of that day the friends of resumption had
no good reason to be discouraged
Following up the policy which he had indicated in these conferences, Mr.
Sherman, four days later, invited several bankers and prominent men in New
York to meet him in that city for the purpose of negotiating a sale of bonds for
resumption purposes. It was the unanimous opinion of all the bankers present
that no sale of four per cent, bonds for this purpose could be effected, and that it
was useless to consider any such proposition. A representative of the national
banks stated that he thought an arrangement could be made by which the banks -
might take fifty millions of \% per cent, bonds, to be paid for on the Ist of Janu
ary, the Government to receive whatever the banks could get for the bonds ; but
they would give no guarantee that they would sell a single bond. Mr. Sherman
replied that he had gone over there to sell fifty millions of bonds for resumption
purposes, and that he proposed to do it ; and, further, that if he could not sell
the bonds to them he would try to get on without their help.
Receiving no better offer from the national banks, Mr. Sherman invited the
members of the Rothschild syndicate to make an offer. He received from them
a proposition to take fifty millions of the bonds at looi^ ; and this, receiving the
approval of the President, was accepted; the representatives of the national banks
recommending its acceptance most decidedly, as being better terms than they
could pffer.
The ability of the contca.qt.ing parties to place the cpin in the Treasury as

JOHN SHERMAN AND THE LOUISIANA COUNT. 37
proposed, could not be -doubted; and from -that day resumption was assured.
Further efforts to repeal the law were abandoned, and the business of the country
commenced to adjust itself on the assured basis of specie payments on and after
January 1st, 1879.
Meanwhile, the enemies of Mr. Sherman had not been idle. Failing to dis
courage him in his effort to prepare the Treasury for resumption, and having,
without effect, attributed to him the cause of every business disaster which oc
curred that year, they set out to implicate him in questionable transactions during
the count of the Presidential vote in Louisiana. A committee of investigation
was appointed by the House, and it is supposed that this committee, in some
way, came in possession of what purported to be a letter from Mr. Sherman to
two supervisors of elections in Louisiana, promising them, in case they stood by
their returns and affidavits, that the coming Administration would see them suita
bly provided for outside of the State. Unless those affidavits and returns were
known by Mr. Sherman to be false, there was nothing in the letter -«'hich he
¦could wish to disown. The supervisors stood by their records, and soon after
returning to their homes one of them was shot at midnight from the court-house
of his own parish. A promise to provide for political friends for doing their duty .
in such a lawless society could hardly be considered an offense. But the alleged
letter was never produced, nor was its identity ever established by any reputable
witness ; Mr. Sherman himself positively denied writing the letter, though unabje
to see any great harm in it, even if he had done so ; and the committee, finding no
evidence in any way implicating him, abandoned this line of investigation. This
prosecution did not divert him from his financial schemes.
This successful sale of 4^ per cent, bonds for resumption clearly evinced faith
in the credit of this country by shrewd bankers at home and in Europe, and this
faith extended more and more throughout the entire Union. The bonds rapidly
rose in value, carrying with them all other United States securities, and ¦ drawing.
up from behind them the four per cents, the sale of which had been very languid
for several months. The sale of the latter bonds in open market was continued.
with more or less success during the remainder of the year.
Meanwhile the gold received for resumption -accumulated in the Treasury ; but
the changing condition of the country and of the Treasury required much fore
sight, effort and good judgment on the part of Mr. Sherman to prevent any dis
order in business or entanglements in public accounts. Every step that the laws
would permit was taken to preserve intact, so far as possible, the resumption
fund. On the ist of January, about $25,000,000 of interest on the public debt, pay
able in gold coin, would 'fall due. The law having required the reserve fund to be.
kept in New York, Mr. Sherman determined that the payment of coin on account of
interest should thereafter be also made only in that city ; but permission was given
the Sub-Treasury officers to pay the interest in legal-tender notes to parties who
were willing to accept them. Arrangements were made with the several assay
offices by which gold could be purchased for legal-tender notes ; thus feeding the
Treasury, to a certain extent, with gold bullion.
But the most important precaution that was taken to prevent any run upon the
resumption fund was the arrangement by which the Government, to a certain
t and for certain purposes, became a member of the New York Clearing House
¦' t' Under this arrangement, in consideration of the Government's
¦ ¦ and collecting its checks through the Clearing House, that body agreed to
receiv ^^^ j^^jj^^^es due it at the counter of the Sub-Treasury, and to accept, in pay-

38 JOHN SHERMAN SECURES RESUMPTION.
ment of Government checks or drafts of all descriptions, legal-tender notes. As all '
the interest checks and checks issued in payment of called bonds were, by law,
payable in coin, this agreement on the part of the Clearing House, through
which nearly all the checks passed, relieved the Treasury almost entirely from the
necessity of making coin payments.
This necessity having been removed, there was no longer any particular reason
for requiring the duties to be paid in coin, as required by law ; and as after the
1st of January it was fair to presume that no distinction should be made between
the several kinds of money in circulation, Mr. Sherman announced that after
that period legal-tender notes would be received in payment of duty and redeemed
at New York on Government account whenever it became necessary to do so.
Instructions were also given the. Treasury, and other officers of the Depart
ment, to close up in their accounts all distinctions between coin and currency,
and after January to recognize in the accounts, as well as in the money, that
the Government had resumed specie payments, and that no difference in values
existed between the several kinds of money in circulation.
Having done this, having taken every precaution which human foresight
could suggest to fortify the resumption reserve, and having pre-arranged the
business of the Government so that it could easily glide into a coin channel, Mr.
Sherman awaited the result, not without some anxiety, lest, after all the pains
taken, the effort should prove futile and resumption a failure.
The Ist of January, however, came ; the New York Sub-Treasury opened,
but no one appeared lo demand coin for his legal-tender notes. The celebrated
financier, who, a few months before, had said that he would give $50,000 to be
at the head of the line on that New Years' day, could have had the whole line
to himself for nothing. Later in the day a few stragglers asked for coin, but
many more brought coin, or coin obligations, and asked to have them paid in
legal-tender notes; so that at the close of the day the Government actually held
more coin than it did in the morning ; and this increase of the coin reserve at
the expense of the currency in the Treasury has increased from day to day ever
since. The triumph of this policy of resumption was complete and satisfactoi^. In
its success was found an answer to all the prophecies of evil and a complete
vindication of the superior judgment of Mr. Sherman. The confident prediction
that resumption would bring financial ruin proved false, for with every step taken
to that Jnd business had improved and failures become less frequent. Those who
think that resumption came of itself are not those who were intimately associated
with Mr. Sherman and conversant with the difficulties that he had to overcome,
the interests he had to conciliate, and the political opposition he met even within
his Own party, where it was not good policy to have contention. The Board of
Trade in New York recognized his services in this achievement by authorizing
his portrait to be hung upon the walls of their building, a compliment which
had been bestowed upon no financier since the days of Alexander Hamilton.
It must be remembered that in making out and pursuing a line of resump
tion, Mr. Sherman was obhged to travel a new path, with no precedents of the
past to guide him.
Heretofore, when the country had been through an era of depreciated paper,
it was only depreciated bank paper, with the redemption of which the Govern
ment had nothing to do, the effort of getting back to specie payments being left
for business men and bankers. But in this case the Government was obliged to

JOHN SHERMAN REFUUbS THE DEBT. 39
provide for the redemption in coin of nearly three hundred and fifty millions of
its notes ; and the success of any policy under which this could be done depended
entirely upon the skill, the energy and good judgment of the Secretary of the
1 reasury , and no amount of equivocation, or of attributing success to good crops,
or to our unexampled exportation of manufactured goods, ever can or should
divert from Mr Sherman the praise that is due him for the manly courage and
great sagacity with which all his, efforts were carried to success.
But while the country was standing on tiptoe, awaiting the result of the
resumption policy, Mr. Sherman had not for a moment abated his efforts iu
refunding; and on the first day of January, the day on which resumption went
into effect, he issued a circular, again offering to the public the four per cents,
offering to receive subscriptions at all the Sub-Treasury pffices, and inviting all
the national banks to become depositaries for this purpose, and all the banks
and bankers to aid him in their sale. The premium on gold having disappeared
with resumption, American investors could now purchase four per qents without
the loss of the premium which they had heretofore suffered ; and the grand
triumph of resumption brought the credit of the country to such a condition
that the sale of four per cents during the month of January were more than
a hundred and fifty millions, against twenty-five millions during the preceding
month. Many national banks, which had heretofore stood aloof and rendered no
aid in placing the loan, came forward and asked to be designated as deposita
ries, also invited and urged their customers to subscribe, and the loan thus became
distributed . among smalUlnvestors throughout the whole country. To secure
such a distribution of the loan had always been the purpose of Mr. Sherman;
and with that purpose in view he had, as soon as it was practicable to do so,
dispensed, with the services of a syndicate and thrown open to all banks upon
the same. terms the privilege of taking this loan. It should be stated, however,
that the immense sales of these bonds, requiring the calling in of an equal
amount of outstanding six per cents, many of which were held in Europe,
whither coin had to be shipped for their payment, were beginning to cause
some disturbance in the exchanges of the country and to unsettle business.
To obviate this difficulty, Mr. Sherman concluded a contract on the 21st of
January with an European syndicate, by which five millions a month would be
taken in England, that being deemed sufficient to prevent the shipment of gold
to this country to pay for the called bonds ; and this policy proved to be sound.
So rapid had become the sale of the bonds, that, on March 4th, Mr. Sherman
announced that when enough four per cents had been sold to redeem the out
standing uncalled six per cent, bonds (then about ninety millions), future sales
would be probably made upon terms less .favorable to purchasers than those
offered in his circular of January Ist, 1879.
Owing to apprehensions that the settlements for the bonds sold m January,
which would become due in April, might cause embarrassment in the money
market the sale of the bonds in March largely fell off, and the market value
of the 'four per cents considerably depreciated ; so much so, that the European
, g 28th of March, asked for an extension of the time in which
they'should'take the next allotment of bonds, and this extension was granted-
°^ 'The^Tacilities for the settlement for the bonds had, however, been so jierfected
ttl ments were made without any disturbance in the money market.
^ J jjjg market stiffened, and on the Ist of April subscriptions again
be^g"nThicrease, and the value of the bonds to appreciate..

40 JOHN '.SHERMAN ADVANCES THE PRICE OF.BOMDS.
On the 4th of that month, while Mr. Sherman was at a Cabinet meeting,
a dispatch was received from, the National Bank of Commerce, New York, sub
scribing for forty million dollars of the bonds. The dispatch was immediately sent
to him ; but the amount was so large that, before taking any action, he required
a -repetition of the dispatch. With the repetition came a subscription from
another bank of ten millions, another one of two millions, two more of twenty-
five millions, and another of thirty millions. Sixty millions were accepted, and
sixty millions more rejected as having come too late.
The foresight of Mr. Sherman, in announcing that when the six per cents
had all been called, terms more favorable to the Government would then be
required in the sales of additional- four per cents, was clearly shown, and, as
subsequent events proved, was of great value to the Government. Not only had
Mr. . Sherman been pushing the sale of the four per cent, bonds, but he had,
meanwhile, been setting on foot other schemes for securing the refunding of the
public debt. In his annual report of December, 1878,^ he recommended to Con
gress that authority be granted to issue certificates of the denomination of ten
dollars, which should; be convertible by the Treasurer at any time into four per
cent, bonds. He believed that in this way a further distribution of the loan
among small holders would be ¦ accomplished. Congress, in February, 1879, in
compliance with his recommendation, authorized the issue of such certificates,
and, on the 12th of the following month, Mr. Sherman was able to announce
that the certificates in question had been prepared, and that subscriptions for
them would- be received. All possible means were ''i;:^en to popularize and dis-
, tribute these certificates, but the depreciation of the bonds into which they were
convertible during that month prevented the sale of them as rapidly as could be
wished. But when enough certificates and bonds had been sold to cover the
outstanding six peir cents, their sale was suspended, together with the sale of
the bonds, as provided by the announcement of March 4. Immediately upon
the suspension of the sale of the certificates and bonds as here stated, Mr.
Sherman began to consider, in what way he could best advance the price of the
bonds, and to what extent he could do so without wholly checking their sale.
The large subscriptions of the first four days of the month induced him to be
lieve that the bonds could be sold slightly above par, and with less commission
to the purchasers. Upon consulting, however, with prominent financial men in
New York, with members of both Houses of Congress, and with the Cabinet,
he received but little encouragement in his declared purpose to advance the
price of the bonds. It was generally thought that the sale of four per cents at
par was as low as could be expected in this country, arid that the Secretary had
better "let well enough alone," and secure, while it was possible, the advan
tages which would accrue from placing them at par. Mr. Sherman, however,
firmly believed that an advance should be made ; and, accordingly, on April
l6th, he offered to the public one hundred and fifty millions of the four per
cent, loan, at a premium of one-half of one per cent, above par, and, in addi
tion thereto,- abount forty-five millions of the refunding certificates ; the pro
ceeds of the whole being deemed sufficient to redeem the outstanding ten-forty
bonds, which were all the bonds redeemable at that time.
This step of advancing the price of the bonds in opposition to the judgment
of so many men, eminent men, was not taken without some hesitancy and doubt
as to the result ; and the country could well have justified Mr. Sherman in con
fining himself to the successful policy heretofore pursued of selling them at par.

JOHN SHERMAN'S GREAT SUCCESS WITH THE LOAN. ¦_t,\
A step of this kind once taken can not be retracted ; and ' a failure to sell
, ,4Sthe bonds at an advanced price could only have resulted in a diminution of the
jprestige of Mr. Sherman as a financier, and in the embarrassment of the refund
ing operations of the. Government. Due regard was jDaid to these considera
tions, but the announcement was issued and given to. the. press by noon of the
l6th. To the gratification of Mr. Sherman, and somewhat to his surprise, before
the close of business that day, a subscription for two. millions of bpnds on the
terms just prescribed was received, and it began to look as if the whole loan
might be taken at once. ,
The next morning, however, came without additional subsfcriptions; but later
in the day came a subscription from New York for ten million dollars, which
was followed by others, for .one million, two millions, and four millions, respect-
- ively, and others for still smaller amounts. Just before the close of business oil
that day, a subscription was received from the First National Bank of New
York, representing a large number of private bankers in that city, for the entire
amount of bonds offered and forty millions of the refunding certificates. Thus
the whole loan was sold in one day, and seventy-five millions of additional sub-
¦ scriptions, coming too late, were declined.
Is it any wonder that Mr. Sherman telegraphed to New York that night that
the subscriptions staggered him, and he would like to know if : they were all
- crazy ? ' , \
The subscriptions for the forty millions of certificates was absolutely rejected,
however, Mr. Shermai^^siring that a further effort be made to jjlace these cer
tificates directly among the people.
The sale of all the four per cents offered being concluded, no further refund
ing operation could be carried on, except the sale of tlie certificates ; and, feeling
assured that these could be sold, a call was made for the entire outstanding ten-
forJy loan.
Under the terms of the act authorizing the issue of the certificates, the latter
- could only be exchanged at par for lawful money. This restriction could riot
be overcome, and so the certificates had to-be issued at par, although the bonds
into which they were convertible had been sold, and were selling at an.advarice.
This condition of "affairs rendered the ; certificates extremely desirable, and
schemes were set on foot by- bankers, broker's and interested parties, to secure
these certificates for immediate conversion into .four per cents. , Every possible
. precaution was taken against such- combinations. Postmasters of money Order
ffi d all other officers of the Government,, were requested, to^bond.'aijd
aop'lv'for"these certificates ; and nearly seven hundred complied. , The certificates
were in this way, sent, into almost every State and Territory of the Union for
' . Ai,„„f forty millions of them were thus sold, ahd the money
-distribution. About lo'^.y
..-u T.-»o=iirv without loss or embarrassment. With this transaction,
returned to the treasury
Mr Sherman concluded the refunding operations.
- -h- o years at the head, of the Treasury Department he has refunded
During ^^ ^ millions of the public; debt, making a saving in
nearly eierht nunarcu
1 interest of nearly $xS,<=oo,cxx>. per annum..
annual ^^ greatwork of securing the resumption of specie. payments.
Will e g s national debt at the lowest possible rate of interest. Secretary
and 01 re -jministered the multifarious duties of the Treasury Department with
Sherman ^ ability, decision and promptness. Each official has been held
great ex j^.^ own acts and for .the acts of hi^ subordinates, and: the
' strictly^resporisiDie- - • ....

42  JOHN. SHERMAN'S PUBLIC .LIFE.
same economy has been introduced and enforced that should characterize a. well
managed private mercantile or manufacturing establishment. While conferriftg
,with the bankers of New York who represent the financial, magfe'ates of the ¦world,
or answering the ^varied inquiries concerning, the monetary, affairs , of the.. General
Government propounded' by Congressional, committees. Secretary Sherman has care
fully watched over the national loans, the collection of customs, thenational. bank
ing, system, the collection of internal revenue ; duties, the disbursements of public
moneys, the printing of notes and bonds, the light-houses on the coast and .the
lakes, the coast surveys, the revenue marine, the life-saving service, the national
mint, and the other subdivisions df the Treasury. .Department. In each one of
. these branches;of the public service, several of whiich extend over:the whole Union,
retrenchment and reform; has been prosecuted, ^^supernumarieS) have been weeded
out, — the claims of rival candidates for promotion or appointment have been care
fully-weighed, and the working of the Treasury Department as an important branch
of the National Government have been simplified, reformed and perfected. .

Such are the prominent events in the life of John Sherman — a life which rep-
reserits ' 'the gi-ovvth a-nd' the; capacities of man, under the free institutions of this
Republic, .From the school-room , to -the court-house,, the Capital, and - the
Treasury Department, he has done his duty with ability and with fidelity, Self-
reliarit, he has risen by the firmness of his character and the brilliancy of his
intellect to the high position first graced by Hamilton. "'(jjfje' accomplished scholar,
a learned lawyer, a fearless and enlightened .legislator,'^ a' far-seeing and. upright
member of the Cabinet, an honorable gentleman in private .life, and a confiding
friend, he has ever been rioted for his comprehensive intellect, his conscientious
integrity, and his adherence to those conservative and constituitional principles of
Government, which secure to every citizen his rights, and to every section its
equal consideration under the adiriinistratio'n of just laws. The dark corruptions of
the war-epoch have never clouded his reputation, nor has any tongue ever ventured
to iriapeach his honor, for his life has been pure and unsullied, while it has been
. brilliant and useful.
Mr. Sherman is now in the prime of manhood-— tall, firmly built, yet graceful
in his movements, and capable of great endurance. His features are expressive,
and there is a good-humored twinkle, in his bluish gray eyes, while his forehead
and the lower portion of his. face indicate positive determination and adherence.
His style of oratory is colloquial and convincing, a vein of practical common
sense running through its series of arguments until a convincing conclusion js
reached. The rapidity with which he takes up the strong points of a case and suc
cessively disposes of them, renders him a formidable adversary in debate. Careful
not to infringe upon the.rights, or to wound the feelings of others, he dsmands in
return from others perfect respect toward himself.
The National Republican Convention, which is to meet at Chicago in
June, should nominate for Presiderit of the United States a man capable of sur
veying the whole field connected, with the interests of the country, who can furnish
Congress vvith the information caUed for by the Constitution, and can make such
recommendations as will be of practical value in shaping legislation; — a man of the
people, who has been the architect of his own fortunes, upon whose public and
personal record there rests no stain; — a man who has been tested by honprably
filling high positions, and who is thoroughly acquainted with our maehinerjr of

JOHN SHERMAN'S CLAIMS FOR THE PRESIDENCY. 43
government ; — a man whose life, whose principles, whose speeches and whose
character are filled with humanity ; — a man whose nomination must strengthen and
consolidate the Republican party. If the Convention seeks such a man, let it
nominate one whose name is familiar to every intelligent citizen of the Union,
as having maintained its credit in dark hours and successfully restored specie pay
ments. Let them nominate John Sherman, of Ohio.
The nomination of Mr. Sherman in June will result in his triumphant elec
tion by the voters of the United States in November. His patriotism, his
ability, his private virtues, and his public services, will command him the
hearty support of every true Republican, of every friend of good administration,
of every lover of honest money. With him as a candidate, the Republican
party can receive no assault which can dim the glory of the past or impede the
progress of the future. His triumph will be the triumph of Union and liberty,
of the rights of the people, of the prosperity and the glory of the Republic.
With John Sherman as President, the United States would have a Govern
ment whose intercourse with other nations would be marked with that high de
gree of international justice which would neither do or tolerate wrong; a Govern
ment which would be administered at hpme by sound and pure men, who would
regard offices as solemn trusts, and not as partisan spoils ; a Government marked
by a lafty tone of public -morality, mild yet efficient, conservative yet liberal ;
a Government which would maintain the rights of the humblest citizens and
would seek the advanc^nt of American industry and the extension of Ameri
can markets; a Gover*it under which Republican principles would be pre
dominant through the^th and the breadth of the land; ^^Governmen under
which our beloved country would advance rapidly in the highway of prosperity.
honor, happiness, and glory.

SH,ERly^AM:CtUB',
! C INCI N N ATI.
Rooms.: 'Fourth'.and 'Walnut Streetsi^

PRESIDENT,
H. WILSON brown'.

VICE-PR.,E^|DE,NTS, ,

FERDlNANp yOGEL^^R, '.'¦/<, ¦ HENRY MU.HLHAUSER,
-W,M.', HENRY DAVIS, • .'- " '- ^¦' 'O- '^^J^^MS^&^^

W; Ni, MOBART.

SJI^RBTARY,
E. O.'iES'IJEtBY'.

TR^SMBfR,
C. W. ALLEN.

,' '- ^E,X_ECUTIV:f',COM'NrVtT;t'^^' r'S'

,,_ ¦ *A. ¦T..0iOSHi)RN,,bHAiR5«!i*'.

ALBERT SCHWILL,

; ; [/I GEORGE W., JONES,

JAMES R. MURDOCIf,

' ' ^ .; ; ! Db-Ausijf; ijvuiCsiN,

'.- '• ' -¦ ' &c'_v Ex.
Cojii.
COMMiTj,T„EE
OF WAYS AND MEANS,
HENRY; MACK;. , '.'
JOHK hauck, . v.,
: JOHN SHILLItO.>( Jr.,
JAMES' M. GLENN, ''V,.'
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