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HISTORY

OP

FORT WAY N E,
FROM
THE EARLIEST KNOWN ACCOUNTS
OP
THIS POINT,
TO TEE PRESENT PERIOD.
EMBRACING AN EXTENDED VIEW OF THE ABORIGINAL TRIBES
Or THE NORTHWEST, INCLUDING, MORE ESPECIALLY,
THE MIAMIES, OF THIS LOCALITY— THEIR HABITS,
CUSTOMS, ETC.— TOGETHER WITH A COMPREHEN
SIVE SUMMARY OF THE GENERAL, RELATIONS
OF THE NORTHWEST, FROM THE LATTER
/ PART OF THE ¦' SEVENTEENTH CEN
TURY, TO THE STRUGGLES OF 1812-14;
WITH A SKETCH OF THE
LIFE OF GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE ;
INCLUDING ALSO A LENGTHY
BIOGRAPHY OF THE LATE HON. SAMUEL HANNA,
' TOGETHER WITH SHORT
SKETCHES OF SEVERAL OF THE EARLY PIONEER
SETTLERS OF FORT "WAYNE.
ALSO AN ACCOUNT OF THE
MANUFACTURING, MERCANTILE, AND RAILROAD INTERESTS
OF FORT WAYNE AND VICINITY.

BY WALLACE A. BRICE.
WITS ILLUBTJiflTIOJiS.  o 

JPORT WAJTJVE, JJVU:
D. W. JONES & SON, STEAM BOOK and JOB PRINTERS.
1868.

Entered, according to act of Congress, on the 26th day of February, 1868,
Bt "Wallace A. Brice,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for
the District of Indiana.

TO THE CITIZENS \ ,
OF TUB
CITY OF FORT "WAYNE AND VICINITY,
AND
Farmers of Allen County,
AS AN HUMBLE TRIBUTE OF BSTEEM,
This Volume i* most Kindly dedicated,
BY TEE AUTHOR.

S^s^

iS?^£%

PREFATORY REMARKS.

When I first thought to gather together and arrange the material with which to
form the Histosy of Fort Wayne, I had little comprehended the magnitude and
extent of the field or matter thereof; and after receiving the ready and liberal assur
ances and aid of a large mass of the citizens of Fort Wayne in substantial subscrip
tions thereto, and made known my intention to issue the work, I soon found myself
encompassed on all sides by a vast store of information and facts, frqm which to
draw and form the material for the work.
Though, from an early day, widely known as a point of great interest and im
portance, both as to its aboriginal renown, throughout the northwest, for many con
secutive years : and the whites, for nearly a century before the war of 1812, yet,
aside from a few short, hastily-written, and very incomplete sketches of the place
and adjacent localities, no one had ever ventured or been sufficiently aroused to the
'mportance and value of such a volume, to write and arrange the history of this
old carrying-place, and former center of Indian life, in view of which, the French,
the English, and the American soldiers had so long successively stood guard.
Having procured many valuable documents, old and rare, from which to draw
much of interest for the work, and received also much important information from
those of the Pioneer fathers and mothers among us, who still survive to tell the
story of " the early times out west,
v * " fc ff ft
In the days when they were Pioneers,
Fifty years ago,"
I readily saw that, to do justice to so extended a body of matter, time would not
only be required to put it into readable form, but much care needed in the sifting
and selection of the material ; and so, with large perseverance and a determination
not to slight or overlook arty important feature of the work, during the latter part
of May and first of June last, I began industriously to devote myself to the task of
writing and arranging the matter for the volume, often, during the warm months
of summer, repairing to the woods in the vicinity, writing much of the work upon
the ground, where, in former years, were to be seen many Indian lodges, and also
contiguous to points where the early skirmishes between the Indians and whites
had occurred.
Thus pushing forward, filling several hundred pages of paper, by the latter
part of September, I found my task about complete, and the MSS. in the hands
of the printer.
In my efforts to obtain information, I am pleased to say that many not only
freely told me all the important facts they could call to mind, but kindly extended
to me the use of valuable books, papers, &c. Among these I may name Chas. B«

Prefatory Remarks. vi
Lasselle, Esq., of Logansport, Ind., John P. Hedges, Esq., Hon. J. W. Borden,
Louis Peltier, T. N. Hood, Dr. J. B. Brown, J. L. "Williams, Esq., Mr. J. J. Comparet.
Mrs. Griswold, Mrs. Laura Suttenfield, and others.
Among the historical works referred to, and drawn from, I have been par.
ticularly careful to "keep good company," and have used the material of those
volumes only which have well sustained a reputation for accuracy, some of which
have long since gone out of print. Among these, I may mention "The History of
the Late "War in the "Western Country," by Col. Robt. B. M'Afee, who was here
with the army during much of the war of 1812 and '14 — (this volume is now fifty
years old); Butler's " History of Kentucky "—1836 ; Drake's " Life of Black Hawk"
—1833 ; " The Hesperian, or "Western Monthly Magazine " — 1838 ; " The American
Pioneer ;" " Wau-Bun, the ' Early Day ' in the Northwest ; " " "Western Annals ;"
Sparks' "American Biography," "States and Territories of the Great "West ; " Park-
man's "History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac;" Dillon's " History of Indiana;" Judge
Law's "Address" — 1839; etc., etc., together with a number of papers containing inter
esting and valuable sketches.
Much more might have been added to the work ; but the price charged for it
would not well admit of an enlargement beyond the number of pages presented.
In actual amount of matter, however, the pages being " solid," it will net fall far
short of many works of a similar character, which, though containing a less number
of lines on each page, are yet much more bulky and voluminous. Indeed, so ex
tensive were many of the facts and matter generally from which the work has been
drawn, that, in some instances, I have been compelled to leave out and cut short
much matter that I should liked to have presented in the present issue. But all
will "keep," very well, subject to a further call by the public.
In the latter part of this volume, the reader will find, together with some other
matter of interest, several sketches of early settlers of Fort "Wayne, conspicuous
among which will be found a very lengthy Biography of our late most beloved
and lamented fellow-citizen, Hon. Samuel Hanna, from the able pen of his old
friend and companion, one of Fort Wayne's most worthy and respected citizens,
6. "W. Wood, Esq. A short sketch of the father of Charles B. Lasselle, Esq., " the
first white man born at Ke-ki-ong-a," will be found in this part of the work ; one
also of Mr. H. Rudisill, father of our county Auditor. But all will be read with equal
care and interest by the reader. Thanking the citizens generally, of Fort "Wayne
and Allen county, including especially the publishers of each of our city papers,
for the interest manifested in behalf of the work, and the liberal aid extended to it
in the form of subscriptions, I trust, in return, the volume may not only yrove a
source of much interest and value to all, but be successful in rescuing from a com-
'parative oblivion the historic importance to which Fort Wayne is so justly entitled.
"WALLACE A. BRICE.
Fort "Wayne, Ind., Dec, 1867.

BIOGRAPHY OF GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE.

SKETCH OF THE LIFE

GENERAL ANTHONY WAYNE.

" Lives of true men all remind us
We can make our lives sublime,
And, departing, leave behind us
Foot-prints on the sands of time."

Anthony "Wayne was not alone a valiant officer and soldier. He was a
moral hero. His frontal brain was large, and the crown of his head well
. expanded. Largely intuitive, ever thoughtful, sagacious, and resolute of
will ; his soul was imbued with a large feeling of benificence as well as de
termination — a high admiration of the beautiful and picturesque in nature.
While clinging to the sword, as a means of safety, he was disposed to invite
Bis antagonist to join in a council of peace. Always on the look-out —
cautious and most prudent in his movements — bold, intrepid, and fearless,
when called to the field of battle, his opponents were sure, sooner or later,
to come to defeat. He was, by nature and organization, a soldier, a tac
tician, a hero. Somewhat scholarly, he wrote not only a fair hand, but an
agreeable diction ; and was noted for his laoonicism.* Born with the
great spirit of true Freedom deeply impressed Upon him, at an early age he
became imbued with the importance of freeing his country, and making it
an asylum for the out-growth, establishment, and perpetuation of un
sullied liberty, free institutions, and good government. Thus actuated
and impelled, the name of Anthony Wayne is found among the first to
lead the way at the commencement of the American Revolution • and
when, a few years after the long struggle for Independence, the West called
for the services of one equal to the emergency of the time, he was soon
sent to her relief; and the country, after the lapse of a few months, sub
sequent to his movement thither, was made to rejoice under a new rei<*n
of peace and safety.-}-
The grand-father of Wayne was an Englishman by birth, who left his
native country during 1681, and removed to Ireland, where he devoted
*At the capture of Stony Point, he addressed the following to Gen. Washington :
Stony Pout, 16th July, 1776, 2 O'clock, A. M.
Deak Genkrai,:— -The fort and garrison with Col. Johnson are ours. Our officers auol
men behaved like men who are determined to be free. Yours most sincerely
Gen. Washington. ANT'Y WAYNE.
fSee Chapter XII of this volume.

Biography of Gen. Anthony Wayne. ix.
himself to agriculture for a period of several years. Entering the army
of William of Orange, against King James, the exile, in 1690, he fought
at the battle of the Boyne, and took part in the siege of Limerick, making
himself quite servicable to the state, for which he seems never to have been
duly rewarded, and becoming eventually much dissatisfied with the gen
eral relations of his adopted country, at the age of sixty-three he left
Ireland, and ventured upon a voyage across the Ocean, reaching Pennsyl
vania in 1722. With the new country he was much pleased, and soon
purchased a farm and settled in Chester county of that state ; and it was
here that his grand-son and name-sake, the subject of this sketch, was
born, on the 1st of January, 1745.
But little is known of the early life of Wayne, further than he was
accounted a " pretty wild boy," and from his youth seemed to have had a
greater fondness for the art and peril of war than any thing his mind could
be called to. For this pass-time and amusement, he forsook school, school-
books, and gave little heed to much earnest advice. His uncle, Gilbert
Wayne, to whom Anthony was sent as a pupil to acquire the common
rudiments of an education, wrote to his father as follows concerning his
nephew: "I really suspect," said he, " that parental affection blinds you ; and
that you have mistaken your son's capacity. What he may be best
qualified for, I know not ; but one thing I am certain of, that he will
never make a scholar. He may make a soldier ; he has already dis
tracted the brains of two-thirds of the boys under my direction, by fehersals
of battles, and sieges &c. They exhibit more the appearance of Indians and
harlequins than of students ; this one, decorated with a cap of many
colors ; and others, habited in coats as variegated as Joseph's of old ;
some, laid up with broken heads; and others with black eyes. During
noon, instead of the usual games aud amusements, he has the boys em
ployed in throwing up redoubts, skirmishing, &c. I must be candid
with you, brother Isaac ; unless Anthony pays more attention to his
books, I shall be under the painful necessity of dismissing him from
the school."
The result of this was a severe lecture from his father, who threatened,
likewise, to withdraw him from school and place him upon the farm at
hard work, if failing to conduct himself differently, in the future, and give
over his sham battling, erection of redoubts, military rehearsals, and
building of mud forts. , The earnest, resolute words of his father, for
whom he entertained a strong, affection and regaVd, were deeply impressed
upon him ; and he resolved to return to his uncle, devote himself to his
studies, and forsake all that had given rise to former complaint against
him. Thus acting and applying himself diligently to his studies for a
period of eighteen months, his uncle was compelled to admit that he had
not only " acquired all that his master, could teach," but that '| he merited
the means of higher and more general instruction," which induced his
father at once to send him to the Philadelphia Academy, where, at the
age of eighteen years, he had acquired an extended knowledge of Astronomy
and Mathematics. Returning again to his native county, he now entered
upon the business of hand surveying.
It was about this period that the peace between the powers of Great
Britain and France was terminated, which placed Nova Scotia in the

x. History of Fort Wayne.
possession of the former, and the British government at once bethought
to colonize her newly acquired territory ; and associations soon began to
be formed in some of the older provinces with a view to colonizing these
newly acquired regions. Prominent among these was a company of mer
chants and others, from Pennsylvania, embracing among their number
Benjamin Franklin, and through the recomendation of Franklin, young
WAYNE,then in his twenty -first year, was readily chosen special agent to visit
the newly-acquired territory, to examine the soil best adapted to agricul
tural pursuits, and to gain information as to " the means of commercial
facilities connected with it." Upon this important mission young Wayne
not only soon embarked and performed the duties thereof most satis
factorily to all concerned, but was continued in the trust till the year 1767,
when the difficulties, then assuming a serious attitude between the mother
country and the colonial settlements of America, had the effect to
break up the enterprise and call the attention of the colonists to matters
of self-defense directly within the colonial settlements.
Returning again to Pennsylvania, young Wayne, in 1767, was united
in wedlock to the daughter of a distinguished merchant in Philadelphia,
of the name of Benjamin Penrose, whither he soon returned to Chester
county, and again embarked in the ocpupation of surveying, engaging
also in agricultural pursuits when a short cessation or pause in his profes
sion occurred ; and in this latter vocation he is said to have " found much
to gratify his taste."
Continuing to menace the colonies, and insist upon her policy of tax
ation, up to the period of 1774-5 — to which time' we find Wayne still
engaged in the business of surveying and farming — Great Britain was at
length met with a formidable front by the colonists, who had determined
to resist the further aggressions of the king and Parliament of the British
government, even to the sword. Indeed, matters had now assumed such a
shape as to leave no room or hope for escape on the part of the colonial
settlements ; and WAYNE was among the first to step forward and de
clare for a positive stand against the further encroachment of the
British Crown.
The events now surely leading to a long and severe struggle against
the mother country, in which he was to take so active a part, had years
before, when but a boy, been foreshadowed in his ardent love of military
sports — his fondness for the erection of redoubts and mud forts, of which
his uncle so earnestly complained ; and seeing largely the importance
of readiness for such a campaign, Wayne began at once to withdraw him
self from all political assemblies of the country, and devote himself to
the organization and instruction of military bodies. In this he was not
only wise, but successful ; for, within the period of six weeks, he was
able to bring together and form a company of volunteers, " having," says
the account* from which the foregoing was principally drawn," more the
appearance of a veteran than of a military regiment."
The energy and capacity of Wayne had now begun to attract public
attention ; and during the early part of January, 1776, the Continental
Congress readily conferred upon him the title of Colonel, and gave him the
command of " one of the four regiments required from Pennsylvania, in
reinforcement of the northern army." In his new capacity, he was ever
*Prepared by his son, Isaac "Wayne, and first published in a work printed in
Philadelphia some years ago, called " The Casket."

Biography op Gen. Anthony Wayne. xi.
noted for his diligence and activity, and his efforts were always attended
with marked success.
The regiment under his command having been speedily raised and
equiped, he soon took up his line of march for Canada ; whither he arrived
about the latter part of June, ('76,) and formed a part of Thompson's
brigade, at the mouth of the river Sorel. Major-General Sullivan, then in
command of the northern army, arrived at this point about the same pe -
riod of Wayne's arrival, and learning that the British commander had
sent a detachment of some six hundred light infantry to the westward, as
far as the village of Trois Rivieres, unattended by any relief corps, a plan
was at once agreed upon for the capture of the detachment and post,
and establishing there a formidable battery, " which, if not sufficient en
tirely to prevent the ascent of the British armed vessels and transports
to Montreal, might, for a time so embarrass the navigation, as greatly, to
retard their progress thither."*
Accordingly, on the 3rd of July, with St. Clair's, Wayne's and Ir
vine's regiments, Major Sullivan dispatched Thompson to a little village on
the south side of the St. Lawrence, called Niccolete, which stood nearly
opposite to the village of Trois Rivieres.
Learning " that a place called the White-house (still nearer to the as
sailants than Trois Rivieres) was occupied by an advanced guard," and
Thompson, a tactician of the old school, being of the opinion that
"troops acting offensively should leave no hostile post in their rear,"
began to move in the direction of the supposed position of the enemy,
but soon found that the point was unoccupied.
After the loss of much time and the encounter of many perplexities,
besides placing his men in a fair position for a surprise and capture,
Thompson now directed the troops to return to the place of their landing.
Having, for some hours previous, been shielded by the night, the dawn
now began to appear, and the enemy caught sight of the detach
ment, and were soon driving it from point to point, until, at length,
the troops under Thompson were compelled to seek safety in a consider
able morass, " from which he had just extricated himself," where " he and
a few others," were soon captured ; and Col. St. Clair, second in command,
having, about the same time, been disabled in one of his feet, the^fur-
ther direction of the forces remaining fell upon Col. Wayne ; and
though badly wounded, so successful was he in the conduct of the move
ment, that he soon gained the western side of the river Des Loups,
and rapidly made his " way along the northern bank of the St. Law
rence, to the village of Berthier," gaining the American camp at the
mouth of the river Sorel in safety.
Late in June, General Sullivan began to perceive, from the move
ments of the British, £hat his position was no longer a safe one; and im
mediately issued an order for the evacuation of the fort of the Sorel, and
a retreat upon Lake Champlain.
In this movement Wayne and the Pennsylvania regiments were di
rected to cover the rear. So close was the enemy, in this move, "that
.the boats latest getting into motion were not beyond the reach of musket
shot when the head of the enemy's column entered the fort." Without fur
ther' molestation or alarm, the army, on the 17th of July, succeeded in
reaching Ticonderoga.
'St. Clair's narrative.

xu. History of Fort Wayne.
Thus we see. in the .very out-set of the struggle for Independence, how
our hero, step by step, made himself most serviceable to his country and,
laid the foundation for lasting renown.
The command of the northern troops, how devolving upon Gen. Gates>
who, learning of the perilous condition of Washington, " with eight regi
ments," marched " to the aid of the Commander-in-chief," leaving the
post of Ticonderoga in the command of Col. Wayne,' with a force of two
thousand five hundred men — an arrangement that not only proved most
pleasing to the troops under him, but highly agreeable to Congress, which
body, in order the better to encourage and sustain the appointment, soon
conferred upon Wayne the title of Brigadier-General, continuing him in
command of Ticonderoga until the following spring, at which period he
was called to the ranks of the main army under Gen. Washington, reach
ing headquarters on the 15th of May, 1777, where he was at once placed
at the head of a brigade " which," said Washington, " could not fail under
his direction to be soon and greatly distinguished."
We now find Wayne connected with nearly every important movement
of the Revolution; and though, as on occasions already referred to, closely
pursued or surrounded, he yet, sooner or later, was ever the successful
leader or actor in every engagement.
After the retreat of the British from Philadelphia, in June, 1777, we
find the corps under Wayne, with those of Sullivan, Maxwell, and Morgan,
sent in pursuit, of which, two alone (Wayne's and Morgan's) were enabled
to follow up the retreat, of whom Washington, in his report to Congress,
said : " They displayed great bravery and good conduct ; constantly ad
vancing on an enemy far superior to themselves in numbers, and well se
cured by redoubts."
At the battle of Brandywine " Wayne was assigned the post of honor,
that of leading the American attack; a service he performed with a. gal
lantry now become habitual to himself and the division he commanded."*
At the famous engagement of Stoney Point, Wayne's own escapes are
stated as " of the hair-breadth kind."f Shortly after capturing and
entering the fortification of the enemy, he was struck by a musket-ball on
the head, which caused his fall ; but he immediately rallied, crying out,
" march on, carry me into the fort ; for should the wound be mortal, I will
die at the head of the column."
This engagement, considered " the most brilliant of the war," is said to
have "covered the commanding general (Wayne) with laurels;" of whom
Washington, referring to this occasion, said in his report to Congress:
"To the encoumiums he (Wayne) has deservedly bestowed on the officers
and men under his command, it gives me pleasure to add that his own
conduct throughout the whole of this arduous, enterprise merits the warm?
est, approbation of Congress. He improved on the plan recommended by
me, and executed it in a manner that does honor to his judgement and
bravery;" and Congress tendered him a vote of thanks for his valiant
efforts on the occasion in question. In addition to these, Wayne was the
recipient also of many complimentary letters from men of distinction at
the time, one of which, from Gen. Charles Lee, will serve as illustrative,
^Sparks' Biography, vol. 4. '
fSo intrepid and daring wa-i he, that early in the campaign of tho Revolution he re
ceived the appellation of Mad Anthony, and ever afterward retained the title, by which
he is still familiarly known and called.

Biography of Gen. Anthony Wayne. xiii.
perhaps, of their general tenor. Said Blr. Lee: " what I am going to say
you will not I hope consider as .paying my court in this your hour of
glory; for, as it is at least my present intention to leave this continent, I
can have no interest in paying my court to any individual. What I shall
say therefore is dictated by the genuine feelings of my heart. I do most
sincerely declare that your assault of Stony Point is not' only the most
brilliant in my opinion, throughout the whole course of the war on either
side, but that it is the most brilliant I am acquainted with in history; the
assault of Schweidnitz by Marshal Loudon, I think inferior to it. I wish
you, therefore, most sincerely, joy of the laurels you have deservedly
acquired, and that you may long live to wear them. With respect and no
small admiration, I remain, &c."
If a mutinous spirit arose among the troops at any time there were
none better able to quell it than Wayne. Universally beloved and admired
by all the privates under him, he readily exerted a salutary influence over
them. This power of Wayne was strikingly illustrated during the
fore part of January, 1781, soon after the distribution of the army for
winter quarters. Shortly after the ordinary festivies of the day, " the
whole division, with a few exceptions, was found in a state of open and
decided insurrection, disclaiming all further obedience, and boldly avowing
an intention of immediately abandoning the post, and of seeking, with
arms in their hands, a redress of their grievances."* The affair proved a
serious one. Every attempt to quell the movement seemed to have been
met by blows — " wounds were inflicted and lives lost." The grievances
complained of, were " clothing generally bad in quality, and always de
ficient in quantity ; wages irregularly paid, and in a currency far below
its nominal value ; and, lastly, service greatly prolonged beyond the legal
term of enlistment."
The conflict closed about half-past eleven o'clock ; and being no longer
obstructed, the insurgents began a march toward Princeton ; and Wayne,
then stationed in the neighborhood of Morristown, at some risk, deter
mined to follow them and endeavor to bring them again to order. In a con
ciliatory and dignified manner, overtaking the main body at Vealtown,
heat once began to open negotiations with some of the non-commissioned
officers in whom he placed most confidence ; and it was not long before
he succeeded in convincing them that, in order to succeed in their demands, ¦
a change in their course and demeanor would be of the first necessity — that
without such a course of order on the part of the agrieved, nothing what
ever could be effected — urging the necessity of organizing a board or ap
pointing a committee among them to set forth the grievances, and by "a
full and clear statement of their demands " — pledging himself to become
a zealous advocate in their behalf, in " so far as the claims made should
be founded injustice or equity."
These suggestions had the desired effect; the. committee was duly ap
pointed, and the march towards Princeton was again begun, but in a man
ner much more orderly than before.
Such was the power and force of character of the good man and valiant
soldier after whom our thriving city is named ; and may it ever emulate
his example.
As early as 1777-8, the British government having determined to direct
*Hazard's " Register of Pennsylvania."

xiv. History of Fort Wayne.
some formidable operations against the industrial relations of the South ,
in the early part of April, 1781, Washington despatched Lafayette, " with
twelve hundred regular infantry to Virginia ; and not long after, gave to
the remains of the Pennsylvania line (about eleven hundred, commanded
by Wayne,) a similar destination." We find Gen.Wayne engagingthe Brit
ish at Green Spring, driving the enemy's pickets, and advancing m person
to within some " fifty yards of the whole British army drawn up in order of
battle, and already pushing forward flank-corps to envelope him." Deter
mining to make up in boldness what he seemed to have lost or was about
to lose in a too near approach to the enemy's lines, he made a bold^ and sud
den move upon the enemy, and then retreated, which gave theBritish com
mandant to infer that it was an effort to draw his forces into ambush,
which made so decided an impression in this direction, " that all pursuit
of the American corps was forbidden."
By some this movement was deemed rash ; but Washington, in a letter to
the General, said : " I received, with the greatest pleasure, the account of the
action at Green Spring." Gen. Greene said: "the Marquis gives you great
glory for your conduct in the action at Jamestown ; and I am sensible that
you merit it. 0 that I had but had you with me a few days ago ! Your
glory and the public good might have been greatly advanced."
On the first day of January following this movement, by order of Gen.
Greene, Gen. Wayne was sent " to reinstate, as far as might be possible,
the authority of the Union within the limits of Georgia, with one hundred
regular dragoons, three hundred undisciplined Georgia militia, and about the
same number of State cavalry."
Though greatly inadequate to the end desired, yet Wayne is said to
have uttered no complaint or objection, but resolutely moved forward on
his mission, bringing to bear his usual boldness and wisdom, sufficient, with
this small force, to push " the enemy from all his interior posts," and to
" cut off Indian detachments marching to his aid ; " intercepted the forays
of the enemy's main body, and on the land side, penned him up, in a great
degree, within the narrow limits of the town of Savannah ; and all in the
"short space of five weeks."
. In a letter to Gen. Greener, bearing date Feb. 28, 1782, Wayne said :
" The duty we have done in Georgia was more difficult than that im
posed upon the children of Isreal ; they had only to make bricks with
straw, but we have had provision, forage, and almost every other aparatus
of war, to procure without money ; boats, bridges, &c, to build without
material, except those taken from the stump; and, what was more difficult
than all, to make whigs out of tories. But this we have effected, and
wrested the country out of the hands of the enemy, with the exception
only of the town of Savannah. How to keep it without some additional
force, is a matter worthy of consideration."*
The British troops having evacuated Savannah about the 12th of July,
Wayne, by order of General Greene, with the troops under his command, was
recalled to South Carolina. In the letter, addressed to General Wayne, re
calling him from Georgia, Greene thus wrote : " I am happy at the approach
ing deliverance of that unfortunate country ; and what adds to my happiness*
*In a letter J,o a friend the General said : " In the five weeks vre have been here, not
an officer or soldier' with me has onoo undressed, except for tho purpose of changing his
linbn. The actual force of the enemy at this moment is more than three time-) that of
mine. What we have been able tO'do has boon done by maneuve ng rather than by force."

Biography of Gen. Anthony Wayne. xv.
is, that it will reflect no small honor upon you. I wish you to' be persuaded,
that I shall do y.ou ample justice in my public accounts to Congress and the
Commander-in-chief. I think you have conducted your command with great
prudence and with astonishing perseverance ; and, in so doing, you have fully
answered the high expectations I ever entertained of your military abilities,
from our earliest acquaintance."
Soon after the evacuation of Savannah, Charleston was given up by the
British, which, after a treaty of peace, and an absence of seven years from his
family, Wayne again returned to his homestead in Chester county, Pennsyl
vania, truly one of the most remarkable men of his day, crowned, as he well
deserved, with the blessings of a whole nation of free men, and noble women.
But his well known abilities, and the high esteem in which he was held by
his fellow-citizens, soon brought him before the public again, but in another
capacity from that of a soldier. He was now elected a member of the Coun
cil of Censors ; and soon after this event he was honered with a seat in the
Convention " called to revise and amend the Constitution of the State ; " in the
discharge of which duties he acquitted himself with marked, ability, and
much to the satisfaction of the people.
. At the close of these duties, declining any further services of a civil or po
litical nature, prefering to lead a life of retirement rather than one of public
distinction of any kind ; and thus, principally employed in the pursuits of ag
riculture, was his time passed until, by the wish of Washington and the
voice of the people, in the early part of 1192, Wayne was "again called to the
service of his country, and "appointed to the command of the legion and
army of the West," the result of causes which the reader will find detailed in
Chapters X, XI, and XII, of this volume.
At the close of his labors in the west, returning to the east, " plaudits and
thanks, public and private," were showered upon him; and "Congress,
then in session, unanimously adopted resolutions highly complimentary to
the General and the whole army."
The year following the treaty of Greenville, (1796), being appointed sole
commissioner to treat with the northwestern Indians, and also " receiver of
the military posts given up by the British government, General Wayne again
returned to the west ; and, after a prompt and faithful discharge of the duties
attached to these new functions, while descending Lake Erie from Detroit, he
was attacked by the gout," where he soon after died ; and, at his own rc-
.quest, (having previously been removed to the block-house) he was buried
at the foot of the flag-staff of the garrison, with the simple inscription of " A.
W."-upon the stone that served to remind the inmates and the stranger of the
burial place of the patriot, the hero, the soldier, and the man of true courage
and remarkable foresight, Anthony Wayne.
For thirteen years the remains of Wayne continued to repose beneath this
simple head-stone, at the foot of the old flag-staff of Erie, when, in 1809, his
son, Col. Isaac Wayne, desiring to remove the bones of his valiant father to
the family burial place, in the cemetery of St. David's Church, in Chester
county, Pennsylvania, the body was disinterred, still in a fine state of preser
vation, and removed as above, where a monument was raised to his memory
by the " Pennsylvania State Society of the Cincinnati," on which the visitant
may still read on the north and south front thereof, the following inscription ;
" North front: — Major-general Anthony Wayne was born at Waynesbor-
ouo-h, in Chester county, State of Pennsylvania, A. D., 1745. After a life
of honor and usefulness, he died in December, 1796, at a military post on the

xvi. History of Fort Wayne.
shore of Lake Erie, Commander-in-chief of the Army of the United States.
His military achievements are consecrated in the history of his country, and
in the hearts of his countrymen. His remains are here deposited.
" South front: — In honor of the distinguished military services of Major-
General Anthony Wayne, and as an affectionate tribute of respect to his
memory, this stone was erected by his companions in arms, the Pennsylva
nia State Society of the Cincinnati, July 4th, A. D., 1809, thirty-fourth anni
versary of the Independence of the United States ; an event which constitutes
the most appropriate eulogium of an American soldier and patriot."
The accompanying portrait of General Wayne is from an old painting of
him, and is doubtless very accurate, and will no doubt be highly prized by
every citizen of Fort Wayne and lover of bis country into whose hands it
should chance to fall.
Why a monument has not long ago been erected, on the site of the old
fort, to the memory of this heroic and worthy man, including also Major
Hamtramck, and the valiant soldiery under their command, I know not ; but
feel that, though so long forgotten or neglected, the work will yet be per
formed by the people of the city of Fort Wayne and county of Allen ; thus
enabling the stranger visiting the historic scenes of our city and, adjacent lo
calities to behold, instead of the old garrison, — whose only remains among us
consists in a few plainly-wrought canes, in the possession of a few of our citi
zens, preserved as mementoes of the fort so long over-looking the confluence
of the St. Mary and St. Joseph, — a substantial and appropriate monument
to the memory of Anthony Wayne and the brave men who dared to follow
him to this ancient stronghold, that the, then infant and enfeebled settlements
of the west might enjoy peace and safety; and our beautiful country be ena
bled to march steadily on, as she has, to her present condition of growth and
prosperity.

CITY of -FORT WAYNE from the Toi'tWayixe College.

nr
lith. Cbcus. Shober drCo. ChixMgoJL

History of fort wayne,
i?rom the Earliest Known Accounts of this Point to the Present Period.

" I wateli the circle of the eternal years,
And read forever in the storied page
One lengthened roll of blood and wrong and tears-
One onward step of Truth from age to age."
" The eternal surge
Of Time and tide rolls on, and heart afar
Our bubbles ; and the old burst — new emerge,
Lashed from the foam of ages ; while the gravis
Of empires heave but like some passing waves."

CHAPTER L— Pkeliminaky.

Prim th
Jie> Whites — fhe Keyto the' Northwest — Early occupation bvt'ie French, Engli
aii'.l Americans — For centuries doubtless the home of the Ked Man — Its proi

lifive traces — Situation, general appearance of the City, and quality of the Soil in
the region — The" glorious gate"— Its early advantage-; botli lo 1l>e Indians and

nonce and early discovery by tho French — The best route to the Mississippi — Fir.il.
Settlement at Vincennes — This, point evidently visited before Vincennes— La
Salle's journey afoot — His journal to Frontenac — Best route — D'Aubry's expedition
— Early settlements— -Appearance in 1*94 — English and French Settlements —
Early missionaries — Efforts of the French — La , Salle's voyage— 'New France —
French trading posts — First Mission among the Miamies — Their territory — Indian
liberality — Hennepin — The missionaries and Miamies: — La Barre's remonstrance —
Illinois In dians-^Feuds of the Iroquois, Miami, arid Illinois tribes — Traders and
sijuaws— Kaskaskia— Trade alid traffic— Best points— French Voyageurs and Ouia-
tuuons— French militia arrive here — French fort — Capt. d'Vincennes — The English
fort — Traced by Wayne in 1794 — A Note — Conclusive evidence.

pf 0 WRITE of the past — to preserve the historic records of
s I) a former age — to cull the good and the true of any time— to
^E^ render green again the memories and relations of early days,
^3, even though blood and carnage had marked the fields and the
^ ibot-prints°of the periods gone with gory redness, and made
the rivers and rivulets to run crimson with the blood of the slain — is
hut top'crform a (common duty to a common humanity!

"2 IIlSTOEY OF FoKT WaYXH.
The primitive traces and early evidences of barbaric and civil
ized life in this part of the State of Indiana are many and various \
and the present site of the City of Fort Wayne, with contiguous
localities, is fully and fairly entitled to Historic Ground !
Situated upon a point of land, the most elevated in the State,
Fort Wayne is very appropriately called the Summit City. The
general face of the country surrounding is rolling and somewhat
uneven, with here arid there a considerable promontory, overlooking
the beautiful streams and valleys in the region. With strong-
impregnations of iron and sulphur, the soil is variously composed
of the most valuable elements, admirably adapted both fol- farming
and building purposes, — consisting of the loamy, sandy, clayey
qualities. Embodying much of the romantic and picturesque in
nature, the surrounding aspects and scenery of the place never fail
to awaken the liveliest admiration and enriosity of the stranger ;
while the general appearance of the city, itself, at tho present pe
riod, with its numerous fruit and shade trees, handsome dwellings
and yards- — beautiful shrubbery, and well cultivated gardens, in
seasons of verdure and flowers, is ever one of exceeding pleasant-
ness and beauty, alike to the habitant and the momentary sojourner.
From a very early period, with the Indians, it was a "glorious
gate " " through which all the good words of" their " chiefs had to
pass from the north to the south, and from the east to the west. "*
At a later period in the history of events in America — iri the strug
gle between barbarism and civilization — it became at once the
pivotal point upon which the most important relations of the
country turned, both for the advancing civilization of the time and
the barbaric force against which it had to contend — the key, in
FACT, TO THE GlJEAT NoETHWEST !
Early occupied as a military point of great importance, alike to
the French, the English and our own Government, each, in turn,
establishing and maintaining a military post here, as a means by
which to attain and exercise an extended control over the destinies
:tnd resources of the new world, "questions of infinite reach,- involv
ing dominion^ race, language, law and religion, have hung upon
the petty display of military power at the junction of these rivefs."t
Here the red man had lived, doubtless, for centuries before the
first civilized settlement in America had begun, — his squaws culti
vating the maze and performing the common hardships of life,
while he hunted the buffalo and wild game of the forest and prairie ;
-' Little Turtle. + Jesse L. Williams, Esq.
Note: Judge Law, in his interesting Address, "The Colonial History of Vine'erinea,"
(Ind.; page 10, says: "It is a singular' fact, yet no less true, that the Wabash was
Inown and navigated by the whites long before the Ohio was known to exist. Indeed,
ail t.he maps— and I have seen two before the year 1730— call the Ohio at its conflu
ence with the Mississippi, -Ouabache,' The reason is obvious, when one reflects lor a
single instant, that the whole eoursc of travel to the Mississippi was either by the Illi-
~-;is or the Wabash. The only communication with the Mississippi was by the French
hi the latter part of the 17th and early in the 18th century, and was from the Lakes
The priest and the soldier were the only travelers. They ascended the Maumee, cross-
ed the Portage, and descended the Wabash 1o this Po«l.'"'

Tnis Point Visited bkpoee Y

IXOKNXRS.

speared the fish in the beautiful streams gliding by ; leisurely hnslc-
od in the sunshine; devoted himself to plays and games; hud
dled about the wigwam and the camp-lire; or went forth to secure
the trophies and honors of war.
Being situated at the head and terminus of two considerable streams,
(the St. Joseph and Maurne'e), tho one flowing from the region of
Lake Michigan and the other into Luke Erie,' direct from and into
points near to and from which the early vnyat/'i'it-rs, missionaries,
a ud traders sought so earnestly to extend their efforts and discov
eries—together with the fact; at an early period, of a strong rela
tionship* and doubtless frequent intercourse between, the°tribes
along those lakes and the Miamies of this part of their extended
territory, — it is not probable that this point could have long escaped
tlieir attention. And, as will be seen in subsequent pages, there
exists the strongest evidence that the early French missionaries,
explorers and traders, from Canada, had visited the junction of these
rivers as early as 1680 to 1682-'3 — and the probability is very
strong that they were here at a much earlier period.
Judge Law, in his able Address, concerning the first settlement
of Tincennes by the French, concludes it to have been abbut the
year 1710 or ltll ; and thinks it most probable in the first of the
two years mentioned, "inasmuch," says he, "as the Fort must have
been built and garrisoned before an application was made for a
missionary." Now, the advantages of navigation, the nearness of
this point to the Lakes, the extensive openings of this region,f and
the fame it seems to have so long enjoyed as a "glorious gate," give
to it a claim priori to that of the establishment of a Post and Mission
at Vincennes. And it is not improbable, that a temporary mission
was established here before or soon after the eventful year of 16S2.
In the early part of 16S0, LaSalle, having penetrated the west to
a point, which is now known as Peoria, 111., Where he built a fort,
which he called Crevecav.r, (Broken Heart,) because of his former
misfortunes, and soon finding himself without supplies and neces
sary materials for the completion of a vessel he had then begun at
the foot of Lake Peoria, in the month of March, of that year, deter
mining upon a plan to hasten the needed supplies, with but three
attendants, he set out a-foot towards Lake Erie, "following along tine
water-shed, or divide, which s'eperates the streams that flow into
the Ohio river from those which flow into Lake Erie," and reached
, i'The Mascoutens, says Gallatin, dwelling about Lake Michigan were a branch of
the Miamies. tThe following, from the "daily journal of "Wayne's campaign," will show the ap
pearance of this point, on the arrival of the army here, in 179-1: _
"0,\m- Miami Villages, 17th September, 1794,— The army halted on this ground
at 5 o'clock, p.m., being 47 miles from Fort Defiance and 14 from our last encampment-
there are uearly 500 atef'eB of cleared land lying in one body on the livers St. .Joseph,
IHt Marv's and the Miami; there are tine points of land contiguous to those rivers ad
joining ilie cleared land. The rivers are navigable for small crafts in the summer, and
'in the winter .tli ere is Water sufficient for large boats, the land adjacent fertile and wed
timbered, and from every appearancr it has i.een one of the largest settlements made l,y
ihe (niliaii* i« this country."

4 IIlSTOEY OF FoET WaY2?E'.
his destination in safety;* which makes it quite evident, together
with the fact of his having spent the Autumn of 1679 in the erection
of a fort at the mouth of the St. Joseph's river, sounding the chan
nel of that stream, and establihsmg there " a depot for supplies
and goods," that he was by no means unacquainted, at an early
period of his efforts, with this region of the north-west. |
The reputed rival as well as co-laborer of La Salle, Louis Henne
pin, a Franciscan friar, of the Kecollect variety, and said to have
been very ambitious as a discoverer, as also daring, hardy, ener
getic, with other peculiarities closely allied thereto, as early as
1GG3-4: speaks of the "Hohio," and of a route from the Lakes
(northern) to the Mississippi by the Wabash, the account of which
he had heard, and which was explored in 1676. In Hennepin's
volume of 1698, is a journal, says the best accounts, said to be that
.¦ujntby La Salle to Count Frontenac, in 1682 or 1683, which men
tions the route by the llaumee and Wabash as the most direct to
the great western river, (Mississippi ;)t which makes it quite evi
dent that this region was not only early visited, but that the route lead
ing through this immediate vicinity j was often very early traversed
by explorers, missionaries and fur-traders. And, in view of the
navigable streams concentrating at this point ; the vast amount of
fur that must annually have been accummulated here ; the
great number of Indians dwelling at this locality, and in the region,
— that these adventurous and Jealous spirits should have early
selected this as a favorable and most advantageous site, not only
for the prosecution of the labors of the missionaiy and the accumu
lation of fur by the trader, but for the early establishment of
a military post, seems most reasonable indeed, and requires but
little conjecture to arrive at a somewhat definite conclusion as to
the truthfulness of the question considered.
Not only did the earliest of the French voyageurs and explorers
consider this the most direct route to the great western river, Missis
sippi, but those of a later period seem to have universally regarded
the route by the Miami or Omee villages, at this point, as the best-
Says J. W. Dawson^ Esq., in his researches : "By reference to early
history, we find that, in 1716, among the routes of travel established
by the French, was one from the head of Lake Erie, (now Manhat
tan, or its more successful rival, Toledo,) up the Maumee river to'
"ftae site of Fort Wayne,- thence by portage to the head of Little
'River, across the marsh now crossed by the Toledo, Wabash and
Western railroad ; thence by Little Kiver to the Wabash, about nine
miles below Huntington ; thence clown the Wabash to the Ohio ; and
thence to the Mississippi." And as late as 1759 the same route is
¦favored. Says the same researches : " The next interesting reference
lo Fort Wayne, is in 1759, and advises ns of a most distinguished
expedition fitted out by M. d'Aubry, commandant at Illinois. The
*" Western Annals," pages 62 and G3.
t" States and Territories ofthefh-eat West,'' pages GS and fifl.

Best Route to the Mississippi. 5
French having exhausted their supplies in Pennsylvania, and unable
to withstand the British, it was conceived by M. d'Aubry to rein
force his brethern. Accordingly, a levey of 400 men, and 200,000
lbs. of flour was raised at Kaskaskia,* and started from there to
Venango, Pa. Ft. Du Quesne (Pittsburgh,) was abandoned, and
hence the reinforcement could not go thence by the Ohio river.
So he proceeded with his force down to the Mississippi ; thence
down that river to the mouth of the Ohio ; then up the Ohio to the
mouth of Wabash;, then up the Wabash, to the mouth of Little
River ; then up that stream to tho portage ; and then to Ft. Miami,
(Ft. Wayne,) where they embarked stores and all on the Maumee ;
then clown the Maumee and along tho shore of Lake Erie to Pres-
que'Isle ; then across the portage to Le Boeuff ; then down French
Creek, to Venango, Pa."
From the founding, by the French, of the city of Quebec, in
Canada, in 1608, to 1763, for a period of more than one hundred
and fiftj'- years, the governments of France and Great Britain,
(the latter having begun a settlement at Jamestown, in Virginia, as
early as 1607,) were most energetic and resolute rivals in many
civil, military, and often sanguinary contests as to territorial limits
colonel establishments, and the general trade and commerce of the
new world of North America.!
In 1634, the missionaries, Breboeuf and Daniel, joining a party
of Hurons, on their return from Quebec, after crossing the Ottowa
river, established a mission near a bay of Lake Huron, where they
are said daily to have rang a bell, calling the natives of the region
to prayer, and who also " performed all those kindly offices which
were calculated to secure the confidence and affection of the tribes
on the Lake shores."
As early as 1670, Great Britain had established,' at different
points, between the 32d and 45th degrees of north latitude, as
many as nine colonial settlements in America ; and it was not until
about eighty jrears later that the English began to make any effort
towards a settlement west of the Allegheny mountains.
In 1670, the French colonists in America had persevered in the
extension of their settlements to the westward from Quebec, on the
shores of the St. Lawrence, and the borders of lakes Ontario and
Erie; and their missionaries and traders had succeeded in explor
ing the bordering regions of the northern lakes, to tjie west, as far as
Lake Superior ; and stations, with a view to the Christianization of
the Indians, were established at several points, among a number of
Indian tribes. To give protection and impetus to the fur trade,
then coming to be very extensive in its operations,, a number of
*That this point was visited before the establishment of settlements at Kaska-kia
and K.ihokia, or other points westward, seems to be generally admitted by all the most
authenic historical researches that the writer has had occasion to refer to.
|For a more extended summary of these early periods, see Bancroft's History of V.
S Dillon's History of Indiana, Parkman 's Conspiracy of Pontiac, Spavks's Life of La
Sa'lie, Vol. 1, new aeries, do. Life of Marquette, £¦:.

t) HlSTOEY OF FoET Wai.N'E.
stockade forts and trading posts were also erected at various points
best suited for such establishments.
A little m'inutia as to the efforts, trials, and disappointments of
these primitive missionaries and others^ in connection with other
points, will here be of interest to the reader, and tend to open n

a

more extended view of the relations that surrounded, and, at an
early period, evidently influenced, the destiny of the present situa
tion' and historic importance of the City of Fort Wayne.
At the period I now refer, Charles II. was King of England,
and Louis XIV, — purported to have been a most ambitious man, —
was monarch of the French. A statesman of considerable ability,
of the name of Colbert, was minister of Finances to the latter, -who
is said to have inspirited the colonists of Canada with an arduous
wish to widen their domain, as well as to increase the power of the
French monarch. Thus animated and impelled, with the hope ot
enjoying the advantages and means of Christian civilization thought
necessary 'to be exerted, over the various Indian tribes of the west, at
that early period, the civil and religious authorities of Canada were
constrained ",to engage earnestly in the support of the policy of in
creasing the number and strength of the forts, trading-posts and
missionary stations in the vast regions lying on the borders of the
rivers and lakes between Quebec and the head of Lake Superior."
At this early period, the French civil and ecclesiastical authori
ties of Canada, having given considerable life to renewed action
among the missionaries, "in the course of the years 1670, 1671 and
1672," says Dillon, in his researches, " the missionaries, Claude Al-
louez and Claude Dablon, explored the easternpart of Wisconsin,
the north-eastern portion of Illinois, and, probably visited that part
of Indiana which lies north of the river Kankakee. In the follow
ing year, M. Joliet, an agent of the French colonial Government,
and James Marquette, a good and simple-hearted missionary, who
bad his station at Mackinaw, explored the country lying about the
shores of Green Bay, and on the borders of Fox River, and the river
Wisconsin, as far westward as the river Mississippi, the banks of
which they reached on the 17th day June 1672." In the following
month, on the l7th,many obstacles presenting themselves, they set
out on their return to Canada, by way of the Illinois river, and
arrived at Green Bay, an outlet of Lake Michigan, in the latter
part of the month of September, a distance of some 2.500 miles. —
At a village of the Illinois Indians, it is related, they were feasted
in a most friendly and hospitable manner, upon the choicest food of
the tribe, consisting of roast buffalo, fish, hominy and dog meat.
But the curiosity and desires of the French colonists in Canada
did not cease with the return of the missionaries. In the early part
of 1682, Robert Cavalier de LaSSalle, with a small'exploring party,
made his way to the Illinois, and passed down^that stream to the
Mississippi, thence continuing his voyage, — with short stoppages
here and there at the presentation of the friendly calumet or attack'

Axoient 'Jeeuitoey oi<' the Miamii*. 7
from the shore by unfriendly Indians, etc., — to the Gulf of Mexico,
where, on the 9th of April, 1682, they erected a column and cross,
attaching thereto the arms of France, with, the follpwing inscription:
"Louis the Great, Ming of France, and Navarre, reigns — the 9th
of April, 1682." All being under arms, after chanting the Te
.Deum, they fired their muskets in hono,r of the event, and made the
air to reverberate with the shouts of "Lpng live the King ! " at onco
taking formal possession of the entire country, to which they gave
the name of Louisiane, in honor of their King.
Soon after this event, La Salle and his party returned to Canada,
whither he soon after went tp France, where he was received with
much favor by the King, and the account of his and those of Joliet
and Marquette's discoveries were made known. And thus it was
that Louis the 14th of France at once laid claim to the whole of
the soil lying between Canada and New Mexico,* disregarding all
prior or subsequent claims set up by Spain, by reason of the dis
coveries of Juan Ponce de Leon, in 1512, and Hernando de Soto,
during the years 1538 and 15,42.
Not long subsequent to the discovery of the mouth, of the Mis
sissippi, the French government began to encourage the establish
ment of a line of trading posts and missionary stations in the
country west of the Allegheny mountains, from Canada to the Gulf
of Mexico, which policy they seem to have sustained with moder
ate success during a period of some seventy-five years. The
greater part of this long period of time, a few missionaries pursued
their labors, but with no lasting or general beneficial results, in so
far, at least, as their efforts related to the Indians of the west.
In 1679, the same day that La Salle completed the erection of a
fort at its mouth, the river St. Joseph, of Lake Michigan, received
the name of "the River Miamies," from the Indians of that name;
and it was on the banks of this river that the principal station lor
the instruction of the Miamies was founded, about that period ;
after which it was called " the St. Joseph, of Lake Michigan."
Hennepin thus gave the account of the erection of the first
French post within the territory! of the MiamiesJ in 1679 :
"Afterwards, far many years, called New France.
tLittle Turtle, the distinguished chief of the Miamies, who lived here for many yean
with his tribe, and died here in 1812, at the famous treaty of Greenville, (0.), 179j,
thus, in part, addressed General Wayne regarding the territory of his people : " You
have pointed out to us the boundary line between the Indians and the United States ;
but I now take the liberty to inform you that that line cuts off from the Indians a large
portion of country which has been enjoyed by ray forefathers from time immemorial,
without molestation or dispute. The print of my auoestora' houses are everywhere to
be .seen in this portion. * * * * It is well known by all my brothers
present, that my forefather kindled the first fire at Detroit ; irom thence hcextended'his
lines to the headwaters of Scioto; from thence to its mouth ; from thence to Chicago,
on Lake Michigan." From the earliest period we have of them, the Miamies have
been a leading and most powerful tribe.
i"When the Miamis were first invited by the French authorities at Chicago, in
1670*" says Mr. Oh as. 13. Lasselle, in one of his'interesting sketches, relating to tho earlv
historv of Fort Wayne, "they were a very powerful Indian nation. A body of them
assembled near that place for war against the powerful Iroquis, (Five Nations), of the
Hudson and the still more powerful Sioux, o! the Upper Mkd-ipri, consisted of at

S IIlSTOKY 01' FoKT WAYNK.
"Just at the mouth of the river Miamis there was an eminence,
with a kind of platform naturally fortified. It was pretty high and
steep, of a triangular form — defended on two sides by the river,
and on the other by a deep ditch, which the'" fall of the water had
made. We felled the trees that were on the top of the lull, and
having cleared the same from bushes for about two musket shot,
we began to build a redoubt of eighty feet long, and forty^ ieet
broad, with great' square pieces of timber, laid one upon another;
and prepared a great number of stakes, of about twenty-five feet;
long, to drive into t'he ground to make our fort the more inaccessi-
ble'on the river side. We employed the whole month of November
(1769) about that work, which was very hard, though we had no
other food but the bear's flesh our savage killed. These .beasts arc

t

cry common in that place, because of the great quantity of grapes
that abound there ; but their flesh being too fat and luscious, our
men began to be weary of it, and desired leave to go a hunting
and kill" some wild goats. M. La Salle denied them that liberty,
which caused some murmurs among them ; and it was but unwil
lingly that they continued the work. This, together with the ap- '
proach of the Avinter, and the apprehension that M. La Salle had
that his vessel (the Griflin) was lost, made him very melancholy,
though he concealed it as much as he could. We made a cabin
wherein we performed divine service every Sunday; and father
( rabriel and I, who preached alternately, took care to takb such
lexts as were suitable to our present circumstances, and fit to inspire
us with courage, concord and brotherly love. * * * * This
fort was at last perfected, and called Fort Miamis. "
This same missionary, Hennepin, in 1680, visiting some of the
Indian villages 'on the Illinois river, speaks thus of the peculiar
i 1 1 eas and manners of the savages he met there at that early period ;
which must give the reader to infer that, though the natives of the
forest, in their untutored state, had but a poor sense of the Christi
anity taught by the missionaries of the time, they yet possessed a
singular intelligence regarding life and the religious nature of man;
and were, withal, strangely liberal in their views and actions toward
least three thousand, and were under the head of a chieftain who never sallied forth
but wil.h a body-uuard of forty warriors. He could at any time lead into the field an
army of five thousand men." Of all tlieir viUages," says he, "Ke-ki-ong-a was con
sidered by the Miamis the most important, as it was the largest and most central of all
their possessions — being situated near the head waters of the Wabash, the Miami,
( Maumee), and the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan." Sivys Lancroft: ''The Miamis was
the most powerful confederacy of the west, excelling the Six Nations, (Iroquois.)
i(. :. s Tlieir influence reached to the Mississippi, and they received
frequent visjts from tribes beyond that river." As the. messenger of St. Glair, An
toine Oamelin, in the spring of 1790, proceeded from Vincennes toward, this point
with a view to friendly relations with the Indians, he was told at the different villages
¦ ui his mute to go to Ke-ki-ong-a. "You know," said they, "that we can terminate
nothing Avithout Iheeonscnt of our brothers, the Miamies." "The impress of its name,"
says ilr. Willianir,, of our city, "upon so many western rivers, allows tlic predominance
of the tribe. The two Miamies of the Ohio will ever perpetuate it. The Miami of
Lake. Erie (now Maumee) was likewise named for the tribe. *• * •' *
Our oavii St. Mary's was marked 'Miamies' river,' ou the rude skeleton map, mad'' to
1 > ] recent the v.' (..stem country at the Lime of Colonel Lououet'o expedition iu 11U3."

Hii^xEi'iK's Ac-jou.vr. '•)
those differing from them. But the Indian was a rude child of
nature — born in the woods, with the great spirit of the forest deeply
impressed upon his soul. He had ever seen the Great Father
" In clouds, »,nd hoard him in the winds.'''
Says Hennepin: — "There were many obstacles that hindered the
conversion of the savages, but in general the difficulty proceeds from
the indifference they have to every thing. When one speaks to
them ot the creation of the world, and of the mysteries of the
Christian religion, they say we have reason; and they applaud, in
general, all that we say on the great affair of our salvation. They
would think themselves guilty of a great incivility, if they should
show the least suspicion of incredulity, in respect to what is proposed.
But, after having approved all the discourses upon these matters,
they pretend, likewise, on their side, that we ought to pay all possible
defference to the relations and reasonings that they may make on
their part. And when we make answer that what they tellusis false,
they reply that they have acquiesced to all that we said ; and that it
is a want of judgement to interrupt a man that speaks, and to teU
him that he advances a false proposition. * * * The second
obstacle which hinders their conversion, proceeds from their great
superstition. * * * The third obstacle consists in this, —
that they are not fixed to a place. * * *
The traders who deal commonly with the savages, with a design to
gain by their traffic, are likewise another obstacle. * * , * They
think of nothing but cheating and lying to become rich in a short
time. They use all manner of stratagems to get the furs of (lie
savages cheap. They make use of lies and cheats to gain double,
if they can. This, without doubt, causes an aversion against a relig
ion which they see accompanied, by the professors of it, with so
many artifices and cheats. " Continues the same missionary, "the
Illinois ( Indians ) will readily suffer us to baptise their children, and
would not refuse it themselves; but they are incapable of any^ pre
vious instruction concerning the truth of the Gospel, and the efficacy
of the sacraments. Would I follow the example of some other mis
sionaries, I could have boasted of many conversions ; for 1 might
easily have baptised all those nations, and then say, (as lam afraid
they do, without any ground, ) that I had converted them. * * *
Our ancient missionary recollects of Canada, and those that suc
ceeded them in that work, have always given it for their opinion, as I
now own it as mine, that tho way to succeed in converting the bar
barians, is to endeavor to make them men, before we go about to
make them Christians. * * * America is no place to go to out of a
desire to suffer martyrdom,- taking the word in a theological sense.
The savages never put any Christian to death on the score_ of his
religion. & They leave everybody at liberty in belief; they like^ tho
outward ceremonies of our church, but no more. * * They
do not kill people but in particular quarrels, or when they are bru
tish or drunk, or in revenge, or infattiated with a dream, or some

10 Il'lSTOKY OF FoKT WAYJfK.
extravagant vision. They are incapable of taking away any person's
life out of hatred to his religion. "
The best accounts agree that it w^s through the agency and perse
vering exertions of missionaries, combined with the active and enter
prising movements of traders, that amicable relations and a moder
ate trade were brought about between the colonists of Canada audi the
Miami Indians — which occurred before the end of the 17th century.
M. cle la Barre, governor-general of Canada, in 1684, in a re
monstrance to the English authorities, at Albany, complained that
the Iroquois, or Five Nations, ( a league of friendship between whom
and the English, it was understood, then existed,) had been inter
meddling with the rights and property of French traders among
the western tribes. To which the Iroquois, upon learning of this
remonstrance, said their enemies were furnished with arms and
ammunition by the French traders ; and, at a subsequent council, held
by M . de la Barre with the Five Nations, he accused the Iroquois,
Seneeas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneidas, and Mohawks, with having
mistreated and robbed French traders going westward. To which
Grangula, chief of the Onondagas, replied that they plundered none
of 'the French, excepting those who took guns, powder, and balls
to the Twightwees, ( or Miamis ) and Chicktaghicks. " These arms, "
said he, " might have cost us our lives. We have done less wrong, "
continued he, in a spirit of upbraiding, " than either the English or
French, who have taken the lands of so many Indian nations."
In this we have much of the true spirit and trials of those times,
which will be found more in detail in many of the prominent histo
ries relating to colonial and subsequent periods. But the intima-
lions of the chief Grangula would seem to have been a forerunner
of further aud still more extended troubles between the French and
the Five Nations; * for, from 1689 to the treaty ofByswick, in 1697,
wars and conflicts, of an almost interminable nature, occur
red between the French colonists and the Five Nations, which,
it is presumed, tended, in a large degree, to check the ambitious)
and grasping policy of Louis XIV, and also to prevent and retard
the settlement of the French colonists in the Mississippi valley.
Some time during the years 1680 and 1700, a number of mission
aries, in succession, used strong endeavors to Christianize and other
wise instruct the Illinois tribes ; and historical records state that a
church, consisting ol a small number of French, with a few Indians,
was established on the banks of the Illinois river, at or near
the site of a fort called St, Louis, and founded by La Salle at an ear
lier period.
The traders began early to form matrimonial alliances with the
Indian women, and are said to have lived quite amicably with them.
Attracted by a sense of beauty, and with a view to enterprise in
"' A century before the signal defeats of Harmar and St. Clair, near this place, Chas.
lb Laselle, Esq., in his researches of the early history of Ft, Wavne, savs : " In a contest
which they, (the Miami Indians) with their kindred, the Illinois," waged for three
or four years against tho invincible Iroquois, of New- York, these ' Romans of Amer
ica' ( Irc-juois ; wa; wowLcl. "

EAKJ.Y Fd-CKMJII Stfi'flbli.Mb^'iS. 11
the accumulation of furs, a small body of French adventurers, from
the Illinois, near the close of the 1 7th' century, moved toward and
settled upon the borders of the Kaskaskia, a small river emptying
into the Mississippi, about one hundred miles above the mouth of the
Ohio, where they founded the little village of Kaskaskia.
Among the first movements of the French in an effort to extend
dominion over their western dependencies, from Canada, during
the seventeenth century, were the establishment of small settle
ments at Detroit and Michilimackinac, while many are said to
have given themselves up wholly to a life of adventure, rambling
here and there, as their inclinations and necessities impelled them,
among the different tribes " north-west of the river Ohio."
Among these adventurous spirits, were to be found several quite
intelligent, as well as enterprising and ambitious men, who lived
in daily hopes of realizing immense " profits and advantages from the
prosecution of the fur trade." "This trade," says Dillon, in his
interesting researches, "was carried on by means of men * who were
hired to manage small vessels on the lakes, and canoes along tho
shores of the lakes, and on the rivers, and to carry burdens of mer
chandise from the different trading posts to the principle villages of
the Indians who were at peace with the French. At those place:-;
the traders exchanged their wares for valuable furs, with which they
returned to the places of deposit. The articles of merchandise used
by the French traders in carrying on the fur trade, were, chiefly,
coarse blue and red cloths, fine scarlet, guns, powder, balls, knives,
hatchets, traps, kettles, hoes, blankets, coarse cottons, ribbons,
beads, vermillion, tobacco, spirituous liquors, etc. The poorest class
of fur traders sometimes carried their packs of merchandise, by means
of leather straps suspended from their shoulders, or with the
straps resting against their foreheads. It is probable that some
of the Indian villages on the borders of the Wabash were visited by
a few of this class of traders before the French founded a settle
ment at Kaskaskia. It has been intimated, cdnjecturally, by a learned
writer, ( Bishop Brute ), that missionaries and traders, before tho
close of the seventeenth century, passed down from the river Sr.
Joseph, ' left the Kankakee to the west, and visitec? the Tippecanoe,
the Eel river, and the uppef parts of the Wabash. ""
" The Miami villages, " continues the same researches, " which
stood at the head of the river Maumee, the Wea villages, which were
situated about Ouiatenon, on the Wabash river, and the Piankeshaw
villages which stood on and about the site of Vincennes, were, it
seems, regarded by the early French fur traders as suitable places
for the establishing of trading-posts. It is probable, that, before the
close of the year 1719, temporary trading-posts were erected at the
sites of Ft. Wayne, Ouiatenon, and Vincennes. These points had, it
is believed, been often visited by traders before the year 1700."
During the year 1733, an affray having occurred " between some
:s Called by the French ooijaycurs, aignyecs, aud coureurs des bois.

12 Hisxoky of Four Wayxe.
drunken young Ouiatenons and two or three French voyagetirs, in au
affair of trade," M. de Armand, with a small body of militia, was
ordered to make an attack upon the Ouiatenons ; but, soon alter his
arrival at the Miami village here, was persuaded to forego his
intentions upon that tribe, and a friendly intercourse was soon
re-established between the French and the Ouiatenons, whose villa
ges were near the present site of Lafayette, in this State.
The late Judge Hanna, our esteemed fellow-citizens, Hon. J. "W.
Borden and J. L. Williams, Esq., in their interesting sketches of Foyt
Wayne, all make mention of a small French fort that was early
erected on the south bank of the St. Mary, not far from the canal
acqueduct, and near the residence of Judge McCulloch. The histor
ical account of this fort is, that, as early as 1731, the famous Captain
D. M. D'Vincennes, founder of Vincennes, Ind., visited this point in
a military capacity, and erected the fort in question ; and Vincennes
is said then to have referred to this locality as " the key of the west." *
How long this fort remained or was garrisoned by the French, it is
now unknown.
Two years later, in 1736, by order of his superior officer at New
Orleans, Monsieur d'Artaguettc, " commandant for the King in Illi
nois," Captain Vincennes.( or, as originally spelt, Vinsennc.) left his
post at Vincennes with an expedition against the ChicKasaws. In a
charge against this tribe of Indians, with a small body of French,
aided by about 1000 friendly Indians, Vincennes received a severe
wound, and fell soon after, and because of which, his Indian allies
became disheartened and fled, leaving Vincennes, DArtaguette,
and the Jeoiiit, Senat, at the mercy of the savage foe ; and on the 31st
of May, 1736, the three prisoners were lashed to the stake and burn
ed by their wily captors.
Vincennes had visited Ihe Miamies at this point as early as 1705,
M. de Vaudreuille, at that period Governor-general of Canada, in a
* Note. — It will readily be seen by the reader, that, at this early period of the history
of our country, the west, beginning, as Ave may say, with the Alleghanies, and beyond,
and extending to the borders of Mexico, Avas an interminable forest, broken only by lakes,
water courses, and prairie regions ; and every point, in a general sense, Avas alike a point
of relationship and interest to the other ; while this, more especially, both to the Indians
and to the whites', Avas, beyond doubt, very early the key to the north-west. As will be
seen, in subsequent pages, there Avas no point looked upon with greater interest, or which
Avas more beloved or more resolutely and jealously defended by the red man, against any
encroachment of a Avar-like nature, from the first efforts of the formidable Iroquois, or
Five Nations, of the east, in the latter part of the 17th century, to the strenuous efforts of
Harmar, St. Clair, Wayne, and Harrison; or Avhich was more eagerly sought to be reached
and held by the whites, than the ancient site of the present populous city of Fort Wayne.
In considering its history, therefore', from the earliest known period, up to the struggles
of 1812-14, it is found at once connected, in some nay, with every important movement
made in the north-west ; and instead of forming an extensive Appendix, the connecting
links are preserved in future chapters by the interweaving of the general events of'tlie
north-west Avith those more directly transpiring at this point, from the early efforts of
LaSalle to discover the Mississippi, to the latest period of Avarfare, etc., with the Indians
of the Avest. And in thusblending the, early and general events of the country, for a long
period of year*, at once so intimately connected with the history of Fort Wayne, — preserv
ing valuaide data, as Avell as, in many instances, presenting the most important outlines
of sieges, marches, etc., the volume readily assumes a more interesting .,nd valuable
chuiaetet.

Captain D'VixcenxKs. 1,'j
letter dated " Quebec, 19th October, 1705, " said lie had "sent Sieur
de Vinseine to the Miamis." Another letter, written by M. do
Pontchartrain, to M. de Vandreuille, bearing date " Versailes, 9th
June, 1706," said: "His Majesty approves your sending Sieur
Jonqueres to the Iroquois, because he is esteemed by them, and has
not the reputation of a trader ; but you ought not to have sent Sieur
de Vincennes to the Miamis, nor Sieur do Louvigny to the Missili-
maquina, as they are all accused of carrying on contraband tra.de.
You are aware that the said Sieur de Louvigny has been punished
for that ; and his Majesty desires that you cause Sieur de Vincennes
to be severely punished — he having carried on an open and undis
guised trade. " In a letter from M. de Yaudreuille to M. de Pontchar
train, dated Nov. 6,1712, the former says he, "had again sent Sieur
de Vincennes to the Miami3. " In 1719.; M. de Vincennes was report
ed to M. de Vandreuille as having died at the Miami village here ;
but this was a mistake, or it was another officer of that name. It
was about this period that the French made some unsuccessful efforts
to induce the Miamis to remove from their old homes here towards
Lake Michigan, or " to the river St. Joseph of Lake Michigan."
The fort that stood on the east side of the St. Joseph, was early
known as the English Fort, which was Occupied by a Small garrison
of English troops subsequent to the overthrow of French rule in
Canada, in 1760, — perhaps as early as 1762 ; though the writer has
been unable to gather any positive evidence that this stockade was
built by the English. All the accounts I have of its early occupa
tion lead to the conclusion that it was " taken possession of by the
English " soon after the close of the struggles in Canada in 1760.
Gen. Wayne traced both of these forts while here, in 1794 ; and Col.
John Johnston, a sterling patriot of the West, traced " the dim out
lines " of the French fort in the vicinity of the canal acqueduct as
late as 1800.
Having thus, with other interesting facts and data, followed the
missionary, trader, and explorer, in their devious Avindingsand ambi
tious zeal for the redemption of savage souls on the one hand, and to
become suddenly wealthy and famous by the accumulation of large
quantities of fur, and the discovery of new regions of territory and
tributary streams, to the end that they might be greatly favored by
the King, on the other hand, We are readily enabled to see, with oth
er essential reasons, how, at an early period, these zealous and
ambitious adventurers found their way to this point, and established
here their mission and trading posts ; and Avhy, at a later day, the
French soldiers erected here a stockade, and long stood guard in
view of the confluence of these beautiful rivers.

CHAPTER II.
" The Past bears in her arms the Present and the Future. "
Primitive accounts of the New World — Ferocious animals — The Mastodon — Exhumation
of bones near Huntertown — The different tribes of Indians' — Their . names — The
Algonquin stock — The Indians and early settlers — Civilization ever disliked by
the Indian — The law of change — Derivation of Indian names — The force of bar
baric and civilized influences'—Indian love of his nativity — Amalgamation — The
Miamies in 1718— The Indian race track-— Agriculture among the Indians — The
old cornfield — The old Apple-tree — Indianhabits — Ideas of freedom — Ke-ki-ong-a
— Labors of the men — The Indian women — Indian eloqueuce — The Indian mother
— An incident — Offspring — Family government— -Love of war — Formidable
character of the Indians in the latter part of the past century.
fHE MOST primitive works relating to the New World, Avere
noted for the great credulity of their authors and highly exag-
WTeMerated accouuts of the inhabitants — both man and beast. The
ftfe, country was considered a marvelous embodiment of the wildest
conditions of life, and possessed of a wealth as unfathomable as
the land was broad, picturesque, and wildi
Here, in the newly-discovered regions of North America, there
Avere to be met, it Avas declared, a species of Lilliputians and men of
gigantic proportions — men not exactly Avithout heads, wrote Lafitau,
but whose heads did not extend above the shoulders— a people
•.¦subsisting, much as the camelion, upon the air — the black man liv
ing a life of concealment in the tropical forests — and that there were
also tribes in the more northern boundaries of the NeAV World, who,
not unlike the ermine, were quite white ; and it Avas such marvelous
tales and exagerated accounts, in part, at least, that awakened the
curiosity of the inhabitants of the Old World, and at length peopled
theneAvcontinent of North America Avith, to it, anew order of human
beings, destined to paA'e the Avay for a new and more glorious sense
of civ ilization in all that pertains, let us trust, to the mental and phys
ical welfare of man.
That there were gigantic animals roaming OArer the land, is a well
authenticated fact — the lion, the panther, the bear, the tiger,
rmd, indeed, most of the wild, ferocious animals known to natural
history, were, at the period referred to, and to a much later day,
doubtless inhabitants of many parts of the New World. The elk,
Avhich did not disappear till about 1825, w.is also common.- Tin""

Ixdiaxs' Account of the Mastodox. 1,",
Indians gave accounts* to earlytraders hero anil at other points of
a huge animal they called the King of Beasts .' and when asked
concerning its appearance, their answer was, that' " it looked like tlu-
Avhite man's hay-stack— very big "—and said that it traversed thr
regions lying betAveen this section of the present State of Indiana
and Toledo, Ohio; and seemed to regret, when speakiiK- 0f if
that it was no longer to be seen here— that the white man had dri ven
it away. From former and recent exhumations of bonost not far
from Fort Wayne, it is evident that the accounts given to earls-
traders and others, by the Indians, Avere not far from correct, at least
in so far as the great size of the animals were concerned. IriAvhat
sense they bore a, resemblance, in organization and general struc
ture, to " the white man's hay-stack," is left for the reader to con
jecture. „,, T, ,..
J *C. Peltier.
¦{¦The Fort Wayne Gazette, of April 22 and September 17, 1867, gave the following
account of the exhumation of bones in Noble county, near the Allen eounty line and
not far from Huntertown, iu this county, (Allen) which are evidently remains of the
gi-eat animals referred to years ago by the Indians .here :
''Istekes^xg Discovery.— Dr. J.'S. Fuller, of Perry, Allen Co., Ind., under date of
April M. 1.867, Avrites us that the skeleton of an elephant was found a few days ago, on the
larmdfWm Thrush, of Noble eo., near -the Allen county line, by some men who wd'.-
digging a ditch. The discovery Avas made about four feet beloAV the surface of the marsh.
The skeleton. -is very large, and Avas found standing upright, Avhich indicates that the
animal had mired in the marsh, and died in this position. The doctor has examined the
head, under-jaAV, hip bones, tusks, and other pieces of the skeleton; and is convinced that
they are the remains of an elephant, buried there at least one hundred years ago. The
bones are at the residence of Mr. Jas. Potter.
" If the above story is true, ( and Ave have no reason to doubt it, as the doctor is a reliable
man) the discovery is one of great interest. There wasa tradition, among the Indians
who inhabited this region that Northern Indiana Avas once the home of elephants or some
animal of a similar size and appearance. Weeommendthe case to the attention of oar
scientific men." — Ft. Wayne Gazette, April 22, 1867.
" The mastodon remains found near Huntertown prove to be iriore extensive and more
interesting than at first anticipated. Part of three skeletons were brought to town yester
day, a male, female, and calf. No one skeleton is complete, but ehovigh of each has been
found to determine the sex and age as above mentioned. The loAver jaSv of the calf was
exhumed entire. The teeth, small, and little worn, are the unmistakable signs of ' veai. '
A quantity of older and larger teeth, and part of a larger jaw Avere found. Also Hve of the
upper bones of the fore leg, two upper bones of the hi nd leg, 1,avo thigh bones, shoulder-
blade, fragments of tusks, part of a skull, a quantity of "ribs, and many other smaller
bones. " The mastodon was an animal similar in size and appearance to the elephant, but lar
ger and more massive in form. It belonged to the geological period immediately proceed
ing the present, and is supposed to have been the last large animal Avhich became extinct
before thecreation of man. Its average size, as determined from examination of remains
iound in various parts of the Avorld, was about seA-enteen feet in length, and eleven feel
in height. Many skeletons have been found ih this country, particularly in Ncav York
and New Jersey, where the search for them has been more thorough than in other States.
" The skeletons abo\-e alluded toAverefoundin a corn field on the farm of a Mr. Thrush,
about four miles from Huntertown, in AvhaCAvas once a deep marsh. Tiventy or thirty
years ago, the proprietor says, it would not haAre been safe for manor beast to enter ii.
The bones were found in an area of about forty feet in diameter, from three to four feet
below the surface, in a stratum of light clay covering a layer of blue clay. The top soil
is a black muck, even hoav fit for cultivation only in dry seasons.
" As to Iioav they got into the mire, various theories can be framed. A friend whohas
given thesubject some profound thought, suggests that the calf was ' teething,' and crawl
ed into the marsh for something toeool its gums, and sticking fast, the old couple follow
ed to rescue it, and met Avith a like fate. The last half of this theory, Ave guess,
will pass muster.
" Theremains, Ave understand, will be taken to Chicago, for more careful examination

Ill IIlSTOEY OF FoltT WaYXE.
The uniformity of. the aboriginal tribes' of North America^ ill
their primitive state, — taking Charlevoix' as among the earliest
and best accounts of them — seem at once evident and conclusive ;
and their habits and customs — institutions and primitive organic
relations — seem to have possessed a common identity and hearing.
In an early comparison of the great number of dialects among
the various tribes on the continent, it Avas discovered that not more
than eight radically distinct tongues Avere to bo found in the whole
territory lying east of the Mississippi river; aud but five of thew
continue to constitute the languages of nations yet remaining;
Avhile, of late years, it is discoverable that but three only of these
serve to remind the reader that the tribes speaking them have avcII-
iH.fth become extinct.*
The Algonquin,f or primitive Indian tongue, was not only con
sidered the most extended, but the most cxhuberant in dialect. It
was the Algonquin which welcomed the early settlers of Plymouth
and Eoanoake ; and was heard, says Bancroft, " from the Bay of
Gaspe to the A^alley of the Des Moines ; from Cape Fear, and, it
may be, from the Savannah, to the land of the Esquimaux ; from
the Cumberland river of Kentucky, to the southern banks of the
Mississippi ; and " was spoken," continues the same Avriter, " though
not exclusively, in a territory that extended through sixty degrees
of longitude, and more than twenty degrees of latitude."
From the earliest accounts known, the Indian Avas ever disposed to
shun the settlements of the white man. He loved his natiA^e haunts, the
Avoods, the hills, and the vales of America. He was indigenous to
the soil — he knew no other land. From the first troubles with the
settlements at Jamestown and Plymouth, to those of a later period,
springing up at other points, both east and Avest, the tribes seemed
ever imbued with the belief that the white man would eventually
overrun thier hunting-grounds, and at length push the red man far
towards the setting sun. How truly thought and said the Indian, from
one period to another, may now be most clearly seen. Such is the
force of civilization — such the destiny of the unadvancing, nonpro
gressive, uncivilized o'f the earth, e'en to tho loAvest kingdom of
animal life.
Seeking to find new hunting-grounds, neAV regions of soil wherein
to plant their maize and cultivate the other products common to
Indian^life, unootruded by the white man, at an early period^ the
tribes of the east began gradually to move westward and south
ward ; while many clans very early abandoned their old hunting-
grounds, cast and northward, to follow a roving life in the deep
forests of the south and west— fleeing from the march of civilization,-
Avhich, a few years later, followed them to their distant and exclu
sive abode. But afew years ago, — and the same is probably true of
They are at present in charge of Dr. AV. H. Meyers and Mr. Simpson, of tho Chicago Acad
emy of Natural Sciences." — Fort Wayne Gazette, Sept. 17, 1867.
• Albert (lallatin's jynnpsis. t From the French.

Names of the Different Teieesi 17
the present time, — " among the tribes bf Texas, there were Avarriors
who are said to trace their lineage to Algoiiquins on the Atlantic ;
and descendants from the New England Indians," as late as 1852,
" roamed over Avestern prairies." *
The eight primitive tribes, exhibiting a radical distinction in lan
guage, were : ,
1. Algonquin, 5t Cherokee,
2. Dahcota, 0. Uciiee,
3. Hukon-IeoquoIs, 7. Natchez,
i. Cat aav b a'. 8w Mobilian.
From these sprang many branches, which, some years subse
quent to the earliest settlements in, America, had spread over a
great part of the colintiy, many of them often becoming greatly
reduced by Avarfare, or, fusing one tribe Avith another, by amalgama
tion, gradually very materially changed the primitive tongue. In
this way, if not lost througji the extinction of clans, f a great number
of dialects were developed arid diffused over the continent.
The names of tlie various tribes and clans of late years composing
fhe Algonquin family, many of whom, by permission of the Miam
ies, had early found their way into, and settled upon, the extensive
territory of this tribe, were the
Miamies, {Iwightioees)', Sads, Ottawas,
Chippeioas, Corees^ Illinois,
Piankeshaws, Foxes, Shawanoes,
Menomeriees, . Po'whatans, Kickapoos,
Lenni- Lena pes, (Delaty'dres,) Mohegans, Knisteneaux,
The Kevj England Indians, Abenakes, ' Monocans,
Suspuehannocks, Mannahoacks, Nanticokes,
Pottawattamies, , Winnebagoes, Mascoutens, J
with some other smaller Independent clans, many of which were
divided into cantons and bodies, it Avas said," sometimes so small
as to afford only a war party l"
Thus We see, more distinctly, the relationship, position, and
character of the Miamib'si Of the entire Algonquin family, there
were pei'haps none more stable, heroic arid resolute than this tribe.
* Bancroft— Dupon'ceau.
t Nature is everyAvhere alike as to the principle bf ckANfeE— mind,— matter of the
most gross or most attenuated character,— even to sounds, music, AVords, dialecte, lan
guage, of the finest order of developement — are all subject to the lttw[of change, transmis
sion, growth of the highest grade ef unfoldmentj of the dpposite; to d greater' or less
degree, to extinction itself.
|Each df which had sonie special meaning in the Indian tongue— as, Ottawa, sig
nified a trader ; Mascoutensj clweil'ers in the prdirie \ Menohienies, we are meh ; original
men  an expression, of dignity, Or greatness often Used by the braves — Buch as, "I
am a, man! " (a Menotttenie!)'; Fox, red earth; Sac, or Sauk, yellow earth— and so on.
And there were probably but feAv bf these tribes or clans that did not, at one period
br other, Visit this point, or send hither their envoys to sit at the Council Fires of tlie
'¦Glorious Gate" of the different tribes, which the Miamies "had the happiness to
bAvn "' and there were doubtless manv seasons of harmony among the tribes gathered
hei'e.'as there were also periods of bitter 'feuds and Avarfare between various nations of
the continent. (--)

IS History of Fort Wayxe.
<,
The limits of their territory has already been quoted in the previous
chapter. This extensive domain had 'been held by their ancestors,
said the famous Little Turtle, to General Wayne, " from time immem
orial, without molestation or dispute." And had they been a pro
gressive people — readily adapting themselves to the active civiliza
tion springing up everywhere about them a few years after the strug
gles of 1812-14, very many of them might still have been dwelling
in this region upon their old familiar hunting-grounds. But, as_ a
mass, they had, with a feAv exceptions, lived too long in an opposite
condition' of life to readily enter into the more advanced habits_ of
thought, growth, and culture of the whites, then rapidly settling
upon tlieir ancient domain. That the red man could long have
lived in the centre of a moderate civilization Avithout feeling its poAV-
er and influence, any more than the white man, dwelling among
savage tribes, in the forest, avouIc! be unable to resist, to a greater
or less degree, the influences surrounding him^ is a matter needing
but little consideration in point of fact.
Man eyer assimilates; has ever assimilated; to a greater or less
extent, in all ages, with that Avhich has surrounded him. If his sur
roundings are crude, wild, and inflexible, he has readily partaken of
them. And in just so far as he has become familiar with the art
of subduing and cultivating the soil — -clearing the woodlands, and
making the untamed conditions of nature to bend to his necessities —
producing neAV vegetative life in the form of fruits, cereals, plants,
and flowerSj has he improved in organization and the general
refinement of blood, brain, and nerve. And it has ever been
through the possession, excercise and application of this power and
intelligence, hoAvever meager and incomplete, at first, the means and
implements of cultivation, if steadily pursued, that has laid tho
ground-work of sure and gradual transition from barbarism to civili
sation. The great realm of nature is everywhere progressive — ever looks
upAvard and aspires to a higher sense of beauty and refinement.
The lloAvers of a hundred years ago Avere less refined in point of
essence, and in many instances beauty also, than those of to-day. So
also with the fruits and every other species of vegetative life, where
a proper degree of care in cultivation is observed. This principle
is equally true of man, ' Give him but the necessary advantages
and encouragement in the art of cultivating the soil1 or improving
his mental powers, and he readily begins to refine. Under these
auspices the red man, in many instances, from the clays of the
Jesuit missionaries to the present time, has verified, most clearly
and substantially, the truthfulness of this principle of growth and
culture in the natural order of existence. And although never
becoming truly Anglo-Saxon, in so far as the inventive and higher
sense of civilization is manifest — although never losing his tawny
skin, save in a sense of amalgamation, nor ceased entirely, perhaps,
to entertain an affection for the forest and its wildest haunts— the

IxniAS I.0KA of Bravkut. 1H
streams, and a Ioa^c for the canoe, the spear, the bow and arrow, or
trusty rifle — he yet was ever a living evidence of the power and influ
ence of civilization, as brought to bear upon him nt various times and
in many ways. A rude, uncultivated child of the forest — of nature and
the primitive wilds — he was readily and naturally imitative, and
soon received from the white man a knowledge of agriculture
and the use of various implements; with which to cultivate the soil,
cook, fish, hunt; fell the trees, &c.
Beyond these evidences and facts, it had been observed that it
Avas far easier for the white man to become, in manners and custom,
an Indian, than for the Indian to become a white man in point of
civilization and the progressive march and appliances of lift, in
art and general culture; and this is 'strangely true of no other peo
ple with 'whom the white man has 'ever associated or come in con
tact. The Indian, though naturally hospitable, by nature and custom,
was often a rude example of indifference ; knowing and practicing
but little of the common sympathetic feeling of the Avhite race;
They Avere accustomed to bewail the loss of lriends and their great
chiefs and sachems; and the women, on such occasions, in the wild
est and most dishevelled appearance, with garments tatlered and
dirty, tlieir faces blackehied, and hair streaming about tlieir shouh
ders, often Avept bitterly, it is true, visiting the graves of the depart
ed for many consecutive days ; but, in the ordinary cdhcernsdf life-,
to Aveep or lament were usages most uncommon to the red man.
Even in the irii.dst of the most terrible torture or suffering, he was sel
dom if ever known to shed a tear or uttei' cbmplaint. Such was hia
idea of braArery ; yet, if there was one thing more than another that
would have had a tendency to aAVaken the tears and sympathy of the
Indian, or cause him to sadly beAvail his lot, was to remove him, by
force Or otherAvise, from the scenes of his hunting-ground and early
associations — so ardent was his attachment to his native hills and
plains — his early home and the many relations that clustered about
it; and in this he Avas much like the rest of mankind.
Our surroundings as naturally become a part of us^ as the air Ave
inhale is necessary to our health and Vigor of action. The soil Ave
tread upon, bringing forth and nourishing the food we eat, possesses
Within itself the elements of mutuality and reciprocation ; and every
Organic being as surely gravitates toward the natural, and as readily
commingles-, in some way, therewith, as the law of gravitation
brings a falling body to the earth, or the diurnal action of the globe
brings lis the constant "shadow of the night" aud " the light of
day." And the law of sympathy is ever actiA^e and earnest within
us. The bleak Esquimaux, the plodding Highlander, and peasant of
Northern Russia, no less than the most favored of tlie English nobil
ity, or the wealthiest- and most prosperous merchant or farmer in
America, are allied and attached to their native homos, and would

20 Histoey of Foet Wayne.
as readily take up the cudgel Ot draw the sword;5 — load the cannon
or shoulder the rifle in defence of their native plains and hills as
Avould we of America, England, France or Germany, were we or
they to be suddenly, or otherwise invaded. Nature never fails to
express herself— never fails to make a reply when interrogated, no
matter how strong the sympathy, or whither the alliance. And
the red man, in his primitive fastnesses, native vales and Avoodlands
of America — wandering upon the banks of her many beautiful rivers,
chasing the wild animals of the forest, or spearing the fish in her
streams, — yvas no exception to the rule ; and when he saw and felt
the first act of encroachment upon his native Soil, he arose in all the
dignity of offended greatness, seized the tomahawk, the war-club, the
bow and arroAv ; assembled (he braves ; strode vigorously through
1 he war-dance; blackened and painted their faces; and, after the
mode of Indian warfare, at once lay in wait to strike the first blow,
in hopes to destroy the enemy, or repel him from their boundaries.
And herein is evinced a sad want of Avisdoin and knowledge
on the part of both the Indian land the Avhite man — the one to
pass through the ordeal of an almost gradual extermination, while
upon the other fell all the trials and dangers of an intestine1 and
savage Avarfare, amid forest and jungle, united Avith the vast hard
ships and vicissitude of the pioneer.
As has already been shownj the uniformity of the Indian dialect,
Avas, in primitive times, or about the period of the discovery of
America," strongly related and identical. And the same was mainly
true of the general habits and customs of the various tribes of,
the continent.
At an early period, as the French and English sucessively made
inroads upon the territories of the Miamies — or, as they wfere early
called by the English and the Iriquois, the Twightwees, — in the estab
lishment of stociiades and trading-posts, the spirit of intermarriao-e
soon became rii'e between the Indian women, fur-traders, adventur
ers, and _ soldiers, -which, up to the departure of a large body
of this tribe for Kansas, several years since, had well-nigh changed
the -whole number remaining to " half-breeds." At that period, as
is Well understood, but few full-blooded Indians Avere to ^be found
throughout the entire extent of their ancient territory. And hence,
of late years, looking back upon them. We see the light complexion
of the white main clearly visible in their every feature, rather than
tho brownish-red of the unmixed aboriginal. Many of them, indeed,
Avere quite white, with blue eyes,— though still retaining, in a
large degree, the Indian features,— thick lips, large mouth, high
cheek bones, and promiiient nose ; and were, for the most part still
Indian— cherishing, to a late day, the ancient customs of 'their
fathers, in hunting, fishing, cultivating the maize, &c.
Tho folloAving interesting account of the Miamies was written as
early as 1718. The writer had made a short stay at the village here,

The Miamies in 1718 21
.and passed on to their brethren of the Wea and other towns along
the Wabash.- Says the writer:
" The Miamies are situated sixty leagues from Lake Erie, and
number four hundred, all well formed men, and well tattooed ; the
women are numerous. They are hard working, and raise a species
of maize unlike that of our Indians at Detroit. It is Avhite, of the
same size as the other, the skin much finer, and the meal much
whiter. This nation is clad in deer skin.* They love plays and
dances ; wherefore they have more occupation. The women are well
.clothed, but the men use scarcely any covering, and are tattooed all
over the body. From this Miami village, there is a portage of three
leagues to a little aud very narroAy stream that falls, after a course
of tAventy leas'ties,t into the Ohio or the Beautiful Eiver, which dis
charges into the Oaubache — a fine river that falls into the Missis
sippi, forty leagues from (Jascachias. Into the Ouabache falls also
the Casquinampo, wliich communicates wi,th Carolina; but this is
very far off, and always up stream.,
"This river Ouabache is the one on wnieh the QugatenonsJ ai-0
settled. They consist of five villages, which are contiguous the one
to the other. One is called Oujatanon ;the other Peanquinchias ; and
aRother Petitscatias ; and the fourth Lesgros. The name of the last
I do not recollect ; but they are all Oujatanons, having the same
language as the Miamies— -Avhose brothers they are, and properly all
Miamies, having all the same customs and dress. The men arc
very numerous — fully a thousand or twelve hundred. They have a ,
custom different from all other nations ; which is, to keep their fort
extremely clean, not alloAving a blade of grass to remain in it. The
Avhole of the fort is sanded like the Tuilleries. * * * Their village
is situated on a high hill ; and they have over two leagues of improve
ment, where they raise their Indian corn, pumpkins, and melons.
From the summit of this elevation, nothing is visible to the eye but
prairies full of buffalo."
In stature, for the most part, the Miamies Avere of medium height,
Avell built, heads rather round than oblong — countenances agree-
ab le, rather than sedate or morose— swift on foot, and excessively
fond of racing — both on foot and horse.|| There Avere, occasionally
to be seen among them some men quite tall, yet with well-pro-
poij.tioned bodies. As is intimated in the foregoing, the Twigh-
tAvees or Miamies, unlike most other tribes, were rather cleanly in
their habits ; for Avhich they Avere mostly noted up to a very late
period; and Avere disposed to cultivate. the soil— raising the maize,
beans, squashes, cucumbers, melons, &c. Around and Avithin view
*From Colonial History of NeAV York, (a Paris document,) vol. ix, p. bill.
fLeague, (from the French,) three miles. ;Pronouneed as if spelt Weatenons.
|| The Indian racc-l rack, foi many years, extended from the south side of the west-
end free school building, westward 'about half a mile For some years before thedepart-
urc of the Miamies lor the west, while tlie rating Avas kept iip over this track, men from
Ohio, and other parts of the country, were aeeustomed to bring many fast horses here,
and often sold them to the Indians at very extravagant price.

•J2 II-IS'J'OKY OF Fou'i' Wayse.
of the present site of Ft. Wayne, at different points, were sovoral
small patches of cleared land, which the Indian women and chil
dren regularly cultivated each year, and brought forth considerable
quantities of corn and other products ; which, together with the
game and fish brought in by the men of the tribe, supplied them
Avith food during the Avinter. It is a well authenticated fact, how
ever, that, at periods, perhaps in seasons of severe drought, or more
especially Avhen the products of tlieir fields were destroyed or over
run^ and their villages burned by invading armies, or through conflicts
with, formidable tribes at more remote periods, and often from neg
lect to prepare for the winter months, the Indians, not unfrequently,
found themselves with but scanty supplies for the severe months of
Avinter ; and, huddling themselves about their dingy wigwanio, with
a few smoking embers in the center, scarcely sufficient to keep them
warm, have been known to fast for many consecutive days because
of their inability to obtain food.
The extensive field* and open point,.just east of, and adjacent to,
the confluence of the rivers St. Mary and St. Joseph, in Avhich stands
the historic Apple Tree,! near and about which Avere scattered many
of the huts and AA'igwams of the Miamies to a late period in the
present century, had been annually cultivated by this ancient tribe
for a period of perhaps one hundred and fifty years or more before
the erection pf the fqrt at this point under the direction of General
Wayne, in 1794, That their Avomen had long been accustomed to
*As earl3' as 1814, the Indians then here informed John P. Hedges, Esq., — who
has now been a resident of Fort Wayne for fiftj'-five years — coming here wit lit he arm}'
in 1812, — thai, this field had been cultivated by others long before them ; nod, to .quote
their own language, — mingeb-a-westook, — they had plained and raised corn, beans,
ko., in this field for many years — a long, long time.
tChief RichordvilJe often told the old settlers here that this old apple tree Avas there
when he Avas, a little boy ; and that it Avas then a " bearing.tree ; " tluit the hut in which
hewas born stood very near to it. Thechiefattainedanageof neareightyyears, and died
in 1841. With these facts it is presumed that, at the present time ' (September, 1867),
the tree is about one hundred and thirty odd years old. Prom the fact of his early
associations, his birth, &c, being so intimately related to this old tree and its adjacent
localities, Kichardyille CA-er looked upon it Avith the warmest veneration and regard.
The tree is thought to have sprang from a seed aceidently dropped or purposely planted
by some of the early French tradeis or missionaries visijilig this point. In the'spriog of
1866, a heavy storm swept aAvay its main trunk, leaving" it as hoav seen in the opposite
engraving. The ciroumference.'as measured by the writer and a friend, in the month
of June, (1867) was 12 feet. The fruit is small, and ^anally ripens, in the month ot
October. By the taste of tlie leaf of the tree, there Avoiild seem to be sufficient strength
and vitality in it, if not otherwise molested, to survive at least a half century or more
to come. Says Mr. J. L. Williams: •• We need not question its identity. "There are
specimens of the hardier varieties in this country hoav bearing fruit at the a"-e of 150 to
200 years." Let its memory be perpetuated by a careful preservation of it? in future
years. Its historic renown well entitles it to tlie careful attention of the present owners
of the ancient field of the Miamies. in Avhich it has so long lived, blossomed, and borne
its fruit. Let a neat railing lie placed about it as a means to its better protection and
care. It Avas out of this tree that an Indian, during tlie Beige of 181 2, Avas shot by one
of the soldiers from the fort, a distance of many hundred yards. In an exultino- spirit
one of the beseigers was in the habit of climbing the tree each day for several days and
hrOAvmg his arms, much like the rooster his wings, Avhen crowing, would utter a noise
cry like this fowl, which was finally ansAvered by the crack "of a rifle f10m the
rt, aud the Indian was seen to fall.

4i «C>*V£

'*"*££- ^^fef*-fiai'v'1

THE „OLD APPLE TREE .

Ke-ki-ono-a — Its Meaxixg. 23
extensive agricultural pursuits is most fully confirmed by all the
early visitants of this locality, and the regions adjacent.
In a letter to the Secretary of Avar, General Knox, bearing date
August 14:, 1791, General Wayne said: "The margin of those
beautiful rivers, the Miamis of the lake (or Maumpe) and Auglaize,
appear like one continued village for a number of miles, both above
and below this place (confluence of the Auglaize and Maumee); nor
have 1 ever beheld such immense fields of corn, in any part of Ameri
ca, iron} Canada to Florida."
The accounts of 181 2, are of a similar character. Several villages
were then located at different points, hero and within a range qf
some ten miles of Ft. Wayne ; the most considerable village theq
being about ten miles beloAv this point, on the Maumee. A large
amount of corn and wheat were then destroyed, much of it purport
ed to have been of a very excellent quality ; showing, that, by a long-
contact with the English and French, from whom had sprung many
of the half-breeds, then so numerous among the Miamies and other
tribes living near and about them, these Indians had attained many
advantages in civilized relations, in the way of agriculture, &c; and
many ot the villagers Avere then living in very good log-cabins,
raising annually excellent crops of both corn and wheat. Ox-teams,
brought from Canada, were also employed among them, at that
period, to very good advantage.*
The Indian loved the yvild fruits, and here, in the region of Fort
Wayne, there were, at an early period, an abundance of wild plums,
haws, berries, &c. The Indians Avere accustomed to cherish the belie 1'
that for them the Great Spirit had especially caused these to come
forth and ripen with each season ; and every species of food, from
the roots, vegetables, and fruits, to the animals themselves, wero
alike considered as imbued with some peculiar principle in which
the Great Spirit had infused some special element o,f excellence,
intended to impart to the red man both health and strength. Here,
more especially, the blackberry was most abundant, and from this
fact, this point was long known to the Indians as Ke-ki-ong-a,t
*Recollectious of Mr. George Taylor, a resident of Plymouth, Ind.,Ayho Ay as here in 181 2,
and, by command of. his superior officers of the army, helped' to destroy many of the
Indian settlements of this region.
tSays Mr. Chas. B. Lasselle, in referring to this point : "The Miami name of this
villao-e was Ko-ki-ong-a, which, by an inflection of the last syllable, Airas pronounced
as if written Ke-ki-oiig'a. The name in English, signifies blackberry patch, which,
in its turn passed among the Miamies as a symbol of a ntiquity . But whether this name-
was n-iven it, oil account of the spot being coA'ered with the blackberry, or was meant
to represent it as the most ancient village of their race in this country, is not known,
though tradition, their unusual regard for it, (the place) and the tenacity with which
they so long defended it, would imply, the latter supposition. , {he old colonist writers
sneak of it Ss the ' Twightwee ' village. The French traders called it • Arm-: The
Americans called it ' Omee ' and sometimes ' The Miami village. It extended, prin
cipally alon" the banks of the St. Joseph river, but was also over the opposite side, and
reached to within three or four hundred yards of the confluence o! that river with the
St Mirv The inhabitants of this village anciently belonged to that tribe of Miamies
called the. Twat-t-wahs, (which the early colonists spelt ' TwightAvees,') the nation
h-ivin" consisted of the several tribes of Wcalis (at AVe-ah-ta-nong, ou the TV abash,) Eel

24 IIistoby of Fort Wayne.
which, interpreted, signified a blackberry patch. And the reader
can well imagine, in the ripening season, a bevy of women and
children, with bark baskets, gathering the rich berries of their ke-ki-
ong-a. With the red man, to be idle, was to be happy, great, and free ;
and, as we have seen in a former page, the Miamies "loved plays
and dances," and thus, with gaming, chanting some familiar refrain,
perhaps learned from the medicine men — wrestling, racing, lying,
or sitting beneath the shade of some wide-spreading tree, in sum
mer, they whiled away their time during the greater part of the
spring, summer, and fall, seldom if ever disturbing the game of the
forest, more especially that species (the beaver, the raccoon, the
bear, the deer, the buffalo,* die,,) wliich afforded them valuable furs
and skins, until the hunting season began, which Avas usually about
the first of November of each year. This was life among the Miam
ies, and, in fact, among every tribe tof the northwest.
In games of chance, moccasin, &c, in which they indulged a great
deal, at a late period, more especially, they would participate, unless
intoxicated, Avith the greatest good humor, often betting and losing
every article they possessed, even to their guns, hatchets, &c, and
never thought it amiss to cheat, whenever an opportunity presented.
In foot and horse-racing, they as often went to as great extremes
in betting as when at a game of moccasin.
The greatest labors of the men, in earlier periods, were those of
completing palisades; constructing boats; to aid in the building and
repair of their cabins ; to prepare the instruments of warfare and
the chase ; to paint, tattoo, and otherwise adorn their bodies. The
women of the red men were ever the toilers ; to them fell the bur
dens of cultivating the.'fields and patches that brought forth the vege
tation of spring and summer that went to nourish them, in part,
the remainder of the year ; and before the visit of the trader — who
supplied them, in exchange for furs, with hoes, and other imple
ments of use, — how meager and indifferent must have been their
means and advantages of cultivating the soil. Some wooden im
plement, perhaps — some sharp bone of an animal, or tortoise shell,
doubtless seryed for a hoe or mattock. And thus toiled the Indian
Rivers (at At-ke-no-pe-kong, on Eel river), Twat-wahs, and perhaps some others, whose
names and existence, as separate tribes, have long since ceased, and been merged into
those of the nation." Now, the fact of the word Ke-ki-ong-a signifying a blackberry
patch Avarrants a strong supposition, at least, that, in vieAV of the fact of there being
very early a large patch of that nature at this point, the name Ke-ki-ong-a must primi
tively have been derived therefrom.
*November, Oth, 1712, Father Gabriel Marest, a French missionary, writing from
some point perhaps along the Wabash, or, as then called, the Ouabache, after giving
a somewhat full and graphic account of the regions bordering on that stream, said
it was "rich in minerals, especially lead and tin, and that if experienced miners
were to come out from France and work the mines, he had no doubt that gbld
and silver would bo found in abundance. That the quantity of buffalo and bear
which was to be found on the banks of the AVabash (Ouabache), was incredible;"
a»ndfurther remarked that "the meat of the bear was very delicious, "for," said he,
"I have tried it." — Judge LaAv's Address, page 11.

Laboes of the Indian Wq^ien. 25,
women in the field, melloAved the soil, beat down the weeds about
the corn, cultivated the bean, the squash, the Indian cucumber,
the pumpkin and the melon ; and she it yvas that routed the birds
from the patches, gathered the maize and qther products of her
labor ; jerked and dried the deer, bear, and buffalo meat ; prepared
fhe Indian meal ; dried the winter's fruit ; gathered the wood for
the fires, and cooked the meals. And when a bark canoe was built,
it Avas the Indian woman's work to seAV the bark with some stringy
substance, berhaps peeled from the elm or root of some small tree,
and filling the seams with some adhesive substance, to pre vent leak
age. When removing from one point to another, or retiring to their
hunting-grounds" for the winter, to carry the luggage, and material
of the wigwam, if taken Avith them, it was the mission of the Indian
women to pack such upon their backs. Did the fed man go in
pursuit of game, it was the ancient custom of the faithful Indian
Avoman to follow and carry upon her shoulder the fruits of the chase.*
The Indian women were indeed heroes. And when we come to
contemplate the toilsome lives they led — their unflinching efforts in
all kinds of weather, — in every season of the year — it is not sur
prising that the early sons of the forest were 'hardy and active —
fleet on foot and wily in the fight. Amid toil and drudgery — trial
and vicissitude — the Indian woman qften brought forth the offspring
of their masters ; (for they were evidently nearly all, if not quite, in
a large degree, at least, veritable slaves to their husbands.) So
hardy were they, from constant physical labor and exposure to the
open air, it was said of them, that, '.'in one quarter of an hour a
woman would be merry in the house, and delivered, and merry
again ; and within two days, abroad ; and after four or five days, at
work." The powerful will of the Indian women, together' with their
long accustomed aversion and heroic indifference to pain,, ever rose
superior to the momentary pangs accompanying the birth of their
offspring. In this they possessed a strong native intuition ; and
thus far, at least, are worthy of emulation by all the mothers of our,
present heroic conditions of civilization and intellectual advance
ment. What a Avorld of health and goodness — Avhat an ocean of
intellectual excellence and physical beauty might have been ger
minated through the organism of the Indian mother, had she possess-
*"When the Indians arrived and departed," says Mrs. Kenzie, referring to very
early times, in the present century, about Green Bay, " my sense of ' woman's rigliti'
Avas often outraged. The master of the family, as a general thing, came leisurely
bearing a gun and perhaps a lance in his hand. The woman, with the mats and poles
of her lodge upon her shoulders, her papoose, if she had one, the kettles, sacks of corn.
and wi'd rice, and not unfrequently, the household dog, perched on the top of all. If
there is a horse or pony in the list of family possessions, the man rides, the squaAV
trudges after. This unequal division of labor is the result of no Avant of kind, affection
ate feeling on the part of the husband. It is rather the instinct of tlie sex to assert their
superiority of position and importance, Avhen a proper occasion offers. When out of the
reach of observation, and in no danger of compromising his OAvn dignity, the husband
is Avilling enough to relieve his spouse from the burden that custom imposes on her,
by sharing her labors and hardships." — "Early Day in the NortliAA'est," pages 359 and
3(50.

20 Histouy of Fokt Wayne.
ed the prpper expansion of mind. Even as it was, how many rare
and singular examples of oratory came from her. Listen to the stir
ring apppal of Little Turtle, (Me-che-cannah-quah) addressing Gen.
Wayne,' and others, at the famous treaty of Greenville, July 1 5th,
1795: " Elder brother, and all present ! I am going to say a feAV words,"
said the orator, " in the name of the Pottawattamies, Weas, and Kick
apoos. It is well known to you all, that people are appointed on
these occasions, to speak the sentiments of others ; therefore am I
appointed for those three nations. Elder brother : you told your
younger brothers, Avhen we first assembled, that peace Avas your
object; you swore your interpreters before us. to the faithful dis
charge of their duty, and told them the Great Spirit would punish
them, did they not perform it. You told us. that it was not you,
but the President of the fifteen fires of the United States who spoke
to us ; that whatever he should say should be firm and lasting ; that
it was impossible he should say what was not true. Rest assured
that your younger brothers, the Miamies, Chippewas, Ottawas,Pot-
taAvattamies, Shawanees, Weas, Kickapoos, Piankeshavvs, and Kas
kaskias, are well pleased with your Avords, and are persuaded of
your sincerity. You have told us to consider the boundaries you
showed us ; your younger brothers have done so, and noAV pro
ceed to give you their answer.*
" Elder brother : Your younger brothers do not Avish to hide their
sentiments from you. I Avish them to be the same with those of the
Wyandots and Delawares. You have told us, that most of the
reservations you proposed to us, belonged to our fathers, the French
and the British. Permit your }rounger brothers to make a feAV
observations on this subject. Elder brpther : We Avish you to listen
Avith attention to our Avords. You have told your younger brothers
that the British imposed falsehoods on us, when they said the
United States wished to take our lands from us, and that the United
States had no such design: You pointed out to us the boundary line,
Avhich crossed a little below Loramie's store, and struck Fort Iiecov-
ery,andrun from thence to Ohio, opposite the mouth of Kentucky riv
er. Elder brother : You have told us to speak our minds freely, and Ave
noAV do it. This line takes in the greater and best part of your
brother's hunting ground ; therefore your younger brothers are of
opinion you take too much of their lands away, and confine the
hunting of our young men Avithin limits too contracted. Your
brothers, the Miamis, the proprietors of those lands, ' and all your
younger brothers present, wish you to run the line as you mentioned,
to Fort Recovery, and continue it along the road, from thence to
Fort Hamilton, on the Great. Miami river. This is what your
brothers request you to do, and you may rest assured of the free
*This speech not only largely displaj-s the power of Indian oratory, — the native
intelligence arid goodness of heart of this distinguished Chief, but also carriis with it
many important historical facts relating to the early history of Fort Wayne.

Si'ekuh of Little Tuktlk. 27
nayigatiqn of that river, ffpm thence to its mouth, forever. Brothe r:
Here is the road Ave wish to be the boundary between us. What
lies to the east Ave wish to be yours ; that to the Avest, we Avquld
desire to be ours. [Presenting a road belt.]
¦' Elder brother : In speaking of the reservations, you say they
are designed for the same purpqses , as those for which our fathers,
the French and English, occupied them. Your younger brothers
now Avish to make some observations on them.' Elder brother:
Listen with attention. You told us you discovered on the Great
Miami, traces of nn old fort. Brother: it Avas a fort built by me.
You perceived another at Loramie's : 'tis true a Frenchman once
lived there for a year or two. The Miami villages were occupied
as you remarked ;* but, it Avas unknown to your younger brothers,
until you told them, that Ave had sold land there to the French or
English. I was surprised to hear you say it was my forefathers
had set the example to the other Indians, in selling their lands.
I Avill inform you in what manner the French and English occupied
those places. Elder brother: These people were seen by our fore
fathers first at Detroit : afterwards Ave saw them at the Miami village
— that glorious gate, wliich your younger brothers had the happiness
to oavii, and through which all the good words of our chiefs had to
pass, frpm the north to the south, and from the east to the west.
Brothers, these people never told us they wished to purchase our
lauds from us.
"Elder brother: I hoav give you the true sentiments of your
younger brothers, the Miamis, Avith respect tq the reseryation at
the Miami villages. We thank you for kindly contracting the limits
you at first proposed. We Avish you to take tins six miles square
ou the side of the river Avhere your fort iiqav stands, as your
younger brothers wish to inhabit that beloved spot again. You
shall cut hay for your cattle Avherever you please, and you shall
never require in vain the assistance of your younger brothers at
that place. Elder brother: The next place you pointed to Avas tho
Little River, and said you wanted Iavo miles, square at that place.
•"The point here referred to. Avas the folloAving, from General Wayne's speech, made
fure days previous, to the delivery of Little Turtle's speech, and addressed to tho
Miamies. Said lie,
" I will point out to, you Avhere I discover strong traoes of these establishments ;
(forts) and, first of all, I find at Detroit a A'ery strong print, where the first Are was kind led
by your forefathers : AVe3fc, at Vincennes, on the Wabash ; agiin at Musquitou, on the
same river ; a little higher up that stream, they are to be seen at Ouiteuon. I discover
another strong trace at Chicago,; another on tlie St. Joseph's of Lake Michigan. I hoA-e
seen ilistinctly the prints of a French and British post :it the Miami villages, and of a
British post at the foot of the rapids, hoav in tlieir possession; prints, very conspicuous,
arc on the Great Miaoij, Avhich Avere possessed by the French forty -flve years ago ; and
another trace is very distinctly to be seen at Sandusky. It appears to me," he continued,
" that if the Great Spirit, as "you say, charged your forefathers to preserve their lands
entire for their posterity, tlicv have paid very little regard to the sacred injunction : for
1 see they have parted with those lands to your fathers, the French, and the English are
iioav, or have been, in possession of them nil ; therefore, 1 think the charge urged against
the OttaAvas, the ChippeAvas, and other Indians comes with a bad grace, indeed from the
A'ery people perhaps that set them the example. The English and French both avoiv
huts ; and yet, your forefatheres sold them, at various tiinu-, portions of your lauds."

28 History of Fort Wayne.
This is a request that our fathers, the French and
made us ; it was always ours. This carrying place has heretofore
proved, in a great degree, the subsistence of your younger broth
ers. That place has brought to us, in the course of one day, the
amount of one hundred dollars. Let us both own this place, and
enjoy in common the advantages it affords. You told us, at Chicago,
the French possessed a fort: Ave have never heard of it. We thank
you for the trade you promised to open in our country j and permit
us to remark, that we hope our former traders may be continued,
and mixed Avith yours. Elder brother : On the subject pi hostages,
1 have only to observe, that I trust all my brothers are of my opin
ion with regard to peace and our future happiness. _ I expect to be
Avith yon every day when you settle on your reservations ; and it will
be impossible for me or my people to withhold from you a single
prisoner: therefore we don't know why any of us should remain
here. These are the sentiments of your younger brothers present,
on these particulars."
And again, at a .council, in the valley of the Muskingum, in 17G4,
hear the eloquent Avords of a ShaAvanoe chief, as he addresses the
English commander, Col. Bouquet, then marching against the Avcst-
jCrn tribes:
" Brother," said the chief, " with this belt of wampum, I dispel
the black cloud that has so long hung over our heads, that the
sunshine of peace may once more descend to Avarm and gladden
us. I wipe the tears from your eyes, and condole with you on the
loss of your brethren who have perished in this war. I gather
their bones together, and cover them deep in the earth, that the
sight of them may no longer bring sorroAV to your heart; and I
scatter dry leaves over the spot, thajt it may depart forever from
niempry. " The path of peace, which once ran between your dwellings and
mine, has of late been choked with jthorns, and briars, so that no
one could pass that way ; and we have both almost forgotten that
such a path had ever been. I now clear away all these obstructions,
and make a broad, smooth road, so that you and I may freely visit
each other, as our fathers used to do. I kindle a great council-lire
Avhose smoke shall rise to heaven, in view of all the nations, whiie
you and I shall sit together and smoke the peace-pipe at its blaze."*
*An Indian council, on solemn occasions.was always opened Avith preliminary forms>
sufficiently Avearisonie and tedious, but made indispensible by immemorial custom ; for
this people are as much bound by their conventional usages as the most artificial children'
of civilization. The forms Avere varied, to some extent, according to the imagination ot
the speaker; but in all essential respects they were closely similar, throughout the tribes
of the Algonquin and Iroquois lineage. They run somewhat as follows, each sentence
being pronounced Avith great solemnity, and confirmed by the delivery of a wampum
belt Brothers, Avith this belt I open your ears that you may hear — I remove grief and
sorrow from your hearts — I draw from your feet the thorns that pierced them as you
journeyed thither— I clean the seafa of the council-house, that you may sit at ease — I
wash your head and body, that your spirits may be refreshed — I condole Avith you on
the less of the friends Avho have died since Ave last met — I Avipc out any blood which

Affection of the Indian Mother. 29
Again, in 1762, at tho famous council of Lancaster, Pa., a dis
tinguished chief of the Oneidas, with singular emphasis, said:
" In the country of the Oneidas there is a great pine-tree, so huge
and old that half its branches are dead with time. I tear it Up by
the roots, and, looking doAvn into the hole, I see a dark stream of
water, fioAving Avith a strong current, deep under ground. Into this
'stream I fling the hatchet, and the current sAveeps it aAvay, n6 man
knows whither. Then I plant the tree again Avhere it stood before,
and thus this Avar will be ended forever."
The love of tho Indian mother for her child Avas most intense.
Though seldom expressed by fond caresses, yet it Avas ever ardent,
free, and unextinguishable ; and to have entrusted her babe to tho
care of another to perform the part of mother or nurse, except
in cases of death; would indeed^ to her, have been aAvild, barbarous
act. The cradle of the ludian child was usually constructed of
balk and small sticks ol Avood ; and was commonly adorned with
gaudy feathers, bbads, and other attractive objects, of a similar
nature. A buffalo or other Avarm furry skin usually served as a
bed and covering for the little nursling.*
When j ourneying, the Indian mother would wrap her child in furs,
or in a blanket, and, placing its back to her own, would travel steadily
on to her journey's end, regardless, often, of the wailings of her in
fant, on the Avay. When at Avork in the field or patch, she would
often hang her tawny bud, " as spring does its blossoms, on tho
boughs of a tree, that it might be rocked by the breezes from the
land of souls, and soothed to sleep by the lullaby of tho birds."
And it often occurred, through a peculiar sense of compassion
among the aboriginal tribes, that when the mother died, her infant,
if very young and feeble, shared the grave with her.
may have been spilt between us. This ceremony, which, by the delivery of so many
belts of wampum, entailed no small expense, was never used except on the most impor
tant occasions ; and at the councils Avith, Col. Bouquet, the angry warriors seem wholly
to have dispensed Avith it.
An Indian orator Avns provided Avith a stock of metaphors, which he always made use
of for the expression of certain ideas. Thus, to make Avar was toraise'thehatchet ; tomake
peace Avas to take hold of the chain of friendship; to deliberate Avas to kindle the council-
fire ; to cover the hones of the dead was to make reparation and gain forgiA'eness for the
act of killing them. A state of AA'ar'and disaster was typified by a black cloud ; a state
of peace by bright sunshine, or by an open path between the tAvo nations.
The orator seldom spoke Avithout careful premeditation of what he was about to say ;
and his memory was refresheu by belts of wampum.Avhich he delivered after every clause
in his harangue, as a pledge of the sincerity and truth of his Avords. These belts were
carefully preserved by the'hearers, as a substitute for written records ; a use for which
they were the better adapted, as they were often worked in hieroglyphics expressing the
meaning they were designed to preserve. Thus, at a treaty of peace, the principal belt
often core the figure of an Indian and a Avhite man holding a chain between them.
— [Turkman. *Recollections of Mrs. Griswoldffcrmerly Mrs. Peltier) who, with her grandfather and
grandmother, Batis Muloch and AA'ife, (deceased) came from Detroit to Fort AVuyne as
early as 1807. Mr. James Peltier, her husband, Avho iiad, for some years' previous,
and so continued for some years after, been a trader at this point, and early becoming
Avarmly attached to the American cause, and being much liked by the Indians, was
long most useful to the government as an interpreter and messenger, carrying messages
often at great risk of life, but hIavuas Avith success.

SO History of Fort Wayne.
Many years ago, one of the early mothers of Fort Wayne, with
her husband, took up their residence in a little hut at the base of
the hill, just west of the bend of the Maumee, nearly under the guns
Of the old fort. Near their dAvelling Avas afJother hut, used by her
husband for purposes of trade with the Indians. Both, because of
their many acts ol attention and kindness, had early won the savage
heart, and being able to speak freely with the Indians in their native
tongue, were often A'isited and protected by the red children of the
region. They seemed indeed to have regarded her as a kind of god
dess, and often looked up to her as a spiritual helper. Often, she
says, has she joined Avith them in the wild dance and merrylndinn
jubilee — all regarding her with special favor on such occasions. A
little incident will strikingly illustrate her relationship to them, and
serve to exhibit tho tender regard of the Indian mother for her off
spring. It was a pleasant period of the year, when an Indian
woman, approaching the edge of the river, not far from the little
huts in question, Avith a child in her arms, seemingly in great distress,
suddenly observing our pioneer mother, then but a girl of some
sixteen or seventeen summers, cried most piteously to Mrs. P.* to
come to her aid. Anxious to knoAV the cause of the Avoman's dis
tress, and feeling, as Avell, a desire to render her what aid she could,
Mrs. P. soon stood by the side of the anxious woman in the water.
The Indian woman's story Avas quickly told. She had, but a little
while before, observed that her child Avas dying, and had at once
hastened to the river to afford, it baptism before its. little spirit
should take its flight. " If the Httle papposa die," said she, with much
anxiety, "before it is put in "the water, it can only see the spirits
about it — it can't go up where the Great Spirit is." Readily afford
ing the woman the desired aid, the child was speedily baptised, and
the mother's heart set at ease. A felv moments more, and the
spirit of the little pappoose was gone. The great Manito of the red
man Avould hoav afford it a place in his joyful household.
One of tho prime objects of tho Indian mother, as, the child ad
vanced, Avas to enure it to tlie Aveather, that it might be strong and
active. With this vicAv, soon after being taken from the cradle,
Avith but little covering upon their bodies, the children Avere permit
ted to rollick and amuse themselves about the cabin, that they
might acquire, as Avell, a knowledge of the use of tlieir limbs'. Free
dom of will being the highest idea of gOArornmcntal excellence with
the Indian, there were no special restraints of family government
among the Miamies. The children were permitted to do just as
they AA'ished, seldom if ever being reproved or chastised ; and yet,
Avere unaccustomed, as a general rule, to acts of special incivility
* Mrs. Peltier, (hoav GrisAVolcl), avIio informed the Avriter that, in those early times'
now some fiifty-eight yeios ago, siie was often called upon to aid the Indians in this
Avay. It is most probable that this religious rite came originally' from the early
missionaries visiting and sojourning hern ; for the primitive Indian mother seems ever
to have entertained the belief that the Great Spirit had placed near her child a guar
dian unotel or spirit that could enable it to surmount all obstacles, lore and hereafter.

Training of the Young Warrior. Ml
toward any of the older members of the. tribe, or this stranger
When visiting them in times of peace.* All were alike attached, to
their young, and could not, under any circumstances, permit a sep
aration, long at a time, while living. Their own native aspirations
led the young Indian early to acquire a knowledge of the bow and
arrow, the tomahawk, and the gun, and to use their limbs with dex
terity in running and swimming. From oft-repeated stories of the
prowess and daring of their ancestors, related to them by the
older members of the tribes, as they sat about the fire of the wig-
Avam, the young Indian early became imbued with heroic feelings,
and longed to become famous by some special act of bravery and
A-alorous exploit.! As Avith " the birth of an offspring, or the appear
ance of a first tooth," there was merry-making in the Indian cabin,
so also. the wigwam Avas made a scene of festivity upon the achieve
ment of a first success in hunting. Being thus early schooled,
dwelling in, and subsisting upon the Avilcls of nature, it Avas not
surprising that the young Indian soon became a " brave," longing
for Avar, and to adorn his person; by the most wily means and acts
of ferocity; if heed be, With the scalps of his red foeman and the
pale face. Nothing was so joyous to his soul — nothing made him
more eager for the charge, and filled his heart with greater determin
ation to excel as a warrior, or to defeat and put to rout and to death
the enemy he Avas to meet at a special time and place, than to chant
beforehand the Avild Avar song, and dance the war-dance around the
midnight camp-fires or through the streets of his villages. Painted
and blackened ; with the feathers of the eagle, hawk, or other bird,
as a crown about their heads, or, long, black, coarse hair streaming
wildly back over their shoulders, or cut close to their skulls, leaving
only a topdock, standing forth in, all their native ardor and self-
excellence— brave, resolute, determined — knowing all the country
around — every point of possible retreat for an army — 'every hollow,
or special ravine-— every deep thicket and clump of trees — every
fording-place along the rivers, — the swamps of the Avoods — every
point where the fallen timber was most abundant, or lay the open
spaces and prairies — it was not to be wondered the Miamies Avere
often so successful in their efforts against the early pioneers and
the armies of Harmar, St. Clair, and others, in the latter part of
the past century. Still powerful at that period, commanding at any
moment, a numerous alii, with the memory and proAvess of their
ancestors, and many marks of success to inspire and urge them on,
they were not easily to be subdued or driven from the home
of their fathers.
' *Recollections of J. P. Hedges, Esq., aa-Iio speaks the Miami tongue quite fluently.
tit Avas always a common complaint with the chiefs and head men of the different
tribes throughout the country ,from an early period, that " they could not restniin their
young men,"" and when their early teachings are taken into vieAV, it was not surprising
that the young men of the tribes AVere so often unrestrainable.

CHAPTER III.
" Through the woodland,, througli the meadow,
As in silence oft I walk, ,
Softly Avliispering on the breezes, •-.
heems to come the red man's talk." — Benj. S. Parker.

Indian mode of reckoning time — Hospitality and Etiquette — The Stranger— The " Greeft
corn dance," as Avitnessed in 183:1 — Curative poAvers of the Indian — Dress of
the Avarrior — Pride of adornment — Restraint — Revenge — Emblems served for names
— An incident — The Miamies and Pottawattamies— French settlements among
tlie Miamies — Suggestions of Dr. Franklin — Chiefs and Sachems — Their power —
Records of treaties — Force of eloqouence — Indian Democracy — The Natchez In
dians — The Peace-pipe — Assemblies — Messengers of peace — Councils at the Miami
villages — An incident — Indian disregard of death — Declarations of Avar— Dances-
Religious nature of the Indian — The medicine men — Life in the north-west 150
years ago — Civilization here 150 years hence.
gf ITE MIAMIES, like all other tribes of the primitive Avilds
j of America, knew nothing of days, as called after the Saxon
(gods — took no note of time, save as presented by "the return
' of snow or the springing of the flowers." The flight of the birds
told them of the passage of summer, and the approach of the
hunting season. The active instinct of the animal world about them,'
the appearance of the sky, &c, ever served, by some peculiar ex
pression, to remind them of the approach of storms ; and the time
of the clay was traced by the shadows of the trees, and other objects,
as reflected by the sun.
In times of peace, ever hospitable, the stranger,—-and, especially
those to whom they were attached, — were always welcome, and
feasted Avith the best his cabin afforded. The Indian has often,
indeed, been known to go Avithout food himself to appease the hun
ger of the traveler or those sojourning with them. And Avhen he
visited the white man, or was invited by him to a seat at his table, the
red man carried with him his own peculiar custom, and ate heartily
of all that Avas set before him. He was most sensitive, too, at such
times ; and, for any member of the family with whom he was a
guest, to have begun to sweep the floor 'before the departure of
his Indian visitor, would have been to lead the red man to infer
that you Avished to sweep him out also.*
*-A fact well known to many ^of the old citizens~cf Fort Wayno.

History of Fort Wayne. 33
A t a late period in the history of the Indians of this region, it was
ala ordinary, thing for the white man to enter the cabin of the red
man uninvited. And the same Avas true of the savage. Nor Avas
it a custom of the Indian to question those who came to see him as
to their business there, or how long they intended to remain. Fond
of dancing, tlieir festivals Avere many ; at which it was a custom to
eat^heartily of everything prepared for such occasions. And it was
at such times that they were most prodigal, and often greatly exhaust
ed their supplies for the winter'.
To show how closely allied to ancient customs were the modern
habits and festivities of the Miamies, the reader can how look in
upon a gay croAvd of dancers at one of their " Green-Corn " dances,
at a payment of the Miamies in 1833, at the junction of the Wabash
and Little River. " There, upon our arrival," runs the account,* " at
a little after dark, Ave found a party of Indians — consisting of between
tAvo and three hundred — assembled for the purpose of participating
in or witnessing the dance. A ring Avas formed', surrounded by a
large number of Indian spectators, and about fifty whites — in
which were placed the male portion of the dancers, headed by the
leaders. At a signal from the music, which consisted of a tap on
the drum, of a dull, heavy tone, by one Indian, and a clatter of a
set of deer hoofs by another, the leaders broke forth in a wild song
of a feAV ejaculalory notes responded to by the party, and the danc
ing and singing commenced. The women then fell in one by one ;
and, selecting their partners as they danced along, the party was
completed. The dancers all appeared in their very ' best,' and
had attached to their ankles a profusion of small tinklingbells. The
music consisted simply of the repeated single taps of the said drum,
accompanied with the continuous clatter of the deer-hoofs; while
the ' figure ' Avas composed only of three short, rapid leaps upon the
balls of the feet, scarcely raising them from the ground, and slight
ly advancing at the same time. Occasionally, however, an ' extra
touch ' Wouid be given by the dancers', in some antic or other, which
it would be impossible to describe. In this way the dancing, sing
ing, tapping of tile drum, clattering of deer-hoofs, tinkling of bells,
and an occasional yell, forming a wild and singular medley,
Avhich continued for about • half an hour, when the party, hav
ing danced around the circle some half dozen times, and having
gone through the first 'set,' the leader stopped and raised the yell—
the men of the party responded in the same way ; and the out
siders raised a most furious , din of yells, as congratulatory to the
performance of the dancers. Here a 'recess' of about aquarter of
an hour took place ; and a confused scene of congratulations, talk
ing, laughing and yelling, ensued. It may be that, during the
interval, many gallant things were said by the grotesque and gaudy
beaux, or many Avitticisms and tender sentiments expressed by the
fair Miami damsels ; but of this we were not apprised. It is cer-
* As witre-.scd and described by Chas. B. Laselle, Esq. (3)

31 The Medicine Mex.
tain, however, that the men behaved with a great deal of gallantry \
and that no drinking or rowdying whatever occurred upon the
occasion. After the "conclusion of the recess, the parties resumed
their positions, and re-commenced the dance. The same music,
dancing, singing, tinkling of bells, and yelling Avas repeated, as in
the first instance ; and thus continuing till about 12 o'clock at
night, the party the'n breaking up in one long and loud round of yells."
With the red man, disease was the result of some natural derange
ment, and the Medicine Man, often strangely skilled in an under
standing of the kind, quality, and quantity of some peculiar natural
remedial, by the aid of his manipulative powers, at once set about
a cure on natural principles ; and was seldom — in part because of
the great faith of his patient — baffled in his efforts of relief. Among
these, the Miamies, at different periods, as known to many early
settlers, had several Medicine Men of remarkable ability.
The apparel and address of the Avarrior ever stood as a history of
his achievements in war — his body variously tattooed — often with
objects representing different animals, &c;, and frequently with tho
most brilliant dyes. It Avas a custom in their ordinary adornments
to pairit the end of the nose, and around the eyes, and the eye brows j
with black or some bright colors, and the other portions of the face
with vermilion, with perhaps stripes running from one point of the
face to the other; Especially — not altogether unlike many of the
present civilization, — when Adsiting, or assembling in council, they
resorted to great pains in the arrangement of their dress, decora
tion and painting of their persons ; and, what Marest wrote, years
ago, of the Illinois* Indians, Avas equally true, of the Miamies —
they were "absolute masters of themselves, subject to no law."
Each seemed to have been in a great degree, at least, his own pro
tector — and as often their own avengers.- With the Indian, when
violence had resulted in the death of a kindred, at the hands of
another and different race or tribe, it was a steadfast belief that the
spirit of the deceased could not rest in peace or feel appeased until
a retaliation was consummated. f To accomplish this, it is a noted
fact that an Indian Avould go a thousand miles . for the purpose of
rervenge, over hills and mountains; through swamps and briars ;•
Over broad iakes, rapid rivers, and deep creeks ; and all the way
endangered by poisonous snakes,- exposed to tho extremeties of heat
and cold,- to hunger and thirst. In the carrying out of this spirit,-
nations!, and families carried their fends often to great lengths,
* The Miamies called the Illinois their cousins.
t It is Well known here to many old s-ttlers that an Indian, many years ago, follow
ed a White man, Avho had lulled his brother, Irom point to point,- tor Iavo years, before
he succeeded in avenging the death of his rclatiAve, by killing the man he" had so long1
and so assidnouslj' followed and watched.
J There had long existed a spirit of animosity betAveen the Miamies and the Potta-
Avattamics ; and the latter were very sure to quit the neighborhood of the former if in
liquor. This may have arisen in part from tie fact that, in the" early- partof thelSth
century, the Pott&wattamies had «vowdod the Miamies from their dwellings at Chica
go.' ' — Schoolcraft.

IIistoey of Fort Wayn.&. 35
from wliich a reconciliation was, only attainable through gifts of
siifficient quantity " to cover up tho graves of the dead." The pres
ents once accepted served both to pacify the living and the 'dead.*
In the relationship of families, emblems served for names. The
figure of. a crow, the hawk, tlie turtle, &c, &c5 would serve as a
distinction or name — as, among the civilized, one is known as the
BroAVn, another the Smith family, and so on; which, to the Indian,
Was as rational and comprehensive,, as to us of to-day is our style of
distinction in this relation ; and in many instances, in so far, at least,
as real beauty, simplicity,, and convenience was wont to be mani
fest, was quite as intelligible and serviceable as the present system
of civilization in this particular.
•' The rose by any other name would smell as sweet."'
At a late period in their history, hoAvever, the Miamies, thrdugh
their intercourse with the French and others, often adopted other
hames-^-as, in the case of their chiefs, Le Gris, Richal'dville, La
Fontaine^ Godfri, George Hunt, &c, — the first four being related to
families then of distinction in France, f
The duiet, persevering, determined nature of the Miamies was
ever a matter of singular interest. If the death of a brother was to
be revenged, they proceeded quietly, about the work. Patience, at
such a time, was called actively into play ; and, if need be, months
might roll away before a blow was struck. As illustrative of this
fact, a few years prior to the war of 1812, a man of rather reckless
character, and who hated the Indian Avith a rancor only equalled
by his unyielding persistence in what he believed br eurmised to
be false or Irue, regardless of contradictibu or premonition by those
best able to give them, moved to this point, and built himself a hut
a few miles from Fort Wayne, near Cedar Oreek.J From the first,
he is said never to have lost an opportunity to speak his mind as to
the " rascally red skins ; " and often used very severe language to
* Parkman.
t In 1754 Gov. Morris, addressing the Pennsylvania Assembly, said the French were
"making a settlement of three hundred families in the country of the Twightwees,"
(Miamies.) It was also in this year, that Benjamin Franklin proposed the establish
ment of strong English colonies in the territory north-west of the Ohio, as a means of
preventing "the dreaded junction of the French settlements in Canada -With those ef
Louisaua," — the' Doctor proposing to plant one colony in the valley of the Scioto; to
establish small garrisons at Buffalo Creek, on the Ohio; at the mouth of Tioga, south
side of Lake Erie ; at Hockhocking ; and at ot near the mouth of the
Wabash. He presented also the expediency of cajrturihg " Sandusky, a French fort
near Lake Erie," and also suggested that " all the little Frentjh forts south and west of
1 he lakes, quite to the Mississippi, be removed or taken and garrieoned by the English."
,v Every fort," said he, "should have a smull settlement around it-; as the fort would
protect the settlers, and the settlers defend the fort, and supply it with provisions.""
The propositions thus presented by Dr. Franklin ivefe but foreshadow! hga, in part-, %*,
least, of the results that followed but a feAV years . later, when the English beoanye ii
temporary masters of about " all the little French forts south and we«t of til* \&e
Providence had not then enabled the Doctor to see the groat future that AW \iefore '
Avhen the illuminations of 76 wei'e to begin a new eta pa jtyftigcft^ow -find fre6 ;
tions. _ ;As relaWl Ivy- the older Peltier, and toll tlie ypi-i^vt* by Mr. Louis* .Peltier,
former. 

30 Ax Ikgidknt.
express his antipathy toAvards them. Some time subsequent to his
settlement, as mentioned, his horse strayed away, and, after a fruit
less search, made bold to accuse the Miamies of having stolen the
animal, and declared that he would kill some one of the Indians for
it. Talking thus loudly on one occasion, in the hearing of the
elder Peltier, long a trader among the Indians, in this and adja
cent regions, and who knew the Indian character well, Mr. P. very
readily told him that he did not believe the Indians had taken his
horse, and that he would advise him not to interfere with them —
that he would suffer for it if he did. But the man was resolute in
his belief and determination, and paid but little attention to the
advice of Peltier, and went away. Not long after this, walking along
near the St. Joseph, a short distance above the confluence of the Sti
Joseph and the St. Mary, with his gun on his shoulder, the stranger
suddenly observed an Indian a short distance in advance of him,
near the edge of the river, fishing. The season of verdure and
sweet-scented flowers had come again — it was spring-time, " ever
merry May " — and the birds Avere again singing their sweet and joy
ful notes. The lost horse had not yet been found, and now was a
good opportunity to " kill an Injun," thought, the mam Looking
carefnlly about him, in every direction, and seeing no one, he took
deliberate aim and fired. The shot proved effectual— the Indian
rolled from his position, and expired. Again looking carefully
about him, to ascertain, if possible, if any one had witnessed the actj
and observing no one, he at once approached the body, placed some
stones in the red man's blanket, in order to sink the carcass,- then
wrapping the blanket about the murdered Indian, hurled the body
into the stream, from whence he carefully strode away, gloating
within himself at his seeming seccess.
But, lo ! on the opposite side of the stream, concealed by a thick
underbrush, lay, unobserved, with eyes glaring upon the entire
action of the new-comer, a faithful squaw of the murdered Indian,
who, though giving no warning of the danger that stood so near
her companion, fearing lest she too might fall a victim to his work
of death, yet bore testimony to the whole scene, and soon gave
Avarning to her Indian friends as to what had occurred. All was
quiet — a resolution was quickly formed. " White man must die,"
they whispered among themselves. The shade of their murdered
brother called for revenge.
The conduct of the stranger quickly reached the ears of Mr. P.,
who readily surmised the result, and watched the course of events.
Time wore away— months passed—the neAv-comer had found his
horse — and all seemed to have been forgotten ; when lo ! one bright
morning, in the month of October, the sun's march, the falling leaves
of Autumn, and the chill winds, all giving token of the approach of
winter— the little log-cabin of the stranger was seen to be in ruins,
and the inmates gone, no one knew whither, save the friends of the
murdered Indian and the Great Spirit of the red man. The revenue

Histokv of Foist Wayne. ;j7
was complete, and the departed spirit of their murdered brother
could iioav rest in peace.
How many similar tragedies may haye been enacted in the
regions of Ke-ki-ong-a during the period of Indian life here, we
know not; but doubtless many a tragic event of this kind took place
at tins point, now known only in the unwritten pages of the Past
i I , ? iiead of each familv was its chief> so each- village had its
bead chief or sachem; and though the villagers were by no means
restricted m their individual relations, each family being privileged
to exercise its i own peculiar ideas of domestic life, &c, independent
ol the other, if desiring, in every village— yet, in a general sense,
the habits and customs of each village and family were much the
same among, not only the Miamies, but most tribes of the north-
Avest. The rule and poAver of control of a chief, sachem, medicine man,
prophet, or indeed any member of a tribe, much as with the present
state of civilization in America and other parts of the globe, depend
ed largely upon the amount of eloquence the speaker could bring
to bear upon his people— a distinction for bravery, or the strongest
will, as often gave the Indian prominence among the tribes as those
acquiring and exercising power by hereditary descent ; and while,
in many respects, the government of the Indian seemed to partake
of the Monarchical, it was yet of the Democratic order ; for no ques
tion of grave importance ever presented itself for consideration, but
there was sure to follow an assemblage of the braves in council,
Avhere no action would be concluded wherein " the people were
averse." And it was at such times that the eloquent and sterm
willed often held sway.*
To preserve a record of treaties, was to carefully lay by their
wampuni belts. In cases of important councils between nations,
exchange of gifts and belts was mutual, by which each speaker was
also greatly aided in memory. The holding of a bundle of small
sticks, of a certain number, by the speaker, on such occasions Avas
also common, for each of which, the envoy from one nation to another
would recite a message ;t andmessengers were always selected with
*" it is of the Natchez Indians that the. most wonderful tales of despotism and aristo
cratic distinctions have been promulgated. Their chiefs, like those ofthe Hurons, were
esteemed descendants ofthe sun, had greater power than could have been established
in the colder regions ofthe north, Avhere the severities of nature compel the savage to
rely on himself and be free ; yet, as the Natchez, in exterior, resembled the tribes by
which they Avere surrounded, so their customs and institutions were' but- more marked
developemente of the same characteristics. Everywhere at the north, there was the
same distribution into families, and the same order in each separate toAvn. The affairs
relatiug to the Avhole nation, Avere transacted' in general council , and Ai'ith such equality,
and such zeal for the common good, that, while any one might haA'e dissei id with
impunity, the A'oice of the tribe Avould yet be unanimous in its decision." — incroft's
His. IT. S., vol. 3, pages 378 and 279. '
t Referring to the Indians of the north, Bancroft says : " Their delight was -wem
bling together, and listening to messengers from abroad. Seated in a semicir th
ground, in double or triple rows, ivitli the knees almost meeting the face, — th ted
and tattooed chiefs adorned with skins and plumes, with the beaks of tlie re or
the olqws of tlie bear, — each listener perhaps with a pipe in his mouth, and r

The FniiixobY Calumet
a vie 'ell to ability as to the knowledge of the task to be_ per
form.! nd it is said that "often an orator, without the aid ol
rank hief, by the brilliancy of his eloquence, swayed the
mind confederacy."
Ar nteresting feature in Indian usage, was the 1 eace-Fipe,
or Fr Oalumet. The writings concerning the early mission
aries, explorers, and military officers, make repeated men
tion ( the beauty and simplicity of the' custom must be read
ily se dmitted. The calumet, to the red man, was always
estee everenced as the most sacred of all their emblem
atic r id devices ; and no village, in earlier times, when the
redn ,vay over the western wilds, was without its special-
v on calumet, — which was often adorned with the feathers
' tht iberty, the eagle, or other plumage or ornamental
dt 'c /ays " consecrated in the general assembly of tho
nati •». messenger, traversing the wildest regions, on an
e- ? ' jhip,felt always secure,by a presentation ofthe peace-
»¦#&- &£*< attack from ferocious or unfriendly tribes. The
:.%*is*$$^M ofthe messengers of Peace, bearing the calumet,
was . '•^^*4v^ysto approach within a given distance of the village,
first r - -fetf^frfcud noise, then seating themselves upon the ground.
The;- ' de villagers, headed by their principal chief, or sachem, bear
ing ' -e peace-pipe in his hand, all singing the Indian song of peace,
w<"f' forth to meet them. Approaching the envoys, the latter rose
t<;,„ greet them, they, too, chanting a hymn, " to put away all ware,
r vrf.d to bury all revenge. " At once exchanging pipes, and smoking
.eely, peace was terminated, and the messengers were escorted to
the villages where it was made knoAvn, in. loud declamation, that
the strangers were friends ; and a great feast of hominy, dog, and
bear's meat, was spread out and partaken of in honor of the messen
gers. As the ancient Twightwee (Miami) villages, located within and
about the present site of Fort Wayne, in the words, of their famous
chief, Little Turtle, formed " that glorious gate which the Miamis
had the happiness to own, and through which all the good Avords of
their chiefs had to pass from the north to the south, and from the
east to the Avest," how many such solemn and interesting occasions
as that of exchanging the friendly calumet and entertaining the em
bassy of a distant tribe with a great feast, may have made the Avoods
and surrounding vales of this locality reverberate with the glad
strains ofthe Indian peace song and jubilant dance of the villagers,
none can now tell; j- et the strong supposition is that there were
many such occasions here.
deep silence, — they would give solemn attention to the speaker, who, Avitli great action
and energy_ of language, deliA-ered his message; and, if his eloquence pleased, they
-esteemed him as a god. Decorum was never broken ; there were never tAvo speakers
struggling to anticipate each other ; they did not express their spleen by blows ; they
restrained passionate invective; the debate Avas never disturbed by an uproar ; quest'
of order were unkndwii."- -His. U. S. vol."3, page 279.

ions

History of Fokt Waynk, 39
The Indian, though holding life as dear, perhaps, as most mortals,
had, yet, withal, a singular disregard for death^a stoical indifference
and fortitud.e that rendered him seemingly unsusceptible of pain ;
and, as all history relating to the Indians most fully attests, at times,
could kill and scalp a savage or civilized foe Avith as much ease
and zest as ifpartalcingofapotof hominy, or feasting upon a portion
of roast bear.
Some fifty years ago, a party of Indians, as was often their habit
at that period, had congregated about the little trading hut of J,
Peltier, — Iheu conspicuous at the foot of the hill, just below the old
fort, — and becoming somewhat intoxicated, two ofthe party, of dif
ferent tribes, became excited about some trivial matter, and one of
them dreAV a knife from his belt, and cut the other across the abdo
men so severely as to let his intestines partially out.* Seating him
self upon the ground, the wounded Indian soon deliberately dreAV
his OAA'n knife, cut a piece of flesh from the outer part ofthe stomach,
and began to eat it.
The Indian cutting him, suddenly seeing this, proudly ejaculated
Del-au-a>weah! (that's a brave man, or he is a brave man !) Ariel
to show his compassion for the wounded brave, he at once approach
ed him, and, with a bloAV from his tomahawk, ended the further suf
fering of the wounded Indianf
In the ancient songs of the red men there was always a vein of
disregard or contempt for death ; and it Avas no uncommon thing
for the chiefs to declare that " the spirits on high would repeat their
names." Where they wished to exhibit a spirit' of defiance
towards an antagonist, it was no unusual thing for the Indian to
prepare a red-colored belt, a small bundle offt' bio ody sticks,"and
dispatch them to the enemy. In early times, the Indians were most
feared when they prowled about in small parties, laying in wait,
here and there — suddenly bounding upon a small settlement, or
waylaying the emigrant. Concealment and surprise constituted
their highest sense of warfare. When least anticipated, they were
upon and scalping the early settler. And sad yyas the havoc many
times during the pioneer days ofthe Ayestprn frontiersmen. On more
than one occasion, as subsequent pages will attest, has the tragedy
of an Indian massacre been enacted within the boundaries of the
territory of the Miamies.
•Capt. "Wells, Avho resided at this point for many years with the Miamies, while in
Philadelphia with little Turtle, in 1797, in a conversation with the distinguished
French philosopher and traveler, Count Volney, referring to one of the chiefs of the
Miamies, at old Fort Miamis, here, known as Blue Jaeky, said : " Thisman, (on one
occasion) when drunk, met an old enemy, to whom ho had borne a grudge of twenty-
t-AV'o years standing. Blue Jooky seized tho opportunity and killed him. Next day all
the family were in arms to revenge the murder. He cumc to the fort, and said to the
commanding ofljeer, Avho repeated the tale to mo, 'Let them kill me. It is but right.
My heart betraved me, and the liquor robbed me of my Avits. But they threatened to
kill my son, and that was not just. Father, try to make it up for me. I aviII give them
all I liiiA'u ; my two horses, my trinkets, my Aveapons, except one set, and, it that will
not content them. I will meet them at any time and phwe, and they may kill me.' "
For some years after the Avar of 1812, it Avas no uncommon thing ior them to kill each
other here iii their drunken :i.»r:,es. T Recollections of Mrs. Onswohl.

!U IXDIAX DAJJiC'liS.
Every people, however barbarous or civilized, ever had their
seasons of relaxation and merry-making. Among the most favor
ite pastimes of the Miamies, were their dances.
In the spring time, as a matter of reverence to the Great Spirit
(Much-a-te-Auee'ke), " the man with the black robe ; the good man
or preacher," — asking him to aid in the production or groAvth of a
bountiful crop, they had the corn-planting .dance. A great deal
of importance was attached to this dance, Avhich Avas conducted
Avith an air of marked solemnity and earnestness, — all the villagers
partaking in it.*
It Avas a time-honored custom Avith the Miamies and most tribes
of the West, that Avhen a member of a family died, a meeting of
the family and immediate villagers would take place at a certain
time, subsequent to the death of the person, with a view to replac
ing the deceased, which was done by means of a game of chance,
there being often a number of candidates for the place. The lucky
one at once fell heir to all the effects of the deceased. After which
they all joined in a merry dance, called the Replacement Dance.
The Beggar Dance was also frequent here ; but was seldom if
ever indulged in by the Miamies. The Pottawattamies,t who were
frequently here, with perhaps a feAV others ofthe ShaAvanoe, Wyan
dot, or Kickapoo nations, Avere the only ones Avho commonly indulg
ed in this dance.
The object of the beggar dance was to obtain presents, or indeed
anything the stranger, trader, or settler might feel disposed to give
them ; and, with no covering on their bodies, but a part of a deer
or other skin about their waists, the rest of the body and face paint
ed Avith some bright colors, Avith perhaps some gay ornament or
feathers, about their heads, often several in number, would pass
from agency to agency, in front of whose doors they would
go through the liveliest movements of dancing, singing, &c, which,
to the spectators, was often very amusing, and who seldom failed to
giA-c the rude dancers some tobacco, a loaf or tAvo of bread, some
whiskey, or other article that would be pleasing to them.
The Indians of the Northwest had many social pastimes, arid
their complimentary dances Avere probably frequent. The " medi
cine-dance " was one of some rarity, Avhich usually took place only
out of respect or courtesy to the medicine-men. In the complimen
tary dance, it was a custom to obtain permission of the party to "be
complimented to dance for him." This granted, preparations were
made by painting the face elaborately, and marking the body,
which Avas usually bare about the chest and shoulders. In addition
to this, a profusion of ornaments, in the form of feathers, &c, were
added to the hair ; and most " happy was he, who, in virtue of hav
ing taken one or more scalps, was entitled to proclaim it by a cor
responding number of eagle's feathers. The less fortunate made a sub
stitute ofthe feathers ofthe wild turkey," or other game. For which
purpose too,th,e fowls ofthe pioneers were often closely" plucked."
+ John P. IIcd™-s. -j-The I'otlawattamics lived a few mile* north of i\. AVayno.

Hisronv of Four Wayne. 11
The preparations for the complimentary dance being ready, tho
dancers congregated at spme point selected, " and then marched to
the spot in view for the dance, attended by the dull, coarse sound
of the Indian drum and shee-shee-qua, or rattle. Arranging them
selves in a circle, they would dance with violent contortions and
jesticulations, some of them graceful, others only energetical, the
squaws,_ who usually stood a little apart, and mingled their discor
dant voices Avith the music of the instruments, rarely participating
in the dance. Occasionally, however, when excited by the general
gaiety ,_ a few of them Avould form a circle outside and perforin a
sort of ungraceful up-and-doAvn movement, which possessed no
m,erit, save the perfect time which, Avas kept, and for Avhich the
Indians seemed, Avithout exception, to have possessed a natural ear.
The dance finished, which was often only when the strength of the
dancers was quite exhausted, a quantity of presents Avere brought
and placed in the middle of the circle, by request of the party com
plimented. An equitable distribution of the gifts having taken
place, and the object ofthe gathering terminated, all AvithdreAv."*
The medicine-dance was mainly to celebrate the poAver and skill
ofthe Medicine Man in the cure of disease, and as a means of
respect to him as a supposed interpreter ofthe will and desires of
the Great Spirit, as related to the direction of his people.
Says Mrs. J. H. Kinzie, in her interesting narration of experien
ces and observations among the Indians of the North-West, during
the early part of the present century, " a person was selected to
join the fraternity ofthe 'Medicine Man' by those initiated, chiefly
on account of some skill or sagacity that had been obsenred in him.
Sometimes it happened that a person who had had a severe illness
which had yielded to the prescriptions of one of the members, was
considered a proper object of choice from a sort of claim thus
established. When he was about to be initiated, a great feast was
made, of course at the expense of the candidate, for in the. most
simple, as in the most civilized life, the same principle of politics
held good, and ' honors were to be paid for.' An animal was killed
and dressed, of which the people at large partook — there were
dances and songs and speeches in abundance. Then the chief
Medicine Man took the candidate and privately began to instruct
him in all the ceremonies and knowledge necessary to make him
an accomplished member of the fraternity. Sometimes the neAV
member selected was yet a child. In' that case, he AAras taken by
the Medicine Man so soon as he reached the proper age, and quali
fied by instruction and example to become a creditable member of
the fraternity.
" Each Medicine Man usually had a bag or some receptacle in
*Tkc medicine, man " occasionally made offerings and sacrifices which were
regarded as propitiatory. * * * He was also a ' prophet,' in so far as he was, in
a hmited degree, an instrnetor, but did not claim to possess the poAver of foretelling
future events."— "Wau-Bun, the ' Early Day ' in the North-West,"— pages 360, 361, aud
;!6:>.

-t-'J Tmo Huxtxu Seasox.
AA'hich Avas supposed to be enclosed some animal toAvhom in the
course of their pow-wows, he addressed himself, crying to him in
the note common to his imagined species, and the people seem all
to have been persuaded that the answers Avhich Avere announced
Avere really communications in this form, from the Great Spirit
" The Indians appear," continues Mrs. Kenzie, " to have no idea
of ,a retribution beyond this life. They have a strong appreciation
of the great fundamental virtues of natural religion — the worship
of the Great Spirit, brotherly love, parental affection, honesty, tem
perance, and chastity. Any infringement of the haws of the Great
Spirit, by a departure from these virtues, they believe will excite
his anger, and draw doAvn punishment. These are their principles.
That their practice evinces more and more," says she, " a departure
from them, under the debasing influences of a proximity to the
whites, is a melancholy truth, Avhich no one will admit with so much
sorrow as those Avho lived among them, and esteemed them a quar
ter of a century ago, before this signal change had taken place."
There were many dances, however, among the Miamies, as well
as many periods of the year in Avhichthey indulged in such festivi
ties, throughout their villages. Evening, and often through the
greater part of the night, during the milder seasons, was the usual
time for such enjoyment. Their music consisted, usually, of a deer
skin entirely free of hair, which they stretched in some way, similar
to our common drum-head, and upon which their " music man "
would keep time aud hum an air adapted to the Indian's style of
dancing. It was very common on such occasions to have a large
pot of hominy cooking over a moderate fire, to which the dancers
would occasionally repair and partake, all from the same spoon or
Avooden ladel.
But the red man Avas never entirely fixed or permanent in his
location. Hunting and fishing occupied a very large share of his
time. The summer months especially, were much devoted to fish
ing. The furry animals and the deer, from Avhich he expected each
season to realize a moderate income, Avith Avhich to procure ammu
nition, blankets, &c, for another season, were never disturbed by
the Indian until the period arrived for their furs and hides to be
fully matured for the market. Then the Indians and their familes
(excepting there were some Avho, from age or infirmity, were unable
to go,) left their villages, and sought new homes in the woods, or
near some large prairie, where the deer, the ottar, the raccoon, &c,
were most abundant. And their return, to renew their old homes,
Avas only hailed by the springing of the early grass, or the joyful
song of some sweet bird of passage that had again, at th e first
tokens of Spring, ventured a return to the Northwest. And this
was life among the Miamies here, to a late period of their history.
This was life in tho primitive wilds of tho great Northwest a hun
dred and fifty years or more ago. What a civilization may be ours
one hundred and fifty years hence !

CHAPTER IV.
_ "The junction of these rivers (tho St. Mary and the St. Joseph), may even
claim a page in the annals of that momentous contest betAveen French and English
civilization— betAveen Romanism aud Protestantism-— Avhich was wa"ed Avith alterna
ting success, and with short intervals of repose, for more than a hundred years, ter
minating, soon after the fall of Quebec, in tlie establishment of Anglo-Saxon
supremacy by the treaty of 1/63." — Extract from a lecture of J. L. Williams Esq
delivered in Fort AVavne, March 7, I860.

Death of La Salle — A line of stockade forts contemplated and established by the
French — Progress of events following this movement of the French— Movement)* of
the English — The French become aroused — Feuds of the Old World rekindled in
theNeAV — The French and the Indians — AVashington sent as a Messenger— War
— Braddock's Defeat — Activity ofthe Contending Armies — Wolfe's Advance uncn
Quebec — Final triumph of the English Army on the Plains of Abraham — A tieAV
Era dawned upon the Mew World.

1 IXTEEN hundred and eighty- two had passed. The shouts
"'vive le roi," by La Salle and his voyageurs, near tho
jmouth ofthe great Father of Waters had long since diedaAvay
on the still air, and La Salle himself fallen a victim, on the
shores of Texas, to the treachery of his followers. 1(399 came.
Lemoine d'Iberville had planted a little colony on the newly-pos
sessed territory of Louisiane. And again years sped aAyay. The
little settlement upon the newly acquired dominion of the South
grew and prospered amid the spontaneous growths of nature every
where about it ; and the French Government had begun seriously
to contemplate the, union of her Northern and Southern extremities
by the arrangement and establishment of a continuous line of stock
ade forts and settlements through the interminable forests and
prairies, along, the shores of beautiful rivers, by the margin of
dreary, lakes, loAvly vales, and towering cliffs — from the river St.
LaAvrence to the dark blue Avaters ofthe Gulf of Mexico. The mid
dle of the.lStb. century came, and the great enterprise was rapidly
hastening toward a complete consummation. A fort on the strait
of Niagara stood in full aucav of, and guarded the entrance to, the
vast interior extending toAvards the great SoutliAvest. A second
sprang up at Detroit, overlooking and controlling the route from
Lake Erie to tho North. A third soon stood defiantly forth at St.

4-1 Progress of Fuexoii Skttl-eme.yk.
Mary's, guarding with jealous eye all access to Lake Superior. A
fourth was completed 'at Michillimackinac," which stood guard to
the mouth of Lake Michigan. Soon a fifth appeared at Green Bay,
and a sixth at St. Joseph, guarding the routes to the great Father
of Waters, via the Wisconsin and Illinois rivers j and two more, — :.
making eight — one, Fort Miamies, near the confluence of the St.
Joseph and St. Mary's rivers, (in view of the present site of Fort
Wayne,)'the other, Fort Ouiatenon, on the Wabash, beloAV Lafayette,
Small settlements of French soon sprang up at Kaskaskia, Cahokia,
and at other points,-some in the territory of the Illinois Indians,
along the Illinois river, while, here and there along the banks of
the Mississippi, Avere to be seen, amid the thick jungle, long pecu
liar to this broad and beautiful river, an occasional stockade fort;
while, upon reaching the present site of the city of Natchez, on the
Mississippi, they were met by their kinsmen of Louisiana, extending
(heir settlements to meet the-voyageurs from the shores of Canada^
France was now a poAver in the great Northwest. Tier military-
strength was seemingly complete. The great forest was hers,7 ¦
She amalgamated with the AAald tribes of the land AvhereA'er she
Avent, and thus became a part of the great family of natives at every
point. This alliance greAV into a warm attachment, and the Indians
knew the king ofthe French as their Great Father, and long look
ed up to him, through his subjects on this side of the great Avaters,
as a protector and aid in time of need. From the French they early
obtained guns, poAvder, and balls, and from them soon learned their
use in hunting, Avhereby the French obtained vast quantities of val
uable furs at such prices as they were pleased to dictate. The
missionaries pursued their labors, and at every post were to be met
Avith their crosses and symbols; many of them, in accordance Avith
their peculiar school and ideas of religious zeal, were ready to
suffer martyrdom, if need be, even at the 'hand of the savage..
Time Avore on. The French settlements and farts had succeeded
but poorly. They had sadly neglected agricultural pursuits. Spec
ulation had Avarped and twisted their better natures, and their for
mer sense of civilization had now become so strongly intenvoven
Avith those of the habits and customs ofthe red man, that they had
Avell-nigh lost that higher feeling of mental and physical groAvth
upon Avhich the white race had so long prided itself and sought to
attain. And as they were often wanting in sobriety and civic continuity,
so the French Government at that period, because of its ambitious
tendency and ardent desire for dominion and conquest, with other
causes of a no less deleterious character about the .French court,
Avas but feebly prepared, to render the necessary aid or give that
impetus to her colonial settlements in America that would have
secured at least a moderate expression of prolonged and energetic
civil culture.
174S at length came, and France Avas still secure in her posses-
'See Smith's History of Canada, I. 203.

History of Four \Vayxe. -ift>
Brans in the New World. Her line of stockade forts were still main
tained. A neAV scheme had arisen in the mind of the someAvhat
acute Count Galissonnicre* of bringing over to the NeAV World ten
thousand French peasants to be settled upon the regions bordering
the Ohio, Avhich, at that time, the French government Avas propos
ing to embrace within her already extensive domain. Many of
these peasants were also to inhabit the lake borders. While thus
passing their time in the castle of St. Louis, at Quebec, — ciAdlianw,
soldiers, and men of State, — the English lion had been quietly
looking about in search of prey, and now began to move cautious-
ty along the beautiful valley of the Mohawk, and, soon issuing
from the loAvlands, he Avas heard to roar along the eastern slopes of
the Alleghany Mountains. His march Avas still westward; and
gradually onward he moA'ed, until at length, he saw beyond, in the
distance, Avhere here and there an open spot Avas visible, small irtOA^-
ing objects, and the smoke ofthe Canadian hut continued for a time
to curl peacefully away amid the surrounding forest and over the
broad blue face of the great lakes of their dominiou. Forests fell
before the Avestward march of the English settlements ; " and
Avhile, on one side of the Alleghanies, Celeron de Bienville Ava.s
burying plates of lead, engraved Avith the arms of France," says
Parkman, "the ploughs and axes of Virginia Avoodsmen were"
enforcing a surer title on the otheri" The right of possession Avas
soon to be tested. The two poAvers of the day were destined, ere
many moons, to measure SAVords and struggle fcr supremacy on tho
new Continent.
The peculiar intimacy ofthe French Avith the Indians had long
given them a strength of no mean consideration. The opposite
Avas true ofthe English ; and often, instead of drawing the Indians
about them in a spirit of amity and friendship, by making them
many little presents of trinkets, &c, as did the French then and
long before, the phlegmatic nature of the Englishman drove him
sullenly aAvay. The Jesuit missionaries, too, still exerted a Avide
influence, in their peculiar Avay, OA'er the Avestern tribes. The
English had no missionaries. They were simply agriculturalists—^
desired to till the soil and pui-sue a moderate, though sure system of
commerce. Tlie French Avere principally fur traders, and their
government had long been actuated by, and inflated Avith, a spirit
of conquest and dominion. The one was heretic, to the other — had
long been so ; and the bitter feuds of the Old World Avere noAV
about to take form and action upon the .soil ofthe NeAV. England
Avas stern and resolute: The " Church of England " Avas the Eng
lishman's church, and his God was not the God of his rival. The
" Church of Rome " Avas the church of the Frenchman of the day ;
and his God Avas not the God ofthe Englishman. The contest was
destined to be a bitter one, and the vantage ground seemed all on
the side of the French. Time Avore heavily on. 1749 came. The
English had begun to make some inroads upon the French domin-
¦fiei History of Canada, T, 21-1.

40 Leading Events in the Feekcii and Indian Was*
ions as traders; audit Avas in this year that La Jonquiere, then
governor of Canada, made the discovery that a number pf English
traders had come to Sandusky,* and " were exerting a bad influence
upon the Indians of that quarter." The Canadian Governor, says
the account, " caused four of the intruders to be seized near the
Ohio and sent prisoners to Canada." Events were noAV surely and
successively " casting their shadows." The English, at that period
being much disaffecte'd and broken in their govermental relations,
to awaken at New York. Philadelphia, Virginia, and other points, a
policy that would attract the attention of, and draw the Indians
to them, seemed most difficult indeedi Even the powerful Iroquois
or Five Nations, then dwelling, for the most part, in the Province
of NeAV York, and who, from an ill-will unthoughtedly engendered
by Champlain, in May 1609, in uniting, at Quebec, with a party of
Algonquin Indians against them, causing their defeat and utter
rout near the rocky promontory of Ticonderoga, and avIio, therefore,
during many years subsequent, were a great source of trouble to
the French settlements in Canada, well-nigh, at times, desolating
the homes and fields of her interior provinces— even this formida
ble tribe, the English failed to win over to their cause. And " the
cold and haughty bearing of the English officials," together with
often depriving them, by, unfair means, of their annual presents
from England; the habit of arranging negotiations with them
through a class of rum dealers, persons looked upon Avith but little
regard by this powerful tribe ; with other causes of complaint aris
ing from neglect,t &c, are said to have quite disgusted " the proud
chiefs" of the Iroquois 4
It is true, these causes and disquietudes did not wholly apply to all
parts of the English Provinces. The Friends, and some other souls,
were exceptions, mainly in a philanthropic sense ; but these bodies
were usually small in numbers, and often ineffectual . in their
efforts. No such condition of affairs Avas anywhere visible among
*His of Canada, I., 214. ^Massachusetts Historical Collection, 1st series, VII, 67.
JAmong the MSS. papers of the famous Sir Wm. Johnson, to the Board of Trade,
London, dated May 24, and Nov. 13, 17G3, was the following: •' ATe find the Indi
ans, as far back as the very confused manuscript records in my possession, repeatedly
upbraiding their province for their negligence, their avarice, and their want of assist
ing them at a time when it was certainly in their power to destroy the infant colony of
Canada, although supported by many nations ; and this is likcAvise confessed by the
Avritings ofthe managers of these times."
" I apprehend that it Avill clearly appear to you, that the colonies had, all along;
neglected to cultivate a proper understanding with the Indians, and from a mistaken
notion have greatly despised them, without considering that it is in their power to lay
waste and destroy the frontiers. This Opinion arose from our confidence in our scat
tered numbers, and the parsimony of our people, Avho, from au error in polities, would
not expend fiVc pounds to saye twenty." Sir William Avas a wise manager of Infliari,
affairs, and from a long and close intimacy with many ofthe tribes ofthe Worth-East,'
at an early period, became remarkable for his knoAVledge of Indian Character . and the
strong influence he exerted over them. His headquarters, known as Johnson's Hall,,
were long at Oswego, N". "?., where great numbers of Indians were more of less always
about him, and whither various tribes, through their chiefs and sachems, often repaired1
to hold their council fires and treaties. And the Indians ever kneAV him as their great
father. Through his agency the Iroquois, in after years, became firm friends of the
English.

History of Four Wayne. 47
the French of the time. Their relations and devclopcments Avero
Avidely different. , So diligent and careful were they in their atten
tions to the chiefs and others of tho different tribes, that often on
the approach of such to their forts, the loud roll of the drum or
booming of cannon would announce their coming ; and this attention
was most pleasing to the red man, and made him to feel that he Avas
not only a jpwer in the land, but welcome. At the tables of the
French officers " they Avere regaled" and often bribed Avith medals
and deeoratidns,^-scarlet uniforms, and French flags. Far AA-iser
than their rivals, tho French never ruffled the self-complacent dig
nity of their guests ; never insulted their religious notions ; nor ridi
culed their ancient customs. They met the savage half way, and
showed an abundant readiness to " mould their oavii features after
his likeness."* And it is noted that " Count Frontenac himself, plum
ed and painted like an Indian chief, danced the war-dance, and
yelled the war-song at the camp-fires of his delighted allies." Such
Avere the peculiarities ofthe French — such their Avisdom and sense
of harmony in so lar as related to the wild aborigines of the new
continent at that early period. .
As little by little, the delicious fruit ripens, the flowers bud and
blossom, or the tiny acorn expands into tho mighty oak of the
forest, so event followed event, as the leaves of Autumn whirl upon
tho passing breeze, and at length disrobe the thick forest.
The movements and apprehensions ofthe French steadily became
more and more apparent to the English. Soon a French Priest, of
the name of Piquet, made bold, in the midst of his opposers, to
open a mission at the site of Ogclensburg, on the St. LaAvrencej
mainly Avith a view to aauii the friendship' of the Iroquois, in Avhich
lie was highly successful, haA'ing at one time gained the heart and
attention of a very large body of that famous confederacy, which
gave the English great uneasiness. But Sir William Johnson soon
began to exert a remarkable influence over the various tribes, and
at length succeeded in gaining the attention of the Iroquois ; anil
not only did this tribe become friendly, to a considerable degree,
to\vai-ds the English, but the DelaAvares, and the Miamies, dwelling
along the Ohio, come to regard them with much favor j while the
mass of the other tribes lying to the North, West, and South, stood
ready at the bidding of their French father.
Matters noAV began to assume a formidable attitude. Tlie enmity
of the rival colonies grew intense. Their hatred had assumed a
double aspect of religious and national antipathy; Formerly the
Indians had been the instruments of French aggressions upon the
English settlements ; and " with them," says Parkman, " the very
iiame of Canada called up horrible recollections and ghastly images;
the midnight massacre of Schenectady, and the desolation of many
* Accounts of Adair, Post's Journals, Croghan's Journal, and MSS. of Sir AVui,
Johnson, and others,.
t'History of NeAV York, L.. 423.

4-S Commencement of tIie French and Indian War.
a New England Hamlet." A French fort had been erected at
Crown Point, upon English territory. The treaty of Utretcht and
confirmation of same at Aixia Chapelle, had made English ground
of Acadia ; but a doubt as to the limits of the province soon sprang
up, and appointed commissioners, from both sides, failing to agree,
belligerant attitudes between the soldiery of the tAvo nations, soon
became manifest on Acadian soil. Gist, surveyor, of the " Ohio
Company," Avhich had been organized in 174S, Avith a view to the
formation of settlements west ofthe Alleghanies, had made his way
to the falls of the Ohio. The Indians were startled. The French
soon snuffed the discontented air of the red man, and before the
surveyor and his party had scarcely begun their operations, the
French confronted them, and the work ceased.
1753 came. The season of verdure had approached. The birds of
the forest were already Avarbling their SAvect litotes of welcome to the
spring. The French had made their Avay across Lake Erie, and
Presque 'Isle had already become a fortification. From Presque 'Isle
they strode rapidly toAvards the Ohio. The news soon found its AVay
among the middle provinces, and Governor Dinwiddie, of Virginia,
began at once to look calmly about him to select an efficient envoy,
to bear a message to the invaders, ordering their immediate evacua
tion of the soih George Washington, then in his twenty-first year,
was the one selected. Months had gone by. Spring had passed.
Another summer had ended — Autumn had left bear the trees, and the
cold bleak of Avinter had come again. The winds moaned through the
forest; and the fourth of December, 1753, saw Washington j ourney-
ing along the banks of the Alleghany. Soon he reached the Indian
village of Venango, at the mouth of French Creek. The advanced
post of the French was there. The English trader, formerly at that
point had departed, and the French flag was -flying over his cabin.
The French gave the voting messenger a fair reception and hearing,
and bade him see the commanding officer at Le Bceuf, still above
Venango, on French Cfeek, whither Washington started and soon
arrived. Upon communicating Avith Legardeur de St. Pierre, the
commanding officer, he was told by the latter that he would send the
message to the Governor- General of Canada ; that his orders were to
hold possession of the country ; and that he Avould do it " to the best
of his ability." Washington returned. The ultimatum had been
reArealed, and, at the opening of another spring, a large body of the
backwoodsmen of Virginia had formed themselves into a company
under Trent, as Captain. Soon crossing the Alleghanies, and descend
ing to the point Avhere now flourishes the city of Pittsburg, Pa., they
began the erection of a fort. Le Bceuf and Venango soon got scent
of it, and, SAveeping down with a large body of French and Indians,
the fort of the backwoodsmen was soon evacuated. Then followed
young Washington at the head of a second party. Keachino- the
Monongahela, he threAV up a temporary fortification', and one dark,
stormy night, M. Jumonville, with a French scouting party, Avas sud-

History op Fort Wayne. 49
denly surprised and all taken prisoners by Washington and his
backwoodsmen. Soon evacuating this point, he made another halt
at the Great Meadows, where, behind some former entrenchments,
he Avas soon assailed by nearly a thousand French and Indians,
Avhom they fought most valiantly, until the French beat a truce-
parley, and presented terms of capitulation"; and Washington and
his men being free to move, soon began to recross the-mountains.
The Indians now began to wonder at these movements upon their
soil — two foreign parties struggling for a territory that belonged to
neither, had aroused their attention, and the red men soon began
to see that, as one of their sagacious chiefs suggested, a few years
later, the French and English were very much "like the two edges
of a pair of shears," and that they, (the Indians) Avere " the cloth
which Avas being cut to pieces betAveen them."
The war dog. now began to hoAvi fiercer than ever. 1755 found
the courts of London and Versailes still maintaining diplomatic
relations, and while yet persisting in a desire for a peaceful adjust
ment of affairs, they were both arranging for a conflict of arms in
the New World. Braddock, with a considerable English fleet, soon
sailed firm the harbor of Cork, in Ireland ; and; a little later, a French
fleet put to sea from Brest, under command of Baron Dieskau.
While the English fleet came safely over, and landed her troops as
designed, the French were less fortunate, and lost two of their ves
sels by drifting, in a fog, too near the guns of a strong British
fort, near the banks of NeAvfoundland, who took the vessels, after
a short contest, and made prisoners of the crew. The British now
ordered a general attack upon the French marine, and before tho
end of this year, had captured three hundred French vessels and
some eight thousand of her sailors*
The French were discomfited, but not beaten. Braddock became
commander-in-chief of the English forces in America. Negotiations
\vere soon broken off between the two great poAvers, before which,
hoAvever, the English ministry had hit upon a plan by which they
proposed to strike a simultaneous and general bloAV against the
French on the new continent, and thus, if possible, to sweep them
from the land at onco, as it were. The plan of attack avjis to move
upon Acadia, Crown Point, Niagara, and Fort Du Quesne, (Pitts
burg) — Braddock, with his troops from the Old World, aided by two
regiments of provincials, to secure the latter point. But he aat<s
a new comer in tho land, and knew but little ofthe perils and diffi
culties to be encountered. He was not " the right man in the right
place " for such a field of action at such a time, in so far, at least,
as ultimate success Avas concerned. Having explained, hoAvever,
to the several governors of the Provinces his intentions, he began,
in astern, austere, and rigid manner, the adjustment of his plans;
which being consummated, he took up his line of march toAvard the
borders of Virginia, and soon encamped at Fort Cumberland. Weeks-
passed away in preparation. The backwoodsmen knew how to
(1)

s

60 Braddock's March upon Fort Du Quesne.
sling an axe, but were little acquainted with the close drilling and
sterner discipline of the Braddock school. He was often out of
humor with them— abused his contractors, for obtaining bad horses,
and said hard things of the country and its people generally. But
the hour of march at length came. June, 1755, saAV the army of
Braddock on the move, with an immense baggage, for Fort Du
Quesne, — the axemen felling the trees, and opening the way for
the advancing forces. " Large bodies move slowly." The opening
Avas rough, and all was tedious. Nearly a month had passed, and
on the eighth of July, an advance body of some twelve hundred
men, with the less cumbersome baggage and artillery, stood upon
the bank of the Monongahela, about fifteen miles from Fort Du
Quesne. A rocky barrier, and somewhat uneven ground, prevented
a direct passage to the fort, and an order from the general to cross
the river with a vieAv to finding a better path, and then to recross
it again a few miles still lower cIoaa'u, was readily entered upon; and
the army soon made the first crossing, and rapidly filed along the
shore, all aglow Avith joy at the prospect of a speedy arrival at
the fort,
Du Quesne was already in the hands of the French. Bands of
Indians and French scouts had spied the approach of Braddock.
The fort Avas all alive with preparation. Retreat Avas the first thought
of Contrecoeur, its commander. But Beaujetij his captain, said
fight. His suggestion Avas listened to and accepted ; he at once pro
posed to lead a band of Indians and French to A^aylay and intercept
the further march of Braddock. The camps of the fierce Caughnaw- ,
ages, Ottawas, Abenakis, OjibAvas, and Hurons, were near and
soon reached by Beaujeu, Avho assembled the AVarriors, and at once
threw the hatchet on the ground before them.* All Avas hesitancy.
Again he appealed to them, and still they Avere silent. At length
he approached them Avith a stern resolution. "I am determined to
go," he shouted. " What," continued Beaujeu, "will you suffer your
father to go alone ? I am sure Ave shall conquer." He succeeded, and,
on the morning of the ninth of July, word having reached them that
the English Avere near, the chiefs collected their braves ; all painted
their faces, greased themselves, whooped, danced, and " hung feath
ers in their scalp- locks." All was heroism and determination Avith
theoa. Great quantities of gun-poAvder and bullets were given them,
and, with some two hundred and fifty French soldiers, to bring
up the rear, the savages, band after band, glided wildly away to the
forest. A few miles brought them to a thick clump of woods, near
a path leading to the river, AA'hich was close by, and where tAvo
ravines formed a most remarkable ambuscade, sufficient in extent to
contain and conceal " at least ten thousand men ; "and the savages,
Avith Beaujeu and his men, were hero soon concealed, Avith guns
all ready for action. The drums ofthe advancing army were beat
ing. It was midsummer. Ali was bright and beautiful. The sun
'Which, if tni-CTi ire by tho Indian?, mea'nt that they vrould foin i t'no fight.

History or Fort Wayne. 51

«

shone forth in all his splendor, and the Avild floAVers spangled the
forest at every side, freighting the undulating currents with delicious
odor. On came the army of Braddock. The fated spot Avas at hand.
The army filed along the little road leading to the river, and began
to re-cross. AM over, they indifferently continued their march,
with no scouts in front or at the side to give token of danger. Soon
the raA'ine was neared. Upon every side there seemed a barrier of
some kind — thick trees, close underbrush, high grass, and heavy
fallen timber — and their progress was slow, while a rapid retreat,
Avith such an army, Avould have been utterly impossible. Lo ! a sud
den Avhoop from the savages, a volley of musketry from behind the
ambuscade of the enemy, soon told the sad story. No one had seen
the peril. The English grenadiers were confounded, and many fell.
The surviArors returned the charge. Tho resolute Beaujeu was kill
ed, and the Indians wavered, but his second, Dumas, rallied tliem to
the charge, and in the front the Canadians and French poured a
heavy volley, while the Indians did a similar execution on the right
and left. The whole body of the army soon felt the charge ; dismay
and disorder took possession of the soldiery. The advancing col
umns fell back upon the main body. The enemy Avas everywhere
Avholly or partially concealed. Fcav were to be seen. Yell upon
yell resounded at every side. Every tree — every log — served as a
place of concealment, and every shot told its own sad tale. The grena
diers had never seen or heard the like before. Huddling together
in crdwds, each seemed struggling to form a shield and barrier of the
other. Their muskets were as often fired in the air as toAvards the
enemy ; and many fell at the hands of their own comrades. The
officers were generally brave and active. Braddock, though seeming
ly fearful in the onset, had five horses shot under him. The Virgin
ians, like the Indians, at length took to the trees. Braddock rallied
them into the ranks again, and the enemy mowed them down Avith
terrible effect ; and soon Braddock himself fell, and was borne from
the field. Washington was there, as if taking his first great lesson
in warfare. He rode heroically through the ranks. Two horses
were killed under him, and four bullets pierced his clothes, says the
account;* but lie came off unhurt Gates and Gage Avere there.
The former was shot through the body— the latter, badly wounded.
Out of eighty-Six officel-s, but twenty-three escaped injury. Of the
tAvelve hundred who crossed the Monongahela, seven hundred were cut
down and Avounded. The Virginians suffered much. Their bravery
Avas great. The grenadiers quailed. The open fields of the Old
World were not there. The work of death continued three hours.
There Avas no relief but retreat, and the remaining body precipitatcly
turned back and crossed tho Monongahela. The enemy pursued
only to tho river. The rout was complete, and the field left .to tho
enemy to plunder and scalp.
S.'C Spark's life of Washington, 1. (>7 .

-\2

MoA'EMENTS AGAfNST AcADIA, NIAGARA, E'lC.

Braddock's defeat, and the fording-place became meinbrable.
The rout continued to Philadelphia. Meeting the rear division of
Dunbar, the panic communicated to the balance of the division,
and cannon, baggage, wagons, &c, were destroyed, and left behind.
The frontier settlements Avere passed and left to tlie ravages of
the savage men, Avho, soon after, waged a destructive Avar upon
them .
The expedition against Acadia resulted in the speedy reduction
of that point ; but three thousand inhabitants thereof, stoutly refusing -
to subscribe to the English oath of allegiance,- were speedily placed
upon vessels and shipped to British dominions.'
The movement against Niagara failed entirely — the forcesbeing
unable even to reach the falls. The one against CroAvn Point, in
part, at first, much like Braddock, Avere- surprised by the enemy,—
French and Indians, — in a thick, woody ambuscade, and badly cut
up ; but afterwards rallied Avith superior force, and the victory on the
beautiful borders of Lake George, under Sir William Johnson, Avas
considered tolerably complete and decisive.
Five Avearisome years thus passed away — Indians, English, and
French waging a ceaseless Avarfare upon'and destroying each other,
in surprising, cannonading, and also attacks upon defenseless settle
ments by the savages. Great suffering necessarily awakened
strong efforts and energy on the part of both the French and the
English. In 1758, from Cape Breton and Nova Scotia* extending to the
Ohio river, and along the bordering regions of Lake George, the
Avar betAveen the rival claimants became rife again. Lord Aber-
crombie Avas in command of the English forces of America, with
bome fifty thousand men under him ; and Avith Montcalm, Avho had,
about tAvo years before, with a superior force of French and Indians,
achieved many important victories in the capture and destruction
of OsAvego, the reduction and capture of Fort William Henry — the
aspect of affairs began to assume another and different shape. The
English now began to regain lost ground and to capture other im
portant points. The formidable fortress of Louisburg was taken ;
Fort DuQuesne, (Pittsburg — lost by Braddock) — soon fell into Eng
lish hands. Bradstreet soon struck a favorable bloAv, and captured
Fort Frontenac. Lord Abercrombie, Avith a force of some sixty
thousand men, advanced upon Ticonderoga, and though the many
brave Highlanders under himAvere badly cut up — though a retreat
became necessary, from the great disadvantage of the attack, — yet
the English never lost heart, but pushed forAvard Avith reneAved yigor .
Canada Avas to lie reduced and taken. A hcav plan of assailing the
proviuce. from three sides;, found a lodgement in the British mind — ¦
General Prideanx Avas to move upon Kiagara from the Avest ; Ticon
deroga and Crown Point were to be reduced or captured from tho
south by General Amherst ; Avliilo the brave Wolfe, from the east,
avus to move upon Quebec. General l'lideaux, ofthe first, having

History of Four Wayne. 5;>
been killed by the bursting of a cohorn, tho command and capture
of Niagara fell upon Sir Willam Johnson. The loss of Niagara Avas
equal to the loss ofthe Province, and the French began to exhibit
strenuous efforts to gave the fort and beat back the enemy. ' The
French and Indian forces then holding Detroit, Presque'Islo,Venango
and Le Bceuf, were speedily ordered to tho rescue of Niagara. Sir
William advanced upon the enemy. They soon fled, and for
five miles Sir William pursued the retreating forces. The success
of Niagara was complete. Amherst's advancement upon Ticon
deroga was the signal for its destruction, and the French bleAV it
up, passing doAvn Lake Champlain to Crown Point, Avhither they
soon retreated, and concentrated their forces upon Isle Aux Noix.
Preparing formidable breast-works here, they determined to brave
the worst, and put a stop, if possible, to the further invasion of the
enemy. But winter came, and the armies ceased hostilities for a
season. The rigid winter months soon passed— May had glided into June,
and Wolfe, with an army of eight thousand men, was sailing up the St.
Lawrences Soon forming an encampment upon the Island of Orleans,
Quebec, with her " churches and convents of stone ; its ramparts,
bastions, and batteries "• — high cliffs, and the noted castle of St.
Louis, all in full vieAv, — he began to survey the field of operations.
Still beyond the rocky promontory which formed the base-Avork of
the boasted city, presenting a continuous line of intrenchments and
batteries for some distance along tho St. LaAvrence, his right rest:
ing on Quebec and the river St. Charles, lay the army of Mont
calm, fourteen thousand strong. Every aspect of nature seemed to
have conspired against the operations of Wolfe. A thick forest
shielded Montcalm in the rear ; opposite stood the towering promon:
tory of Point Levi, and to his left appeared the cascade and gulf
of Montmorenci. The task before Wolfe Avas herculean. "I have
this day (Dec. 1, 1758,) signified to Mr. Pitt," Avrote AVolfe to Wm.
Kickson, "that he may dispose of my slight carcass as he pleases, and
that I am ready for any undertaking Avithin the reach and compass
of my skill and cunning. I am in a A-ery bad condition, both Avith
gravel and rheumatism : but 1 had much rather die than decline any
kind of service that offers ; if I folloAved my oavh taste, it Avould lead
me into Germany ; and if my poor talent was consulted, they should
place me to the cavalry, because nature has given me good eyes,
and a Avarmth of temper to follow the first impressions. HoAvever,
it is not our part to choose, but to obey." The meridian of the
31st of July, 1759, had passed. Wolfe had determined to move
upon Montcalm's front, and Avas soon embarked with a strong force.
Heavy cannonading' from his vessels, soon enabled him to gain a
landing "just above the mouth of the Montmorenci." The ambi
tion of the grenadiers and Royal Americans " o'er leaped itself."
Eager for the victory, they sprang upon the shore. Illy directed
and Avithout orders, with loud shouts, they rushed over (he plain

54 WoLKE BEFORE QUEBEC.
and began, in the face of a terrible fire of the enemy, to clamber
up the ramparts ofthe French. Hundreds of their slain soon cov
ered the slopes. A moment of comparative stillness soon elapsed.,
Tho great volleys of smoke arising from the heavy cannonading
had been effectual in attracting thick clouds over the scene of ac
tion, and a pelting rain put a stop to the bloody contest. Night
set in. A' retreat was ordered. The surviving forces regained then-
vessels, and, as they moved aAvay, the loud vive' le roi from the
ramparts, and the Avild Avhoops of the Indians, as they descended
the heights to tomahawk and scalp the wounded, and plunder the
the dead, all told how complete they esteemed the victory.
Wolfe Avas sad. " More than four hundred of the flower of his
army had fallen a useless sacrifice. " The vital powers of his rather
slender frame had been greatly overcome, and a burning and pro
tracted fever confined him for a period of several days to his bed ;
and here it Avas, Avhile suffering under the weighty of a painful
fever, that his soul seemed to rise above the surrounding obstacles
of success, and enabled him to conceive the plan of future triumph.
The scheme thus evolved was deep and daring. The army was to
be divided into two divisions, — one, by seeming attacks, to engage
the attention of Montcalm before- Quebec — the other to move, at
night, above the place, on the north side, and scale the rugged
heights of Abraham. September came, and all was readiness.
All Avorked well. The plan developed was pushed forward, and on
the night ofthe 12th of September, clear and beautiful — the stars
looking down with a glorious harmony upon the scene — noiselessly,
the vessels of Wolfe floated doAvn the stream to the point of em
barkation. " Qui vive ? " cried a sentinel of the French, as he
caught a glimpse ofthe moving objects. •
" La France ! " was the- word echoed back by one ofthe captains
of the fleet.
" A quel regiment ? " enquired the French guard. " De la
Peine ? "* Avas the ready response of the captain.
The sentinel, thinking no ill, and as a A'essel was hourly looked
foi-'from Bougainville, all suspicions were hidden in the darkness
ot the hour, and the English fleet passed on. Soon another sum
mons from a sentinel brought forth similar responses from the cap
tain of the English vessel, and all Avas well. The designated point,
at the base of the heights, was reached, — ever after memorable as
"Wolfe's cove." The ascent Avas very great. Wolfe felt doubtful.
Said he, to one of his officers, " you can try it, but I don't think
you'll get up. "
Soonvone Donald McDonald, the same, doubtless, who had just
before so readily responded to the French sentinel, began to scale
the heights. Again came a challenge from a guard above. The
¦This was the name of a corps nndor the French commander, Bougainville, a fnct
known to tho civptnin referred to.

History of Fort Wayne. 55
reply was prompt and satisfactory. He had come, said he in
French, to relieve him, (the French sentinel) and the guard was
silenced. Close upon the ascent of McDonald, came a number of
Highlanders, scrambling up by every available means — and still
they came, until the height above sAvarmed with the English sol
diery. A fierce resistance ensued betAveen the guards and the
English. The guards Avere compelled to give way. Wolfe's idea
and the stratagemof tho Highlander had done the work. Morn
ing came, and with it the clear sunlight. The Plains of Abraham
presented to the opposite ramparts of Quebec a scene of terror and
dismay. The shining bayonets of the enemy, " and the dark-red
lines of the English forming in array of battle," readily told the
French Avhat was coming. The long siege had already greatly ex
hausted the French supplies — their militia had withdrawn ' for
want of food. Their alarm drums Avere beaten; and all Avas ex
citement. "They have gotten to the Aveak side of us at last, and
we must crush them with our numbers," said Montcalm; and the
French soldiers began to move to the front of the English. Firing
began, and nine o'clock saAV the two armies confronting each other.
Montcalm soon began to advance. Coming yet nearer, his troops
opened a heavy fire upon the English. All Avas still in the English
ranks. No one ventured to pull a trigger, until the army of Mont
calm had advanced within some forty yards ofthe regulars. " At
once," runs the account, " from end to end of the British line, the
muskets rose to the level, as if with the sway of some great ma
chine, and the Avhole blazed forth at once in one crashing explo
sion." The smoke became intense, and for a time enveloped the
soldiery in darkness. The execution ofthe English had been great ;
and noAV, that the smoke had cleared aAvay, they began to redouble
their efforts — "heAving doAvn the Frenchmen Avitli their broadsAvords,
and slaying many in the very ditch of the fortifications. " The ac
tion Avas short and rapid. The French loss Avas estimated at " fif
teen hundred men, killed, wounded, and taken. " The French now
fled precipitately. Wolfe had fallen, mortally Avounded, and been
conveyed to the rear, before the flight of the French began. "See
Iioav they run," cried an English officer standing near to Wolfe,
as he lay upon the soft turf. "Who run?" anxiously enquired
Wolfe, " opening his eyes, " says the account, " like a man aroused
from sleep. " " The enemy, sir, " replied the officer ; " they give way
everywhere." "Then," returned the dying Wolfe, "tell Colonel
Burton to march Webb's regiment doAvn to Charles river, to cut off
their retreat from the bridge. Noav, God be praised," he softly
murmured, turning on his side, " I will die in peace ; " and his
heroic spirit passed away. Montcalm had also received a mortal
wound, and was dying. "lam happy," said he, " that I shall not
live to see the surrender of Quebec." Being interrogated as to in
structions, his reply was, " I will give no more orders ; I have much
business that must be attended to, of greater moment than yew

5<> The Daavn ofaNeay Era.

r

uined garrison and this wretched country;" and Montcalm, too,,
soon went out. The white flag was run up on the ramparts of Que
bec, and on the 18th of September, 1759, that point was forever
wrested from the power of the French. A year later, September
8, 1760, and the whole dominion was swept from their grasp, and
England ever after SAvayed the province. A new rule began at
once to extend itself over the north- western territory.
A new era had dawned upon the NeAV World: Tlie sun-light of
a neAV governmental superstructure — a broad Democratic-Repub
lican basis, — wherein the great principles of " life, liberty, and
the pursuit of Happiness, " Avere to form the pillars of a beautiful
edifice, — had already risen above the hill-tops of the Future, soon
to penetrate the thick forests and glimmer along the valleys and
hill-sides ofthe far Avest.

CHAPTER VI.

' O'er 11. pulse from chaos beating',
AVith its mystic flow of pride,
We are drifting — ever drifting,
And are floating djown theftide."— Wir. H. Bisiix^ll.

Numbers and condition of the tribes of the north-west at the close ofthe French and
Indian war — Tlie western route — The Shawanoes and Miainics — Indian attach
ment to the French — Their hatred of the English — The Delaware Prophet —
British occupancy of forts Miami 'and Ouiatenon — Treaty of 17G3 — The Indian
domain — The conspiracy of Pontiae — His designs first discovered atjthis point, —
t Discoyeryof the "bloody belt" — Council called — Holmes' letter — Office of the
chiefs— The great council at the river Ecorccs — Great speech of Pontiac — The
Ojibwa girl's warning — Pontiac's visit to the fort — His fail ure — Further efforts —
(Uadwyn's letter — Further efforts of Pontiae — Visit and retention of Campbell and
AtcDougal at tho camp of Pontiac — Capture of tlie forts — Tho conspiracy at this
point — Betrayal and death of Holmes — surrender of the fort — One hundred and
four years have passed — "Progress ! Civilization ! Onward !

) T the close of the French struggle, so great had been the
havoc amonp.' the various tribes of the north-Avest, that, from the
^estimates of Sir William Johnson, it was presumed there Avere
f^f not more than ten thousand fighting men to be found in the
0 Avhole territory lying "betAveen the Mississippi on the Avest, and
the ocean on the east ; betAveen the Ohio on the south, and Lake Su
perior on the north ;" which, according to a further estimate by Sir
William, in 1763, placed the Iroquois at 1950; the DelaAvares at
about 600 ; the ShaAvanoes at about 300 ; the Wyandotts at about 450;
the Miamies, Avith tlieir neighbors, the Kickapoos, at about
800; while the OttaAvas, Ojibwas, and a feAV Avandering tribes,
northward, were left without any enumeration at all. At .,tn^
period, so thin and scattered was the population," say the best ac
counts,* " that, even in those parts which were thought well popula
ted, one might sometimes journey for days together through the
twilight forest, and meet no human form. Broad tracts were' left
in solitude. All Kentucky was a Aracant Avaste, a mere skirmish
ing ground for hostile war-parties of the north and south. A great
part of Upper Canada, of Michigan, and of Illinois, besides other-
portions of the Avest, Avere tenanted by Avild beasts alone. "
*Sec Parhman's History of Conspiracy of Pontine, p 102.

58 Condition of Affairs at the Close of the War.
The most favored route westward from the central colonial dis
tricts, at that period, " was from Philadelphia across the Allegha
nies, to the valley of the Ohio, " by way of Fort du Quesne, (after
the Avar, being rebuilt by the English, called "Fort Pitt,") where
Pittsburg uoav stands. It was this route that most of the traders
westAvard took, whither, from that point, they penetrated the inte
rior with their goods, upon pack-horses, to traffic with the Indians.
An Englishman, for sometime subsequent tb the war, became a
ready subject for the scalping-knife, and, consequently, Avas com
pelled to move Avith great precaution.
At this period, says Parkman, in his interesting researches, " the
ShaAvanoes had fixed their abode upon the Scioto and its branches.
Farther toAA-ards the west, on the waters of the Wabash and the
Maumee, dAvelt the Miamies, who, less exposed, from their posi
tion, to the poison of the whiskey keg, and the example of de
bauched traders, retained their ancient character and custom in
greater purity than their eastern neighbors, " " Fd'om Vincennes, "
says the same writer, "one might paddle his canoe nortliAvard up
the Wabash, until he reached the little wooden fort of Ouiatenon.
Thenoo a path through the avoocIs led to the banks of the Maumee.
Two or three Canadians, or half breeds, of whom there Avere num
bers about the fort, Avould carry the canoe on their shoulders, or,
for a bottle of Avhisky, a few Miami Indians might be bribed to
undertake the task. On the Maumee, at the end of the path, stood
Fort Miami, near the spot where Fort Wayne Avas afterwards built.
From this point," continues he, " one might descend the Maumee
to Lake Erie, and visit the neighboring Fort of Sandusky ; or, if he
chose, steer through the strait of Detroit, and explore the watery
AA'astes of the northern lakes, finding occasional harborage at the
little military posts Avhich commanded their important points.
Most of these western posts Avere transferred fo the English during
the autumn of 1760; but the settlements ofthe Illinois (Kaskaskia,
Cahokia, &c.,) remained, " says Parkman, "several years longer
under French control."
The Indians of the nortlrwest had lost tlieir French Father, and
Avith him, for a time, tlieir trinkets, and much besides, in the form
ofpoAvd'er, balls, &c, that they had long annually been accustomed
to receive from that quarter. They could hardly realize, not
withstanding the many whisperings to that effect, that their French
Father Avas forever divested of his power in America, and that his
rule this side of the great waters had ceased. They believed the
oft repeated sfories of the many habiians, coureurs des bois, &c, of
the various villages, and wandering from point to point among the
tribes of the northwest, which were also greatly strengthened by
similar assurances from those of the French still holding possession
of the territory along the Illinois and Mississippi rivers, and at
other points, that their French Father "had of late years fallen
asleep," and that his numerous vessels and soldiers would soon be

History of Fort Wayne. 59
moving up the Mississippi and St. LaAvrence, to drive the English
from their dominions, leaving them again in quiet possession of
their former hunting grounds. Every means was now resorted to
by the.French thus scattered about the wilderness to arouse the
savages, and their efforts were not in vain. The rancor of the In
dians was greatly increased from time to time, until at length, after
a laspe of two years, a great scheme Avas developed and put on
foot for the overthrow and destruction of the English and the
various posts so recently occupied by them. As had been frequent
at other periods among the aborignies in tho wilds of the Noav
World, a great Prophet suddenly begau to exert a powerful influ
ence among tho tribes of the northwest. He held his mission un
der the Great Sjpfrit, and earnestly enjoined upon the tribes to re
turn again to their primitive habits — to throw away the weapons,
apparel, &c, obtained from the pale faces. Here, said he, is the
starting point of success. The force ofthe new prophet's teachings
Avere truly great, and the. tribes came from long distances to hear
him. For the most part his suggestions Avere much regarded by
the tribes ; but the weapons of the Avhite man could not be dis
pensed with. These they retained. The prophet was a. Dekrware,
and the great leader of the movement, was an OttaAva chieftain,
Avhose Indian name Avas Pontiac. Detroit was surrendered to the
English on the 29th of November, 1760 ; and Avhile many prisoners
Avere removed down the lake, " the Canadian inhabitants were al
lowed to retain their farms and houses, on condition of SAvearing
allegiance to the British croAvn." An officer being speedily dis
patched to the southAvest, Fort Miami, at the confluence of the
rivers St. Mary and St. Joseph, and Ouiatenon, beloAV the present
site of Lafayette, so long standing guard betAveen the Ohio river
and Lake Erie, were soon possessed by the English, and a new rule
begun. For over two years, forts Miami and Ouiatenon remained in com
parative security. No hostile movement on the part ofthe French
or savages had thus far conspired to greatly ruffle the complacency
of their guardianship.
The tenth of February, 1763, at length arriving, a treaty of Peace
Avas convened at Paris, France, between the two great PoAvers of
France and England — the former surrendering to the latter all
claims to the vast region lying east of the Mississippi, making the
great Father of Waters the boundary line ofthe British possessions
in America.
A feAV months later, on the 7th of October, the English govern
ment, " proportioning out her new acquisitions into separate gov
ernments," set apart "the valley ofthe Ohio and adjacent regions
as an Indian domain," and, by proclamation, strictly forbade "the
intrusion of settlers " thereon. Each came at an unpropitious pe
riod. Tho seeds of future trouble had long since been soavii, and
tho little forts in the Avilderncs.s, hero (Fort Miami) and at

(JO A Friendly Admonition — The Bloody Belt.
Ouiatenon, were destined ere long to feel the shock of " coming
events." The great plot of Pontiac and the efforts of the DelaAvare
prophet for the destruction of the English and the recapture of the
posts so recently lost to the French, were rapidly though silently
maturing. Intimations and surmises were all that could be gained,
so still and cautious were the movements of the savages; and the
first really positive assurance (as it afterwards proved) ofthe efforts
and designs of the OttaAva chieftain and his folloAvers, was dis
closed at Fort Miami, opposite the present site of Fort Wayne.
With the utmost A-igilance, on the one hand, and the greatest
possible activity on the other, Pontiac was now pushing forward
his scheme of destruction against tlie English. War belts were
dispatched, to various tribes at a distance, inviting them to join in
the overthroAv of the invaders and capture of the forts ; and soon
the entire Algonquin race, combined with the Senecas (of the Six
Nations) the Wyandotts, and many tribes from the valley of the
LoAver Mississippi, Avere allied to the great scheme of destruction.
An English officer, by the name of Holmes, Avas in command, with
a small body of men, at this point, Fort Miami; and it was throuoh
Holmes that the first most positive intimations were received of
the premeditated plot of the Indians.
One day, early in the month of March, 1763, Holmes Avas startled
by a friendly admonition. A neighboring Indian, who, through.
some acts of kindness, perhaps, on the part of Holmes, had formed
a strong friendship for the ensign. The Indian told him that tho
Avarriors of one of the villages near by bad recently received a
Moody belt* with a " speech, " pressing them to kill him (Holmes)
and demolish the fort here; and Avhich, whispered the friendly In
dian, the Avarriors Avere then making preparations to do. The peril
was iminent, and Holmes began at once to look about him. Soon
summoning the neighboring Indians to a council, he made bold to
charge them Avith the design, which they readily acknoAvledped,
Avith seeming contriteness and regret, charging the Avhole affair
upon a tribe at another locality in tlie region. Holmes obtained
the belt, and, from a speech of one of the chiefs of the Miamies,
Avas at least partially induced to entertain the belief that all Avould
now be tranquil.
A few days later, and the folloAving letter, from Ensign Holmes,
at this point, was on its way to Major Gladwyn, commanding at
Detroit : " Fort Miamis, March 30th, 1763.
" Since my LastftLetter to You, wherein I Acquainted You of
the Bloody Belt being in this village,! I have made all the search
*It was a custom with many tribes in those days to send belts of wampum arid
somtimes tobacco when aid was desired, or peace was to be made. The white belt
denoted peace ; the black or red belt were emblamatic of war.
. fThe old Twightwee or Miami village, on the west side of the St. Joseph, and scat.
feted in the neighborhood ofthe " Old Apple Tree," nearly opposite the site of old
!ort Wayne.

History of Fort Wayne. 61
I could about it, and have found it out to be True; Whereon I
Assembled all the Chiefs of this Nation,* & and after a long and
troublesome Spell with them, I Obtained the Belt, with a Speech;
as you Avill Receive Enclosed ; This Affair is very timely Stopt,
and I hope the NeAvs of a Peace will put a Stop to any further
Troubles Avith these Indians, avIio are the Principle Ones of Setting
Mischief on Foot. I send You the Belt with this Packet, Avhich I
hope You will Forward to the General."
The peculiar organization of the Indian — his habits ; the Avild
roaving life of many of the tribes — tlieir want of military order;
the lack of proper central governmental relations to unite and hold
the tribes together ; their inability and Avant of judgment in furnish
ing supplies for a large body of men in time of Avar; their custom
of rapid blows to secure speedy victory; their native idea of indi
vidual and collective freedom ;f small producers and large con
sumers — 'subsisting mainly upon tho wild animals of the forest, and
the fish of the streams — ¦" loose and disjointed as a Avhole;" scat
tered, for the most part, in small bodies over large regions of terri
tory — all combined, at the period in question, to render it impossi
ble for the tribes of America long successfully to conduct a scige
or .sustain themselves, — liOAvever cunning, intelligent, resolute, and
brave their chief or chiefs, — in a contest with the active civiliza
tion and formidable means of Avarfare of tho English. It 'is true,
that soon alter the French Avar, the strength of the British became
greatly diminished — the army which had been brought to bear
upon Canada Avith such salutary effect, having soon alter been dis
solved, and the main body ofthe regulars recrossed the ocean to
join their friends again in the Old World. Yet, Avith small garri
sons, they were, to a considerable extent, still formidable, as com
pared with the advantages possessed by the savages, unaided by
the French.
Signs of coming trouble with the Indians at length became more
apparent. They had noAV begun to hang about the forts, " Avitli
calm, impenetrable faces," asking " for tobacco, gunpowder, and
Avhisky. Now and then some slight intimation of danger would
startle the garrison from security, and an English trader, coming-
in from the Indian yifciges* Avould report that, from their manners
and behavior, ho sd^Kted them of mischievous designs." Occa-
tlt wa-i the offijW'A&B-Bfe, saj-s Parkman, "to declare Avar and make peace;
b it, when war was'tj^B Hio'V had 11 > pow t to carry I lie declaration into effect.
Tlie warriors fdiig'wB HJiose to do so ; but if, on the contrary, they preferred to
remain quiet, no'iijafl. H K>rce them to lift the hatchet. The war-chief, whoso
part it was to iea<ljjb^H Wattle, was a in -i" partiznn, whom his bravery and ex
ploit! had hid to ifl I IB** If he thought proper, he sang bis war-song, and danced
bis war-dance, niHKfl»>t' the yoniit; men ;>.-; were disoosei I to follow him path
ered around and BHp^Hfl-ne'!vft under him. Over these volunteers he had no
l-e;il authority, i^KffoJHuld desert him a', any moment with no other penalty
than disgrace. ¦B^yBp1111*' ll!l Indian army, before ivaehinq; th 'enemy's country,
bus been kifcnvnT^MHilR aw ay until ii was reduced lo u mere scalping party."

6-2 The Great Council at the Kiveh Ecoeces.
sionaily some " half-breed would be heard boasting in his cups
that before the next summer he would have English hair to fringe
his hunting-frock. "*
By the 27th of April, 1703, Pontiac having largely matured his
plans— great numbers of the villages and camps of the western
tribes, including all grades and ages, Avomen and children, of the
tribes, having celebrated the savage rites of war ; magicians " con
sulted their oracles, and prepared charms to insure success ; "
many Avarriors, as was long the Indian custom, before great events
in Avar, withdrawing to the deep recesses ofthe forest, or hiding in1
caves to fast and pray, that the Great Spirit might give them vic
tory, — of the tribes already mentioned a grand council was "con'
vened at the river Ecorces, Avhere Pontiac delivered to the vast
throng a speech rife with both eloquence and art.
On the morning ofthe great council, "several old men, heralds
ofthe camp, passed to and fro among the lodges, calling the war
riors, in a loud voice, to attend the meeting. In accordance with
the summons, they came issuing from their cabins — the tall, naked
figures ofthe wild Ojibwas, with quivers siting at their backs, and
light Avar-clubs resting in the hollow of tlieir arms; Ottawas,
Avrapped close in their gaudy blankets ; Wyandotts, fluttering in
painted shirts, tlieir heads adorned with feathers, and their leggins
garnished with bells. All were soon seated in a Wide circle upon
the grass, row within row, — a grave and silent assembly. Each sav
age countenance seemed carved in wood, and none could have
detected the deep and firey passions hidden beneath that unmoAra-
ble exterior. Pipes, Avith ornamented stems, were lighted and
passed from hand to hand, "f
Soon placing himself in the centre ofthe wild, though silent mul
titude, Avith long black hair flowing about his shoulders ; stern, reso
lute, Avith an imperious, preemptory bearing, " like that of a man
accustomed to sweep away all opposition by force of his impetuj
ous will," plumed and painted, with a girt about his loins, Pontiac
began at once to arouse his auditors by a recital ofthe injustice of
the English, and by draAving a contrast betAveen the conduct of
the French and the British towards the tribes assembled; presen
ting to them the terrible consequences of English supremacy-
persisting that it was the aim of the British- to destroy and drive
them from the land of their fathers. They have driven away the
French, he recounted, and now they seek an opportunity to remove
us also. He told them that their French Father had long been
asleep, but that then he was awake again, and would* soon return
in his many canoes to regain his old possessions in panada.
Every sentence was rounded with a fierce ejaculation; and as
the impetuous drator proceeded, his auditory. ¦ grew restless to
spring at once into the bloody arena of battle and.bury the scalping
knife and tomahaAvk in the body of the enemy.?, Tuning to the
*Hist. C.i^p. Pontine, p KIT. " ' ^Parkman.

Histoby op Four Wayne. (>-'J
opposite side of savage nature, appealing to their sense of
the mysterious, in a somewhat rnelloAved tone, though still as
earnest in demeanor, he said :
" A DelaAvare Indian conceived an eager desire to learn wisdom
from the Master of Life ; but, being ignorant Avhere to find him, he
had recourse to fasting, dreaming, and magical incantations. By
those means it was revealed to him, that, by moving forward in a
straight; nndeviating course, he Avould reach the abode of the Great
Spirit. He told his purpose to no one, and having provided the
equipments of a hunter, — gun, povvder-horn, ammunition, and a
kettle for preparing his food," — he set forth on his errand. For some
time he journied on in high hope and confidence. On the eve
ning ofthe eighth day, ho stopped by the side of a brook, at the
edge of asmail prairie, where he began to make ready his evening
meal, AA'hen, looking up, he saAV three large openings in the woods,
on the opposite side of the meadow, and three Avell-beaten paths
AA'hich entered them. He was much surprised ; but his Avonder in
creased, Avhen, after it had groAvn dark, the three paths Avere more
clearly visible than ever. Remembering the important object of his
journey, he could neither rest nor sleep; and leaving his fire, he
crossed the meadow, and entered the largest of the three openings.
He had advanced but a short distance into the forest, when a
bright flame sprang out of the ground before him, and arrested his
steps. In great amazement, he turned back, and entered the
second path, Avhere the same wonderful phenomenon again en
countered him ; and now, in terror and beAvilderment, yet still
resolved J:o persevere, he pursued the last of the three paths. On
this he journied a Avhole day without interruption, when, at length,
emerging. from the forest, he saAV before him a A'ast mountain, of
dazzling whiteness. So precipitous was the ascent, that the Indian
thought it hopeless to go farther, and looked around him in despair;
at that moment, he saw, seated at some distance above, the figure
of a beautiful woman arrayed in Avhite, who arose as he looked
upon her, and thus accosted him : ' How can you hope, encumber
ed as j'ou are, to succeed in your design? Go down to the foot of
the mountain, throw aAvay your gun, your ammunition, your pro
visions, and your clothing ; Avash yourself in the stream Avhich flo aa\s
there, and then you Avill be prepared to stand before the Master of
Life ! The Indian obeyed, and then began to ascend among the
rocks, while the woman, seeing him still discouraged, laughed at
his faintness of heart, and told him that, if he AAushed for success, he
must climb by the aid of one hand and one foot only. After great
toil and suffering, he at length found himself at the summit. The
woman had disappeared, and he was left alone. A rich and beau
tiful plain lay before him, and at a little distance he saw three
great village's, far superior to the squallid dwellings ofthe Dela-
Avares. As he approached the largest, and stood hesitating, wheth
er he should enter, a man gorgeously attired, stepped forth, and,

ti-1 Sii:oe of Detkiot — Warning of the Ojibava Gikl.
taking him by the hand, welcomed him to tho celestial abode.. He
then conducted him into the presence ofthe Great Spirit, where the
Indian stood confounded at the unspeakable splendor which sur
rounded him. The Great Spirit bade him be seated, and thus
addressed him:
"'I am the maker of heaven and earth, the trees, lakes, rivers,
and all things else. I am the maker of mankind ; and because I
love you, you must do my Avail. The land on Avhich you live, I
made for you; and not for others. Why do you suffer the Avhite
man to cIavcII among you ? My children, you have forgotten the
customs and traditions of your fathers. Why do you not clothe
yourselves in skins as they did, aud use the boAvs and arroAvs, and
'stone-pointed lances, Avhich they used? You have bought guns,
knives, kettles, and blankets of the white man, until you can no
longer do Avithout them ; and Avhat is Averse, you have drunk the
poison fire-Avater, Avhich turns you into fools. Fling all these
aAvay; live as your Avise fore-fathers lived before you. And, as
for those English, — these dogs dressed in red, who have come to
rob you of your hunting-grounds, and drive aAvay the game, — you
must lift the hatchet against them, Avipc them from tho face ofthe
earth, and then you Avill Avin my favor back again, and once more
be happy and prosperous. The children of your great father, the
King of France, are not like the English. Never forget that they
are your brethren. They arc very dear to me, for they love the
red men, and understand the true mode of worshiping me ! "
With some further admonition from the Great Spirit, of a moral
and religious nature, says the accountj* tho Indian took leave of
tho Master of Life, and returned again to terra firma, where, among
his people, he told all he had seen and heard in the Avonderful land
of the Great Spirit.
All was now ripe for action. Pontiac's words and the glowing
allegory he had presented, had spread a magnetic fire among Ihe
great throng of listeners that nothing short of a desperate encounter
or defeat Avould smother. The first great move was destined to
culminate upon Detroit.
A beautiful OjibAva giil, Avhose love for the commander, Glad-
AA'yn, seems to have been only equalled by her precaution and care,
was in tho secret. Had probably attended the council, and heard
the plan of Pontiac's movement to surprise arid capture the fort;
and Ifuc to her sense of regard for Iter kind friend, Major Glad-
Avyn, on the afternoon ofthe Oth of May, she found occasion, (hav
ing made a handsome pair of moccasins for the commander,) to
visit the fort, Avhither she quietly strode, with anxious heart, in
hopes to reveal to her lover his perilous situation, and unfold to
*From tho Pontiac MSS., originally in the hand of one McDougal, who. says
Parkman, " states that lie derived his information from the Indians." And further
says that "tlie author of the Pontiac MSS. probably writes on the authority of Can
adians, Mime of whom were present at the council." Sec History Conspiracy of
i'.mliac, pp. l:-TI, 1S1, ]K>, 18.1.

History of Fout Wayne. B5
him the movement about to be made upon-the fort by Pontiac and
his Avarriors— his plan of surprise, &c. As she entered, Gladwyn
observed that she wore a different air than on other occasions.
Her countenance assumed the expression of one in distress. Fear
and depression both seemed to sway her, and she could say but
Httle. Remaining but a short time, she stepped forth again into
the open air, to look about, perhaps, to see who might chanced to
have seen her enter the fort. Sorrow still weighed heavily upon
her. She could not depart from the scene of her friend Avithout
acquainting him with the work that Avas fast maturing for his death,
and the destruction of all within the garrison. With this feeling,
she lingered about the fort until quite late, which not only attracted
the attention of the sentinel, but Gladwyn himself, who, noticing
her strange conduct, called her to him, and asked her what was
giving her trouble. Her heart beat heavily. She could not speak.
Still her friend pressed her for a response, assuring her that he
would not, under any consideration, betray her— that, with him,,
whatever she told would be safe — that no harm should befall her.
Her fear was suddenly OArercome, and her admiration for her
friend, united with an irresistible determination to save him, eveil
in the midst of danger, as the beautiful Pocahontas had saved the
life of Captain Smith, she confidingly told him all.
Said she, very sadly, " to-morrow Pontiac with sixty of his Avar
riors will come to the fort. All will have short guns hidden under
their blankets — blankets close about their necks, so as to hide
guns. Pontiac will Avant to hold peace-council, will make a great
speech ; then offer you peace-wampum. With hands on short guns,
Avarriors all to make a quick jump and fire, killing all English offi
cers. Then come all Indians outside, and kill all but French — leave
no English alive."
The soul of GladAvyn suddenly loomed above the perilous hour
that awaited him- on the morrow. His naturally courageous heart
began to beat with reneAved activity and determination. Bidding
the faithful squaw* be faithful still and fear not; to acquaint him,
if possible, with any further movements that might transpire, with
a lighter heart, and a freer air, tho OjibAva beauty strode quietly
out and was soon lost to the vIoav of her lover and the perilous
garrison. If the Great Spirit had inspired an Indian to destroy, he had also
superinduced one of his red children to save ; and thus moved, the
Ojibwa girl had already Avon the victory. Acting at once upon
the admonition of the Indian girl, Gladwyn soon acquainted his
*One M. Peltiejv-v/ho lived at Detroit during most of the period of the siege, and
who, though bji(rf7 .years old at the time, remembered much that then occurred, in
1824, in a sU^Jient made to Gen. Cass, said that " ne remembered that soon after the
failure of Pontiac's attemut to surprise the garrison, he punished, by severe flogging,
a woman named Catherine, accused of having betrayed the plot." He also remem
bered " the several attacks on tho armed vessels, by the Indians, and tho attempts to
set them on Are by means of blazing rafts."

Cf>" History of Fobt Wayxe.
officers of the event to be looked for on the morrow, and all was
preparation and readiness. From mist and rain, the sky cleared
aAvay, and the sun disappeared in a gloAV of brightness. Night
came gradually on ; and while all was stillness and anxiety within
the garrison, no hostile movement intruded from without. All
night'the English soldiers, without knowing why, (for the secret of
the Ojibwa girl had not been told the privates, for prudential
reasons,) kept watch and paraded the ramparts tvith anxious and
sleepless vigil. Nothing, hoAvever, served to ruffle the air, save
the distant bum-bum of the Indian drum, atid the fierce whoop of
tlie warriors as they mingled their hoarse voices in the wily dance
and pushed forward their arrangements for the strategetic effort that
was to begin with the dawning of another day.
The night at length passed, and Avith its passing soon came the
evidence of Pontiac's design, as told by the Ojibwa girl. Soon, in
the distance, many canoes could be seen, from the palisades of the
fort, slowly moving across the river, as Avas subsequently learned,
laden Avith Indians lying compactly in the bottom of each canoe,
well concealed, that a knowledge of their strength might be kept
from the garrison.
The open ground without the fort began gradually to fill up.
Warriors, fancifully decorated, with here and there many wometi
and children, gathered upon the ground.- To allay suspicion, Avith
marked activity and restless anxiety; preparations were soon mak"
ing in front of the garrison for a great game of baggattaway; "At
ten o'clock," says Parkman, "the great war-chief, with his treach
erous followers, reached the fort, and the gate-way was thronged
with their savage faces. All were wrapped to the throats in col
ored blankets. Some were crested with hawk, eagle, or raven
plumes ; others had shaved their heads, leaving only the fluttering
scalp-lock on the crown ; while others, again j wore tlieir long, black
hair, flowing loosely at their backs, or Wildly hanging about their
brows like a lion's mane."
The account runsj that, as Pontiac, followed by his warriors,
stepped within the enclosure, (the entire garrison being on duty^
with sabers and bayonets glistening, ready for action at every
point, by special order of the c6mmander,) "a deep ejaculation
half escaped from his broad chest." The very air about him
seemed to whisper : " Pontiac, your plot is known." But he
moved on, and soon passed into the doorway of the council-
hou&e, followed by his fierce coadjutors. The commandant, Glad
wyn, and his officers, with swords at their sides, and a brace of
pistols in their belts, all seated, in readiness for the reception of
the Avily chief and bis followers. The Indian, as~a general rule,
always sat upon the ground or upon a coarse mat. Before taking
their seats, Pondac'i* pm'iorbed spirit led him to enquire as to the
cause of so many of his " father's young men standing in the street
yitii fheir guns?" To which the commandant replied, through his

Pontiac's Visit to the Four — The Conspiracy. iiT
interpreter, that "he had ordered the soldiers under arms for the
sake of exercise and discipline. " Seating themselves at once upon
the matts arranged for them upon the floor, Avith much discom
fiture and evident mistrust; in each countenance, Pontiac arose hold
ing in one hand the peace-belt, referred to by the Ojibwa girl, and
at once began to express to GladAvyn his strong admiration and
love for the English— said that " he had come to smoke the pipe of
peace and brighten the chain of friendship with his English broth
ers." And it is said, that though evidently conscious of his detec
tion, " he raised the belt and was abtiiit to give the fatal signal, "
Avhen, instantly, " GladAvyn waved his hand " — and, as if by magic
—so well matured were the plans ofthe commandant, — the garrison
drum beat a most stunning roll, filling the air with its reverberations,
and startling the Avarriors, both within and without the fort, into
sudden dismay ; while the guards in the passage to the council-
house suddenly made their arms to clash and rattle as they brought
them into a position for action ; and the officers, with Gladwyn,
looking stearnly upon the figures of the "tall, strong men" before
them, had simultaneously clasped their swords, in anticipation of,
and with a vieAV to meet, if need be, the premeditated on-slaught
of Pontiac and his warriors. The moment was one of heroic de
termination on the part of the little garrison of Detroit, and of the
. utmost discomfiture and chagrin Avith the savages. The plans of
the great Ottawa chieftain were foiled, and he stood before the
commandant and his officers like one suddenly overcome by a
terrible shock.
Says Gladwyn, in a letter dated May 14thj 1763, " they Avere so
much surprised to see our disposition, that they would scarcely
sit down to council : However, in about half an hour> after they
saw their designs were discovered, they sat down, and Pontiac
made a speech^ which I answered calmly, Avithout intimating my
suspicions of their intehtions, and after receiving some trifling
presents, they went away to their camp." i
Accompanied by three of his chiefs, he returned to the fort tho
next morning, with a calumet or peace-pipe, neatly ornamented
with different colored plumage, Avhich he offered to the comman-
• danu, with the following1 speech : "My fathers, evil birds have sung
lies in your ears. We that stand before you are friends of the Eng
lish. We love them as our brothers, and, to prove our love, we
have come this day to smoke the pipe of peace." Presenting the
p>:pe to Major Campbell, second in command, as a pledge of friend
ship, the chiefs again took their departure,
; A great game of ball was played that afternoon, and Pontiac
sitrode among the villagers- arousing them to action. On the next
day, surrounded by an immense throng upon the grounds near the
fort, Pontiac stepped forth, and again approached, the entrance to
'the fort, but could not now gain an admission — all was barred
' against him. Enquiring as to the cause of this, the corarnandant

fi& HiSTOISY 03? FOKT WaYXE.
replied that the Great Chief could enter, but none others. To
which Pontiac replied that " he wanted all his warriors to enjoy the
fragrance of the friendly calumet." But all Avas of no avail. None
could enter but the chief. Pontiac is here said to have thrown off
the mask of friendship, and exhibited, in unmistakable action, a
determination for vengeance against the English. His folloAvers
now repaired to the dAvellings of two English residents near, mur
dered and scalped them. Pontiac repaired to the Ottawa village,
aroused his Avarriorsj and danced the war-dance. Two English officers
had been waylayed and killed by the savages near Lake St. Clair;
and on the morning bf the 10th of May (1763), all the tribes com
bined under Ponttac, aided by a few French engagees, by shouts, at
least, approached the fort, and began an attack,- which lasted some
six hours. Efforts now being made for a reconciliation, La Butte,
the interpreter, accompanied by two old Canadians, wag sent to
the camp of Pontiac to ascertain the cause of his action, and to
assure him that any grievance he had to complain of, would be
speedily redressed. Pontiac listened attentively, and seemed to
assent to all proposed, and La Butte soon hastened back to the fort
to report progress ; but shortly after, returning to the camp of Pon
tiac, learned that he had been deceived. Pontiac, with his Chiefs,
noAV wished to hold an interview Avith their English fathers thefts
selves, that the peace might be the more complete and bindihgi
Major Campbell was much liked by many of the savages, and with '
him they wished to speak. Upon hearing of this desire from La
Butte and the two Canadians, Campbell unsuspectingly expressed
a wish to visit the camp of the savages. Gladwyn was fearful.
He suspected the intentions of Pontiac. But Campbell went,
accompanied by Lieutenant McDougal, a junior officer of the garri
son, "La Butte, and several other Canadians.*' One Mr. Gouin,
Avho had just made himself sufficiently well acquainted with
the designs of the Indians in getting Campbell and McDou
gal into their camp, hastened to warn them of their danger;
but all was of no avail. They Went, and weie taken prisoners.
After a few hours parley, feeling that his fate was i?lrea<rj sealed,
to test his position more fully, it is stated that Campbell one? arose
to depart for the fort again, after finding all efforts for reconcilia
tion unavailing, when Pontiac bade him be seated, saying " My
fathers will sleep to-night in the lodges of his red children." Their
lives were at once eagerly sought by the savages, but Pontiae
would not then permit them to be injured, though Campbell AvaB
subsequently destroyed by the Indians, while McDougal is said to
have made his escape.
On the 13th of May the attack Avas renewed, Avith an increased
force and great vigor. The condition of the fort seemed most per
ilous, and the officers had a consultation as to what was best to doii
in view of their garrison being but Aveak at best, and a powerful
enemy to contend with. (From 600 to 2,000 Indians was the esti-'i

CAPTUKE Oi' THE EXGL1S11 POSTS. 00
mate against which the fort at that time had to contend.) But
there was now no means of escape. To fight and defend were the
only alternatives ; and for several weeks the siege continued ; during
Avhich time, it was told by an ofiicer at Detroit, " no man lay doAvn
to sleep, except in his clothes, and Avith his weapons by his side."
Pontiac strove in vain to gain the Canadians as allies. The provi
sions of the garrison became reduced ; and but for the timely aid
they received from the Canadians, they would have been compelled
to suffer defeat. But the tables, in this respect, were soon turned,
and the' Indians began to want for the necessaries of life. Not
being able to demolish or capture the fort as easily as they ' had
anticipated, — the Indian never accustomed to lay in stores for such
occasions — their food became exhausted, and they too called upon
and received from the Canadians like aid. It was about this peri
od that several attempts, from other points, were made to relieve
the garrison, by additional troops and provisions ; but without
success. The action of the Indians at other points, embraced in
the great conspiracy of Pontiac, Avere uoav also becoming impor
tant. Nine Posts, held by the English, had been included in the
great conspiracy and sought to be captured, viz: Detroit, Presque'
Isle, Michillimackinac, Miami, (at this point,) Ouiatenon, (beloAv
Lafayette, lnd.) Le Bceuf, Venango, Fort Pitt, (Pittsburg) and Fort
Sandusky. The plan of capture seems to have embodied the cun
ning and resolution of Pontiac at every point ; and the pretensions
somewhat similar to those at first presented by the great head of
the conspiracy at Detroit, were mostly manifested at every post
.essayed to he taken; and one after another, excepting Detroit
alone, rapidly fell into the hands of the Indians. Many Avere the
bloody scenes enacted.
On the 16th of May, Sandusky fell; on the 1st of June, Ouiatenon
Avas captured ; Michillimackinac ou the 12th, and Presque'Isle, on
the 15th of June, also fell into the hands of the Avild conspirators.
After Presque'Isle was taken, runs the narration of Parkman,
the neighboring little posts of Le Bceuf and Venango shared its
fate, while, farther soutlrward, at the forks of the Ohio, a host of
Delaware and Shawnoe warriors were gathering around Fort Pitt,
and blood and havoc reigned along the whole frontier.
Father Jonois, a Jesuit missionary, had reached Detroit and
conveyed to the garrison a letter from Captain Etherington, at
Michillimackinac, giving an account of the capture of that post.
Soon after, a letter from Lieut. Jenkins, at Ouiatenon, telling of the
capture of that post, was also received by Major Gladwyn. " Close
upon these tidings," says the account, as given by Parkman,
" came the news that Fort Miami (at this point, Fort Wayne) was
taken. This Post, " continues the narration, * * * t * " was
commanded by Ensign Holmes; and here I cannot but remark,"
says the same writer, " on the forlorn situation of these officers,
isolated in tihe wilderness, hundreds of mite, in some instances,

70 Histoby of Foet Wainb.
from any congenial associates, separated from every human being
except tlie rude soldiers under their command, and the white or
red savages who ranged the surrounding Avoods."
The Miamies at this point, had been deeply embroiled in the
great conspiracy, and the region of " Ke-ki-ong-a " resounded with
many a savage yell of hatred towards the English.
Stratagem ever formed a part of Indian warfare and savage
character. By its skillful employment, the red man as readily
looked for success in war, as, AA'ith his rifle or boAV and arrow, by
deliberate and steady aim, he sought to bring down the wild game
of the forest.
Holmes had long suspected the designs of the Indians, and, for
that reason, had, for some months, been somewhat vigilant in his
observations of their conduct, more especially after the discovery
in the neighborhood of the bloody belt, already referred to. But
savage ingenuity and deception were striving hard, and Holmes,
seemed destined to fall a victim to the perfidy of the conspirators,
white and red, prowling about the village and neighborhood.
The 27th of May had come. All nature was radiant again with
the beauties of spring. The great, expanding foliage of the forest
waved gracefully oyer and mainly shut out from the broad blaze
of a vivifying sunlight, the beautiful blosoms and sweet-scented
wild flowers that grew profusely beneath the tall majestic oaks,
maple, and sycamores, and countless other and smaller trees, that
lined the margins of our beautiful rivers, and mainly covered the
vast regions of soil, where noAV, under a new reign of civilization
and human progress, the same great sun daily reveals to the civil
ized eye, innumerable fields and meadows ; beautiful towns and
cities; tine orchards ; and, each season, vast numbers of blooming
and fruitful gardens.
An Indian girl,* with whom Holmes had for some time been
intimate, and in whom he placed much confidence, by compulsion
on the part>of the conspirators, came into the fort and told Holmes
that there was a sick squaw lying in a wigwam not far from the
fort, and expressed a desire that he should go and see her. The
fatal hour had come. Unsuspectingly, and with a Anew to serve
and perhaps relieve the supposed sick squaw, (knowing perhaps
something of medicine ; for it would seem, had there been a sur-
*Mrs. Suttenfield, one of the early mothers of Fort Wayne, living here since 1814,
informed the writer that she became acquainted with this woman in 1815 ; that she i
and her family lived neighbors to her for several years. At the period of Mrs. S.'s
acquaintance with the woman, she had a son, a man of some years. On one occasion,
being at the hut of the woman, the man, her son, came in intoxicated, and somewhat
noisy, and the woman, by way of an apology to Mrs. S., remarked that he was a lit
tle squabby, or drunk ; and concluded with the remark that he was a Saginasb, (Eng
lish) ; and from the age of the man, the inference is drawn that he was a son of
Holmes. After leaving here, the woman took up her residence at Raccoon Village.
She lived to a very old age, and was known to many of the early settlers of Ft. Wayne.
Mrs. Suttenfield's recollections of the account she received are, that the Indians at the
time of the conspiracy, (probably induced by Godefroi and his associates) forced her
to act as &e did towards Holraca, which, is quite probabK'

Betsayal axd Death of Ensign Holmes. 71
geon in the fort, he would have been more likely to have at least
been called on by the Ensign than for Holmes to have gone him
self,) preceded by the Indian girl, he %vae soon without the enclo
sure of the garrison, and advancing with cautious steps in the di
rection ofthe hut wherein lay the object of his philanthropic mis
sion. Nearing a cluster of huts, which are described* to have been
situated at the edge of an open space, " hidden from vieAV by an
intervening spur of the woodland," the squaAv directed him to the
hut wherein lay the supposed invalid. .Another instant, — a feAV
more paces, — and the sudden crack of two rifles from behind the
wigAvam in vieAV, felled Holmes to the earth, and echoed over the
little garrison, startling the guards and inmates into momentary
surprise and Avonder. Amid the confusion, the sergeant unthought-
edly passed without the fort to ascertain the cause of the rifle
shots. But a few paces were gained, Aidien, with loud, triumphant
shouts, he Avas sprung upon by the savages and made a captive ;
which, in turn, brought the soldiers Avithin, about nine in all, to
the palisades of the garrison, who clambered up to see the move
ment Avithout, Avhen a Canadian, of the name of Godfroi, (or
Godfri) accompanied by " two other white men," stepped defiantly
forth, and demanded a surrender of the fort, with the assurance to
the soldiers that, if at once ¦ complied Avith, their hves would be
spared; but, refusing, they should » ail be killed without mercy ."f
The aspect before them was now sadly embarrassing. Without a
commander — without hope, and full of fear, to hesitate, seemed only
to make death the more certain, and the garrison gate soon SAVung
back upon its hinges ; the surrender Avas complete, and English
rule, at this point, and for a time, at least, had ceased to exercise
its p.oAver.
More than a hundred and four years have now rolled away since
this eventful hour; and the placid and beautiful St, Joseph, (near
Avhich the fort stood), with its high embankments and overhanging
boughs, sweeps as noiselessly and unpretendingly by the scene, as
Avhen the fort, with its bastions and palisades, overlooked its Avaters,
and the Indian huts, with their dusky inmates, dotted the adjacent
localities ; while, in the distance, appears a beautiful city, Avith nu
merous tall spires and handsome edifices, covering more than tAvo
thousand acres of ground, and containing nearly thirty thousand
inhabitants, whose busy tread, mechanical industry, active pur
suits, and habits of thought, tell of a glorious, free, and happy
Future. In silent awe, indifferent alike of the Past, the Present,
and the Coming- Time, the long line of buildings, gazing compla-
eently, as it were, upon the scene of the ancient garrison, and the
site ofthe Indian village, seem to say : "Whither and why have
*ln the MSS. of the " Loss of the Posts." See His. of Consp. Pontiac, pages 244 and
215. tOne statement is, that they were all killed ; but I have been unable to find it*
w*ifioortk>n in, aDp <jf I4ta plated acwunte ] ham esaa^-U

72

HlSTOEY OF FOET WAYEE.

you vanished? Where are the years that have gone by? And
why are we here ? " And the great clock, near the center, (th©
Conrt-house) looking from all sides, momentarily responds :
" Progress ! — Civilization ! — Onwaed ' "

CHAPTER VII.

" These forest-isles are full of story : —
Here many' a one of old renown
First sought the meteor-light of glory,
And 'mid its transient flash went down.
* # * * Jr
And all the bright and teeming Present
Thrills with the great and eoenesemt Past." AV. D. Gali-aoiuci

A return to the beleagured garrison at Detroit; — Aid hourly expected — Anxiety of tho
inmates — Pontiae solicits aid from the Canadians — Relief approaches the fort —
"Broadside" from a schooner — Pottawattamies and Wyandotts sue for peace — A
calm comes over the troubled waters — Fight at "bloody bridge" — New recruits
to the army of Pontiac — Indians board the schooner "Gladwyn" — A panic — Es
cape of the vessel — The siege abandoned by tlie main body of the tribes — Pontiao
and his tribe left alone to carry on the siege — Pontiae abandons the siege — Starts
for the Maumee — A hard winter — Much suffering — Great council at Niagara — A
new campaign against the western tribes — Bradstreet relieves the besieged fort —
Makes a treaty — Speech of Wasson — Captain Morris — He arrives at the eamp of
Pontiac — Rough treatment — Escapes — Reaches this point — Miamies want to kill
him — Is lodged in old fort Miami— Taken across the St. Joseph — His final release
and return to Detroit — Bradstreet's movements — Bouquet penetrates the Indian
country — The captives — Indians subdued — Croghan's visit to the west — His cap
ture — Meets Pontiac — Council at Ouiatenon — Croghan's return — Visit to this point
— His journal — His arrival at Detroit — Holds a council there — The great council
t at Oswego — Pontiac attends — English rule again in the west — Pontiac visits St.
Louis — His death.

i ETURNING again to Detroit, we find the Indians still active
in their efforts to capture the garrison, and all within the pal
isades of the fort anxiously expecting the arrival of vessels
with men and provisions. Pontiac had called a council with
the Canadians, and made a strong speech, and again impor
tuned them to join him in the overthrow of the English. The
Canadians had refused, on the ground that the French King and

74 Histoky of Fobt Ways* ii
the English had signed, a paper stipulating certain bounds, that
then belonged to the English ; and beina: under English rule, the
French King having told them to remain stiU for a time, untilhe
could come to their relief, to join the Indians Avould be to bring
the Avrath of the King upon both the Canadians and the Indians.
"But, my brothers," said the Canadian speaker, at the council with
Pontice, " you must first untie the knot with which our father, the
King, has bound us ;" and, though a feAV reckless characters among
the Canadians are said to have joined the Indians at the time, in
compliance with Pontiac's desire, yet the effort Avas nevertheless
a failure. Pontiac was defeated in his designs, and Avas destined
soon to meet with utter failure in his effort to capture the garrison.
On the 19th of June, GladAvyn had received news to the effect that
a " vessel had been seen near Turkey Island, not far distant from
Detroit ; and the anxiety for her arrival became very great. On
the 23d the vessel began to near the point of landing, opposite the
fort, and the Indians could be seen in • the distance preparing to
make an attack upon her; which induced Gladwyn to fire two
cannon shots, as Avell to put the Indians to flight as to let the vessel
know all was yet safe Avithin the fort. Having encountered some
resistence, on the part of the Indians, and desiring to moA-e with
care, several days noAV elapsed before the vessel succeeded in
reaching the place of landing, beside another schooner that had
for some time previously been lying at anchor there. Bringing a
supply of provision and a number of fresh recruits, the new schoon
ers had readily become objects of no little aversion to the Avild
assailants. On one occasion, shortly after the arrival ofthe last
vessel, thinking to assail the Indians with a few broadsides from
some point in the stream, "GladAvyn himself, with several of his
officers, had embarked on board the smaller vessel, while a fresh '
breeze was bloAving from the northwest. The Indians on the
bank stood watching her as she tacked from shore to shore, and
pressed their hands against their mouths, in amazement, thinking
that magic power alone could enable her thus to make her Avay
against Avind and current. Making a long reach from the opposite
shore, she came on directly towards the camp of Pontiac, her sails
SAvelling, her masts leaning over till the black muzzles of her guns
almost touched the river. The Indians watched her in astonish
ment. On she came, till their fierce hearts exulted in the idea
that she would run ashore within their clutches, when, suddenly a
shout of command was heard on board ; her progress was arrested;
she rose upright, and her sails flapped , and fluttered as if tearing
loose from their fastenings. Steadily she came round, broadside
to the shore ; then, leaning once more to tlie wind, bore away gal
lantly on the other tack. She did not go far. The wondering'
spectators, quite at a loss to understand hey movements, soon heard
the coarse rattling of her cables as the anchor dragged it out, and
sew her furling her vast white wings. As they leaked uaB«ispe<cV

Inpiaks Boabd a Sohpo^ep — Thbik Flight. 75
ingly on, a puff of smoke was emitted from her side ; a long report
followed ; then another, and another ; and the balls, rushing over
their heads, flew through the midst of their camp, and tore Avildly
among the thick forest trees beyond. All was terror and conster
nation. The startled warriors bounded away on all sides ; the
sqnaAVS snatched up their children, and fled screaming ; and, A\dth
a general chorus of yells, the whole encampment scattered in such
haste, that little damage was done, except knocking to pieces their
frail cabins of bark,"*
This procedure being followed by similar efforts, the Indians
now sought to destroy their new opposers by means of floating
rafts of fire ; but all to no great purpose, as the vessels always
managed to escape their contact. And thus the besiegers, Ayith occa
sional new jecruits, continued, in various ways, until the middle of
July, when -some Pottawattamies and Wyandotts sued for peace,
which, under certain considerations, being granted, but little of in
terest is said to have occurred until the end of July, when the gar
rison was again reinforced by the arrival, after a sharp encounter
with the Indians, (those who had recently made peace), of tAveqty-
two barges, with about tAvo hundred and eighty men, including
" several small cannon, and a fresh supply of provisions and ammu
nition." The new body of troops, under command of Captain Dalzell, a
brave officer, who Avas killed soon after his arrival, were not long
idle. On the 8lst of July thoy moved out with a vieAV of silently
attacking the Indians at a certain point, afterAvards known as the
" bloody bridge." The Indians heard ofthe movement, and lay in
ambush. The fight Avas a short but bloody one for the English,
loosing, as they did, about fifty-nine men, killed and wounded, their
captain among the number; and the Indians some fifteen or tAventy,
which greatly elated the latter, who sent the news to the tribes in
every direction ; and " fresh Avarriors," Avrote Gladwyn, soon began
to "arrive almost every day ;" until "upwards of a thousand" Avere
thought by him to be engaged in the attack under Pontiac. With
a feAV skirmishes, now and then, nothing of special interest occurred
until the night of September the 4th, Avhen the schooner "Gladwyn",
returning to Niagara, was attacked by the Indians, not far from the
fort, as she lay anchored in the stream, having been detained for
the want of sufficient wind. The Indians, some three hundred in
number, the night being densely dark, dropped silently doAvn with
the current, and were unobserved until near the vessel, when a
broadside, with musketry, was opened upon them, of whom
many were killed ; bufi they soon began to board the vessel. " The
master of the7 vessel Avas killed ; several ofthe crew were disabled;
and tlm assailants Avere leaping over the bulwarks, when Jacobs,
the ipate, called out to blow up the schooner," which "saved her
and her crew" — some of the Wyandotts, having comprehended " the

76 Histoey of Fobt Wayne.
meaning of his words," giving "the alarm to their companions, in
stantly causing every Indian to leap overboard in a panic, and the
Avhole were seen diving and swimming off in all directions to escape
the threatened explosion."* The schooner being thus freed, apd
the Indians fearing to make further effort, "on the following morn
ing she sailed for the fort," and reached Niagara in safety.
At length, towards the close of September, hearing that
a large force was coming to relieve the garrison, and being
Aveary of their labors, the Indians, Avith the exception of Pontiac
and his tribe, the OttaAvas, began to sue for peace, and a truce be
ing granted them, they soon departed from the scene of the besiege
ed fort, and took to the forest to provide food for their families arid
obtain the furs and hides of the animals so long left unmolested.
The OttaAvas, Avith Pontiac, being now left alone to carry on the
siege, kept up the attack till the last of October, when, learning
from the French that a lasting peace had been made between the
French and the English, and that aid from their French father, the
King, was now no longer to be hoped for, " in rage and mortifica
tion," he left Detroit, and, with a number of his chiefs, "re''
paired to the River Maumee, with the design of stirring up the
Indians in that quarter, and renewing hostilities in the spring."-)1
The winter proved a hard one ; and the Indians suffered much
from cold and hunger. The siege had exhausted their ammuni
tion ; the fur-trade having been interfered with, left them without
many articles they had previously been in the habit of enjoying.
But before the cold had spent itself, Sir William Johnson had dis'
patched messengers to many tribes, inviting them to a great peace-
council, at Niagara, Avhich was readily responded to ; and some
two thousand warriors, were soon gathered about Niagara to meet
and talk with Sir William.
There were yet, hoAvever, many who Avere still much embittered
in their feelings towards the English, and would not attend the
council. The "Menomenies, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Mississaugas, from the
north, Caughnawas, from Canada, even Wyandotts, from Detroit,
with a host of Iroquois;" while "the Sacs, Foxes, and the Winne-
bagoes had sent their deputies ; and also the Osages, a tribe be
yond the Mississippi, had their representatives in the general
meeting." The attitude of many of the tribes of the northwest, had early
superinduced a vigorous movement on the part of the English gov
ernment for their chastisement.
The plan of this campaign embraced two armies,— one to be •
led by Colonel Bouquet, and the other by Colonel Bradstreet, the
former to move towards Fort Pitt, and to the country of the hos
tile Shawanoes and Delawares, along the Scioto and Muskingum
rivers ; while Bradstreet was to push forward to Detroit,
•Parkmun. flblrj.

The Siege Aba3i>o.si:l> by Pontiac. 'ii
Bradstreet had preceeded Bouquet, and being of a most ambi->
hous turn of mind, or at least quite anxious to do as much of the
Work as possible, met some of the hostile tribes, ou his march Avho,
to delay the action ofthe army, sought for peace, and he concluded
treaties with them, on certain stipulated grounds, a matter that be
longed entirely to Sir William Johnson. Supposing that he had
done about all the y/ork, (though the Indians were then menacing
the frontier settlements,) sent Avord to Bouquet to that effect; and
"while Bradstreet's troops were advancing upon the lakes, or lying-
idle in their camps at Sandusky, another expedition (Bouquet's)
was in progress southward, with abler conduct and a more auspi
cious result."*
On the 26th of August, Bradstreet reached the long-besieged
fort of Detroit, which Avas a most happy moment to GladAvyn and
his little corps of soldiers within the garrison, Avho had been more
or less beset by the beseigers up to that time,— -the Indians, having
resumed hostilities, in the spring, as proposed by Pontiac — a
period of upwards of fifteen months.
Before quiting Sandusky, Bradstreet had commissioned and sent
one Captain Morris, an Englishman, accompanied by a number of
Canadians and friendly Indians, as attendants, towards the country
of the Illinois to treat Avith and bring the Indians of that portion of
the west to friendly terms.
Pontiac and his folloAvers, sullen and intractable, had left De
troit, and again taken up his abode, for the time, on the Maumee,
a few miles below the present site of Fort Wayne, whence he is
said to have " sent a haughty defiance to the English commander "
at Detroit ; and many of the Indians about Detroit had gone with
Pontiac, leaving there but a feAV remnant tribes, who, for the most
part, exhibiting a desire for peace, Bradstreet soon gave them an
opportunity to express their sense of feeling in this relation, and a
council Avas held Avith this view, at that point, on the 7th of Sep
tember. Upon the condition, — which they are said to have happily not
understood at all, and which, not understanding, they readily ac
cepted, — " that they become subjects of the King of England," — a
treaty of peace was concluded with thern.
At this council were present portions bf the Miamies, Pottawat-
tamies, Ottawas, Ojibwas, Sacs, and Wyandotts. Said Wasson,
an Ojibwa chief, to'the English commander, on this occasion:
" My Brother, last year God forsook us. God has now opened
our eyes, and we desire to be heard. It was God's will you had
-such fine weather to come to us. It is God's will also that there
should be peace and tranquility over the face of the earth and of
the waters "—openly acknowledging that " the tribes he repre-
"Parktnftn.

78 History of Foist Wayk&
sented tvere jiistty chargeable with the war, and deeply regreted
their absence." /
But let lis look after Morris and his companions, who are now
roAving, as rapidly as their strength and the current will admit, /up
the beautiful Maumee.
Ascending this stream in a canoe, runs the narration,* he soon
approached the camp of Pontiac, Avho, as we have seen, had withJ
drawn to the banks of this river, with his chosen warriors. While
yet at some distance, Morris and his party were met by about two
hundred Indians, who treated him with great violence,- while they
offered a friendly welcome to the Iroquois and Canadian attend
ants. Accompanied by this clamorous escort, all moved together
towards the camp. At its outskirts stood Pontiac himself. He
met the ambassador with a scowling brow, and refused to offer his
hand. " The English are liars," was his first fierce salutation. He
then displayed a letter addressed to himself, and purporting to have
been written by the King of France, containing, as Morris declared}
" the grossest calumnies which the most ingenious malice could
devise, to incense the Indians against the English." The old story
had not been forgotten. "Your French Father," said the writes,
" is neither dead nor asleep j he is already on his way, with sixty
great ships, to revenge himself on the English; and drive them out
of America." It is evident, concluded the accoiint, " that the let
ter had emenated from a French officer, or more probably a French
fur-trader, who, for his OAvn aggrandizment, sought to arouse the
antipathy of the natives to the detriment and further encroachment
of the English ; and Bradstreet, for not having brought the Indians
to a state of subjection before his departure from Sandusky, is in
no little degree censured for the result of Morris' subsequent efforts
and harsh treatment 'in meeting with Pontiac ; for the fact of so
many of the Indians being held as prisoners by the English, at De
troit, even acted as a powerful check to the OttaAvas in their action
towards Morris.
" The Indians led me," says Morris,f " up to a person, who stood
advanced before two slaves, (prisoners of the Panis nation; taken
in Avar and kept in slavery,) Avho had arms, himself holding a
fusee, Avith the butt on the ground. By his dress and the air he
assumed, he appeared to be a French officer : I afterwards found
he was a native of old France, had been long in the regular troops
as a drummer, and that his war-name was St. Vincent. This fine-
dressed, half-French, half-Indian figure desired me to dismount; a
bear-skin was spread on the ground, and St. Vincent and I sat upon
*As compiled from Morris' own statement and the' testimony of, the Canadian and
Indian guides.] See History of the Consp. of Pontiac, pages 4o9 to 474, and in Appen
dix F.
fSays Parkman : *',Morri9 appears to have been a pereon of strong literary tastes.
His portrait, prefixed to the little volume, (containing this narration) exhibits a round
English face and features more indicative of placid gupd humor than ofthe resolution
which must have characterized him." The volume * referred to, was published in
loadon, in 1781, in copneotiomvitfa otter matter of a miB<;<?H*nc<»j» clmraeter.

MOKEIS AiND UIS (3UIDJK3 AkEIVE IIkUS. 79
it, the whole Indian army^ circle within circle, standing round us.
Godefroi sat at a little distance from us; and presently came Pon-
diac,* and squatted himself, after his fashion, opposite to me. This
Indian," continues he, " ha*n. more extensive poAver than ever was
knoAvn among that people 'pfor every chief used to command his
own tribe: but eighteen nations, by French intrigue, had beerl
brought to unite, and chuse this man for their commander, after
the English had conquered Canada ; having been taught to believe,
that, aided by France, they might make a vigorous push and drive
us out of North America." * * * * * "Pondiac said to
my chief: ' If you have made peace with the English, we have no
business to make Avar on them. The war-belt came from you.' Ho
afterwards said to Godefroi : 'I AVill lead the nations to Avar ho more ;
let'em be at peace, if they chuse it; but I myself Avill never be a
friend to the English. I shall noAV become a wanderer in the
Avoods ; and if they come to seek me there, Avhile I have an arrow
left 1 will shoot at them.'
"He made a speech to the chiefs," continues Morris, "who
wanted to put me to death, Which does him honor ; and shows that
he was acquainted with the laAv of nations j*"' We must not,' said he,
1 kill ambassadors ; do Ave not send them to the Flat-heals, our
greatest enemies, and they to us ? Yet these are always treated
With hospitality.' "
After relieving the party of all but their canoe, clothing, and
arms, they Avere permitted to resume their course Avithout further
molestation. Quitting the inhospitable camp of Pontiac^ with poles and pad
dles, against a strong current, they continued their course up
the beautiful Maumee, and, in seven days from their first out-set,
in the morning, they arrived and made a landing, Avithin sight of
Fort Miami, (at this point) which, from the time of its capture,
after the death of Holmes, the previous year, had been without a
garrison, its only occupants being a feAV Canadians who had erec
ted some huts within its enclosure, together Avith a small number
of Indians who made it their place of shelter for a time. The
open points in the locality of the fort, at that time, were princi
pally covered with the wigWams of the Kickapoos, quite a large
body of whom having but lately reached here. On the opposite
side,f covered by an intervening strip of forest, quite hfden from
view, stood the Miami villages.
Having brought the canoe to a place of landing, a short distance
below the fort, and began the adjustment of some necessary affairs,
*The former style of spelling the name, or at least as usually spelt by the English at
that time.
t At the period of Morris' arrival at this point, and for many years after, tlie reader
must infer that the huts of the Miamies extended on both sides of the St. Joseph, dot
ting much ofthe field adjacent to the "Mad Anthony Park" or orchard, including,
perhaps, much of the present site of the orchard itself, and on the opposite side, run
»ing as f»v west, cw the Agrt'ioultural Works and thereabout.

SO Histoey or Foet WaysE.
his attendants strode off through the strip of woods* towards _ the
Village ; and it is stated as most fortunate that he thus remained
behind, for, scarcely had his attendants reached the open space be*
yond the woods, Avhen they Avere met by a band of savages, armed
with spears, hatchets, and bows and arrows, resolutely determining
to destroy the Englishman, Morris.f Not yet perceiving him, the
chiefs accompanying Morris, began at once to address them, and
to endeavor to dissuade them from their purpose, which had the
desired effect, at least, in so far as taking his life was concerned.
Coming up, in a few moments, to the point where Morris stood,
they at once began to threaten him and treat him very roughly,
and took him to the fort, where he was commanded to remain, for
bidding the Canadians there to permit him to enter their huts. A
deputation of Shawanoe and Delaware chiefs, Avhich tribes, the
reader will remember, were at that time making great prepara
tions to move against the English, though pretending to be friendly,
had recently come to the Miami village here, with fourteen war-
belts, and Avith a view of arousing the Miamies again to arms against
the English; and it was to these that was mainly ascribed the cause
of Morris' treatment on his arrival here. From this point they had
proceeded westward, arousing a similar spirit among all the
tribes from the Mississippi to the Ohio, avowing that they would
never make friends with the English — that they would fight them
as lone; as the sun shone ; and earnestly pressed the Illinois tribes
to join them in their terrible determination.
But Morris had not long remained at the fort, before two Miami
warriors came to him, and, with raised tomahawks, grasped him
by the arms, forced him without the garrison, and led him to the
river. Walking forward into the water with him, Morris' first
thought was that the Indians sought to drown him, and then take
his scalp ; but, instead, they led him across the stream, then quite
low, and moved towards the center of the Miami village, on the
Avest side of the St. Joseph. Nearing the Avigwams, the Indians
ceased to go further, and at once sought to undress him ; but finding
the task rather difficult, they became quite angry thereat,
and Morris himself, " in rage and despair," " tore off his uniform."
Then tying his arms behind him with his own sash, the Indians
drove him forward into the village. Speedily issuing from all
the wigwams to see and receive the prisoner, in great numbers,
the Indians gathered about him, " like a swarm of angry bees,"
giving vent to terrific yells—" sounds compared to which, the noc
turnal howlings of starved wolves are gentle and melodious."}. The
largest portion of the villagers Avere for killing him ; but a division
arising between them, as to what was best to do with him, readily
*This point must have been near or just below the confluence of the St. Mary and
St. Joseph. A visit to and little survey of all these points, would renderthem the more
intcrtsting and familiar to the thoughtful and curious.
tHiS. Consp. P'ontiac,rY> 471. tParlrifiaH-.

Hough Treatment op Moeeis at the Miami Village. 81
developed a vociferous debate ; when two of the Canadians, of the
names of Godefroi and St. Vincent, Avhd had accompanied him to
this point, and who had now followed him to the village, came for
ward and began to intercede with the chiefs in behalf of their pris
oner. A nephew of Pontiac was among the chiefs, — who is rep
resented as a young man, possessing much of the bold spirit of his
uncle, and who heroically spoke against the propriety ofkilling the
prisoner; and Godefroi desisted, saying "that he would not see
one ofthe Englishmen put to death, Avhen so many of the Indians
Avere in the hands of the army at Detroit." A Miami chief, called
the Swan, is also represented as having protected the prisoner, and
cut the sash binding his arms. Morris, beginning iioav to speak in
his own defense, yvas again seized by a chief called the White Cat,
and bound to a post by the neck ; at which another chief, called the
Pacanne, rode up on horseback, cut the band with his hatchet, at
once giving Mdrris his freedom again, exclaiming, as he did so, " I
give this Englishman his life. If you want English meat, go to
Detroit or to the lake, and you will find enough of it. What busi
ness have you with this man, whp has come to speak Avith us ?"
The determined will and bold Avords of Pacanne had the desired
effect. A change of feeling noAV readily began to show itself; and
the prisoner, without further words or beating from any of the croAvd,
was soen violently driven out of the village, whither he soon made
His way to the fort. On his way, however, it is stated, an Indian
met him, and, with a stick, beat his exposed body.
His position was now most critical '; and while the Canadians in
the fort were disposed to protect him, they were yet loth to lay
themselves liable to distrust or danger ; and the same warriors who
had taken him to the village, were now lurking about, ready to em
brace the first opportunity to kill him ; while the Kickapoos, near
by, had sent him word that, if the Miamies did not kill him, they
would whenever he passed their camp. Again, on the eve of set
ting out on his jdurney to the Illinois, notwithstanding the dan
gers now thickening about him, and the greai distance yet before
him, his Canadian and Indian attendants strongly urged him not to
proceed farther ; and, on the evening of this day, they held a coun
cil with the Miami chiefs, wherein it became the more evident that
his situation was most perilous, and that any attempt to continue
his journey would be most disastrous ; and while many messages
were continually reaching him, threatening to put an end to his
life, should he attempt to fulfill his mission, report Avas also con
veyed to him that several of the Shawanoe deputies were then re
turning to, the garrison expressly to kill him. Under these circum
stances, readily abandoning his determination to proceed farther,
he soon began to row his bark toAvards Detroit, Avhither he arrived
on the 17th of September. Not finding Bradstreet there, as he had
anticipated, he having returned to Sandusky, and Morris, now quite
weary and fatigued, unable to proceed farther, from the hardshipa
CO)

82 Histoy of Fobt Wayne.
he had undergone, soon sent the former an account of his efforts, in
which, together Avith the facts already presented, Avasthe following,
bearing date September 18 : f
" The villains haA'e nipped our fairest hopes in the bud. I trem
ble for you at Sandusky ; though I Avas pleased to find you have
one ofthe vessels Avith you, and artillery. I Avish the chiefs were
assembled on board the vessel, and that she had a hole in her bot
tom. Treachery should be paid Avith treachery; and it is more
than ordinary pleasure to deceive those who would deceive us."
Bradstreet's main object in returning to Sandusky, Avas to fulfill
his promise Avith the Delaware and ShaAvanoe ambassadors to meet
them at that point, — about the period of Morris' return, — to receive
the prisoners held by them, and conclude a treaty of peace. The
deputation not coming to time, left him much disappointed for sev
eral days, Avhen a number of Avarriors of these tribes came to Brad
street's camp AA'ith the plea, that, if he would not attack them, they
Avould bring the prisoners the next Aveek, which Bradstreet readily
accepted, and, removing his camp to the carrying-place of Sandus
ky, lay in Avaitingfor the Indians and the prisoners. Soon receiv
ing a letter from General Gage, condemnatory of his course, — in
sisting that his mode of treatment with the Indians was inadequate
to effect any good resutts with them, and ordering him to break en
gagements Avith them, and move upon the enemy at once,— close
upon the receipt of which also came the journal of Captain Morris,
enabling him readily to see "how signally he had been duped;"
though subsequent facts proved that some good did result from
Bradstreet's course with the Indians at Detroit, as many of them
had become more reasonable and tranquil in their actions. Be
coming dispirited and not seeing fit to comply Avith Gage's
commands, he broke up his camp at Sandusky, and wended
his way toAvards Niagara, meeting with many disasters on his voy
age thither.
The expedition under Bouquet, to the southward, had now done
the work. Having penetrated to the center of the Delaware towns,
and into the most extensive settlements of the ShaAVances, about 150 '
miles from Fort Pitt, to the northwest, with a large body of regular
and provincial troops, he soon humbled these wily and unrelenting
tribes, and speedily compelled them to deliver ail the prisoners in
their possession.
During the frontier struggles, for some years prior fo Bouquet's
campaign, hundreds of families, along the borders had been, mas
sacred and many carried away to the. forest by the Indians;' anil
Avhen Bouquet started on his expedition against the Shawances and
Delawares, in the interior,, leaving the border settlements, he was
eagerly joined by many who, years before, had lost their friends,'
Among the many prisoners brought into the camp of Bouquet,
(T-,er t'v-i hundred, in all,) while in tho settlements of these tribes,
li;'.3baucb found their wives, aud parents their children, from whom

Bouquet and the Catttves— -Effecting Scene. 83
they had been separated for years. AVomen, frantic between hope
and fear, Avere running hither and thither, looking piercingly into
the face of every child, to find their OAvn, which, perhaps, had
died — and then such shrieks of agony ! Some of the little captives
shrank from their OAvn forgotten mothers, and hid in terror in the
blankets of the squaws that had adopted them. Some that had
been taken away young, had grown up and married Indian husbands
or Indian wives, noAf.. stood utterly beAvildered Avith conflicting
emotions. A young Virginian had found his wife; but his little
boy, not tAvo years old when captured, had been torn from her, and
had been carried off no one kneAV whither. One day, a Avarrior came
in leading a child. No one seemed to own it. But soon the mother
kneAV her offspring, and screaming Avith joy, folded her son to her
bosom. An old woman had lost her granddaughter in the French
Avar, nine years before. All her other relatives had died under the
knife. Searching, AA'ith trembling eagerness, in each face, she at
last recognized the altered features of her child. But the girl had
forgotten her native tongue, and returned no answer, and made no
sign; The old Avoman groaned, and complained bitterly, that the
daughter she had so often sung to sleep on her knees, had forgotten
her in her old age. Soldiers and officers Avere alike overcome.
" Sing," said Bouquet to the old lady, "sing the song you used to
sing." As the low trembling tones began to ascend, the Avild girl
g'aVO one sudden start, then listening for a moment longer, her
frame shaking like an ague, she burst into a passionate flood of
tears. She was indeed the lost child. All else had been effaced
from her memory, save the recollection of that sAveet song of her
infancy. She had heard it in her dreams.* The tender sensibili
ties' and affectionate throbbings so often manifested by the civil
ized soul under heavy affliction, Avere feelings foreign, as a general
rule, to the Indian heart. His temperament Avas iron ; he had ever
been nurtured in an opposite condition of groAvth; and, conse
quently, he is said to have held such expressions ofthe heart in con
tempt; but when the song of the old lady Avas seen by them to
touch the captive's heart and bring her again to a mother's arms,
they Avere OArercomo AAdth emotion, and tho heart of the Indian beat
heavily under the AAreight of feeling that suddenly convulsed him
as he gazed upon the strange scene then enacted.
Many captive women vvho returned to the settlements with their
friends soon after made their escape, and wandered back to their
Indian husbands again, so great Avas the change that had taken
place in their natures. Such was the magnetic poAA'er of the Indian
and the wilds ofthe forest over the civilized soul.
The English having now subdued the tribes of the northwest,
and completed definite treaties Avith them at Niagara, began to
contemplate a further move to the west and north, with a vieAV to
securing the country and posts along the Illinois and Mississippi ;
* '¦ States an 1 Tjit'i tories of the Great W?s' ." |.a<ffp 1 "G, 137,

84 Histoky op Fokt Wayne.
of which Pontiac soon became aware, and, leaving his place of
seclusion on the Maumee, where Morris had met him and received
such harsh treatment at the hands of his Avarriors, with four hun
dred of his chiefs, about the close of autumn, passed up to this#
point, (Fort Wayne) and, after a short stay, on to the Wabash, and
thence to the Mississippi, arousing the tribes at every point to pre
pare to meet and destroy the English; and, ha-ving gained the
French settlements and other places' where the French traders and
habitant were to be met, and where the flag of France was still
displayed, (for the French held the country about the Illinois, Mis
sissippi, and to the southward, as far as NeAV Orleans, for some
time after the loss of Canada arid the upper posts,) the-French fur-
traders and engagees, who dreaded the rivalry of the English in the
fur-trade, readily gave encouragement to Pontiac and his folloAvers,
still insisting that the King of France was again awake, and his
great armies were coming; "that the bayonets Ofthe -white-coated
Avarriors would soon glitter amid the forests of the Mississippi."
But Pontiac seemed doomed to- disappointment and failure ; and,
after repeated efforts, having visited New Orleans, to gain the aid
ofthe French governor of Louisiana, he returned again to the west.
Determining to try the virtues of peace proposals in advance of
the army to the westAvard and southward, Sir William Johnson
sent forward two messengers, Lieut. Fraser and George Croghan*
to treat with the Indians on the Mississippi and Illinois. After
many hardships, and the loss of their stores, through the severity
of the AAdnter, &c, they reached Fort Pitt, where, after some delay1
»na the severe cold had subsided, with a few attendants, Fraser
.•iiaae nis Avay safely down the Ohio for a thousand miles, where,
coming to a halt, he met with very rough treatment from the In
dians. A short time after, in the month of May, Croghan, with
some ShaAvnoe and DelaAvare attendants, also moved down the Ohio,
as far as the mouth of the Wabash, where, being fired upon by a
party of Kickapoos, and several of the attendants killed, Croghan
and the remainder were taken prisoners, Avhither they proceeded to
Vincennes, where, finding many friendly Indians, he was .well re
ceived, and the Kickapoos strongly censured for their work. From
this point they went to Ouiatenon, arriving there on the 23d, where
also Croghan met a great many friendly Indians. Here he began
lo make preparations for a council, and was met by a large num
ber of Indians, who smoked the pipe of peace Avith him. Soon re
ceiving an invitation, from St. Ange, to visit Fort Chartres, lower
iloAyn, Croghan, accompanied by a largo number of Indians, left
Ouiatenon for that point, and had not journeyed far when they met
Pontiac and a large body of chiefs and warriors. Pontiac shook
the hand of Croghan, who at once returned Avith the party to Ouiate
non, Avhere a great concourse of chiefs and Avarriors were gathered.
Pontiac complain'cd that the French had deceived him, and
offered the calumet and peace-belt, professing strong concurrence

Ckogiian's Journal. 85
with the Ouiatenon« chiefs in their expressions of friendship for the
English. At the conclusion of this meeting, collecting the tribes here he
had desired to meet, he soon took up his line of march, folloAved
by Pontiac and a large number of chiefs, and set out towards De
troit, crossing over to this point, Fort Miami, and the village ad
jacent. Having kept a regular journal of his mission, filling it up at
every point on the route, — from which the foregoing is princi
pally drawn, — while here, he wrote,
" August 1st, (1165). The Twigtwee (Twightwee) village is sit
uated on both sides of a river, called St. Joseph. This river where
it falls into the Miami (Maumee) river, about a quarter of a mile
from this place, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of
which stands a stockade fort, somewhat ruinous.*
" The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, be
sides nine or ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit,
during the late Indian Avar ; they were concerned in it, and being
afraid of punishment, came to this point, where ever since they
have spirited up the Indians against the English. *****
The country is pleasant, the soil is rich and well watered. After
several conferences with these Indians, and their delivering me up
all the English prisoners they had, on the 6th of August we set out
for Detroit, down the Miamis river in a canoe.
" August 17th.- — In the morning we arrived at the fort, (Detroit)
which is a large stockade, inclosing about eighty houses ; It stands
close on the north side of the river, on a high bank, commands a
very pleasant prospect for nine miles aboAre, and nine miles beloAv
the fort ; the country is thickly settled with French, their plantations
are generally laid about three or four acres in breadth on the river,
and eighty acres in depth ; the soil is good, producing plenty of
grain."y. Says the Canadians were both poor and idle, — some 300
or 400 families, depending mainly upon the Indians for subsistence ;
had adopted the Indian manners and customs, raising but little
grain, and all, men, women, and children, speaking the' Indian lan
guage; perfectly well, etc.
Many Ottawas, Pottawattainies, and Ojibwas were now assem
bled, and, in the same old council KallAvhere Pontiac, some months
before, by stratagem, had essayed tq overthrow the English, great
throngs of relenting warriors readily convened in obedience to the
call ofthe English ambassador. Tlie expressions among the tribes
and deputies of tribes present, was one of mingled repentence and
regret; and on the twenty-seventh of August, Croghan addressed
them, after their own figurative style, as follows:
" Children, we are very glad to see so many of you here present
*Any one, from this account, can at any time easily ascertain the site of the old,
English fort, Miami, of which the reader is already quite famihay.
t" Western Annals," pages 184 and 185.

80 J-Iistoky of Fort Wayne.
at your ancient council-fire, which has been neglected for some
time past ; since then, high winds have blown, and raised heavy
clouds over your country. I now, by this belt, rekindle your an
cient fire, and throw dry Avood upon it, that the blaze may ascend
to heaven, so that all nations may see it, and know that you live in
peace and tranquility with your fathers the English.
" By this belt I disperse all the black clouds from over your
heads, that the sun may shine clear on your women and children,
that those unborn may enjoy the blessings of this general peace,
hoav so happily settled between your fathers the English and yon,
and all your younger brethren to the sun-setting.
" Children, by this belt I gather up all the bones of your de
ceased friends, and bury them deep in the ground, that the buds
and SAveet floAVers ofthe earth may grow over them, that we may
not see them any more.
" Children, with this belt I take the hatchet out of your hands,
and pluck up a large tree, and bury it deep, so that it may never
be found any more; and I plant the tree of peace, which all our,
children may sit under, and smoke in peace with their fathers.
" Children, Ave have made a road from the sunrising fp the sun-
setting. I desire thatyou will preserve that road good and pleas
ant to travel upon, that Ave may all share the blessing of this
happy union."
Closing this great peace-gathering about the last of September,
1765, and after exacting a promise from Pontiac that he would
visit OsAvego in the spring, and, in behalf of all the tribes he had
so recently led against the English, conclude a treaty of peace and
amity Avith Sir William Johnson, Croghan left the scene of his suc
cessful labors, and Avended his Avay towards Niagara.
About the period of the first snow, the 42d regiment of High- •
landers, a hundred strong, having moved doAvn the Ohio, from Fort
Pitt, commanded by Capt. Sterling, arrived at Fort Chartres. The
flev.r de lis of France was soon lowered; and, in its stead, the Eng
lish planted their standard and forever destroyed the French
power in America— holding, as the English then did, and for
many years subsequent, all the Avestern potts, from Canada to the
Illinois — which left the Indians also Avith but little to hope for.
When spring came, Pontiac, true to his Avord, Avith his canoe,
left his old home on the Maumee, for Oswego, Avhither he soon ar
rived, and where he made a great speech, and "sealed his submis
sion to the English" forever.
His canoe laden Avith the presents he had received at the great
council of OsAvego, he roAved rapidly toward the Maumee again,
Avhere he is said to have spent the following Avinter, living "in the
forest Avith his wives and children, and hunting like an°ordinary
Avamoiv' In the spring of 1707, considerable discontent began
again to manifest itself among the tribes "from the lakes to the
1 otomac,' and from Avhicli eventually came the spillinc of much

Death of Pontiac. 87
blood, as at former periods, along the frontier. The Indians had
been disturbed in the possession of their lands, and had begun an-
pther terrible resentment. Pontiac had noAv long strangely kept
out of the way. Whether he had been parly to the agitation along
the border or not, Avas not known ; but many had their suspicions.
For two years subsequent to this period, Pontiac seems to have
kept so close, some where, that few, if any, but his own imme
diate friends, perhaps, knew or heard of his whereabouts. In the
month of April,* 1769, however, he seems again to have visited
the Illinois, and though not knowing that he had anything special
in view, yet the English in that region Avere excited by his move
ments. From this point, he soon after started for the (then) French
settlement of St. Louis, (Mo.), Avhere he was soon after murdered.
The account of his death, as derived from the most reliable
sources, is, that he Avas killed by an Illinois Indian, of the Kaskas
kia tribe; that he had been to a feast Avith some ofthe French
Creoles of Cahokia, opposite the present site ofthe city of St. Louis,
and became drunk. Leaving the place of carousal, and entering
an adjacent forest, the murderer stole quickly upon him and dis
patched him withjiis tomahawk, striking him on the head; that
the assassin had been instigated to the act by an Englishman of
the name of Williamson, who had agreed to give him a barrel of
Avhisky, Avith a promise of something besides, if he Avould kill the
Ottawa chieftain, Avhich he readily accepted. Says Gouin's ac
count: \
"From Miami (here) Pontiac went to Fort Chartres, on the Illi
nois. In a few years, the English, who had possession of the fort,
procured an Indian of the Peoria nation to kill him". The hews
spread like lightning through the country. The Indians assembled
in great numbers, attacked and destroyed all the Peorias, except
about thirty families, which Avere received into the fort." And
the death of Pontiac Avas revenged. His spirit could rest in peace.
Such Avas Indian usage. Aiid thus closed the career of one of Na
ture's most singular and resolute types of aboriginal character ; of
Avhom Crqghan wrote in his journal and sent to Gen. Gagein 1765 :
"Pontiac is a shreAvd, sensible Indian, of feAV words, and com
mands more respect among his oavii nation than any Indian I
ever saw could do among his own tribe."
*lt'was in this year that a definitive cession ofthe province of Louisiana, — which
had formerly extended over the entire territory no^w known as the State of Indiana, —
waa terminated (because ofthe great losses sustained at various times in its mainten
ance by the French government) between France and Spain, the latter becoming, — by
secret treaty, made some years prior, (1764) between Louis 14th, and the King of
Spaiu, — sole possessor of the province. And the surrender of St. Louis,_ by St.-Ango.
with the English already in possession of all Louisiana east of the Mississippi, closed
forever the dominionof the French in the New World.

CHAPTER VIIL
' A sound like a sound of thunder rolled,
And the heart of a nation stirred —
For the bell of Freedom at midnight tolled.
Through a mighty land was heard,
* * * '' * * * * *
It was bejard by the fettered and the braye — ; ¦
It was heard in the cottage, and in the hall—
And its chime crave a glorious summons to all."
Wm. Rosa Wallace.

The struggle for Independence— Causes that led to the Revolution — The men of '7G—
Triumph over old conditions — Final treaty of peace — Foreshadowings of former
ages realized in the founding of the New Republic.

i S the great earth upon which we live swings with a lighter
' air in its orbit as the many inharmonious conditions and the
sgreat forests upon its surface are cleared away and reduced
to ashes by the necessities of improvement, so the advancing
tide of human civilization brings to the circumambient air of
human relations a less rarefied and more brilliant atmosphere of
intellectual strength and love of Freedom. ..
But the great soul of nature is never still — never ceases to act,
to push forward, as with some imponderable impulse, to work out
and develop a great and beautiful Future ; and scarcely had the
French and Indian war of 1759 and 1760 ceased its action, when
the colonial settlements of the New World began to exhibit a
spirit of dissatisfaction, produced by the acts of the English par
liament, and King, that foreshadowed in the (then) not far distant
future a momentous and long-protracted struggle ; and the heroic
James Otis, then advocate-general of the province of Massachusetts,
replying to Gridley, advocate for the crown, readily gave new
strength and vigor to the foreshadowing. Said he, with great em
phasis, on the occasion in question : " To my dying day, I will op
pose, Avith all the power and faculties God has giyen me, all such
instruments (Writs of Assistance for the collection of revenue from
the colonists) of slavery on one hand, and villainy on the other.
The same formidable power, with colonial aid, that had cr

Beginning of the American Revolution. 80
and despoiled the French in Canada, and, for a time, mainly sub
dued the Indiaps of the northwest, had now (1761) begun to pre
sent a rigorous front towards the colonists ; and though this point,
a few years subsequent to the formidable effort of Pontiac, against
the English, had remained in comparative quiet, in so far, at least,
as the historic accounts run, yet, as step by step the struggle for
Independence continued, and at length the strengthened voice of
civilization on the new continent, echoing along the ridges of the
Alleghanies and through the massive gloom of forest towards the
setting sun, startling the little English garrisons at Detroit and
other ppints into momentary activity, and awakening agajn the
aboriginal tribps to a neAV consideration of their future, this again
readily became a point of the greatest importance in both a ciyii
and military point of view ; and dearly was it bought by the efforts
ofthe American army, as will be seen in subsequent pages.
The first struggle on the neAV continent had readily scattered the
seed that was to bring forth a second, a third, and a fourth revolu
tion. And, as the accelerated action of the globe becomes less com-
motionate and easier in its rotative movement, as the refining pror '
cess of its surface advances, and its internal heat and compressed air
are reduced and evolved through volcanic eruptions, earthquakes,
and fissury expansion, so the new colonial settlements were des
tined only to enjoy a wider range of social and governmental Free
dom in proportion as they removed the barriers of the forest, and
became earnest, efficient, and resolute- in action against the further
aggression and power of the British Crown on the new continent ;
and, as this germ of glorious determination and advancement in
the establishment of free institutionsseemed only destined to ex
pand to a fair expression of vital force and activity through the ag
gressive movements ofthe English Government; so the latter be
gan to exercise an undue control over the colonies of the New
World, by a gradual disturbance, in various ways, of their colonial
relations— at one time interfering with the charter of Connecticut ;
at another^ levying heavy duties upon certain articles of importa
tion into America ; and the adpption, soon after, of strenuous meas
ures for the collection thereof— insisting thaj; the colonists should
defray the expenses of the French andlndian war, upon the ground
that it had been waged in defence of the colonies.
Intense discord and excitement rapidly arose among the colon
ists. The people gathered at different points, Declamation met
declamation. Protest followed protest ; and the agitation was still
increased by the passage of the famous '* Stamp Act," by the
English Parliament of 1765, which imposed heavy stamp duties
upon all newspapers, almanacs, bonds, notes, etc., issued in Amer
ica. And again determination followed determination. Resis
tance became universal and uncontrollable. The spirit of Free
dom had found a place in every true colonial heart ; and resistence,
even to the sword and bayonet, if need be, became at length a fixed

90 History of Fort Wayne.
and unalterable determination throughout the colonies. Patrick
.Henry, amid the cries of " Treason ! " " Treason ! " in the House of
Burgesses, in Virginia, thrilled the masses Avith a magnetic fire of
determination that gave new impetus td colonial resentment. And
"treason!" "treason!" as the yellow leaf of autumn, fluttering
for a moment upon the passing breeze, falls gently to the earth,
Avas as soon drowned, by the eloquent voice of Henry ; and " give '
me liberty, or give me death ! " rapidly arose upon the tumultuous
air of the colonial settlements.
English soldiers soon making their appearance in Boston, (Sept.
27, 1768,) harsh treatment and imperious demands soon aAvakened
resentment. A collision betAveen the citizens and soldiers, in Avhich
three Americans were killed, was the result. Determining neither
to use, nor to pay tax upon tea, three ships laden with this article,
arriving in Boston harbor, were boarded at night by a party of
disguised Bostonians, and the tea was hurled into the water.
Parliament still sterply demanding to be regarded in her claims,
and finding it out of the question either to bribe or buy the patriotic
colonists, soon began more strenuous measures of control. The
colonists rapidly formed into bodies of militia. " Minute men,"
ready for action at a moment's notice, sprang up at every hand
The English Parliament had declared Massachusetts to be in a
state of rebellion, and more troops came over. " Boston Neck"
Avas fortified by the English, and the Patriots, concealing their can
nons in loads of manure, and their ammunition , and cartridges in
market baskets aud candle-boxes, gradually passed the guards to
a point beyond Boston, unmolested. Concord, N. H., became a
prominent point, whither the patriots gathered their stores and
ammunition, etc. General Gage, then commanding the English
forces, thought to route the colonists from this point, and one night
secretly dispatched an army of eight hundred men towards Con
cord for the purpose. The Patriots heard of their coming. The
bells ofthe place were rung; guns were fired, and the minute men
were in arms. " Disperse, ye rebels," cried Gage, confronting the
colonists and discharging his horse-pistols. ' The English soldiery
followed with a discharge of musketry. A number fell on the
colonial side, and, giving way, the British passed on to Concord.
A few hours later, the English, starting on their return to Boston,
the colonists having gathered in large numbers from different points,
and posted themselves behind barns, trees, houses, and fences,
opened a terrible fire upon them from every side, and before reach
ing Boston, the former were well-nigh destroyed.
The first blood was now spilled, and the account of the battle of
Lexington aroused, at every point, the Avhole colonial population
of America. ^' The farmer left his plow, and the mechanic his
Avork-shop. Even old men and boys, says the records, " hastened
to arm themselves" — the Avife girding " the SAvord about her hus
band ; " the mother blessing her son, and bidding him " go strike ,

The Declaration of Independence. 91
a blow for his country." The colonists Avero ripe for the struggle. A
new era was to dawn upon the world ; and Freedom Avas destined to
triumph. As demand calls for supply; as necessities superinduce and de-
velope the requisites of any great movement, so there soon ap
peared upon the colonial stage a Franklin, a Washington, a Jay,
a Jefferson, a Hancock, an Adams, a Monroe, a Randolph, a
Thompson, a Lee, an Otis, a Wayne, a Henry, a Hamilton, a Knox,
a Clinton, a Mifflin, a Pickens, a Morgan, a Green, a Morris, a Lin
coln, a Marion, a Sumpter, a Tarleton, a Sullivan, a Jones, a Hop
kins, a Rutledge, a Gates, a Putnam, a Trumbull, a Wm. Washing
ton, a Bainbridge, a Schuyler, a Warren, etc.
Ticonderoga, had now, (May 10th, 1765,) fallen into the hands
ofthe Americans; the Continential Congress, for the 'second time,
Avas in session at Philadelphia ; Geokge Washington became com
mander-in-chief of the colonial army; great quantities of paper
currency were issued ; the great hattie of Bunker Hill was soon
fought; and the Avar for American Independence had begun Avith
an earnestness and determination only equalled by the glorious
spirit that gave birth and impetus to the struggle.
At length the 4th of July, 1776, came. Tlie Continental Con
gress had received, considered, and, on this halloAved and ever-
memorable day, adopted a Declakation ob' Independence. The
great old bell of Independence Hall soon rang out upon the still
air the glorious consummation; and every Avhere the heart ofthe
colonist thrilled with joy. In the midst of discord, and under
heavy travail, the new continent had given birth to a rare and
beautiful child of Freedom and Progress, destined to live and be
come more glorious, happy, free, and beautiful as time rolled on.
As before this eventfui and happy hour, — Avith noAV a victory ;
hoav retreat and momentary defeat ; now suffering Avith cold and
hunger ; annon encountering the savages of the forest, pushed on by
British influence, for seven years the Avar continued ; during Avhich
period, the American forces had been joined by many brave and
patriotic men from the Old World, whose souls had caught the
spirit of the 'hour, and whoso great love of Freedom brought them
to the rescue ofthe struggling cause on the neAV continent; amoug
Avhom Avere Lafayette, Kosciusko, De Kalb, Pulaski, Baron Steu
ben, and France herself, but a feAV years before defeated by the
British in Canada, and at other points, also became an ally of the
Americans, and rendered valuable aid in the cause of Freedom.
Effecting a final treaty of peace Avith the British September 3,
1788;, and from that time fonvard rapidly gaining strength and
recovering from the great pressure so long hanging over them,
on the 4th of March the old Continental Congress ceased to be, and
the main elements of the present Federal Constitution, under
Avhich our Republic has for so many years existed, and, under every
adversity, maintained its primitive spirit of independence, became

02

HjgTOKY OF FOKT WAYNlE.

A

the organic basis of the new governmental superstructure pf
America. A glorious era in the World's History had now begun.
A month and two days later, (April 6th, 1789,) by the unani
mous voice of the electors, the surveyor, the hero, and the 'sol
dier ; the statesman and the philanthropist ; the lover of Truth and
Goodness ; the successful leader of the colonial army, and the man
of Progress in Governmental Freedom " and the pursuit of Happi
ness" — Geoege Washington, of Virginia, became first President,
and the good and patriotic John Adams, of Massachusetts, first
Vice-President of the United States.
The beautiful germ of the Ideal Republic of Plato, cast upon
the soil ofthe World's necessities more than two thousand years
before ; the great principles of civil and religious liberty, involv
ing at once " the inalienable rights of man " and the fundamental
truths and necessities of continued progression in all that pertained
to his welfare in mental and physical growth, as the only safe and
sure road to ultimate happiness and good government, seen,
acknowledged, and declared years prior to the departure of Col
umbus on his great voyage of discovery ; and which " had shaken
thrones and overturned dynasties " long before the regicidal fate of
Charles the First, had now, within the wild domain of the New
World, begun to bear their first fruits, and to give promisp of a
continued and still more glorious fruitage in the ypars to conie.

CHAPTER IX.

" Where are the hardy yeomen
Who battled for this land.
And trode these hoar old forests,
A brave and gallant bard 1
They knew no dread of danger,
When roBe the Indian's yell ;
Right gallantly they struggled.
Right gallantly they fell." — Chables A. Jones.

Peaceful attitude of affairs at the cloBe of the great council at Oswego — A deBire for
more room — Movements of small parties westward — How they lived — Their dis
like of extensive settlements — The English colonists — Habits and vicissitudes of
the early pioneers — Their appearance, houses.furniture.etc. — "Tomahawk rights"
— The cabins often too " cluss " — Dangers and hardships — Efforts of Patrick
Henry — Appointment of George Rogers Clark — His movement down the Ohio —
Reaches Louisville, Ky. — Starts for Kaskaskia — Takes the place hy storm — The
"Long Knives" — The stratagem — Fright of the villagers — 'Father Gibault and
others visit Clark — The inhabitants permitted to attend church — Expect to be
separated — Revisit of Father Gibault and patty — Clark's response — Joy cf the
villagers — An expedition against Cahokia — Capture of that place and Vincennes
— Appointments l>y Clark — " Big Door " — A " talk " — Big Door declares for the
Long Knives — Clark organizes a company of French — Moves against the Indians
— Brings them to terms — His movements reach the English at Detroit — Hamilton,
the English Governor, moves against "Vincennes, with a view to re-capture the
lost posts — Vincennes retaken by the British — Clark hears of the event, and soon
captures the fort again — Hamilton and others sent to Virginia — No further
troubles from the English — La Balme's expedition to this point — Flight ol the In
diana — La Balme withdraws — Pursued by the Indians, under Little Turtle, and
the whole party destroyed. o 
) T THE CLOSE of the great treaty of Sir William Johnson
1 with the different tribes of the north-west, at OsAvego, in the
^spring of 1766, at which Pontiac himself appeared and con
cluded a final reconciliation in behalf 6f all the tribes formerly
banded under his leadership, it was generallytho.ught by the
colonists and those settlements along the Alleghenies and at other
points westward, that further danger from the tribes was at an end.
The English flag was now waving over all the posts from Niagara
to the Mississippi ; and while the settlements along the borders*
and beyond were yet sparse and scattering, there arose a strong
*Which, at that period, extendedjbut^little westward of tlie Alleghany mountains.

94 HisTotoY of Fort Wayne.
desire for more room among the settlers, and hundreds of resolute
men were soon on the march seeking neAV homes in the Avilderness
of the west. After so much warfare, the peaceful quietudes of the
border and more easterly settlements Avere more than they could
abide, and the Avild scenes of the distant forest afforded a fair in
terchange for the former excitement and vicissitudes of war.
Starting out in small parties, the adventurous settlers would
move westward far interionvard, then separating, they would trav
erse large extents of country, and at length, each selecting a site
for himself, would settle doAvn in the primeval forest, far from any
scenes of civilization or civilized associates, and living much like
the Indians, they soon became as reckless and indifferent as tho
most savage of the red men around them. It is related of those
early times that one of those pioneer settlers left his clearing and
started for the forests ofthe west, for the reason that another had
settled so near to him that he could hear the report of his rifle ;
while yet another, seeing from the Aralley of his location, smoke
curling in the distance, is said to have gone fifteen miles to dis
cover its emanation, and finding new-comers there, " quit the coun
try in disgust." More " elbow-room " Avas AAranted. Such Avere at
least some of the extreme expressions of the time.
The English colonists Avere hardy, daring, self-reliant men. Un
like former periods in the old world, when obe nation Avas often
suddenly overrun by another, both in their military and migratory
movements, they pushed gradually forward ; ahd Avhile many were
destroyed, they yet, on the one hand, succeeded in reducing the,
Indians to a state of submission, through fear of extermination, y
while, on the other, the pioneer, relying entirely on his own bravery
and proAvess, with what aid each could render the other, in times
of attack upon the settlements, &c, long held possession of a large
region of country, and thus aided inlaying the basic structure of
future greatness. Long accustomed to the exposure and the vicis
situdes of a life on the frontier and in the Avilderness, it is not sur-'
prising that these hardy men became daring and implacable; often
restless for the achievement of some momentary victory or re
venge. >
Adventurous men now soon began to crowd upon the Indians ; their
lands were being overrun by the colonists ; and while the Indians i
were disposed to present, for the most part, a friendly front toward? I
the British, they yet cut doAvn the settlers, and, through the Eng-
lish,'readily made war upon the colonial settlements during the
Revolution. , Born and bred amid scenes of hardship, these early
pioneers were ^naturally hardy and active,, often earing, but;, li,tfiel j
for t.)ie common comforts of life or the roughest weather. "Wild
as untamed nature, they could scream with the panther, howl with
the wolf, Avhoop with the Indian, and fight all creation." It is re
lated of one of these strangely rough adventurers in the history of
the Avest, that, having '• been tomahaAvked, and his scalp started,

Early Pioneers— Their Habits, Appearance, Etc. 95
he might yet be killed sometime, as the lightning had tried him on
once, and would have done the business up for' him, if he hadn't
dodged." Constantly associating with the Indians, many of them
not only became demi-savage in appearance, but " frequently as
sumed the whole savage character.
A little description of their appearance, ordinary costumes, hab
its of life, houses, etc., will betof interest to the present generation.
A coonskin cap, with the tail dangling at the back of the heck;
and the snout drooping upon the forehead ; long buckskin leg'gins,
sewed with a wide, fringed Avelt, down the outside of the legs ; a
long, narrow strip of coarse cloth, passing around the hips and be
tween the thighs, was brought up before and behind under the
belt,. and hung doAvn flapping as they yvalked; a loose deerskin
frock, open in front, and lapping once and a half round the body,
. was belted at the middle, forming convenient wallets on each side
for chunks of hoecake, tow, jerked venison, screAV-driver, and
other fixings ; and a pair of Indian moccasins completed the primi
tive hunter's most unique apparel. Over the Avhole was slung a
bullet-pouch and powder-horn. From behind the left hip dangled
a scalping-knife ; from the right protruded the handle of ahalchet;
both weapons stuck in leathern cases. Every hunter ^carried an
awl,' a roll ot buckskin, and strings of hide, called "whangs," for
thread. In the Avinter loose deer-hair was stuffed into the mocca
sins to keep the feet warm. The pioneers lived in rude log-houses,
covered, generally, Avith pieces of timber, about three feet in length
and six inches in Avidth, called " shakes," and laid over the roof
instead of shinples. They had neither nails, glass, saws, nor brick.
The houses had huge slab doors, pinned together -with Avooden
pins. The light came doAvn the chimney, or through a hole in the
logs, covered with a greased cloth. A scraggy hemlock sap
ling, the knots left a foot long, served for a stainvay to the upper
story. Their furniture consisted of tamarack bedsteads, framed
into the walls, and a few shelves supported on long wooden pins ;
sometimes a chair or two, but more often, a piece split off a tree,
and so trimmed, that the branches served for legs. Their utensils
Avere very simple ; generally nothing but a skillet, Avhich served
for baking, boiling, roasting, washing dishes, making mush, scald
ing turkeys, cooking sassafras tea, and making soap. A Johny-
cake board, instead of a dripping-pan, hung on a peg in every
house. The corn Avas cracked into s coarse meal, by pounding it
in a Avooden mortar. As soon as swine could be kept aAvay from
the <bears,-or, rather, the bears aAvay from them, the pioneers in
dulged in a dish of pork and corn, boiled together, and knoAvn
among them as " hog and hominy." Fried pork they called " Old
Ned."* Quite the opposite of the early French settlers, Avho formed
themselves into small communities, and tended their fields ia com-
*" States and Territories ofthe Great West," pages 142, 141), 144, 145.

96 History of Fort Wayne.
mon, the yankee pioneer " went the whole length for individual
property," each settler claiming for himself three hundred acres of
land, and the priAdlege of taking a thousand more, contiguous to
his clearing ; each running out his own lines for himself, chipping
the bark off the trees, and cutting his name in the wood ; which
claims, thus loosely asserted, were then called " tomahawk rights,"
and were readily regarded by each emigrant. The first work that
claimed the attention of the settler was that of felling the trees
about him in order to make an opening and to prepare his house-
logs, for the erection of a • cabin, " sleeping, meanwhile, under a
bark cover, raised on crotches, or under a tree." A story is related
of one of these , pioneers, that, after the completion of his cabin,
" he could hardly stomach it." The logs were unchinked, the doo'r-
Avay opeh, the chimney gaping widely above him, but he com
plained that the air was yet too " cluss," and that he was compelled
to sleep outside for a night or so in order " to get used to it."
Such, runs the record, " were the people, and such their modes
of living, that began to spread themselves throughout the we'st,
between the close of Pontiac's war and the commencement of the
Revolution. Then, when that struggle came on, new difficulties
gathered thickly around the scattered settlements. The reduction
of the wilderness Avas a huge task of itself, even with every'encour-
agement, and without opposition of any sort. But the Anglo Saxon
seemed to have had everything arrayed against him. Not only
the forest, and the wild beasts, and untold privations, stood in the
Avay of his progress , but the French first tried to crowd him out ;
then the Indians sought to kill him; and, lastly, the. British turned
against their own flesh and blood, and bribed the savage3 to take1
his life. While the armies of England were roving over and wast
ing the whole Atlantic coast, from Massachusetts to Georgia, the
British Governor at Detroit, and his agents at the forts on the Wa
bash, and Maumee rivers, (including the fort at this point,) and at
Kaskaskia, were busily engaged in inciting the Indians to deeds of
rapine and murder on the western frontier. The teirible scenes of
the old French Avar, and of Pontiac's war,- were often re-enacted*
The pioneers, however, Avere a different class of men from those
who had previously suffered in Virginia and Pennsylvania, and .
who frequently precipitately fled from their burning dwellings.
There was an iron will and temper in these later settlers that pre
sented a front far different from those who, some years before, had
fled before the combined forces of the savages and French. Not
waiting to be smoked or burnt out, or have their skulls opened with
the tomahawk ; their throats cut or scalps taken, the yankee pio
neers met their assailants and took a ready hand in the game of
fight ; and no sooner was it understood that the British Avere en
gaged in inciting the Indians against the American settlers, than it
was resolved to push the Avar into the very forest itself — to the very,
threshold of the enemy. Patrick Henry, then Governor of Vir-

Movements of George Rogers Clark. 97
ginia, soon snuffed the air of the pioneer settlements. He saw the
situation. His soul arose equal to the emergency, and was anion o-
the first to propose a plan of relief for these sufferers of the foresF.
On the 2d of January, 1778, he issued instructions to the farmers, and
directed the heroic Lt.-Ool. Geo. Rogers Clark, of Albermarle coun
ty? Virginia, to " proceed Avith all convenient speed to raise seven
companies of soldiers, to consist of fifty men each, officered in the
usual manner, and armed most properly for the enterprise, and
Avith that force to attack the British fort at Kaskaskia ; " charging
him, most explicitly, as follows : " During the whole transaction',
you are to take especial care to keep the true destination of your
force secret; — its success depends on this." The sagacious fore
sight of Henry knew the man for the Avork.
Clark set about the task AA'ith a will. He Avas born a hero, and
Avas said to be one ofthe finest looking men of his day, and Avould
readily " have attracted attention among a thousand." Conscious
dignity is said to have sat gracefully upon him. Agreeable in
temper; manly in deportment; intelligent in conversation; largely
competent as an officer ; vivacious and bold of spirit, Col. Clarke
Avas the man for the occasion.
His captains having reached Fort Pitt in the month of June,*
with less than six lines, in companies, Avith boats in readiness,
Clark and his little army were soOn aboard, and floating doAvn
the Ohio, whither they descended to the falls, in view of the pres
ent site of Louisville, Ky., where they encamped, hoping to obtain
additional force from Kentucky stations ; but, after some considera
tion touching these posts, deeming it unwise to reduce their
strengh, with one hundred and fifty-three men, Col. Clark, armed
after the Indian style, continued his course to the mouth of the
Tennessee river. Obtaining important information at this point
relative to the British posts on the Upper Mississippi, and sinking
his boats to 'prevent discovery, he started overland to surprise and
capture Kaskaskia. Each man carrying his own baggage and ra
tions, through marshes and forests, for a distance of one hundred
and twenty miles, often knee-deep in water, with their apparel
dirty and ragged, beards unshaven for three Aveeks, presenting alto
gether a Avild, frightful aspect, on the evening of the Fourth of
July, 1778, Clark and his men approached Kaskaskia, and con
cealed themselves about the hills east of the Kaskaskia river.
Sending out spies to watch the inhabitants, soon after night-fall, ho
Avas again in motfon, and took possession of a house, in which a
family resided, about three-quarters of a mile from the toAvn, which
contained about tAvo hundred and fifty dwellings. Finding boats
and canoeslat^this point, Clark divided his troops into three par-
*The general inconveniences of the day— the thick forests, etc., all combined ,o render
everything in the way of military and pioneer movements exceedingly slow, and of-'en
precarious. ( ' )

98 History of Fort Wayne.
ties — two to cross the river, while the other, with Clark himself,
moved forward and took command of the fort.
The Indians and French had long knoAvn the New Englanders by
the appellation of "Bostonias," and the Virginians by that of
" Long- Knives." Many strange and fearful stories had fong gone
forth among the French of these posts concerning the Long-Knives.
English officers visiting the Kaskaskians, had told them that the
Long-Knives would not only take their property, but were so bru
tal and ferocious that they " Avould butcher, in the most horrible
manner, men, women, and children I" — a fact that had previously-
reached the ear of Clark, and in pretension, at least, as the most
salutary means of effecting his purpose, he determined to carry
out the idea and take the inhabitants by storm ; and, accordingly,
persons who could speak the French language, were directed to
pass through the streets of the town and warn the inhabitants to
keep Avithin their dwellings, "under penalty of being shot down in
the streets "
Crossing the river,' the two parties strode into1 the yet u q,toiet and
unsuspecting village at both extremes, yelling in the most furious
manner, while those who made the proclamation in French,. ordered
the people into their houses on pain of instant death."* The word
was out. The little village of Kaskaskia was in an Bproar. All
was, consternation, fear,, and trembling. Men, women, and chil
dren ran for dear life, and " Les long m'uteaux J '—le& long cou-
teaux!" — -the Long-Knives ! — -the Long- Knives I rapidly arose upon
the theretofore quiet air of Kaskaskia, and. the inhabitants precipi
tately betook themselves to their dwellings to escape the ven
geance of the intruders. The victory was short and decisive. No
bload had been shed jand two: hours later, the inhabitants of the
.village had albsuvrendered and delivered up their firearms. All
consummated after the best stjde of a commander well adapted to
the occasion^ and who knew just how to carry out the plan of ac
tion, to the best advantage, — a movement termed by the French
t<A%m de gum-vef— the policy of war ; and t& render the movement
the Bioar© ea^aest and effectual in its character, the French Gover
nor, M. Roche Wave,, was taken prisoner in his own chamber, and
the night was- passed by the Virginia soldiers in patroling the
Streets Avith whoops and yells after the manner of the Indians,
which gave the- inhabitants great uneasiness-, but was all turned to
the best account by CoL Clark* The inhabitants were now fully -
pursuaded that all they had previously heard concerning the Long-
Knives Avas too true, Clark had even carried his plan so far as to
prohibit intercourse with eaelfc other or his men ; and for fi>e days
jtjipy were thus held in suspense within their cottages. His troops
P.W} WllP #fth day) being removed to tiLe outskirts of the village,
(the mpadifanfs were privileged again to walk the streets ; but soon
pbsej'jang them conversing awA each other, without giving any
cause therefor, tor permitting a yswd to. be said in self-detente,
*" Western Annuls," pages 28?, gl'»M.

The Kaskaskians Confek avith Claek. 99
Clark ordered several ofthe ofiicers ofthe place to be put in irons.
Not that he wished to be cruel or despotic, but that his strategetic
plan might prove more effectual and certain in its operations ; and
the Avild, reckless, indifferent, dirty, ragged appearance and manner
of Clark and his men, gave the greater awe and force to his plan
of action.
At length, M. Gibault, the parish priest, accompanied by " five
or six elderly gentlemen," by permission, called upon Cob Clark.
All looking alike dirty, and but little different in their general ap
pearance, the deputation were greutly at a loss to know with whom
to confer as commandant, and thus some moments elapsed before
they Avere able to speak. But, very submissively, the priest, after
a short interval, began to make known their mission.. He said " the
inhabitants expected to be separated, perhaps never to meet again,
and they begged through him, as a great favor from their conqueror,
to be permitted to assemble in the church, offer up their prayers to
God for their souls, and take leave of each other."
To this Clark, with an air of seeming carelessness, replied that " the
Americans did not trouble themselves about the religion of others,
but left every man to worship God as he pleased ; " and readily
granted the privilege desired, but charged them on no account to
attempt to leave the place ; and no further conversation Avas per
mitted with the deputation!
The little church was soon open, and the people rapidly crowded
into it. As though the last opportunity they would have thus to
assemble, all mournfully chanted their prayers, and bid each other
adieu, little presuming that they would ever meet again in this
life ; and so great did they esteem the privilege granted them, that,
at the close of the exercises, the priest and deputation repaired
again to the quarters of Clark, and, on behalf of the people of the
village, graciously thanked him for the indulgence granted them.
Begging leave to say a word regarding their separation and their
lives, they asserted that they knew nothing of the troubles between
Great Britain and the colonists ; that all that they had done Avas in
subjection to the English commandants ; and that while they were
willing to abide by the fate of war in the loss of their property,
they prayed that they might not be separated from their families ;
and that " clothes and provisions might be allowed them, barely
sufficient for their present necessities."
The stratagem Avas now complete. Fear had lapsed into resig
nation ; and the spirit of hope in the Kaskaskians had fallen below
the common ebb of even partial security. The achievement of
-Clark's plan was complete, and, with an air of surprise, he
abruptly responded : " Do you mistake us for savages ? I am al
most certain that you do from your language 1 Do you think that
Americans intend to strip women and children, or take the bread
out of their mouths ? " " My countrymen," continued he, " disdain
to make war upon helpless irmQeeuee. It was to prevent the hoi-

100 History ot Fokt Watnb.
rors of Indian butchery upon our own wives and children that we
have taken arms and penetrated into this remote stronghold of
British and Indian barbarity, and not the despicable prospect of
plunder. That now the King of France had united his powerful
arms with that of America, the war would not, in all probability,
continue long ; but the inhabitants of Kaskaskia were at liberty to
take which side they pleased, without the least danger to either
their property or families. Nor would their religion be any source
of disagreement, as all religions were regarded with equal respect
in the eye of the American law, and that any insult offered it would
be immediately punished. And now, to prove my sincerity, you
will please inform your fellow-citizens that they are quite at liberty
to conduct themselves as usual, without the least apprehension. I
am now convinced, from what I have learned since my arrival
among you, that you have been misinformed and prejudiced
against us by British officers ; and your friends Avho are in confine
ment shall immediately be released."
The utterances of Clark Avere soon conveyed to the people ; and
from fear and apprehension all was changed to joy and praise. The
bells rang, and te deums were sung. All the night long the villa
gers made merry. All the privileges they could have desired were
granted them, and Col. Clark Avas readily acknoAvledged "the
dommandant of the country."
Soon planning an expedition against Cahokia, in which the Kas
kaskians themselves took part, that place Avas taken with but little
trouble and no bloodshed. Close upon the achievement of this
success, through the aid and friendship of M. Gibault, the priest of
Kaskaskia, Vincennes was also soon captured, with but little ef
fort, and the American flag displayed from the garrison. Capt,
Williams Avas hoav appointed commandant at Kaskaskia ; Capt,
Bowman at Cahokia, and Capt. Helm at Vincennes.* The French
at these points were now all fast friends ofthe Americans, and re
joiced at the change that had been made from British to Anlerh
can rule ; and Clark proceeded to re-organize the civil government
among them, appointing influential and prominent French resi
dents to fill the offices.
At this period a Piankeshaw chief, of great influence among his
tribe, known as the " Big Gate," or " Big Door," and called by the
Indians " The Grand Door to the Wabash," from the fact that, much
as with the famous Pontiac and the Delaware Prophet, farther to
the eastward, with whom the reader is already familiar, nothing
could be accomplished by the Indian confederation on the AVabash
at that period, without his approbation. Receiving " a spirited
compliment " from father Gibault, (who was much liked by the
Indians,), through his father, known as u Old Tobac," Big Door re
turned it, which Avas soon followed with a " great talk " and a belt
of Avampum. These Indians, under British influence, had previ-
*The fort at Afincennca was called Fort Titriet Henry, after its capture hy Clark. ,

Tub Wabash Indians Declare for the Long- Knives. 101
ously done much " mischief to the frontier settlements." Capt. Helm
noAV soon sent a " talk " and Avampum to the " Big Door." The
chief was very much elated, and sent a message to Helm, statin o-
that he was glad to see one ofthe Big Knife chiefs in town; that
here he joined the English against the Big Knives, but he long
thought they " looked a little gloomy;" that he must consult his
counselors; take time to deliberate, as was the Indian custom ; and
hoped the Captain of the Big Knives would be patient. After sev
eral days, Old Tobac invited Captain Helm to a council; and it is
said Tobac played quite a subordinate to his son (Big Door) in the
proceedings thereof.*
After some display of eloquence in reference to the sky having
been dark^ and the clouds now having been brushed away, the
Grand Door announced " that his ideas were much changed ; and
that "the Big Knives was in the right;" " that he would tell all the
red people on the Wabash to bloody the hand no more for Che
English;" and jumping up, striking his breast, said he was " a man
and a warrior ; " " that he was now a Big Knife," and shook the
hand of Capt. Helm, his example being followed by all present ; and
soon all the tribes along the Wabash, as high as Ouiatenon, came
flocking to Vincennes to Avelcome the Big Knives. The interests
of the British are now said to have lost ground in all the villages
south of Lake Michigan.
A few months later, and the jurisdiction of Virginia Avas exten
ded over the settlements of the Wabash and the Upper Missis
sippi, through the organization of the " County of Illinois," over
which Col. John Todd had been made civil commander.
On the first of September, the time of enlistment of the troops
under Clark having expired, and seventy of his men already re
turned home, to take their places, Clark at once drganized a com
pany of the inhabitants of Kaskaskia and Cahokia, commanded by
their own officers, and soon started a formidable and rapid move
ment against the Indians, Avith Avhom he made no treaties or gave
any quarters. His idea and spirit was to reduce them to terms,
Avithout any parley ; and soon the name of Clark became a terror
among the tribes of the northwest. Before the close of December,
(1778) these hostilities had nearly ceased, and everything Avore a
friendly air among the French settlers.
The neAvs of Clark's success having at length reached Detroit, by
way of this point, IIamilton,t the British Governor, at once determ
ined to recapture the posts again, and accordingly Avith eighty reg-
*" Western Annals," pages 173, 171.
tThe following passport, issued by Governor Hamilton-, at Detroit, will convey o
lively sense ofthe cortdition of affairs, and spirit ofthe northwtBt at this early period :
"By Henry Hamilton, Esq,, Lieut. Governor and Superintendent of Detroit aud De
pendencies, &c, &c. " Detroit St., No. 254. It is permitted to John Bte. Dubois and
Amable Delisle, employed by Mr. Mneleod, to depart from this post and go to St.
Vincennes ; — they hnving been posted, taken the usual oath, and that of fidelity, and
given bond in the penalty of Two hundred and Fifty Pounds, New York currency, by
which they bind themselves that- they will not sell rum, wine, cider, or other strong

102 History of Fort Wayne.
ulars, a large number of Canadian militia, and six hundred Indians,
he ascended the Maumee, to this point, crossed over to the Wabash,
and made a rapid movement upon Vincennes, thinking to take the
fort by storm, and destroy all within the garrison. Thus they moved
forAvard. Helm was not to be dismayed. Full of confidence, and
with an air that served to signify that the fort was full of soldiers,
lie leaped upon the bastion, near a cannon, and, swinging his .
lighted match, shouted with great force, as the advancing column
approached, ." Halt ! or I will blow you to atoms ! " At which the
Indians precipitately took to the AA^oods, and the Canadians fell
back out of range ofthe cannon. Fearing that the fort was well
manned, and that a desperate encounter would ensue, Hamilten
thought best to offer a parley. Capt. Helm declaring that he would,
fight as long as a man Avas left to bear arms, unless permitted to
march out with the full honors of war, which were at length agreed
upon, and the garrison thrown open, Helm and five men, all told,
marching out, to the utmost astonishment of the British commander.
But Helm was afterwards detained in the fort as a prisoner.
The season now being late and unfavorable, Hamilton determin
ed to take no further steps toward a ' capture of the other posts till
spring. But in the meantime Clark, towards the laBt of January,
1779, received word as to the loss of Vincennes, and on the seventh
of February, with one hundred and thirty men, he took up his line
of march through the forest for Vincennes, a distance of one hun
dred and fifty miles, ordering Captain Rogers, with forty men, on
board a large keel-boat, with two four-pounders and four swivels,
to ascend the Wabash within a few miles of the mouth of White
River — there to await further orders.* The march through the
Avilderness Avas one of peril and hardship — the river bottoms were
inundated ; and, as they moved through these lowlands, the sol
diers were often, while having to feel for the trail with their feet,
compelled to hold their guns and amunition above their heads.
Their food on the march was parched corn and jerked beef. At
liquors to the Indians, directly or indirectly, nor allow the same to be done by any one
in their employ ; that they wiU demean themselves as good and faithful subjects ; that
they will exhibit their passport, on arriving at the Miamis (this point) and at tlie
Weas, (Ouiatenon, below Lafayette) I o those who are invested with authority; and
I hey bind themselves, under the pains of severe punishment, not to aid, assist, or cor
respond with the enemies of his Majesty ; and also that they will give information, as
soon as possible, to the governors or officers commanding the nearest forts or posts, of
those who violate any of the provisions above mentioned. And if any one should es
cape from any ofthe posts dependent to this Government, they shall immediately give
notice thereof to the Lieut. Governor.
Given at Detroit, under my hand and Beal, Honse of the King, the 17th of June,
1778. HENRY HAMILTON, i,. s. By order of the Lieut. Governor, P. DEJEAN."
*Col. Clark seems to have had his attention long fixed upon this point, but was
doubtless governed by a fair sense of wisdom in all his movements. In a letter to one
Major Boseron, of Vincennes, bearing date, " Louisville, Feb. 28,1780," Clark said :
" I learn that there is a report of a number of savages collected at Orai (the Miami
village at this point) with an intention to disturb the settlement of St. Vincents. I
hope it is groundless ; if not, I could only wish that they would keep off for a few
weeks, and I think they would be more sensible of th e'vr interest."

La Balmk's Expedition. 103
length, after some delay, on the evening of the 23d of February,
arriving upon an eminence Avithin sight of the fort, Clark ordered
his men on parade, near the summit of the hill, overlookijag the
fort, keeping them marching for some time, in a manner that seem
ed to the English commander as if there was a large army ap
proaching — at least a thousand men, he thought, with colors plain
ly visible. During the night a deep ditch Ava-s dug to within rifle
shot of the fort, and before day-break, a number of men were sta
tioned therein " to pick off the garrison." It was a success ; every
gunner attempting to show his head along the cannon of the fort,
or peer through a loop-hole was shot; and on the 25th of February
the fort was surrendered, and Hamilton, Major Hay, and a few
others, as instigators in the incitement of Indian murders on the
frontiers, accompanied by a strong guard, were sent to Virginia to
¦ answer for the crimes charged upon them, and where they were
' put in irons and held for a time in close confinement in retaliation
for the massacres that had occurred ; but were finally released at
- the suggestion of General Washington.
This achievement on the part of Clark and his brave comrades,
ni left them, — with no further attempts of the English to regain
b the lost forts, on the Wabash and Upper Mississippi,— in posses--
': sion of all the loAver portion of the West until the close ofthe Rev-
b olntion, Avhen, at the treaty of peace Avith the English in 1783, on
b,: the basis of its having been conquered and held by Col. Clark,
ii Great Britain conceded that all of this extended region of territory
h belonged to the United States.
:k In the fall of the year (1780) following this signal success of
if Clark at Vincennes, a Frenchman, by the name of La Balme* form-
\n ed a plan at Kaskaskia for the capture of Ke-ki-ong-a, (this point)
j[s then held by the British.
y " This village," says the account,! " Avas situated on the banks
,[ ;of the St. Joseph river, commencing about a quarter of a mile
,. above, its confluence Avith the St. Mary, Avhich forms tbe Miami,
'1 (Maumee) and was near the present city of Fort Wayne. It had
jiibeen a principal town of the Miami Indians for at least sixty years
^'before the Revolution, and had been occupied by the French be
fore the fall of Canada, who had erected a fort at the confluence of
'ps.the rivers, on the eastern side of the St. Joseph. At the period of

l(vas, accordingly, occupied as a post or seat of an official for In
dian affairs, by the British in the beginning of the war. Col. Clark,
»$n the capture of Vincennes, had meditated an expedition against
iSiiiis place, 'as well as against Detroit ; and though he seems never
'**(, 'Pronounced by tho French settlers of tho time La Sal.
fBy Charles B. Lasselle, Esq., formerly a resident of Pert Wayne, but now residing
t Logansport, Ind., first published in tho " Democratic Pharos," of Logansport, 185?

104 HlSTOBY OF FOKT WAYNE.
to have abandoned the idea, yet he could not succeed in his ar
rangements to attempt its execution. But while the subject was
still fresh in the mind of Clark and the inhabitants of the Lower
Wabash, another individual made his appearance to undertake
Avhat even the daring Clark, with greater resources, did not deem
prudent to venture upon. This was La Balme. But of him and
his expedition; it may be here stated, very little information of an
entirely authentic shape, is Avithin our reach. Excepting about a
dozen lines in Mr. Dillon's Historical Notes, no published account
Avhatever of this expedition has ever appeared. Whatever may
be given in this brief sketch, has been obtained mostly from some
of those Avho were in part eye-witnesses to the events, and from tra
dition as handed down by the old inhabitants. La Balme was a na
tive of France, and had come to this country as some kind of an
officer, with the French troops, under LaFayette, in 1779. We are
not apprised Avhether he came to the west on his Own responsibility,
or whether' he was directed by some authority; but we find him, in
the summer of 1780, in Kaskaskia, raising volunteers to form an
expedition against the post of Ke-ki-ong-a, with the ulterior view,
in case of success, of extending his operations against the fort and
towns of Detroit. At Kaskaskia he succeeded in obtaining only
between twenty and thirty men. With these he proceeded to Vin
cennes, Avhere he opened a recruiting establishment foi the pur
pose of raising the number necessary for his object.* But he does
not seem to have met here with the favor and encouragement of
the principal inhabitants, or to have had much success in his en
listment. His expedition was looked upon as one of doubtful pro
priety, both as to its means and objects, and it met with the en
couragement, generally, of only the less considerate. Indeed, from
the fragment of an old song,t as sung at the time by the maidens
of Vincennes on the subject of La Balme and his expedition, pre
served by the Avriter, it Avould seem that plunder and fame were as
much its objects, as that of conquest for the general good. Injus
tice may have been done him, in this respect ; but it is quite cer
tain, from all accounts, that though a generous and gallant man,
Avell calculated to be of service in his proper sphere, yet he was too
reckless and inconsiderate to lead such an expedition. How long
he remained at Vincennes, Ave have not now, perhaps, any means
of knoAving. But sometime in the fall of that year — 1780 — with, as
is supposed, between fifty and sixty men, he proceeded up the Wa
bash on his adventure.
" He conducted his march with such caution and celerity, that
*This establishment, says Mr. Lasselle, in a note, was situate on lot No. 106, near
the corner of Market and Third streets, in what had been ealled the "Old Yellow
tavern. "
tTh« following is the beginning of the song referred to, as " sung by the inhabitants ,
of Vincennes, July, 1778," in the language of Mr. Lasselle, "when the priest, M.
Cibauli,, won them to the American side : "
" Notre bcm cure, plus brave que Devaux,
A pris Notre village sans tambour drapeau."

Fate of La Balme and his Folloavebs. 105
he appeared at the village (here) before even tbe*>atohful inhabi
tants had apprehended his approach. The sudden appearance of a
foe, unknown as to character, numbers, and designs, threw them
into the greatest alarm, and they fied on all sides. La Balme took
possession of the place without resistence. It was, probably, his
intention, in imitation of Clark's capture of Kaskaskia, to take the
village and its inhabitants by surprise, and then by acts and pro
fessions of kindness and friendship, to win them over to the Amer
ican cause ; but the inhabitants, including some six or eight French
traders, totally eluded his grasp. His occupation of the village
Avas not of long duration. After remaining a short time, and ma
lting plunder ofthe goods of some of the French traders and In
dians, he retired to near the Aboite Creek* and encamped. The
Indians having soon ascertained the number and character of La
Balme's forces, and learning that they Avere Frenchmen, were not
disposed at first to avenge the attack. But of the traders living
there, (here), there were two, named Beaubient and La Fontaine,^
who, nettled and injured by the invasion and plunder of the place,
were not disposed to let the invaders off Avithout a blow. These
men having incited the Indians to folloAV and attack La Balme,
they soon rallied their Avarriors of the village and vicinity under
the lead of their Avar chief, the Little Turtle, and falling upon them
in the night time, massacred the entire party. Not one is said to
have survived to relate the sad story of the expedition.
" Such," says Mr. Lasseile, " is a' brief and imperfect account of
La Balme's expedition, of Avhich so little is known. It may," con
tinues he, " not have been impelled by the most patriotic motives,
nor guided by wise counsels, nor attended with results especially
beneficial to the country ; yet, as an interesting event, connected
with the early history of the country, it should be rescued from the
oblivion which rests upon it."||
*Abont the point where the Wabash and Erie Canal crosses this stream.
tSays a note to this account : "Beaubien married the chiefess, widow of Joseph
Drouet de Richard ville, and mother of the late chief of the nation, John B. Richard-
ville," jFather of the late Miami chief, La Fontaine.
|| A short account of La Balme's expedition may also be found in "A.nnals ol the
"West," pages 318, 319.

CHAPTER X.
" Like tho dim traditions, hoary, '
Of our loved and native clime ;
Like some half-forgotten story,
Read or heard in olden time."- — Lewis J. Cist.

Emigration westward — Organization of a territorial government — Settlements at Cin •
cinnati (Losantiville) and North Bend — Emigrant boats — Movements from Fort
Washington to this point — Spanish and Indians — Dissolution — Suggestions of
General Washington — His letter to Richard Henry Lee — The importance of the
Miami village — -Treaties and cessions — Congress and Indian lands — Indian basis
of complaint — Council of 1793 — Indian speech — Further troubles — AVhat the In
dians thought would be the result — Miamies, under Little Turtle, lead a confed
eracy — Depredations — Report of Gen. Knox — The Wabash Indians — Letter cf
Gov. St. Clair — The President ofthe IT. S. empowered to call forth the militia of
the States — Washington's instructions to Gov. St. Clair — Gov. St. Clair proceeds
to the Illinois — Losantiville changed to Cincinnati — Sppeehes to the AV abash In
dians — Antoine Gamelin delivers the messages — Reaches this point — Gamelin's
journal — The man-eating society at this point — Gen. Cass' address, &e. — St.
Clair's return — Movement against the Indians — British commandant at Detroit
notified — British aid to the Indians — Militia arrive at Cincinnati — Organization
of the army under Gen Harmar, and movement upon the Miami village here—
The army reach the village and find it deserted — Disorder of the troops — ;A de
tachment — Return ofthe scouts — An order — Another scout — Fires of the Indians
discovered — Indians discovered — Detachment moves forward — Indians concealed
— An attack — Detachment put to flight — Village destroyed — Harmar move* down
the Maumee — Issues more orders — Starls for Fort AVashington — Encampment —
Col. Hardin desires to return to the village — His desire grautad — Indians discov
ered — Some disorder — An attack — An account of one of the wounded— Indians
again victorious — Retreat — Army starts again for Fort Washington, where it ar
rives in safety — Names of the killed — Expedition of Major Hamtrnmck — Another
dreary winter.  e 
i ITT A FEW YEARS had elapsed, after the struggle for Inde
pendence, when a tide of emigration began to set in to the
^Gff> westward again, and a territorial government, with a small
<£j settlement, was established at Campus Martius, iioav Mari-
<* etta. Ohio, in July, 1788. The officers of the government were
General Arthur St. Clair, Governor ; Winthrop Sargent, Secretary ;
and three judges for the executive council. Campus Martius was
of square form, one hundred and eighty feet each Avay. Small
steeples extended from the top of each block house, which were
bullet-proof, and served as sentry-boxes ; Avhile the square Avas en
compassed by a strong palisade, some ten feet in height, and the

Eaely Settlements in thk Noethwest. 107
buildings, all within the enclosure, Avere constructed of whip-sawed
timber, about four inches thick, dove-tailed at the corners, and cov
ered with shingle roofs, each room of which had fire-places and
brick chimneys. The towers and bastions were bright with Avhite-
Avash. For the most part, the settlers of the Northwestern Territory
were men who had spent a largo part of their lives, as well as
fortunes, in the Revolutionary War. Such was the character of a
party of emigrants, under the leadership of General Rufus Putnam,
who left New England in 1787, and, descending the Ohio, to a
point below Marietta, began tho settlement of Belpre, bringing
thither with them, and establishing there, many of the primi
tive habits and customs of their ancestors. First erecting substan
tial buildings for their families, they set about the erection
and organization of a church and school, toward which all are said
to have contributed " with a right good wall ;" and these were the
first institutions of the kind established in the Nortlrwestern Ter
ritory. Tavo years later, in 1789, the first settlement was formed at or
near the present site of Cincinnati, Ohio, by some twenty persons,
under the lead of Israel Ludlow and Robert Patterson, and then
called Losantiville. The original appearance of the present Cin
cinnati, as at the time of its first settlement, is described as " a
beautiful woodland bottom, on the bank of the river, sixty feet
above low-water mark, and extending back three hundred yards to
the base of a second bank, which rose forty feet higher, and then
sloped gently more than a half mile to the foot of the bluff; the
bottom being covered with a heavy growth of sycamore, maple,
and black-walnut ; the second with beech, oak, and hickory tim
ber." In January of this year, another party moved down the
Ohio, and began a settlement at North Bend. The craft or boats
in which these early settlers descended the river, to the present
generation, would indeed seem novel. They usually consisted of a
frame-work of logs, covered with green oak planks, and caulked
Avith rags. Snugly ensconsed in these, men, women, and children
floated doAvn the rivers to their destination, unexposed to the at
tacks of the Indians, who often fired upon them from the river
banks. For some years, a spirit of rivalry existed between the settle
ments of Cincinnati (Losantiville) and North Bend as to the best
point for the establishment of a military post, and for a time North
Bend, from its natural security against the attacks of the Indians,
seemed destined to become the most advantageous and permanent
point, and many emigrants came flocking thitherward. But atlength,
the commanding ofiicer becoming enamored with a beautiful wo
man at the Bend, the wife of one of the settlers, the husband be
came alarmed or jealous, and removed to Losantiville,* so runs
*A school-teacher, by the name of Filson, being called on to name the settlement

108 HlSTOEY OF FOET WAYNE.
the record ; and North Bend at once began to decline in the appre
ciation ofthe commanding officer, as the most available military
point for the protection of the northwest territory, and the troops
Avere soon removed to Losantiville, which post was called Fort
Washington. It was from this point that the first movement, un
der Gen. Harmar, who was then commandant at Fort Washington,
was made against the Indians at the present site of Fort Wayne,
under the administration of Gen. Washington, in October, 1790.
It was also from these points, which, at an early peried here, were
known as " the settlements," that came most of the earlier so
journers and settlers of Fort Wayne ; then still known as the Miami
village or Omi ;* not only Harmar's, but the subsequent expedi
tions of Gens. St. Clair and Wayne, started from Fort Washington'
for this point.
During 1780, 1781, to 1785-6, difficulties had arisen between the
colonial government and the Spanish on the Lower Mississippi, as
to the navigation of that river, and the possession of a large part
of the western territory, together with much trouble with the In
dians of the Avest, more especially along the Ohio, which continued
to give the settlements great trouble for some time subsequent, and
also greatly to disturb the internal relations of the country gener
ally. In addition to, and effects arising mainly from, these causes,
Kentucky, at an early day during the foregoing period, began and
continued for some years to manifest, with other parts of the south-
Avest, considerable dissatisfaction. The government had permitted
the Spaniards of the South to control the navigation of the Missis
sippi ; many privations had come upon the people of the west in
consequence, and a spirit of distrust had gradually given rise to a
spirit of dissolution,! especially in Kentucky, which, at that period,
and for some years later, yet formed a part of Virginia. Washing-
here begun, called it "Losamiville," the interpretation of which ran as follows:
Ville, the town ; anti, opposite to ; os, the mouth ; L, of Licking river ; which, at the
time, was considered, we believe, a pretty fine effort on the part of Mr. Filson.
*" A corrupt orthography and abridgement of the French term Au, or Aux Miamis ;
as Au Cas is a corruption of Au Kaskaskias, to Kaskaskia."— History of Kentucky.
tA person, thought to have been a man by the name of Green, of Louisville, Ken
tucky, writing to some person in New England, under date of December 4, 1786,
said : " Our situation is as bad as it possibly can be, therefore every exertion to re
trieve our circumstances must be manly, eligible and just. AVe can raise twenty thou
sand troops this side ofthe Allegheny and Apalachian Mountains, and the annual in
crease of them by emigration from other parts, is from two to four thousand.
"We have taken all the goods belonging to the Spanish merchants of Post Vin
cennes and the Illinois, and are determined they shall not trade Up the river, prodded
they will not let us trade down it. Preparations are now being made here (if necessary)
to drive the Spaniards from their settlements, at the month of the Mississippi. In case
we are not countenanced and succored by the United States, (if we need it) our alle
giance will be thrown off, and some other power applied to.
" Great Britain stands ready with open arms to receive and support ns. They have
already offered to open their resources for our supplies. When once re-united to them,
' farewell, a long farewell to all your boasted greatness.' The province of Canada and
the inhabitants of these waters, of themselves, in time, will be able to conquer you.
You are as ignorant of this country as Great Britain was of America. These are hints,
which, if rightly improved, may be of service ; if not, blame yourselves for the neglect."

Suggestions op Gen. Washington. 109
ton had felt the pressure, and soon presented important sugges
tions, as he had done before the revolution, relative to the
organisation of commercial and navigation companies, as the
best means of protecting and cementing the interests of the East
and West.
In a letter to Governor Harrison in this year, (1784) he strenu
ously urged the importance of binding together all parts ofthe Union,
and especially the West and East, Avith thfi indissoluble bonds of
interest, Avith a vieAV to prevent the formation of commercial, and,
in consequence, political connections with either the Spaniards on
tlie South, or the English on the North; and recommended the
speedy survey ofthe Potomac and James rivers; of the portage to
the waters of the Ohio ; of the Muskingum ; and the portage from
that river to the Cuyahoga; for the purpose of opening a water
communication for the commerce of the Ohio and the lakes, to -the
seaboard, #nd denominated it as an object of great political and
commercial importance.
To Richard Henry Lee, in the same year, Washington Avrotc :
"Would'' it not be Avorthy ofthe wisdom and attention of Congress
to have the western waters well explored, the navigation of them
fully ascertained and accurately laid down, and a complete and
perfect map made of the country, at least as far westerly as the
Miamis, running into the Ohio, and Lake Erie, and to see how the
Avaters of these communicate Avith the river St. Joseph, which emp
ties into Lake Michigan, and with the Wabash ? for I cannot for
bear observing that the Miami village* points to a very important
post for the Union?
The Indian, though usually called a savage, and doubtless, as a
general rule in earlier days, properly so, yet possessed, Avith all, a
singular intelligence. From the first dealings of the colonists of
Virginia with the famous Powhattans ; the Pilgrims, at Plymouth ;
With Massasoit and his son Metacomet, (King Phillip) of the Wam-
panoags, about Mount Hope, to the later settlements of the West
and the various tribes of the soutlrwest, they ever exhibited a
peculiar knoAvledge of etiquette, and seldom forgot this sense of
regard even for their enemies or the most presumptive intruders,
Avhere the chiefs and sachems could exercise a voice.
It was not a custom with the French, at any time at any of the
points of their settlements in the West, to make large purchases of
lands, from the Indians; small tracts about their settlements invari
ably served to supply their wants; and at the treaty of Paris, in
1763, these small grants, about the forts of Detroit, Vincennes,
Kaskaskia, Cahokia, &c, were all that they ceded to the English.
*At this point. I have italicised this part of AVashington's "letter to call attention to
the'importance then attached to the present site of i"'ort Wayne. Hud dissolution been
attempted at any time during the above period, and the British called to the aid of
the West this would have been an admirable base for the operations of the colonial
army, once having fortified themselves and prepared for a sh-ge— a fact Avhich "Wash
ington seems most fully to have been aware of.

110 HlSTOEY OS1 FoET WayNE.
Following close upon this treaty came the war and the defeat of
Pontiac; and in 1768, a grant by the ll-oquois or Six Nations, at
Fort Stanwix, or the land south of the Ohio, which grant was not
respected by those hunting on the grounds thus conveyed. Dun-
more's War, of 1774, was concluded Avithout any transfer of lands
to the whites ; and, at the close of the revolution, in 1783, when
Great Britain transferred her western claims to the United States,
she conveyed nothing but what she had previously received from
France, excepting the guarantee of the Six Nations and the south
ern tribes to a part ofthe land south of the Ohio ; while none ofthe
territory claimed by the Miamies, western DelaAvares, Shawanoes,
Wyandotts or Hurons, and some other tribes still to the West and
north, was ceded to the United States by this treaty.
' But a different view was taken of the matter by Congress at this
period ; and concluding that the treaty guaranteed to the United
States the full right to all territory then transferred, and, at the same
time, considering the right of the Indians to the territory; as forfeit
ed by acts of warfare against the colonial government during the
struggle for Independence, made no movement towards a purchase
of the lands from the Indians, but began to form treaties of peace
Avith them, and to suggest its own boundary lines.
It was, in this way, in October, 1784, at the second treaty of
Stanwix, that the United States obtained the right possessed by the
Iroquois to the western territory, north and south of the Ohio ; and
though publicly and honorably concluded, its legality was1 yet
questioned by many of the Iroquois, the basis of their opposition
resting upon the fact that that treaty was with only a part of the
Indian tribes ; and that it was the desire of the tribes that the Uni
ted States Government should treat with them as a body, including
all the Indians bordering upon the lakes of the north.
The provisions of October, 1783, had arranged for one great
council of all the tribes ; but in the month of March following, 1781,
this provision was changed to that of holding councils with each
separate tribe or nation ; and the commissioners appointed by the
Government to superintend these affairs, refusing to pay further
attention to the subject of a general council with the northern tribes,
in October, 1784, as against the wishes of Red Jacket, Brant, and
other chiefs, of the Iroquois, terminated the treaty of Fort Stanwix.
After which, in January, of the following year, (1785), a treaty
Avas concluded wiili the Wyandotts, Delawares, Chipewas, and.Ot-
tawas ; but the legality of the former treaty seems not then to have
been questioned, by the Wyandotts and Delawares, at least ; and
yet it was asserted at a general council of some sixteen tribes of
northwestern Indians, in 1793, that the treaties of Forts Stanwix,
Mcintosh, and Finney, (the latter at the mouth of the Great Mi
ami,) were the result of intimidation, and held only with single
tribes, at Avhich, they asserted that the Indians had been invited to

iNbiAN TfiEATiEs— Causes of Complaint, 111
form treaties of peace, but, instead, forced to make cessions of
land. In January, 1786, a third treaty Avas held by the United States,
at Fort Finney, with the ShaAvanoes ; and the Wabash tribes being-
invited to be present, Would not go. In 1789, confirmatory of pre"
ceding treaties, the fourth and fifth treaties were held at Fort Har
mar, one with the Six Nations ; the other with the Wyandotts, Dela-
Avares, OttaAvas, Chippewas, PottaAvattamies, and Sacs ; and it
seems, from speeches made at a subsequent council of the confed-
erated tribes, more particularly of the lake, (1793) that they Avould
Hot accept those treaties as at all binding upon them. Said one of
the chiefs at this latter council :
"Brothers: We are in possession of the speeches and letters
Which passed on that occasion, (council convened by Governor
Arthur Sti Clair, in 1788,) betAveen those deputied by the confed
erate Indians, and Gov. St. Clair, the commissioner of the United
States. These papers prove that your said commissioner, in the
beginning of the year 1789, after having been informed by the
general council of the preceding fall that no bargain or sale of any
part of these lands Avould be considered as valid or binding, unless
agreed to by a general council, nevertheless persisted in collecting-
together a few chiefs of tAvo or three nations only, and Avith them
held a treaty for the cession of an immense country, in Avhich they
were no more interested, than as a branch of the general confeder
acy, and who were in no manner authorized to make any grant or
cession Avhatever,
" Brothers : How then Avas it possible for you to expect to enjoy
peace, and quietly to hold these lands, when your commissioner
Avas informed, long before he held the treaty of Fort Harmar, that
the consent of a general council was absolutely necessary for the
sale of any part of these lands to the United States."*
From these facts, in part, at least, it will be seen why the expe
ditions of 1790-'91, and 1793-'4, with the efforts of 181 l-'l 2 and
'13, met with such stubborn and relentless resistence from the Mi
amies and other tribes, as detailed in subsequent pages. The im
pression that they would, without remuneration or mercy be des
poiled of their lands and at length driven away, seems to have
gained possession of the tribes generally of the northwest before
and during the early campaigns of Harmar, St. Clair, and Wayne ;
and the Miamies, — .though, as it would seem from Gamelin's jour
nal, a strong spirit of unity did not prevail among the different
tribes, before and during 1780, — led the way under the lead of Lit
tle Turtle, with formidable effect.
With a feeling of bitterness and revenge towards the United
States, small bands of Indians had begun, in the spring of 1789 to
attack the settlements along the western borders of Virginia and
Kentucky. *" Western Annals," pages 522, 523, 524.

112 HlSTOEY OF FOET WAYNE.
The Secretary of War of the period, General Knox, in a report
to the President, loth of June, 1789, presented this subject as
follows :
" By information from Brigd'r-General Harmar, the commanding
officer of the troops on the frontier, it appears that several murders
have been lately committed on the inhabitants, by small parties of
Indians, probably from the Wabash country. Some of the said
murders having been perpetrated on the south side of the Ohio,
the inhabitants on the waters of that river are exceedingly alarm
ed, for the extent of six or seven hundred miles along the same.
It is to be observed that the United States have not formed any
treaties with the Wabash Indians ; on the contrary, since the con
clusion of the Avar with Great Britain, hostilities have almost con
stantly existed between the people of Kentucky and the said In
dians. The injuries and murders have been so reciprocal that it
would be a point of critical investigation to know on which side
they have been the greatest. Some ofthe inhabitants of Kentucky
during the past year, roused by recent injuries, made an incursion
into the Wabash country, and possessing an equal aversion to all
bearing the the name of Indians, they destroyed a number of peace
able Piankeshaws* who prided themselves in their attachment to
the United States. Things being thus circumstanced, it is greatly
to be apprehended that hostilities may be so far extended as to in
volve the Indian tribes Avith whom the United States have recently
made treaties. It is well knoAvn how strong the passion for war exists
in the mind of a young savage, and how easily it may be inflamed,
so as to disregard every precept ofthe older and wiser part of the
tribes Avho may have a more just opinion ofthe force of a treaty.
Hence, it results that unless some decisive measures are immedi
ately adopted to terminate those mutual hostilities, they Avill proba
bly become general among all the Indians nortliAvest of the Ohio.
" In examining the question Iioav the disturbances on the fron
tiers are to be quieted, tAvo modes present themselves by which the
object might perhaps be effected- — the first of which is by raising
an army and extirpating the refractory tribes entirely ; or, secondly,
by forming treaties of peace Avith them in Avhich their rights and
limits should be explicitly defined, and the treaties observed on
the part of the United States Avith the most rigid justice, by pun
ishing the Avhites who should Adolate the same.
" In considering the first mode, an inquiry would arise, whether,
under the existing circumstances of affairs, the United States have
<a -clear right, consistently with' the principles of justice and the
laws of nature, to proceed to the destruction or expulsion of th
savages on the Wabash, supposing the force for that object easily
attainable. It is presumable that a nation solicitous of establish.
ing its character on the broad basis of justice, Avould not only hesi.
*The same, doubtless, under the lead of the "C'rand Door," who gave so hearty a
welcome to Capt. Helm, at A^inetnnc-s, after the capture of that post, by Col. Clark.

Repokt of Seoeetaey Knox. 113
tate at but reject every proposition to benefit itself by the injury
of any neighboring community, however contemptible and weak
it may be, either AA'ith respect to its manners or power. When it
shall be considered that the Indians derive their subsistence chiefly
by hunting, and that, according to fixed principles, their popula
tion is in proportion to the facility with which they procure their
food, it would most probably be found that the expulsion or
destruction ofthe Indian tribes have nearly the same effect; for if
they are removed from their usual hunting-grounds, they must
necessarily encroach on the hunting-grounds "of another tribe, who
Avill not suffer the encroachment with impunity — hence they de
stroy each other. The Indians, being the prior occupants, possess
the right- of the soil. It can not be taken from them unless by their
free consent, or by the right of conquest in case of a just war. To
dispossess them on any other principle, would be a gross violation
ofthe fundamental laws of nature, and of that distributive justice
which is the glory of a nation. But if it should be decided, on an
abstract view ofthe question, to be just to remove by force the
Wabash Indians from the territorjr they occupy, the finances ofthe
United States would not at present admit of the operation.
" By the best and latest information, it appears that on the Wa
bash and its communications, there are from fifteen hundred to two
thousand warriors. An expedition against them, with a view of
extirpating them, or destroying their towns, could not be under
taken, with a probability of success, with less than an army of tAvo
thousand five hundred men. The regular troops of the United States
on the frontiers are less than six hundred :* of that number not
more than four hundred could be collected from the posts for the
purpose of the expedition. To raise, pay, feed, arm, and equip one
thousand nine hundred additional men, with the necessary officers,
for six months, and to provide every thing in the hospital and quar
termaster's line, would require the sum of two hundred thousand
dollars, a sum far exceeding the ability ofthe United States to ad
vance, consistently with a due regard to other indispensable objects."
On the 26th of August, 1789, about tAvo hundred mounted vol
unteers, under the command of Colonel John Hardin, marched
from the Falls of the Ohio to attack some of the Indian towns on
the Wabash. This expedition returned to the Falls on the 28th of
September, without the loss of a man — having killed six Indians,
plundered and burnt one, deserted village, and destroyed a consid
erable quantity of corn.t
In a letter, addressed to President Washington, bearing date
"September, 14, 1789," Governor St. Clair said:
"The constant hostilities between the Indians who live upon
the river Wabash and the people of Kentucky, must necessarily be
attended with such embarrassing circumstances to the government
*Detaehments of regular troops were stationed at Fort Pitt, Fort Harmar, Fort AVa "
ington, Fort Steuben, (at the Falls of the Ohio,) and at Post Vincennes.— -His. Ind.
¦ fDillon. {*}

i asli-

114 Histoey of Foet Wayne.
ofthe northwestern territory, that I am induced to request you will
be pleased to take the matter into consideration, and give me the
orders you may think proper. It is not to be expected, sir, that
the Kentucky people will or can submit patiently to the cruelties
and depredations of those savages. They are in the habit of retali
ation, perhaps Avithout attending precisely to the nations from
which the injuries are received. They will continue to retaliate, or
they will apply to the governor of the northAvestern territory
(through which the Indians must pass to attack them) for redress.
If he can not redress them, (and in the present circumstances he
cannot,) they also will march through that country to redress them
selves, and the government will be laid prostrate. The United
State, on the other hand, are at peace with several of the nations,
and should the resentment of these people [the Kentuckians] fall
upon any of them, Avhich it is likely enough to happen, very bad
consequences may follow. For it must appear to them [the Indians]
that the United States either pay no regard to their treaties, or that
they are unable or unwilling to carry their engagement into effect.
* * * They will unite with the hostile nations, prudently pre
ferring open Avar to a delusive and uncertain peace."
Being empowered, by an act of Congress ofthe 29th of Septem
ber, 1789, to call out the militia of the several States for the pro
tection of the frontier settlements, President Washington, on the
6th of Oct., 1789, addressed Governor St. Clair officially as follows :
" It is highly necessary that I should, as soon as possible, possess
full information whether the Wabash and Illinois Indians are most
inclined for war or peace. If for the former, it is proper that I
should be informed of the means which will most probably induce
them to peace. If a peace can be established with the said Indians
on reasonable terms, the interests of the United States dictate that
:t should be effected as soon as possible. You will, therefore, in-
-a the said Indians of the disposition of the general government
*¦ _ subject, and of their reasonable desire that there should be
+V "* of hostilities as a prelude to a treaty.
nn this _ ,er^ notwithstanding your intimations to them, they
a cessa '^ <-heir hostilities, or' meditate any incursion against
should continue > 'niTa ™* Pennsylvania or against any of the
5hc frontiers of Virg- nited States, 'and it should appear to you
troous or posts of the L - ^ould be so near as to forbid your trans-
that the time of execution . " and receiving my orders thereon,
-•nttinc the information to me, nd empowered, in my name, to
then you are hereby authorized a. counties of Virginia and Penn-
f..dl on the lieutenants ofthe nearest - as you may judge proper,
avlvania for such detachments of nnhhu Virginia and five hun-
Jot exceeding, however, me thousand! rem nnliha to act in con-
t xeAftan Pennsylvania.. * * \ lb°B*™' -one, offensive or
Zn%m the Federal troop, m .such ope rati- & ^
June. 6™,„<I *o ^^^f/^rvle, >*d the pro-
defensive, i... . ¦ . ne«^wy &r t#e filMlc ' '
',ointly, shall judge

Washington's Ikstepctions to Gov. St. Clair. 115
fceation of the inhabitants and the posts. The said militia, while in
actual service, to be on the continental establishment of pay and
rations ; they are lo arm and equip themselves, but to be furnished
With public ammunition if necessary; and no charge for the pay of
said militia wili be valid unless supported by regular musters made
by a field or other officer of tho Federal troops.
" I Avould have it observed, forcibly, that a war with the Wabash
Indians ought to be avoided by all means consistently with the se
curity of the troops and the national dignity. In the exercise ofthe
present indiscriminate hostilities, it is extremely difficult, if not im
possible, to say that a war Avithout further measures Avould be just
on the part of the United States. But if, after manifesting clearly
to the Indians the disposition of the general government for the
preservation of peace and the extension of a just protection to the
said Indians, they should continue their incursions, the United States
Avill be constrained to punish them with severity.
" You will also proceed, as soon as you can, with safety, to exe
cute the orders of the late Congress, respecting the inhabitants at
Post Vincennes, and at the Kaskaskias, and the other villages on
the Mississippi. It is a circumstance of some importance, that the
said inhabitants should, as soon as possible, possess the lands to
Which they are entitled, by some known and fixed principles."
The last paragraph ofthe foregoing instructions was based upon
the resolutions of Congress, of the 20th June and 29th August,
1788.* By these resolutions, provisions were made for confirming
in their possessions and titles the French and Canadian inhabitants,
and other settlers, about Kaskaskia and post Vincennes, who, on or
before the year 1783, had professed themselves citizens of the
United States, or any of them. By the same resolutions, a tract of
four hundred acres of land was donated to each head of a family of
this description of settlers.t
About the 1st of January, 1790, Governor St. Clair, AA'ith the
judges ofthe supreme court ofthe territory, descended the river
Ohio, from Marietta to Fort Washington, at Losantiville. At this
place the governor laid out the county of Hamilton, appointed
magistrates and other civil officers for the administration of justice
in that county, and induced the proprietors of the little village to
chano-e its name from Losantiville to Cincinnati. On the 8th of
January, 1790, St. Cfair and Winthrop Sargent, secretary of the
territory, arrived at Clarksville, whence they proceeded to the Illi
nois country, to organize the government in that quarter, and to
carry into efiect the resolutions of Congress relative to the lands
and settlers about Kaskaskia and Post Vincennes. Before the
governor left Clarksville, however, he sent to Major. Hamtramck,
the commanding officer at Post Vincennes^ dispatches containing
speeches Avhich Avere addressed to the Inrf;^n tribes on the Wa-
bash.J -<01d Journals, V£i,ir,S2-» g58 fDUlon. iI1,i,J-.

116 HlSTOBY OF FOET WAYKB.
HaAung received the instructions of Gov. St. Clair, after the
necessary preparations, Major liamtramck, then commanding at
Post Vincennes, on the 15th of April, despatched Antoine Game-
lin from that point with the speeches of St. Clair to the tribes of
the Wabash. Reaching the Indian settlements, Mr. Gamelin de
livered the speeches at all the villages bordering this stream, and
came as far eastward as the Miami village, opposite the present
site of Fort Wayne. The following is the journal of Gamelin, much
of which relates to his conference at the Miami village here; and
Avill give the imaginative reader quite a fair view of the spirit of
the Miamies at this point at that period. Says the journal of Gam
elin: " The first A'illage I arrived to, is called Kikapouguoi. The name
of the chief of this village is called Les Jambes Croches. Him
and his tribe have a good heart, and accepted the speech. The
second village is at the river du Vermillion, called PiankeshaAvs.
The first chief and all his Avarriors, Avere well pleased with the
speeches concerning the peace : but they said they could not give
presently a proper answer, before they consult the Miami nation,
their eldest brethren. They desired me to proceed to the Miami
toAvn, (Ke-ki-ong-gay,) and, by coming back, to let, them know
Avhat reception I got from them. The said head chief told me that
he thought the nations of the lake had a bad heart, and were ill
disposed for the Americans: that the speeches would not be re
ceived, particularly by the ShaAvnees at Miamitown. * * The
lith of April, I reached a tribe of Kickapoos. The head chief and
all the warriors being assembled, I gave them two branches of
Avhite wampum, with the speeches of his excellency Arthur St.
Clair, and these of Major Hamtramck. It must be observed that
the speeches have been in another hand before me. The messen
ger could not proceed further than the Vermillion, on account of
some private wrangling between the interpreter and some chief
men of the tribe. Moreover, something in the speech displeased
them very much, which is included in the third article, which says,
' I do now make you the offer of peace : accept it, or reject it, as
you please? These words appeared to displease all the tribes to
whom the first messenger was sent. They told me they were men
acing ; and finding that it might have a bad effect, I took upon my
self to exclude them; and, after making some apology, they an
swered that he and his tribe were pleased with my speech, and that
I could go up without danger, but they could not presently give
me an answer, having some Avarriors absent, and without consult
ing the Ouiatenons, being the owners of their lands. They desired
me to stop at Quitepiconnse, [Tippecanoe,] that they avouIc! have
the chiefs and warriors of Ouiatenons and those of their nation
assembled there, and would receive a proper answer. They said
that they expected by me a draught of milk from the great chief,
and the commanding officer ofthe post, for to put the old people

Gameun's Journal. 117
in good humor ; also some powder and ball for the young men for
hunting, and to get some good broth for their women and children;
that I should know a bearer of speeches should never be with
empty hands. They promised me to keep their young men from
stealing, and to send speeches to tfieir nations in the prairies for to
do the same.
" The 14th April the Ouiatenons and the Kickapoos were assem
bled. After my speech, one of the head chiefs got up and told me
^ You, Gamehn, my friend and son-in-law, we are pleased to see
in our village, and to hear by your mouth, the good words of the
great chief. We thought to receive a few words from the French
people ; but I see the contrary. None but the Big Knife is sending
speeches to us. Ytou know that we can terminate nothing without
the consent of our brethren the Miamis.- I invite you to proceed
to their village, and to speak to them. There is one thing in your
speech I do not like : I will not tell of it: even was I drunk, I would
perceive it: but our elder brethren will certainly take notice of it in
your speech. You invite us to stop our young men. It is impos
sible to do it, being constantly encouraged by the British,' An
other chief got up and said — ' The Americans are very flattering in
their speeches ; many times our nation went to their rendezvous. I
was once myself. Some of our chiefs died on the route ; and we
always came back all naked: and you, Gamelin, you come with
speech, with empty hands.' Another chief got up and said to his
young men, ' If Ave are poor, and dressed in deer skins, it is our
own fault. Our French traders are leaving us and our villages,
because you plunder them every day ; and it is time for us to have
another conduct.' Another chief got up and said — ' Kiioav ye that
the village of Ouiatenon is the sepulcher of all our ancestors. The
chief of America invites us to go to him if we are for peace. .Ho
has not his leg broke, having been able to go as far as the Illinois.
He might come here himself; and we should be glad to see him
at our village. We confess that Ave accepted the ax, but it is by
the reproach we continually receive from the English and other na
tions, which received the ax first, calling us women : at the present
time they invite our young men to Avar. As to the old people, they
are wishing for peace.' They could not give me an answer before
they receive advice from the Miamis, their elder brethren.
"The 18th April I arrived at the river al'Anguille, [Eel river.]
The chief of the village,* and those of Avar were not present. I ex
plained the speeches to some of the tribe. They said they were
well pleased ; but they could not give me an answer, _ their chief
men being absent. They desired me to stop at their village com
ing back; and they sent with me one of their men for to hear the
answer of their eldest brethren.
"The 23d April I arrived at the Miami town.f The next day I
*The site of this village is on the north side of Eel river, six miles above the point
of the junction of this stream with the AVehaEh. |At this point.

118 History of Fort Wayse.
got the Miami nation, the ShaAvanees, and DelaAvares all assembled.
I gave to each nation two branches of Avampum, and began the
speeches, before the French and English traders, being irivited by
the chiefs to be present, having told them myself I would be glad
to have them present, having nothing to say against anybody. Af
ter the speech, I shoAved them the treaty concluded at Muskingum,
[Fort Harmar^] between his excellency, Governor St. Clair, and
sundry nations, which displeased them. I told them that' the pur
pose of this present time Vas not to submit them to any condition,
but to offer them the peace, which made disappear their displeas
ure. The great chief told' me that he Avas»pleased with the speech;
that he would soon give me an ansAver. In a private discourse ivith
the great chief, he told me not to mind what the ShaAvanees would
tell me, having a bad heart, and being the pertubators of all the na
tions. 'He said the Miamis had a bad name, on account of the mis
chief done ''on the river Ohio ; but he told me, it Avas not occasioned
by his youug' men, but by the Shawanees ; his young men going
out only' for to hunt.
'" The. 25th of April, Blue Jacket, chief warrior ofthe Shawanees,
invited1 me to go to his house, and told, me — 'My friend, by the
name and consent of the Shawanees and Delawares, I will speak to
you. We are all sensible of your speech, and pleased with1 it:
but, after consultation, we can not give an ansAver without hearing
from our father at Detroit; and avc are determined to give you back
the two branches of wampum, and tosend you to Detroit to see and
hear the chief, or to stay here twenty nights for to receive his an
swer. From all quarters we receive speeches from the Americans,
and not one is alike. We suppose that they intend to deceive us.
Then take back your branches of- wampum.'
"The 2Ct!i, five Pottawattamies arrived here with two negro
men, which they sold to English traders. The next day I went to
the great chief of the Miamis, called Le Gris. His chief warrior
AA^as present. I told him hoAV I had been served by the ShaAvan
ees. He answered me that he had heard of it : that the said nations
behaved contrary to ¦ his intentions. He desired me not to mind
those strangers, and that he AA"ouldsoon give me a pofciive answer.
" The 28th of April, the great chief desired me to call at the
French trader's and receive his answer. 'Don't take bad,' said he,
' of what I am to tell you. You may go back Avhen you please. We
can not give you a positive ansAver. "We must send your speeches
to all our neighbors, and to the lake nations. We can not give a defi
nitive answer without consulting the commandant at Detroit.' And
he desired me to render him the two branches of wampum refused
by the Shawanees ; also a copy of speeches in writing. He prom
ised me that, in thirty nights, he Avould send an ansAver to Post Vin
cennes by a young man of each nation. He was Avell pleased with
the speeches, and said to be worthy of attention, and should be
. communicated to all their confederates, having resolved among

Gamelin 's Journal. 119
them not do anything without a unanimous consent. I agreed to
his requisitions, and rendered him the two branches of Avampum
and a copy ofthe speech. Afterward he told me that the Five Na
tions, so called, or Iroquois, Avere training something; that five of
them, and three Wyandotts, were in this village with branches of
Avampum. He could not tell me presently their purpose, but he said
I Avould know of it very soon.
" The same day Blue Jacket, chief of the ShaAvanees, invited me
to his house for supper ; and, before the other chiefs, told me that,
after another deliberation, they thought necessary that I should go
myself to Detroit for to see the commandant, who would get all his
children assembled to hoar my speech. I told them I would not
answer them in the night ; that I Avas not ashamed to speak before
the sun.
" The 29th of April I got them all assembled. I told them that I
was not to go to Detroit ; that the speeches Avere directed to the na
tions ofthe river Wabash and the Miami ; and that, for to prove the
sincerity ofthe speech, and the heart of GoA^ernor St. Clair, I have
willingly given a copy of the speeches to be shown to the com
mandant of Detroit ; and, according to a letter wrote by the com
mandant of Detroit to the Miamis, ShaAvanees, and Delawares, men
tioning to you to be peaceable Avith the Americans, I would go to
him very willingly,, if it Avas in my directions, being sensible of his
sentiments. I told them I had nothing to say to the commandant;
neither him to me. You must immediately resolve, if you intend
to take me to- Detroit, or else I am to go back as soon as possible.
Blue Jacket got up and told me, ' My friend, we are well pleased
Avith Avhat you say. Our intention is not to force you to go to De
troit. It is only a proposal, thinking it for the best. Our ansAver
is the same as the Miamis. We will send, in thirty nights, a full
and positive answer by a young man of each nation by writing to
Post Vincennes.' In the evening, Bine Jacket, chief of the Shaw
anees, having taken me to supper with him, told me, in a private
manner, that the Shawanee nation was in doubt of the sincerity of
the Big Knives, so called, having been already deceived by them.
That they had first destroyed their lands, put out their fire,, and
sent aAvay their young men, being a hunting, without a mouthful
of meat; also had taken away their women— wherefore, many of
them would, with a great deal of pain, forget these affronts. More
over, that some other nations Avere apprehending that offers of
peace Avould, may be, tend to take away, by degrees, their lands,
and would serve them as they did before : a certain proof that they
intend to encroach on our lands, is their neAV settlement on the Ohio.
If they doirt keep this side [of the Ohio] clear,. it .will never be a
proper reconcilement with the nations ShaAvanees, Iroquois, Wy
andotts, and perhaps many others. Le Gris, chief of the Miamis,
asked me, in a private discourse,- what chiefs had made a treaty
with the Americans at Muskingdum [Fort Harmar]* I answered

120 History of Foet Wayne.
him that their names Avere mentioned in the treaty. He told me
he had heard of it some time ago ; but they are not chiefs, neither
delegates, who made that treaty — they are only young men who,
without authority and instructions from their chiefs, have con
cluded that treaty, which will not be approved. They went to the
treaty clandestinely, and they intend to make mention of it in the
next council to be held.
"The 2d of May I came back to the river a l'Anguille. One of
the chief men ofthe tribe being witness of the council at Miami
town, repeated the whole to them ; and whereas, the first chief was
absent, they said they could not for the present time give answer,
but they were willing to join their speech to those of their eldest
brethren. ' To give you proof of an open heart, we let you know
that one of our chiefs is gone to war on the Americans ; but it was
before we heard of you, for certain they would not have been gone
thither.' They also told me that a few days after I passed their vil
lage seventy warriors, Chippewas and OttaAvas, from Michilimaci-
nac, arrived there. Some of them Avere PottaAvattamies, who, meet
ing in their route the Chippewas and OttaAvas, joined them. 'We
told them Avhat we heard by you ; that your speech is fair and true.
We could not stop them from going to war. The Fottawattainies
told us that, as the Chippewas and Ottawas were more numerous
than them, they were forced to follow them.'
" The 3d of May I got to the Weas. They told me that they
Avere waiting for an ansAver from their eldest brethren. 'We ap
prove very much our brethren for not to give a definitive answer,
without informing of it all the lake Nations; that Detroit was the
place where the fire was lighted ; then it ought first to be put out
there ; that the English commandant is their father, since he threw
doAvn our French fatheu. They could do nothing without his ap
probation.' " The 4th of May I arrived at the village ofthe Kickapoos. The
chief, presenting me two branches of wampum, black and white,
said : ' My son, we can not stop our young men from going to war.
Every clay some set off clandestinely for that purpose. After such
behavior from our young men, we are ashamed to say to the great
chief at the Illinois and of the Post Vincennnes, that we are busy
about some good affairs for the reconcilement; but be persuaded
that Ave will speak to them continually concerning the peace ; and
that, when our eldest brethren Avill have sent their answer, we will
join ours to it.'
" The 5th of May I arrived at Vermillion. I found nobody but
two chiefs ; all the rest Avere gone a hunting'. They told me they
had nothing else to say but what I was told going up."
Gov. St. Clair being at Kaskaskia, in the fore part of the month
of June of this year, (1790) received from Major Hamtramck tho
following-, bearing date, "Post Vincennes, May 22d, 1790:" "I
noAV inclose the proceedings of Mr. Gamelin, by which your excel-

The Man-Eattno Society — Forsyth's Account. 121
lency can have no great hopes of bringing the Indians to a peace
with the United States. The 8th of May, Gamelin arrived, and on
the 11th some merchants arrived and informed me that, as soon as
Gamelin had passed their villages on his return, all the Indians
had gone to war ; that a large party of Indians from Michilemac-
inac, and some PottaAvattamies, had gone to Kentucky ; and that
three days after Gamelin had left the Miami (village — here) an
American was brought there and burnt."*
* According to the statement of chief Richnrdville, Mr. Peltier, and others, says Mr.
J.L.Williams, in his researches, page 11, " Historical Sketch of the First Presbyterian
Church of Fort Wayne," " the extreme point of land just below the mouth ©f the St.
Joseph, now so attractive in rural peaceful beauty, is said to have been the accustomed
place for burning prisoners." Some years ago, chief Riohardville also pointed out a
spot, to an old citizen of Fort Wayne, lying near Mr. J. S.Mason's line, a few rods from a
grave-yard on the west side of the Bluffton Plank Road, where he said a Kentuckian
had been burned by the Indians sometime during 1812. This, as the reader is already
aware, being long a familiar and beloved spot, not only with the Miamies, but many
other friendly tribes, to hold and maintain it, they seem to have early devised many
plans and means of security, both against their enemies of other savage tribes anil
the whites, at different periods. At a very early time, the Miamies were called and
familiarly known among the tribes of the country as " Linnewats, " or " Minneways."
which, as with the name Menomenies, signified Men. As a means of terror to their
enemies, the Minneways or Miamies had early formed here what was commonly
known as a " man-eating society, " which, to make it the more fearful to their oppo.
nents, was firmly established on a hereditary basis, confined to one family alone, whoso
descendants continued to exercise, by right of descent, the savage rites and duties of
the man-eating family. One Major Thomas Forsyth, who lived for a period of more
than twenty years among the Sauks and Fox Indians, in a written narration of these
two tribes, first published in Drake's "Life of Black Hawk," as early as 1838, said :
"More than a century ago, all the country, commencing above Rock river, and run
ning down the Mississippi to the mouth of the Ohio, up that river to the mouth ofthe
AVabash, thenee up that river to Fort Wayne, thence down the Miami of tlie Lake
some distance, thence north to the St. Joseph's and Chicago; also the country lying
south of the Des Moines, down perhaps, to the Mississippi, was inhabited by a numer
ous nation of Indians, who called themselves Linneway, and were called by others,
Minneway, signifying "men." This great nation was divided into several bands, and
inhabited different parts of this extensive region, as follows : The Michigamies, tho
country south of the Des Moines ; the Cahokias that east of bhe present village of Ca
hokia in Illinois ; the Kaskaskias that east of the town of that name ; the Tamarois
had their village nearly central between Cahokia and Kaskaskia ; the Piankeshaws near
Vincennes ; the Weas up the Wabash ; the Miamies on the head waters of the Miami
of the Lakes, on St. Joseph's river and at Chicago. The Piankeshaws, Weas and Mi
amies, must at this time have hunted south towards and on the Ohio. The Peorias,
another band of the same nation, lived and hunted on the Illinois river : The Maseos
or Mascontins, called by the French gens des frames, lived and hunted on the great
prairies, between the Wabash and Illinois rivers. All these different bands of the
Minneway nation, spoke the language of the pi-psent Miamies, and the whole consid
ered themselves as one and tlie same people ; yet from thoir local situation, and having
no standard to go by, their language became broken up into different dialects. These
Indians, the Minneways, were attacked by a general confederacy of other nations, such
as the Sauks and Foxes, resident at Green Bay and on the Ouisconsin ; the Sioux,
whose frontiers extended south to the river des Moines : the Chippeways, Ottoways,
and Potawatimies from the lakes, and also the Cherokees and Choctaws from the south.
The war continued for a great many years and until that great nation the Minneways
were destroyed, except a few Miamies and Weas on the Wabash, and a few who are
scattered among strangers. Of the Kaskaskias, owing to their wars and their fondness
for spirituous liquors, there now (1826) remain but thirty or forty sonls :— of the Peo
rias nea- St. Genevieve ten or fifteen ; of the Piankeshaws forty or fifty. The Miam
ies are the most numerous ; a few years ago they consisted of about four hundred souls.
There do not exist at the present day (1826) more than five hundred souls of the once
great' and powerful Minneway or Illini nation. These Indians, the Minneways, are
said to have been very cruel to tlieir prisoners, not unfrequently burning them. I have

122 Histor j> of Fort Wayse.
Being readily induced to believe, from the dispatches rec eived
from Hamtramck, that there was no possibility of forming a treaty
of peace Avith the Miamie Indians and other tribes banded with
them, Governor St. Ciair determined to return to Fort Washington
(Cincinnati,) with a view of consulting with General Harmar as to
the expediency of an expedition against the hostile tribes ; and,
accordingly, on the 11th of June, he quit Kaskaskia, and by water,
reached Fort Washington on the 13th of July.
Having consulted with General Harmar, and concluding to send
a formidable force against the Indians about the head waters of the
Wabash, by authority of President Washington, on the 15th of
July (1790,) he addressed circular letters to a number of Lieuten
ants of the western counties (of Virginia, of which Kentucky Avas
then a part) and Pennsylvania, for the purpose of raising one thou
sand militia in the former, and five hundred in the latter. The regu
lar troops then in service in the west General Harmar estimated
at about four hundred efficient men, with whom the militia Avere to
operate as folloAVS r. Of the Virginia militia, 300 were to rendez
vous at Fort Steuben, and, with a garrison at that post, to proceed
to Vincennes, to join Major Hamtramck, who had orders to call to
his aid the militia of that place. From thence to move up the Wa
bash, Avith a vieAV of attacking such points among the Indian vil
lages along that river as his force might seem adequate. Tho twelve
hundred militia remaining Avere to join the regular troops, under
General Harmar, at Fort Washington. That the British command
ant at Detroit might knoAV the true cause and course of the move
ment, on the 19th of September, Gov.. St. Clair addressed aletterto
him, which he sent by a private conveyance, assuring the said com-
heard of a certain family among the Miamies who were called man-eaters, as they were
accustomed to make a feast of human flesh when a prisoner was killed. For these enor
mities, the Sauks and Foxes, when they took any Of the' Minneways prisoners, gave
them up to their women to be buffeted to death. They speak also of the Mascontins
with abhorrence, on account of tlieir cruelties. The Sauks and Foxes have a historical
legned of a severe battle having been fought opposite the mouth of the Iowa river,
about fifty or sixty miles above the month of Rook riverr The Sauks and Foxes de
scended the Mississippi in canoes, and landing at the place above described, started
east, towards the enemy : they- had not gone far before they were attacked by a'party
of tlie Mascon*ins. The baitle continued bearly all day ; the Sauks and Foxes, for
want of ammunition, finally gave way and fled to their canoes : the Mascontins pur
sued them and fought desperately, and left but few of the Sauks and Foxes to carry
home the story cf their defeat.. Some forty or fifty years a^o, the Sauks and Foxes at
tacked a small village of Peorias, about a- mile below St. Louis a\id were there defeated.
At a place on the Illinois river, ealled Little Rock, there were formerly killed by the
Chippeways and Ottowas, a number of men, women and children of the Minnewuy
nation. In 1800 the Kickapoos made a great slaughter of the Kaskaskia Indians. Tins
Main-Pogue, or Potawatimie juggler, in 1801, killed a great many of the Piankeshaws
on tho Wubash."
In proof of the foregoing, relative to the society of man-eaters among the Indians at
this point, General Lewis Cass, in- a speech here, delivered at the canal celebration of
July 4th 1843,in"Swinney'o Grove," near the site of the presant Catholic cemetery. said:
" For many years during the frontier history of this place and region, the line of youv
canal was a bloody war-path, which has seen many a deed of horror. And this peaceful
town has had its Moloch, and the records-of human' depravity furnish no more terrible
examples of cruelty than were offered at his shrine. The Miami Indians, our pretle-
cessors in the occupation of this district, had a terrible institution Avhose origin and

Iiuea's Accol'jxx — Gk.\. Cass' Address. 1.23
mandant that the purposes of the United States were pacific in so
far as their relations to Great Britain Avere concerned ; that the ex
pedition was to quell the vindictive and intolerable spirit 'of tho In
dians towards the settlements, whither and against Avhoni they had
so long;, go inhumanly, and destructively carried their savage Avar-
fare. ThaUhe English, toAvards Lake Erie, notwithstanding this spirit
of candor and courtesy on the part of St. Clair, - gave aid to the
Indians in' their efforts against the United States during 1790-91,
the evidence is clear enough; but-.to Avhat extent, was not fully
knoAvn. The following paragraphs from a certificate of one Thomas
Khea, taken in the early part of 1790, Avill give some clue, at
least, as to the aid then and subsequently rendered the Indians by
the British :
" At this place, the Miami,'''' said Khea, in his account, " Avere Col
onels Brant* and McKee, with his son Thomas ; and Captains Bun-
bury and Silvie, of the British troops. These officers, &c, Avere
all encamped on the south side of- the Miami or OttaAva river, at
the rapids above Lake Erie, about eighteen miles; they had clever
houses, built chiefly by the Po'tawattamies and other Indians ; in
these they had stores of goods, with arms, ammunition and provis
ion, which they issued to the Indians in great abundance, viz: corn,
pork, peas, &c.
*Brant was a Mohawk chieftain, of considerable intelligence, educated at Philadel
phia ; a favorite of Sir William Johnson, and ever greatly attached to the British. —
After the struggles of these periods, he look up his residence in Canada, where; he died
in 1807.
object have been lost in the darkness of aboriginal history, hut which was continued
to a lato period, and whose orgies were held upon the very spot where wenowusre. It
was called the man-eating society, and it was the duty of it* associates to eat such pris
oners as were preserved and delivered to them for that purpose. The1 members of this
society ibelonged to a particular family, and the dreadful inheritance descended to all
the children, male and female. The duties it imposed could not be avoided, and the
sanctions of religion were added to the obligations of immemorial usage. The feast
was a solemn ceremony, at which the whole tribe was collected as actors or spectators.
The miserable victim was bound to a stake, and burned at a slow firo, with all the re
finements of cruelty, which savage ingenuity could invent. There was a traditionary
ritual, which regulated with revolting precision, the whole course of procedure at these
ceremonies Latterly the authority and obligations of the institution had declined,
and I presume it has now wholly disappeared. But I have seen and conversed witli
the head of the family, the chief of the society, whose name was Whit* Skin — with
what feeling of disgust, I need not attempt to describe. I well knew an intelligent
Canadian, who was present at one of the last sacrifieesmadeatthis horrible institution.
The victim was a young American captuied in Kentucky, towards the close of our
Revolutionary War. Here where we are' now assembled, in peace and security, celebra
ting the triumph of art and'industry, 'within the memory of the present generation,
our countrymen have been thus-tortured, and murdered, and devoured. But, thank
God, that, council-fire is extinguished. The impious feast is over ; the war-dance is
ended ; the war-song is sung : the war-drum is silent, and the Indian has departed to
find, I hope, in the distant West, a comfortable residence, and I hope alsoto'lind, un
der the protection, and, if need be, under the power of the United States, a radical
change in the, institutions and general improvement in his morals and condition. A
feeble remnant of the onee powerful tribe, wliich formerly won their way to the do
minion of this region, by blood, and by blood maintained it, have to-day appeared
among us like passing shadows, flitting round the places that know them no more.
Theirrc«nrreetion, if I may so speak,is not the leastknpressive sjwctacle, wliich marks the
progress of this imposing ceremony. They are the broken column which connect us with

124 HlSTOKY of Fobt Wayne.
" The Indians came to this place in parties of one, tAvo, three,
four and five hundred at a time, from different quarters, and re
ceived from Mr. McKee and the Indian officers, clothing, arms, am
munition, pr ovisions, &c, and set out immediately for the upper
Miami towns, where they understood the forces of the United States
were bending their course, and in order td supply the Indians from
other quarters collected there, pirogues, loaded Avith the above-
mentioned articles, Avere sent up the Miami (Maumee) river, wrought
by French Canadians."
About the middle of September, the Virginia militia began to
gather about the mouth of Licking river, opposite Cincinnati, all
of whom were, for the most part, badly armed and lacked for camp-
kettles and axes ; but were readily organized by General Harmar,
and soon formed into three battalions, under Majors Hall, McMul-
len, and Kay, Avith Trotter, as Lieutenant-Colonel to lead them.
About the 24th of September, came the militia of Pennsylvania to
Fort Washington, Avho were also badly equipped, and many of
Avhom were" substitutes— " old, infirm men, and young boys."
These were formed into one battalion, under Lieut.-Colonel Truby
and Major Paul; Avhile four battalions of militia, subject to Gen
eral Harmar's command, were commanded by Col. John Hardin.
Majors John Plasgrave Wylles, and John Doughty commanded the
regular troops, in two small battalions. The artilery corps, with
but three pieces of ordinance, was under the command of Captain
William Ferguson ; while under James Fontaine Avas placed a
small battalion of light troops or mounted militia — amounting in
all to about 1,453 regular and raw militia troops.
The militia under^Col. Hardin, on the 26th of September, ad
vanced from Fort Washington into the country, for the double pur
pose of opening a road for the artillery and to obtain feed for their
cattle. On the 30th of September, the regular troops marched,
commanded by General Harmar ; and on the 3d day of October
joined the militia.
A journal of the daily movements of the army was regularly
kept by Captain John Armstrong, of the regulars, up to its arrival
at the Miami village, at this point.
After an uninterrupted march of sixteen days, on the afternoon
of the 15th of October, Colonel Hardin, with an advanced detach
ment, reached this point, and stole in upon the Miami village, only
the past. The edifice is in ruins, and the giant vegetation, which covered and protected
it, lies as low as the once mighty structure, which was shelved in its recesses. They
have come to witness the first great act of peace in our frontier history, as their presence
here is th« last in their own. The ceremonies upon which you heretofore gazed -with
interest, will never again be seen by the white man, in this seat of their former power.
But thanks to our ascendancy, these representations are but a page Bit ; but a theatrical
exhibition which, with barbarous motions, and sounds and contortions, shew how tlieir
ancestors conquered their enemies, and how they glutted their revenge in blood. To
day, this last of the race is here — to-morrow they will commence their journey towards
the setting sun, wher« their fathers, agreeable to their rude faith, have preceded tlism>
and where the red man will find rest and safety."

Army undue Harmar arrive Here— An Order. 125
to find it deserted by men, women and children. A few cows, some
vegetables, and about twenty thousand bushels of corn in the ear,
save the wigwams, huts, and surrounding scenery, Avere all that
greeted them ; and the militia, in much disorder, soon began to
move about in search of plunder.
On the 17th, about one o'clock, the main body of the army came
up and crossed the Maumee to the village.
Major McMullen, of Col. Hardin's command, having discovered
the tracks of women and children leading in a north-Avesterly di
rection, and so reported to General Harmar on his arrival, the lat
ter determined at once upon an effort to discover their place of ren
dezvous; and, to that end, on the morning ofthe 18th, detailed Col.
Trotter, Major Hall, Major Ray, and Major McMullen, Avith three
hundred men, among whom Avere thirty regulars, forty light-horse,
aud two hundred and thirty active riflemen. Furnished with three
days' provision, they were ordered to reconnoiter the country around
the village. About one mile from the encampment, an Indian on
horseback Avas discovered, pursued, and killed, by a part of the
detachment, under Trotter ; and before returning to the main body
of the party, another Indian was seen, "when the four field officers
left their commands, and pursued him, leaving the troops for the
space of about half an hour without any direction whatever." Be
ing intercepted by the light-horsemen, one of which party he had
Avounded, the Indian was at length killed. Changing the route of
his detatchment, and moving in different directions, tiU night, Col.
Trotter again, unexpectedly to, and without the approbation of Gen
eral Harmar, returned to the Miami village.
In consequence of the disorderly course of the militia on their
arrival -at the village, in their desire for plunder, General Harmar
ordered cannon to be fired for the purpose of calling t>.em to their
ranks, and also harangued the officers on the bad results liable to
follow such indifference. On the 18th he issued the following gen
eral order : ." Camp at the Miami Village, Oct. 18, 1790.
" The general is much mortified at the unsoldier-like behavior of
many ofthe men in the army, Avho make it a practice to straggle
from the camp in search of plunder. He, in the most positive
terms, forbids this practice in future, and the guards will be an
swerable to prevent it. No party is to go beyond the line of senti
nels without a commissioned ofiicer, who, if of the militia, will ap
ply to Colonel Hardin for his orders. The regular troops will ap
ply to the general. All the plunder that may be hereafter collec
ted, will be equally distributed among the army. The kettles, and
every other article already taken, are to be collected by the com
manding officers of batalions, and to be delivered to-morrow morn
ing to Mr. Belli, the quartermaster, that a fair distribution may take
place The rolis are to be called at troop and retreat beating, and

12G History op Fort Wayne.
every man- absent is to be reported. The general expects that these
orders will be pointedly attended to : they are to be read to'the troops
this evening. The army is to march to-morrow mornino; early for
their new encampment at ChillicOthe,* about two miles from hence.
" JOSIAH HAKMAR, Brigadier-General."
Col. Hardin, having asked for the command of the troops returned
to camp under Trotter, for the remaining tAvo days, Gen. Harmar
readily complied; and on the next day, (1 9th) Col. Hardin led the de
tachment along an Indian trail to the northwest, in the direction of
the Kickapoo villages. Coming to a point, near a morass, some five
miles distant from the confluence of the St. Mary and St. Joseph
rivers, where, on the preceding day, there had been an Indian en
campment, the detachment came to a halt, and were soon stationed
at different points, in readiness for an attack, should the enemy
still be near. A half hour passed, and no sign of the enemy. The
order noAV being given to the companies in the front to advance,
the company under Faulkner, not having received the order of
march, a neglect on the part of Col. Hardin, was left behind. Hav
ing advanced some three miles, two Indians afoot, with packs, Were
discovered ; but, the brush being thick, and suddenly throwing
aside their burdens at the sight of the detachment, were soon lost
sight of and escaped. The absence of Faulkner at this time be
coming apparent, Major Fontaine, Avith a portion of the cavalry,
Avas at once sent in pursuit of hitu, with the supposition that he was
lost. The report of a gun, in front of the detachment, soon fell upon
the attentive ear of Captain Armstrong, in command of the regu
lars — an alarm gun, perhaps, suggested he. He had discovered the
" tracks of a horse that had come down the road and returned."
These facts were readily conveyed to the ear of Colonel Hardim
Captain Armstrong now observed the fires of the Indians — they
Avere only discernible in the distance. Caution was large in the
soul of Armstrong. Hardin thought the Indians would not fight,
and moved forAvard, in the direction of the fires, neither giving or-
ders or preparing for an attack. The little army of three hundred
Avere noAV strangely separated — they were in the forest, several
miles from camp. The enemy AVere in ambush— were numeroust
— and Me-che-cannah-quah, — Little Turtle — was their leader. Har;
din continued to advance, and the columns moved forward in obe
dience to orders. Behind the fires lay the red men, hidden from
vieAV, with guns leveled. Steadily the broken detachment moved
forAvard, under the intrepid control of their commander ; and no
sooner had they approached the fires than a terrible volley waa
opened upon them from behind the smoking entrenchments. The
shock Avas sudden — the columns were unprepared for it. The mi-
*A Shawanoe village.
¦(¦Thought by some to have been as many as seven hundred — by others only about ons
hundred. The locality of this engagement Was near Eel River', about the point n'beW
tin- Goshen Slate Road crosses this stream, now kuown as " Heller's Corners."

Defeat of a Detachment — Miami Village Destroyed. 1 27
litia were panic -stricken, and ail but niiae broke the ranks and be
gan a precipitate flight for the camp of !Ge'n. Harmar. Hardin had
retreated Avith them, and in vain strove to rally them. The reso
lute regulars bravely faced tho enemy, and returned the fire. The
nine remaining militia were pierced by the balls of the enemy, and
twenty-two ofthe regulars fell, while Captain Armstrong, Ensign
Hartshorn, and some five or six privates, alone made their escape,
and reached the camp again at the village. The victory was with
the Indians, and the retreating columns all reached the camp of
Harmer without further loss. -
Having, after the departure of Hardin and the detachment in
the morning, destroyed the Miami village, Harmar, in the mean
time, had moved about two miles doAvn the Maumee, to the ShaAV-
anoe village, known as Chillicothe, and on the 20th issued the
following orders :
¦" Camp at Chillicothe, one" of i'he Shawanese towns, )
on the Omee \_Maumee'\ river, Oct. 20th, 1790. \
" The party under command of Captain Strong is ordered to
burn and destroy every house and Avigwam in this village, together
Avith all the corn, etc., which he can collect. A party of one hun
dred men (militia), properly officered, under the command of Col.
Hardin, is to burn and destroy effectually, this afternoon, the Pick
away town,* with all the corn, etc., which he can find in it and its
vicinity. "The cause of the detatchment being worsted yesterday, was en
tirely owing to the shameful, cowardly conduct of the militia, Avho
ran- away, and threw down their arms, without firing scarcely a
single gun. In returning to Fort "Washington, if any officer or men
presume to quit the ranks, or not to march in the form that they
are ordered, the general will most assuredly order the artillery to
fire on them. He hopes the check they received yesterday will
make them in future obedient to orders."
" JOSIAH HARMAR, Brigadier-Genekal."
From the scene of the yet smoking and charred remains of the
Indian village of Chillicothe,t at ten o'clock on the morning of the
21st, the army under Harmar took up its line of march towards Fort
Washington, and proceeded about seven miles, when a halt Avas
made, and the army encamped for the night.
The evening was clear and beautiful — one of those glorious
nights in the month of October. Avhen the stars, all in harmony, with
no clouds intervening betAveen the earth and the etherial blue to
*A Shawanoe village.
t'l'he scene of this village, some two miles below Fort Wayne, on the Maumee, was
about the site of the residence »f Mi'3. Phelps. Says Mr. J. W. Dawson, in his research
os, concerning the history of Fort AVavne, "from Judge Colman, who settled on the
farm now owned by Mrs. Phelps, in 1827, we learn that every evidence of former cul
tivation of the ground there, was seen ; there being no timber growing, evidences of
ancient building, of gardening, such as asparagus, Ac; and also there found many
bayonets, gun-barrels, knives, pack-saddle frames, ifcc."

128 History of Fort Wayne.
shut out their joyous example, seem to twinkle a heavenly anthem
to the sombre hues and waneing aspects of Autumn. No stealthy
tread Avas heard — no savage form Avas to be seen — the whoo-whoo,
wh-o-o of the night-owl ; the careful movement of the sentinel ; the
mingled voices of the soldiery, and the falling leaves, rustling
through the branches to the earth, were all the sounds that fell
upon the attentive ears of Harmar and his army.
Looking thus out upon the stillness and beauty -of the night, a
thought had stolen upon the mind of Colonel Hardin. His am
bition — his desire for the chastisement of the Indian — was by no
means appeased. The Miamies had perhaps returned to the village
immediately after the departure of the army, thought he ; and a
most propitious opportunity was presented to return and " steal a
march upon them." Thus imbued, he readily imparted his feelings
to General Harmar — urging " that, as he had been unfortunate the
other day, ho wished to have it in his poAver to pick the militia and
try it again." He sought to explain the cause of the militia not
meeting the Indians on the 19th; and insisted that he then wished
to retrieve their course. The earnest demeanor of Hardin prevailed.
Harmer gave his consent. The commanding general was anxious
that the Indians should be as well subdued as possible, that they
might not give the army trouble on its return march to Fort "Wash
ington ; and, as the night advanced, amid the stillness of the scene
about them, Avith a body of three hundred and forty militia, and
sixty regulars under Major Wyllys, with a view of advancing upon-
the Miami village before daylight, and thus be enabled the more
effectually to surprise the Indians, the force took up its line of
inarch in three columns, the regulars in the centre, and the militia
to the right and left. Captain Joseph Ashton moved at the head
of the regulars, while Major "Wyllys and Colonel Hardin were in
his front. Contrary to expectations, some delay having occurred
by the halting of the militia, the banks of the Maumee were not
gained till after sunrise. Indians were notv soon discovered by the
spies, at the announcement of which, Major "Wyllys called the reg
ulars to a halt, and ordered the militia on to a point in front, and
presented his plan of attack to the commanding officers of the de
tachment. Major "Wyllys reserving to himself the command ofthe
regulars, Major Hall was directed, with his battalion, to move cir-
cuitously round the bend of the Maumee, crossing the St. Mary's
and, in the rear ofthe Indians, to halt until an attack should be
made "by Major McMullen's battalion, Major Fontaine's cavalry,
and the regular troops under Major Wyllys, who Avere all ordered
to cross the Maumee at and near the common fording place, which
was about opposite the residence of Mr. J. J. Comparet.* Hardin
* Among the wounded in this engagement, there was a man by the name pf John
Smith, who, during the engagement, with several others fell in the river. He had re
ceived a severe wound, and, as a means of safety, had remained quiet until all had. ,
left, when he crawled to the bank of the river and concealed himself until some time
during the night. AVhen all seemed still, he cautiously left his bidding place, moved j

Burial Place of Majors "Wyllys, Fontaine, and others. 129
and Wyllys had aimed to surround the Indians in tlieir encamp
ment; but Major Hall, having reached his position unobserved,
disregarded the orders given by firing upon a single Indian that
appeared in sight before the general attack was made. The report
from the point of Hall's battalion had startled the Indians, and
small squads of them were seen hurrying aAvay in many directions,
rapidly pursued, contrary to orders, by the militia under McMul
len, and the cavalry under Fontaine, leaving "Wyllys, at the head
ofthe regulars, Avithout support, and who, crossing the Maumee.
Avere attacked by a superior body of Indians, under the lead of Lit
tle Turtle, and at length, after the fall of Wyllys and the largest
portipn ofthe regular troops, were forced to retreat. Major Fon
taine, at the head of the mounted militia, in a charge upon a. small
body of Indians, with a number of his men were killed,* while the
remainder sought safety in retreat. In the meantime, Avhile the
regular* were engaged with the party under Little Turtle, the mili
tia under Hall and McMullen, at the confluence of the St. Mary
and St. Joseph, Were briskly engaged in combating small parties
of Indians ; but soon retreated after the defeat of the regulars, hav
ing killed and wounded many of the red men, who made ho at
tempt to follow them, in their rapid march towards the main body
under Harmar. A single horseman having reached the camp of
the main army, about 11 o'clock, a. m., Harmar at once, upon learn
ing the news ofthe defeat ofthe detachment, ordered Major Ray,
with his battalion, to advance to the aid of the retreating forces.
But the effect of the panic on the militia was too great — but thirty
men Could be prevailed on to advance to the rescue under Major
Ray, who had advanced but a short distance, AA'hen they were met
by Hardin and the retreating forces under him. Gaining the en
campment, Colonel Hardin, flushed with excitement, and still en
tertaining a strong desire to carry his point against the Indians,
•urged Harmar to set out at once, with the entire force, for the Mi-
*The remains of Majors AVyllys and Fontaine, with some eight other officers and val
iant men who fell oo the occasion, were buried in some trenches, near the banks of the
Maumee, some twenty rods below the residence of J. J. Comparet, Esq. The inden
tations on either -side ofthe Maumee, just below Mr. Comparers dwelling, still exhibits
to the stranger the fatal ford where so many brave men fell, and whose blood reddened
the stream.
down the Maumee a short distance, and made his escape, reaching Fort Washington
"in safety, and recovered from his wounds. When Wayne's army eame here, this man
"Smith eame with it, and ever after lived, and, some years ago, died here. Mrs. Sutten-
lield, whose name is already familiar to the reader, informed the writer that Smith
lived for two years in her family, and many times heard him relate his adventures and
narrow escape from the Indians on the occasion in question. The Indians being in
ambush, along the banks of the Maumee, both above and below, at the time Harmar's
men began to move over the river, a cross fire was opened upon them by the Indians,
and a large number fell in the river, rendering the water, which was not then deep
enough to cover the bodies, quite bloody, so much so, that Smith, though very dry,
would not drink it. When it grew dark, the Indians, none of whom had pursued the
retreating forces, came to the river, and began to strip the bodies, exulting greatly
over their victory. In describing the noise they made while thus engaged, Smifli who
was still ooncealed, said their vaioos " sounded like the chattering of a parcel of black
Birds." (9)

130 History of Fort Wayne.
ami village again. But Harmar would not venture a return. Said*
he: "You see the situation of the army : we are now scarcefy able
to move our baggage: it will take up three days to go and return
to this place : we have no more forage for our uorses : the Indians
have got a very good scourging ; and I will keep the army in per
fect readiness to receive them, should they think proper to follow."*
The militia had now become little better than wooden men in
the eyes of General Harmar. He had lost all faith in them, and
began at once to narrow the bounds ofthe camp. A second defeat
and retreat were complete ; and without further attempt to move
upon the Indians, on the morning of the 23d of October, after a loss
of one hundred and eighty-three killed, and thirty-one wounded, the
army again took up its line of inarch for Fort Washington, whither
it arrived on the 4th of November, having met with no further at
tack or trouble with the Indians after the movement ofthe 22d,
about and near the ruins ofthe Miami village.
Among the names of the killed during the efforts of the army
in this campaign, were Major "Wyllys and Lieutenant Ebenezer
Frothingham, of the regulars; Major Fontaine, Captains Thorp,
McMurtrey, and Scott, Lieutenants Clark and Rogers, and Ensigns
Bridges, Sweet, Higgins, and Thielkeld, of the militia. The loss
on the part of the Indians was thought to be about equal that of
the forces under Harmar.
Turning our attention to the expedition of Major Hamtramck,
who, as the reader will remember, had moved from Vincennes np
the Wabash, we find that while Harmar was , moving upon the
Miami village at this point, and destroying the villages, corn, etc.,
of the Indians in the region, the former had proceeded with
his command to the mouth of Vermillion river, and laid waste
several deserted villages, returning again to Vincennes, uninter
rupted in his efforts.
The campaigns of 1790, against the Indians of the Northwest,
Avere now closed, and the chilling blasts of another long, dreary
winter, with its anxieties, its hardships, and its perils, had begun
to set in about the sparse and loneiy settlements ofthe Avest.
'Deposition ef Hardin, Sept. 14, 1791.

. CHAPTER XI.
' Those western Pioneers an impulse felt,
Which their less hardy sons scarce comprehend ;
Alone, in Nature's wildest scenes they dwelt ; , ,
And fought with deadly strife for every inch of ground." ' F. W. Thomas.

.Effect of the movement of Gen. Harmar — Hostilities renewed by' the Indians — Opposi
tion to the Militia — Petition of the settlers-^Increase of the regular army — Ap
pointment of Gen. St. Clair— Preparations for another movement against the Mi
ami village here — Instructions ofthe Secretary of War — Expedition of Gen. Scott
-"-A second expedition from Kentucky— Gen. Wilkinson's account of the eame —
Effect of these expeditions— What the Indians believed — Organization of an In
dian confederacy — British influence — Simon Girty — Mrs. Suttenfield's recollec
tions—Treaty of 1783 — British disregard of it — Army under St. Clair move for
this point— Unfavorable Weather, &a. — The army reach the site of the present
town of Fort Recovery— Approach of winter — The army encamp for the. night —
Indians on the alert — Preparations for an early move next morning — Sudden and
furious attack by the Indians — Militia give way — Great consternation — St. Clair's
account— Great slaughter— Officers nearly all killed — Artillery silenced — Retreat
I the only hope, which is effected — Horses nearly all killed-- Cannon left behind —
Main road gained— Guns, knapsacks, Ac., strewn for miles along the, road^Rout
' continued for 29 miles — Statement of the killed, wounded, &c- — -Many womenhad
followed the expedition — terrible Treatment by the Indians — B. Van Cleve's ac
count — A new order of things the only hope of the west.

' HE INDIANS, though much effected by the campaign of Har-
)mar, both in the destruction of their villages and the loss of
^considerable numbers of their braves in the skirmishes with
the troops at this point and near Eel river, were yet much
" elated at the departure of Harmar, and so much did they es
teem it a success on their part, that they renewed their attacks
on the frontier with increased force . and ferocity. Meetings were
called to devise means for defending the settlements. The policy
•of employing regular officers to command militia Avas denounced,
and petitions were extensively circulated, praying the President to
employ militia only in defence of the frontier, and offering to raise
a sufficient force to carry the war immediately into the Indian
•country."* The'prayer of the petitioners, hoAvever, was not granted, but the
*" AtnerWum Pioneer." p. 205.

132 History of Fort Wayne,
President readily favored the increase ofthe regular army oil the
frontier, and appointed General St. Clair to the command. Ener
getic measures Avere adopted to furnish him with arms, stores, &c,
for an early campaign ; but the difficulties and delays incident to
furnishing an army, so far removed from military depots, with can
non, ammunition, provisions, and the means of transportation, Were
so great, that much time was lost before General St. Clair Avas able
to move his army from Fort "Washington ; and then it was said to
be in obedience to express orders, and against his oavii judgment,
as he was neither provided with sufficient force, nor the means of
transportation. It Avason the 3d of March, 1791, that Congress passed the "act
for raising and adding, another regiment to the militia establish
ment of the United States, and for malting further provision for the
protection of the frontier." An army of some three thousand
troops was proposed to be placed under the command of General
Arthur St. Clair. On the 2lst of March, ('91), the following in
structions were addressed, by the Secretary of War, Gen. Henry
Knox, to General St. Clair ; which shows with what importance the
possession of this point was still held, and in which President
Washington, doubtless, wielded a large share of influence. Said
the Secretary ; " While you are making' use of such desultory oper
ations as in your judgment the occasion may require, you Avill pro
ceed vigorously, in every preparation in your power, for the pur
pose of the main expedition ; and having assembled your force, and
all things being in readiness, if no decisive indications of peace
should have been produced, either by the messengers or by the
desultory operations, yon will commence your march for the Mi
ami \dllage, in order to establish a strong and permanent military
post at that place. In your advance you will establish stlch posts
of communication with Fort Washington, on the Ohio, as you may
judge proper. The post at the Miami village is intended for awing
and curbing the Indians in that quarter, and as the only preventive
of future hostilities. It ought, therefore, to be rendered secure
against all attempts and insults of the Indians. The garrison which
should be stationed there ought not only to be sufficient for the de
fense of the place, but always to afford a detachment of five or six
hundred men, either to chastise any of the Wabash or other hostile
Indians, or to secure any convoy of provisions. • The establishment
of said post is considered as an important object of the campaign,
and is to take place in all events. In case of a previous treaty, the
Indians are to be conciliated upon this point if possible ; and It is
presumed good arguments may be offered to induce their acquies
cence. * * * Having commenced your march upon the main
expedition, and the Indians continuing hostile, you will use every.
possible exertion to make them feel the effects of your superiority;
and, after having arrived at the Miami village, and put your Avorks
jp a defensible state, you will seek the enemy with the whole of

Scott's Expedition against the Wea Toavns. 133
your'remaining force, and endeavor, by all possible means to strike
them with great severity. * * * In order to avoid future wars,
it might be proper to make the Wabash, aud thence over to the
Maumee, and down the same to its mouth at lake Erie, the bound
ary [between the people of the United States and the Indians], ex
cepting so far as the same should relate to the Wyandots and Dela
wares, on the supposition of their continuing faithful to the treat
ies. But if they should join in the war against the United States,
and your army be victorious, the said tribes ought to be removed
without the boundary mentioned."
On the 9th of March, some days before instructions were ad
dressed to General St. Clair, General Knox, had communicated
similar instructions to Brigadier-General Scott, of Kentucky, to
move, with a sufficient body, against the Wea 6r: Ouiatenon toAvns*
on the Wabash. Accordingly on the 23d of May, following, " with
a force of about eight hundred mounted and armed men," Scott
" crossed the Ohio, at the mouth of the Kentucky river," and took
up his line of march for Ouiatenon, and on the afternoon of the first
of June, after a most disagreeable march of over 1 50 miles, through
rain and storm, and the encounter.of many obstacles, they succeed-'
ed in reaching and surprising the village of Ouiatenon, which, with
- other towns, the growing corn, &c, in the region, were soon after
destroyed, and thirty Indians, mostly Avarriors, killed, and fifty-
eight taken prisoners ; from whence, without the loss of a man, and
but six wounded, on the 14th of June,: they started on their re
turn march for the rapids of the Ohio. On the 4th of the month,
while at the Ouiatenon toAvns, Scott gave the Indians a written
speech, iu which he assured them of the pacific and humane
feelings ofthe United States government towards them, in view of
their becoming peaceable and quiet in their future relations with
the government and people ofthe country.
Scarcely had Gen. Scott and his corps of mounted men returned
to Kentucky, when General St. Clair addressed a letter to the board
of war ofthe district of Kentucky, authorizing them to send a sec
ond expedition of five hundred men up the Wabash. Beadily com
plying with this request, on the 5th of July, at Danville, Brigadier-
Ceneral James Wilkinson was appointed to the command of the
second expedition, and ordered to be in readiness at Fort Washing
ton by the 20th of July with the number of men specified, "well
mounted on horseback, well armed, and provided Avith thirty days'
provisions." Accordingly, on the first of August, with five hun
dred and twenty-five men, Wilkinson left Fort Washington, moving,
by way of feint, in the direction of the Miami village, at this point,
and soon brought up at the Indian town of Ke-na-pa-com-a-qua, on
the north bank of Eel river, about six miles from the present town
of Logansport. After cutting up the corn, then in the milk, and
*Situated on the south side of the river, about eight miles below the present site of
Lafayette. The site of tho old village of Ouiatenon is now known as '* AVea Piaine."

1 34 History of Fort Wayne.
burning the cabins the next morning, set out for the Indian towns
beyond. Striking the village of Tippecanoe on the route, it in turn,
with the growing corn, was destroyed ; and advancing to one of the
Kickapoo towns, it tod Avith considerable corn, were burned and
cut down. Moving on, the same day, to the town of Ouiatenon, the
same destroyed by General Scott in June, and where the corn had
been' replanted, and-which had uoav gained considerable growth,
was cut down again ; and from here, striking the trail of Scott,
they took up tlie line of -march for the rapids 'of the Ohio, where
they arrived on the 2lst of August, after a march of some four
hundred and fifty-one; miles, "witnou,t any material incident."
In his report, General Wilkinson said : " The volunteers of Ken
tucky have, on this occasion, acquitted themselves Avith their usual
good conduct ; but, as no opportunity offered for individual distinc
tion^ it would be unjust to give one the plaudits to which they all
have an equal title. * * * * But, sir, when you reflect on
the causes which checked my career and blasted my designs, I flat
ter myself you will believe everything has been done which could
be done in my circumstances.* I have destroyed the chief. town of
the Ouiatenon nation, and made prisoners of the sons and sisters of
the King:! have burned a respectable Kickapoo village,. and cut
down at least four hundred and thirty acres of corn, , chiefly in the
milk. The Ouiatenons, (Weas) left without houses, home, or. pro
visions, must cease to war, and will find acti ye employ to subsist
their squaws and children during the impending winter."
The principal design of the campaigns of Generals Scott and
Wilkinson was that of Aveakening the strength, of the Indians of the
Wabash country, Avith a view to giving material aid to General St.
Clair in his, approaching campaign against the Miamies of Ke-ki-
on-ga and the region here ; but an opposite effect was the result.
From formerly having entertained the belief .that the Americans
designed to despoil them of their lands, and destroy the whole In
dian race, after these and the former efforts of General Harmar,
the Indians of the northwest, still instigated by the English, began
now most fully to believe that such was truly their 'design; and in
stead of slackening their efforts or ceasing-to make war upon the
Americans, the Miamies and Shawanoes, more espescially, began:
to call to' their aid a numerous body of warriors from the surround
ing tribes of the PottaAvattamies, Kickapoos, Delawares, Ottawas,
Wyandotts, and other tribes of the northwest ; " and while Gen. St.
Clair Avas making preparations to establish a military post at the
Miami village, the Miami chief, Little Turtle, the Shawanoe , chief,
Blue Jacket, and the Delaware :chief, Buck-on g-a-helas, were, ae-1
tively engaged in an effort to organize a confederacy of tribes, suffi
ciently powerful to drive the white settlers from -the territory lying
*Tho difficult marches through swamps, thickets, <fec., had lamed and worn down
some two hundred and seventy horses, with other- impediments, which made it diffi
cult to take further action.

Treaty of 1783— Simon Girty. 135
on the northAvestern side of the river Ohio" — receiving aid and
counsel "from Simon Girt}',* Alexander McKee, Mathew Elliott,
(the latter two the sub-agents in the British Indian department),
and from a number of British, French, and American traders who
generally resided among the Indians, and supplied them with arms
and ammunition, in exchange for furs and peltries."
It will here be proper to notice that although, at the definitive
treaty of 1783, between the colonial government of America and
Great Britain, it was declared in the seventh article of that docu
ment that the King, of the latter would, " with all convenient speed,
and without causing any destruction, or carrying aAvayany negroes
or property of the American inhabitants, withdraw all his forces
garrisons, and fleets, from tho United States, and from every post,
place, and harbor, within the same,"f yet, at the time of Harmar's,
St. Clair's, and Wayne's campaigns, the British Government still
held and garrisoned the posts of Niagara, Detroit, and Michilmaci-
nac ; and from these points, under the plea that that part of the
treaty! of 1783, relating to the collection and payment of all debts||
theretofore contracted Avith and due to the King's subjects, had
not been faithfully complied Avith by the Americans, much to the
detriment of the former, the English Government persisted in hold-
*This man seems to have b->en a notsd character through most of the early struggles
in the north and west, from Duumore's war, in 1774, till aftei' the war of 1812. He
was once adopted by the S.mjeas, the saraa year that he joined Lord Dunmore's cam
paign ; but subsequently aliie 1 himself to the Wyandotts, and long after led a rov
ing, savage, life among the Indians of the northwest, usually leading them to battle,
orinstigat.ing them to deeds of ferocity against the Americans, under British employ
or encouragement. He was of Irish descent, and said to have been. the wild"st and
most reckless of the family. He had three brothers — Thomas, Georg>, and James.
Mrs. Suttentield informed the writer that she learne 1 some time suqsequent to the ar
rival of herself and husband at the Fort here, in 1814, that Simon and James Girfcy
had lived for some time, prior to the war of 1812. near the bend of the Maumee, about
two miles, below Fort AVavne. At the capitulation of Detroit, in 1812, Mrs. S. and her
husband being there, saw Simon Girty, and described him as a short, heavy set, rough
looking character, with grey hair. AVhen he had last visited Detroit, some years prior,
he had caused his horse to' jump off a considerable embankment into the river, and
then swam her over the same. " Here's old Simon Girty again on American soil ! " he
exe'aimed, as he approached a crowd, gathered at a prominent point in the place, at
the time Mrs. S. and her husband saw'him at Detroit. "What did you do with that
black mare you jumped into the river when Wayne was after you ? "enquired one of
the crowd. " O, she's dead, and I buried her with the honors of war," replied Girty.
Notwithstanding his peculiar organization and the many unfortunate traits of char
acter ascribed tofiim, he is said to have possessed some redeeming points — wasstrong
in his friendship towards those he became attached, and, in many respects, was some
what honorable. He was often at the Miami village here, and doubtless had much to
do, at various times, with exciting the. Indians to warfare againct the Americans,
against whom, with the Indians, he fought at St. Clair's defeat. Generally attired in
the Indian eo3tiime, it was of course difficult to distinguish him, except when he spoke
the English language. He is said to have lived to the age of near a hundred years,
and died in Canada, some years subsequent to the war of 1812. Interesting accounts
ofhim will be' found in" Annals of the West," beginning on page 281, and in the
"American Pioneer,"- beginning on page 282.
tLaws IT. S.. i, 205. V JArticle 4, IT. S. Laws
||Some ofthe Stateshad passed laws, soon after the treaty of 1783, tending to prevent
or restrain the collection of debts due from American citizens to the King's subjects.

13 6 History of Fort Wayne.
ing these posts, (more especially to retain the fur trade) and con
tinued, from time to time, to give aid and comfort to the Indians
and others in open warfare and attacks upon the U. S. forces and
the settlements along the Ohio, and other points in the west.
With the advantages presented by the fur trade, carried on by
the English and Canadians, (the latter being then subjects of the
King of England) and withal not a little jealous of the United
States in her efforts to extend her dominion over the tribes and ter
ritory north of the Ohio, to relinquish her hold upon the country
and leave the tribes to the control and influence of the Americans,
Avere points not easily to be set aside by the British Government.
And accordingly, while Gen. St Clair was preparing to march up
on the Miami village, at the junction of the St. Mary and St. Jo
seph, the English, at Niagara, Detroit, and Michilimacinac Avere
using what means they could to defeat the purposes of the United
States Government ; and but a small insight as to their movements,
at that time, in league with the Indians and others, would doubt
less have been sufficient to have convinced St. Clair and his officers
of the utter futility of any effort to capture the Miami village, or
establish a military post at this point, as then being pushed for
ward. But the effort seemed destined to be made ; and after much
delay and many impeding and perplexing circumstances, in the
early part of the month of September, 1791, the main body of St.
Clair's army, under General Butler, took up its line of march from
the vicinity of Fort Washington, and, movting northward some
twenty-five miles, on the eastern bank of the Great Miami, erected
a posjt, which they called Fort Hamilton. On the 4th of October,
Fort Hamilton being completed, the army began its further march
for the Miami village. Having advanced forty-two miles from Fort
Hamilton, they erected another garrison, calling it Fort Jefferson,
six miles south of Greenville, Ohio. The season was noAV far ad
vanced ; and the 24th of October had arrived before the army was
again on its move for the village.
After a march of nine days, during which time a number of the
militia deserted ; heavy rains fell ; proAusions became short ; a re
connoitering party from the main army, was fired upon, two killed,
and one supposed to have been taken prisoner ; and St. Clair sick
much of the way, on the 3d of November the main army reached
the site of the present town of Fort Recovery, Ohio, and encamped,
at the head waters ofthe Wabash, in A'iew of several small creeks,
about fifteen miles from the Miami village here.
The chill of winter now begun to be perceptibly felt — snow had
already fallen, and the earth Avas white therewith. Some Indians
were here seen, but they fled as soon as observed.
The advance and general movement of St. Clair was sufficiently
Avell known* to the confederated tribes and their allies to inspire
*Ths news of St. Clair's march upon the Miami villageshaving reached the Indians
during the autumn of 1791, the famous Shawanoes chief, Tcoumseh, says the life of

Attack upon the Arms: of St. Clair. 1 37
them Avith great courage and determination, and had already be
gun a resort to strategem to draAv the army into their clutches ; and
had even advanced to within a few miles of the main body of the
army, wherse, under the lead of the famous Little Turtle, Buck-ong-
a-helas, Blue Jacket, Simon Girty, and several other white men,
lay — in readiness to meet the advancing columnsof St. Clair — some
twelve hundred warriors.
The army was now some fifteen miles from the Miami village.
With a vieAV to a place of safety for the knapsacks of the soldiers,
St. Clair, with Major Ferguson, had, on the evening of the arrival
ofthe army at its present encampment, concluded ¦" to throw up a
slight work," and then, with the regiment yet back, to move on to
attack the enemy. But neither were consummated ; and before the
sun had sent his rays over the western wilds — between that hour
which the adage has accounted the darkest just before day, and
the full twilight ofthe morning — -the Indian whoop and wild yell of
the enemy startled the army of St. Clair, already under arms, into
the wildest commotion, and at once began a furious attack upon
the militia, which soon gave way, and pell-mell, came rushing into
the midst ofthe camp, through Major Butler's battalion, creating
the wildest disorder on every side, and closely pursued by the In
dians. " The fire, however, of the front line checked them ; but al
most instantly a very heavy attack began upon that line; and in a
few minutes it Avas extended to the second likewise. The great
weight of it was directed against the center of each, Avhere the ar
tillery was placed, and from which the men Avere repeatedly driven
with great slaughter."* Soon perceiving but little effect from the
fire of the artillery, a bayonet charge was ordered, led by Lieut.-
Colonel Darke, which drove the Indians back some distance, but,
for the want of sufficient force, they soon moved forward to the at
tack again, and the troops of Darke were, in turn, compelled to give
way ; while, at the same time, the enemy had pushed their way
into camp by the left flank, and the troops there also were giving
way. Repeated and effectual charges were noAV made by Butler
and Clarke's battallions, but with great loss ; many officers fell,
leaving the raw troops without direction — Major Butler himself be
ing dangerously Avounded. In the second regiment every officer
had fallen, except three, and one of these had been shot through
the body.
The " artillery being hoav silenced, and all the officers killed, ex
cept Captain Ford, who was very badly wounded and more than
*St. Clair's report.
that chief, was soon placed at the head of a small party of spies or scouts, with instruc
tions to watch and report the advancement of St. Clair ; and he is said to have done
his work most faithfully, for, while concealed near a small tributary of the Great Mi
ami, he and his party saw St. Clair and his army pass on their way to Greenville.
Though prevented from taking part in the hostile movements that followed, yet, it is
evident that the efforts of Teeumseh and his little band, whose report soon reached the
head chiefs ia action against St. Clair, had much to do with the subsequent defeat.and
rout of the army.

138 History op Fort Wayne.
half of the army fallen, being cut off from the road, it became nec
essary to attempt the regaining of it, and to make a retreat, if pos
sible. For this purpose the remains of the army were formed, as
Avell as circumstances Avould admit, towards the right of. the en
campment, from which, by the way of the second line, another
charge was made upon the enemy, as if with the design to turn
their right flank, but in fact to gain the road. This Avas effected,
and as soon as it was open, the militia took along it, followed by
the troops ; Major Clarke, with his battalion 'covering the rear."*
Everything was noAV precipitate. The panic had assumed a terri
ble flight. The camp and artillery were all abandoned — not a horse
Was left ahVe to remove the cannon ; and the soldiery threw away
their arms and accouterments as they ran, strewing the road for
miles with them. The retreat began about half-past nine o'clock,
and continued a distance of twenty-nine miles, to Fort Jefferson,
where they arrived soon after sunset, having lost thirty-nine officers,
killed, and five hundred and ninety- three men killed and missing;
twenty -tAvo officers, and two hundred and forty-two men wounded;
with a loss to the public, in stores and other valuable property, to
the amount of some thirty-tAvo thousand eight hundred and ten
dollars and seventy-five eents.f
The following were the names of the officers who fell on this
memorable occasion: Major-general Richard Butler, Lieutenant-
colonel Oldham, of the Kentucky militia; Majors Ferguson, Clarke,
and Hart; Captains Bradford,, Phelon, Kirkwood, Price, Van
Swearingen, Tipton, Smith, Purdy, Piatt, Guthrie, Cribbs, and New
man ; Lieutenants Spear, Warren, Boyd, McMath, Bead, Burgess,
• Kelso, Little, Hopper, and Lickens ; Ensigns Balch, Cobb, Chase,
Turner, Wilson, Brooks, Beafty, and Purdy ; Quartermasters Rey
nolds and Ward;, Adjutant Anderson; and Doctor Grasson. The
officers wounded -were : — Lieutenant-colonels Gibson, Darke, and
Sargent, (adjutant-s'eneral;) Major Butier; Captains Doyle, True-
man, Ford, Buchanan, Darke, and Hough ; Lieutenants Greaton,
Davidson, De Butts, Price, Morgan, McCroa, Lysle, and Thomson ;
Ensign Bines; Adjutants Whisler and Crawford; and the Viscount
Malartie, volunteer aid-de-camp to the commander-in-chief.
Many womenj had followed the army of St. Clair in its march
towards the Miami village, prefering to be with their husbands than
to remain behind, most of Avhom were destroyed; and "after the
flight of the remnant of the army, the Indians- began to avenge
their oAA'n real and imaginary wrongs by perpetrating the most hor
rible acts of cruelty and brutality upon the bodies of the living and
dead Americans Avho fell into their hands. Believing that the Avhites,
for many years, made Avar merely to acquire land, the Indians
*St. Clair's report. -f Report of Secretary of AVar, Dec. 11, 1792. >
%" History of Ohio," by Atwnter, says 250 ; Dillon, in his His. of Ind., says," more
than one hundred."

Van Cleve's Narration of St. Clair's Defeat. 139
crammed clay and sand into the eyes and down the throats of the
dying and the dead."*
B. Van Cleve, who Avas in the quartermaster-general's depart
ment, ofthe army of St. Clair, says : f" On the fourth [of November]
at daybreak, I began to prepare for returning [to Fort Washing
ton,] j and had got about half my luggage on my horse; when the
firing commenced. We were encamped just within the lines, on
the right. : The attack was made on the Kentucky militia. Almost
instantaneously, the small remnant of them that escaped bi'oke
through the line near us, and this line gave away. FolloAved by a
tremendous fire from the enemy, they passed me. I threw my
bridle over a stump, from which a tent pole had been cut, and fol
lowed a short distance, Avhen finding the troops had halted, I re
turned and brought my horse a little further. I was now betAveen
the fires, and finding the troops giving aAvay again, Avas obliged to
leave him a second time. As I quitted him he Avas shot down, and
I felt rather glad of it, as-I concluded that now I shall be at liberty
to share in the engagement. My inexperience, prompted me to
calculate on our forces being far superior to any that the savages
could assemble, and that we should soon have the pleasure of driv
ing them. Not more than five minutes had yet elapsed, Avhen a
soldier near me had his arm swinging with a wound. I requested
his arms and accoutrements, as he was unable to use them, promis
ing to return them to him, and commenced firing. The smoke A-vas
settled down to Avithin about three feet of the ground, but I gener
ally put one knee to the ground and with a rest from behind a tree,
waited the appearance of an Indian's head from behind his cover,
orfor one to ruu and change his position. Before I was convinced
of my mistaken calculations^ the battle was half over and I had be
come familiarised to the scene. Hearing the firing at one time
unusually brisk near the' rear of the left wing, I crossed the encamp
ment. Two levy officers were just ordering a charge. I had fired
away my ammunition and some of the bands of my musket had
flown off. I picked up another, arid a cartridge box nearly full,
and pushed forward with about thirty others. The Indians ran to
*Dillpn's His. Iud., p. 283. From a letter to General St. Clair, dated Fort AVashing-
ton, February 13, 179-2, written by Capt. Robert Bunti, who had previously accompa
nied Gen. James Wilkinson with a small detachment of, mounted men to the scene of
St. Clair's defeat, the following extract is made : •; We left Fort Jefferson about_ nine
o'clock on the 31st (of January), with the volunteers, .indarrived within eight miles of
the- field of battle that evening, and next day we arrived at the ground about ten
o'clock. The scene was truly melancholy. In my opinion those unfortunate men who
fell into the enemy's hands, with life, were used w'ith the greatest torture— having their
limbs torn off ; and the women have been treated with the most indecent cruelty , hav
ing stakes as thick: as a person's arm, drove through their bodies: The first, I observed
when hurrying the dead; and the latter was discovered by Colonel Sargent and Dr.
Brown." "Pits being dug, all the bodies found were burried by the detachment under
Wilkinson. The Indians seldom if ever buried those they killed in battle, or other
wise. , . i ¦ ¦
+As published from the manuscript of Van Cleve in the " American Pioneer," 1843.
JSaystt note to this account; "He was in tho quartermaster-general's service; so
that he ' fought on his 'own hook.' "

140 History of Fort Wayne.
the right, whe^re there was a small ravine filled with logs. I hent
my course after them, and on looking round, found I was with only
seven or eight men, the others having kept straight forward and
halted about thirty yards off. We halted also, and being so ;near
to Avhere the savages lay concealed, the second fire from them, left
me standing alone. My cover was a; small sugar tree or beach,.
scarcely large enough to hide me. I fired away all my ammuni
tion ; I am uncertain whether with any effect ps- not. I then- looked
for the party, near me, and saw them retreating and half way, back
to the lines. I followed them, running my best, and, .was soon. in.
By this, time our artillery had been taken, Ide. not know whether
the first or second time, and our troops had Just retaken it,; and
Avere charging the enemy across the creek in front ; and some .per
son told me to look at an. Indian running with one of our kegs of
poAvder, but I did not see him. There were about thirty of our
men and officers, lying scalped around the pieces- of artillery, It
appeared that the Indians had not been in a hurry, for their haiar
was all skinned off."
" Daniel Bonham, a young man raised by my uncle and brought
up with me, and whom I regarded as a brother, had by this time
received a shot through his hips, and was unable to walk. I pro
cured a horse and. got him on. My uncle had received a ballnear
his wrist that lodged near his elbow. The ground was literally
covered with dead and dying men, and the commander gave orders
to take the way — perhaps they had been given more explicitly.
Happening to see my uncle, he told me a retreat was ordered, and
that I must do the best I could, and take care of myself. Bonham
insisted that he had a better chance of escaping than, I had, and
urged me to look to my own safety alone. I found the troops pressing
like a drove of bullocks to the right. I saw an officer, whom I took
to be,lieut. Morgan, an aid to general Butler, with six or eight men,
start on a run a little to the left of where I was. I immediately ran
and fell in Avith them. In a short distance we were so suddenly
among the Indians, who were not apprised of our- object, that they
opened to us, and ran to the ri-ght and left without firing. I think
about two hundred of our men passed through, them before they
fired, except a chance shot. When we had proceeded . about tAvo
miles, most of those mounted had passed me. A boy had been
throAvn or fell off a horse, and begged my assistance. I ran, pull-,
ing him along, about tAvo miles further, until I had become nearly-
exhausted. Of the last two horses in the rear, one carried two men,
and the other three. I made an exertion and threw him on behind
the tAvo men. The Indians followed but about half a mile further.
The boy was throAvn off some time afterwards, but escaped and
got in safely. My friend Bonham I did not see on the retreat, but
understood he was thrown off about this place, and lay on the left
of the trace, where he was found in the winter and was buried. I
took the cramp violently in my thighs, and could scarcely walk,.

Van Cleve's Narration. 141
"until I got within a hundred yards of the rear, where the Indians
were tomahawking the old' arid wounded men; and I stopped here
to tie my pocket handkerchief around a man's, Avounded knee. I
saAV the Indians close in pursuit at this time, and for a moment my
spirits sunk, and I felt in despair for my safety. I considered
whether I should leave the road, or Whether I was capable of any
further exertion. If I left the road, the Indians were in plain sight
•and could easily overtake me. I threw the shoes off my feet and
the coolness of the ground seemed to revive me. I again began a
trot, and recollect that, when a bend in the road offered, and I got
before half a dozen persons, I thought it would occupy some time
for the enemy to massacre them, before my turn would come. By
the time I had got to Stillwater, about eleven miles, I had gained
the centre of the flying troops, and, like them, came to a Avalk. I
fell in with lieutenant Shaumburg, who, I think, was the only officer
of artillery that got away unhurt, with corporal Modt, and a woman
who was called red-headed Nance. The latter Iavo Avere both cry
ing. Mott was lamenting the loss of his wife, and Nance that of
an infant child. ' Shaumburg was nearly exhausted, and hung on
Mott's arm. I carried his fusee and accoutrements, and led Nance ;
and in this sociable way Ave arrived at Fort Jefferson, a little after
sunset. "The commander-in-chief had ordered Col. Darke to press for
ward to the convoys of provisions, and hurry them on to the army-
Major Truman, captain Sedan and my uncle Were setting forward
with him. A number of soldiers, and packhorsemen on foot, and
myself among them, joined them. We came on a feAV miles, when
all, overcome with fatigue, agreed to a halt. Darius Curtus Orcutt,*
a packhorse master, had stolen at Jefferson, one pocket full of tto^p
and the other full ef beef. One of the men had a kettle, and one
-Jacob Fowler and myself groped about' in th© dark, until' we found
some water, where at tree had been bloAvn out of root. We made a
kettle of soup, of which I got a small portion among thp many, It
was then concluded, as there was a bend in the road a few miles
further on, that the Indians might undertake to intercept us there,
and we decamped and traveled about four or five miles further. I
had got a rifle and ammunition at Jefferson, from a wounded mihft
tia-man, an old acquaintance, to bring in. A sentinel was set, and
we laid down and slept, until the governor came up a few hours af
terward. I think I never slept so profoundly. I could hardly get
awake after I was on my feet. On the day before the defeat, the
ground was covered with snow. The flats were now filled with wa»
ter frozen over, the ice as thick as a knife-blade. I was worn out
with fatigue, with my feet knocked to pieces against the roots ia
the night, and Bplashing through the ice without shoes, In *'
*Orcutt's paekhorses were branded D. C. O., and it was a standing joke. ~-' u\e
asked what the brand meant, to answer that D. C. stood for Pftl'by 0»- e
0 for his wife.-We.tem Pioneer. ...ey, and ftS?^

142 History of Fort Wayne.
morning we got to a camp pf packhorsemen, and amongst them I
got a doughboy or Avater-dumpling, and- proceeded. We got Avithin
seven miles of Hamilton on this day, and arrived there soon on the
morning of the sixth."
The efforts against the Miami village were, for a time, at least,
brought to a close. A new order of things now became necessary,
if success was to be attained in any further movement towards this
point.

CHAPTER XII.

' Fill up life's little span
With God-like deeds — it is the test-
Test of the high-born soul,
And lofty aim ;
The test in History's scroll
Of every honored name !
None but the brave shall win the goal."— Haevey Rrou,

How Washington was effected by the defeat of St. Clair— Frontier settlements exposed
to the ravages of the Indians— Appointment of General Wayne to the com
mand ofthe western army— Relief of the frontier settlements— Party spirit— Ef
forts of the'government to form treaties with the Indians— General Wayne ad
vances towards this point— Establishes his headquarl ers at Fort Greenville— Er°cts
a fortification on the site of St. Clair's defeat— Indians begin to be fearful of suc
cess—Send General Wayne a speech— Can't accept the terms of Wayne— They
Btill hope for British aid— The Spanish of the Lower Mississippi— Detachment
sent to Fort Massac— Fierce attack upon Fort Recovery— The army starts for the
Miami village— Erection of Fort Adams— Army reaches mouth of the Auglaize
and Maumee— Erection there of Fort Defiance— Wayne's report to the Secetary of
War— Distrust of tho Indians— Capt. William Wells' and Little Turtle— "Wells
quils the Miamies andjoins Wayne— Council of the tribes— Speech' of Little Turtlo
—Movements ofthe army — Attack by the Indians— The wisdom of Little Turtle
—Anthony Shane's account of Teeumseh — Report of General Wayne — Return to
Fort Defiance— Destruction of corn-fields and villages — General Wayne and the
British commander at the Rapids ofthe Maumee — Repairs upon Fort Defiance 
Armymov. s again for the village here— Its arrival— Selection of .the site for the
erection of a fort— Journal ofthe army — Completion ofthe fort — Lieut.-Col Ham
tramck assumes command, and names it Fort Wayne— Main body of the army.
Under Wayne, starts for Fort Greenville— Glorious effect of Wayne's victory
throughout the country — Indians invited to hold a treaty of peace— effoi ts of the
British Indian agents— Agreeable adjustment of affairs' with Great Britain — In-.
dians dispirited thereby— They begin to visit Wayne at Greenville — Letters of
Col. Hamtramck— The treaty of Greenville — effecting address of Wayne — Great
rejoicing throughout the country — " Westward, ho 1 "

'HE NEWS of the defeat of Gen. St. Clair fell heavily upon
(the mind of Washington. He had long looked upon the cap
ture of this locality and the establishment here of formidable
fortifications with the highest degree of interest and concern ;
and to learn of the defeat of an army like that under St. Clair
—a defeat greater than that of Braddock in his movement against
Fort Du Quesne, in 1755 — was to be most severely felt by him.

'144 Histor-t of Fort Wayne.
He had hoped for -speedy relief 'to1 the sparse and greatly eSposed
¦settlements ofthe west, and had' l'elied' largely upon- General St.
Clair to carry his designs and $k>se ol1 the governffifent to a suc
cessful termination; and Avhilerin> the- main,- Gen. St. Clair was but
little if any to blame for the terriible defeat that impeded his march
¦to the Miami village, yet Washington' could but feel it most sorely ,
His feelings are«aid suddenly to h&Ve' overcome him';- and though
-most unlike the Man of couragey hope,- pers-everance, and usual
calm, self-complaoenacy, when told* of St. Clair's ill success,- his bet-
iter feelings suddenly gave way to tloseof the most intense discom-
-iiture. "It's all *©ver!" he exclaimed ;• " St.- Clair' is defeated!-
routed!" His private secretary, according to'the account,- was the
¦only one present, and he is said to harv-8'been " awed iflto breathless-
'silence by the appalling tones in which1 the torrent of invective
was poured forth by Washington. But1" his composure- Avals as soon
•restored, and new resolution as readily foribed in the plastic mind
'of the President.
The defeat of St. '-Clair's force Avas dbubly embarrassing. Be
dsides disappointing and perplexing the government, it had " ex
posed -the whole range -ofthe frontier settlements on the Ohio to the
fury -ofthe Indians," against which they made the be»t -arrange
ments i*i their power for their own defence'; while the government
(took measures for recrnitimg, as soon as possible, the Western army.
Among the military commandants of tb*' time, General Wayne'
Mpas a great favorite with *he people of the west, and he readily
received the appointments the command of the western troops;-
though "a factious opposition in Congress, at that time, to the mil
iary and financial plans of the administration1, delayed the equip--
mbTiiof tbe -army for nearly two years;" and thus, "while" General'
Wayne Avas preparing to penetrate the Indian country in tlie sum
mer of 1794, tke attention of the Indians was drawn to their own
defence, and the femtiers were relieved from theUr attacks;"* Party
spirit now ran high. The west felt sorely agrieved, and every act
-of the general goyeimment tending towards conciliation with the1
British, who were dfeairged with inciting the Indians on the frontier,
¦?fl;as looked upon #11 'tire most disapprobative feeling; and while
Qmexal Wayne,, fem 1792 to August, 1793, was gathering his
forces for th« renewal ¦¦oi efforts against the Indians of this point,
the government of the United States used strenuous efforts to estab
lish treaties of peace and good-will among the tribes hostile to the
Americans in the nerthwestern territory, by sending out messen
gers Avith speeches. On the 7th of April, 1792, Brig. -General Wil
kinson dispatched snch messengers (Freeman and Gerrard) from
Fort Washington to the Indians on the Maumee ;f but who were
captured, and being taken for spies, Avere murdered some where
near the rapids of this river ; and the efforts of the government re
sulted in but little success, in so far as the direct desire for peace
*"¦ A.merioan Pioneer," p. 206. tDillon's His. Ind. pp. 2B7, 289> -

Wayne's Movement from Fort Washington. 145
was concerned. The strong arm of war seemed the only means left
to bring the tribes to a true sense of regard for the government and
its real purposes towards the Indians of the western country. Thus
stood matters from the time ofthe last' efforts ofthe United States,
on the part of its last commissioners to the Indians, (Benjamin
Lincoln, Beverley Randolph, and Timothy Pickering) in August,
1793, with some activity on the part of the Indians, and much hope
and anxiety on the part of the settlements of Marietta and other
points in the Avest, till Wayne had advanced from his headquarters,
at " Hobson's Choice," near Fort Washington, on the 6th of Octo
ber, 1793, to the southwest branch ofthe Great Miami, within six
miles of Fort Jefferson, and, about a month subsequently, estab
lished his headquarters at Fort Greenville,* which Avas built by him
about the period of his arrival at that point. On the 23d of Decem
ber, of this year, from this fort, he gave orders for the erection of
a fort on the site of St. Clair's defeat, in '91, and for that purpose
ordered Major Henry Burbeck, with eight companies of infantry,
and a detachment of artillery, to proceed to the ground, Avhither
the soldiers arrived, executed the order of General Wayne, and the
fortification was appropriately called "Fort Recovery." At this
bold procedure, the Indians began to exhibit signs of uneasiness,
and soon sent General Wayne a "speech," desiring to present over
tures of peace Avith the United States ; but the terms presented by
Wayne were not then agreeable to the Indians, who had, about the
time of Wayne's proposition, much as in the case of the French, at
the time of the Pontiac struggle against the British, been led to hope
that early in the coming year ('94), Great Britain would render
them sufficient aid to enable them to expel and destroy the Amer
ican settlers situated on the territory nortliAvest of the Ohro.t
Matters now agitating the general mind, and, to a considerable
extent, calling aAvay the attention of the GoArernment, relative to a
proposed expedition against the Spaniards ofthe Lower Mississippi,
and to oppose which, General Wayne was ordered by President
Washington to send a detachment to Fort Massac, on the Ohio,
about eight miles below the Tennessee river, there " to erect a
strong redoubt and blockhouse, Avith. some suitable cannon from
, Fort Washington," the expedition of Wayne remained in compara
tive quiet at the different posts, (Jefferson, Greenville, Recovery,
&c.,) till the morning of the 30th of June, '94 when Major
* Which formerly stood in the vicinity of what is now the town of Greenville, Darke
county, Ohio.
tln'February, 1791, Lord Dorchester, then Governor-general of Canida, at a council
of chiefs at Quebec, told the Indians "thar, lie sh-.uld imt be surprised if Great Britain
and the United States were at war in course of th« year." Hence their encouragement
in part, at least. It was about this period also that France was experiencing much
trouble of a revolutionary nature, and that Genet, the French Minister in this country,
had sought to raise a. body of t.roons. Ac, to move against the Spaniards of Florida and
Louisiana. Lord Dorchester, doubtless infering that such a movement, aided by tlie
United States, would soon precipitin.- the two countries into a War again, was most
probably led to eneourage the Indians by the remark quoted aho-re. A proclamation
A«s iss'ue'd bv Washington ag'a'init, Ul'e WV iVHW3*' MaVcl> ~4' 1794'- ' 1(1)

146 History of Fort Wayne.
McMahon, commanding, with an escort of ninety riflemen and fifty
dragoons, was fiercely assailed by a body of some fifteen hundred
Indians "under the walls of Fort Recovery." Assisted, as was
thought, by a " number of British agents and a few French Cana
dian volunteers," the Indians, during a period of about twen
ty-four hours, made several sallies upon this fort, but finding their
efforts unavailable, retired. The loss, however, to the garrison was
by no means trifling — tAventy-tAVO men being killed, and thirty
wounded, and three Avere missing ; two hundred and twenty-one
horses were also killed, Avounded and missing. The Indians hav-r
ing been engaged in carrying away their dead during the night,
but eight or ten of their warriors Avere found dead near the fort.
Major McMahon, Captain Hartshorne, Lieutenant Craig, and Cor
net Terry, fell on this occasion.
Major-General Scott, with some sixteen hundred mounted volun
teers, having arrived at Fort Greenville, on the 2t>th of July, ('94),
and joined the regulars under General Wayne, on the 28th of July,
the army began its march upon the Indian villages along the Mau
mee. On this march, some twenty-four miles to the north of Fort
Recovery, Wayne had built and garrisoned a small Post, which he
called Fort Adams. From this point, on the 4th of August, the
army moved toAvard the confluence ofthe Auglaize and Maumee
rivers, where they arrived on the 8th of August. At this point, " a
strong stockade fort, with four good stockhouses, by way of bas
tions," was soon concluded, Avhich was called by Gen. Wayne Fort
Defiance. On the 14th of August, General Wayne wrote as fol
lows to the Secretary of War : " 1 have," said he, " the honor. to in
form you that the army under my command took possession of
this very important post on the morning ofthe 8th instant — the ene
my, on the preceding evening, having abandoned all their settle
ments, toAvns, and villages, with such apparent marks of surprise'
and precipitation, as to amount to a positive proof that our ap
proach Avas not discerned by them until the arrival of a Mr. New
man, of the quartermaster-general's department, who deserted from
the army near the St. Mary's. * * * I had made such demon
strations, for a length of time previously to taking up our line 'of
march, as to induce the savages to expect our advance by the route
of the Miami villages, to the left, or toward Roche de Bout, by the
right— Avhich feints appear to have produced the desired effect, by
draAving the attention ofthe enemy to those points,- and gave an
opening for the, army to approach undiscovered by a devious, i. e.,
in a central direction. Thus, sir, Ave have gained possession ofthe
grand emporium of the hostile Indians of the Avest, without loss of
blood. * * * Everything is now prepared for a forward
move to-morrow morning toward Roche de Boute, or foot of the
rapids. * * * Yet I have thought proper to offer the enemy
a last overture of peace ; and as they have everything that is dear
and interesting noAV at stake, I have reason to expect that they will

Wayne's Efforts for Peace — Wm. Wells. 147
listen to the proposition mentioned in the enclosed copy of an ad
dress, dispatched yesterday by a special flag (Christopher Miller,)
Avho I sent under circumstances that will insure his safe return, and
which may eventually spare the effusion of much human blood.
But should war be their choice, that blood be upon their own heads.
America shall no longer be insulted with impunity. To an all-
powerful and just God I therefore commit myself and gallant
army." In his address to the Indians, 'as dispatched by Miller "to the
Delewares, Shawanees, Miamis, and Wyandots, and to each and
every of them ; and to all other nations of Indians northwest of the
Ohio, whom it may concern," said General Wayne : " Brothers—
Be no longer deceived or led astray by the false promises and lan
guage ofthe bad white men at the foot of the rapids: they have
neither the power nor inclination to protect you. No longer shut
your eyes to your true interest and happiness, nor your ears to this
last overture of peace. . But, in pity to your innocent Avomen and
children, come and prevent the further effusion of your blood. Let
them experience' the kindness and friendship ofthe United States of
America, and the invaluable blessings of peace and tranquility."
He urged them also — " each and every hostile tribe of Indians to
appoint deputies " to assemble without delay at the junction of the
Auglaige and foot of the rapids, "in order to settle the prelimina
ries of a lasting peace." The answer brought by Miller on his re
turn, on the 16th, was, " that if he (General Wayne) Avaited where
he was ten days, and then sent Miller for them, they would treat
with him; but that if he advanced, they Avould give him battle,"
The slow movement of Wayne towards the Miami village had
caused many of the Indians to feel no little distrust as to their abili
ty tb defeat the great chief* of the Americans who was creeping
so cautiously upon their strongholds.
A man by the name of Wells, already referred to in a previous
chapter, who, at the age of twelve years, had been captured in Ken
tucky and adopted by the Miamies, and Avho had lived to manhood
and raised a family among them, just prior to the advance of the
army towards the rapids, began to foel a new awakening in his
mind. He had fought by the side of. Little Turtle against both
Jlarmar and St. Clair; and it Aifas said of him, that " .afterwards, in
the times of calm reflection, Avitii dim memories still of his child
hood home, of brothers and playmates, he seemed to have been
harrowed with the thought that amongst the slain, by his own hand,
may have been his kindred." lie had resolved to break his at
tachment to the tribe, even to his wife and children. In this state
of mind, Avith much of the Indiiu characteristics, inviting the war
chief of the Miamies — Little Turtle— to accompany hiai to a point
on the Maumee, about two miles east of Fort Wayne, at what was
long known as the " Big Elm,,? whither they fttonce vopaired, Wells
Vrom his great vigilencc, Wayne -uav>oallod by the Indians, the gla.eliSna.ke,

148 History of Fort Wayne.
readily told the chief his purpose. "I now leave your nation,"
said he, " for my OAvn people. We have long been friends. We
are friends yet, until the sun reaches a certain height, (which was
mentioned). From that time Ave are enemies. Then if you wish to
kill me, you may. If I Avant to kill you, I may." When the time
indicated had come, Capt. Wells crossed the river, and was soon
lost to the view of his old friend and chieftain, Little Turtle. Mov
ing in an easterly course, with a view to striking the trail of Wayne's
forces, he Avas successful in obtaining an interview Avith the Gen
eral, and ever thereafter proved the fast friend ofthe Americans.*
The resolute movement of Wells Avas a severe blow upon the Miam
ies. To Turtle's mind it seemed to have been an unmistakable
foreboding of sure and speedy defeat to the confederated tribes of
the northwest, as already referred to.
In accordance vvith previous arrangements, on the 15th of Au
gust, General Wayne moved with his forces towards the foot of the
rapids, and came to a halt a few miles above that point, on
the 18th, and the next day began the erection of a temporary
garrison, more especially for the reception of stores, baggage, and
the better to reconnoitre the enemy's ground, which lay " behind a
thick, bushy wood, and the British fort."f This post was called
" Fort Deposit."
The Miamies Avere noAV undecided as to the policy of attacking
General Wayne, notwithstanding the fact that they, with the aid of
other tribes, and through the influence ofthe British, had succeeded
in defeating the former expeditions of Harmar and St. Clair. At a
general council of the confederated tribes, held on the 19th of Au
gust, Little Turtle was most earnest in his endeavors to pursuade a
peace Avith general Wayne. Said he, " we have beaten the enemy
tAvice under different commanders. We cannot expect the same
good fortune to attend us always. The Americans are now led by
a chief Avho never sleeps. The nights and the days are alike to him,
and during all the time that he has been marching on our villages,
notwithstanding the Avatchfulness of our young men, we have never
been able to surprise him. Think Avell of it. There is something
Avhispers me, it would be prudent to listen to his offers of peace."
But his words of wisdom Avere but little regarded. One of the chief's
ofthe council even went so far as tfc charge him Avith cowardice,
which he readily enough spurned, for there were none braver or
r«After the arrival here of the army undeij Wayne, Wells was made captain of the
Spies, aud settling atthe " Old Orchard," a short distance from the confluence of the
St. Mary and St. Joseph, on tlie banks of a little stream ihere, afterwards called " Spy
Run," and, which still bears that name, the iovernnient subsequently granted him o
preemption of some three hundred and twenty acres of land thereabout, including li»
improvement thereon, the old orchard, etc. We"? afterwards, also 'became, by ap
pointment of the Government, Indian Agent here, in which capacity he served for sev
eral years.
•fTliis fort, at the foot ofthe Rapids, called lort Miami, -was about seven miles from
Fort Deposit, and stood on the north western ba'.ikof the Maumee, near where Maumee
City boat stands.

GenekAl Wayne's Report to Secretary Knox. 149
more ready to act Avhere victory Avas to be Avon or a defense re
quired, than Little Turtle, and so, Avithout further parley, the coun
cil broke up, aud Turtle, at the head of his braves, took his stand to
meet and give battle to the advancing army.
" At eight o'clock," says Wayne, in his report to Secretary Knox,
ou the 28th of August, 1794, " on the morning of the 20th, the army
again advanced in columns, agreeably to tho standing order of
march ; the legion on the right, its flank covered by the Maumee :
one brigade of mounted volunteers on the left, under Brigadier-gen
eral Todd, and the other in the rear, under Brigadier-general Bar-
bee. A select battallion of mounterl volunteers moved in front of
the legion, commanded by Major Price, Avho Avas directed to keep
sufficiently advanced, so as to give timely notice for tke troops to
form in case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the In
dians Avould decide for peace or Avar.
" After advancing about five miles," continued the report, " Ma
jor Price's corps received so severe a fire from the enemy, who were
secreted in the woods and high grass, as to compel them to retreat.
The legion Avas immediately formed in two lines, principally in a
close, thick wood, which extended for miles on our left, and for a
very considerable distance in front, the ground being covered with
old fallen timber, probably occasioned by a tornado, which ren
dered it impracticable for the cavalry to act with etlect, and afford
ed the enemy the most favorable covert for their mode of Avarfare.
The savages Avere formed in three lines, Avithin supporting distance
of each other, and extending for near two miles, at right angles with
the river. I soon discovered, from the weight of the fire and ex
tent of their lines, that the enemy Avere in full force in front, in pos
session of their favorite ground, and endeavoring to turn our left
flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line to advance and
support the first; and directed Major-general Scott to gain and turn
the right flank of the savages, with the Avhole of the mounted vol
unteers, by a circuitous route; at the same time I ordered the front
line to advance and charge Avith trailed arms, and rouse the Indians
from their coverts at the point ofthe bayonet, and when up, to de
liver a close and well-directed fire on their backs, followed by a
brisk charge, so as not to give them time to load again.
"I also ordered Captain Mis Campbell, who commanded the leg
ionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of the enemy next the river,
and Avhich afforded a favorable field for that corps to act in. All
these orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude ; but such
was the impetuosity of the charge by the first line of infantry, that
the Indians and Canadian militia and volunteers were drove from
all their coverts in so short a time, that, although every possible ex
ertion was used by the officers of the second line of the legion, and
by Generals Scott, Todd, and Barbee, of the mounted volunteers, to
gain their proper positions, but part of each could get up in season
to participate in the action, ; the enemy being drove, in the course

1 50 History of Fort Wayne.
of one hour, more than tAvo miles through the thick woods already
mentioned by less than one-half their numbers. From every ac- ,
count, the enemy amounted to two thousand combatants. Tho
troops actually engaged against them were short of nine hundred.*
This horde of savages, with their allies, abandoned themselves to
flight, and dispersed with terror and dismay, leaving our victorious
army in full and quiet possession of the field of battle, which term
inated under the influence of the guns of the British garrison."
The wisdom, foresight and valor of Little Turtle were now no
longer to be questioned. At the Indian council, on the night be
fore the attack, he clearly saw the end of all their efforts against
the army of Wayne ; and the Indians soon began to feel and realize
that their main hold upon the northwest was broken forever.
Though it is not positively knoAvn whether Tecumseh was at the
council or not, the night before the battle, yet it is authentically
recorded, in the life of this chief, in accordance Avith the following
account by Anthony Shane, that he led a party of Shawanoes in
the attack upon the army of General Wayne. And it was in this
engagement that he first encountered the white chief, Gen. Harri
son, then a Lieutenant, AvithAvhom, afew years later, he had so much
dealing. Says the account of Shane: He-occupied an advanced
position in the battle, and while attempting to load his rifle, he put
in a bullet before the poAvder, and was thns unable to use his gun.
Being at this moment pressed in front by some infantry, he fell
back with his party, till they met another detachment of- Indians.
Tecumseh urged them to stand fast and fight, saying if any one
would lend him a gun, he would show them how to use it. A fowl
ing-piece was handed to him, with which he fought for some time,
till the Indians were again compelled to give ground. While fall
ing back, he met another party of Shawanoes ; and, although the
tvhites were pressing on them, he rallied the Indians, and induced
them to make a stand in a thicket. When the infantry pressed
close upon them, and had discharged their muskets into the bushes,
Tecumseh and his party returned the fire, and then retreated till
they had joined the main body of the Indians below the 'rapids of
the Maumee.
As presented in the foregoing report, " the bravery and conduct
of every officer belonging to the army, from the generals dowb( to
the ensign," merited the " highest approbation. There were, ht>AV-
ever, some," says Wayne, "whose rank and situation placed their
conduct in a very conspicuous point of view, and Avhich I observed
Avith pleasure, and the most lively gratitude. Among whom, I
must beg leave to mention Brigadier-general Wilkinson, and Col\
*The exact number of Indians engaged in this action, against Wayne's army "1ia«
never been ascertained. There were, however, about 450 Delawares, 175 Miamies, 275'
Shawanees, 225 Ottawas,275 Wyandotts, and a small number of Senecas, Pottawatta-
mits, and Chippewas. The number bf white men who fought in defense of the Indians
in this engagement, was about seventy, including a corps of volunteers from Detroit,
under the command of Captain Caldwell.— His. Ind.

Wayne's Victory at the Eapids— Killed, Wounded, &c. 151
Hamtramck, the commandants ofthe right and left Avino-s of the
legion, whose brave example inspired the troops. To those I
must add," said he, " the names of my faithful and gallant aids-de
camp, Captain De Butt and T. Lewis ; and Lieutenant Harrison,
who, with the adjutant-general, Major Mills, rendered the most es
sential service by communicating my orders in every direction,, and
by their conduct and bravery exciting the troops to press for vic
tory. Lieutenant Covington, upon whom the command of the cav
alry noAV devolved, cut doAvn two savages with his OAvn hand ; and
Lieutenant Webb one, in turning the enemy's left flank. The
wounds received by Captains Slough and Prior, and Lieutenant
Campbell Smith, an extra aid-de-camp to General Wilkinson, of tho
legionary infantry, and Captain Van Rensselear, of the dragoons,
Captain Bawlins, Lieutenant McKenny, and Ensign Duncan, ofthe
mounted volunteers, bear honorable testimony of their bravery and
conduct. " Captains H. Lewis and Brock, Avith their companies of light
infantry, had to sustain an unequal fire for some time, which they
supported with fortitude. In fact, every officer and soldier, avIio
had an opportunity to come into action, displayed that true bravery
wliich Avill always ensure success. And here permit me to declare,
that I never discovered more true spirit and anxiety for action, than
appeared to pervade the whole of the mounted volunteers ; and I
am well persuaded that, had the enemy maintained their favorite
ground for one-half hour longer, they Avould have most severely
felt the proAvess of that corps. But, while I pay this tribute to the
living, I must not neglect the gallant dead, among whom Ave have
to lament the early death of those worthy and brave officers, Cap
tain Mis Campbell, of the dragoons, and Lieutenant ToAvles, of the
light infantry, of the legion, who fell in the first charge."
Ofthe killed and Avounded, in this engagement, according to the
report, of General Wayne, the regular troops, lost tAventy-six killed,
and eighty-seven wounded. Of the Kentucky volunteers, seven
were killed and thirteen were wounded ; and nine regulars and two
volunteers died of their Avounds before the 28th of the month. The
loss of the enemy was more than twice that of the army under
Wayne; and "the woods Avere streAvn for a considerable distance
with the dead bodies of Indians."
Wayne's victory was now complete. It Avas short and decisive ;
and after remaining " three days and nights on the banks of the
Maumee, in front of the field of battle, during which time all the
houses and cornfields (of the enemy) Avere consumed and destroyed
for a considerable distance both above and below Fort Miami, as
well as within pistol shot of the garrison, Avho Avere compelled to
remain tacit spectators to this general -devastation and conflagra
tion ; among which were the houses, stores, and property of Col
onel McKee, the British Indian agent, and principal stimulator of
the war now existing between tlie United States and the sav-

152 History of Fort Wayne.
ages,"* on the 27th, the army started upon its return march for
Fort Defiance, laying waste, as it moved, villages and cornfields for
a distance of some fifty miles along the Maumee.
It will be proper here to mention, that while the American forces
occupied their position wtithin range ofthe British fortf at the rap
ids, from the afternoon of the 20th to the forenoon of the 23d, five
letters passed between the British commander (Major Campbell)
and General Wayne ; the first coming from the British command
ant, enquiring the cause ofthe army ofthe United States approach
ing so near his majesty's fort — that he knew " of no war existing
between Great Btitain and America," etc. To which Gen. Wayne
replied : " Without questioning the authority or the propriety, sir,
ot your interrogatory, I think I may, without breach of decorum,
observe to you, that, were you entitled to an ansAver, the most full
and satisfactory one was announced to you from the muzzles of my
small arms, yesterday morning, in the action against the horde of
savages in the vicinity of your post, which terminated gloriously to
the American arms ; but, had it continued until the Indians, etc.,
were driven under the influence of the post and guns you mention,
they would not have much impeded the progress of the victorious
army under my command, as no such post was established at the
commencement of the present Avar between the Indians and the
United States." To which, in turn, the British commandant, having
taken the rejoinder of Wayne as an insult to the British flag, threat
ened to open his batteries upon the American forces, should they
continue to approach his post "in the threatening manner" they
were then doing, etc. Wayne's reply was this time to the effect
•that he also knew of no Avar then existing betAveen Great Britain and
America — reminding him of the definitive treaty of 1783 — showing
him that Great Britain was then and there maintaining a post be
yond the limits and stipulations of that treaty ; and ordering him to
retire peacefully within the limits of the British lines. To which
the British commandant replied that he certainly would not aban
don the post at the summons of any poAver whatever, until he re
ceived orders to that effect from those he had the honor to serve
under, or the fortunes of Avar should obligq him so to act; and still
firmly adhered to his previous proposition, or threat. And thus
the controversy ended.
Reaching Fort Defiance again, the army soon began repairs upon
the fort, in order to render it the more substantial in its general
structure; and here the army remained till the morning ofthe 14th
of September, 1794, when "the legion began their march for the
Miami village," (this point) whither they arrived at 5 o'clock,
P. M., on the 17th of September, and on the following day, the
^Wayne's report.
tAt. the period of Wayne's engagemwit near the rapids, there were about 250 regu
lars and 210 militia in this fort, with '"four nine-pounders, two large howitzers, and
six six-pounders mounted in the foit, and two swivels." — American State papers.

Journal of Wayne's Campaign. 153
troops fortified their camps, while " the commander-in-chief re-
connoitered the ground and determined on the spot to build a ear-
nson. *
The history of events, from the time of the arrival of Wayne and
his army at the Miami village, on the afternoon of the 17th, to the
completion of the fort, will be partially seen, at least, from the fol
lowing dates at the Miami village, as presented in the daily journal
of Wayne's campaign :
Camp Miami Villages, 18th Sep. 1794. — * » * » p01jr deserters from
the British came to us this day ; they bring the information that the Indians are en
camped 8 miles below the British fort to ihe number of 1600.
20th Sep. — hast, night it rained violently and the wind blew from the N. W. harder
than I knew heretofore. Gen. Barber with his oimmand arrived in camp about. 'J
o'clock this morning with 553 kegs of flour, each containing 100 pound*.
2SdSep. — Four deserters from ihe British garrison arrived at, our camp ; they
mention that the Indian* are si ill embodiedou the Miami, 9 miles below the Briiish
fort ; that they are somewhat divided in opinion, some arc for peace and others for
war. Hth Sep. — This day the work commenced on Ihe garrison, which T am apprehen
sive will take sometime to complete it. A keg of whisky containing ten gallons,
was purchased this day for eighty dollars, a sliecp for ten dollars ; three dollars was'
offered for one pint of salt, but it could not be obtained for less than six.
26th Sep. — Lieutenant Bine, of the dragoons, was this day arrested by ensign
Johnson, of the 4th S. L., but a number of their friends interfering, the dispute was
settled upon lieutenant Blue asking Johnson's pardon.
26th Sep. — M'Cleland, one of our spies, with a small party came in this evening
from Fort Defiance, who brings information that the enemy are troublesome about
the garrison, an! that they have killed some of our men under tho walls ofthe fort.
' Sixteen Indians were seen to-dny near this place ; » small party went in pursuit of
them. I have notheard what discoveries they hive made.
80lh Sep. — Salt and whisky Were drawn by the troops tnis day, and a number of
thesoldiary became much intoxicated, they having stolen a quantity of liquor from
the quartermaster. \
ith Oct. — This morning we had the hardest frost I ever saw in the middle of De-
comber, it was like a small snow ; there was ice in our camp.kettle.i jj- of an inch
thick; the fatigues goon with velocity, considering the rations the troops are obliged
.to live on.
5th Oct. — The weather extremely cold, and ha -d frosts, the wind N. W. ; every
thing quiet and nothing but harmony and peace throughout the camp, which is some
thing uncommon.
&th Oct. — Plenty and quietness the same as yesterday: the volunteers r-ngaged lo
work on the garrison, for which they arc to receive threegills of whisky per man per
day; their employment is digging the ditch and filling up the parapet.
%th Oct. — The troops drew but. half rations of flour this day. The cavalry and
other horses die very fast, not less than four or five per day!
%th Oct. - The volunteers have agreed to build a block-house in front of the gar
rison. 11th Oct. — A Canadian (Rozelie) with a flag arrived this evening; his business
was to deliver up three prisoners in exchange for his brother, who'was taken on the
20th August; he brings information that the Indians are in council with Girty and
M'Kee noar the fort of Detroit, that all the iribes are for peace except the Shawan
ees. who are determined to prosecute the war.
16th Oct.— -Nothing new, weather wet, and cold, wind from N. AV. The troops
hea,fliy in general.
17ti Oct  This day Oaptain Gibson arrived with a large quantity of flour, beef,
and sheep.
VMh Oct.  This day the troops were not ordered for labor, being the first da>- for
four weeks, and accordingly attended divine service.
*D.iily journal Wayne's campaign.

154 Histoby of Fokt Wayne.
20th Oct. — An express arrived this day with dispatches to the commander-in-
chief; th« contents are kept secret.
A court-martial to sit this day for the trial of Charles Hyde.
2l,,< Oct. — This day were read the proceedings of a general court martial, held on
lieutenant Charles Hyde, (yesterday) was found'not guilty of the charges exhibited
against him, and was therefore acquitted.
On the morning of the 22d of October, 1794, the garrison Avas
in readiness, and Lieutenant-colonel Hamtramck assumed com
mand of the I'ost, with the folloAving sub-legions : Captain Kings
bury's 1st; Captain Greaton's 2d; Captains Spark's and Reed's 3d;
Captain Preston's 4th ; and. Captain Porter's of artillery; and after
firing fifteen rounds of cannon, Colonel Hamtramck gave it the
name of Fokt Wayne.
And here Avas the starting-point of a new era in civilization in
the great northwest !
On the 28th of October, having completed his work at the point;
now bearing his name, General Wayne, Avith the main body ofthe
regulars, took up his line of march for Fof(j Greenville, arriving at
that point on the 2d of November.
Early in September the news of Wayne's victory had spread over,
a large part of the country, and operated most favorably for the
government. It not only removed the dissatisfaction to which the
great delays attending the campaign had given rise, but it was the
best possible illustration of the benefits to be derived from the pror:
tection of the general government, which had been greatly under
rated. As a permanent peace with the Indians was now consid?|
ered certain, this increased the desire for tranquility at home. And
the troubles which, but a short period before, had threatened to in
volve the government in much trouble, through the desire of'Gen'et
and his followers to move upon the Spaniards of the LoAver Mis
sissippi, began greatly to dispirit the insurgents ; and by the first
of October, ('94) tranquility and good order Avere in a great rneas-'
ure restored throughout the country.*
After the close of the engagement of the 20th of August, Wayne
continued to invite the Indians to a friendly meeting, with a -view
to permanent peace betAveen the tribes ami the United States. But
the Indians, for some time, seemed to be balancing between a de
sire still for the overthrow of the Americans and the hope of " ef
fectual support from the British," on the one hand, and the fear of ulti
mate defeat on the other ,let their own strength or aid from the English
be as formidable as it might ; and Avhile Wayne was inviting them to
meet him at Greenville to conclude a treaty with him there, " Lieu
tenant-general Simeoe, Col. McKee, and other officers ofthe British
Indian department, persuaded Little Turtle, Blue Jacket, Buck-ong- ;
a-helas, and other distinguished chiefs, to agree to hold an Indian
council at the mouth of Detroit river."t
The troubles with England, wliich had, but a few months before,
threatened to break out into Avarfare again, Avere now, through the
* American Pioneer. fDillon's jj;B. jn(}.

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FORTWATOE 179 5.

Letters of Col. Hamteamck. 155
wisdom of Washington, in a great measure, and the admirable ef
forts of John Jay, as envoy extraordinary from this country to the
court of St. James, amicably adjusted in the conclusion of" a treaty
of amity, commerce, and navigation, between the United States
and Great Britain." This treaty was concluded on the 1 9th of No
vember ; and one of its main stipulations was that of a Avithdrawal,
" on or before the first day of June, 1796, all (of tho Kings) troops
1 and garrisons, from all posts and places within the boundry lines
assigped to the United States by the treaty of peace of 1783."
The neAvs of this treaty having reached America, the Indians
soon felt their last hope of aid from the English fading aAvay, and
began seriously to think of peace ; and during the months of Decem
ber and January, 1794-5, small parties of Miamies, OttaAvas, Chip
pewas, Pottawattamies, Sacs, Delawares, and ShaAvanoes began to
visit General Wayne at his headquarters at Greenville, signing re
spectively, preliminary articles of peace, and agreeing " to meet
Wayne at Greenville "on or about the 15th of June, 1795, with all
the sachems and Avar-chiefs of their nations," with a view of arrang
ing a final treaty of peace and amity between the United States and
the Indians of the northwestern territory.
During the period that elapsed between the departure (28th of
October,) of Wayne for Fort Greenville from the newly completed
garrison bearing his name here, until the- 17th of May 1796, Col.
Hamtramck remained in command at Fort Wayne ; and though
nothing of a very important nature transpired during that time, yet
there is much of interest to be gathered from the many letters* of
Col. H., written from the fort here, and addressed to generals Wayne
and Wilkinson.
'On the 5th December, '94, he wrote to Gen. Wayne :
"It is with a great degree of mortification that l am obliged lo inform your ex
cellency of the great propensity many. of the soldiers have lo larceny. I have
flftgged them till I am tired. The economic allowance of one hundred lashes, al
lowed by government, does not appear a sufficient inducement, for a rascal to act
the part of an honest man. I have now a number in confinement and in irons for
having stolen four quarters of beef on the night of the 3rd instant. I could wish
them to bo tried by a general court-martial, in order to make an example of some
of them. I shall keep them confined until the pl«asure of your excellency is known."
"Fort Wayne, December 29, 1794.
"Sir — Yesterday a number of chiefs ofthe Chippeways, Ottawas, Sacks, and
Pottawattamies arrived here with the two Lassellsf It appears that the Shawan
ees, Delawares, and Miamies remain still under the influence of McKee; but Las-
BelJ thinks they will be compelled to come into the measures ofthe other Indians.
After the chiefs have rested a day or two, 1 will send them to head-quarters "
"Fort Wayne, December 29, 1794.
Stit — Since my last letter to your excellency of the present date, two war-chiefs
have arrived from the Miami nation, and inform me that their nation will be here
in a few days, from whence they will proceed to Greenville. They also bring in
telligence of the remaining tribes of savages acceding to the prevalent wish for peace,
and collecting for the purpose the chiefs of their nations, who, it is expected, will
make their appearance at this post about the same time the Miamies may come for
ward," v
*Published from the manuscript of Col Hamtramck in the "American Pioneer, 1843.
tJaeques and Antoine Lasselle. t Jacques Lasselle

156 HlSTOKY OF FOET WaYNB. " December 13, 1795
" The issues to the Indians would he verv inconsiderable this winter, if it was
not forabout ninety old women and children with some very old men, who live near
us and have no other mode of subsisting but. by garrison. I have repeal edly tried
to get clear of them, but without success. *' January 13, 1796.
"About ninety old women ami children have been victualled by the garrison. I
have, yesterday, given them live days' provision, and told them it was the last
they should have until spring. I was obliged to do so because, from calculation, I
have no more floor than will last me until spring. But, sir, if other supplies could
be got by land, I consider it politic to feed these poor creatures, who will suffer very
much for want of subsistence." [To General Wilkinson] " March 28, 1796.
"1 am out of wampum. I will be very much obliged to you to send mo some, for
speaking to an Indian without it is like consulting a lawyer without, a fee."
[To General Wilkinson ] ' April 5, 1796.
" Little Turtle arrived' yesterday, to whom I delivered your message. U:s answer
was, to present his compliments to you, lhat he was very glad of the invitation, na
he wished very much to see general 'Vilkinson, but, it was impossible for him to go
to Greenville at present, as he had ordered all his young men to repair to a rendej-
vouz, in order, when assembled, to chope a place for tlieir permanent, residence; Dint,
as soon as that, object shall be accomplished, he would go to see you, which, he said,
would be by the time he hears form you again."
{To General Wilkinson.'] "April 18, 1796.
"The bearer is captain lllue Jacket, who. at. your request, is now going to Green
ville Blue Jaektit. is usedMo good company aui is always treated with more atten
tion than other Indians. He appears to be very well disposed, and I believe him
sincere." True to their promise, in the early part of June, 1795, deputa
tions from the different tribes of the northwest began to arrive at
Greenville with a vieAV to the consummation of the treaty already
referred to. This treaty, which was one of much interest through
out, lasted from the 16th of June, to the 10th of August, (1795)
many ofthe principal chiefs making strong speeches, and each na
tion openly and separately assenting to the articles and stipulations
of the treaty. At the conclusion of his speech to deputies on the
10th of August, at the termination of the treaty, General Wayne
addressed the assemblage as follows': '' I iioav fervently pray to the
Great Spirit, that the peace now established may be permanent,
and that it may hold us together in the bonds of friendship, until
time shall be no more. I also pray that the Great Spirit above may
enlighten your minds, and open your eyes to your true happiness,
that your children may learn to cultivate the' earth, aud enjoy the
fruits of peace and industry. As it is probable, my children, that
we shall riot soon meet again in public council, I take this opporttn
nity of bidding you all an affectionate farewell, and wishing you a
safe and happy return to your respective homes and families."
A general feeling of rejoicing soon pervaded the country at the
happy termination of this treaty;* and it was as, pleasing and accep-
* The boundry lines established at this treaty, between the northwestern Indians '
and the IT. S., secured to the Indians all the territory within the present limits of tin
State of Indiana, excepting. First : — One tract of land, six miles square, at the con
fluence of the St. Mary and St. Joseph rivers. Secondly: — One tract of land, two
miles square, on the Wabash river, at, the end of the portage, from the head of the river
Maumee, and about eight miles westward from Fort Wayne. Thirdly : — One tract of
laud, six miles square, at Ouiatenon, or the old Wea town on the river Walftih.

Beginning of a New Eka in the Gkeat West.

157

table to the Government, as it Avas agreeable to the Indians. With
these pacific relations came the cry of " Westwaed, ho 1 " and soon
a tide of emigration began to set in from the eastern States,
many selecting sites along the Ohio, the Sciota, and Muskingum
rivers ; and others again selected and began settlements along the
fertile regions lying between the two Miami rivers, and at other
points westAvard. And thus had begun a new life and a new free
dom in the wide domain of the northwest.
Fourthly: — Tho tract of one hundred and fifty thousand acres, near the fall* of the
Ohio ; which tract wa9 called the " Illinois Grant," or " Clark's Grant." Fifthly : —
The town of Vincennes, ou the river AVabash, aud tlie adjacent lands to whioh the
Indian title had been extinguished ; and all similar lands, atother places, in possession
ofthe French people, or other white settlors among them. And, sixthly : — The strip of
land lying east of aline running directly from the site of Fort Recovery, so a9 to inter-
•ect the River Ohio at a point opposite to the mouth of the Kentucky river.

CHAPTER X.IIL i
" All along the Avinding rivef
And adown the shady glen,
On the hill and in the valley,"
The voice of war resounds agfaifi.

Emigration westward — The Shawanoes Prophet — Enactments of laws — Treaty betweefl
the U S. and Spain — Efforts to dissolve the Union — Col. Hamtramck leaves Fort
Wayne — British evacuate Fort Miami — Death of General Wayne — General Wilk
inson assumes command of the western forces — Movements of Baron Carondelet
-'"Failure of the Spanish and French scheme — Treaty of peace with France — cej.
sion of Louisiana to France — Cession ofsime to the U. S. — Legislative session at Cin
cinnati — Wm. Henry Harrison chosen representative in Congress — Division of ter
ritory—Harrison appointed Governor — Principal events from 1800 to l810-~Efiiortt
of Governor Harrison to induce the Indians to engage in agricultural pursuits-1
Extinguishment of Indian claims — Treaty at Fort Wayne in 1H03 — Peaceable re
lations between the Indians and the U. S. — Beginning of new troubles — Short
account ofthe Shawanoes — Indians put to death by orderof the Prophet — Speech
of Gov. Harrison — Capt. Wm. Wells, Indian agent here— ^Sends a message to Te
cumseh by Anthony IShane — Shane's reception — Tecumseh's reply — Weill refuses
to comply with Tecumseh's request — Shane again sent to Tecumseh — Second re
ply of Tecumseh — Indians continue to assemble at Greenville — Many about Fort
Wayne— Great alarm of the settlers — Governor of Ohio sends a deputation to
Greenville— Address ofthe commissioners—Speech of Blue Jacket — Tecumseh mid
others return with the commissioners— Further alarm — A white man killed— Mi
litia called out — Investigation of the murder — Settlers still uneasy — Speech of
Gov. Harrison — Protestations of the Prophet — He removes to Tippecanoe— War
like sports begun — Settlers again alarmed — The Prophet visits Gov. Harrison— His
Speecli — Harrison tests him— Secret movements of Tecumseh and .the Prophets-
Many of their followers leave them— Militia organized — Alarm subsides— Treaty
of Fort Wayne, 1809 — Further movements of Tecumseh and the Prophet— Gov.
Harrison prepares for the safety of the frontier.

' HE TIDE of emigration westward, that had begun soon after
)the treaty of Greenville, steadily continued for a number of
ryears, and the peace of the country was not materially inter
rupted till some time during the year 1810, when the famous
Shawanoe Prophet, Ells-kAvata-AA'a, through a singular and
somewhat poAverful influence, began to exert a wide control over
many tribes ofthe northwest, thus creating much alarm among the
western settlements, which, in turn, much impeded the influx of
emigrants to the Indiana Territory.
The most important events that transpired from 1795 to 1810,

Treaty betaveen the U. S. and Spain. 159
were the meeting of Governor St.Clair,with John Cleves Symmes and
George Turner, the latter as judges of the northwestern territory,
Cincinnati, May 29th, 1795, Avherein they adopted and made thirty-
eight laws for the better regulation and government ofthe territory.
On the 27th of October of this year ('95) a treaty of " friendship,
limits, and navigation, between the United States of America and
the King of Spain," was concluded, at the sourt of Spain, between
Thos. Pitfckney, envoy extraordianary of the United States, and the
Duke of Alcudia, Avhich extended from the southern boundry ofthe
U. S. to " the northernmost post of the thirty-first degree of iatitude
north of the equator," Avhich Avas to extend " due east to the mid
dle of the river Apalachicola or Catahoucha, thence along the
middle thereof, to its junction with the Flint; thence straight, to the
head of St. Mary's river, and thence down the middle thereof, to the
Atlantic Ocean ;" and was ratified on the 3d of March, 1796.
In July of 1796, the French Executive Directory, because of this
treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation between the United
States and Spain, charged the American government with " a breach
of friendship and abandonment of neutrality, and a violation of tacit
engagements;" and during 1796 and 1797, as in keeping Avith a
similar spirit exhibited in 1795, before the Spanish garrisons on the
eastern side of the Mississipppi were surrendered to the United
States, strong efforts Avere macte, on the part of French and Spanish
agents, to persuade the inhabitants of the western country to
withdraw their connection from the American Union, and, with
those governments, to form a separate and independent government,
• extending westward from the Allegheny Mountains. But the in
ducements were of no avail, and the scheme failed.
Before the end of July, (1796) the English had withdrawn
from all "the posts within the boundry ofthe United States north-
, west of the Ohio ;'" and about the 17th of May of this year, Colonel
Hamtramck had left Fort Wayne, passing down the Maumee to
Fort Deposit, Avhere the famous engagement of Wayne had but a
few months before occured, and on the 11th of July the British
fort, Miami, at the foot of the rapids, was evacuated, Capt. Moses
Porter soon taking command. On the 13th of July, Colonel Ham
tramck took possession of the Post at Detroit.
In- December of this year, '96, General Wayne died, and General
James Wilkinson Avas put in command of the western army of the
United States, and a small detachment still continued at Fort
Wayne. In the month of June 1797, some feeling still existing on the part
of Spain as well as France, the two governments being somewhat
allied in their motives against the United States, the governor of
Louisiana (Baron de Carondelet) sent a request to General Wilkin
son to delay the movement of the United States troops that were to
occupy the posts on the Mississippi river until such time as the ad
justments of certain questions then pending between the American

160 HlSTOEY.OF FoET WAYNE.
and Spanish governments could be adjusted. But the true object
of Carondelet, through his agent (Thomas Power,) seems to have
been only to ascertain the true feeling ofthe western people regard
ing a dissolution of the Union. PoAver having passed through the
Avestern territory as far as Detroit, in the month of August, '97,
he met General Wilkinson, and explained the object of his mission,
which the general readily concluded to be '' a chimerical project,
which it was impossible to execute, that the inhabitants ofthe west
ern states, having obtained by treaty all they desired, Avould not
Avish to form any other political or commercial alliance." Because
of these intrigues on the part of Spain, and the conduct of France,
in December, 1796,* in refusing to receive Minister Monroe, at
Paris, on the ground of complaints already mentioned, relative to
the treaty with Spain, and because of the depredation of French
vessels against American commerce, the United States government,
during 1798, impelled the latter to adopt and enforce strenuous
measures of retaliation; the first of Avhich was that of " an act au
thorizing the President of the U. S. to raise a provisional army."
The second, "to suspend the commercial intercourse between the
U. S. and France and the dependencies thereof." The third, "to
authorize the defense of the merchant vessels of the U. S. against
French depredations ;" and fourth, " an act concerning alien ene
mies." The Spaniads had hoped for aid, by way of Canada, from the
English, in 1798. But they Avere doomed to disappointment, and
having reluctantly evacuated the posts on the Mississippi during the
summer of 1798, in the fall of that year Gen. Wilkinson moved
down that river and took up his headquarters at Lofr.us' Heights,
where he soon erected Fort Adams. In September of this year,
France having exhibited a desire for peaceable relations with the
United States, subsequent negotiations were had at Paris, and on
the 30th of September, 1800, a "treaty of peace and commerce"
Avas consummated between the United States and France.
In October of this year, (1800), by the conclusion of a treaty at
St. Ildefonso, Spain retroceded to France the province of Louisiana,
embracing the original lines of territory as when before held by
France ; and under Jefferson's administration, three years later,
(30th of April, 1803,) the French government " sold and ceded
Louisiana, in its greatest extent, to the United States, for a sum
about equal to fifteen millions of dollars."
On the 23d of April, 1798, a legislative session was convened at
Cincinnati, which closed on the 7th of May, same year, Winthrop
Sargent, acting; governor, and John Cleves Symmes. Joseph Gil-
man, and Return Jonathan Meigs, Jr., territorial judges. On the.
29th of October of this year, Gov. St. Clair issued a proclamation
* It was in September of this year that Washington, then soon tn vacate the PreB-
dentiol chair for John Adams, who, that year, was elected President, and Thomas
Jeffmon vice President of the United States, issued his fervent and ever memorable
Far-ewW. An'rtai*?.

Division of the Northwesteen Territory. 161
" directing the qualified voters of the Northwestern Territory to
hold elections in their respective counties on the third Monday of
December," with a vieAV to electing representatives to a general as
sembly, to convene at Cincinnati on the 22d of January, 1799. The
representatives having met at the appointed place, in compliance
¦with the ordinance of 1787, for the establishment of legislative
councils, ten persons were chosen as nominees, and their names
forwarded to the. President ot the United States, who, on the second
of March, 1799, selected therefrom, the names of Jacob Burnett,
James Findlay, Henry Vanderburgh, Robert Oliver, and David
Vance, as suitable persons to form the legislative council of the ter
ritory of the United States, lying northwest of the Ohio river, which
names were, on the following day, confirmed by the U. S. Senate.
This body met at Cincinnati on the 16th day of September, and
were fully organized on the 25th of that month, 1799, of which
Henry Vanderburgh Avas elected President, and William C. Schenk,
Secretary. The following counties were represented : Hamilton,
Ross, Wayne, Adams, Knox, Jefferson, and Washington ; sending
nineteen members.
On the third of October, of this year, the names of two candi
dates (Wm. H. Harrison and Arthur St. Clair, Jr.,) to represent the
Northwestern Territory in Congress, being presented to that body,
Harrison was chosen — the one receiving eleven votes, and the other
ten.* In 1800, a division ofthe territory northwest of the Ohio river
having occurred, on the 13th of May of that year, Wm. Henry
Harrison was appointed governor ofthe Indiana Territory. The seat,
of government for the Territory was established at Vincennes, where,
Avith the judge of the same, the governor met on Monday, 12th of
January, 1801, with a view of adopting and issuing " such laws as
the exegencies of the times " might call for, and likewise for the
" performance of other acts conformable to the ordinances and laws
of Congress (1787) for the government of the Teiritory."
¦ From the period ofthe formation ofthe new territory to 1810,
the principal subj ects of attention and interest to the people therein,
"wore land speculations, the adjustment of land titles, the question
of negro slavery, the purchase of Indian lands by treaties, the or
ganization of territorial legislatures, the extension of the right of
suffrage, the division of the Indiana Territory, the movements of
Aaron Burr, and the hostile views and. proceedings of the Shaw-
anoe chief, Tecumseh, and his brother, the Prophet."f
With a view to peace and good-will between the United States
and the Indians of the nortlrwest, through certain laws and regula
tions of the government, Gov. Harrison, at an early period of his
administration, made efforts to induce the different tribes to engage
in agricultural and other pursuits of a civilized nature, to the end
that they might be more agreeably situated and live more in har-
* Dillon's His. Ind., page 399. flbjd, page 409 (11)

162 History of Fort Wayne.
tnony with the advancing civilization of the time. Being also in
vested with powers authorizing him to negotiate treaties between
the U. S. gOA^ernment and the different tribes of the Indiana Terri
tory, and also to extinguish, by such treaties, the Indian title to
lands situate within the said territory. Between the fore part of 1802
and 1805, the governor was most actively employed in the discharge
of these duties.
On the 17th day of September, 1802, at a conference held at
Vincennes, certain chiefs and head men of the Pottawattamie, Eel
River, Piankeshaw, Wea, Kaskaskia, and Kickapoo tribes ap
pointed the Miami chiefs, Little Turtle and Richardville, and also
the Pottawattamie chiefs, Wine-mac and To-pin-e-pik to adjust, by
treaty, the extinguishment of certain Indian claims to lands on the
Wabash, near Vincennes. And on the 7th of June, the year fol
lowing, (1803,) Gov. Harrison held a treaty at Fort Wayne, with
certain chiefs and head men of the Delaware, Shawanoe, Potta
wattamie, Eel River, Kickapoo, Piankeshaw, and Kaskaskia tribes,
wherein was ceded to the United States about one million six hun
dred thousand acres of land.*
For a period of sixteen years, subsequent to the treaty of Green
ville, (1795 to 1811) agreeable relations were maintained, by the U.
S., between the Miamies and some other tribes represented at that
famous treaty. During this time the Indians seemed mainly to
have betaken themselves to the forest and priaries in pursuit of
game ; and the result was that a considerable traffic was steadily
" carried on with the Indians, by fur-traders of Fort Wayne, and
Vincennes, and at different small trading posts which were estab
lished on the borders of the Wabash river and its tributaries. The
furs and peltries which were obtained from the Indians, were gen
erally transported to Detroit. The skins Avere dried, compressed,
and secured in packs. Each pack weighed about one hundred
pounds. A pirogue, or boat, that was sufficiently large to carry
forty packs, required the labor of four men to manage it on its voy
age. In favorable stages of the Wabash river, such a A^essel, under
the management of skillful boatmen, was propelled fifteen or twenty
miles a day, against the current. After ascending the river Wa
bash and the Little River to the portage near Fort Wayne, the tra
ders carried their packs over the porta ge, to the head of the river
Maumee, where they were again placed in pirogues, or in keel-
boats, to be transportated to'Detroit. At this place the furs and
skins were exchanged for blankets, guns, knives, powder, bullets,!
intoxicating,- liquors, etc., with -which the traders returned to their
several posts. According to the records ofthe customhouse at Que
bec, the value of the furs and peltries exported from Canada, in the
year 1786, was estimated at the sum of tAvo hundred and twenty-
pve thousand nine hundred and seventy-seven ponnds sterling."
* Dillon's His. Ipd,
+The bullets, whieh lysre made to fit the guns in use among the Indians, were valued
at four dollars per hundred, Powder, at one dollar perpint.

The Shawanoes. 163
But the volcanic fire of revolution had already begun its np-
heavel. The past' had witnessed many periodical struggles in the
neAV world, and the hour for another was near at hand. The Indians
of the northwest, for the most part, began to grow restive. The game
of the forest had now long been hunted and killed for their hides,
fur, and meat, while many of the traders had grown wealthy upon
the profits yielded therefrom. The life of the hunter seemed too
monotinous for the Indian, and he sought, as at other periods, and,
in many relations, for good reasons, as he had thought, to change it
for one of war; and as the larger fish of the ocean are said to de
vour the lesser ones, so it would seem that, by continued irritation,
brought on through the efforts of both the white and red man, Civil
ization, with its strange and active impulse, was at length destined
to supplant the early and endearing homes and soil of the red
children of the northwest with new and more advanced human and
physical relations.
As the reader has already seen, the Shawanoes phayed a conspicu
ous part at various times during the early efforts of the English
and Americans to gain possession of the Avestein frontier. Col.
Bouquet's expedition was directed mainly against them, at which
time they dwelt principally about the Sciota river, some miles to
the southeast ofthe Miami villages.
Not unlike most Indian tribes, the origin of the Shawanoes is en
veloped in much obscurity. Many tribes, it is true, can be traced
back for many centuries ; but beyond that, all is conjecture or so
wrapped in legendary accounts, that it is most difficult indeed to
trace them further.
The Lenni-Lenape, or Delawares, have long received the first
claim to attention as an active and war-like branch of the Algonquin
family; but the Shawanoes are evidently, in so far, at least, as their
chiefs and the spirit of war is concerned, entitled to a first considera
tion, while the Miamies, evidently, were early the superiors, in
many essential respects, of most of the Algonquin tribes of the
northwest. The French knew the Shawanoes as the Ohaouanous, and were
often called the Massawomees. The famous Iroquois called them
the Satanas ; and the name was often spelt Shawanees, Shawaneus,
Sawanos, Shawanos, and Shawanoes. The latter style of spelling
the name is the one adopted in these pages.
Mr. Jefferson, in his " Notes on Virginia," speaks of a savage
warfare between several tribes, one of which was the Shawanoe,
at the period of Capt. John Smiths's advent in America. In 1632,
by another historian, the Shawanoes were dwelling upon one of the
banks of the Delaware ; and it is variously conceded that this tribe
participated in the treaty with Wm. Penn, in 1682. Accounts agree
that " they were a marauding, adventurous tribe," while " their
v numerous wanderings and appearances in different parts ofthe
continent, almost pfa.c© research at defiance," To become em-

164 History of Fort Wayne.
broiled with neighboring tribes, wherever they dwelt, seems to have
been their fate ; and to save themselves from utter destruction as a
tribe, it is told that they had more than once been obliged to fly
for other and more secure parts of the country.
Parkman is of opinion that the Five Nations (Iroquois) overcame
them about the year 1672, and that a large portion of them sought
safety in the Carolinas and Florida ; where they soon again be
came involved in trouble, and the Mobilians sought to exterminate
them. Returning northward, with others, they settled in what is
now the Ohio valley. Gallatin, who is well versed in the aborigi
nal tongues, is of opinion that this tribe was of the Lenni-Lenape
branch of the Algonquin family, and thinks that their dispersion
took place about 1732. The SuAvanee river, in the southern part
of the United States, takes its name from this tribe, whither they
had wandered before settling in the northwest. Says Heckwelder,
referring to this tribe before their settlement upon the Ohio, they
" sent messengers to their elder brother, the Mohicans, requesting
them to intercede for them with their grandfather, the Lenni-Lenape,
to take them under his protection. This the Mohicans Avillingly
did, and even sent a body of their own people to conduct their
younger brother into the country of the Delawares. The Shawan
oes, finding themselves safe under the protection of their grand
father, did not choose to proceed to the eastward, but many of
them remained on the Ohio, some of whom settled as far up that
river as the Long Island, above which the Freneh afterward built
Fort Duquesne, on the spot where Pittsburgh now stands. Those
who proceeded further, were accompanied by their chief, Gach-
gawatschiqua, and settled principally at and about the forks of the
Delaware, between that and the confluence of the DefaAvare and
Schuylkill rivers ; and some, even on the spot where Philadelphia
now stands ; others were conducted by the MohicaDS into their own
country, where they intermarried with them and became one peo
ple. When those who settled near the Delaware had multiplied,
they returned to Wyoming, on the Susquehanna, where they resided
for a great number of years."
In 1754, during the French and English war, the Shawanoes took
part ,-with the French. The Wyoming branch, through the efforts
of the missionary Zingendorf, through this period, remained quiet,
taking no part in the struggle. A few years later, however, a trivial
dispute having arisen betAveen this tribe and the Delawares as to
the possession of a grasshopper, a bloody conflict ensued between
them, wherein about one-half of the Shawanoe warriors Avere de
stroyed, while the remainder removed to the Ohio, where they
dwelt for several years, during all the period of tliose desolating
struggles of the early frontier settlements, referred to in former
chapters, during the latter part ofthe past and the first ofthe pres
ent century. In what is now the State of Ohio, they had many con
siderable towns. Tecumseh was born at one of these, known as

A Short Account of the Shawanoes. 165
Piqua, Avhich stands upon Mad River, a few miles below Spring
field. This village was destroyed by the Kentuckians, under Clark,
in 1780,
After their defeat by Col. Bouquet, in 1764, and the treaty of Sir
William Johnson, they soon became embroiled in a difficulty with
the Cherokees, maintaining the struggle until 1768, when they
were forced to sue for peace. Remaining comparatively quiet for
several years, but little is known of them, of a war-like nature, un
til 1774, soon after the breaking out of the " Dunmore War." But
for the results that brought them into this struggle, it is said the
Shawanoes were in no wise responsible. A report having gained
credence among the Avhites that the Indians had stolen several of
their horses, a couple of ShaAvanoes were taken and put to death by
them, without knoAving whether they were the guilty ones or
not; and on the same day, the Avhites fired upon and killed several
of the Shawanoes, the latter returning the fire and severely wound
ing one of the whites. Oresap also killed the famous Logan family
about this period. An old Delaware sachem, known as " Bald
Eagle," for many years the friend of the whites, Avas murdered, and
the famous chief of the ShaAvanoes, one much beloved by that tribe,
known as " Silver Heels," was fatally wounded, Avhile returning in
a canoe from Albany, where he had accompanied some white tra
ders seeking safety. When found by his friends, " Bald Eagle "
was floating in his canoe, in an upright position, and scalped. The
Indians were now exasperated to a high degree ; Logan, at the mer
ciless death of his wife and children, — and a sanguinary war was
the result. It was in the month of October of the year in question
that occured the famous battle of Point Pleasant, in Avhich Colonel
Lewis was killed, with some fifty odd other white men, with about
a hundred wounded. The Indians were defeated, but the defeat was
dearly bought.
After this, the Shawanoes allied themselves to the English, and
became the implacable foe of the colonists in the struggle for In
dependence ; and even after peace was declared, in 1783, they re
fused to be friendly, and continued to wage war upon the whites,
obstinately opposing the advancing army to the west. Several
small expeditions were sent against them after the revolution, which
they strongly opposed — Clark's, in 1780 and 1782 ; Loean's in 1786 ;
Edward's in 1787 ; Todd's in 1788 ; and the reader is already famil
iar with their efforts, combined with other tribes, against the expe
ditions of Harmar, St. Clair, and Wayne.
In the spring of 1803, Captain Thomas Herrod, living a short
distance from Chilicothe, was murdered and scalped near his OAvn
house. A party of hunters coming upon the body, recognized it,
and, from the appearance, were1 convinced that it had been done
by Indians. The treaty of Greenville up to this time had suffered
no violation, and the settlers now believed hostilities were about to
commence. Who committed this deed has never been ascertained,

166 History of Fort Wayne.
but there was strong suspicions among the immediate neighbors
against a white man who had been a rival candidate with Herrod
for a captaincy in the Ohio militia. There being no tangible evi
dence against the man, he was allowed to remain unmolested, while
those who suspected the Indians most cowardly retaliated upon
them. The account ofthe death, as if borne on the wings of the
wind, spread with great rapidity all over the Sciota valley, and the
excitement and alarm produced among the citizens was most in
tense.' Whole families, from five to fifteen miles apart, flocked to
gether for purposes of self-defense. In some places block-houses
were run up, and preparations for war made in every direction.
The citizens of Chilicothe, though in the center of population, col
lected together for the purpose of fortifying the town. The inhabi
tants living on the north fork of Paint Creek were all collected at
Old Town, now Frankfort, and among others was David Wolf, an
old hunter, a man of wealth and some influence. He had settled
on the north fork, twenty miles above Old Town. After remaining
in the town several days, he employed two men, Williams and Fer
guson, to go with him to his farni, with the view of examining into
the condition of his stock. When they had proceeded about six
miles, and were passing across a prairie, they saw an Indian ap
proaching them in the distance, and walking in the same path over
which they wefe traveling. On a nearer approach, it was found to
be the Shawanoe chief, Waw-Avil-a-way, the old and faithful hunter of
General Massie during his surveying tours, and an unwavering
friend of the white men. He was a sober, brave, intelligent man,
well known to most of the settlers in the country, and beloved by
all for his frank and generous demeanor. He had a wife and two
sons, who were also much respected by their white neighbors
Avhere they resided, near the falls of Paint Creek.
Waw-wil-a-way was frequently engaged in taking wild game and
skins to Old Town, for the purpose of exchanging them for such
articles as he needed. He had left home this morning on foot with
his gun, for the purpose of visiting Frankfort, and meeting the com
pany named, he approached them in that frank and friendly man-
mer which always characterized his intercourse with his white breth
ren. After shaking hands with them most cordially, he inquired
of the health of each and their families. The salutation being over,
Wolf asked him to trade guns with him, and the chief assenting,
an exchange was made for the purpose of examining previous to
concluding the bargain. While this was going on, Wolf, being on
horseback, unperceived by Waw-wil-a-way, opened the pan, and
threw out the priming, and, handing it back, said he believed he
would not trade with him.
Wolf and Williams then dismounted, and asked the chief whether
the Indians had commenced war. He replied : " No, no ! the In
dians and white men are now all one, all brothers."

Encounter between Waw-wil-a-avay and Wolf. 167
Wolf then asked whether, he had heard that the Indians had
killed Captain Herrod.
The chief, much surprised at the intelligence, replied that he had
not heard it, and seemed to doubt its correctness. Wolf affirmed
that it was true. Waw-wil-a-way remarked that perhaps some bad
white man had done it, and after a few more words, the parties
separated, each going his own way.
The chief had walked about ten steps, when Wolf, taking delib
erate aim, shot him through the body. Waw-wil-a-way did not
fall, although he felt his wound was mortal, nor did he consent to
die as most men would have done under similar circumstances.
Bringing his unerring rifle to his shoulder, he leveled it at Wil
liams, who, in his efforts to keep his horse between himself and the
Indian, so frightened him that his body was exposed, and when
the rifle was discharged, he dropped dead near his animal. Ren
dered desperate by his wounds, the Indian then clubbed his gun,
and dealing Wolf a fearful bloAv, brought him to the earth. Recov
ering, and being strong and active, he closed upon the Indian, and
made an effort to seize him by the long tuft of hair on the crown of
his head. A shawl was tied around the Indian's head in the form
of a turban, and this being seized by' Wolf, instead of the hair, he
gave a violent jerk for the purpose of bringing him to the ground.
The shawl gave way, and Wolf fell upon his back. At this, the In
dian drew his scalping-knife, and made a thrust at Wolf, who, see
ing his danger, and throwing up his feet to ward off the blow, re
ceived the blade of the knife in his thigh. In the scuffle the handle
broke off, and left the blade fast in the wound. At the same time,
Wolf made a stroke at the Indian, the blade of his knife entering
the breast-bone. Just then Ferguson came to Wolf's assistance ;
but the Indian, taking up Wolfs gun, struck him on the head a ter
rible blow, and brought him to the ground, laying bare his skull
from the crown to the ear. Here the sanguinary conflict ended, and
it all occurred in less time then it has taken the reader to peruse
this acconnt of it.
When the deadly strife ended, the foes of WaAV-wil-a-way were
all lying at his feet, and had he been able to follow up his blows,
he would have dispatched them, for they were completely within
his power. But his strength failed him, and perhaps his sight, for
he must have been in the agonies of death during the whole con
flict. It may be that the poor Indian relented, and that forgiveness
played like sunshine around his generous heart. He cast one
glance upon his fallen foes ; then turning away, he walked out into
the grass, and fell upon his face amid the wild-flowers ofthe prairie,
where his heart at once and forever was still.
During the entire engagement he never spoke a word. Silently
he acted his part in the fearful drama, as though moved by an in
visible agency, The course of Wolf and his comrades was most
unwise indeed, and should never have been encouraged by any one.

168 History of Fort Wayne. >
They first attempted to disarm him by 'throwing the priming out of
his gun, and then talking with him and parting under the mask of
friendship. Had Wolf and his companions supposed him to be ac
cessory to the death of Herrod in any way, he Avould have gone
with them cheerfully to Old Town or Chilicothe, and given himself
up to an investigation. But Wolf was determined on murder, and
the blood of Waw-wil-a-way rests upon his head.*
Williams, when found, was stone dead, but Ferguson and Wolf
subsequently recovered. The surgeon who examined Waw-wil-a-
way stated that every one of his wounds was mortal, and those of
the two whites Avere so severe that it was many months — and they
underwent great suffering — before they were themselves again.
This occurrence added fuel to the excitement. The Indians fied
in one direction and the whites in another, each party undecided
what course to pursue. Several of the prominent citizens of Chili
cothe went into the Indian country, where they found Tecumseh
and a number of his people. These disavowed all connection with
the murder of Herrod, and affirmed that it Avas their intention to
remain true to the Greenville treaty. To quell the apprehension,
Tecumseh returned with the deputation to give them personal as
surance of his intentions. The people were called together, and
through an interpreter, Tecumseh deliArered a speech of which
a listener said : " When he rose to speak, as he cast his gaze over
the vast multitude, which the interesting occasion had drawn to
gether, he appeared one of the most dignified men I ever beheld.
While this orator of nature was speaking, the vast crowd preserved
the most profound silence. From the confident manner in which
he spoke ofthe intention ofthe Indians to adhere to the treaty of
Greenville, and live in peace and friendship with their Avhite breth
ren, he dispelled, as if by magic, the apprehensions of the whites—
the settlers returned to their deserted farms, and business generally
was resumed throughout • that region." As Drake remarks, the
declaration of no other. Indian would have dissipated the fears of a
border man Avhich then pervaded the settlement. j-
The maternal history of the Prophet and Tecumseh is, that their
mother gave birth, about 1770, to three children at one time, who
Avere subsequently named Tecumseh (meaning a.couger crouching
for his prey) ; Ellskwatawa, (an open door) ; and Rumskaka. The
latter seems, however, never to have created any special attention
among the tribes. During the early period ofthe life ofthe Prophet
(Ellskwatawa), he is said to have given himself up almost wholly
to a life of intoxication ; and it was not until about 1804 that he be
gan to abandon his old habit of drunkenness. A sudden change.
then came over him. One day, in his wigwam, while lighting his
pipe, the account runs, " he fell back in a trance upon his bed, and
continued a long time motionless, and without any signs of life."
Supposing him to be dead, his friends immediately began to pre-
* J. B. Fiuley. t Life of Tecumseh, by Edward S, Ellis.

Account of Elskavatawa, the" Prophet. 169
pare for his burial. Agreeably to Indian custom, the head men of
the tribe at once gathered about the body, and were in the act of
removing it, when,, to their great astonishment, jEllskwatawa, (the
Prophet) suddenly awoke, and began to address those about him as
folloAVS : " Be not alarmed," said he ; " I have seen heaven. Call
the tribe together, that I may reveal to them the whole of my vis
ion." His request was readily complied with, and he at once began
to speak. He said " two beautiful young men had been sent from
Heaven by the Great Spirit," who spoke to him thus : " The Great
Spirit is angry with you, and will destroy all the red men, unless
you abandon drunkenness, lying, and stealing, If you will not do
this, and turn yourselves to him, you shall never enter the beautiful
place Avhich we will now show you." Whereupon, he affirmed, he
Avas " conducted to the gates of Heaven," and saAV " all the glories,
but, was not permitted to enter. Thus viewing the beauties of the
other world, without being permitted to enter, he was told to return
to the earth again, and acquaint the Indians with what he had seen,
and to persuade them to repent of their vices, saying that then
" they would visit him again." After this, Ellskawatawa assumed
the powers and title of " Prophet," establishing himself at Green
ville, near the point where General Wayne had held the famous
treaty with the tribes in 1795 ; and so famous did he become, that
"immense throngs of men, women, and children from the tribes on
the Upper Mississippi, and Lake Superior " visited him, and " the
most extravagant tales were told and believed by the Indians of
his power to perfonl miracles." Indeed, " no fatigue or suffering
was considered too great to be endured for a sight of him." Like
the famous Delaware Prophet, at the period of Pontiac's move
ments, he proclaimed that " the Great Spirit who had made the red
men, was not the same that made the white men ; " and urged that'
the misfortunes of the Indians were owing to their having aban
doned their old modes of living, and adopted many of the customs
and usages of the pale faces, in the use of their guns, blankets,
whisky, etc. — all of Avhich must be thrown away, and the red men
again return to their primitive customs, clothing themselves in
skins, etc. His followers were now numerous, and the frontier settle
ments gradually became alarmed at his movements and those of
his brother, Tecumseh.*
In 1805, the Shawanoes had wandered from their old hunting
grounds and places of abode, and an effort was then made to bring
the tribe together again. Tecumseh and his party had settled upon
"White river, and others of the tribe had begun to settle upon an
other tributary stream of the Wabash. Tecumseh and some others
of the Shawanoes, from different points, having some time in
1805, started for the Auglaize towns, met at Greenville, the site of
the old Wayne treaty ground, and there finding his brother, Ellskwa
tawa, the Prophet, Tecumseh and the other party, through the per-
* " Famous Indians," pages 255, 256, and 257.

170 History of Fort Wayne.
suasions of the Prophet, concluded to proceed no farther, and at
once began to establish themselves at the old treaty ground of
Greenville. Here, says Drake, the Prophet commenced the practice of those
sorceries and incantations by Avhich he gained such notoriety. In
the autumn, he assembled a large number of ShaAvanoes, Delawares,
Wyandotts, Pottawattamies, Ottawas, Kickapoos, Chippewas and
Senecas, upon the Auglaize river, where he made knoAvn to them
the sacred character he had taken Tipon himself. He harangued
them at considerable length, denouncing, it is said, the belief and
practice of witchcraft common among them, and declaiming against
drunkenness Avith great eloquence and success. He advocated
many practices which were really virtuous, and ended by affirming
Avith great solemity that power was given him by the Great Spirit,
to cure all diseases, to confound his enemies, and to stay the arm of,
death, in sickness, or on the battle-field.*
These assertions of the Prophet had great weight with the people
—and so much confidence was placed in him, that he did not hesi
tate to put to death those who in the least disputed his peculiar
claims. His plan, when he desired the death of any one, was
to denounce him as guilty of witchcraft, and then to call in the help
of others in putting him out of the way. Several prominent men
of the tribe, who were unfortunate enough to possess more common
sense then the others, were put to torture. Among these was a well
known Delaware chief, named Teteboxti, who calmly assisted in
making his own funeral pile. Others of his family were doomed to
death, and the sacrifices aft last grew so numerous that Governor
Harrison sent a special messenger to the Delawares Avith the fol
lowing speech:
" My Children : — My heart is filled with grief, and my eyes are
dissolved in tears, at the news which has reached me. You have
been celebrated for your wisdom above all the tribes of red people
who inhabit this great island. Your fame as warriors has extended
to the remotest nations, and the wisdom of your chiefs has gained
for you the appellation of grandfathers, from all the neighboring
tribes. From what cause, then, does it proceed, that you .have de
parted from the wise counsel of your fathers, and covered your
selves with guilt ? My children, tread back the steps you have
taken, and endeavor to regain the straight road which you have
abandoned. The dark, crooked and thorny one which you are now
pursuing, will certainly lead to endless woe and misery. But who
is this pretended prophet, who dares to speak in the name of the
Great Creator? Examine him. Is he .more wise or virtuous than
you are yourselves, that he should be selected to convey to you the
orders of your God? Demand of him some proofs at least, of his
being the messenger of the Deity. If God has really employed
him, he has doubtless authorized him to perform miracles, that he
~ Drake.

Address of Gov. Harrison. 171
may be known and received as a prophet. If he is really a prophet,
ask of him to cause the sun to stand still — the moon to alter its
course — the rivers to cease to flow — or the dead to rise from their
graves. If he does these things, you may then believe that he has
been sent from God. He tells you the Great Spirit commands you
to punish with death those who deal in magic ; and that he is au
thorized to point such out. Wretched delusion ! Is then the Mas
ter of Life obliged to employ mortal man to punish those who of
fend him ? Has he not the thunder and all the powers of nature at
his command?— and could he not sweep away from the earth a
whole nation with one motion of his arm? My children, do not be
lieve that the great and good Creator of mankind has directed you
to destroy your own flesh ; and do not doubt but that if you pursue
this abominable wickedness, his vengeance will overtake and crush
you. " The above is addressed to you in the name of the Seventeen
Fires.* I now speak to you from myself, as a friend who wishes
nothing more sincerely than to see you prosperous and happy.
Clear your eyes, I beseech you, from the mist which surrounds
them. No longer be imposed upon by the arts of an impostor.
Drive him from your town, and let peace and harmony once more
prevail among you. Let your poor old men and women sleep in
quietness, and banish from their minds the dreadful idea of being
burnt alive by their Own friends and countrymen. I charge you to
stop your bloody career ; and, if you value the friendship of your
great father, the President — if you wish to preserve the good opin
ion of the Seventeen Fires, let me hear by the return of the bearer,
that you have determined to follow my advice."
The effect of this speech was very great, both with the Delawares
and the Shawanoes, for the governor was a man much beloved by
the Indians ofthe nortlrwest. For a time the influence ofthe prophet
was greatly checked, though the Kickapoos, with some smaller
tribes, who were still inclined to acknoAvledge and encourage the
claims of the prophet, put the greatest trust in him. And it Avas
about this period, that a Wyandott chief, from Lower Sandusky, a
Christian preacher, licensed by the Methodist denomination, visited
the Prophet, with a view of gaining some clue as to his noted power.
After a year's sojourn with him, the Wyandott chief, returned to
his people, fully persuaded that the Prophet was an impostor.
Hearing, sometime before its occurrence, that an eclipse of the
sun was to take place at a certain time,, during the year 1806, the
Prophet announced to his people that, on a certain day, the sun
would hide his face, and the earth be veiled in darkness for a time.
Coming to pass, as he had told them, the occurrence of this phe
nomenon had the effect to greatly strengthen his influence again
over the tribes. Nothing of special note, however, occurred until
the spring of 1807, when it was made known that Tecumseh and
* The seventeen States then composing the Union.

172 History of Fort Wayne.
his brother, the Prophet, had assembled several hundred of their
people at Greenville, where, through their harangues, they had
succeeded in working them up to the highest state of excitement,
with a vieAv to make their control the stronger, and to prepare the
way for a confederacy of the Indian tribes of the northwest. At
these demonstrations, the people of the west became alarmed, and
soon began to make strenuous efforts to ascertain the meaning of
such movement on the part of Tecumseh and the Prophet, but
Avithout success for a time.
Some time subsequent to the capture of this point by Wayne and
the treaty of Greenville, Capt. Wells, with whom the reader is al
ready acqnainted, as having bid his old friend, Little Turtle, good
bye, and left his old home here to join Wayne's army, then on its
march thitherward, received the appointment by the government
as Indian agent here, in which capacity he acted for several years
after. Having received a letter from the President, through the Secre
tary of War, addressed to the Indians, and reminding them that
they were assembled within the government purchase, and desiring
them to remove to some" other point, where the government would
render them all the aid they needed in settling anew upon territory
not held by the government, Captain Wells sent one AnthoDy
Shane, a half-breed Shawanoe, with a message to Tecumseh, invit
ing the latter, with his brother and two other chiefs, to visit him at
Fort Wayne.
Shane had long been intimately acquainted with the Shawanoes,
and they of course knew him well, but seem not to have regarded
Shane very highly. Having made known the substance of the
communication, Shane was met by Tecumseh with this reply: "Go
back," said he, " to Fort Wayne, and tell Captain Wells that my
fire is kindled on the spot appointed by the Great Spirit alone; and
if he has anything to communicate to me, he must come here ; and
I shall expect him six days from this time."
But Wells did not comply with Tecumseh's request. He sent
Shane again, instead, at the appointed time, Avith the letter of the
President, through the Secretary of War, which was readily com
municated to Tecumseh, who was by no means pleased that Wells
himself had not complied with his desire in waiting upon him in
person. Having delivered an eloquent and glowing speech to the
council, he told Shane to return to Captain Wells and tell him he
would hold no further communication with him ; and further, that if
the President ofthe Seventeen Fires had anything else to say to
him, he must send it by a man of more importance than Shane,
And thus, instead of dispersing, the Indians continued tb assemble
at Greenville. Fully fifteen hundred had passed and repassed Fort
Wayne, in their visits to the Prophet, before the summer of this
year (1807) had fairly set in. Messengers and runners passed from
tribe to tribe, and were greatly aided by British agents in carrying

Commissioners sent to Greenville. 173
out their plans, which were always carefully concealed from such
as were known to be friendly to the United States.
At the close of summer, reliable witnesses bore testimony that
about a thousand Indians, in possession of new rifles, were at Fort
Wayne and Greenville, all under the control ofthe Prophet.
The alarm had now become so general, that the governor of
Ohio, in the month of September, sent a deputation to Greenville to
ascertain the meaning of the movement. Arriving at Greenville,
the commissioners were well received by the Indians — a council
was called, and the governor's message read to the assemblage ;
at the close of which, one of the commissioners addressed them in
explanation of their relationship to the United States government,
urging them to desist from all aggressions and remain neutral,
should a Avar Avith England ensue. Having heard the commis
sioner attentively, according to Indian usage, they asked to be per
mitted to meditate upon the matter until the next day. In the
meantime the famous chief, Blue Jacket, had been appointed to
deliver to the commissioners the sentiments of the council ; and at
its re-assembling, Blue Jacket, through the interpreter, said :
" Brethren : — We are seated who heard you yesterday. You
will get a true relation, so far as our connections can give it, who
. are as follows : Shawnees, Wyandots, PottaAvatamies, Tawas, Chip
pewas, Winnepaus, Malominese, Malockese, Lecawgoes, and one
more from the north of the Chippewas. Brethren, you see all these
men sitting before you, who now speak to you.
"About eleven days ago we had a council, at which the tribe of
Wyandots, (the elder brother of the red people) spoke and said
God had kindled a fire, and all sat around it. In this council we
talked over the treaties with- the French and the Americans. The
Wyandot said, the French formerly marked a line along the Alle
ghany mountains, southerly, to Charleston, (S. C.) No man was to
pass it from either side. When the Americans came to settle over
the line, the English told the Indians to unite and drive off the
French, until the war, came on between the British and the Ameri
cans, when it was told them that king George, by his officers, di
rected them to unite and drive the Americans back.
" After the treaty of peace between the English and the Ameri
cans, the summer before Wayne's army came out, the English held
a council with the Indians, and told them if they would turn out
and unite as one man, they might surround the Americans like
deer in a ring of fire, and destroy them all. The Wyandot spoke
further in the council. We see, said he, there is like to be war be
tween the English and our white brethren, the Americans. Let us
unite and consider the sufferings we have undergone, from inter-
fereing in the wars of the English. They have often promised to
help us, and at last, when we could not withstand the army that
came against us, and went to the English fort for refuge, the Eng
lish told us, ' I can not let you in ; you are painted too much, my

174 History of Fort Wayne.
children.' It was then we saw the British deal treacherously with
us. We now see them going to war again. We do not know what
they are going to fight for. Let us, my brethren, not interfere, was
the speech of the Wyandot.
" Further, the Wyandot said, I speak to' you, my little brother,
the Shawanoes at Greenville, and to you our litrie brothers all
around. You appear to be at Greenville to serve the Supreme Ru
ler of the universe. Now send 'forth your speeches to all our breth
ren far around us, and fet us unite to seek for that which shall be
for our eternal welfare, and unite ourselves in a band of perpetual
brotherhood. These, brethren, are the sentiments of all the men
who sit around you ; they all adhere to what the elder brother, the
Wyandot, has said, and these are their sentiments. It is not that
they are afraid of their white brothers, but that they desire peace
and harmony, and not that their white brethren could put them to
great necessity, for their former arms were boAvs and arrows, by
which they get their living."
At the conclusion of this speech, the Commissioners made some
explanation, whereupon the Prophet, who seemed determined to
make every occasion advance his own importance, took upon him
self the duty of informing the whites why his people had settled
upon Greenville.
" About nine years since," said he, " I became convinced of the
errors of my ways, and that I would be destroyed from the face of
the earth if I did not amend them. Soon after I was told what I
must do to be right. From that time I have continually preached
to my red brethren, telling them the miserable situation they are
in by nature, and striving to convince them that they must change
their lives, live honestly and be just in. all their dealings, kind to
one other and also to their white brethren ; affectionate in their fami
lies, put away lying and slandering, and serve the Great Spirit in
the way I have pointed out ; they must never think of war again ;
the tomahawk was not given them to go at war with one another.
The Shawnees at Tawa toAvn could not listen to me, but persecuted
me. This made a division in the nation; those who adhered to me
removed to this place, where I have constantly preached to them.
They did not select this place because it looked fine or was valu
able, for it was neither ; but because it was revealed to me that this
is the proper place where 1 must establish my doctrines. I mean
to adhere to them while I live, for they are not mine but those of
the Great Ruler of the world, and my future life shall prove to the
whites the sincerity of my professions. In conclusion, my breth
ren, our six chiefs shall go with you to Chilicothe."
Tecumseh, Roundhead, Blue Jacket and Panther, returned with
the Commissioners to Chilicothe, where a council was called, and
in which they gave the governor positive assurances that they en
tertained none but peaceful intentions toward the whites. A speech
which Tecumseh delivered at the time occupied between three and

Alarm among the Settlements — Council at Springfield. 175
four hours in its delivery. It Avas eloquent and masterly, and
showed that he possessed a thorough knowledge of all the treaties
which had been made for years. While he expressed his pacific
intentions if fairly treated, he told the governor to his face that
every aggression or settlement upon their lands would be resisted,
and that no pretended treaties would insure the squatter's safety.
Stephen Ruddell.(who, Avith Anthony Shane, has given to the world
nearly all that has been learned of Tecumseh) acted as interpreter
upon the occasion. Other of the chiefs spoke, but Tecumseh, it
was evident, was the leader, and every word that he uttered was
received with attention and its full importance attached to it.
The council terminated pleasantly, and the governor, convinced
that no instant danger was threatened from the gatherings of the
Indians at Greenville and Fort Wayne, disbanded the militia which
he had called into service. The chiefs returned to their people,
and for a short time the settlers were , free from alarm and appre
hension.* Not long after this event the settlements were again thrown into
still greater excitement by the murder of a man by the name of
Myers, who was killed by the Indians, near where is noAV the town
of Urbana, Ohio ; and many of the settlers return'ed to Kentucky,
where they had previously lived, where the alarm arose to such a
height as to make it necessary to call into action a large body of
militia. Being demanded to deliver up the murderers, Tecumseh
and his brother, the Prophet, disclaimed any knowledge of them —
said they were not of their people. A council being finally held at
Springfield, Tecumseh, Blackfish, and other chiefs, with two sepa
rate ¦ and distinct parties of Indians, one from the North, the other
from Fort Wayne, under Tecumseh, were in attendance. Being-
embittered against each other, each were quite anxious that the
other should receive the blame for the murder. Says Drake, the
party from the North, at the request ofthe Commissioners, left their
arms a few miles behind them, but Tecumseh, would not consent to
attend unless his followers were allowed to keep theirs about them,
adding that his tomahawk was his pipe, and he might wish to use
it. At this a tall, lank-sidedPensylvanian, who was standing among
the spectators, and who, perhaps, had no love for the glittering
tomahawk of the self-willed chief, cautiously stepped up, and
handed him a greasy, long-stemmed clay pipe, respectfully intima
ting that if he would only deliver up his dreadful tomahawk, he
might use that article. The chief took it between his thumb and
finger, held it up, looked at it a few seconds, then at the owner,
who all the time was gradually backing away from him, and in
stantly threw it, with a contemptuous sneer, over his head into the
bushes. The commissioners being compelled to wave the point,
the council proceeded ; and the result was, that the murder was an
individual affair, sanctioned by neither party— which brought the
* Life of Teoumseh.

176 History of Fort Wayne
council to a close, with a reconciliation of both parties, and to the
acceptance of the settlers.
But the air was still rife with trouble. The protestations of Te
cumseh and the Prophet could not allay the uneasiness of the set
tlements ; and before the end of the fall months of this year, (1807)
Governor Harrison sent the following speech, by an Indian agent,
to the Shawanoes:
" My Children : — Listen to me ; I speak in the name of your
father, the great chief of the Seventeen Fires.
"My chiidren, it is now twelve years since the tomahawk, which
you had seized by the advice of your father, the king of Great
Britain, was buried at Greenville, in the presence of that great war
rior, General Wayne.
" My children, you then promised, and the Great Spirit heard it,
that you would in future live in peace and friendship with your
brothers, the Americans. You made a treaty with your father, and
one that contained a number of good things, equally beneficial to
all the tribes of the red people, who were parties to it.
"My children, you promised in that treaty to acknowledge no
other father than the chief of the Seventeen Fires ; and never to
listen to the proposition of any foreign nation. You promised, never
to lift up the tomahawk against any of your father's children, and
to give him notice of any othor tribe that intended it ; your father
also promised to do something for you, particulary to deliver to
you every year a certain quantity of goods ; to prevent any white
man from settling on your lands without your consent, or to do you
any personal injury. He promised to run a line between your land
and his, so that you might knoAV your own; and you were to be per
mitted to live and hunt upon your father's land, as long as you be
haved yourselves well. My children, which of these articles has
your father broken ? You know that he has observed them all with
the utmost good faith. But, my children, have you done so ? Rave
you not always had ypur ears open to receive bad advice from the
white people beyond the lakes ?
" My children, let us look back to times that are past. It has been
a long time since you called the king of Great Britain father. You
know that it is the duty of a father to watch over his children, to
give them good advice, and to do every thing in his power to make
them happy. What has this father of yours done for you, during
the long time that you have looked up to him for protection and
advice ? Are you wiser and happier than you were before you
knew him, or is your nation stronger or more respectable? No, my
children, he took you by the hand when you were a powerful tribe;
you held him fast, supposing he was your friend, and he conducted
you through paths filled with thorns and briers-, which tore your
flesh and shed your blood. Your strength was exhausted, and you
could no longer follow him. Did he stay by you in your distress,
and assist and comfort you ? No, he led you into danger and then

Tecumseh and the Prophet at Tippecanoe. 177
abandoned you. He saw your blood flowing and he would give
you no bandage to tie up your wounds.. This was the conduct of
the man who called himself your father. The Great Spirit opened
your eyes ; you heard the voice of the chief of the Seventeen Fires
speaking the words of peace. He called you to follow him ; you
came to him, and he once more put you on the right way, on the
broad, smooth road that would have led to happiness. But the
voice of your deceiver is again heard ; and, forgetful of your former
sufferings, you are again listening to him. My children, shut your
ears and mind him not, or he will lead you to ruin and misery.
" My children, I have heard bad news. The sacred spot where
the great council-fire was kindled, around which the Seventeen
Fires and ten tribes of their children smoked the pipe of peace — •
that very spot where the Great Spirit saw his red and Avhite child
ren encircle themselves with the chain of friendship — that place
has been, selected for dark and bloody councils. My children, this
business must be stopped. You have called in a number of men
from the most distant tribes, to listen to a fool, who spake not the
words, of the Great Spirit, but those of the devil, and of the British
agents. My children, your conduct has much alarmed the white
settlers near you. They desire that you will send away those peo
ple, < and if they wish to have the impostor with them, they can
carry him. Let him go to the lakes ; he can hear the British more
distinctly." , The Prophet's reply was, that evil birds had sung in the Govern
or's ears ; and he denied any correspondence with the British, pro-
testingithat he had no intentions whatever of disturbing the adjoin
ing settlements. It soon became evident, however, that the assem
blages of the Prophet could not be dispersed without a resort to
arms on the part of the government ; and Gov. Harrison, strongly
disposed to think that no harm Avas intended by the Indians towards
the settlements, let the matter rest, and the assemblages continued,
large bodies of Indians coming doAvn from the lakes in the early
part ofthe following year (1808), where, as their supply of provis
ions became reduced or exhausted, they received fresh supplies
from Fort Wayne.
But a change of base was contemplated, and the Pottawattamies
having granted them a portion of land, Tecumseh and the Prophet,
in,the spring of this year, removed with the tribe to Tippecanoe,
where large bodies were soon collected, and, among other exer
cises, war-like sports became frequent among them. Again the
settlements were in a high state of uneasiness, and many were
ready to declare that they knew from the first that the Indians were
but preparing for the consummation of some treacherous scheme.
Many of the Indians among them were from the north. The Miam
ies and Delawares, being friendly to the Avhites, were greatly op
posed to their coming, and even sent a delegation to the Prophet
(12)

178 History of Fort Wayne.
to stop them. But Tecumseh and his brother, the Prophet, in re
ceiving them, said they Avere not to be thwarted in their purposes to
ameliorate the condition of their brethren ; and the Miami and
Delaware delegation returned fully of the belief that the settlements
were not without the strongest grounds for the apprehensions they
had so long manifested.
August had come. The Prophet, accompanied by several of his
followers, had visited Governor Harrison, at Vincennes, protesting,
as formerly, that his purposes were peaceable. Said he, to Gov.
Harrison :
" Father :— It is three years since I first began with that system
of religion which I now practice. The white people and some of
the Indians were against me ; but I had no other intention but to
introduce among ':;the "Indians, those good principles of religion
which the white people profess. I was spoken badly of by the
white people, who reproached me with misleading the Indians ; but
I defy them to say 1 did anything amiss.
" Father, I was told that you intended to hang me. When I
heard this, I intended to remember it, and tell my father, when I
Avent to see him, and relate the truth.
" I heard, when I settled on the Wabash, that my father, the Gov
ernor, had declared that all the land betAveen Vincennes and' Fort
Wayne, was the property of the Seventeen Fires. I also heard
that you Avanted to knoAV, my father, Avhether I was God or man;
and that you said if I was the former, I should not steal horses. I
heard this from Mr. Wells, but I believed it originated with himself.
" The Great Spirit told me to tell the Indians that he had made
them, and made the world — that he had placed them on it to do
good and not evil.
" I told all the red-skins, that the way they were in was not good,
and that they ought to abandon it.
" That Ave ought to consider ourselves as one man ; but we ought
to live agreeably to our several customs, the red people after their
modo,.and|the white people after theirs ; particularly, that they should
not drink whiskey'; that it was not made for them, but the white
people, who alone knew how to use it ; and that it is the cause of
all the mischiefs which the Indians suffer ; and that they must al
ways follow the directions of the Great Spirit, and we must listen
to him, as it was He that made us ; determine to listen to nothing
that is bad ; do not take up the tomahawk, should it be offered by
the British, or by the Long-Knives ', do not meddle with any thing
that does not belong to you, but mind your own business, and culti
vate the ground, that your women and your children may have
enough to live on.
" I now inform you that it is our intention to live in peace with
pur father and his people forever.
" My father, I have informed you what we mean to do, and I call
the Great Spirit to witness the truth of my declaration. The religion

Gov. Harrison Tests the Prophet. ' 179
which I have established for the last three years, has been attended
to by the different tribes of Indians in this part of the world. These
Indians were once different people ; they are now but one ; they
are all determined to practice what I have communicated to them,
that has come immediately from the Great Spirit through me.
" Brother, I speak to you as a warrior. You are one. But let us
lay aside this character, and attend to the care of our children, that
they may live in comfort and peace. We desire that you will join
us for the preservation of both red and white people. Formerly,
when Ave lived in ignorance, we were foolish ; but now, since we
listen to the voice of the Great Spirit, we are happy.
" I have listened to Avhat you have said to us. You have prom
ised to assist us. \ now request you, in behalf of all the red peo
ple, to use your exertions to prevent the sale of liquor to us. We
are all well pleased to hear you say that you will endeavor to pro
mote our happiness. We s;ive you every assurance that we will
follow the dictates of the Great Spirit.
"We are all. well pleased with the attention you have shoAved
us ; also with the good intentions of our father, the President. If
you give us a few articles, such as needles, flints, hoes, powder, etc.,
we will take the animals that afford us meat, Avith powder and ball."
Says Drake, to test the influence of the Prophet over his, follow
ers, Gov. Harrison held conversations with and .offered them spir
its, but they always refused, and he became almost convinced that
he Avas really sincere in his professions, and had no higher ambi
tion than to ameliorate the condition of his race.
Thus matters rested or rather continued ; and during the follow
ing year Tecumseh and the Prophet sought quietly to add
strength to their movement. -Both were engaged in a deep game ;
and while the Prophet seemed the leading spirit, Tecumseh was
yet the prime mover ; and the Prophet attempted but little without
first getting the advice of the former, if in reach, though it is evi
dent he was most headstrong in much that he undertook.
In the spring of 1809. reports having reached the ear of Gov.
Harrison that many of the Indians were leaving the Prophet be
cause of his persistency in requiring them to become party to a
scheme he had in view for the massacre of the inhabitants of Vin
cennes, he began the organization of two companies of volunteer
militia, with a vieAV to garrisoning a post some two miles from Vin
cennes. But the Prophet's followers having dispersed before the
elose Of the summer, the alarm among the settlements became
placid again, and so continued until the early part of 1810.
Up to 1809 Governor Harrison continued his efforts in the extin
guishment, of Indian claims to lands within the Indiana Territory;
find on the 30th of September of that year concluded another treaty
at Fort Wayne, in which the chiefs and head men of the Delaware,
Pottawattamie, Miami, and Eel River tribes participated. Accord
ing to the report of this treaty, the Indians sold and ceded to the

180 History of Fort Wayne.
United States about two million nine hundred thousand acres of
land, principally situated on the southeastern side of the river Wa
bash, and below the mouth of Raccoon Creek, a little stream which
empties into the Wabash, near what is now the boundaries of Parke
county, in this State. The chiefs and head men of the Wea tribe,
in the following month, (26th of October) having met Gov. Harrison
at Vincennes, acknowledged the legality of this treaty ; and by a
treaty held at Vincennes on the 9th of December following, the
sachems and war-chiefs of the Kickapoo tribe also confirmed the
treaty of Fort Wayne. Up to this time, the whole amount of land
ceded to the United States by treaty stipulations between Governor
Harrison and the different tribes of the Indiana Territory, accord
ing to the records, was 29,719,530 acres.
Having received, through what he believed a reliable source,
certain facts regarding the conduct of Tecumseh and the Prophet
in an effort to incite the Indians against the settlements ofthe west ;
and that those who had previously left the ranks of the Prophet
had again returned to his support ; and further, that the British had
their agents quietly at work among the tribes thus banded ; that the
Indians were boasting to American traders that they were getting
their ammunition — powder and balls — without cost ; Gov. Harrison,
through instructions from the Secretary of War, in July, 1810, be
gan at once to prepare for the better safety of the frontier settle
ments.

CHAPTER XIV.
" At length Discord, the Fury, came,
Waving her murderous toreh of flame,
And kindled that intestine fire,
*******
Which, like the lightning-flame burns on,
More fierce for being' rained upon."

Further movements of Tecumseh and the Prophet — The " Doomed Warrior " — Letter
of Gov. Harrison — Death of Tarhe — Discovery of the plot to massacre Fort Way»e,
<Ste. — Efforts of Tecumseh to obtain the aid of the tribes along the Mississippi  In
fluence of British agents — Agents are dispatched to Tecumseh and the Prophet —
The Prophet complains that the Indians had been cheated — Gov. Harrison writes
to the Secretary of War — He also sends an address to Tecumseh and the Prophet —
Tecumseh's visit to Vincennes — The conference — Eloquence of Tecumseh — His
contempt for the proffer of the government — Personal appearance of Tecumseh —
His objections to the treaty of Fort Wayne — Sends "wampum belts to the different
tribes — Gov. Harrison's address to tho legislature — Statement of a Kickaipoo chief
— Assurances of the Gov. of Missouri — Seizure of salt by the Prophet — Governor
Harrison demands further aid from the government — Vincennes to be the first place
of attack — Tecumseh again visits Gov. Harrison — His departure for the South —
His efforts among the Creek Indians — His return northward — His charges to the
Prophet — alarm of the settlers — Arrival of aid — Gov. Harrison determms to bring
matters to a crisis — Peaceful protestations of the Prophet — Gov. Harrison grows
more determined — Prepares for a march upon the Prophet's town — The army met
by a deputation from the Prophet — A conference agreed upon — The army en
camps for the night — An attack expected- — The night dark and cloudy — Indians
on the alert — Discovered by the sentry — An attack — The Prophet tells the Indians
the bullets ofthe white men will not hurt them — Fierce struggle — Indians rooted —
The battle of Tippecanoe a success for the American arms — Anger of Tecumseh —
He visits Fort Wayne ; and the Pro])het retires to the Missessinewa. ~IH~.

)S THE summer of 1810 advanced it became more and more
' evident to Gov. Harrison that the true purposes of Tecumseh
oand the Prophet were war upon the whites. Having accused
a Wyandott chief, by the name of Leatherlips, known as the
"Doomed Warrior," with witchcraft, it was thought that the
Prophet and Tecumseh were instrumental in his subsequent mur
der ; though it was asserted by a Mr. Thatcher that a Wyandott
chief, of the Porcupine clan, known as Tarhe or Crane, was the
principal agent in the deed. But Gov. Harrison, in a letter ad
dressed to the editor of the " Hesperian," 1838, said of Tarhe : " I
have often said I never kneAV a better man, and am confident he

182 History of Fort Wayne.
Avould not have been concerned in such a transaction as is ascribed
to him. In support of this opinion I offer the following reasons:
The execution of the' Doomed Wyandott Chief is attributed, and
nordoubt correctly, to the Shawnee Prophet and his brother Tecum
seh. To my knowledge, Tarhe was always the opponent of these
men, and could not have been their agent in the matter. The ac
cusation of witchcraft was brought by these Shawnee brothers, and
the accused were exclusively those who were friendly to the United
States, and who had been parties to treaties by which the Indian
titles to lands had been extinguished. In both these respects,
Tarhe had rendered himself obnoxious to the former. Tarhe was
not only the Grand Sachem of his tribe, but the acknowledged head
of all the tribes who were engaged in the war with the United
States, which Avas terminated by the treaty of Greenville ; and in
that character the duplicate of the original treaty, engrossed on
parchment, Avas committed to his custody, as had been the grand
calumet Avhich was the symbol of peace. Tarhe united with his
-friend, Black:Hoof, the head chief of the Shawnees, in denying, the
rank of chief either to the Prophet or Tecumseh ; and, of course, he
would not have received it of them. If the ' Doomed Warrior ' had
been snetenced by a council of his own nation, Tarhe would not
have directed, the execution, but, as was invariably the custom, it
would have been committed to one of the war-chiefs. The party
sent to put the old chief to death, no doubt, came immediately from
Tippecanoe ; and if it was commanded by a Wyandot, the proba
bility is that it was Round-Head, who was a Captain of the band of
Wyandots who resided with the Prophet, and Avas, to a great extent,
under his influence."
Rev. J. B. Finley, a missionary to the tribe of Tarhe, and for some
years most intimately acquainted with Tarhe, said that Mr. Thatcher
and his informant Avere wholly mistaken in the conclusions regard
ing the accusation against Tarhe ; and added that a better and truer
Indian than he never lived.
Finding the " Doomed Warrior " at his home, some tAvelve miles
north of Columbus, he was made acquainted with the sentence
passed upon him, and calmly preparea to meet the fate Avhich he
felt inevitable. A number of Avhite men present, sought to inter
fere in his'behalf, but Avithout success; and when the fatal hour
came, he is said to have " turned from his Avigwam, and, with a
voice of surpassing strength and melody, commenced the chant of
his death-song. He was followed slowly by the Wyandott warriors,
all timing, with their slow and measured march, the music of his
wild and melancholy dirge. The whites were likewise all silent
followers in that strange procession."
Having been led to his own grave, he knelt calmly, resolutely
down, and offered a prayer to the Great Spirit, at the conclusion of
Avhich, still in a kneeling posture, one ofthe Wyandotts gave him a
heavy blow upon the head with a tomahawk, breaking his skulL

Movements of Tecumseh and the Prophet— British aid. 183
After a few moments more, ceasing to stir, the unfortunate victim
of the Shawanoe conspirators and revolutioners, with all his ap
parel and decorations, was consigned to the earth, and hidden from
view. A few weeks later, and Gov. Harrison was made acquainted with
a plot that was maturing for the surprise and massacre of Fort
Wayne, Detroit, Chicago, Vincennes, and St. Louis. Tecumseh
and the Prophet were moving as with the sIoav but sure action of a
volcanoe; and the internal heat of their efforts was continually made
the more apparent by the rising cinders cast up in the endeavor
here and there secretly to draw the different, tribes of the Avest and
south within their circle, and by other means, equally Avily and
sereptitious, to bring their plans to bear for the overthroAV of the
whites of the nortlrwest.
At the conclusion of the struggle for Independence, the opinion
is said to have prevailed with many in England that the American
colonies were not wholly lost to the mother country; and the hope
was entertained by such, that, at some favorable hour the English
government would be able to regain its former hold upon the coun
try ; in which anticipations, it was thought the British Ministry
most earnestly and hopefully united. From anticipations and de
sires of this nature, together with the discomfiture feit at the failure
of their arms, may have arisen the many hostile acts of interferance
on the part of English agents, commandants, and others in their
employ along the interior frontiers of the northAvcst, and also the
bestowal of frequent large supplies of ammunition upon the various
tribes within range of the Canadas.
After the discovery of the plot to massacre the forts, it was as
certained that strong efforts were being made to. persuade the tribes
along the Mississippi to unite with Tecumseh and the Prophet in
their efforts, but up to the period in question, had met with no great
degree, of success ; while the most influential chiefs among the Dela
wares, Miamies, and ShaAvanoes were much opposed to the reck
less' schemes and efforts of Tecumseh and the Prophet. Besides
these facts, about this period, Governor Harrison learned from a
friendly Indian that a British agent had recently visited the Prophet,
who had encouraged the latter to continue. in his efforts to unite
the .tribes, and to await a signal from the British authorities before
carrying out their designs against the Americans.
Finding now that the most constant watchfulness was necessary,
and being determined to obtain all the information possible regard
ing, their plans, Governor Harrison dispatched two agents to Te
cumseh and his brother with a view of ascertaining more fully and
certainly, if possible, their real designs and plans. Receiving the
agents very courteously, in reply to the inquiries made, the Prophet
told the :agents that the assembling ofthe Indians upon that spot
was by the explicit command of the Great Spirit.
¦ Haying heard the Prophet, the agents told him that his move-

184 History of Fort Wayne.
ments had excited so much alarm that the troops of Kentucky and
Indiana were being called out, and strong preparations were being
made in anticipation of trouble with the tribes.
In answer to the questions of the agents as to the cause of his
complaints against the United States, the Prophet replied that his
people had been cheated of their lands. Insisting that his com
plaints would readily be listened to by laying them before Gov.
Harrison, at Vincennes, the Prophet refused to go, saying that,
while there, upon a former occasion, he was badly treated.
Receiving this information, the Governor at once wrote to the
Secretary, stating the cause, and telling him that all this caviling
was merely a pretext on the part of Tecumseh and the Prophet to
gather strength in the furtherance of their designs ; that he had been
as liberal in the conclusion of treaties as his understanding of the
views and opinions of the government would permit, and that none
ofthe tribes had just cause for complaint.
Having heard, in the month of July, that the Sacs and Foxes-had
formed an^alliance with the Prophet, and were ready and willing-
to strike the Americans at any time, Governor Harrison set about
the preparation of the following address, which he forwarded to the
Prophet by a confidential interpreter:
" William Henry Harrison, Governor and Commander-in-ebief of
the Territory of Indiana, to the Shawanoe chief and the Indians as
sembled at Tippecanoe:
" Notwithstanding the improper language which you have used
toward me, I will endeavor to open your eyes to your true interests.
Notwithstanding what bad white men have told you, I am notyour
personal enemy. You ought to know this from the manner in which
I receiAred and treated you on your visit to this place.
"¦Although I must say, that you are an enemy to the Seventeen
Fires, and that you have used the greatest exertions with other tribes
to lead them astray. In this, you have been in some measure Suc
cessful ; as I am told they are ready to raise the tomahawk against
tlieir father ; yet their father, notwithstanding his anger at their folly,
is full of goodness, and is always ready to receive into his amis
those of his children who are willing to repent,, acknowledge their
fault, and ask for his forgiveness.
" There is yet but little harm done, which may easily be repaired.
The chain of friendship which united the whites with the Indians
may be renewed, and be as strong as ever. A great deal of that
work depends upon you — the destiny of those who are under you,
depends upon the choice you may make of the two roads which are
before you. The one is laige, open and pleasant, and leads to peace,
security and happiness ; the other, on the contrary, is narrow and
crooked, and leads to misery and ruin. Don't deceive yourselves;
do not believe that all the nations of Indians united are able to re
sist the force of the Seventeen Fires. I know your Avarriors are
brave, but outs are not less so ; but what can a few brave warriors

Tecumseh's Visit to Vincennes. 185
do against the innumerable Avarriors ofthe Seventeen Fires? Our
blue-coats are more numerous than you can count ; our hunters are
like the leaves ofthe forest, or the grains of sand on the Wabash.
"Do not think that the red-coats can protect you ; they are not
able to protect themselves. They do not think of going to war with
us. If they did, you would, in a few months, see our flag wave
over all the forts of Canada.
"What reason have you to complain ofthe Seventeen Fires? Have
they taken any thing from you ? Have they ever violated the treat
ies made with the red-men? You say that they have purchased
lands from them who had no right to sell them : show that this is
true, and the land will be instantly restored. Show us the rightful
owners of those lands which have been purchased — let them pre
sent themselves. The ears of your father will be opened to your
complaints, and if the lands have been purchased of those who did
not own them, they will be restored to their rightful owners. I have
full power to arrange this business ; but if you would rather carry
¦your complaints before your great father, the President, you shall
be indulged, I will immediately take means to send you, with
those chiefs which you may choose, to the city where your father
lives: Every thing necessary shall be prepared for your journey,
and means taken for your safe return."
After hearing this speech, the Prophet told the interpreter that,
as hite brother intended to pay Governor Harrison a visit in a few
weeks; he would let him carry the reply to the Governor's message.
Receiving this information, Governor Harrison sent a message to
Tecumseh, requesting him to bring but a small body of his follow
ers,1 as it was inconvenient for him to receive many ; to which Te
cumseh paid little or no regard, and on the 12th of August, 1810,
with four hundred warriors, all armed with tomahawks, war-clubs,
and "painted in the most terrific manner," he began to descend the
Wabash for Vincennes. Arriving near Vincennes, and encamping
on the Wabash, on the morning of the 15th, attended by about fif
teen or twenty of his warriors, Tecumseh approached the house of
the Governor, who, in company with the judges of the Supreme
Court, several army officers, a sergeant and a dozen men, besides
a large number of citizens, waited upon the portico of his own house
to receive the chief and his followers.*
During the milder season of the year, to hold 'a council other
than in a grove or woody place, with logs or a clear, grassy spot
of ground to set upon, was to invite the Indian to do an act very
touch to his distaste ; and to the invitation to come forward and take
seats upon the portico, he objected, signifying that it was not a fit
place to hold a council, and expressed a desire that the meeting
might be held beneath a grove of trees near, which was readily as
sented to, and soon the Governor, with his attendants was seated be
neath a grove of trees in the .open lawn, before the house.
* Ellis' Life of Tecumseh.

186 History of Fort Wayne.
" With a firm and elastic step," says Judge Law,* and " with a
proud and somewhat defiant look, he advanced to the place where
the Governor and those who had been invited to attend the confer-
ance were sitting. This place had been fenced in, with a view of
preventing the crowd from encroaching upon the council during its
deliberations. As he stepped forward, he seemed to scan the pre
parations which had been made for his reception, particularly the
military part of it, with an eye of suspicion— by no means, how
ever, with fear. As he came in front of the dias, an elevated por
tion ofthe place upon which the Governor and the officers of the
Territory were seated, the Governor invited him, through the inter
preter, to come forward and take a seat Avith him and his counsellors,
premising the invitation by saying : That it was the wish of their
' Great Father,' the President of the United States, that he should
do so." Pausing for a moment, at the utterance of these words; by
the interpreter, and extending his tall figure to its greatest height,
he looked scanningly upon the troops and then upon the crowd
about him. Thus, for a moment, with keen, piercing eyes fixed
upon Governor Harrison, and then upward to the sky, and " his sin
ewy arm pointing towards the heaven," with a tone and gesture ex
pressive of " supreme contempt for the paternity assigned him," in
a clear, loud, full voice, which reverberated again upon the mo
mentary stillness that his stolid demeanor had produced, with all
eyes fixed upon him, he exclaimed :
" My Father? — The sun is my father — the earth is my mother—
and on her bosom I will recline." Having finished, says Judge
Law, he stretched himself with his warriors on the , green sward ;
and the effect is said to have been electrical — for some moments
there was a perfect silence throughout the assembly.
Governor Harrison having now begun to refer to the subject of
the council, said to Tecumseh, through the interpreter, " that he had
understood he had complaints to make, and redress to ask for cer
tain wrongs which he, Tecumseh, supposed had been done his tribe,
as Avell as the others ; that he felt disposed to listen to the one, and
make satisfaction for the other, if it was proper he should do so.
That in all his intercourse and negotiations Avith the Indians, he had
endeavored to act justly and honorably with them, and believed he
had done so, and had heard of no complaint of his conduce until he
learned that Tecumseh was endeavoring to create dissatisfaction
towards the Government, not only among the Shawanoes, but
among the other tribes dwelling on the Wabash and Illinois; and
had, in so doing, produced a great deal of mischief and trouble be
tween them and the whites, by averring that the tribes, whose land
the Government had lately purchased, had no right ro pell, nor their
chiefs any authority to convey. That he, the Governor, had invited
him to attend the Council, with a view of learning from his own
lips, Avhether there was any truth in the reports which he had heard)
* Judge Law's Address, page 83.

Tecumseh's Objections to the Treaty of Fort Wayne. 187
and to learn from himself whether he, or his tribe, had any cause
of complaint against the whites ; and if so, as a man and a warrior,
openly and boldly to avow it. That, as between himself and as
great a warrior as Tecumseh, there should be no concealment — all
should be done by them under a clear sky, and in an open path,
and with these feelings on his own part, he was glad to meet him
in council."
In appearance, Tecumseh Avas accounted " one of the most splen
did specimens of his tribe — celebrated for their physical propor
tions and fine forms, even among the nations surrounding the Shaw
anoes. Tall, athletic, and manly, dignified but graceful, he seemed
the beau ideal of an Indian chieftain. In a voice, at first low, but
with all its indistinctness,"* Tecumseh replied by " stating, at length,
his objections to the treaty of Fort Wayne, made by Gov. Harrison
in the previous year ; and in the course of of his speech," says Ben
jamin Drake, " boldly avoAved the principle of his party to be, that
of resistance to every cession of land, unless made by all the tribes,
who, he contended, formed but one nation. He admitted that he
threatened to kill the chiefs who signed the treaty of Fort Wayne ;
and that it was his fixed determination not to permit the village
chiefs, in future, to manage their affairs, but to place the power with
which they had been heretofore invested, in the hands of the war-
chiefs. The Americans, he said, had driven the Indians from the
sea-coast, and would soon push them into the lakes ; and, while he
disclaimed all intention of making Avar upon the United States, he
declared it to be his unalterable resolution to take a stand, and reso
lutely oppose the further intrusion of the whites upon the Indian
lands. He concluded, by making a brief but impassioned recital
of the various wrongs and aggressions inflicted upon the Indians
by the white men, from the commencement of the Revolutionary
war down to the period of that conncil ; all of which was calcula
ted to arouse and influence the minds of such of his followers as
were present.
" The Governor rose in reply, and in examining the right of Te
cumseh and his party to make objections to the treaty of Fort Wayne,
took occasion to say, that the Indians were not one nation, having
a common property in the lands. The Miamis, he contended, were
the real owners ofthe tract on the Wabash, ceded by the late treaty,
and the Shawnees had no right to interfere in the case ; that upon
the arrival of the whites on this continent, they had found the Mi
amis in possession of this land, the Shawnees being then residents
of Georgia, from which they had been driven by the Creeks, and
that it was ridiculous to assert that the red men constituted but one
nation ; for, if such had been the intention of the Great Spirit, he
would not have put different tongues in their heads, but have taught
them all to speak the same language.
" The Governor having taken his seat, the interpreter commenced
* Judge Law's Address, page 85.

188 History of Fort Wayne.
explaining the speech to Tecumseh, who, after listening to a por
tion of it, sprung to his feet, and began to speak with great vehem
ence of manner.
" The Governor was surprised at his violent gestures, but as he
did not understand him, thought he was making some explanation,
and suffered his attention to be drawn toward Winnemac, a friendly
Indian lying on the grass before him, who was renewing the prim
ing of his pistol, which he had kept concealed from the other In
dians, but in full view of the Governor. His attention, however,
was again attracted toward Tecumseh, by hearing General Gibson,
who was intimately acquainted with the Shawnee language, say to
Lieutenant Jennings, ' Those fellows intend mischief; you had bet
ter bring up the guard.' At that moment, the followers of Tecum
seh seized their tomahawks and war-clubs, and sprang upon their
feet, their eyes turned upon the Governor. As soon as he could
disengage himself from the arm-chair in which he sat, he rose, drew
a smallsword which he had by his side, and stood on the defensive.
Captain G. R. Floyd, of the army, who stood near him, drew a dirk,
and the chief Winnemac cocked his pistol. The citizens present
were more numerous than the Indians, but were unarmed; some of
them procured clubs and brick-bats, and also stood on the defen
sive. The Rev. Mr. Winans, of the Methodist church, ran to the
Governor's house, got a gun, and posted himself at the door to de
fend the family. During this singular scene, no one spoke, until
the guard came running up, and appearing to be in the act of fir
ing, the Governor ordered them not to do so. He then demanded
of the interpreter an explanation of what had happened, who re
plied that Tecumseh had interrupted him, declaring that all the
Governor had said was false ; and that he and the Seventeen Fires
had cheated and imposed on the Indians.
" The Governor then told Tecumseh that he Avas a bad man, and
that he would hold no further communication with him ; that as he
had come to Vincennes under the protection of a council-fire,, he
might return in safety, but he must immediately leave, the village.
Here the council terminated. During the night, two companies of
militia were brought in from the country, and that belonging to the
town was also embodied. Next morning Tecumseh requsted the
Governor to afford him an opportunity of explaining his conduct on
the previous day — declaring that he did not intend to attack the
Governor, and that he had acted under the advice of some of the
white people. The Governor consented to have another interview,
it being understood that each party should have the same armed
force as on the previous day. On this occasion the deportment of
Tecumseh was respectful and dignified. He again denied having
any intention to make an attack upon the Governor, and declared
that he had been stimulated to the course he had taken, by two
white men, who assured him that one half the citizens were op
posed to the Governor, and willing to restore the land in question ;

l

Conference at Vincennes. 189
that the Governor would soon be put out of office, and a good man
sent to fill his place, Avho would give up the land to the Indians.
When asked by the Governor whether he intended to resist the sur
vey of these lands, Tecumseh replied that he and his followers were
resolutely determined to insist upon the old boundary. When he
had taken his seat, chiefs from the Wyandots, Kickapoos, Pottawat-
amies, Ottawas and Winnebagoes, spoke in succession, and dis
tinctly avowed that they had entered into the Shawnee confederacy,
and were determined to support the principles laid down by their
leader. The Governor, in conclusion, stated that he would make
known to the President the claims of Tecumseh and his party, to the
land in question; but that he was satisfied the Government would
never admit that the lands on the Wabash were the property of any
other tribes than those who occupied them when the white people
first arrived in America; and, as the title to these lands bad been
derived by purchase from those tribes, he might rest assured that'
the right of the United States would be sustained by the sword.
Here the council adjourned.
" On the folloAving day, Governor Harrison visited Tecumseh in
his camp, attended only by the interpreter, and was politely re
ceived. A'long conversation ensued, in which Tecumseh again de
clared that his intentions were really such as he had avoAved them
to be in the council; that the policy which the United States pur
sued, of purchasing land from the Indians, he viewed as mighty
water, ready to overflow his people ; and that the confederacy which
he was forming among the tribes to prevent any individual tribe
from selling without the consent of the others, was the dam he was
erecting to resist this mighty water. He stated further, that he
should be reluctantly drawn into war Avith the United States ; and
that if he, the Governor, would induce the President to give up the
lands lately purchased, and agree never to make another treaty
without the consent of all the tribes, he would be their faithful ally,
and assist them in the war, which he knew was about to take place
with England ; that he preferred being the ally of the Seventeen
Fires, but if they did not comply with his request, he would be com
pelled to unite with the British. The Governor replied, that he
would make known his views to the President, but that there was
no probability of its being agreed to. ' Well,' said Tecumseh, '_ as
the great chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit
will put sense enough into his head to induce him to give up this
land; it is true, he is so far off, he will not be injured by the war ;
he may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will
have to fight it out.' This prophecy, it will be seen, was literally
fulfilled ; and the great chieftain who uttered it, attested that fulfill
ment with his blood. The governor, in conclusion, proposed to Te
cumseh, that in the event of hostilities between the Indians and the
United States, he should use his influence to put an end to the cruel
mode of warfare which the Indians were accustomed to wage upon

190 History of Fort Wayne.
women and children, or upon prisoners. To this he cheerfully as
sented ; and it is due to the memory of Tecumseh to add, that he
faithfully kept his promise down to the period of his death."
Not long subsequent to the termination of this council, a Winne
bago chief, who had been employed by Governor Harrison to watch
the proceedings of Tecumseh, brought word to Gov. Harrison that
the former was sending to each of the tribes a large wampum belt,
with a view of uniting them in one great confederation; and that,
upon a return of the belt, he saw a British agent fairly dance with
joy — adding, with tears in his eyes, that he and all the village chiefs
had been deprived of their power, and that the control of every
thing was in the hands of the warriors, who were greatly opposed
to the United States.
Speaking ofthe Prophet, in his address to the legislature of this
year, Gov. Harrison said : " His character as a Prophet wobM not,
however, have given him any very dangerous influence,1 if he had
not been assisted by the intrigues and advice of foreign agents,' and
other disaffected persons, who have for many years omitted no op
portunity of counteracting the measures of the government with
regard to the Indians, and filling their naturally jealous minds with
suspicions of the justice and integrity of our views against them."'
During the autumn of 1810, a Kickapoo chief visited Governor
Harrison, and assured him that the peaceful assurances of the
Prophet and Tecumseh were merely to cover up their real inten
tions against the United States ; and about the same period, the
Governor of Missouri sent word that the Sac Indians had allied
themselves to the Tecumseh confederacy; that Tecumseh himself
was then doing all in his power to induce the tribes Avest of the
Mississippi to join him ; to which were added the reports of diffef-
ent Indian agents, who were generally of opinion that the period
for a war with the Indians Avould soon arrive. And thus passed the
year 18 10.
Early in 1811, as a part ofthe annuity to the Indians, Governor
Harrison sent a boat load of salt up the Wabash, a portion of which
was to be given to the Prophet for the Shawanoes and Kickapoos';
but, upon the arrival of the boat at the point where theProphethad
his lodges, he made bold to seize the entire cargo, alleging for so
doing that he had two thousand men to feed, who had been with
out that commodity for two years. Upon the receipt of this pro-
ceedure, Governor Harrison felt fully justified in demanding imme
diate aid from the government, and accordingly made application
to the Secretary of War to have Colonel Boyd's regiment, then at
Pittsburg, sent immediately to him, for the better safety of Vin
cennes, requesting, at the same time, to receive authority to act on .
the offensive as soon as it was known that the Indians were arrayed
in actual hostility against the United States. The Governor's ap
prehensions were well founded, and it soon became an acknwol-
edged fact, that Vincennes was*to be the first point of attack. The

Second Council with Tecumseh at Vincennes, 191
place was most accessible, and Tecumseh was fully aware of its
situation. • He could have made a descent upon it in a very short
space of time, and then retreated into the unexplored country be
hind it, " where it would have been next to impossible for any cav
alry to have penetrated " at that period. And so earnest was Gov
ernor Harrison upon the subject, that he notified the Secretary of
War, that, should troops not be immediately sent to his relief, he
would at once take the matter in his OAvn hands.
Accompanied by three hundred warriors,* on the 27th of July of
this year, Tecumseh again visited Vincennes ; and on the 30th of
this month, in an arbor near, attended by about two hundred of his
warriors, another council was held. Opening the occasion by pre
senting the fact of several murders having been committed by In
dians in Illinois, Governor Harrison expressed a desire that Tecum
seh should pay a visit to the President with a view of laying before
him. what complaints he had to offer, assuring him that he should
receive the fullest justice at the chief magistrate's hands ; and con
cluded by demanding an explanation ofthe conduct of the Prophet
in the seizure of the salt sent up the Wabash sometime before, to
be devided among the tribes. Replying to the latter, Tecumseh
remarked that he was not at home at the time of the seizure of the
salt, and said nothing further than, that Governor Harrison seemed
very hard to please, he having complained sometime before that
they refused to take the salt, and that now he was not pleased be
cause they had taken it. With but little further business of import
ance, the council adjourned to meet again on the following day.
¦ Reassembling, says the account, f on the afternoon of the next
day, the council was continued far into the night. There being a full
moon and a clear sky, the members Avere distinctly revealed to
each other. It must have been a picturesque scene — those one
hundred and seventy warriors seated in grim sitence, listening,
spell-bound, to the eloquence ofthe wonderful Tecumseh, occasion
ally signifying their approbation by their odd grunts ; or, taking in
the words of the noble Harrison, as he strove by every means at
his command to convince them that what he urged was for their
own welfare and interest.
Still manifesting his well known self-will and independence, Te
cumseh cooly admitted that he was still endeavoring to establish a
union of the different' tribes. And "why do you complain?" he
enquired ; " hav'nt you formed a confederacy of your different fires I
We have raised no voice against that, and what right have you to
prevent ns doing the same ? So soon as the council ends, I shall
go south and seek to bring the Creeks and Choctaws into our con
federacy ;" repeating that his designs were peaceful, and that the
whites were causelessly alarmed ; while his reply regarding the Illi
nois murders is said to have been not only "justified by facts," but
* Ellis' Life of Tecumseh, page 48.
t As principally presented by Benjamin Drake.

192 History of Fort Wayne.
was " cutting and pointed." Governor Harrison had previously
stated, in a letter to the war department, " that it was impossible, in
many instances, for the Indians to receive justice. Were one of
their number murdered by a white man, no jury of settlers would
convict him, and, many of the latter seemed to think the savage
fit for nothing but insults and kicks." " As to the, murderers, ,they
are not in my town," was substantially Tecumseh's response;,", and
if they Avere, I would not give them up. We have set the whites,
an example of forgiving injuries, which they should follow ;", and
added that he wished no settlers to come upon the new purchase^
near Tippecanoe before his return from the south, as the ; Indians
would require it as a hunting ground, and that if they found cattle
or hogs there, they would be apt to treat them as lawful game.*
In a brief but earnest response, Governor . Harrison, said "the
moon above them should fall to the earth before the :Presid|eu.t
Avould allow his people to be massacred with impunity ; and that
no land would be yielded which had been honorably and fairly
bought of the Indians." And here the. council . terminated, from
whence, as he had stated, with great pomp, accompanied ;by some
twenty of his Avarriors, Tecumseh was soon rowing his canoe south
ward down the Ohio to arouse the Creeks for the overthrow of the
whites. L
Of his efforts and the result of his mission among the Creeks, the
following graphic account! will be read Avith no little degree of in
terest. The Shawanoe chieftain and his followers had: meet their
friends, the Creeks of the south, and a council was at once proposed.
" Tecumseh led, the warriors followed, one in the footsteps of the
other. The Creeks, in dense masses, stood on one side, of .the path,
but the Shawanoes noticed no one ; they marched into the center of
the square, and then turned to the left. At each angle of: the
square, Tecumseh took from his pouch some tobacco and sumach,
and dropped on the ground ; his warriors performed the same cere
mony. This they repeated three times as they marched around the
square. Then they approached the flag-pole in the center, circled
around it three times, and facing the north, threw tobacco and, su;
mach on a small fire, burning, as usual, near the base of the pole.
On this they emptied their pouches. They then marched- in the
same order to the council, or king's house, (as it was termed in an
cient times,) and drew up before it. The Big Warrior and leading
men were sitting there. The Shawnee chief sounded his war-whoop
— a most diabolical yell— and each of his followers responded. Te
cumseh then presented to the Big Warrior a wampum-belt of five
different colored strands, which the Creek chief handed, to his war
riors, and it passed down the line. The Shawnee's pipe was .then
produced : it was large, long, and profusely decorated with sheljs,
beads, and painted eagle and porcupine-quills. It was lighted fr0™
* Ellis' Life of Tocumseh, pages 49 and 50.
i From " Claiborne's Life and Times of General Sam Dale."

Tecumseh Among the Creek Indians op the South. 193
the fire in the center, and slowly passed from the Big Warrior along
the line.
" All this time not a word had been uttered, every thing was as still as
death ; even the winds slept, and there was only the gentle-falling leaves.
At length Tecumseh spoke, at first slotvly and in sonorous tones, but
he grew impassioned and the words fell in avalanches from his lips,
his eye burned Avith supernatural luster, and his whole frame trembled
With emotion ; his voice resounded over the multitude — now sinking
in low and musical whispers, now rising to its highest key, hurling
out his words like a succession of thunderbolts. His countenance
varied with his speech ; its prevalent expression Avas a sneer of hatred
and defiance ; sometimes a. murderous smile; for a brief interval a sen
timent of profound sorrow pervaded it, at the close of a look of con
centrated vengeance, such, I suppose, as distinguishes the arch-enemy
of mankind.
" I have heard many great orators, but I never saw one with the
vocal powers of Tecumseh, or the same command of the face. Had
I been deaf, the play of his countenance Avould have told me what he
said. Its effect on that wild, superstitious, untutored, and Avar-like as
semblage, may be conceived ; not a word was said, but stern warriors,
' the stoics of the Avoods,' shook with emotion, and a thousand toma
hawks were brandished in the air. Even Big Warrior, who had been
true to the whites, and remained faithful during the war, was, for the
moment, visibly affected, and more than once I saw his huge hand
clutch spasmodically the handle of his knife. And this was the effect
of his delivery — for, though the mother of Tecumseh was a Creek, and
he was familiar with the language, he spoke in the northern dialect,
and it was afterward interpreted by an Indian linguist to the assembly.
His speech has been reported; but no one has done, or can do it jus
tice. I think I can repeat the substance of what he said, and, indeed,
his very words :
" ' In defiance of the white men of Ohio and Kentucky, I have trav
eled, through their settlements — once our favorite hunting-grounds.
No, war-whoop Avas sounded, but there is blood upon our knives. The
pate-faces felt the blow, but knew not from whence it came. Ac
cursed be the race that has seized on our country, and made women
of our, warriors. Our fathers,-from their tombs, reproach us as slaves
and cowards. I hear them now in the wailing winds. The Muscogee
were once a mighty people. The Georgians trembled at our war
whoop ; and the maidens of my tribe, in the distant lakes, sung the
prowess of your warriors, and sighed for their embraces. Now, your
very blood is white, your tomahawks have no edges, your bows and
arrows were buried with your fathers. 0 Muscogees, brethren of my
mother ! brush from your eyelids the sleep of slavery ; once more
strike for vengeance — once more for your country. The spirits of
the mighty dead complain. The tears drop from the skies. Let the
white race perish ! They seize your land, they corrupt your women,
(is)

194 History of Eort Wayne.

i

they trample on your dead ! Back ! whence they came, upon a trail
•of blood, they must be driven ! Back ! back — ay, into the" great
tvater Avhose accursed waves brought them to our shores ! Burn their
dwellings ! Destroy their stock ! Slay their wives and children !¦ The
red-man oAVns the country, and the pale-fface must never enjoy it !
War now ! War forever ! War upon the hving ! War upon the
dead ! Dig their very corpses from the graves ! Our country must
give no rest to a white man's bjnes. All the tribes of the North are
dancing the war-dance. Two mighty Avarriors across the seas will
send us arms.
" ' Tecumseh Avill soon return to his country. My prophets shall
tarry Avith you. They Avill stand betAveen you and your enemies.
When the white man approaches you the earth shall swallow him up.
Soon shall you see my arm of fire stretched athwart the sky. I will
stamp my foot at Tippecanoe,* and the very earth shall shake.' "
" Incredible as it may seem,'' says Ellis, in his life of Tecumseh, " the
threat of Tecumseh, embodied in the last sentence of the foregoing
speech, Avas fulfilled to the very letter. It Avas uttered by the chief.
Avhen he saAV the great reluctance of the Big Warrior and the Creeks
to join him ; and the confidence Avith Avhich he made the threat had its \
effect upon them."
Moving northward again, Tecumseh and his followers, , came by
way of Missouri, rallied the tribes on the Des Moines, crossed the head
waters of the Illinois, and from thence to the Wabash and to Tip
pecanoe ; and it was about this lime that a heavy earthquake occurred..
Before quitting the mouth of\the Tippecanoe river, Tecumseh had
charged his'brother, the Prophet, to be most careful in the preserva
tion of peace with the whites during his absence, and especially until
his arrangements Avere fully matured for the confederation ofthe tribes,
north and south, as then advancing ; to Avhich the prophet gave his
assent, and Tecumseh left him Avith the fall belief that he would he,
true to his- word.
But a short time elapsed, however, before the Avhites of the territory
began to feel an increased alarm. Tecumseh's movement southward
had spread among them, and many murders by the Indians in the' re
gion ofthe Prophet's town, at the mouth of the Tippecanoe,, and other
points, were now becoming more frequent, and it was- evident that
the Prophet Avas not wholly a stranger to these depredations, notwith
standing his promise to his brother, Tecumseh, to remain quiet a'ridj
peacable with the Avhites during his absence.
In the meantime, the regiment under Col. Boyd, as desired by Gov.
Harrison, had reached Vincennes, and the Governor' Avas likewise or
dered to add to this body a corps of militia, and to take immediate
measures for the defence of the citizens, and, as a last resort, to re-'
move the Prophet and his followers themselves.! -And the Governor
*Gths>r writers say that Detroit was mentioned in place of Tippecanoe, .and in giving
the exuliniatiqns of thi< astonished Indians, lye have put that word in their mouth, in
accot'danoe >vjt)i the authority quoted.— Life of Tocumseh. fM'Afee.

The Prophet's Determination. 195
i
was soon joined by a number of additional volunteers from Kentucky,
many of whom were men of high standing as military, civil, and liter
ary gentlemen.
.. Governor Harrison now began to take active measures to bring,
matters to a crisis, and wrote to his neighboring governors of Missouri
and Illinois, asking their aid in an effort still to persuade the Indians
to evade a recourse to arms ; and also charged the Indian agents to do
what they could in bringing the Indians to a sense of reason in the
north ; at the same time sending special messages, to the different tribes,
demanding that all who had been concerned in the recent murders of
settlers, be at once given up, and from the Miamies a full disavoAval of
all alliance or connection Avith the Prophet; and concluded, says
Drake, by saying that the United States, having manifested, through a
series of years, the utmost justice and generosity toward their Indian
neighbors, and haAdng not only fulfilled the engagements , which they
entered into with them, but had spent considerable sums to civilize
them and promote their happiness — that if, under these circumstances,
any tribe should dare to raise the tomahawk against their fathers, they
need not expect the same lenitjr that had been shownthemat the close
of the fprmer war ; but that they would either be exterminated, or driven
beyond ihe Mississippi.
In reply to this, the Prophet assured Gov. Harrison that all his
demands should be regarded,- still insisting that his purposes were
peaceable, though this response ofthe Prophet had hardly reached the
hands of the governor, before he also received intelligence that a par
ty of whites had been fired upon Avhen in pursuit of some horses
stolen by the Indians.
- Gov. Harrison was now the more determined in his course, and the
Prophet had already sent, upon learning of the Governor's course of
action, word to the DelaAvare chiefs, inquiring as to what part they
intended to play in the coming struggle — as to himself, it Avas his pur
pose not to lay down the hatchet until he was either killed or the
grievances he complained of were repaired. In response to this, the
Delaware chiefs at once set out for the Prophet's town, whither, upon
their arrival, they used strong efforts to dissuade him from opening
any hostilities with the United States. But they received only rebukes
and insults for their efforts and advice .; and finding it useless to tarry
longer in their council with the Prophet, the Delaware chiefs, whose
tribes had long been most friendly to the United States, left the.
Prophet's town, and made tlieir way to the camp of Gov. Harrison,
and at once informod him of the treatment they had received at the
hands of the Prophet.
The- Governor had already begun his preparations for a march upon
the Prophet's town ; and toward the latter part of the month of Octo
ber, with' some eight hundred men, embracing the Fourth U. S. regi
ment, commanded by the gallant Miller, moved forward toward the
mouth bf the Tippecanoe river, to bring the Prophet and his followers

196 History of Fort Wayne.
to terms or battle. Before quitting his camp, however, on the 29th,
he sent twenty-four Miami chiefs forward to the Prophet, upon a simi
lar errand to that for which the DelaAvares had A'isited him ; but not
having returned as he had expected, he concluded they had joined the
Prophet's forces. Accordingly, on the 6th of November, at the head
of about one thousand troops, Gov. Harrison took up his line of march
for Tippscanoe. Desirous still to know whether the Prophet would
come to terms, the Governor, when within a short distance ot the town,
sent forward a captain and interpreter to learn vrhat course the Proph
et would pursue. But the Indians, on seeing these, only endeavored
to take them prisoners, and they found it difficult to make their es
cape ; and one of the sentinels of the army had been shot by the In
dians. The Governor noAV determined to treat the Prophet and his
foilowers as enemies, and again resumed his march upon them. But
before he had gained the village, the army was met by a deputation
from the Prophet, enquiring for what purpose they were thus advanc
ing upon the town ; insisting that they were anxious for peace, and
that they had sent messages by the Miami and the Pottawattamie
chiefs, stating to the Governor this desire.* At this a Suspension of
hostilities was agreed upon, and arrangements for a meeting submitted
to take place the following day, the Governor telling them that he
would move on Avith the army to the Wabash, and take up his encamp
ment for the night. Having found a suitable place for rendezvous,
near a creek, about three-fourths of a mile to the north of the town,
and made all necessary arrangement for action, should an attack be
made, the army took up its quarters for the night.
In approaching the town, the Indians, not being aware of the pur
poses of the commanding officers of the army to find a suitable place
for encampment, ran out and cried to the advanced corps to halt, but
the governor riding up, assured the Indians that his^ purpose was not
to attack them, and, in response to questions, as to a favorable place
for encampment, told the officers of a suitable one upon the creek they
had, but a little time before, crossed, Avhich point was soon after chosen
for the encampment of the army.
The night proved dark and cloudy. The moon rose late, and a
drizzling rain fell. Many of the men had anticipated a battle, and
were not much pleased that they had not been permitted to engage the
Indians in a fight, and were fearful that they might have to return
without a " brush " with them ; and, accordingly, had but little antici
pation of an attack from them, although Colonel Daveiss had been
heard to say that he had no doubt that an attack would be made he-
fore morning.f And true enough, — according to his habit, Governor
Harrison being astir, getting his men under arms, — about four o'clock
in the morning, it was discovered and made known that the Indians
had stealthily " crept so near the sentries as to hear them challenge
*The Miami chiefs, in returning to the Governor, from their mission to the PTophct, had
started pjj tkeir return hy way of the south side of ths Wabash, and had accordingly lost
?'*ht, ••) >HB army. fWASee.

The Battle of Tippecanoe. 197
when relieved ; " their aim being to rush upon the sentries before they
could lire. But an Indian being observed by one of the guards, as the
former crept through the grass, the latter fired upon the Indian, which
was immediately folloAved by one of their fierce yells, and then a des
perate charge upon the left flank of the encampment, Avhich caused the
guards to give way. The army Avas noAV all alive Avith' excitement,
but the men generally stood their ground and fought most bravely, and
" the battle was soon maintained on all sides with desperate valor. The
Indians advanced and retreated by a rattling noise made Avith deer-
hoofs," and who also fought with great energy, as if " determined on
victory or death." The Prophet had told them the bullets of the
white men could not hurt them ; that the Great Spirit would give them
light, while the efforts of the army of the Americans would be " ren
dered unavailing," and " involved in thick darkness : " * and taking
his position upon an eminence near, secure from the bullets whizzing
in all directions, he employed his time in singing a war-song, and urg
ing his folloAvers " to fight on," that all would soon be as he had told
them — singing the louder with each assurance.f
Soon after daylight, the Indians were put to flight in different direc
tions, and the battle was ended — the power of the Prophet was broken,
and the plans of Tecumseh forever frustrated and destroyed.
The force of the Indians was estimated at from six hundred to one
thousand ; whlie their killed was greater than ever known before. " It's
certain," says M'Afee, " that ro victory was ever before obtained over
the northern Indians, where the numbers were anything like equal."
It was "their custom," continues he, " always to avoid a close action,
and from their dexterity in hiding themselves, but feAV of them could
be killed, even Avhen they are pouring destruction into the ranks of
their enemies. It is believed that there were not ten of them killed
at St. Clair's defeat, and still fewer at Braddock's. At Tippecanoe,
they rushed up to the bayonets of our men, and, in one instance, re
lated by Captain Snelling, an Indian adroitly put the bayonet of a
soldier aside, and clove his head Avith his Avar-club, an instrument on
which there is fixed a triangular piece of iron, broad enough to pro
ject several inches from the Avood. Their conduct, on this occasion,"
continues M'Afee, " so different from what it usually is. Avas attributed
to the confidence of sucocess with which their Prophet had inspired
them, and to the distinguished bravery of the Winnebago warriors."
The loss of the Americans Avas sixty killed, and about one hundred and
thirty wounded ; among the killed Avas the distinguished Jo Daveiss,
of Kentucky.;!; The Indians had not determined to attack the,. camp
*M'Afee. fAn uncle of John P. Hedges, Esq., of our city, who was in the engagement, and who
Was also badly wounded, avers that the Indians, under the inspiration and assurances of
tho Prophet, " went in," ".cutting and sla-shing " mo^t fearlessly and indifferently ; but
that they readily lost faith in him when they saw each other falling, pierced by the
musket and rifle balls of the white men.
jSays a noto in Ellis' life of Tecumseh: " Jo Daveiss was, in many respects, one of
the most remarkable men of his time. As a lawyer he had few equals— being considered
the father of the Kentucky bar. He was very singular in his habits, traveling his circuit

198 History of Fort Wayne.
until after night-fall. Their original plan was to meet the Governor
in council the next day, and then for two Winnebagoe chiefs, " who
had devoted themselves to. certain death, to accomplish their design,"
were to loiter about the camp after the council had broken up, and,
killing the Governor, a war-whoop from them was to be the signal of a
general attack."
The Indians about the Wabash, after the battle of Tippecanoe, be
came very quiet, and most of them returned to their homes and villages.
Among the tribes engaged in this conflict, were the Shawanoes,
PottaAvattamies, Winnebagoes, Kickapoos, &c. After the burial ofthe
dead, and caring for the wounded, the army began its return march
on the 9th of November ; and on the 18th Governor Harrison was
welcomed to Vincennes by a body of some tAvo hundred of her citizens ;
and in the following month a vote of thanks was tendered him by the
Kentucky legislature.
While the Prophet was engaging the army of Gov. Harrison, Te^
cumseh was in the south rallying the tribes in behalf of his grand
scheme of confederation, little dreaming that his brother had spoiled
his plans and broken the chain of his wily efforts ; and when he return
ed, he is said to have been so enraged at his brother, upon learning
Avhat he had done, that, in a feeling of great anger, he gathered hold
of the hair of his head, and threatened to kill him.
Tecumseh iioav thought of peace; visited Gov. Harrison again, and
wished to call upon the President, as the Governor had suggested, be
fore his journey south ; but upon Gov. Harrison not wishing him to
take many of his Avarriors with him, he refused to visit Washington,
and his conference with the Governor ended for the time, and soon
after made his way to Ft. Wayne, Avhile the Prophet took up his abode
at a village on the Mississinnewa river, about seventy miles south
west of Fort. Wayne.
— which comprised his whole state — in the costume of a hunter, often entering the court
room with his rifle in his hands, at the very moment his case was ready for hearing.
His extraordinary life was ended at Tippecanoe. He assumed command of a troop of
Kentucky horse, after having been defeated by Henry Clay, in the effort, as United States
District Attorney to secure the conviction of Aaron Burr."

CHAPTER XVI.

As the dashing billows lave tho beach,
And rush back again into the doep,
So the war element sought to reach
A frenzied height and keep
The AVest still unbless'd.

Assembling of the Indians at Fort AVayne to receive their annuities — Many of them
, fresh from the scene of the late battle of Tippecanoe — Col. John Johnson, Indian
agent hero — ^The old Council-House — Early scenos — Peaceful protestations of the
Indians — Tecumseh visits Fort AVayne — Failing to obtain ammunition, he gives the
war-whoop and leaves — Depredations begun again on the frontiers — Tho Ohio mili
tia called out — Command of the army surrendered to Gen. Hull — Army under Hull
reaches Urbana, Ohio — Triumphal arch erected — .Further movements of the army—
The British capture an American schooner — Col. Cass sent to demand its surrender
—Gen. Hull proposes to invade Canada — issues a proclamation — Its effects — Recon
noitering expedition under Perry— Tecumseh joins the British — Hull retreats from
Canada, and reaches Detroit again — His surrender to the British — Bitter feelings
against Hull at this result — The British plan an expedition against Fort Wayne —
Surrender of Mackinaw— -Delay in notifying the Forts---Situation of Fort Dearborn
(Chicago)— -Maj. Stickney, Indian agent at Fort AVayne, sends an express to Chica
go— -Relief proposed for Capt. Heald, at Fort Dearborn— -Capt. Wells chosen to carry
out the designs of Maj. Stickney---Wells selects 30 Miami Indians, and leaves Ft.
Wayne for Chicago— -His arrival there-— Situation of affairs-— Wells sees danger
ahead-— The fort abandoned---AVith blackened face, AVells takes the lead— -The
Pottawattamies in ambush — An attack---Bravcry ofthe troops---Doath of Wells — -
The Miamies fly---The Indians demand a surrender, which is complied with — Their
treachery — Bravery of Mrs. Heald— -Division of the prisoners— -Wells' heart cut
out and eaten by the Indians-— Escape of the prisoners and safe arrival within tho
U. S. lines.
SOME DAYS after the battle of Tippecanoe, (on the 22nd of Noa'.,)
the period for the annual meeting of the Indians to receive their
,fe)VP annuities, having arrived, they began to assemble in great num-
cft) bers to receive their allotted portions. John Johnson, Esq., Avas
^ then Indian agent here.
Many of the chiefs in attendance were fresh from the scene of the
recent hostilities at Tippecanoe, claiming their respective portions ofthe
annuity equal with the most peaceful of the tribes — representing that
the Prophet's followers had him in confinement, and purposed taking
his life; that he was chargeable with all their troubles; together with
many other stories of a similar character, all, more or less, in the main,
untrue, especially as regarded the Prophet's confinement, for, at that

200 History of Fort Wayne.
time, he was at full liberty on the Mississinnewa. But the stories pre
sented to Col. Johnson had the desired effect and he was induced there
by tc inform the Government that the Indians were all favorable to
peace, and " that no further hostilities should be committed against
them ; " and, " yet says M'Afee," in most ofthe nations here assembled,
a British faction was boiling to the brim, and ready to flow on our
devoted frontiers, wherever the British agents might think proper to
increase the fire of their hostility."*
The old council-house was located about the spot now occupied by
Michael Hedekin, Esq. It Avas a two-story log building, about sixty
feet long, by about tAventy wide ; and stood but a short distance to the
south-west of the fort. It was in this building the agent lived. And
it was often an interesting as Avell as a painful sight to witness the
tall red men, with their painted faces, gaily plumed with feathers and
trinkets ; their skins in some instances barely covering their loins, in
others measurably dressed in skins, or with a blanket wrapped about
them, sitting in groups here and there, or standing at some point re
counting their adventures or misfortunes ; or, having drank freely of
." fire-water," were venting their savage ferocity upon each other in hard
words or death-blows with the tomahawk or scalping-knife ; the squaws
wandering about with their pappooses to their backs, or sitting about
with their Indian husbands, all awaiting their, turns to receive their an
nuity, or in some way obtain some little favor, if only a pipe or loaf of
wheat bread, at the hands of some pale face or friend. Such was life
in the vicinity of the council-house and fort here during portions of
many years subsequent to the treaty of Greenville.
The assemblage of the Indians, to receive their annuity at the hands
of Col. Johnson, after the battle of Tippecanoe, consisted principally
of chiefs and head men of the Miamies, the DelaAvares, the Pottawat-
amies, and Shawanoes. Col. Johnson, on this occasion, delivered
them a speech, presenting the importance of an adherence to peaceable
relations on the part of the tribes and the United States — telling them
that the President was desirous of living in peace and friendship with
them ; and that pardon should be granted to any of the hostile tribes
who would put away tlieir arms and be peaceable. To which Black-
Hoof, a Shawanoe chief, responded in behalf of all the tribes present,
assuring the Col. that they all professed the strongest desire to lay hold
ofthe chain of peace and friendship Avith the United States. It was be
lieved that this expression was sincere on the part of the Shawanoes
and a large number of the Delawares ; but that the Miamies and Pot
tawattamies had little or no intention of being peaceable after receiv
ing their'amiuities.f Says M'Afee, in his "History of the late war(1812)
in the Western Country," page 40, " The Little Turtle of the Miamies,
now in the decline of life and influence, was the strenuous advocate of
*Prior to the battle of Tippecanoe, the Governor-General of Canada had info'rmed out
Government that the Indians were hostile to tho United Slates ; but itwas supposed that
he had done so with a view only to remove suspicions as to the course of the British, and
to render their intrigues with the Inians the more successful. -M'Afee.

;

flffff

TECUMSEH.

LITTLE TURTLE

Sketch of Little Turtle— His Dkatii.

201

peace, but the majority of his people followed the counsels of Te
cumseh. *
The Indians now made many pretentions to peace. Stone-Eater,
with others, visited Fort Harrison, and delivered a talk to Capt Snell-
ing, who, with a small detachment, had taken possession of that post
after the battle of Tippecanoe. After professing much friendship,
they visited Vincennes, and he told the Governor of their contrition at
what had happened, and professed a strong desire for friendship, prom
ising to punish the Prophet, or deliver him up to the United States,
as soon as they could, get hold of him ; and soon after returned to their
homes. Visits were now frequent to see the Governor at Vincennes ;
*It was on the 14th of July of this year (1812) that the famous Little Turtle died in his
1 odge at the old orchard, a short distanoe north of the confluence of tho St. Mary and
St, Joseph, in the yard frontingtho houso of his brother-in-law, Capt. AVm. AVells Tur
tle had suffered for many months previous with the gout, and eame here from his place
of residence, at Little Turtle village, on Eel river, about 20 miles north-west of Fort
Wayne, to he treated by the U. S. Surgeon at the fort.
It was a solemn and interesting occasion. After the treaty of Greenville, Turtle had
remained the true and faithful friend of the Americans and the U. S. Government and
was much beloved and respected, by all who know him. Tecumseh strove hard to gain
his confidence and aid, but without effect, for nothing could move him from his purposes
of peace and good-will towards the Americans. *
In the language of one who was present at his burial : " His body was borne to tho
grave with the highest honors, by his great enemy, tho white man. The muffled drum
th,e solemn march, the funeral salute, announced that a great soldier had fallen, and'
even enemies paid tribute to his memory."
HiSjremains were interred about the center of tho old orchard, with all his adornments,
implements of war, a sword, presented to him by General Washington, together with a
medal, with the likeness of Washington thereon, — all laid by the side of the body, and
hidden beneath the sod in one common grave. The exact spot of his grave is still known
to some of the early settlers of Fort Wayne, -who still survive among us, Mr. J. P.
Hedges among the number.
-Turtle had a somewhat remarkable mind. Was> for many years, the leading spirit
here,--unsurpassed for bravery and intelligence, perhaps, by none of his race. Of a
very inquiring turn of mind, he never lost an opportunity to gain some valuable infor
mation, upon almost every subject, orobjeot that attracted his attention; and sought by
every means in his power, during the latter days of his life, to relieve his people from ev
ery debasing habit— encouraging them only in the more peaceful, sober, and indus
trial-relations of life.
In 1797, accompanied by Captain Wells, he visited Philadelphia, where he enjoyed
the society of the distinguished Count Volney, and the Polish patriot, Kosciusko, and
others. While in Philadelphia, at this period, he had his portrait taken, by order of
the President. Stopping at the eame house -with Turtle, in Philadelpha, was an Irish
fshtleman, somewhat remarkable as a wit, who made it a point to " pok>; fun " at the
urtle whenever an occasion offered. The Irish gentleman'and Turtle happening to
meet one morning in the studio of Stewart, the artist engaged in painting each of their
portraits, the Irishman,observing Turtle in a rather unusually thoughtful mood, began to
rally him upon his sober demeanor, and suggested, through Captain Wells, that it was
because of his inability to cope with him in the jocular contest. At this the Turtle
brightened up. "He mistakes," said the Turtle, to Captain Wells, in reply ; "I was
just thinking of proposing to this man (the painter) to paint us both on one noard, and
here I would stand, face to face with him, and confound him to all eternity."
Little Turtle was of mixed origin — half Mohican and half Miami — and the son of a
chief ; born at his village, on Eel River, about the year 1747, and very early became the
war-chief of the Miamies. In stature, he was short, well built, with symmetical form
— proerinent forehead, heavy eye brows, keen, black eyes, and a large chin.
Such was Little Turtle, (Me-che-kan-nah-quah) — the bravest among the brave, and
wisest among the wise ofthe Indians ofthe Northwest of his day — leading an army of
braves to sure victory one hour — cutting and slashing, as with the ferocity of a tiger, at
onemornent, — and as passive and gentle as a child the next. Ever may his gentler and
better deeds be perpetuated by tho American people.

202 History of Fokt Wayne.
but Tecumseh and the Prophet, who were known to be still hostile,
kept aAvay, and this readily led to the conclusion that but little reli
ance was to be placed upon what was said by many visiting the Gov
ernor, and others in authority, as agents and commandants.
Tecumseh made his appearance at Fort Wayne sometime during
the month of December, soon after his return from the south. The
result of his brother's efforts had effected him deeply. He seemed
to know not which way to turn. His scheme Avas broken, but his
great will still bore him aloft over the impediments that had accu
mulated in "his path-way; and yet he was for Avar — for freedom — for
the extermination of the white race that occupied the ancient hunt
ing ground of his fathers. His air was haughty ; and, says McAfee,
he was still " obstinate in the opinions he had embraced. He made
bitter reproaches against Harrison ; and, at the same time,, had the
presumption to demand ammunition from the commandant (here),
which was refused him. He then said he would go to his British
father, who Avould not deny him. He appeared, thoughtful a while,
then gave the waVwhoop, and went off."
Such we* the spirit in which Tecumseh left Fort Wayne on this
memorable occasion ; and " early in the spring of 18 12, he and his
party began to put their threats into execution. Small parties "be
gan to commit depredations on the frontiers of the Indiana and Il
linois Territories, and part of Ohio. Twenty scalps were taken in
the Indiana Territory alone before the first of June ; and the people
Avere thus compelled to protect themselves by going into forts along
the frontiers. Volunteer companies of militia, were organized, and
the Indians were frequently pursued, but generally Avithout success,
as they fled at once after committing their depredations. Governor
Harrison asked permission ofthe Avar department to raise a mounted
force to penetrate to their towns, with a view of chastising them.
But this was refused, the government hesitating to disturb them in
that way at that time, fearing least they would take a more active
part AA'ith the British. Tippecanoe was again occupied, and there
the Indians were again planting their corn. By vigorous meas
ures," says M'Afee, " we might have beaten them into peaceable
deportment and respect. Mr. Secretary Eustis, of the war depart
ment, thought differently ; and while he was attempting to soothe
them Avith good Avords, they were laughing at his credulity. 'To
maintain peace with an Indian," continues the same Avriter, " it is nec-
.essary to adopt his own principles, and punish every aggression
promptly, and thus convince him that you are a man, and not a
squaw." Thus stood affairs in the early part of June, 1812; and by the
18th of that month, matters had so far approached a war basis be
tAveen Great Britain and the United States — an issue that had for
some months prior been anticipated — that the American Govern
ment had announced a declaration of war against the English gov
ernment. As early as the month of April an embargo was levied

Movement of the Army under Hull. 203
by Congress on all the shipping in ports of the U. S., and " an act
authorizing the President to detach one hundred thousand militia
for six months," was adopted and put into force ; while several other
acts, authorizing the recruiting of a regular army, were likeAvise
passsd, and the masses were all astir with the feeling and anticipa
tion of war.
' During this month the President made a requisition on the State
of Ohio for tAvelve hundred militia, and the famous 4th regiment,
under command of Col. Miller, Avhich had sometime before been
ordered to the relief of Vincennes, was now ordered to Cincinnati,
to join the militia. The Ohio militia had been soon raised, and
were ordered by Governor Meigs, of that State, to rendezvous on
the 29th of April, at Dayton, at the mouth of Mad river, on the Big-
Miami. As previously directed by the Secretary of War, on the
25th of May following, Gov. Meigs surrendered the command ofthe
army to General Hull, for sometime previously Governor of Michi
gan Territory, but who, a short time previous to this period, had
been rappointed a Brigadier-general in the United States army.
From 'Dayton the army under Hull took up its line of march for
~ Staunton on the first of June. From Staunton they marched to
Urbana. Here, on the 8th, says M'Afee, they were informed that
they would be met that day on parade, by the governor, accompa
nied by many distinguished citizens and some Indian chiefs. On
the following day, governor Meigs and general Hull held a council
Avith twelve chiefs, ofthe Shawanoe, Mingoe, and Wyandot nations,
to obtain leave from them to march the army through their terri
tory, and to erect such forts as might be deemed necessary ; which
was promptly granted by them, and every assistance which they
cold give the army in the wilderness was promised. Gov. Meigs
had held a council with these Indians on the 6th, in which it was
agreed to adhere to the treaty of Greenville.
'' Gnthe 10th of June, the 4th regiment, under Col. Miller, made
its appearance at Urbana, and were escorted into camp through a
triumphal arch, adorned with an eagle, and inscribed with the
words, " Tippecanoe — Glory."*
From Urbana the army, on the 16th, moved as far as Kings
Creek and from this point opened a road as far as the Sciota, where
they built tAvo block-houses, which they called Fort M' Arthur, in
, honor of the officer whose regiment had opened the road. To this
fort the whole army came on the 19th, and on the 21st Col. Findley
Was ordered to open the road as far as Blanchard's fork, 'on the Au
glaize, whither the army, excepting a guard left at Fort M'Arthur,
again followed on the 22d. Here, amid rain and mud, another
block-house was erected, which Avas called Fort Necessity. From
Port Necessity the' army soon after moved to Blanchard's fork,
where Col. Findley had built a block-house, which was called in
honor of that officer. A road was shortly after, under command of
?M'Afee.

204 Histoby of Fort Wayne.
Col. Cass, cut to the rapids, and the main army soon encamped on
the banks of the Maumee, opposite the old battle ground of Gen.
Wayne, in sight of the village then at the foot of the Rapids, which
had the effect to greatly revive the feelings of the soldiers after
their tedious march through the wilderness. From this point, after
a day or two's rest, the army moved down just below the old British
fort Miami, from which the Indians had been so long supplied with
ammunition, etc., before their defeat in that quarter, in 1794.
From here, about the last of June, a small schooner was dis-
pacthed to Detroit, with about thirty officers and privates, with the
muster-rolls of the different companies, accompanied by an open
boat, in which were a number of sick soldiers. Fears had previ
ously been entertained that the boat would be captured, but Gen
eral Hull insisted on its departure. In the meantime, the army
had again taken up its march, and was to halt again at the river
Raisin, whither, upon its arrival there, the army soon learned that
the schooner, in attempting to pass Maiden, had been captured by
the British. The declaration of war was now generally known.
From the river Raisin, the army proceeded to the ^ River Huron,
fifteen miles, over Avhich narrow stream, on the 4th of July, they„
built a bridge. From this point, on the 5th, the army proceeded
towards Detroit, and soon formed an encampment within view of
the place. The northwestern posts were now informed of the dec
laration of war; and the commanding officers of Fort Wayne, De
troit, Michillimackinaw, and Chicago, were ordered by Gen. Hull
to place their garrisons "in the best possible state of defence," with
out delay, and to " make a return to Brigade Major Jessup, at De
troit, of the quantity of provisions the contractor had on hand at
their respective posts, the number of officers and men, ordnance,
and military stores of every kind, and the public property of all
kinds."* On the 6th, Col. Cass was sent with a flag of truce to Maiden to
demand the prisoners and baggage of the captured schooner; but
his demands Avere not respected, and, being blindfolded, soon after
returned to camp with a British officer. The army now, with a view
to safety, should the English commence a bombardment, removed
to the rear of Detroit.
General Hull now conceived the plan of an invasion of Canada,
and on the morning ofthe 12th of July, the British having moved
from their former position towards Maiden, in fear of loosing that
point, the regiments of Cols. Miller and Cass, at a point about a mile
above Detroit, successfully gained the Canadian shore, and soon
after, followed by General Hull and others, the stars and stripes were
run up from a brick dwelling on the farm of a British officer, by
the name of Bambee, and on the same day, General Hull issued his
noted proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada, in which he re
quested the Canadians to remain quiet ; to pursue their usual voca-
* Order of General Hull.

Surrender of Detroit. 205
tions, etc.; assuring them that he " came to find enemies, not to make
them. I come to protect, not to injure you. Separated by an im
mense ocean and an extensive wilderness from great Britain," said
he, " you have no participation in her councils, no interest in her
conduct. You have felt her tyranny; you have seen her injustice;
but I do not ask you to avenge the one or to redress the other."
The effect of the proclamation was most salutary for the time
— many rjf the inhabitants of Sandwich returning to their dwellings
again from the woods, whither they had fled on the approach of the
American forces, having been told by the British officers, much
hke the inhabitants of Kaskaskia, at the time of Clark's movements
in the west, that the Americans were an army of cannibals, — worse
than savages.
With about forty men, on the 13th, Capt. Ulry was sent on a re
connoitering expedition in the direction of Maiden, and, upon ap
proaching a partially destroyed bridge extending over Turkey Creek,
some nine miles from camp, he discovered a party of some tAvo hun
dred Indians lying in ambush, intending, if possible, to cut off any
detachment that might approach. A Canadian had informed
Capt. Ulry that a great number of Indians were in the region, and
being fearful that he might be encountered by a superior number,
he at once returned to camp.
From the time of his abrupt departure from Fort Wayne, up to
the breaking put ofthe war of 1812, Tecumseh had been most ac
tive against the Americans, spiriting up the Indians at various
points ; and, from the first hostile movements of the British, had
allied himself to their cause, and begun to take a most active part
with the enemy, who soon made him a brigadier-general in their
army. In August, at the head of a party of Shawanoes, accompa
nied by a number of British soldiers, he made an attack upon a
company of Ohio militia sent by General Hull to escort some vol
unteers engaged in bringing supplies for the army, which occurred
at Brownsfown, and was the first action that took place after the
declaration of war had been made. Tecumseh and his party had
succeeded in drawing the company in ambush, and the loss sus
tained by the company was considerable, and were resolutely fol
lowed by Tecumseh in their retreat towards the river De Corce.
And it was about this time that General Hull retreated from Cana
da, and again took up his headquarters at Detroit. On the 16th of
August, this post was surrendered by General Hull to a British
force, consisting of some seven hundred troops, and about six hun
dred Indians, under command of General Brock, which placed not
only the garrison at Detroit, but the whole territory, including all
its forts and garrisons, in the hands ofthe British, which was a mat
ter of as great astonishment to the British as the Americans. Said
General Brock, in writing to his superior officer, after this event,
" When I detail my good fortune, you will be astonished."
The feeling among the officers and privates at this result Avas

206 History of Fort Wayne.
very great, and brought down upon the head of Gen. Hull a shower
of hard words from many directions ; although General Hull, while
Governor of Michigan, previous to his military appointment,, had
suggested to the war department the importance of having a supe
rior naval force on Lake Erie, as an auxiliary in the capture of Up
per Canada, stating that the object could not be effected without it,
besides pointing out many obstacles that would necessarily attend a
different course of action. And at another time adAdsed, strongly,
the erection of a navy on the lakes. At the time of the surrender,
however, Hull's force was superior to that of the British.
Soon after the conclusion of the capitulation at Detroit, an, expe
dition was planned by the British against Fort Wayne.
The garrison at Mackinaw not having received the order of Gen.
Hull, as written about the 5th of July, relating to the declaration of
war, putting the several forts mentioned in the best defence; etc.,
this post was surrendered on the 17th of that month, which had the
effect to cut off all offensive operations in Upper Canada, and caused
General Hull to feel much alarm, saying that " the whole northern
hordes of Indians would be let loose upon them." The loss of
Mackinaw was at once considered a great impediment to the Ameri
can cause, for the surrender of which General Hull was greatly
censured, because of his delay in forwarding the general order
made out about the 5th of July. And Fort Dearborn, at Chicago,
had suffered a similar neglect,' and was in an equally hazzardous
position to that of Mackinaw before its capture. Towards the, last
of July, General Hull began to drink seriously of the situation of
the Chicago Fort, and the relief of the garrison. , Capt. Heald, its
commandant, with his family, were now being surrounded by a
furious party of Indians in communication with Tecumseh, Avho,
though not yet attempting any acts of violence upon the inmates,
were yet only aAvaiting the necessary encouragement from, the
enemy. With this feeling upon him, General Hull, towards the latter part
of July, sent an express to Fort Wayne with a view to the imme
diate relief of Captain Heald and his command at Chicago.. ,
Major B. F. Stickney was then Indian agent at Fort Wayne^ and
the express sent here for the purpose of relief to the Chicago fort,
brought a request from Gem Hull that Major Stickney at once ex
tend to Captain Heald all the information, assistance, and advice'
within his power, inclosing in his letter to Major Stickney " an or
der to Captain Heald to accept of such aid, and to conform to such
instructions as he might receive from the Indian agent" at! Fort-
Wayne. Instructions were accordingly prepared by Major Stickney to' ac
company the order of General Hull, and an Indian agent dispatched
to Chicago. Among the contents of the letter fonvarded to Oapft
tain Heald, he was,promised military aid as soon as it was possible-
to render it.

Capt. Wells Sent to the Relief of Fort Dearborn. 207
Captain William Wells, tho brother-in-law of Little Turtle, was
at this time sub-Indian agent here. He had lived among the In
dians from his youth to an advanced age; was then, as before, a
great favorite with the Miamies, and accounted a "perfect master
of every thing pertaining to Indian life, both in peace and war, and
withal a stranger to personal fear;" — was replete with a knowl
edge of Indian strategy; and, says Major Stickney, "if General
Wayne desired a prisoner, to obtain information, Captain Wells
could always furnish one."
Wells was the man for the Avork, and Major Stickney readily hit
upon him to lead a party to the aid of Captain Heald. Having
proposed the matter to Captain Wells, Major Stickney at once sug
gested the raising of thirty Avarriors to accompany him. With
Wells, the Miamies Avere his favorites, and from among their tribe
he selected the number required. The Pottawattamies Avere noAV
known to be in the vicinity of Chicago, and the fact of Wells being
a favorite with the Miamies, made the former tribe unfriendly to
wards him, there haA-ing long existed an unfriendly feeling between
the Miamies and the Pottawattamies. So that Wells' position Avas
at best, — should trouble arise upon their arrival at Fort Dearborn, —
a most precarious one, a fact that he Avas by no means unacquaint
ed with, but his fearless nature readily thrcAV him into the opposite
scale of undaunted determination, and on the 3d of August, AA'ith his
braves well equipped by the agent, all in readiness,. he set out, full
of hope and courage, for the relief of the garrison at Chicago,
whither they arrived on the 12th ofthe month.
Wells and his party had not been long at the fort before he dis
covered unmistakable evidences of coming trouble. For some days
a large number of Pottawattamies and Winnebagoes, professing
friendship, had been encamped about the fort; and for some time
Tecumseh and the British, through their runners, had kept up a
regular correspondence with the Indians in the locality, who had
only been awaiting the result at Maiden in order to join one side or
the other. On the night of the 14th, a runner having arrived among
the Indians there with the news from Tecumseh that Major Van-
horn had been defeated at Brownstown ; that the army under Hull
had returned to Detroit; and that there was every hope and pros
pect of success, the Indians about the region Avere atonce decided
to join the British, and resolved to remain no longer inactive:*
Wells was warmly attached to Captain Heald. The latter had'
married his niece, and she was with her husband, to share alike the
dangers and vicissitudes that surrounded them.
' Ort the arrival of Wells and his Avarriors at the fort, Capt. Heald
told Wells that he had received the dispatch from the agent at Fort
Wayne, Avith the order of General Hull; that, on its receipt he had
called too-ether all the Indian warriors in his neighborhood, and
had entered into a tieaty Avitli them The leading terms were, that
* M'Afee.

208 History of Fort Wayne.
he was to deliver up to the Indians, the Fort with all its contents,
except arms, ammunition and provisions necessary for their march
to Fort Wayne. The Indians on their part were to permit him to
pass unmolested. Wells at once protested against the terms of the
treaty. There was a large quantity of ammunition and whisky in
the Fort. These, he declared, they should not have. He urged,
that if the Indians had the whisky they would get drunk, and pay
no regard to the treaty; and he, was for throwing the ammunition
and whisky into the Lake. The Indians learned what was going
on in the Fort, and determined to attack Heald and his party, at
the first convenient point, after they should leave the Fort. Wells
understood Indian character so perfectly that he was aware of their
intentions at a glance.
As soon as it was daybreak, Wells saw that the tomahawk was
sharpening for them, and told Heald they must be off as' quick as
possible, hoping to move before the Indians Avere ready for them.
No time was to be lost. To-pee-nee-bee, a chief of the St. Joseph's
band, had, early in the morning, informed a Mr. Kinzie of the mis
chief that was intended by the Pottawattamies, who had engaged
to escort the detachment; and urged him to relinquish his design
of accompanying the troops by land, promising him that the boat
containing himself and family should be permitted to pass in safety
to the St. Joseph's, which was declined by Mr. K., on the ground
that his presence might operate as a restraint upon the fury of the
savages, so warmly were the greater part them attached to himself
and family.*
As the troops marched out, on the morning ofthe 15th, the band
struck up the Dead March, as if some invisible force had im
pressed upon them the inevitable fate many of them were soon to
meet ; and on they moved, solemn and thoughtful, in military array,
Captain Wells taking the lead, at the head of his little band of Mi
ami warriors, his face blackened, " in token of his impending fate."
Taking their route along the lake shore, as they gained a range of.
sand-hills lying between the prairie and the beach, the escort of
Pottawattamies, some five hundred in number, instead of continuing
along the beach with the Americans and Miamies, kept the level of
the prairie, and had marched perhaps about a mile and a half,
when Capt. Wells, who had rode a little in advance with the Miam
ies, suddenly came galloping back, exclaiming: "They are about
to attack us ; form instantly, and charge upon them," telling his
niece not to be alarmed ; that " they would not hurt her, but that
he would be killed."t And no sooner had he ceased to speak, than
a volley was fired from among the sand-hills. The troops being
now hastily brought into line, they charged rapidly up the bank. A
veteran, of some seventy years, was the first to fall. Capt. Wells
soon fell, " pierced with many balls ;" and in the words of one of
tho party, (Mrs. Kinzie), " Pe'e-so-tum * * held dangling in his
*" Wau-Bun, or Early day in the Northwest." f Maj. R. F. Stickney.

Bravery and Wisdom of Mrs. Heald. 209
hand a scalp, which, by the black ribbon around the queue, I re
cognized as that of Capt. Wells." Their leader now being killed,
the Miamies fled ; one of their chiefs, however, before leaving the
scene of disaster, riding up to the PottaAvattamies, and exclaiming
to them in pretty strong terms: " You have deceived the Ameri
cans and us. You have done a bad action, and (brandishing his
tomahawk), I will be the the first to head a party of Americans to
return and punish your treachery ;" and then galloped aAvay over
the prairie in pursuit ot his companions, who, were rapidly making
their way back towards Fort Wayne,
"ThG troops," says Mrs. Khlziej* ''behaved most gallantly. They
were but a handful ; but they seemed resolved to sell their lives as
dearly as posssible. Our horses pranced and bounded, and could
hardly be restrained, as the balls Avhistled among them."
The Indians made several desperate attempts to rush upon and
tomahawk the soldiers, but every such effort Avas bravely repulsed
by them. Several women and children were killed; and the ranks
at length became so reduced as not to exceed twenty effective men;
yet they Avere undaunted and resolute, and remained united while
able to fire. HaAdng now Avithdrawn some distance from their for
mer position, the Indians sent a small French boy to demand a
surrender. The boy was Capt. TIeald's interpreter, who had de
serted to the side ofthe Indians in the early part of the engage
ment. Advancing very cautiously towards the Americans, a Mr.
Griffith advanced to meet him, intending to kill him for his con
duct in deserting ; but the boy declaring that it was the only way he
could save himself, and at the same time appearing quite sorry tor
having been obliged to act as he did, he was permitted to come for
ward. He said the Indians proposed to spare the 'lives of the
Americans, if they would surrender. But the surviving soldiers all
rejected it. ConAieying their determination to the Indians, he soon
returned, saying the Indians were very numerous, and strongly
urged Mr. Griffith to use his endeavors to bring about a sur
render, which was at length consented to, and the men having laid
down their arms, the Indians at once came forward to receive them ;
when, in the face of their promise, they tomahaAvked three or four
ofthe men ; and one Indian, it is stated, with the fury of a demon,
approached Mrs. Heald, with his tomahawk raised to strike her.
Much accustomed to danger, and being Avell acquainted with In
dian character, with remarkable presence of mind, she looked him
earnestly, in the face, and, smiling, said ; " Surely you will not kill
a squaw." Her " action, suited to the word," had the desired effect.
The Indian's arm fell ; his savage resolution was broken ; and a
moment more saAV the heroic and thoughtful Mrs. Pleald under the
protection of the barbarous hand that Avas about to rob her of life.
Mrs. Heald was the daughter of General Samuel Wells, of Ken
tucky, who fought most valliantly at the battle of Tippecanoe against
*" Early Day in the Northwest," pages 224 and 225. (14)

210

History of Fort Wayne.

the followers ofthe Prophet. Captain Wells' head Avas cut off and
his heart taken out and eaten by the Indians."*
In accordance with their ancient custom, the Indians now de-
vided the prisoners. Captain Heald, Mrs. Heald, and Mr. Griffith
being selected by the Ottawas, were taken by this band on the
lake, beyond the mouth of the river St. Joseph. Having been se
verely wounded, they considered their fate as inevitably sealed ;
but some angelic arm seem to have been stretched forth to aid them
when least expected ; and one day, Griffith's eye accidently fell
upon a canoe, at a convenient point, sufficiently large to hold them
all ; and one night, soon after, they succeeded in making their es
cape, traversing the lake in this frail bark some two hundred miles
to Mackinaw, Avhere the British commandant enabled them to reach
the United States in safety.
* As the character of Ay ells was unequalled for bravery, after his death the Indians
took hisheart from his body, cooked it, and divided it among themselves in very small
pieces. They religiously belived, that each one who ate of it, Avould thereby become
as brave as he from whom it waa taken. — Stickney.

^^^

CHAPTER XVII.
What heroism ! Avhat perils then !
How true of heart and strong of hand ;
How earnest, resolute those pioneer mex !

The Indians greatly emboldened by their success at Chicago — The followers of Tecum
seh threaten to exterminate the tribes refusing to aid their cause — Tecumseh's use
fulness to the British — Tecumseh's scheme of the siege and massacre of Forts Wayna
and Harrison — Renewal of the war — Ohio and Kentucky aroused — Col. John Al
len — The Pottawattamies after the evacuation of Fort Dearborn — Preparations for
the siege of Forts Wayne and Harrison — Antonie Bondie — The secret ofthe in
tended siege and massacre of Fort Wayne disclosed — Doubts as to its correctness —
Major Stickney dispatches a messenger to Gov. Harrison — Active preparation for
defense — Illness of Major Stickney — Indians prowling about the fort — Death of
Stephen Johnston — A period of great peril — The siege begun — A stratagem — The
Indians desire to gain an entrance into the fort — They ask for. a signal— Thirteen
of them admitted — Their plot frustrated — Winnemac and CapWn Rhea — Two
soldiers shot by the Indians — Perilous adventure of Wm. Oliver and some In
dian guides — The garrison learns of the movements of Gov. Harrison — The army
on its march for the relief of Fort Wayne — Gov. Harrison elected a Major-general
— Ducking a soldier — The army at St. Mary's— Richard M. Johnson leads a corps
of mounted volunteers to the relief of Fort Wayne — Logan, the half-breed, accepted
as a spy — Incidents on the route of the army down the St. Mary — A court-martial
— The halloos of the Indians taken as a signal of the approach of the army — Great
rejoicing in the Fort — The " Key ofthe West" again unlocks the door of success.

fjff HE SUCCESS of the Indians at Chicago, gave them great
) courage, and emboldened them for still greater efforts for the
^overthrow of the whites, or driving them beyond the Ohio.
i With few exceptions, the tribes were now, from the disasters at
Detroit, in the capture there of the large army under Hull, and
the preA-ious surrender ofMackinaAV, determined, in their course,
and were every where more or less inclined to the British interest.
The few tribes continuing friendly to the United States, were soon
threatened by the followers of Tecumseh with extermination, who
was now fast bringing his great scheme to an issue, by the aid of
the English. Possessing a most excellent memory, and being well
acquainted with everv important position in the northwest, he was
readily enabled to point out to the British many important advan
tages. Before crossing to Detroit, at the time of Hull's surrender

212 History of Fort Wayne.
General Brock took occasion to enquire of Tecumseh what sort of
a country he should have to pass over, should he conclude to go
beyond. Taking a roll of elm bark, and extending it on the ground
by means of four stones, Tecumseh drew his scalping-knife, and at
once began to etch upon the bark the position of the country, em
bracing its hills, roads, rivers, morasses, and woods, which, being a
demonstration of talent quite unexpected in Tecumseh, had the ef'
feet to please General Brock very much, and readily won for him
the confidence of the commanding-general. His position and in
fluence — strengthened by the British, and joined by . a numerous
ally of his own blood — were now formidable, and he was de
termined to render them as potent as his strength and advantages
Avould permit, destined, however, at last to fall.
His great plan was now the siege and massacre of Forts Wayne
and Harrison. The Pottawattamies and Ottawas, as at Chicago,
aided by the British, under Major Muir, Avere to be the leading
spirits in the movement upon Fort Wayne, Avhile the Winneba-
goes, and a portion of the Miamies, who had been persuaded to
join the Tecumseh party, were to surprise and capture Fort Harri
son ; and had appointed the first of September as the earliest pe
riod of attack.
The government, in the meantime, had begun most active
- measures for the renewal and prosecution of the war. From the
first, the President had disapproved the armistice at Detroit, and
the thought of an invasion of Canada, by the strait of Niagara, was
soon upon the breeze of public expectation, and the British com
mander, General Brock, had early heard the rumor.
Ohio and Kentucky, upon the receipt of the news of Hull's sit
uation at Detroit, were soon aroused to the highest sense of patri
otic determination. The governor of Ohio at once ordered the re
maining portion of the detached militia of his State, numbering
some twelve hundred men, to be formed and marched to Urbana,
under command of brigadier-general Tupper; while the Secretary
of War had previously called on Governor Scott, of Kentucky, for
a body of fifteen hundred men, embracing also the regulars previ
ously enlisted in that State. In the early part of May, the governor
of Kentucky, in accordance with instructions from the war depart
ment, had organized ten regiments, of some five thousand five hun
dred men, as the quota of that State. Among the many patriotic
men who so eagerly joined the standard of their country, in Ken
tucky, was Colonel John Allen, who took command of a rifle regi
ment. He was a lawyer of much distinction at the Kentucky bar,
and combined many eminent and endearing qualities as a private
citizen of that State. Allen county was so named after him.
After the massacre of Chicago, those Pottawattamies engaged in
it spent some weeks about Fort Dearborn, and divided the spoils
which had been given them at the time it was forsaken. They then
retired to their villages on the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan, where

The Scheme for the Massacre of Fort Wayne. 213
they were assembled in council by British emissaries, and at their
instigation determined upon a simultaneous movement to lay siege
to Forts Wayne and Harrison. The British agents promised, that in
case the Indians would besiege those forts, and prevent their evac
uation by the garrisons, they should be joined, in one moon, by a
large British force from Maiden and Detroit, Avith artilery, who
would be able to demolish the stockades, and Avould give up the
garrison to massacre and spoil. Their success in these enterprises,
it was but too evident, would have exposed the whole frontier to
devastation, and the plans of Tecumseh were all looking to the
consummation of this end. The siege was to be commenced in
twenty days after the council adjourned.
At this time, there was an Indian trader residing near Fort Wa3rne,
of French extraction, by the name of Antonie Bondie. He was
about fifty years of age, and had lived among the Indians from the
time he was twelve years old. He was an extraordinary character.
At one time he would apppar to be brave and generous, at another
meanly selfish. He Avas recognized by the Miamies as one of their
tribe — married one of their squaws, and conformed to tlieir habits
and mode of life. The hostile Pottawattamies, desirous of saving
him from the destruction which they contemplated for the garrison,
sent Metea, chief of their tribe, to inform him of their intentions
and his danger. Metea went to his cabin in the night, and undetf an
injunction of great secrecy, informed him of all that had transpired
in relation to the contemplated siege of the two forts. He offered
to come for Bondie and his family, before the siege was com
menced, with a "sufficient number of pack horses to remove them
and their moveable property to a place of safety. Bondie did not
decline the offer.
The morning after Metea had made this revelation, Bondie, ac
companied by Charles Peltier, a French interpreter, went to the
agent (Stickney) very early, and with many injunctions of secrecy,
informed him of it ail. The agent was thankful for their informa
tion; but doubtful whether to credit or reject it, as any mistake in
a matter of so much importance, either way, would prove ruinous to
" his character, and cause his disgraceful ejection from the import
ant office which he held. He had been but three months in office
or' in the country, and was acquainted with but few persons. The
character of Bondie was not known to him, and the nature of his
communication such as to require great secrecy, and if true, imme
diate preparation for the defence of the fort. Stickney sent a note
to Rhea, the commanding officer of the garrison, desiring a meet-
ingiwith him in the open esplanade of the fort, where there could be
no one to overhear what might be said. This officer having been
long in the country, had every opportunity of knoAving Bondie. He
met the agent, heard his communication, and dismissed it, by ob
serving that Bondie was a trifling fellow, and no reliance could be
placed upon what he said. This increased the perplexity of the

214 History of Fort Wayne.
agent. He sent for Bondie and his interpreter, to have a cross ex
amination. This being completed, it remained for the agent either
to pass the matter without notice, and incur the chances of the
siege ofthe Indians against the two posts, to be followed by a reg
ular force of British troops, with artillery, Avithout any preparation
for defence or relief from abroad, or to report the information,
Avithout attaching to it his official belief in its correctness, which
would have no effect. In weighing and comparing chances and
consequences, he determined that it was better that he should be
ruined in his reputation, and the government suffer all sacrifices,
consequent upon the falsity of the report, than that they should
• both suffer if it proved true. Pie, therefore, sent a second time to
Capt. Rhea, and declared his intention to make the report, and give
it the sanction of his belief in its correctness. He informed him
that he had just received a dispatch from Governor Harrison, from
Vincennes, saying that he was going to Cincinnati, Avhere he must
be addressed, if necessary, and that he should send * an expressjto
him, directed to that city, and another to Captain Taylor, the com
manding officer at Fort Harrison. He then returned to his office
and commenced making immediate preparations for acquainting
Gov. Harrison with the information he had received regarding the
contemplated siege of the fort. When nearly ready to dispatch
his messenger, Capt. Rhea sent a note to him requesting that he
would delay his express to Cincinnati, until he could write a letter
to the governor of Ohio, informing him of the report. Stickney
complied with this request, and the express Avas sent AA'ith letters to
Governor Harrison and Governor Meigs. Active preparations
were now commenced for defence. Such men as could be spared
with teams were employed to send off ladies avIio were there, with
children, to the frontier; and it Avas subsequently ascertained that
within a few hours after the messengers had started, the Indians
dreAV their lines of guard around the fort.
On the 5th of August, Major Stickney, the Indian agent, was
prostrated by severe illness, from Avhich he only became convales
cent, after twelve days. He was then conveyed from the agency
house to the fort for safety. It Avas now very plain that the state
ment of Bondie was no fiction. He, with his Indian family, moved
into the fort. The Indian warriors, to the number of some five
hundred, as then supposed, began to assemble in the neighborhood
of the fort ; and it was now evident that they had hopes of getting
possession of it by stratagem. They would lie in wait near the fort,
day after day, — a feAV near and in sight, but the majority of them
Avould be scattered about, as much out of sight as possible. Those
near were watching an opportunity to force the sentries. The sen
tinels were so faithful to their duty, that no chance Avas presented.
Stephen Johnston, who was a clerk in the United States factory
store,* feeling very solicitous about the safety of his wife, who had
•Which had been erected near the fort, sometime subsequent to the erection of Fort
Wayne, in 1794, for the purpose of supplying the Indians with agricultural implements.

i Indians admitted into the Fort. 215
been sent to the frontier in a delicate situation, accompanied by
Peter Oliver, and a discharged militiaman, attempted to elude the
vigilence of the Indians, and visit the place of her abode. They
left at 10 o'clock at night. Johnston was fired upon by six Indians
and killed instantly. Before the Indians could reload their pieces,
the remaining two men made good their retreat to the fort ; and for
a reward of twenty dollars, an Indian was induced to bring in the
body of Mr. Johnston.
The Indians now began to disclose their hostility and real pur
poses by violent and premature acts, showing most conclusively
their full designs. On one occasion tAvo soldiers were sent out on
horseback, three or four miles, to drive in some cattle. One of them
was taken prisoner, the other made his escape. The Indians ob
tained possession of both horses. They killed cattle and hogs near
the fort, stole horses, and committed many other minor depreda
tions. Both parties wished to delay the final conflict — Major Stickney,
to give time for Gen. Harrison to send the fort the necessary re
lief, in compliance with his dispatch ; and the Indians, from a hope
and expectation of the daily arrival of the British force, which had
been promised them. The Indians, however, did not cease to em
ploy many devices and stratagems, to accomplish their object, be
fore the arrival of the British. An Indian would occasionally come
near the fort, and hold conversation with an interpreter, who would
be sent out for the purpose. The interpreter would he informed
that the depredations had been committed by the young men, con
trary to the wishes of the chiefs — that the chiefs wished for peace.
At length the Indians expressed a desire to be admitted to see the
commandant of the post, that they might agree upon some terms
for a cessation of hostilities ; and asked for a signal by which they
might approach the fort and be permitted to talk with their white
father. A white cloth was accordingly sent to them to be used as
a flag of truce. For several days they delayed making use of the
flag, and continued their depredations. The agent finally sent a
message to them, by an Indian, that they had dirtied his flag, and
he could not suffer them to retain it any longer ; that they must re
turn it immediately. The next day, the whole body of Indians
.moved up to the fort, bearing the white flag in front. The gates
ofthe fort had been kept closed for a number of days. They were
in hopes of obtaining the admission of a large number of their war
riors.. But the agent, who was still quite weak from his recent at
tack, was too well acquainted with Indian character to be deceived.
Having, with difficulty, walked to the gate, he designated by name
the chiefs to be admitted, who, upon their entrance into the fort,
one by one, Avere disarmed by the guard, and examined very close
ly. Thirteen only were admitted, who at once lollowed the agent
to 'his sleeping apartment. The officers in the garrison remained
in their quarters. The agent now addressed a note to Capt. Rhea,

216 History of Fort Wayne.
desiring that the guard should be paraded and kept under arms
duringthe continuance of the council. In accordance with the
customs of such occasions, tobacco Avas presented to the chiefs that
they might smoke.*
When the pipes began to go out, Winnemac, a Pottawattamie
chief, rose and commenced a speech, which he addressed to the
agent; the substance of which was, that- the PottaAvattamies had no
hand in killing Johnston, and that the chiefs could not control their
young men. The soldiers, and horses had been taken without the
knowledge or consent of the chiefs, in opposition to whose Avishes
the young men had committed all their depredations. "But," con
tinued Winnemac, " if my father AAdshes for war, I am a man."t At
this expression the chief struck his hand upon his knife, which he
had concealed under his blanket. The agent at this time did not
understand the language, but saw there Avas something serioiis.
Bondie, who was present and understood the whole force of what
was said, jumped upon his feet as quick as lightning, and striking
his knife in a very emphatic manner, shouted in Pottawattamie,
" I am a man too." At the same instant the interpreter turned quite
pale, and Winnemac cast his eyes towards the principal chief pres
ent, whose name was An-ouk-sa, who was sitting at a window
where he could see the guard under arms. He returned a look of
disappointment, and the stratagem was brought to an abrupt term
ination ; while the interpreter, having sufficiently recovered from his
confusion, readily explained what had been said. Winnemac now
finished his speech, and the agent returned for an answer, that in all
that had been said, there appeared to be something concealed ; and
that if it was for war, he was ready for it. The Indians having been
admitted under a flag of truce, were hoav pefmittedto depart. Win
nemac, hoAvever, who was the last to leave the room, Avas invited
by Capt. Rhea to his quarters, who soon senfto the agent for an in
terpreter, and remained in conversation with Winnemac, half of
three quarters of an hour. The agent subsequently learned, from;
the interpreter, that Rhea professed great friendship for the chief,
and invited him to take breakfast with him the next morning.
Upon learning this, and with a view of dissuading him from such
intimacy and want of discretion, at such a time, the ao-ent with
difficulty walked to the quarters of Capt. Rhea, Avhom he found in
such a state of intoxication that it was useless to expostulate with
him. Returning to his quarters again, he now sent for the two lieu
tenants, Ostrander and Curtis, and told them what had taken place,
* In the account of this siege the writer has mainly followed the statement of Major
Stickney, the Indian agent here at the time of its occurrence.
t The whole plan of the Indians on this occasion was subsequently divulged. They
were to obtain an entrance into the fort, for as many as possible. Winnemac was to be
the speaker. When he should come to the expression, " I am a man," he was to dis
patch the agent. Other chiefs were to rush to each of the officers' quarters, to massacre
them, and others were to open the gates of the fort, to the ' force without. The work
was th«n to be finished, by butchering every soul in the fort.

Perilous Adventure of Wm. Oliver. 217
giA'ing it as his opinion that an attack would be made the next
morning ; and urged upon them the necessity of all possible prep
aration. The next morning, aroused by the firing of rifles, the agent step
ped out upon a gallery that projected from the second story of his
quarters, and saAV tAvo soldiers tail, mortally wounded, about fifty
yards from the fort. It was now ascertained that no preparations
had been made in anticipation of an attack. All Avas confusion in
the garrison. The two men Avere taken into the fort, and died
about one o'clock, that day.
About the first of September, a most interesting occurrence took
place. A white man and four Indians arrived at the fort, on horse
back, " in full yell." It was the Indian yell of triumph. The Avhite
man, Avho Avas foremost, proved to be William Oliver, tie was ac
companied by four friendly Shawanoe Indians, the brave Logan
among the number. The garrison had been for more than a fort
night in a state of suspense ; not knowing Avhether the express to
Gov. Harrison had gotten through, or not, and every day, in ex
pectation that the British force Avould arrive. All Avere on tiptoe
to hear the news — William Oliver had arrived in defiance of five
hundred Indians — had broken through tlieir ranks and reached the
fort in safety.
He reported that about two thousand volunteers had assembled
in Kentucky for the relief of General Hull at Detroit, and had
marched to Cincinnati. There they heard, that Hull had surren
dered, and deemed it unnecessary to march any further in that di
rection. Harrison having received, the dispatch from the agent at
Fort Wayne, had determined to march to its relief. Ohio was
raising volunteers. Eight hundred were then assembled at St.
Mary's, sixty miles south of Fort Wayne. They intended to march
to the relief of the fort, in three or four days. At Cincinnati great
fears were entertained that the fort had been captured, and its in
mates massacred. When the question arose, as to hoAv the condi
tion of Fort Wayne was to be ascertained, the stoutest hearts in the
army quailed.
William Oliver was then a young man of about twenty-three
years of ace. He possessed the true spirit ; was at the time sutler
to Fort Wayne. Previous to any knowledge of the hostile inten
tions of the Indians, Oliver had gone to Cincinnati on business.^ He
went to Governor Harrison and made an offer of his services, indi-
' virtually, to obtain the necessary information. Harrison thought
the danger too great, and endeavored to dissuade him from making
the attempt ; but he had determined to accomplish it, or loose his
life in the effort. When Governor Harrison shook hands with him,
he observed that he " should not see him again."
A man by the name of Worthington, an Indian commissioner of
the time, embarked with Oliver in this adventurous undertaking,
placing themselves at the head of about eighty whites, forty of

218 History of Fort Wayne.
whom, so perilous seemed the task before them, after a march of
about three days, returned home. The balance, hoAvever, pursued
their way to the Indian village of Waupaukonetta, where Oliver
found friends and acquaintances among some friendly Shawanoes,
and selected four of the bravest to accompany them through to Forfc
Wayne, Logan among the number.
Having pursued their course, AA'ith much care, until within some
twenty-four miles of the fort, a council was called to consider the
expediency of a further advance, when it was concluded best for
all to remain behind except Oliver, Logan, and the other Indian at
tendants. On the folloAving morning, Avith their horses, they con
tinued their Avay " Avith the common wariness of Indians, and without
any remarkable occurrence until they came within some four miles
ofthe fort. Oliver had determined to enter the fort in broad day
light." They now began an examination of the ground with great
precaution, determining to ascertain, if possible, what movement
had taken place, and the exact locality of the Indians.
The keen eye of Logan now soon discovered that the enemy was
concealed along the'road, with a view to cut off any reinforcements
that might attempt to reach the garrison.
Leaving the main road, they now moved cautiously across to the
Maumee river, Avhither, leaving their horses in a thicket, they ad
vanced on foot towards the fort, in order to get a vieAV of it, and to
ascertain, if possible, Avhether it still held out against the besiegers.
Being fully satisfied on this point, they again repaired to the thicket
Avhere they had left their horses, remounted, and soon struck the
main road again.
The moment of greatest peril and determination had now come.
The fort was to be gained at the risk of life itself; and putting whip
to their horses, Oliver and his faithful Shawanoe companions
started in full speed for the fort.
What was most remarkable, the moment the scouts gained the
fort proved to be the only safe one that had for some days presented
itself, as though a kind proAddence had opened the Avayforthe safe
arrival of the party to cheer the inmates of the perilous garrison.
First reaching the gate of the esplanade, and finding it inacces
sible, they descended the river bank, and Avere soon admitted by
the northern gate.
Said one of the lieutenants of the fort: " The safe arrival of Oliver
at that particular juncture may be considered miraculous. One
hour sooner or one hour later, would no doubt have been inevitable
destruction both to himself and his escort. It is generally believed
by those acquainted with the circumstances, that not one hour, for
eight days and nights preceding or folloAving the hour Avhich Mr.
Oliver arrived, would have afforded an opportunity of any safety."
So close was their contact with the Indians, in this fearful ride,
that they even saw the beds upon Avhich they lay as they main
tained their nightly guard.

Oliver's Arrival at Fort Wayne. 219
Entering the general gateway, which was located about Avhere now
stands the residences of the late Jas. B. Hanna,or Martin Knoll, on
Wayne street — tho fort then, with several acres of ground, being
enclosed by a substantial fence — a few moments more, and all was
safety. The fort was gained, the north gate' opened, and Oliver
and his companions rode quickly in, to the great astonishment and
joy of the little garrison, who eagerly gathered about the heroic
riders to learn the neAvs.
Oliver's story Avas soon told. When the volunteers of Ohio, as
sembled at St. Mary's, learned the extent of the Indian force about
Fort Wayne, they deemed it imprudent to advance with so small a
force, and concluded to aAvait the arrival of the Kentuckians, thus
subjecting the garrison to a still longer state of suspense. The anx
iety Avas intense ; and it Avas through extreme good fortune, and
mere accident, that the fort was enabled to hold out, Avith so | little
good management — " the commanding officer had been drunk
nearly all the time, and the two lieutenants inefficient men ; entirely
unfit to hold commissions of any grade." The non-commissioned
officers and privates, eighty in number, behaved very Avell. The
Indian agent was feeble and incapable of much exertion. Oliver,
though a private citizen, Avas now the most efficient man in the fort.
Having prepared a letter, announcing to General Harrison his
safe arrival at the fort, and its beleaguered situation, Oliver imme
diately started his ShaAvanoe companions back with the letter to
Worthington, while he determined to take his chances with the oc
cupants of the fort.
Seeking an opportune moment, Logan and his companions left
the fort safely, but were soon observed, and pursued. Their exul
tant shouts, however, soon revealed to the inmates of the garrison
that they had outstripped their pursuers and passed the lines un
harmed. The Indians noAV again begun a furious attack upon the fort, but
the little garrison bravely met the assault, and were, in a few days
more, enabled to hail the approach of the army.
The name of Oliver deserves to be enshrined in every heart.
Such heroism is seldom met with, and Avho among us to-day can
fail to cherish a kindly memory and regard for so valiant and self-
devotional a spirit as the brave, determined William Oliver ?
At Cincinnati, the Kentucky volunteers elected Gov. Harrison to
command them as a major-general. When, he received the infor
mation from Oliver that 'Fort Wayne was in existence, he took up
the line of march for the scene of the beleagured garrison.'
The faithful Shawanoes met the advancing army at Piqua, Ohio,
where the message of Oliver was readily delivered to Gen. Harri
son, who at once dreAV his men together, and made them a speech.
Said he, in part : " If there is a man under my command avIio lacks
the patriotism to rush to the rescue, he, by paying back the money
received from the government, shall receive a discharge, as I do not

220 History of Fort Wayne.
AA-ish to command such." But one man responded to the proposi
tion. His name was Miller, of the Kentucky militia ; and having
obtained his discharge, on the morning of the 6th, his comrades
not Avilliug to let him return without some special manifestion of
their appreciation of his course, put him on a rail, carried him
around the lines to the music of the Rogue's March, and down to
the Miami, where they took him off the rail and let him into the
water and baptized him in the name of " King George, Aaron Burr,
, and the Devil." As he came out of the water the men stood on the
bank and threw handsful of mud on him, then, forming into two
lines in an adjacent lane, made him run the gauntlet, each one
throwing a handful of dirt on him, and then let him go.
Soon after this event, on the morning of the 6th, the army began
its march for Fort Wayne, encamping that evening in the woods,
some twelve miles from Piqua. Early on the morning of the 7th,
(Monday) the army resumed its march. This day, says one of their
number,* " we made fifteen miles, and encamped on a branch,
three and a half miles this side of St. Mary's river. Next morning
a melancholy accident happened. In the act of receiving the
guard a young man by the name of Thomas Polly, a sergeant in
Captain Megowan's company, was shot by the accidental discharge
of a gun in the hands of a sentinel by the name of Thos. Hamilton.
The ball entered the left side, beloAv the nipple, and passed out
near the backbone, perforating the lungs. We carried him on a
litter to St. Mary's, Avhere he lingered till the next day. This was
the first death that had occurred during our march. This day, Sept.
8th, we only matched to St. Mary's,t Avhere we lay till next day.
On this evening we were joined by two hundred mounted volun
teers, under Col. Richard M. Johnson, who had volunteered for
thirty days, on hearing that Fort Wayne Avas besieged. Wednes
day, Sept. 9th, we marched eighteen miles, to what was called
Shane's Crossing of St. Mary's. Here we overtook a regiment of
eight hundred men from Ohio, under Cols. Adams and Hawkins,
who had started on to the relief of Fort Wayne. On arriving at
this place, an Indian, pf the ShaAvanoe tribe, a half blood, by the
name of Logan, (who had been taken when a small boy by Gen.
Benjamin Logan, of Lincoln county, Kentucky, and raised by him,
but who, after arriving at maturity, had gone back and joined his
tribe) with four others, offered his services to Gen. Harrison as spies,
which he accepted."
Logan was a remarkable Indian, and had early merited the es
teem and confidence of the whites. Was some six feet in height,
Avith robust form, broad shoulders, and prominent forehead. Was
greatly attached to General Harrison, and a Avarm friend to the
"John D. White, of Lawrenceburgh.lnd.
t At this point some block-houses were built for the security of provisions and pro
tection of the sick. This point had previously been known as Girty Town, doubtless
after the famous Simon Girty.

Incidents of the Army in its March to Fort AVayne. 221
American cause, for which he did much valuable service as a guide
and spy.
Continues White : " Previous to our arrival, Logan had gone on
in disghise, and passing through the camp of the besieging party,
had ascertained their number to be about fifteen hundred. Logan
also Avent to the fort, and encouraged the soldiers to hold on, as re
lief was aUiand. On this night, (the 9th) the sentinels fired at what
they imagined to be Indians, but, on examination, next morning, an
old horse was found shot, having strayed outside the camp. Thurs
day morning we marched early. Cols. Adams and Hawkins hav
ing waited several days to come up, (after ascertaining the superi
ority of the enemy's forces) joined our army, and Ave all marched
together. We now had about three thousand five hundred men.
We marched ten miles and encamped. Nothing occurred of any
interest. Friday morning we were under marching orders after
early breakfast.- It had rained, and the guns Avere damp. We
were ordered to discharge them, and re-load, as we were then get
ting into the vicinity ofthe enemy, and kneAV not how soon Ave might
be attacked. A strong detachment of spies under Captain James
Sugget, of Scott county, marched considerably ahead of the army.
Indications of the enemy having advanced from their position at
Fort Wayne, for the purpose of watching the movements of our
army, were manifest, and Captain Sugget came upon the trail of a
large party, which he immediately pursued. After following the
trail some distance he was fired on by an Indian, who had secreted
himself in a clump of bushes, so near to Sugget that the powder
burnt.his clothes, but the ball missed him. The Indian jumped
from his covert and attempted to escape, but Andrew Johnson, of
Scott, shot him. At the crack of the gun, the Indian's gun and
blanket fell. Supposing that he had killed him, and being eager
in pursuit of the trail, they made no halt ; but before they could
overtake the Indians, they had to give up the pursuit, ' on ac
count ofthe lateness of the hour and the distance they were ahead
of the army. On returning to where the Indian was shot, they
found the, gun and blanket, but he had escaped. They followed
the blood for some distance and found pieces of his handkerchief,
which he had cut into plugs to stop the blood, but he had bleed so
profusely that it had forced them out of the Avound. On abandon
ing the pursuit of the Avounded Indian, the party returned to the
camp. We had marched about fifteen miles, and encamped an
hour before Sugget's party arrived. Logan held up the bloody '
blanket and exhibited it a3 he rode along the line. Having repaired
to Gen. Harrison's marque, orders were immediately issued for the
troops to turn out and make a breastwork around the encampment,
which order was promptly obeyed, and before dark the same was
fortified by a breastwork, made by cutting down trees and piling
them on each other. A strong picket guard Avas detailed and posted.
at a considerable distance from the line. After tattoo, at 9 o'clock,

222 History of Fort Wayne.
we lay down. After which the officer ofthe night came round to
give us the watchword, Avhich was ' fight on.' (The watchword is
given to the sentinel as well as to the army, in order, that, in case
of a night attack, and the sentinels having to run into camp, may be
distinguished from the enemy by it.) Orders were given, ' that in
case of two guns being fired in quick succession, the soldiers Avere
to repair to the breastwork. From every indication Ave had strong
reasons for believing that we would be attacked before day. We
lay with our guns in our arms and cartridge boxes under our heads.
About 10 o'clock, just as the soldiers were in the enjoyment of
' tired nature's sweet restorer,' they were aroused by the firing of
two guns by the sentinels, and the drums beat the alarm. In a mo
ment all were at the breastAvork, ready to receive the enemy. Just
about this time some fifty guns were fired by the sentinels, and
some came running in hallooing at the top of their voices, ' fight on ;'
and, notwithstanding we had orders not to speak the Avatchword,
the cry of ' fight on ' went entirely around the lines. Jf there had
been an attack, and the enemy had understood English, it would
have afforded them the advantage of getting into the lines by giv
ing the watchword.
" The Indians were around us, and we Avere in momentary ex
pectation of an onset. At last all was calm again, and we were
permitted to rest. But just as we were in the sweet embraces of
sleep, we were again aroused by the firing of a number of guns,
and again we were as prompt in repairing to our posts. We noAV
stood a considerable time, and all became quiet again, when we
Avere ordered to count off one, two, three, and every third man was
made to stand at the breastwork, and the rest were permitted to re
tire to their tents. At length day dawned, and the guards were
relieved. We ascertained afterward, from Indians taken prisoners,
that they came from their encampment Avith the design of making
a night attack on us, but on finding us so well prepared to receive
them, they declined prosecuting their designs.
" Without being able to get round the entire encampment before
daylight of the morning of the 9th, the Indians returned to their
OAvn lines with the word that ' Kentuck was coming as numerous
as the trees.'
" Lieut. Munday, of Kuley's company, of Madison county, Ky.,
and Ensign Herring, of Hart's company, of Lexington, being offi
cers of the guard, both left tlieir guard fires and ran in when the
firing commenced.*
"Saturday, September 10th, we expected to reach Fort Wayne,
but thought, in all probability^ we should have to fight our way,
for the Indians lay at what was called the Black Swamp, five miles
on this side ofthe fort, immediately on our road. We started after
* Charges of cowardice having been preferred against these two officers, after the ar
rival of the army at Fort Wayne, a court martial was ordered for their trial. Munday
resigned and wenthome. Herring proved that he stood his ground till the whole guard
had left him, and was therefore acquitted.

„ Arrival of the Army at Fort Wayne. 223
early breakfast (if a few bare bones, boiled in water, could be
called a 'breakfast) and marched with much caution. From St.
Mary's we had moved in two lines, one on the right, and the other
on the left of the road, at a distance of about one hundred yards
therefrom, while the wagons kept the road. Sugget's spies went
ahead, and on coming to where they had left the trail of the
wounded Indian, they again took it, and after following it a short
distance, found his dead body. When he found he could not survive,
he broke bushes and covered himself over, and resigned to die. The
Indians believe that if they lose their scalp, they will not be per
mitted to enter the favorite hunting ground which their tradition
teaches them they are to inhabit after death. Plence they use every
effort to prevent their enemies from getting the scalps of those slain
in battle ; and during an engagement a number are always em
ployed in carrying off the dead. A short distance in advance of
their camp,- at the swamp, the spies returned with information that
they were there, prepared to give us battle. A halt was made,
and the line of battle formed. Col. Hawkins, of the Ohio mounted
'volunteers, had left the lines and gone some distance from the road.
Being partly concealed by a clump of bushes, one of his men
taking him for an Indian fired at him and shot him through. The
ball entered between the shoulders and came out at the breast —
which, however, did not prove mortal. We again took up the line
of march, and in a short time came in sight of the smoke of the
camp ofthe enemy."
At the first grey ofthe morning of the 10th of September, the
distant halloos of the disappointed savages revealed to the anxious
inmates of the fort the glorious neAvs of the approach of the army.
^Great clouds of dust could be seen from the fort, rolling up in the
*jilistance, as the valiant soldiery, under General Harrison, moved .
forward to the rescue of the garrison ; and soon after daybreak, the
army stood before the fort. The Indians had beat a retreat to the
northward and eastward, and the air about the old fort resounded.
with the glad shouts of welcome to Gen. Plarrison and the brave
boys of Ohio and Kentucky !
And again, as on former occasions, " the Key of the northwest "
had unlocked the great door of success ; and the country, though
not yet through with its trials and conflicts with a Avily and relent
less foe, was safe, and destined soon to triumph over every obstacle.
The prophetic Avords of Washington, years before, were again
most fully realized; and the scene of the Miami village, more surely
than ever, pointed to " a most important post for the Union."

CHAPTER XVHL

All Avas flight, and for miles around,
No red man was to be found.

Flight of the Indians on the approach of the army — The Fort besieged ten or twelve
days — Wooden cannon made by the Indians — The little village around the fort
destroyed — The occupants ofthe houses about the fort seek safety in the- fort — The
fort able to hold out against the Indians still longer — The old well ofthe fori>—
Captain M'Afee's account — His prophecy and that of Captain Wells as to the fu
ture of Fort Wayne — Loss in the fort during the siege — Shooting an Indian in the
St. Mary — Charges against Captain Rhea— Rhea permitted to resign— The army
formed into two detachments to destroy the villages in the region of Fort AVayne —
Destruction of corn and vegetables— The tomb of a chief — The village of Five
Medals, near Avhere Goshen, Ind., now stands- The tomb of an Indian sorceresB-—
Evidences of British aid — Return of the divisions to the fort — Arrival of new re
cruits at Fort AVayne — A force sent to destroy Little Turtle Town — The ground
now occupied by the city of Fort, AVayne mainly cleared by order of Ganeral Har
rison— An imposing scene — All approach cut off — Gen. Harrison's report — Arrival
of Gen. Winchester at Fort Wayne — Popularity of Gen. Harrison — Winchester to
take command of the army — Dissatisfaction among the soldiers at the proposed
change of gcuc-als — A reconciliation — Gen. Harrison's return toPiqua — An, expe
dition against Detroit — Movements of Gen. Winchester-— Indians discovered — A
party surprised, captured, and five killed.

£jjj^ HE INDIANS had mainly fled the evening before the arrival
(raHof the army. Some, however, were courageous enough to re-
era^smain until within a few moments before the army reached the
Sy^fort, who "were pursued by the Ohio horsemen, but Avithout
success." The fort had now, been closely besieged for ten -or
twelve days ; and the Indians, in their efforts'to capture it, had made,
several pieces of wooden cannon, which they strengthened with
iron hoops. Previous to the commencement of the siege, there
were several dwellings near the fort, " forming," says M'Afee, " a
handsome little village ; but it Avas now (on the arrival of the army),
in ruins, having been burnt doAvn by the Indians, together Avith the
United States' factory,"
The occupants ofthe dAvellings surrounding the fort, as the siege
began, sought refuge within the garrison, where they remained in
safety till the army arrived.
The fort, during the siege, was well supplied Avith provisions.

Early Prophecy Concerning Fort Wayne. 225
TSere was a good well* of water within the enclosure ; and they
had also four small field pieces. With these advantages, unless at
tacked by a formidable British force, they were well prepared to
oppose the efforts of tho Indians for several days longer.
Ofthe fort, at this period, which was the same built by order of
Gen. Wayne, in 1794, in connection with other relations of this point,
Captain M'Afeef said : " It is delightfully situated, on ah eminence
on the south bank of the Miami of the' lakes, immediately beloAV
the formation of that river by the junction of the St. Mary's from
the southwest Avith the St. Joseph's from the north. It is well con
structed of block houses and picketing, but could not resist a British
force, as there are several eminences on the south-side, from which
it could be commanded by a six or nine pounder.
" This is the place where the Miami Indians formerly had their
principal town ; and here many an unfortunate prisoner suffered
death by burning at the stake. It was here also, that Gen. Harmar
suffered his army to be cut up and defeated in detachments after
he had burnt the town in the fall of the year 1790. For more than
a century before that time, it had been the principal place of ren
dezvous between the Indians of the lakes, and' those of the Wabash
and Illinois, and had been much resorted to about the year '56 and
previously, by French traders from Canada. The Maumee is navi
gable for boats from this place to the lake, and the portage to the
nearest navigable branch of the Wabash, is but seven or eight
miles, through, a level, marshy prairie, from which the water runs
both to the Wabash and St. Marys. A canal at some future day
will unite these rivers, and thus render a town at Fort Wayne, as
formerly, the most considerable place in that country.
"The corn wliich had been cultivated in the fields, by the vil
lagers, was nearly all destroyed by the Indians ; the remains served
as. forage for the mounted corps. Captain Wells, Avho was massa
cred at Chicago, had a handsome farm in the iorks of the river,
with some good buildings, which were all destroyed in the general
devastation." During the siege, the garrison lost but three men. From subse
quent information, it Avas believed that the Indian loss was about
twenty-five. Eight Avere seen to fall. One Indian was killed at a
distance of three hundred yards, while standing in the St. Mary's
river. A soldier by the name of King, Avith a long heavy rifle, fired,
* The traces of this well are yet plainly to be seen. It was near the northwest end of
the fort, now to be seen just at the edge of the south side of the canal.
t Author of the " History of the Late War in the Western Country," published in
1816. M'Afee was here in 181 3. It is from this old volume that the writer has been
enabled to draw many valuable and interesting facts relating to the early History of
Fort Wayne. M'Afee's words in reference to the construction of a canal by this point
and the subsequent growth of a " town at Fort Wayne," have been must conclusively
realized. The Writer also learned from early setilcrs that the unfortunate Capt. Wells,
(killed at Chicago) some years before the war of 1813, had often told persons here that
"a big ditch" would one day be dug from the lake to this locality, in wliich boats
Afoulcl run— and that there would also be a large town here some day— but lie was not
Relieved, in fact, thought very immoderate in his calculations. - (15)

226 History of Fort Wayne.
and the ball took effect in the back of the savage, between his
shoulders, and he fell into the water. This feat was witnessed by
the whole garrison.
Immediately after the arrival of Gen. Harrison, Lieutenants
Ostrander and Curtis, preferred charges against Capt Rhea, and
called upon Major Stickney, the agent, as a witness. The General
assembled his principal officers as a Board of Inquiry, and upon the
testimony of the agent, that Rhea was drunk six days during the
siege, the Board thought he ought no longer to hold a commission.
Gen. Harrison, mainly because of his advanced age, granted Capt.
Rhea the alternative of a resignation, (which he complied with,)
to take effect the first day of January following.
The second day following the arrival of the army here, General
Harrison formed his army into two detachments, with a view of de
stroying the Indian villages in the region of country lying some
miles around Fort Wayne, the first division being composed ofthe
regiments under Cols. Lewis and Allen, and Captain Garrard's
troop of horse, under Gen. Payne, accompanied by Gen. Harrison.
The second division, under Col, Wells, accompanied by a battalion
of his own regiment, under Major Davenport, (Scott's regiment,)
the mounted battalion under Johnson, and the mounted Ohio men
under Adams.
In order that their means of subsistenpe might also be cut off, it
was determined, while destroying the Indian villages in the region,
to cut up and destroy their corn and other products.
After a march of a few miles, the tioops under Payne came to
the Miami villages, at the forks of the Wabash, where, finding the
villages abandoned, the troops were ordered to cut up the corn and
destroy the vegetables in the field adjacent. At this point, says
M'Afee's account of the expedition,, was observed " the tomb of a
chief, built of logs, and bedaubed With clay." This chief " was laid
on his blanket, with his gun and his pipe by his side, a small tin
pan on his breast, containing a wooden spoon, and a number of ear
rings and brooches — all deemed necessary, no doubt, on his jour
ney to the other Avorld."
On the 16th of September, the body under Col. Wells had ad
vanced to the PottaAvattamie village, known as Five Medals, on the
Elkhart river, in what is now Elkhart county, near the town of
Goshen. Having crossed the river, about three miles above the
village, and formed in order of battle, "in a plain, thinly timbered,"
the division advanced to the right and left of the village, and then
surrounded it ; but, to the regret of all, the place was found de
serted, the Indians having abandoned it two days, before, leaving
behind considerable quantities of " corn, gathered and laid on scaf
folds to dry, Avith abundance of beans, potatoes, and other vegeta
bles, Avhich furnished an ample store of provisions for the men and
forage for the horses. This village was called Five Medals, from a
chief of that name, Avho made it big residence. On a pole, before

Destruction op the village of Five Medals. 227
the door of that chief, a red flag was hung, with a broom tied above
it ; and on another pole at the tomb of an old Avomen, a white flag
was flying. The body of the old Avoman was entire, sitting upright,
with her face towards the east, and a basket beside her, containing
trinkets, such as owl and hawk bills and claws, a variety of bones,
and bunches of roots tied together ; all of which indicated that she
had been revered as a sorceress. In one of the huts was found a
morning report of one of Hull's Captains, also a Liberty Hall
newspaper, printed at Cincinnati, containing an account of General
Harrison's army. Several coarse bags, Avhich appeared to have
contained shot, and pieces of boxes with London and Maiden printed
on them, were also picked up in the cabin ; which proved that these
Indians were intimately connected Avith the British, and had been
furnished with information by some one, perhaps, in our own- coun
try. This village, with some seventy acres of corn, was destroyed,
and the same evening the army, on its return march, reached the
Elkhart river ; and after a most fatiguing march, for those on foot,
and from the effects of which one man died soon after'the return of
the division, the ar.my arrived again at the fqrt on the 18th, a few
hours after the body under Payne had returned."*
On the day previous to the return of these diAdsions, (17th), Col.
Simrall, with a regiment of dragoons, armed with muskets, and
numbering some three hundred and twenty men ; also a company
of mounted riflemen, under Col. Farrow, from Montgomery county,
Ky., had arrived at the fort ; and on the same evening of the return
of the divisions under Payne and Wells, Gen. Harrison sent them
to destroy Little Turtle Town, some twenty miles northwest of the
fort, with orders not to molest the buildings formerly erected by
the United States, for the benefit of Little Turtle, whose friendship
for the Americans had ever been firm after the treaty of Greenville.
Colonel Simrall most faithfully performed the task assigned him,
and on the evening of the 19th, returned to the fort.
In addition to these movements, General Harrison took the pre
caution to remove all the undergrowth in the locality surrounding
the fort, extending towards the confluence of the St. Joseph and St.
Mary, to where now stands Budisill's mill, and westward as far as
St. Mary, to the point where now stands the Fort Wayne College,
thence south-east to about the point of the residence of the late
Allen Hamilton, and to the east doAvn the Maumee a short distance.
And so well cleared was the ground, including a very large part
of the entire limits of the present site of the city of Fort Wayne,
that it was said by those who Avere here at that early day and to a
later period, a sentinel " ou the bastions of the fort, looking Avest-
ward, could see a rabbitt running across the grounds as far as so
small an object was discernable to tho naked eye."
The seclusive points were thus cut off, and the Indians now had
no longer any means of concealing their approach upon the fort;
•M'Afca.

228 History of Fort Wayne.
and the scene thus presented by the destruction of the underbrush,
including many trees, of some groAvth, was said to have been quite
imposing indeed. Some thirty or forty acres, of wnat is now the Cole
farm, extending to the junction of the rivers, and just opposite the
Maumee, was then known as the Public Meadow, which, of course,
was then, as it bad long before been, a considerable open space.
The soldiers Avere thus readily enabled to observe the approach
of any hostile movement against the fort, and to open the batteries,
Avith formidable effect, upon any advance that might be made
against the garrison, from any direction.
General Harrison now made an official report of transactions here
to the War Department ; and about the 19th of September, Briga
dier-general James Winchester arrived at the Fort, with a view of
taking command of the first division of Kentucky troops, which had
early marched to reinforce the northAvestern army.
General Winchester had seen service in the revolutionary strag
gle, as an officer of distinction, and at this period was somewhat
advanced in years. Was a man of some wealth, and resided in the
State of Tennessee, Avhere he is said to have " lived many years in
a degree of elegant luxury and ease, Avhich was not calculated to
season him for a northern campaign in the forest."
General Harrison was ever a favorite with the soldiers, and there
was probably no man in the country at this period Avho could com
mand a greater amount of esteem from the masses, or Avho could
move at the head of an army with greater confidence and regard
from the soldiers under him, both officers and privates, than he
could ; and when General Winchester arrived, it Avas soon un
derstood that he was to take command of the forces. This pro
duced much uneasiness among the troops, not that Winchester was
by any means an inferior officer, but that Harrison was the favorite ;
and the boys wanted him to lead them. Indeed, so great was the
aversion to the change, that many of the militia were disposed not
to be under his command ; and it was with much difficulty that
General Harrison*" and the field officers succeeded in reconciling
them to the change of officers.
As it is a matter most essential that all raAV troops should
have the largest confidence in their commander, so the militia, at
this particular juncture of affairs, needed the greatest confidence in
their commanding-general, and much of this "was unfortunately lost
to the men by a change of general officers.
The men being at length prevailed on to march under General
Winchester, with the confident befief that Gen. Harrison would
sooner or later be reinstated, and again assume command of them,
* Says M'Afee : " The troops had confidently expected, that General Harrison would
Sie continued in the command ; and by this time he had completely secured the confi
dence of every soldier in the army. He was affable and comteoun in his manners, and
indefatigable in his attention to every branch of business. His soldiers seem to antici
pate the wishes of the general; it was only necessary'to be known thathe wished some
thing done, and all wm1 anxious to risk their lives in its accomplishment."

Movements of the Army under Gen. Winchester. 229
on the 19th of September, the command of the troops, by ,1 gen
eral order, at the fort, were transferred to General Winchester,
placing " any part of the infantry which he miglit deem necessary
to the extension of his plans, at his disposal."
The same evening, after the issuance of this order, Gen. Harri
son started on his return, toAvards Piqua, to take command of the
forces collecting in the rear; and to arrange for a mounted expedi
tion against Detroit — intending thus to make a coup de main on
that point, marching by Avay of a route but little known, from Fort
Wayne, up the St. Joseph, from thence to the head waters of the
river Raisin. These troops consisted of three regiments from Ken
tucky, under Barbee, Payne, and Jennings ; three companies of
mounted riflemen from the same State, under Captains Roper, Ba
con, and Clarke ; also a corps of mounted men from Ohio, who had
rendezvoused at Dayton on the 15th, in obedience, to a prior call
by Governors Meigs and Harrison, Avhich they had made early in
September, intending to employ them against some Indian towns,
the corps being commanded by Col. Findley, who had again en
tered the service since the surrender of GeneralHull at Detroit. '
On the 20th General Harrison met the mounted men and the
regiment of Jennings at St. Mary's (Girty Town), the remainder of
the infantry being still further in the rear. The General having
left word at the fort here for Johnson's battalion and Col. Simrall's
dragoons, which Avere not included in General Winchester's com
mand, to return to St. Mary's as early as possible, Major Johnson,
on the morning of the 20th, in accordance therewith, took up his
line of march, and after an advance of some twenty miles, was met
by orders from General Harrison to return to Fort Wayne again,
aud there await further orders, with his dragoons, which was
promptly complied with, excepting ensign Wm. Holton, with about
twenty-five men of Captain Ward's company, who, refusing to obey
orders, started to return home, to Kentucky. The next evening,
tli"e remainder of the corps under Johnson reached Fort Wayne
again. General Winchester had now removed his camp to the forks of
the Maumee; and early on the 22d of September, be moved doAvn
the north side of that stream, over very nearly the same route as
that bv which General Wayne's army had reached the Miami vil
lages in 1794, intending to go as far as Fort Defiance, at the mouth
ofthe Auglaize, with a view of forming a junction there with the
infantry in the rear, who Avere to come from the St. Marys, by way
ofthe Auglaize,
Before leaving the forks of the Maumee, Winchester issued the
following order :
"The front guard in three lines, two deep in the road, and in Indian files on the
flunks at distances of fifty and one hundred yards, as the ground will admit A fatigue
party to consist of one captain, one ensign, two sergeants, and two corporals, with fit, y
men, will follow the front guard for the purpose of o, enmg the road. The remainder
ofthe infantry to march on the flanks in the following order : colonels Wells and Al-

230 History of Fort Wayne.
len's regiments on the right, and Lewis and Scott's on the left. The general and brig
ade baggage, commissaries and quartermasters' stores, immediately in the rear of the
fatigue party. The cavalry in the following order: captain Garrard and twenty of his
men to precede the guard in front, and equally divided at the head of each line ; a
lieutenant and eighteen men in the rear of the whole army and baggage; the balance of
the cavalry equally divided on the flanks or the flank lines. The regimental baggage
wagons will fall according to the respective ranks of their commanding officers. The
officers commanding'corps previous to their marching will examine carefully the arms
and ammunition of their respective corps, and see that they are in good order. They
will also be particularly careful, that the men do not waste their cartridges. No loaded
muskets are to be put in the wagons. One half of the fatigue party is to work at a
time, and the others will carry their arms. The wagon master will attend to loading
the wagons, and see that the various articles are put in, in good order, and that each
wagon and team carry a reasonable load. The hour of march will be 9 o'clock this
morning. The ofiicer of the day is charged with this order. The line of battle will be
the same as that of General Harrison in his last march to Fort Wayne."
The March down the Maumee was continued with great precau
tion, and the camp strongly fortified every night, advancing only
about five and six miles each day. Not many miles had been
gained before a party of Indians were discovered, and the signs
were strong that there were many more in the region. A volunteer
company of spies having previously been organized, under Captain
Ballard, Lieutenant Harrison Munday, of the rifle regiment, and
Ensign Liggett, of the 17th U. S. Infantry, they were usually kept
in advance to reconnoiter the country. On the 25th, Ensign Lig
gett having obtained permission to proceed as far as Fort Defiance,
he was accompanied by four men of McCracken's company, from
Woodford, Kentucky. Late that evening, while preparing some
food, they were discovered by a Frenchman and eight Indians, who
surprised them, with a demand to surrender, being postively as
sured that they would not be hurt, and also be permitted to wear
their arms till they entered the British camp. With these condi
tions, says M'Afee's account,* they surrendered ; but the Indians
and Frenchman, as they walked on, concocted, in their OAvn lan
guage, and executed the following plan for their destruction : Five
of the Indians, each having marked his victim, walked behind and
on one side of the men, and, at a given signal, fired upon them.
Four of them fell dead — Liggett only escaped the first fire — he
sprung to a tree, but was shot also Avhile raising his gun to his
face. Next day, Captain Ballard, with a part of his company, be
ing in advance, discovered the dead bodies, and a party of Indians
watching near them. He formed his men for action, with the Mau
mee on his right; but not liking his position, and perceiving that
the Indians were too strong for him, he fell back two hundred
yards, and formed in a stronger position. The enemy supposing
he had fled, filed off from their right flauk, intending to surround
him on his left, and cut off his retreat. He heard them pass by on
his left Avithout discovering him, and then filed off by the left in
their rear, and by a circuitous route arrived safe at the camp.
Lieutenant Munday, with another part of the spies, presently hap
pened at the same place, and discovering some Indians, who still
* " Hie. Late War in Western Country,'' page 135 to page 152.

Defeat of plan to Massacre Forts Wayne and'Harrison. 231
remained there, formed his men and charged upon them, at the
same time saluting them with their OAvn yell. They fled precipi
tately, and Munday, on discovering their superior numbers, took
advantage of their panic to retreat himself. Next 'morning, the
27th, Captain Ballard, with the spies and Captain Garrard's troop
of horse, accompanied by Major Woolfork, aid to the general, and
some other volunteers, went forward to bury the- dead. The In
dians were still in ambush ; but Captain Ballard expecting it, ap
proached them in a different direction, so as to disconcert their
plans. He attacked them with a brisk fire, and Captain Garrard
immediately ordered a charge, on which they fled in every direc
tion, leaving trails of blood from their killed and wounded.
These Indians were the advance of an army destined to attack
Fort Wayne, consisting of 200 regulars under Major Muir, with
four pieces of artillery, and about 1000 Indians, commanded by
Elliott. They had brought their baggage and artillery by water
to old Fort Defiance, at the mouth of the Auglaize, where they
had left their boats and were advancing up the south side of
the Maumee towards Fort Wayne.
Upon the approach of Winchester, they threw their cannon into
the river, together with their fixed ammunition, and retreated in
great haste. Gen, Winchester did not pursue them.
And thus the original plan of the British authorities, at Detroit
and Maiden, to take the posts of Forts Wayne and Harrison, then
to give them up^> massacre, and to turn about 1500 Indians loose
upon the frontier, to kill and lay waste, had now come to defeat.

CHAPTER XIX.
Again upon the march, 'mid scenes of renown —
On, with heroic valor, to bloody Frenchtown,
******* Whe'-e brave Allen fell.

Situation of Fort Harrison — Thestratagem for its capture — The Indians, men, women,
and children, gathered there in large numbers — They ask for food, and desire to
be admitted into the fort — One of the block-houses fired — The Indians open fire
upon the fort — A critical moment — Two men, of the fort, scale the picketing — One
of them killed, the other wounded — Retreat of the Indians — The garrison repaired
— Captain Taylor prepares for a siege — Scarcity of lood — A messenger succeeds in
passing the Indian lines at night. — Capt. Taylor breveted for his bravery — His
force but 50 men — Force of the Indians large — The Indians exasperated at their
defeat — They leave the locality of Fort Harrison for the " Pigeon-Roost settle
ment " — Two men killed when within two miles of the settlement — The settlement
surprised — ; Che massacre — 23 men, women, and children k^led in a few minutes
— A few only make their escape — The alarm given by thosBiaking their escape —
A party reaches the scene of the massacre— The buildings burned, and the bodie*
mainly consumed by the flames — Burial, in one grave, of the remains — Trail of,the
Indians — Dangers and sufferings of the pioneers — Zebulun Collings' account —
Regiments of Kentucky — Recruits of the regular army ordered to the frontier —
Transportation of supplies — report of General Harrison — A movement against the
British — Logan, the Shawanoe half-breed, sent to take observations — He and his
part}' overpowered — Their retreat to the camp of Gen. Winchester — Logan sus
pected of being in complictity with the enemy — Logan's feelings greatly wound
ed — -He resolves to prove himself true — Logan and his attendants move again —
" A prisoner or a scalp" — They meet a superior party — Stratagem of Logan — A
detachment sent against the Indians on the Mississiniwa — A sharp encounter — Loss
and flight of the Indians — Tecumseh in the region — Return of the detachment —
Privations of the army — The government and people restless — Advance of Gen.
Winchest.er-7-Movement of troops under Lewis and Allen upon Frenchtown — The
British prepare for an attack — Their advance and attack — The Americans over
powered — Terrible slaughter —Ferocity and barbarity of the Indians — Capture of
Gen. Winchester — Bravery and death of Col. John Allen — Great valor of Majors
Graves and Madison — Their refusal to surrender to Gen. Proctor — Horrible
slaughter of the -pounded by the Indians — Many burned alive — Movements of
General Harrison for the relief of the sufferers at Frenchtown — Confinement of Gen.
Winchester, Col. Lewis, and Major M.'idison at Quebec — Sad feeling of the country
at the disaster of Frenchtown — Renewed efforts, and heavy reinforcements to the
army of Harrison. ,  o 
'•HILE the garrison here is on the look-out for the wily
foe that had now begun to prowl about again, occasionally
^a> visiting the fort in the guise of friendship, and the north-
Avustern troops are engaged in active preparations for au
advance on Detroit, the attention of the reader is turned again

Defknsk of Fort Harrison. 233
in the direction of the Wabash and Fort Harrison. Capt. Zachary
Taylor Avas in command of this fort at this period. Sratagem, to
the time of the siege here, had well-nigh assumed an epidemical
form with the different tribes. It was an ancient artifice. It had
often been resorted to as a means of success, and seldom failed in
its operations, if cautiously engineered. Occasionally, however, a
Gladwyn, a Harrison, or a Johnson was met by the Indians, in their
purposes and plans, and then, after a desperate effort, they usually
came to defeat.
On the 3d of September, a body of Winnebagoes and Kickapoos,
men, women, and children, had gathered about Fort Iiarrison, and
desired, as on many similar occasions, at other points, to be admit
ted into the fort, with the pretense of holding a council — insisting,
also, that they were greatly in need of food.
Two men having been killed on the 2d, Capt. Taylor at once sus
pected their designs, and giving them something to eat, refused to
admit them. But this did not suffice. They continued to loiter
about the fort, still insisting upon their friendship. On the night of
the 4th, their designs were made fully manifest. Setting fire to one
ofthe block-houses, a large number of warriors, who had been con
cealed near by, now opened a brisk fire upon the fort, which was
readily returned by the garrison. Several desperate charges were
made by the Indians, in which an effort was made to fire the fort
in several places, and then to enter by the breach ; but they were
bravely repulsed^ind entirely defeated at every side. "So critical
and alarming Avas the situation of the garrison," says M'Afee, " that
two of the men jumped over the picketing, preferring the chance
of escape through the ranks of the enemy, to the prospect of being
burnt or massacred in the fort ; one of Avhorn was killed, and the
other retreated back to the walls of the fort after being wounded,
and concealed himself behind some old barrels till the next morn
ing, AAdien the Indians retreated, though still hovering about within
view of the fort for seven or eight days a/terwards."
The garrison was now repaired and strengthened, and Captain
Taylor prepared himself for a regular siege. The destruction of
the block-house, in which were stored the provisions of the fort,
Avas severely felt, as it exposed the men to the rigors -of hunger in
the lack of food. During the siege but three men had been killed,
and about that number wounded. A small amount of corn, raised
near the fort, was their only reliance for food for several days ;
while an effort to dispatch a messenger to Vincennes seemed out
of the question, until, at length, a messenger succeeded in passing
the Indian encampment at night.
For his valiant conduct in defending the fort, Captain Taylor re
ceived much praise, and Avas therefor soon after breveted a major.
His force in the garrison did not exceed fifty men, many of Avhom
were sick. The force of the enemy was quite large, comprising

234 History of Fort Wayne.
about all the Indians that could, at that time, be collected in that
part of the country.
Greatly perplexed and exasperated at their failure, a large part
of the Indians engaged against Fort Harrison, now soon started for
a little settlement, known as " the Pigeon Roost settlement," at the
fork of White river, in what is now Scott county, in this State. This
settlement was founded in 1809 ; embraced an opening of about one
square mile, and was about five miles distant from any other set
tlement. When within about two miles of the settlement, the In
dians discovered two men of the same, who were hunting bee trees.
These were killed, and then moving forward to the settlement, they •
surprised and massacred, in a few moments, twenty-three men, wo
men, and children, a few only succeeding in making their escape.
" The children," says M'Afee, " had their brains knocked out against
trees," etc.
A large party now soon collected, and repaired to the scene of
the massacre, where the bodies, many of them partially consumed
in the flames of the ruined buildings, were collected together, and
buried in one grave.
Many of the Indians engaged in this massacre, were Shawanoes,
and their trail was followed for several miles, in the direction ofthe
Delaware towns, at the head of White river, but without success.
A Mr. Zebulun Collings, who resided about six miles from the
Pigeon-Roost settlement, thus relates the dangers and vicissitudes
under which he proscuted his farm labors, and lived from day to
day during much of those early times, which will doubtless also
serve as an example of the hardships and dangers of most of the
pioneers of those early days. Says he : " The manner in which I
used to work, in those perilous timps, was as follows : On all oc
casions I carried my rifle, tomahawk, and butcher-knife, with a
loaded pistol in my belt. When I went to plow, 1 laid my gun on
the plowed ground, and stuck up a stick by it, for a mark, so that I
could get it quick in case it was wanted. I had two good dogs. I
took one into the house, leaving the other out. The one outside
was expected to give the alarm, which would cause the one inside
to bark, by which I would be awakened, having my arms always
loaded. I kept my horses in a stable, close to the house, having a
port-hele, so that I could shoot to the stable door. During two years
I never went from home with any certainty of returning — not know
ing the minute I might receive a ball from an unknown hand ; but
in the midst of all these dangers, that God who never sleeps nor
slumbers, has kept me."
The regiments of Colonels Wilcox, Miller, and Barbour, of the
Kentucky militia, were now on their march to Vincennes, but they
did not arrive in time to meet the Indians at Fort Harrison. Col.
Russell being advised of its critical situation, collected some com
panies of rangers and Indiana militia, and, by forced marches, ar
rived there on the 13th, to the great joy of the garrison, who were

Transportation of Supplies. 235
in a starving condition. Several wagons with provisions were now
ordered up to the fort, under an escort of 13 men, commanded by
lieutenant Fairbanks, of the regulars. After Colonel Russell had
met and passedthis party on his return, they were surprised and
literally cut to pieces by the Indians, two or three only escaping.
Major M'Gary, with a battalion of Colonel Barbour's regiment, was
at the same time on his way with provisions for the garrison ; and
being reinforced with some companies of Russell's rangers, they
arrived in safety at the fort, having buried the mangled remains of
the regulars on their way. In the Illinois and Missouri Territories,
depredations had also been committed by the Indians. Governor
EdAvards, of the Illinois Territory, had been very attentive to these
matters. He had sent spies into the Indian country, by whom he
had ascertained, that they were greatly elated with their success
and the prospect of driving the white people over the Ohio river,
and were determined to carry on a desperate war against the fron
tiers in the month of September. To meet the emergency, he had
called, under authority from the war department, on the governor
of Kentucky for a regiment of men ; and Colonel Barbour's regi
ment had been ordered by Governor Shelby to march to Kaskas
kia; but General Gibson, the acting governor of Indiana, ordered it
to Vincennes when Fort Harrison was in danger, conceiving that he
was authorized to take such a step, as the lieutenant of Governor
Harrison, who was commander-in-chief of all the forces in those
Territories. Governor Edwards, though deprived of this aid, made
'vigorous exertions to defend his settlement. He embodied a portion
of the militia, which he held in readiness to act whenever danger
might present. Several companies of rangers were also encamped
on the Mississippi, above St. Louis, and on the Illinois river. These
troops served to keep the savages in check in those regions.*
General Harrison continued his headquarters at Franklinton and
Delaware, for the most part employing himself in the superintend
ence of supplies, and early in October he ordered " all the recruits
of the regular army in the western States to be marched to the
frontiers. For several months the army was now chiefly engaged in the
transportation of supplies over the different routes they had, or
were sooner or later to, march. In this relation many difficulties
arose, which were most fully set forth by General Harrison at the
time, in his report to the President and war department. On the
22d of October, he said : "lam not able to fix any period .for the
advance of the troops to Detroit. It is pretty evident, that it can
not be done, on proper principle, until the frost shall become so se
vere as to enable us to use the rivers and the margin of the lake,
for the transportation of the baggage on the ice. To get supplies
forward, through a swampy wilderness of near two hundred miles,
in wagons or on packhorses, which are to carry their own provis-
* M'Afee.

236 History of Fort Wayne.
ions, is absolutely impossible? The object, said he, " can be ac
complished by using the margin of the lake as above mentioned, if
the troops are provided with warm clothing, and the winter is such
as it commonly is in this climate." " No species of supplies are
calculated on being found in the Michigan Territory. The farms
upon the river Raisin, which might have afforded a quantity of
forage, are nearly all broken up and destroyed. This article, then,
as well as the provisions for the men, is to be taken from this State
— a circumstance which must at once put to rest every idea for a
land conveyance at this season — since it would require at least two
wagons with forage, for each one that is loaded with provisions and
other articles."
The most important events, of a military character, that had
transpired, up to the 22d of November, were a somewhat success
ful, though perilous movement upon a party of British and Indians
at the Rapids, by a small body of troops under General Tupper,
wherein the former were mainly put to flight, but after the retreat
of the British and many of the Indians, — a few of Tupper's men
having unthoughtedly given chase to a number of hogs for a dis
tance of half a mile from the main body, — four of them were killed
by the Indians. The British and Indians now fell back upon the
river Raisin.
Soon after this movement, Capt. James Logan, the faithful Shaw-
a-noe chief, mentioned in a previous chapter, in connection with
the army in its efforts to succor the fort here, in the early part of
September, by orders from General Harrison, had proceeded with'
a small number of his tribe, to make observations in the direction
of the Rapids. Having met and been closely pursued by a supe
rior force, when near that point, he and his men Avere obliged to
disperse and retreat; and Logan, with but two of his comrades —
Capt. John and Bright-Horn — succeeded in reaching the camp of
Gen. Winchester, where he faithfully recounted Avhat had occurred.
There were some persons in the camp, however, who suspected him
of having been in complicity with the enemy, and so intimated,
greatly to the displeasure and mortification of Logan, who at once
determined to reftlte the charge by a still further manifestation of
his fidelity to the American cause.
Accordingly, on the 22d of November, accompanied by Capt.
John and Bright-Horn, he started a second time in the direction of
the Rapicls, resolved to bring in a prisoner or a scalp. Having
proceeded down the north side of the Maumee, about ten miles,
they met with a British officer, the eldest son of Col. Elliott, and five
Indians. Four of them being on horseback, and too strong for
them, and having no chance of escape, Logan at once determined
to pass them under the pretense of friendship and a desire to com
municate to the British certain information. With this determina
tion, they confidently advanced to the party, one of whom proved
to be Winnemac, the Pottawattamie chief, with Avhom the reader

Death of Logan, the Shawanoe Guide and Spy. 237
is already familiar, who unfortunately knew Logan well, and was
fully aware of his regard for and adherance to the Ameriean cause.
But, nevertheless, Logan persisted in his first course, telling them
he was on his Avay to communicate Avith the British. After a con
versation of some time Avith them, they moved toward the British
lines, whereupon Winnemac and his companions turned and fol
lowed them, desiring to accompany them thither. As they trav-
, eled on together, says M'Afee, AVinnemac and#his party closely
watched the others, and when they had proceeded about eight
miles, he proposed to tho British officer to seize and tie them. The
ofiicer replied that they Avere completely in his power ; that if they
attempted to run, they c6uld be shot; or failing in that, the horses
could easily run them down. This consultation was overheard by
Logan; he had previously intended to go on peaceably till night,
and then make his escape ; but he now formed the bold design of
extricating himself by a combat Avith double his number.
Having signified his resolution to his men, he commenced the at
tack by shooting down Winnemac himself. The action lasted till
they had fired three rounds apiece, during Avhich time, Logan and
his brave companions drove the enemy some distance, and separa
ted them from their horses. By the first fire, both Winnemac and
Elliott fell ; by the second a young Ottawa chief lost his life ; and
another of the enemy was mortally wounded about the conclusion
of the combat, at which time Logan himself, as he was stooping
down, received a ball just below the breast bone; it ranged down
wards and lodged under the skin on his back. In the mean time,
Bright-Horn Avas also wounded, by a ball Avhich passed through his
thigh. As soon as Logan was shot, he ordered a retreat ; himself
and Bright-Horn, wounded as they were, jumped on the horses of
the enemy and rode to Winchester's camp, a distance of twenty
miles in five hours. Captain John, after taking the scalp of the
Ottawa chief, also retreated in safety and arrived at the camp next
morning. Logan had now rescued his character, as a brave and faithful
soldier, from the obloquy which had unjustly been thrown upon
him. But he preserved his honor at the expense of the next best
gift of Heaven — his life. His wound proved mortal. He lived
two days in agony, which he bore with uncommon fortitude, and
died with the utmost composure and resignation. " More firmness
and consummate bravery has seldom appeared on the military
theatre," said Winchester, in his letter to the commanding general.
"He was buried with all the honors due to his. rank, and with sor
row as sincerely and generally displayed, as I ever witnessed,"
said Major Hardin, in a letter to Governor Shelby. His physiog
nomy was formed on the best model, and exhibited the strongest
marks of courage, intelligence, good humor and sincerity. It was
said by the Indians, that the British had offered one hundred and
fifty dollars for his scalp. He had been very serviceable to our

238 History of Fort Wayne.
cause by acting as a guide and spy. He had gone with General
Hull to Detroit, and with the first Kentucky troops, who marched
to the relief of Fort Wayne.
Captain Logan, it will be remembered, had been taken prisoner
by General Logan, of Kentucky, in the year 1786, when he was a
youth. Before the treaty of Greenville, he had distinguished him
self as a warrior, though still very young. His mother was a sister
to the celebrated fecumseh and the Prophet. He stated, that, in
the summer preceding his death, he had talked one whole night
with Tecumseh, and endeavored to persuade him to remain at peace,
while Tecumseh, on the contrary, endeavored to engage him in the
war on the side of the British. His wife, when she was young, had
also been taken prisoner by Colonel Hardin, in 1789, and had re
mained in the family till the treaty of Greenville. In the army he
had formed an attachment for Major Hardin, the son ofthe colonel,
and son-in-law of General Logan, and now requested him to see
that the money due for his services was faithfully paid to his family.
He also requested, that his family might be removed immediately
to Kentucky, and his children educated and brought up in tbe man
ner of the white people. He observed that he had killed a great
chief; that the hostile Indians kneAV where his family lived, and
that when he was gone, a few base fellows might creep up and de
stroy them.
Major Hardin having promised to do everything in his power
to have the wishes of his friend fulfilled, immediately' obtained per
mission from the general to proceed with Logan's little corps of In
dians to the village of Wapoghconata, where his family resided.
When they came near the village, the scalp of the Ottawa chief
was tied to a pole, to be carried in triumph to the council house ; and
Captain John, when they came in sight of the town, ordered the
guns ofthe party to be fired in quick succession, on account of the
death of Logan. A council of the chiefs were presently held, in
which, after consulting two or three days, they decided against send
ing the family of their departed hero to Kentucky. They appeared
however to be fully sensible of the loss they had sustained, and
were sincerely grieved for his death.
About the time that Tupper's expedition to the Rapids was in exe
cution, General Harrison determined to send an expedition of
horsemen against the Miamies, assembled in the towns on the Mis-
sissiniwa river, a branch of the Wabash. A deputation of chiefs
from those Indians met General Harrison at St. Mary's, early in
October, and sued for peace — they agreed to abide by the decision
of the President, and in the meantime to send in five chiefs to be
held as hostages. / The President replied to the communication of
the general on this subject, that, as the disposition of the several
tribes Avould be known best by himself, he must treat them as their
conduct and the public interest might, in his judgment, require. The
hostages were never sent in, and further information of their in-

MOVEMENTS'ON THE MlSSISSINlWA. 239
tended hostility was obtained. If At the time of their peace mission,
they Avere alarmed by the successful movements which had been
made against other tribes from Fort Wayne, and by the formidable
expedition which was penetrating their country under General
Hopkins. But the failure of that expedition was soon afterwards
known to them, and they determined to continue hostile. A white
man by the name of William Connor, who had resided many years
with the Delawares, and had a wife among them, but who was
firmly attached to the American cause iu this war, was sent to the
towns to watch the movements of the Miamies. He visited the vil
lages on the Mississiniwa river, and was present at several of their
councils. The question of war with the United States and union .
with the British was warmly debated, and there was much division
among the chiefs, but the war party at last prevailed. Tlie pres
ence and intrigues of Tecumseh, and afterwards the retreat of Gen
eral Hopkins, rendered them nearly unanimous for war.
To avert the evils of their hostility, was the object of the expedi
tion against Mississiniwa. Said Harrison : " The situation of this-
town, as it regards one line of operations, even if the hostility of
, the inhabitants was less equivocahjwould render a measure of this
kind highly proper ; but from the circumstance of General Hop-
kin's failure, it becomes indispensable. Relieved from the fears
excited by the invasion of their country, the Indians from the upper
part of the Illinois river, and to the south of Lake Michigan, will
direct all their efforts against Fo'rt Wayne and the convoys which
are to follow the left wing of the army. Mississiniwa will be their
rendezvous, where they will receive provisions and every assistance
they may require for any hostile enterprise. From that place they
can, by their runners, ascertain the period at which every convoy
may set out from St. Mary's, and with certainty intercept it on its
wa*y to the Miami (Maumee) Rapids. But that place being broken
up, and the provisions destroyed, there will be nothing to subsist
any body "of Indians, nearer than the Potawatamie towns on the
• waters of the St. Josephs of the Lake."
This detachment numbered about six hundred mounted men,
armed with rifles. They left Franklinton on the 25th of November,
by Avay of Dayton and Greenville ; and reached the Indian towns
on the Mississiniwa towards the middle of December, suffering
much with the cold. In a rapid charge upon the first village, eight
warriors were killed, and forty-two taken prisoners, consisting of
men, women and children. About half an hour before day, the
morning following this charge, the detachment was attacked by the
¦ Indians, and after a sharp but short encounter, with a loss of eight
killed, and forty-eight wounded, several of whom*afterwards died,
the enemy, despairing of success, fled precipitately, with a heavy
loss. Learning from a prisoner that Tecumseh was within eighteen
Miles of them, Avith a body of six hundred warriors, with the num-

240 History of Fort Wayne.
ber of wounded then to be cared for, it was deemed advisable to
return, and the detachment, having previously destroyed the towns
they had- approached, together with all the property therein, started
upon their return march, and reached Dayton during the early part
of January.
"The good effect, of the expedition was so,on felt," says M'Afee.
" It let us distinctly know Avho were our friends and who were our
enemies among the Indians."
The winter being severe, and unfavorable to transportation, the
army suffered many privations for the want of a sufficiency of pro
visions and clothing.
Though General Harrison had repeatedly presented the many
difficulties attendant upon a movement, at this period, against De
troit and other points, the government and people Avere yet restless,
and a continued anxiety was manifest for a forward march against
the British.
On the lOthof January, 1813, General Winchester, having previ
ously received orders to advance towards the British lines, reached
the Rapids, preceded by a detachment of six hundred and seventy
men, under General Payne, who had been ordered to attack a party
of Indians gathered in an old fortification at Swan Creek.
A large stone house was now built within • the encampment, at
the Rapids, to secure the provisions and baggage. A consider
able quantity of corn was also gathered in the fields, and apparatus
for pounding and sifting it being made, it suppplied the troops
Avith very wholesome bread.* -
It now soon became apparent that an attack was meditated by
the British upon the forces under Winchester, they having heard,
through some Indians, of the advance of the army.
On the morning of the 17th, General Winchester detached Col.
Lewis, with five hundred and fifty men, for the river Raisin ; and a
few hours later, Lewis' detachment was followed by one hundred
and ten more under Col. Allen. On the morning of this day Gen.
Winchester also sent a message to General Harrison, acquainting
him with the movements made, and desiring a reinforcement, in
case of opposition in an effort to possess and hold Freaohtown.f
With this express was also sent word that four hundred Indians
Avere at the river Raisin, and that Elliott was expected from -Mai-
don, Avith a detachment destined to attack the camp at the Rapids.
Early on the morning of the 19th, the messenger reached and
acquainted General Harrison with the word sent by General Win
chester ; upon which he Ordered another detachment to proceed at
once to the Rapids, with which he also proceeded, whither he ar
rived on the morning of the 20th.
In the meantime, on the 18th, tho troops under Lewis and Allen,
who had proceeded towards the river Raisin, with a vieAV of occu-
* M'Afee.
t Which was situated between Presque'Isle and Maiden.

Engagement at Frenchtown, and Death of Col. Allen. 241

pying Frenchtown, had been attacked by the enemy, who were
driven back with considerable loss, leaving the town in the posses
sion of Allen and Lewis' troops.
This movement was soon communicated to Gen. Winchester, at
the Rapids, who at once set out, with a small body of men, for the
relief of the forces at FrenchtoAvn, and arrived at the river Raisin
on the 20th. The British, from Maiden, were now preparing to re
new the attack of the 18th, and, on the night of the 21st, had ad
vanced, unobserA^ed, to a point very near the lines of Lewis and
Allen's forces, who had, since the former engagement, been joined
by Gen. Winchester, with two hundred and fifty men.
Early on the morning of the 22d, the British, with a large body
of Indians, having approached Avithin about three hundred yards
of the American lines, began to open a heavy charge of cannon
and musketry upon them, and soon succeeded in nearly surround
ing them.
The Americans fought bravely, but were soon overpowered, and
an indiscriminate slaughter was begun by the Indians. "In their
confusion and dismay," the Americans " attempted to pass a long'
narrow lane, through which the road passed from the village. The
Indians were on both sides, and shot them down in every direction.
A large party, which had gained the wood, on the right, were sur
rounded and massacred without distinction, nearly one hundred
men being tomahawked within the distance of one hundred yards.
The most horrible destruction overwhelmed the fugitives in every
direction. " Captain Simpson was shot and tomahawked at the edge of the
woods, near the mouth of the lane. Colonel Allen,* though Avound
ed in his thigh, attempted to rally his men several times, entreating
them to halt and sell their lives as dearly as possible. He had
escaped about two miles, when, at length, wearied and exhausted,
snd disdaining perhaps to survive the defeat, he sat down on a log,
determined to meet his fate. An Indian chief, observing him to be
an officer of distinction, was anxious to take him prisoner. As
soon as he came near the Colonel, he threw his gun across his lap,
and told him in the Indian language to surrender, and he should be
safe. Another savage having, at the same time, advanced with a
hostile appearance, Colonel Allen, by one stroke with his sword,
laid him dead at his feet. A third Indian, who was near him, had
then the honor of shooting one of the first and greatest citizens of
Kentucky. Captain Mead, of the regular army, who had fought by
the side of Colonel Daveiss, Avhen he fell in the battle of Tippecanoe,
was killed where the action commenced. Finding that the situation
of the corps was rendered desperate by the approach of the enemy,
he gave orders to his men—" My brave follows," (cried he,) " charge
upon them;" and a moment afterwards he wasno more.
*Mentioned in a preceding chapter as the person after whom Allen County was
named. C1^)

242 History of Fort Wayne.
"A party with Lieutenant Garrett, consisting of fifteen or twenty
men, after retreating about a mile and a half, were compelled to
surrender, and were then all massacred, but the lieutenant himself.
Another -party of about thirty men had escaped near three miles,
when they were overtaken by the savages, and having surrendered,
about one-half of them were shot and tomahawked. In short, the
greater part of those who were in the retreat, fell a sacrifice to the
fury of the Indians. The snow was so deep, and the cold so intense,
that they were soon exhausted, and unable to elude their pursuers.
Gen. Winchester and Colonel Lewis, with a few more, were captur
ed at a bridge, about three-quarters of a mile from the village.
Their coats being taken from them, they were carried back to the
British lines, where Colonel Proctor commanded."*
A small party, under Majors Graves and Madison, having placed
themselves behind some picketing, where they maintained their
position and fought bravely, until an order, reported as coming from
General Winchester, was brought by Proctor, who was accompanied
by one of his aids, desiring them to surrender. Major Madison re
marked " that it had been customary for the Indians to massacre
the wounded and prisoners after a surrender, and that he would not
agree to any capitulation, which General Winchester might direct,
unless the safety and protection of his men were stipulated." To
which Proctor replied : " Sir, do you mean to dictate to me ? " " No,"
said Madison ; " I mean to dictate for myself, and we prefer selling
our lives as dearly as possible; rather than be massacred in cold
blood." Terms, embodying positive protection to all, having at length
been agreed upon, Madison surrendered, and his party reached
Maiden in safety. But the Indians soon returned to the scene of
disaster, and began an unmerciful slaughter of the wounded, strip
ping them, and even setting fire to the houses in which many of
them Avere sheltered, burning them with the buildings. About 300
Americans were in this way and in the struggle that preceded the
burning of the bodies, killed, and 547 taken prisoners.
Such was the sad fate of this expedition. Suoh was the merci
less spirit of British Avarfare at this period of our history. And the
unwillingness of the troops to advance from Fort Wayne at the
announcement of a change of general commanders, after the rescue
of the garrison here from the wily efforts of the besiegers, would
have seemed to have foreshadowed the terrible result of the engage
ment of Frenchtown.
General Harrison, on the morning of the 22d, (the news of Win
chester's attack having reached him at the Rapids,) ordered Per-
kin's brigade to proceed to his relief, and soon followed himself, in
the rear of some reinforcements under Payne, which he is said to
have soon overtaken. But they had not proceeded far, when they
were met by some men from the scene ot defeat, who readily told
*M'Afce,

Effects of the Defeat of Frenchtown. 243
the sad story of the fate that had befallen their comrades in arms:
But General Harrison was only nerved to push on with greater
speed. Soon again, however, after proceeding some distance to
wards the scene of disaster, another party was met, and, after a
council as to the wisdom and safety of proceeding further, it was
deemed proper to venture no nearer the scene of conflict and disas
ter, feeling assured that no succor could be rendered the victims of
the furious red men and merciless British opponents — that 'a fur
ther advancement would only tend to furnish more material for
massacre and defeat ; and so the main body returned to the Rapids.
General Winchester, Colonel Lewis, and Major Madison, were
finally sent to Quebec, where, and at Beaufort, they were confined
till the'spring of 1814.
The gloom that had spread over the country, at the receipt of the
news of the sad 'disaster to the flower of the Kentucky troops at
Frenchtown, was indeed great; but the people soon rallied again ;
and it was not long till large reinforcements began to swell the
ranks pf the regular army for a determined and vigorous effort
for the overthrow of British rule and future safety from Indian
atrocities.

CHAPTER XX.

" Upward, onward, in the battle,
******
_ Never resting, never weary, j\;
Till victory crowns the fight." y

.Situation of affairs after the slaughter of Frenchtown— H^avy draft on Kentucky^-
Efforts of the British — The importance of placing the Kentucky militia at foti
Wayne — The British commander determines to march the American army to Mon
treal — Advance of the British and Indians on Fort Meigs — The British again
occupy old Fort Miami, at the foot of the Rapids — Indians invest the American
camp — Gen. Harrison's address — Bombardment of Fort Meigs by the British —
Efforts of Tecumseh and the Prophet — Further movements of the British — Their
batteries silenced by the Americans — Reinforcements under Gen. Green Clay — Or
der to Gen. Clay, and its execution — Capture of Fort Miami — The Americans
overpowered, and many captured and killed — Orders not obeyed, and disaster
the result — Removal of American prisoners — Success of Gen. Dearborn at Fort
George, and evacuation of old Fort Miami by the British — Indians dissatisfied.

) FTER the terrible slaughter of Frenchtown, but little of great
1 importance occurred until the latter part of April, 1813. On
''the 16th of February, of this year, the Governor of Kentucky,
in compliance, with a law that had been recently passed- in that
State, had ordered a draft of three thousand men, to.be organ
ized into four regiments, under Colonels Dudley, Boswell, Cox, and
Caldwell, under the command of General Green Clay. As the sea
son advanced, it became evident that the British would soon make
an attack on the American lines at Fort Meigs ; and this was made
the more certain from the fact that the enemy had recently learned
the situation of affairs in the American army from a prisoner they
had taken.
This condition of affairs being communicated to the war depart
ment, " the propriety of calling out the balance of the Kentucky
draft, to be placed at Fort Wayne to keep the Indians in check, was
pressed on the attention of the government."*
Both the American and British armies now soon became active
in their movements against each other ; and the British commander
made bold to assert that he would march the northwestern army,
under Gen. Harrison, to Montreal by the first of June.
•M'Afee.

Investment of Fort Meigs by the British and Indians. 145
During the latter part of the month of April, the British had often
been seen, in small bodies, near Fort Meigs, by scouts sent out by
the commanding-general; and on the. 26th of April, the enemy's
advance was observed at the mouth of the bay, within a few miles
of Fort Meigs. On the 28th of April, as Captain Hamilton was
descending the Maumee, with a small reconnoitering party, he be
held the whole force of the British and Indians approaching within
a few miles of the fort.
The British now soon drew up at old Fort Miami, just beloAV the
scene _ of Wayne's engagement with the Indians, in 1794, on the
opposite side of the river, nearly fronting Fort Meigs, and began
at once to land and mount their guns, the Indians being at once
removed to the south-west side of the river, where they readily be
gan to invest the American camp — yelling and firing their muskets.
General Harrison was now most attentive and energetic in his
efforts ; and on the following morning, he addressed the troops in
language and feeling which had the effect to inspire all under him
with the largest courage and determination. Said he : " Can the
citizens of a free country, who have taken arms to defend its rights,
think of submitting to an army composed of mercenary soldiers,
reluctant Canadians^ goaded to the field by the bayonet, and of
wretched, naked savages ? Can the breast of an American soldier,
when he casts his eyes to the opposite shore, the scene of his coum
try's triumphs over the same foe, be influenced by any other feel
ings than the hope of glory? Is not this army composed of the
same materials with that which fought and conquered under the
immortal Wayne? Yes, fellow-soldiers, your general sees your
countenances beam with the same fire that he witnessed on that
glorious occasion ; and although it would be the height of presump
tion to compare himself to that hero, he boasts of being that hero's
pupil. To your posts, then, fellow-citizens, and remember that the
' eyes of your country are upon you."
About the first of May, the British having completed their batter-
teries, they commenced a heavy cannonading against fort Meigs,
which -was continued for five days, with but little effect. The
American batteries returned the fire with good effect, but with no
great amount of energy, not wishing to waste their balls and amu-
nition. Tecumseh and the Prophet, with a body of some six hundred In
dians, since the fatal affair of Frenchtown, (Tecumseh not having
been present at that engagement) had joined the British, and were
now most active in their efforts against the Americans.
About the time of the opening of the British batteries, General
Harrison had expected a* reinforcement under General Green Clay;
and when the movements of the British became fully apparent, Cap
tain Oliver, accompanied by a white man and an Indian, was sent
as a messenger to General Clay, with letters also for the Gover
nors of Ohio and Kentucky.

246 History op Fort Wayne.
Fears had been entertained that the enemy would at length make
an effort to g#in a nearer approach to the fort, from the opposite
side of the river, and there erect a battery ; which soon became
evident, and on the 3d, three field pieces and a howitzer were open
ed upon the American camp from a clump of bushes on the left,
but were soon hushed by a few eighteen pounders from the Ameri
can batteries. Changing their position, their batteries were again
opened upon the American camp, but with an air of mistrust arid
with but little effect. Says Colonel Wood, of the American forces :
" With a plenty of ammunition, we should have been able to have
blown John Bull almost from the Miami (Maumee .) * * * It
was extremely diverting to see with what pleasure and delight the
Indians would yell, whenever in their opinion considerable damage
Avas done in camp by the bursting of a shell. Their hanging about
the camp, and occasionally coming pretty near, kept our lines al
most constantly in a blaze of fire ; for nothing can please a Ken
tuckian better than to get a shot at an Indian — and he must be in
dulged." With a reinforcement of some twelve hundred Kentuckians, Gen
eral Clay soon drew near. Captain Oliver had met him at
Fort Winchester. General Harrison immediately sent an order to
General Clay, which was delivered by Captain Hamilton, request
ing him to detach " about 800 men from his brigade, and to land
them at a point he would direct, about a mile, or a mile and a half
above camp Meigs. I will then conduct tho detachment," con
tinues General Harrison, in this order, " to the British batteries on
the left bank of the river. The batteries must be taken, the cannon
spiked, and carriages cut doAvn ; and the troops must then return
to their boats and cross over to the fort. The balance of your men,"
said he, " must land on the fort side of the river, opposite the first
landing, and fight their way into the fort (Miami) through the Li-
dians." This order was readily complied with. " Colonel Dudley being
the oldest Colonel, led the van. As soon as Captain Hamilton had
delivered the orders, General Clay, who was in the thirteenth boat
from the front, directed him to go to Colonel Dudley, with orders
to take the twelve front boats and execute the plans iof General
Harrison on the left bank, and to post the subaltern with the canoe
on the right bank, as a beacon for his landing."*
Though somewhat " marred in the execution," yet the plans of
General Harrison proved a success; and after some effort, with
skillful manoeuvering, the point of attack was gained, and the
British flag cut down, to the infinite delight of the troops in the
American garrison above.
General Harrison, who had been watching, with great concern,
through his spy-glass, from a battery next to the river, the move
ments of the troops in the execution of this order, had discovered
the enemy approaching the fort below (Miami) by a route that
*M'Afee.

Re-oapture of Fort Miami, by the British. 247
would enable them to surprise the men under Dudley ; and at once
began to make signs for them to retreat to their boats, but without
success. The General finally sent a messenger to warn them of
their danger. Lieutenant Campbell undertook the mission ;¦ but he
could not reach them in time. A party of Indians had fired upon
the spies sent out, who were soon reinforced, by command of Colo
nel Dudley. Many of the men rushed rapidly forward in pursuit
of the Indians.- The left column still holding their position, were
now soon encountered by the British artillerists, largely reinforced,
who overpowered the Americans, capturing some at the battery,
while others fled to the boats. The Indians had also been reinforc
ed, and began their usual work of tomahawking, etc.
The greater part of the men were captured by the Indians or sur
rendered to the British. Colonel Dudley had received a wound,
and was finally tomahawked by the savages. The number that
escaped and regained the fort was less than two hundred. Had or
ders been strictly obeyed, which was not the case, says M'Afee,
"the day would certainly have been an important one for the
country." " The prisoners," says Colonel Wood, "Avere taken down to head
quarters, put into fort Miami, and the Indians permitted to garnish
the surrounding rampart, and to amuse themselves by loading and
firing at the crowd, or at any particular individual. Those who
preferred to inflict a still more cruel and savage death, selected their
victims, led them to the gateway, and there under the eye of gener
al Proctor, and in the presence of the whole British army, toma
hawked and scalped them ! "
For about two hours these acts of unmitigated ferocity and bar
barity to prisoners of war was permitted and continued ; " during
which time, upwards of twenty prisoners, defenseless and confined,
were massacred in the presence of the magnanimous Britons, to
whom they had surrendered, and by the allies, too, with whom
those Britons had voluntarily associated themselves, knowing and
encouraging their mode of warfare. The chiefs, at the same time,
were holding a council on the fate of the prisoners, in which the
Pottawattamies, who were painted black, were for killing the'whole,
and by their warriors the murders Avere perpetrated. The Miamies
and Wyandotts were on the side of humanity, and opposed the
wishes of the others. The dispute between them had become seri
ous, when Colonel Elliott and Tecumseh came down from the bat
teries to the scene of carnage. As soon as Tecumseh beheld it, he
flourished his sword, and in a loud voice ordered them ' for shame
to desist. It is a disgrace,' said he, ' to kill a defenseless prisoner.'
His orders were obeyed, to the great joy of the prisoners, Avho had
by this time lost all "hopes of being preserved. In this single act,
Tecumseh displayed more humanity, magnanimity, and civilization
than Proctor, with all his British associates in command, displayed
through the whole war on the northwestern frontiers."*
*M'Afee.

248 History of Fort Wayne.
Retaining the prisoners in this place till night, many of the
wounded for hours experiencing " the most excruciating torments,"
they Avere placed in " the British boats and carried down the river
to the brig Hunter, and a schooner, where several hundred of them
were stowed away in the hold of the brig, and kept there for two
clays and nights. Their sufferings in this situation," says Colonel
M'Afee,"" are not to be described by me : I leave them to be imagin
ed by those who can feel for the Avrongs of their country." Being
finally liberated on parole, however, these prisoners were " landed
at the mouth of Huron river, beloAV the Sandusky bay."
At the conclusion of the disasterous movement at Fort Miami,
but little of interest occurred while the British continued the siege;
and having soon learned of the capture of Fort George, by General
Dearborn, the British commander, on the 9th of May, evacuated
the old Fort at the foot of the Rapids. Alarm had not only taken
sudden possession of the British on receipt of the capture of Fort
George, but the Indians, too, had snuffed the air of defeat, and
had become much disaffected by the movements and success of
the Americans against their British father ; and before the evacua
tion of Fort Miami had been fully consummated, it was thought
by many in the American army that they had measurably left the
British standard.
The Prophet and his followers had been promised the Michigan
Territory, and General' Harrison was to be delivered up to Tecum
seh. But all was noAV disaster to them, and their former hope
of one day being able, by the aid of their British father, to drive
the Americans beyond the Ohio, had vanished forever from their
hearts.

CHAPTER XXI.

" And has the West no story
Of deathless deeds sublime ?
Go ask yon shining river."

Movements at Fort Wayne— Plan of Richard M. Johnson— Communication of the
Secretary of War to Gen. Harrison — Mounted volnnteers under Col. Johnson — His
address — Ordered to proceed to Fort Wayne, and to scour the northwestern frontier
— Demand for more troops — Johnson's regiment — Indian guides — Anthony Shane
— Johnson's march to Fort Wayne — Boat fired upon by the Indians, near the Fort
— Pursuit of the Indians — An expedition — Anticipated attack from the British —
Harrison's interview with the Indians — Movements towards Lower Sandusky — Re
investment of Fort Meigs by the British and Indians— Surprise of a picket-guard
— Depredations by the Indians — Movements of Tecumseh — Heavy firing on the
Sandusky road — Movements of the British — Council of war — Fort Stephenson —
Bravery of the American troops — Valor of Major Croghan, and high appreciation
of his course — A Wyandott scout.

IURING much of the time since the transfer of the theatre of
strife and siege from Fort Wayne to points5 below, along the
^Maumee and elsewhere, but little had occurred here of marked
f interest. The garrison had been watchful ; the Indians had
been active in the region, but their attention had mainly been
called away by the action and command of their British father be
low and about the Rapids of the Maumee.
The principal object of the expeditions against the Indians, from
Fort Wayne and other points, as the reader will remember, was to
destroy their provisions and means of subsistence, thereby effectu
ally disabling them for renewed efforts in the following spring
(1813); and Richard M. Johnson, who' had witnessed the effect of
these movements and the efficiency of the mounted riflemen, on his
return to Congress, had laid before the war department a plan for
a mounted expedition against the tribes, as already referred to, dur
ing the winter of 1812-13.
The good effects ofthe expeditions were stated by him to be:
" Security to the northwestern frontiers from Fort Wayne to the
Mississippi — to the convoys of provisions for the northwestern
army, when its force was diminished in the spring, and the neutral-

250 History of Fort Wayne.
ity of the savages in future, from the powerful impression that
would be made on their fears ; that the winter season would be
most favorable for the movement — enabling the horsemen, while
snow was on the ground, and the leaves off the bushes, to hunt out
and destroy the Indians prowling about."
With this view, two regiments, consisting of about 1280 men, were
proposed to be employed, which were then considered sufficient to
traverse the entire Indian country, from Fort Wayne to the lower
end of, "and beyond, Lake Michigan, by way of the' Illinois river,
back to the river Ohio, near Louisville, Ky. ; and " to disperse and
destroy all the tribes. of Indians and their resources to be found
within that compass." Colonel Johnson also presented this subject
to the Governor of Kentucky ; and the same was finally submitted,
by the Secretary of war, to General Harrison, on the 26th of De-'
cember, 1812. Said the Secretary, in this communication: "The
President has it in contemplation to set on foot an expedition from
Kentucky of about 1000 mounted men, to pass by Fort Wayne, the
lower end of lake Michigan, and round by the Illinois back to the
Ohio near Louisville, for the purpose of scouring that country, des
troying the provisions collected in the Indian villages, scourging
the Indians themselves, and disabling them from interfering with
your operations. It is expected that this expedition will commence
in February (1813) ; and it will terminate in a few weeks. I give
you the information, that you may take it into consideration in the
estimate- of those arrangements, you may find it necessary to make,
for carrying into effect the objects of the government. I send you
a copy of the proposed plan, on which I wish to hear from you
without delay. You will particularly state, whether you can effect
these objects in the manner which is suggested, by adequate por- ,
tions of the force now in the field ; and in that case, whether it will
be better to suspend the movement of this force until the spring."
In the expedition under Colonel Campbell, in the middle of the
winter, to the towns on the Mississinewa, as the reader'will remem
ber, General Harrison had already anticipated the plan of Colonel
Johnson. After having further considered the proposition of Colonel John
son, General Harrison made the following response :
" I am sorry not to be able to agree with my friend, Colonel John
son, upon the propriety of the contemplated mounted expedition.
An expedition of this kind directed against a particular town will
probably succeed. The Indian towns cannot be surprised in suc
cession, as they give the alarm from one to the other with more
rapidity than our troops can move. In the months of February,
March, and April, the towns are all abandoned. The men are hunt
ing, and the women and children, particularly to the north of the
Wabash, are scattered about making sugar. The corn is in that
season universally hid in small parcels in the earth, and could not
be found. There are no considerable villages in that direction.

Response of Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of War. 251
Those that are there are composed of bark huts, which the Indians
do not care for, and which during the winter are entirely empty.
The detachment might ,pass tkro.ugh| the whole extent of country
to be scoured, without seeing an Indian, except at the first town
they struck, and it is more than probable, that they would find it
empty. But the expedition is impracticable to the extent proposed.
The horses, if not the men, would perish. The horses that are now
to be found, are not like those of the early settlers, and such as the
Indians and traders now have. They have been accustomed to
corn, and must have it. Colonel Campbell went but 70 or 80 miles
from the frontiers, and the greater part of his horses could scarcely
be brought in. Such an expedition in the summer and fall would
be highly advantageous, because the Indians are then at their
towns, and their corn can be destroyed. An attack upon a particu
lar town in the winter, when the inhabitants are at it, as we know
they are at Mississiniway, and which is so near as to enable the
detachment to reach it without killing their horses, is not only prac
ticable, but if there is snow on the ground is perhaps the most
favorable." These practical suggestions of the General were sufficient. The
plan was abandoned, and " the attention of government was direc
ted to the organization of a mounted corps for the spring; " and
Colonel Johnson was " authorized to organize, and hold in readi
ness, a regiment of mounted volunteers — which he readily complied
with, on his return to Kentucky, at the close of the session of Con
gress, and soon moved towards the scene of action.
Addressing his men, he said: " The regiment of mounted volun
teers was organized under the authority of the war department, to
await its call, or to meet any crisis which might involve the honor,
the rights and the safety of the country. That crisis has arrived.
Fort Meigs is attacked. The northwestern army is surrounded by
the enemy, and .under the command of general Harrison is nobly
defending the cause of the country against a combined enemy, the
British and Indians. They will maintain their ground till relieved.
The intermediate garrisons are also in imminent danger, and may
fall a bleeding sacrifice to savage cruelty, unless timely reinforced.
The frontiers may be deluged in blood. The mounted regiment
will present a shield to the defenseless ; and united with the forces
now marching,. and the Ohio volunteers for. the same purpose, will
drive the enemy from our soil. Therefore on Thursday, the 20th
of May, the regiment will rendezvous at the Great Crossings in
Scott county, except the companies, &c, which Avill rendezvous on
the 22d at Newport; at which place, the whole corps will draw
arms, ammunition, &c."
Calling upon General Harrison, who, at this time-, was at Cincin
nati visiting his family, who then lived there, Colonel Johnson's
regiment was accepted, and he was ordered by General Harrison to
proceed immediately to Fort Wayne, to take command here and of

152 History of Fort Wayne.
the posts on the Auglaize ; also " to make incursions into the coun
try of the Indians; to Scour the northwestern frontiers ; and, if
possible, to cut off small parties who might infest the forts, or be
marching from the Illinois and Wabash towards Maiden and Detroit
— never to remain at one place more than three days."
An officer from each regiment was at once sent back to raise
another body of men. The regiment under Johnson was com
posed as follows :
R. M. Johnson, Colonel ; James Johnson , Lieutenantrcolonel.
First battalion— Duval Payne, Maj or; Robt. B. M'Afee,* Richard
Matison, Jacob Elliston, Benjamin Warfield, John Payne, (cavalry)
Elijah Craig; Captains.
Second battalion — David Thompson, Major; Jacob Stacker, Jas.
Davidson', S. R. Combs, W. M. Price, James Coleman, captains.
Staff — Jeremiah Kertly, Adjutant; B. S. Chambers, Quartermas
ter; Samuel Theobalds, Judge-advocate ; L. Dickinson, Sargeant-
major. James Sugget, Chaplain and Major of the spies; L. Sandford,
Quartermaster-sargeant ; subsequently added, Dr. Ewing, Surgeon,
and Drs. Coburn and Richardson, surgeon's mates.
The regiment arrived at Fort Meigs on the first of June, 1813.
From this point Colonel Johnson proceeded alone to the Indian
village of Wapoghconata, on the Auglaize, " to procure some
Shawanoe Indians to act as guides and spies;" and after a few
days returned with thirteen Indians, among whom was the half-
bred, Anthony Shane, whose father was a Frenchman, and in whom
the largest confidence was placed by those who knew him in the
northwestern army. Shane had been an active opponent of Wayne,
in 1794, but after the treaty of Greenville, had been a most faithful
friend of the United States.
On the 5th of June, the regiment under Johnson again took up
its line of march for Fort Wayne. When the troops reached Shane's
crossing of the St. Mary, about forty miles from Fort Wayne, they
were halted and drilled for some time, and here remained over
night. HeaAry rains having but recently fallen, the St. Mary was
found impassible; and on the following morning a rude bridge was
formed over this stream by felling trees across it, upon which the
army crossed with their baggage and guns, while their horses were
gotten over by swimming them by the side of the fallen timber.
The remainder of the route to Fort Wayne proved very difficult;
" all the flats and marshes being covered with water, and the roads
very miry."t
Reaching the Fort on the eA^ening of the 7th of June, it was
found that the boats had all gained the common landing place, al;
the base of the hill, just below the garrison, in safety, but one,
which had stranded on a sand-bar a short distance above, in sight
of the fort; and while attempting to get the boat off, the boatmen
*AAithor of " History of the Late War in the Western Country." fM'Afee. ,

An Expedition from Fort Wayne. 253
were fired upon by some Indians lurking near, and two of the men
killed, while the third, in attempting to swim to the shore, was
drowned. Arriving a little in advance of the regiment, Colonel Johnson
and staff, as soon as it was possible to get ready, mounted their
horses and crossed to the boat. .The Indians at once fir.ed Upon
their advance, and then retreated.
The spies having now suggested that the Indians were consider
ably stronger than the party under Colonel Johnson, a pursuit was
deferred until the arrival of the regiment, when a chase was
immediately commenced and continued for some ten miles; but rain
beginning to fall heavily, the party was compelled to return to the
fort again, without having gained, sight of the Indians.
But a further pursuit vvasat, once determined ;upon ; and the next
day, (the 8th) after a council of officers, and some necessary pre
paration, an expedition was formed to proceed in the direction of
the southeast end of Lake Michigan. With this view, the regi
ment, towards evening, deposited, their heavy baggage in the fort ;
supplied themselves Avith ten days' provisions, and soon crossed the
St. Mary, to encamp for the night in the forks, opposite the garrison,
' where the river had now just begun to rise ; " though," says M'Afee, ,
" on the evening of the 5th, it had been at the top of its banks at
Shane's crossing, but forty miles from its mouth by land. Hence,"
continues he, " if we suppose the current, to run three miles an hour,
(which is near the truth), the; distance by wateij would be two hun
dred miles, so extremely crooked is the course of the river."
Early on the following day, the regiment took the Indian trail
again, leading towards the old Pottawattamie village of Five Med
als, which had been destroyed, as the reader. will, remember, the
previous year, but which was now thought to have been rebuilt. The
regiment marched forty miles this day, before night. Stopping
now to rest and permit the horses, to graze, with a view to an attack
upon the Indian village at daylight the next morning, a heavy rain
came up, preventing the execution of the plan ; but " after encoun
tering many obstacles in crossing high waters and marshes, they
arrived at the Elkhart river before it had risen sq as to be impassa
ble, and in half an hour afterwards the village of Five Medals was
gained and surrounded ; " but found unoccupied.
Determining now to visit a village on the other side ofthe St.
Joseph of the Lake, known as Paravash,,on the morning of the
11-th, the regiment began its mar,ch for that, point, but, upon arriv
ing at the St. Joseph, and finding, it impassable, further movement
upon this village was abandoned. A rapid advance was now made
Upon the White Pigeon's town, arriving there in the afternoon of
that day, meeting a few Indians pn the Avay, who made their escape
,, in a canoe across a stream on the route, which Avas also found im
passable." -The village of White Pigeon had long been the most
extensive Indian town in that region ; and the main trace of the

254 History of Fort Wayne*
Indians, from Chicago and the Illinois country to- Deffoit, passed
directly through this town, but appeared to have been but little
traversed that spring. Here, near this village, the regiment en
camped till the following day, when, having fulfilled his instructions
to visit this trace; with a view to intercepting any movements
of the enemy that might be making by this route, and .finding also
that the provisions of the troops had been considerably damaged
by the rains encountered, Colonel Johnson determined to return to
Fort Wayne ; and, as there was an Indian path at that time leading
direct from the White Pigeon town to Fort Wayne, the regiment
now began its return march over this trail for the Fort, whither, after
a march, in all, with heavy rains every day, of some two hundred
miles, on the 14th, the troops again drew up at the Fort here, con
siderably fatigued, though as determined and earnest as ever in
their patriotic efforts.
Though not encountering the Indians in his route, or finding
them at either of the villages visited, yet the movements of the ex
pedition under Colonel Johnson greatly increased his knowledge
of the country ; and it was now soon ascertained that all the In- ,
dians in the British service, and who had principally been engaged
in the siege of Fort Meigs, were still mainly held and maintained
in the vicinity of Maiden.
After a few days' stay at Fort Wayne, and finding themselves
much rested from their late fatiguing and most disagreeable march,
the regiment under Johnson- proceeded down the Maumee, with an
escort of provisions, to Fort Winchester. The provisions were
placed in boats, with a number of men to man them, while the •
troops continued their way along the road opened by General Win
chester, on the north side of the Maumee, encamping every night
with the boats. Arriving at Fort Winchester, Colonel Johnson re
ceived a dispatch from- General Harrison, recommending him to
make an attack on the enemy at Raisin and Browntown. To this
suggestion, though by no means explicit, Colonel Johnson- at once
began to give his attention, feeling, from his high sense of patriot
ism and regard for General Harrison and any suggestion emanating
from him, that the plan should be executed,- if possible.
Having, just before this suggestion to Colonel Johnson, heard of
the success of the American arms below Fort Meigs, and " that
General Proctor was ordered in that direction to assist in repelling
the invaders ; and believing that Proctor had left Maiden with a con
siderable portion of his force, the General supposed that an excel
lent opportunity had offered to attack his savage allies in the Michi
gan Territory, by*a coup de main with the mounted regiment."
But Colonel Johnson, owing to the fact of his horses being much
exhausted from the effects of their late expedition from Fort Wayne,-
as well as for lack of a sufficient number of men,- a detachment of
his regiment having been engaged In escorting prOAtisions from' St.-
Mary's, Avas unable to carry cat Mmediately the plan proposed by

Relief oe Fort Meigs. 255
General Harrison. The execution of the plan proposed was con
sidered most hazzardous indeed ; and to have attempted a march
of a " hundred miles, through swamps and marshes, and over diffi
cult rivers, with guides not very well acquainted Avith the country,"
and with horses greatly worn down, " to attack a body of Indians
who could, in a few hours, raise more than double the force of the
regiment " of 700 men then under Johnson, required some considera
tion as well as time and preparation. " But fortunately for the regi
ment, on the next day an express arrived from General Clay, com
manding at Fort Meigs, with information that the British and In
dians threatened to invest that place again, and with a request that
Colonel Johnson would march his regiment there immediately for
its relief. Orders to march were given without delay ; and such
was the zeal and promptitude of both officers and men, that in half
an hour they were all ready to march, and commenced crossing the
Maumee, opposite the fort. . * # * * * The heads of the
column were then drawn up in close order, and the Colonel, in a
short and impressive address, instructed them in their duties. If
an enemy were discovered, the order of march was to be in two
lines, one parallel to the river, and the other in front, stretching
across from the head of the former to the river on the right. He
concluded with saying : ' We must fight our way through any oppos
ing force, let what will be the consequences, as no retreat could be
justifiable. It is no time to flinch — we must reach the fort, or die
in the attempt.' Every countenance, responsive to the sentiments
of the speaker, indicated the same desperate determination. The
ground on which the enemy had gained their barbarous triumph
over Dudley was again to be traversed4, and his allies woulddoubtless
hope to realize another 5th of May, in another contest with Ken
tucky militia. The march was again resumed, and the regiment
arrived at ten o'clock in the night, opposite Fort Meigs, without
molestation, and encamped in the open plain between the river and
the hill on which the British batteries had been erected."*
Apprehensions of an attack were now strong. Information, gain
ed from a Frenchman and an American prisoner, who arrived at
Fort Meigs on the 20th of June, was to the effect that the British
Were determined to renew the attack on the fort, and were to start
for that purpose about that period. At this time, General Harri
son was at Franklinton, where he was made acquainted with the
determination of the British.
Before quitting Franklinton for other points in view, he held an
important council with some chiefs of the friendly Indians of the
Delaware, Shawanoe, Wyandott, and Seneca tribes; informing
them « that a crisis had arrived, which required all the tribes who
remained neutral, and who were willing to engage in the war, to
take a decided stand either for the Americans or against them — that
the President wanted no false friends — that the proposal of General
Proctor to exchange the Kentucky militia for the tribes in our friend-
*M'Afee.

256 History of Fort Wayne.
ship indicated that he had received some hint of their willingness to
to take up the tomahawk against the Americans — and that to give
the United States a proof of their disposition, they must either re
move with their families into the interior, or the warriors must
accompany him in the ensuing campaign and fight for the United
States. To the latter condition, the chiefs and warriors unani
mously agreed ; and said they had long been anxious for an invita
tion fo fight for the Americans. Tahe, the oldest Indian in the
western country, who represented all the tribes, professed, in their
name, the most indissoluable friendship for the United States. Gen
eral Harrison then told them he would let them know wlien they
would be wanted in the service — " but," said he, " you must con
form to our mode of warfare. You must not kill defenseless
prisoners, old men, women, or children." By their conduct, he
also added, he would be able to tell whether the British could re
strain their Indians from such horrible cruelty. For if the In
dians fighting with him would forbear such conduct, it would
prove that the British could also restrain theirs if they wished to
do so — numerously telling them he had been informed that General
Proctor had promised to deliver him into the hands of Tecumseh,
if he succeeded against Fort Meigs, to be treated as that warrior
might think proper. " Now," continued he, " if I can succeed in
taking Proctor, you shall have him for your prisoner, provided you
will agree to treat him as a squaw, and only put petticoats upon him ;
for he must be a coward who would kill a defenseless prisoner."
The subject being now strongly pressed upon the government,
tlie Indians were soon reluctantly employed by the United States
against the Indians in the employ of the British ; and the move
ment, says M'Afee, " was perfectly justifiable, as a measure of self-
defense ; yet," continues he, " there is only one reason which recon
ciles me to it — we thus demonstrated that the north- American sav
age is not such a cruel and ferocious being that he cannot be re
strained by civilized man within the bounds of civilized warfare.
In several instances," he further remarks, " strong corps of Indians
fought under the American standard, and were uniformly distin
guished for their orderly and humane conduct."
On the first of July, General Harrison set out from Fort Meigs
for Lower Sandusky, accompanied by seventy mounted men, under
command of Captain M'Afee.
Soon after his departure, the Indians had begun again to invest
the vicinity of Fort Meigs; and late on the evening of the 20th of
July, the vessels of the British army were to be seen in the Maumee,
some distance below the fort.
Early on ,the following morning, a picket-guard, of some eleven
men, having been sent to a point about three hundred yards below
the fort, were surprised by the Indians, and seven of them
killed. At this time a large body of British and Indians were seen
encamped below old Fort Miami, on the north side of the river ;

Sham Movmekxs op the British on the Sandusky Road. 257
and the woods in the rear of the fort was soon after possessed by
the. Indians, who began to commit some depredations, by occasion
ally, firing into the fort, and capturing some horses and oxen.
General Harrison was at once apprised of the siege, while all
in the garrison were attentively engaged in preparing for the move
ments against the fort ; and General Clay was most vigilant in all
his efforts.
On the 23d, Avith a body of some eight hundred Indians, Tecum
seh was seen moving up the river, with a view, as was supposed, of
attacking Fort Winchester. On the 25th, the enemy removed his
camp to the south side of the river, wliich superinduced the belief
that an attempt would be made by the British to take the fort by
storm. General Harrison was still kept advised of the movements of
the British ; but his force Avas not sufficient to enable him to reach
the garrison as he had wished, though he continued to assure Gen
eral Clay that all needed aid Avould reach him from Ohio and'other
points in good season. On the evening of the 26th, some hours
after the arrival at the fort of the express from General Harrison,
heavy firing was commenced on the Sandusky road, about the
distance of a mile from Fort Meigs. The discharge of rifles and
musketry, accompanied by the Indian yell, could be clearly dis
tinguished ; and by degrees the apparent contest approached to
wards the fort, though sometimes it appeared to recede. It lasted
about an hour, and came in the end near the edge of the woods.
The general pronounced it a sham battle, intended to draAv out the
garrison to relieve a supposed reinforcement. A few discharges of
cannon at the fort, and a heavy shoAver of rain, at length put an end
to the scheme, no doubt to the great mortification of its projectors.
The express from General Harrison had providentially arrived in
time to preserve the garrison from the possibility of being deluded
by this artifice of the enemy. On the nest day the British moved
over to their old encampment, and on the 28th embarked in their
vessels and abandoned the siege. The force Avhich Proctor and
Tecumseh brought against the fort in this instance Avas about
5000 strong. A greater number of Indians were collected by them
for this expedition than ever were assembled in one body on any
other occasion during the whole war.
Having raised the siege of Fort Meigs, the British sailed round
into Sandusky Bay, while a competent number of their Indian
allies moved across through the swamps of Portage river, to co
operate in a combined attack on LoAver Sandusky, expecting, no
doubt, that General Harrison's attention would be chiefly directed
to forts Winchester and Meigs. The General, however, had cal
culated on their taking this course, and had been careful to keep
patrols down the Bay, opposite the mouth of Portage river,twhere
he supposed their forces Avould debark.*
General Clay noAV took care to acquaint General Harrison wiih
•M'Afee. (17)

258 History of Fort Wayne
the movement of the British, and on the 29th of July, the messen
ger from Fort Meigs having reached him, he immediately called a
council of Avar, consisting of M'Arthur, Cass, Ball, Paul, Wood,
Hukill, Holmes, and Graham, which resulted in a determination
to evacuate and destroy Fort Stephenson, if necessary.
By the 31st of July, the enemy had approached so near this fort
as to be able to throw their shells about if ; and a flag was soon
seen approaching the garrison, which was promptly met by En
sign Shipp, by command of Major Croghan. The bearer of the
flag had been instructed by Gen. Proctor, who accompanied the
fleet, to demand a surrender of the fort, which was positively re
fused, Shipp replying that it Was the determination of the com
mandant of the garrison to defend it to the last extremity, and to
disappear amid the conflagration that should destroy it.
The Indians, as oh former occasions, were not to be restrained,
and the bearer of the flag thought it " a great pity that so fine a
young man should fall into the hands of the savages."
" An Indian," says Captain M'Afee, " at this moment came out
of an adjoining ravine, and advancing to the ensign, took hold of
his sword and attempted to wrest it from him. Dickson interfer
ed, and having restrained the Indian, affected great anxiety to get
him safe into the fort.
"The enemy now," continues M'Afee, " opened their fire from
their 6-pounders in the gunboats and the howitzer on shore, which
they continued through the night A*dth but little intermission, and
with very little effect. The forces of the enemy consisted of 500
regulars, and about 800 Indians, commanded by Dickson, the
whole being commanded by General Proctor in person. Tecum
seh was stationed on the road to fort Meigs with a body of 2000
Indians, expecting to intercept a reinforcement on that route."
The enemy had directed their fire against the northwestern
angle of the fort, which induced the commandant to believe that
an attempt to storm his works would be made at that point. In
the night Captain Hunter was directed to remove the six-pounder
to a blockhouse from which it would rake that angle. By great
industry and personal exertion, Captain Hunter soon accomplished
this object ifi secrecy. The embrasure was masked, and the piece
loaded with a half charge of powder, and double charge of slugs
and grape shot.
Early on the morning ot the 2d, the enemy opened their fire
from their howitzer and three six-pounders, which they landed in
the night and planted in a point of woods about two hundred and
fifty yards from the fort About 4 o'clock, p. m., that day, they
concentrated the fire of all their guns on the northwest angle,
which convinced Major Croghan that they would endeavor to
make, a breach and storm the works at that point.
Late in the evening, when the smoke of the firing had com
pletely enveloped the fort, the enemy proceeded to make the

Attack on Fort Stephenson — Valor of Maj. Croghan. 259
assault. Two feints were made towards the southern angle, where
Captain Hunter's lines were formed ; and at the same time a
column of 350 men were discovered advancing through the smoke
within twenty paces of the northwestern angle. A heavy, galling
fire of musketry was now opened upon them from the fort, which
threw them into some confusion. Colonel Short, who headed the
principal column, soon rallied his men, and led them with great
bravery to the brink of a ditch near. After a momentary pause,
he leaped into the ditch, calling to his men to follow him, and in a
feAV minutes it Avas full. The masked port-hole was now opened,
and the six-pounder, at the distance of thirty feet, poured such
destruction among them, that but feAV who had entered the ditch
were fortunate enough to escape. A precipitate and confused
retreat was the immediate consequence, alt-hough some of the
officers attempted to rally their men. The other column, which
was led by Colonel Warburton and Major Chambers, was also
routed in confusion by a destructive fire from the line commanded
by Captain Hunter. The whole of them fled into the adjoining
wood, beyond the reach of the small arms of the fort. During the
assault, which lasted half an hour, the enemy kept up an inces
sant fire from their howitzer and five six-pounders. They left
Colonel Short, a lieutenant, and tAventy-five privates dead in the
ditch ; and the total number of prisoners taken, was twenty-six,
most of them badly wounded. Major Muir was knocked down in
the ditch, and lay among the dead till the darkness of the night
enabled him t» escape in safety. The loss of the garrison was
one killed and one slightly wounded. The total loss of the enemy
was calculated at about one hundred and fifty killed and wounded.
When night came on, which was soon after the assault, the
wounded in the ditch Avere found to be in a desperate situation.
Complete relief could not be brought to them by either side with
any degree of safety. Major Croghan, however, relieved them as
much as possible — conveying them water over the picketing in
buckets, and a ditch Avas also opened under the picketing, by means
of which, those Avho were able and willing, were encouraged to
crawl into the fort.*
About 3 o'clock, on the morning of the 3d, the whole British
and Indian force commenced a disorderly retreat. So great was
their precipitation, says M'Afee's narration, that they left a sail
boat behind, containing some clothing and a considerable quantity
of military stores ; and on the next day seventy stand of arms
and some braces of pistols were picked up round the fort. Their
hurry and confusion was caused by the apprehension of an attack
from General Harrison, of whose position and force they had
probably received an. exagerated account.
At the council held with M'Arthur, Cass, and others, about the
1st of August, it was determined that Major Croghan should
abandon Fort Stephenson as 'untenable against heavy artillery ;"
•M'Afco.

260 History of Fort Wayne.
and as this fort was considered as of but little value as a military
post, it was also concluded to destroy it at the moment of evacua
tion. To this end General Harrison immediately dispatched an
order to Major Croghan, but which, owing to the messenger and
his Indian guides having lost their way, failed to reach him in time,
and deeming it then unsafe, in view of the near, approach of the
enemy, to attempt an evacuation and retreat, after a council with
his officers, the most of whom readily coincided with him, Major
Croghan at once started the messenger on his return to General
Harrison with the following note :
" Sir, I have just received yours of yesterday, 10 o'clock P. M.,
ordering me to destroy this place and make good my retreat, which
was received too late tp be carried into execution. We have de
termined to maintain this place, and by heaevns we can."
His main reason for writing thus positively was, that he feared
that the messenger might be captured, and the note fall into the
hands of the British ; and when received by General Harrison,
without knowing fully the motive of Croghan in thus replying to
his. order ot evacuation and retreat, presuming it to indicate a
disobeyal of orders, on the folloAving morning, Colonel Wells, with
an escort, was sent to take his place, and Croghan at once order
ed to repair to the post of General Harrison. Arriving at the
headquarters of General Harrison, Major Croghan readily gave a
satisfactory explanation of his course and the meaning of his note,
which received the ready approval of Harrison, and Croghan was
at once ordered to return to his post and resume its command,
" with written orders similar to those he had received before."
In an official report of Croghan's course in this siege, General
Harrison said : " It will not be among the least of General Proc
tor's mortifications, to find that he has been baffled by a youth,
who has just passed his twenty-first year. He is, however, a hero
worthy of his gallant uncle, George R. Clarke."
All under his command at this siege were highly praised by Ma
jor Croghan. " Never Avas there," said General Harrison, " a set
of finer young fellows, viz : Lieutenants Johnson and Baylor of
the 17th, Anthony of the 24th, Meeks of the 7th. and ensigns Shipp
and Duncan of the 17th." Lieutenant Anderson, ofthe 24th, was
also commended for marked good conduct on this memorable
occasien ; and soon after the siege of Fort Stephenson, Major
Croghan was breveted a Lieutenant-Colonel by President Madi
son, then President ofthe United States ; while the ladies of Chili
cothe, Ohio, presented him with a splendid sword, accompanied
by an appropriate address.
A little party of Wyandott Indiana, after the retreat of the
British from Fort Stephenson, were sent down the bay, with other
scouts, for the purpose of intercepting the retreat of the enemy.
Succeeding in capturing a few British soldiers, who had been left
in the general retreat, the Indians " brought them to the camp,

Ihdian Scouts and British Prisoners. 261
without doing them any injury ; and, conscious," says M'Afee,
"that they had done their duty, they were frequently steen telling
the story to their brother warriors, and laughing at the terror
which had been manifested by the soldiers, who, no doubt, expec
ted to be massacred or carried off and destroyed by torture."

CHAPTER XXII.
" Come thou, old Erie, worthy of thy name,
Bearing the trophy of thy hero's fame —
Perry the young, Perry the bold and brave."

Ohio and Kentucky again aroused — Heavy reinforcements — Operations on the Lake —
Commodore Perry in command of the Lake fleet— Activity of the British-rMove-
ment of troops from Ohio and Kentucky — Heavy engagement on the Lake, and
victory of Commodore Perry— The British commander sends out a reconnoitering
party— -Evacuation and destruction of Maiden— Arrival of the American forces at
Maiden— Retreat of the British towards Sandwich — Restless feeling of the In
dians— -Tecumseh proposes an abandonment of efforts against the Americans— He
sees ruin ahead — His speech.

i OTH Ohio and Kentucky, from which points, at that time, and
Jduring some years previous, was derived the main support
seyaol' the West in a military poiiit of view, were now again
of aroused, and a large number of volunteers came forward at
^ the call of Governors Meigs and Shelby.
The general attention of the country was now turned to opera
tions on the Lake, of which the British then had the main con
trol, with a considerable fleet afloat ; and it became most impor
tant that the American government should begin to exercise the
largest industry in naval affairs.
Two brigs and several schooners had been laid at Erie early in
the month of March of this year, (1813) and Commodore Perry
had been sent to superintend their construction and equipment.
The enemy had also been most active in this relation, and had
built a twenty-gun brig at Maiden.
About the 2d of August, having completed his equipments and
gotten his heaviest vessels over the bar at the mouth of the har
bor, Perry "crossed the Lake to Long Point, and then proceeded up
the Britiah shore some distance without discovering their fleet,
which had, in faet, returned to Maiden for their new brig and addi
tional reinforcements on discovering the force which Perry was
able to bring against them."
About the 9th of September, volunteers began to quit Urbana,

Perry's Victory on the Lake, 263
Ohio, where they had assembled from different parts of that State
and Kentucky, for Upper Sandusky— the Kentuckians headed by
the venerable Governor Shelby.
In the meantime, (on the 10th) the vessels on the Lake had
come to close quarters ; and after an engagement of four hours,
during which time it was most difficult to determine which would
succeed, the British vessel at length surrendered, and very soon
after, much as if the heroic spirit of Wayne had momentarily
hovered about the mind of Perry, the folloAving laconic note was
addressed to General Harrison :
" Dear General — We have met the enemy and they are ours —
two ships, two brigs, one schooner, and a sloop.
" Yours, with great respect and esteem,
" Oliver Hazard Perry."
Immediately upon the receipt Of the news of the loss of the
British vessels, Proctor had sent spies to reconnoiter the forces of
General Harrison ; who soon obtained a distant view of the
Kentuckians while encamped on the plains of Sandusky, at once
reporting their number to the British commander at from ten to
fifteen thousand.
Upon the receipt of this information, Proctor at once determined
to burn Maiden, and make good his retreat up the Detroit and
Thames rivers, then to make his way to the lower parts of the
province. Accordingly, on the 26th, Maiden was evacuated and
destroyed. On the following day, (27th) agreeble to previous orders, the
American army set sail from the Middle Sister Island for M alden,
where the whole arrived in good order about three o'clock in the
afternoon of that day, only to behold the ruins of the place.
Proctor had retreated to Sandwich, " under the impression that
there were at least ten thousand Kentuckians coming against him."
The Indians in the service of the British had now become very
restless and uneasy. General Harrison had some time before these
events sent some friendly Wyandotts among the Indians allied to
the British with a view to neutrality with them. Tecumseh had
previously urged an abandonment of the efforts of the Indians
against the Americans, but without success ; and the efforts of the
friendly Wyandotts, sent by the. General, had met with no better
success. Some 15,000 rations had been daily issued to the In
dians — warriors, women and children — by the British, for some
time before the retreat of General Proctor, which was quite a
weight upon the British government — too heavy to be borne long.
'The impressive mind of Tecumseh saw ruin ahead. He did not
like or approve of the course pursued by General Proctor in the
destruction and evacuation of Maiden. As early as the 18th of
September, he had delivered a stirring speech to the British com
mander, in the name of all the chiefs and warriors in the employ

264 History of Fort Wayne.
of the British, which, by order of General Proctor, was written
down and preserved by him until the defeat of the British at the
battle of the Thames, when,, among other papers left behind by
the British in their retreat from the scene of the conflict there, it
was found and brought away by the Americans. As the repre
sentative of their British father, the King of Great Britain, Te
cumseh, in this speech, had appealed to General Proctor, who,
doubtless, in view of the momentary approach upon his quarters
at Maiden of the American forces, w as too much disturbed to hear
the words of Tecumseh fully explained by the interpreter, or to
read the speech himself, when written down. Said the Shawanoe
chieftain '.
" Father, listen to your children ! You have them now all be
fore you-
" The war before this, our British father gave the hatchet to his
red children, when our old chiefs were alive. They are now dead.
In the war, our father was thrown on his back by the Americans,
and our father took them by the hand without our knowledge ; and
we are afraid that our father will do ao again at this time.
" Summer before last, when I came forward with my red breth
ren, and was ready to take up the hatchet in favor of our British
father, we were told not to be in a hurry, that he had not yet de
termined to fight the Americans.
" Listen ! When war was declared, our father stood up and gave
us t he tomahawk and told us that lie was then ready to strike the
Americans ; that he wanted our assistance ; and that he would
certainly get us our lands back, which the Americans had taken
from us.
" Listen ! You told us, at that time, to bring forward our families
to this place ; and we did so ; and you promised to take care of
them, and they should want for nothing ; while the men would go
and fight the enemy ; that we need not trouble ourselves about
the enemy's garrisons ; that we knew nothing about them, and that
our father would attend to that part of the business. You also
told your red children that you would take good care of your garri
son here, which made our hearts glad.
" Listen ! When we were last at the Rapids it is true we gave
you httle assistance. It is hard to fight people who live like
groundhogs. " Lather, listen ! Our fleet has gone out ; we know they have
fought ; we have heard the great guns ; but we know nothing of
what has happened to our father with that arm. Our ships have
gone one way, and we are much astonished to see our father tying
up every thing and preparing to run away the other, without let
ting his red children know what his intentions are. You always
told us to remain here and take care of our lands ; it made our
hearts glad to hear that was your wish. Our great father, the king,

Speech o* Tecumseh to thb British Commamder. 265
is the head, and you represent him. You always told us that you
would never draw your foot off British ground ; but now father,
we see you are drawing back, and we are sorry to see our father
doing so without seeing the enemy. We must compare our fath
er's conduct to a fat dog, that carries its tail upon its back, but
when afrighted, if drops it between its legs and runs off.
" Father, listen ! The Americans have not yet defeated us by
land ; neither are we sure that they have done so by water ; we
therefore wish to remain here and fight our enemy, should they make
their appearance. If they defeat us, we will then retreat with our
father " At the battle of the Rapids, last war, the Americans certainly
defeated us ; and when we retreated to our father's fort at that
place the gates were shut against us. We were afraid that it would
now be the case ; but instead of that, we now see our British
father preparing to march out of his garrison.
" Father ! You have got the arms and ammunition which our
great father sent for his red children. If you have an idea of go
ing away, give them to us, and you may go and welcome for us.
Our lives are in the hands of the Great Spirit. We are determin
ed to defend our lands, and if it be his will, we wish to leave our
bones upon them."

CHAPTER XXIII.
" The victory's lost and won " —
" The battle 's o'er ! the din is past ;
Night's mantle on the field is cast."
Long live tliose honored names —
The valiant conquerors of the Thames,

Pursuit ofthe British from Maiden- -Harrison's letter to the War Department— Fright
and flight of the Canadians— Capture of Tecumseh's chief counselor— His account
to Colonel Johnson— Discovery of the bones of the massacred men of Frenchtown
—Excited feelings of the Kentuckians— Movement of the army in the pursuit of
the British- -Arrival at the mouth of the Thames— Capture of British dragoons—
An omen of victory — The bird of Liberty hovering over the army of Harrison— A
sow-shoat follows the army from Kentucky to Bass Island— The army near the
Moravian Towns— Capture of a British wagoner— The British army near, in order
of battle, lying in wait— Near approach of Colonel Johnson to the British lines—
The great hour of defeat or victory at hand- -Formidable position of the British
and Indians— Preparations for an attack — Daring plan of Colonel Johnson— A
sudden dash to be made upon the British lines— Advance of the American army
Distant fire of the British— Intrepid charge of the cavalry under Johnson — Confu
sion and flight of the British— Contest with the Indians— Pursuit of Proctor-— His
sword and carriage captured — Loss sustained— Death of Tecumseh— Who killed
him 1 — Estimates of the forces of the armies— The charge of the mounted infantry
won the victory of the Thames— Order for the return of the troops— Manly and
cheering address of Governor Shelby.

'HE American forces having encamped about the ruins of
) Maiden on the night of the 27th of September, with a vieAV
rof pursuing the retreating army of Proctor the following
morning, General Harrison, on the evening of the arrival of
the army, in a letter to the war department, said: "I will
pursue the enemy to-morrow, although there is no probability of
overtaking him, as he has upwards of 1000 horses, and we have
not one in the army. I shall think myself fortunate to collect a
sufficiency to mount the general officers. It is supposed here, that
general Proctor will establish himself upon the river Trench, or
Thames, 40 miles from Maiden."
Proctor had pressed into his service all the horses of the inhabi
tants, which they had not effectually concealed. One only, and
that a very indifferent one, could be procured. On it the vener
able Governor of Kentucky was mounted, and proceeded with the

Flight op the Canadians. 267
army toAvards Sandwich, where they arrived on the 29th, without
meeting any obstruction from the enemy ; except that the bridge
over the Aux Canada river had been torn up, but was soon re
paired again. There had been considerable expectation among
the commanding officers that a formidable resistance would be
made at this bridge, but no enemy was to be seen ; and on arriv
ing at SandAvich it was ascertained that General Proctor had re
treated from that place early on the preceding day. The Indians,
however, were in considerable force in the suburbs of Detroit, the
inhabitants of which, who had already been very much plundered,
were in great apprehension of an immediate massacre ; but a few
discharges of grape shot from the fleet, which had come up the
river, soon compelled them to fly to the woods for safety. General
M'Arthur went over with his brigade and took possession of the
town ; and on the same evening General Harrison issued his proc
lamation for re-establishing the civil government of the territory.
All persons who had been in office at the time of the capitulation,
were direeted to resume their functions, and administer the laws
which had then been in force.*
The Canadians, like the Kaskaskians, at the time of Clark's
movement upon Kaskaskia, in 1778, had heard terrible accounts
of the barbarity and ferocity of the Kentuckians, and on the
approach of the American forces, had fled in the wildest conster
nation and fear, expecting to be massacred and plundered by the
Long Knives, (the Kentuckians) but in this, they were destined to
meet with agreeable disappointment.
On the 20th of September, Lieutenant Griffith having returned
with a scouting party from the river Raisin, brought with him an
Indian by the name of Misselewetaw, a chief counsellor to Tecum
seh, and uncle to the famous Logan. He had led the Pigeon Roost
massacre, as detailed in a former chapter. When captured, he was
asleep in a house at the river Raisin. He told Col. Johnson, says
M'Afee, that the Indians had been watching the movements of
his army; had examined his encampments, and seen him arrive at
fort Meigs ; and that they estimated his forces to be at least 2400.
He further stated that the Indians about Brownstown, amounting
to 1750 warriors, had determined to give him battle at the river Hu
ron—and that they were still ignorant ofthe fate of the British fleet.
He was an Indian of excellent information, and had been the con
stant companion and friend of Tecumseh. Being under an impres
sion that he would now certainly have to die, he gave Col. Johnson
a long and apparently very candid account of past transactions,
since the treaty of Greenville to that time. He said the British
had supplied the Prophet's party with arms and amunition before
the battle of Tippecanoe ; that Tecumseh's plan for a common
property in their lands had been strongly recommended and praised
by Col. Elliott ; and that the British had used every means in their
power, since the year 1809, to secure the friendship and aid of the
•M'Afee.-

268 History of Fort Wayne.
Indians, in the event of a war with the United States — having
often invited them to Maiden and made them presents for that pur
pose; and having also represented to them that thej should re
ceive British aid to drive the Americans over the Ohio river, after
which they should live in the houses of the inhabitants and have
their daughters for wives. He said he was now convinced that
the British had again deceived them, and that the Great Spirit had
forsaken him in his old age for his cruelty and wickedness.
Since the. massacre of the river Raisin, the bones of the Ken
tuckians had remained exposed until sometime in June, 1813, when
Colonel R. M. Johnson had collected and buried a large num
ber of them, which, after his departure, had again been dug up
and scattered over the fields. On the evening of the 25th of Sep
tember, orders having been received at Fort Meigs for the regi
ment under Colonel Johnson to march again for the river Raisin,
on the following morning, after due preparation, the regiment mov
ed forward, and on the second day after starting, reached the scene
of massacre, where the bones of the slain were to be seen scatter
ed about in every direction. Frenchtown was now generally de
serted, and " the fine orchards of peach and apple trees were load
ed with excellent fruit." " The sight of the bones," says Captain
M'Afee, " had a powerful Effect on the feelings of the men. The
wounds inflicted by that barbarous transaction, were again torn
open. The bleaching bones still appealed to heaven and called on
Kentucky to avenge this outrage on humanity. We had heard
the scene described before/' says he, — " we now witnessed it in
these impressive memorials. The feelings they excited cannot be
described by me — but they will never' be forgotten — nor while
there is a recording angel in heaven, or a historian upon earth,
will the tragedy of the river Raisin be suffered to sink into obliv
ion. Future generations will often ponder on this fatal field of
blood ; and the future inhabitants of Frenchtown will long point
out to the curious traveler the garden where the intrepid Madison
for several hours maintained the unequal contest of four to one,
and repulsed the bloody Proctor in every charge. Yonder is the
wood, where the gallant Allen fell ! Here the accomplished Hart
and Woolfolk were butchered ! There the brave Hickman waa
tomahawked and thrown into the flames! That is the spot ArMre
the lofty Simpson breathed his last ! And a little farther doctors
Montgomery, Davis and M'llvain, amiable in their manners and
profound in science, fell in youth and left the sick to mourn their
loss ! The gallant Meade fell on the bank in battle, but his mag
nanimous lieutenant, Graves, was reserved for massacre ! "
At this point an express arrived from the main army, wliich the
messenger had left on the Island of the Middle Sister on the morn
ing of the 26th. He had been sent, while General Harrison was
reconnoitering off Maiden, by the attentive and watchful Gover
nor of Kentucky, to apprize Colonel Johnson of the progress and

Pursuit of the British Army, 269
prospects of the army, that he might regulate his march accord
ingly. Next morning, before the regiment marched, their faithful
guide, Anthony Shane, the Shawanoe half-breed, observed that he
kneAV the spot where Captain Simpson had been killed.. The
Colonels, with Captain M'Afee and Dr. EAving, went with Shane
to the place, and found the bones, which they buried. The frame
of Captain Simpson was easily known from the others, by its length,
the Captain having been upwards of six feet and a half high.*
On the 30th of September, the whole regiment under Colonel
Johnson, had safely reached Detroit, where they soon crossed the
river to Sandwich.
It was now concluded, in a council between General Harrison
and Governor Shelby, that Proctor might be overtaken in three or
four days' rapid marching ; and the Governor was accordingly re
quested to collect his general officers at headquarters, with a vieAV
to. arrangements for the plan of pursuit. Two courses were sug
gested — one, to folloAV up the Strait by land — the other, to embark
and sail down Lake Erie to Long Point, then to move rapidly
across by land, some twelve miles, to the road, and intercept the
course of the enemy's retreat. Governor Shelby was ofthe opin
ion that the route by land, up the Strait, would be the best; which
was unanimously agreed upon ; and on the morning of the 2d of
Oetober, at sunrise, the army was in motion, the vessel troops mov
ing some hours in advance of the brigade of General Cass, which
was detained on account of their blankets and knapsacks having
been left at the Island of the Middle Sister. The mounted regi
ments were also detained a short time in drawing provisions. But
alter a march of some twelve miles, the mounted troops over
took the advance corps.
It having been ascertained that the Indian chiefs, Five Medals
and Mai-pock, with other chiefs, in connection with the Miamies,
PottaAvattamies, and other tribes, had remained on the west side of
the Detroit river, General M'Arthur's brigade was left at Detroit
to hold them in check.
Upon the arrival of the army at the mouth of the Thames, a
small body of British dragoons was discovered by the spies, under
Major Sugget, just below that point, Avho were pursued and
captured, just after an eflbrt,on their part, to destroy a bridge over
a small stream near the place of capture. " This little, affair, the
first fruits of the pursuit," says Captain M'Afee, '¦ had a very great
effect in animating the pursuers."
As the army drew up at the mouth of the Thames, all eyes were
turned upward. An omen of victory Avas hovering over the scene
in the form of the glorious bird of Liberty— the American eagle !
" A presage of success!" remarked General Harrison; "as it is
our tutelary bird." A similar event had occurred to the fleet of
Commodore Perry, before his victory, on the morning of the 10th
of September.
"M'Afee.

270 History of Fort Wayne.
And it may be remarked just here that another somewhat singu
lar manifestation was presented for the thoughtful consideration
and amusement of the army just prior to the appearance of the
eagle at the mouth of the Thames. A sow-shoat had followed a
company of mounted volunteers from the interior of Kentucky
to the point where the army drew up for further orders at Lake Erie.
Keeping " constantly with the army, she became generally known
to the soldiers, who called her the governor's pig, and were care-;
ful to protect her, as they deemed her conduct an auspicious omen.
At the margin of the lake," runs the account, " she embarked with
the troops and went as far as Bass island." Being offered a pas'a
sage into Canada from this point, she *' obstinately refused to em
bark the second time;" and though her conduct was jocosely
attributed " to constitutional scruples " — some of the men of the
army humerously suggesting that " it Avas contrary to the constb
tution to force a militia pig over the line," yet she could not by
any means be pursuaded to cross over to Canada, and was accor
dingly permitted to "return to the regiment at Portage."
Early on the morning of the 5th of October, the army was again
in motion, and continued its march, without special interruption,
until within a short distance of the Moravian Towns, some ninety
miles northeast of Detroit, where, capturing a British wagoner,
the army received the intelligence that " the enemy were lying in
order of battle about three hundred yards before them," awaiting
the approach of the American forces. Colonel Johnson, with
Major Sugget and his spies, now adATanced within view of the
British lines, for the purpose of obtaining as much information as
possible as to the position, &c, of the enemy, which was readily
communicated to General Harrison.
The great hour that was to decide the triumph of American
arms in the full establishment and maintenance of political rule
over the vast territory of the Great West was now at hand; and
the forces under General Harrison Avere halted and formed for the
conflict !
The British commander had selected a formidable position for
the prosecution of his plan of attack. The ground upon which.
the British forces had halted extended along near the margin of
the river Thames, the ground being covered principally with
beech, sugar-tree, and oak timber, Avith but little underbrush.
Running nearly parallel with the river, for about two miles, was
a somewhat extensive marsh, which grew narrower as one advanc
ed up the stream. Where the British forces were stationed, there
was a narrow swamp, some three hundred yards from the Thames,
lying between which and the main swamp extending up the river,
there appeared a spot of solid ground. In two lines, their left
resting on the river, and their right extending to the first SAvamp,
Ihe British regulars were ranged, with their artillery planted in
the road, near the bank of the river. The Indians, all ranged a'ong

Battle op the Thames. 271
the first swamp, their left at a point where tecumseh commanded,
occupying " the isthmus between the swamps, on which the un
dergrowth was tolerably thick ; and their right extending a con
siderable distance doAvn the main marsh, the margin of which, at
this place, receding very fast from the river, formed a very obtuse
angle with the lines " of the American forces.
At the out-set, in the order of arrangement for battle, the mount-
ted regiment under Colonel Johnson occupied the space between
the river and the first swamp. On approaching this regiment
and learning of the discovery of the enemy, as Avell as satisfying
himself as to the situation of the British forces, by personal obser
vation, General Harrison at once directed Colonel Johnson, on the
approach of the infantry, to assume a position at the left, from
thence, if possible, to turn the right of the Indians.
The British regulars were drawn up in open order. A daring
plan was noAv readily conceived by Colonel Johnson, and as quick-
' ly agreed upon. It was for the mounted infantry to make a sud
den dash upon the British lines, confusing and breaking them at
once ; and the two mounted regiments were accordingly ordered
to be formed "in two charging columns, in short lines, and, on re
ceiving the enemy's fire, to charge through his ranks, form in his
rear, and act as circumstances might require."
The rear and flanks being well secured against attacks, the foot
troops, embracing five brigades, aAreraging some three hundred
men each, were well arranged along the rear, the river, the swamp,
the road, near the river, &c, and Governor Shelby was ordered to
take his position — a very important one — at the angle between the
swamps, while General Harrison took his position at the head of
the front line, in order the better to observe the charge, and ren
der ready and efficient support to the horsemen.
All was now readiness for the charge ; and " the AVhole army
advanced in the order " already presented, "until the front of the
first battalion received a distant fire from the British lines," which
" somewhat frightened the horses, and caused a little confusion at
the heads of the columns ; thus retarding the charge, and giA'ing
the enemy time to prepare for a second fire, which soon followed
the first." But in a moment, the American columns "were com
pletely, in motion, and rushed upon the British with irresistable
impetuosity," causing their front line to precipitately break away
in every direction, and their second, also, some thirty paces in the
rear of the front fine, after a single fire, "was broken and thrown
into confusion." The grand idea of the onset of the mounted
troops under Colonel Johnson had now consummated its pur
pose ; and sure victory at every point was already perching upon
the American banner. The bird of Liberty had indeed proved
"a presage of success;" and he had not yet ceased to spread
his glorious pinions over the region of the scene of conflict ! Such
was the patriotic fervor and heroism of that eventful hour of our

272 History of Fort Wayne.
country's history — such the fierce contest between the reced
ing monarchial element of the time, seeking dominion and control
over the northwest, with a view to the overthrow of Republicanism,
and the supplanting upon the ruins thereof the power and rule of
of the British crown, on one hand, and the valiant pioneer soldiery
and patriots of the West, striving to widen the avenues of free
institutions, free government — to open the broad domain of the
Great West for the cultivation of a boundles unity of goodness,
order, truth, industry, and all the conditions and elements then
and thereafter germanly pertaining to the welfare, general well-
being, progressive education, and safety of a free people — the
protection and perpetuation of a generous and progressive govern
ment, on the other. And the powerful will of the latter, intensi
fied and impelled by a broad and glorious spirit and sense of free
dom and hope of future governmental unity, charged upon the
enemy with an undaunted and even reckless determination to
achieve the end sought to be attained, viz : an unconditional victory
over a common foe to republican institutions and a free, un-
trammeled government !
At this stage of the conflict, the American columns, having now
passed through the broken lines of the enemy, " wheeled to the
right and left, and began to pour a destructive fire on the rear of
their disordered ranks ; " but the contest was only momentary — for,
gays the narration of the very truthful and intelligent Captain
M'Afee, a participant in this eventful struggle, "No sooner had our
horsemen charged through their lines and gained their rear, than
they began to surrender as fast as they could throw down their
arms. And thus, in a moment, the whole British force, upwards
of eight hundred strong, was totally vanquished, and the greater
part of it captured by the first battalion of the mounted regiment
under lieutenant-colonel James Johnson, before the front line of
our infantry had got fairly in view of them. General Proctor,
however, made his escape, escorted by a small party of dragoons
and mounted Indians, who were immediately pursued as far as the
Moravian town, by a party of the mounted regiment, consisting
chiefly of officers.
"The contest with the Indians on the left," continues the narra
tion of M'Afee, " was more obstinate. They reserved their fire till
the heads of the columns and the front line on foot had approach
ed within a few paces of -their position. A very destructive fire
was then commenced by them, about the time the firing ceased
between the British a»d the first battalion. Colonel Johnson,
finding his advanced guard, composing the head of his column,
nearly all cut down by the first fire, and himself severely wound
ed, immediately ordered his column to dismount and come up in
line before the enemy, the ground which they occupied being un
favorable for operations on horseback. The line was promptly
formed on foot, and a fierce conflict was then maintained for seven

Letter of Major B. F. Stickney. 291
ney, then superintendent of Indian Affairs. This letter bears date
" Fort Wayne, August 27th, 1817," and at once presents to the mind
of the reader the true condition of the Indians here at that period.
Said Mr. Stickney :
"I shaU pa/ every attention to the subject of your letter, developing the exalted
views of philanthropy of tbe Kentucky Baptist Society for projagiling the gospel
among; the heathen. The civilization of the Indiana is not anewstibjecl to me. I
have been, between live and six years, in the habit of daily and hourly intercourse
With the Indians northwest of the Ohio, and the great question of the pi acticability
of civilizing them ever before me. Th it I miglit have an opportunity of casting in
my mite to the bettering of the condition of these uncultivated human beings, and
the pleasure of observing the change that might be produced on them, were the prin
cipal inducements to my surrendering the comforts of civilized society.
" Upon my entering on my duties, I soon found that my speculative opinions
were not reducible to practice. What, [had viewed, at a distance, as flying clouds,
proved, upon my nearer approach, to be impassable mountains. Notwithstanding
these discouraging circumstances, I am ready to aid your views by all proper means
within my power ; and, in so doing, believe I embrace the views of the government
of which I am agent. * * * It will be proper for me to be more particular,
and give you something of my ideas of the tialure and extent of the obstacle to be
met. "First. — The great, and, I fear, insurmountable obstacle is. the insatiable
thirst for intoxicating LiQUOus that appears to be born with all the yellow-skin in
habitants of America; and the thirst for gain of [some of] the Citizens of the Uni
ted States appears to be capable of eluding all the vigilance of the government to
stop the distribution of liquor among thorn. When the Indians can not obtain the
means of intoxication within their own limits, they will travel any distance to ob
tain it. There is no fatigue, risk, or expense, that is too great to obtain it. In some
casca, it appears to be valued higher than life itself. If a Change of habit in this
can be effected, all other obstacles may yield. But if the whites can not be re-
Strained from furnishing them spirituous liquors, nor they from the use of them, I
fear all other efforts to extend to them the benefitsof civilization Will prove fruitless.
The knowledge of letters serves as the medium of entering into secret arrangements
with the whites, to supply the fne.ms of their own. destruction, and, within the lim
its of ray intercourse, the principal use ofthe knowledge of letters or civilized lan
guage has been for them to obtain liquor for themselves and others.
" Secondly. — The general aversion to the habits, manners, customs, and dress
of civilized people; and, in many cases, an Indian is an object of jealousy for
being acquainted with a civilized language, and it is made use of as a subject of re
proach against him.
" Thirdly.— General indolence, connected with a firm conviction thatthe life of a
civilized man is that of slavery, and that savage life is manhood, ease and indepen
dence. "Fourthly. —Ihe unfavorable light in which they view the character of the citi-
zensof the United Si ates— believing that' their minds are so occupied in trade and
speculation, that they never act from any other motives. * * * Their opinion
of the government of Ihe United States- is, in some degree, more favorable; but
secretly, they view all white people as their enemies, and are extremely suspicious
of every thing coming from them.
" All the, Miamies, and Eel river Miamies, are under my charge, about one thou
sand four hundred in number ; and there are something more than two thousand
Pottawattamies who come within my agency. The proportion of children can not
be ascertained, but it must be less than among the white inhabitants of the United
States. They have had no schools or missionaries among them since the time ofthe
French Jesuits. They have places that are commonly called villages, but, perhaps
not correctly, as they have no uniform place of residence. During the fall, winter,
and p irt of the spring, they are scattered in the woods, hunting. The respective
bands assemble in the spring at their several ordinary places of resort, where some
kive rude cabins, made of small 1 .ga. covered with bark ; but morecommonly, somo
poras stuck in the ground and tied together with pliant slips of bark, and covered
with Jarge sheets of bark, or a kind of mats, made oi flags.

292

HlSTOBT Off FoET WAYNE.

" Nesir these places' of rasort they plant some corn. There are eleven of these
places of resort within my agency. The Miamies and Eel river Miamies reside*
principaly.on the Wabash, Mississinewaand Eel river, and at the head of White river.
The Pottawattamie^ [reside] on tbe Tippecanoe, Kankakee, Iroquois, Yellow river,
St. Joseph of Lake Michigan, the Elkhart, Miami of ihe lake, the St. Joseph emp.
tying into it, and the St. Mary's river. They all believe in u. God, as creator
and governor, but have no idea of his will being communicated to man, except as it
apreirs in the creation, or as it appears, occasionally, from his providential gov
ernment. Some of them had been told of other communications having been made
to the white people a long time since, and that it was written and printed ; but they
neither have conception nor belief in relation to it. Their belief in a future existence is
a kind of transubstanliation — a removal from this existence to one more happy, with
similiar appetites and enjoyments. They talk ofabad Spirit, but never express any
apprehensions of his troubling them in their future existence."
Among those engaged in the Indian tracfe at this point and at
what is now South Bend, in 1821, were Francis Compare t, with the
Pottawattamies, at the latter place, and Alexis Coquillard, with the
Miamies, at the former.
in 1822, and hegan to trade with the Indians.
En route for the Mississippi, General Lewis Cass and the histori
an, H. R. Schoolcraft, made a short stop at this point in June 1822,
reaching here in a canoe by way of the Maumee, from Detroit,
whence this little vessel was hauled across the portage to Little
river, from whence they proceeded on their journey to the Father of
Waters. The following year, (1823,) the State being divided into two
Congressionel Districts, John Test, of Dearborn county, was selec
ted representative from the district, then embracing Allen, &c, at
which period there were but about fifty votes polled in the whole
north part of the State of Indiana.

Wm. G. and Geo. W. Ewing arrived here

CHAPTER XXVI.
Scenes varied: — new life —
Mew acts in the drama ;
Still in the " forest deep and wild.'

Establishment of a land office at Fort Wayne, and sale of lands— Purchase of Barr and
McCorkle— The original plat— Donation of ground for burial purposes, and upon
which to erect a meeting house and seminary— Purchase of Judge Hanna— The
first school-house of Fort Wayne— Early school-teachers— Great abundance offish
in the Maumee— Manufacture of oil— What the Indians thought— Buildings and
business of 1819— Store of Samuel Hanna and James Barnett— Appearance of the
country in 1819— Scarcity of settlers — The Quaker trace— Settlers between Fort
Wayne and Richmond, Ind.— Recollections of John Strutten— Early purchasers
of land here— The Wells pre-emption— Organization of Allen County— First Ma
sonic organization here— First plat of Fort Wayne recorded at Winchester-
First election of county officers — First meeting ofthe County Board— County offi
cers — First Justices of the peace— -Early tavern rates--- Taxation— Report on taxa
ble property— Wolf-scalp eer.ificates- First circuit court— First grand jury— First
case on docket— First application for divorce— Tavern license— Application for citi
zenship— Pay of officers— Meeting of court— Attorney's device for seal— Miles 0.
Eggleston- -Associate Judges— Report of Grand Jury— The county jail— Impris
onment for debt — Court sessions- First will of Allen County — Murder by an In
dian Chief, (Big Leg)— His trial— First restraining case— Term of 1831— County
officers— Judge Hanna and John Right— Judge Right and Pat. McCarty— Daniel
Worth— Organization of Delaware County— The three per cent fund—Grant of
land by Congress for canal purposes— Action of the land office- -Cession of land
to the State of Ohio --Canal stipulations— Canal commissioners— Hou. Oliver H.
Smith— Trip to Fort Wayne, by Mr. Smith, Judge Eggleston, and Janjes Rarideu
—Election of John Test and Jonathan McCarty— Election of Mr. Worth, of Ran
dolph County-— Formation of Randolph, Allen, Delaware, and other territories,
adjoining into a senatorial district- -Re-eleetion of Mr. Worth— Election of Mr.
Holman— Allen, Randolph, St. Joseph, Elkhart, and Delaware counties formed
into a senatorial district— Election of Messrs, Worth, Hanna, Crawford, and
Colerick- -County Board of commissioners— County addition— Taber's addition-
First Probate Court— Letters of administration-— Court terms— Estate of Chief La
Oross--Appointment of W. G. Ewing- Judge McCulloeh— Lucien B. Ferry.. -
Elections and appointments-— Abolition ot the Probate Court and organization of
the Common Pleas Court— Election of Judge Borden— Organization of a Crimin-
Court— Marriage records.

' HROUGIi an act of Congress, approved by the President of tho
(United States, May 8th, 1822, a land office was established at
> Fort Wayne.. By this act the district for the sale of lands at this
¦ point was also defined, and the President appointed Joseph Hol-
^* man, of Wayne county, Register, and Captain Samuel C.Vance,

294 History of Fort Wayne.
of Dearborn county, Receiver. After the survey of the lands, the
President issued a proclamation for their sale, to the highest bidder,
the minimum price being $1.25 per acre ; and the sale began on the
22d of October, 1823, at the fort. Considerable rivalry having been
awakened, touching that portion wliich embraced the town and
immediate settlement — some forty acres, in the immediate locality
of the fort, being reserved for the use of the Indian Agent — the
most extensive purchasers thereof were Barr, of Baltimore, Md., and
McCorkle of Piqua, Ohio. This portion of the city is marked on
the city maps " Old Plat to Fort Wayne," and originally designa
ted as "the north fraction of the south-east quarter of section two,
township thirty, north of range twelve east ;" and it was on this that
Messrs. Barr and McCorkle laid off the original plat of the " Town
of tort Wayne," as surveyed by Robert Young, of Piqua, Ohio.
This plat was embraced in one hundred and, eighteen lots.*
In this plat, Messrs. Barr and McCorkle set apart and donated, by
deed, a body of ground, some four rods square, as a free place of.
burial, with the privilege to any denomination, that might form a
first organisation here, to build a Church thereon, They also set
apart a lot, of similar dimensions, and adjoining the foregoing,
upon which to erect an educational institute or seminary.
But all marks of these donations have long since been destroyed—
the poiutj alone remaining lo remind the reader of the thoughtful
character of the donors.
In subsequent years, Judge Hanna having purchased all the Barr
and McCorkle claims here, and the lots donated, as in the foregoing,
being laid oft' by Mr. Hanna as a part of the place, for general
building purposes, the dead of the grave-yard, were, in 1838-9, re
moved, at public expense or by loved friends, to the general ceme
tery, west of Fort Wayne.
Of the seminary or school-house erected on the donation of Barr
and McCorkle, the "Fort Wayne Times," as late as 1858, in some
sketches of the place by the editor, says ; " In this old school-
huose, many of those, then young, but now past middle life who
yet live here, many dead, and others absent, had their early train
ing for usefulness ; and many there experienced that joy only once
to be enjoyed in a life-time ; while, perhaps, nearly every teacher,
who there disciplined the youthful mind, has gone to his final ac
count, and soon here, to be entirely forgotten. * * * This
old school-house was built of brick, in 1825, and was then quite
* Running north to Water street, on the bank of the slough, where the
water from the City Mills now discharges, south to the alley south of the
first Presbyterian Church, west to Calhoun street, and east to a line running
just east of Ba'-r street. The reason, for the peculiar direction of the streets, as variant
(rom a north and south line, is this, that some buildings had. been put u;i by the set
tle s and temporary streets thus adopted, which caused the proprietors to adopt the sur
rey to the convenience of those squatters, who would, it was thought, buy the lots on
irhiTi their improvements should happen to fall. — " Fort Wayne Times," 185S.
f Just west of the connty jail, on-Oalhoun street, and north of -what is now Water
U-.ot.

Battle of the Thames — Flight of Proctor. 273
or eight minutes, with considerable execution on both sides ; but
the Indians had not sufficient firmness to sustain very long a fire
¦which was close and warm, and severely destructive. They gave
way and fled through the brush into the outer swamp, not, how
ever, before they had learnt the total discomfiture of their allies,
and had lost, by the fall of Tecumseh, a chief in whom were unit
ed the prowess of Achilles and authority of Agamemnon.
" As soon as the firing commenced between the Indians and the
second battalion, Governor Shelby, who was posted at the crotchet
in its rear, immediately ordered that part of the front line of in
fantry which lay between the first swamp and the crotchet, being
a part of Colonel Donelson's regiment, to march up briskly to the,
aid of the mounted men. They rushed up accordingly into Colo
nel Johnson's lines, and participated in the contest at that point.
This was the only portion of the infantry which had an opportunity
of engaging in any part of the battle. The Governor also dis
patched General Adair, his aid-de-camp, to bring up the brigade
of General King to the front line ; but before this could be accom
plished the enemy had fied irom Colonel Johnson, and a scattering,
running fire had commenced along the swamp, in front of General
Desha's division, between the retiring Indians and the mounted
men in pursuit, who were now commanded by Major Thompson
alone, Colonel Johnson having retired in consequence of his
wounds. This firing in the swamp continued, with occasional
remissions, for nearly half an hour, during which time the contest
was gallantly maintained by Major Thompson and his men, who
were still pressing forward on the Indians. Governor Shelby in
the meantime had rode down to the left of General Desha's divis
ion, and ordered the regiment of Colonel Simrall, which was post
ed on the extreme left, to march up on the right flank of the enemy
in aid of Major Thompson ; but before this reinforcement could
reach the scene of action, the Indians had given up the contest.
" Soon after the British force had surrendered, and it was discov
ered that the Indians were yielding on the left, General Harrison
ordered Major Payne to pursue General Proctor with a part of his
battalion ; which was promptly done, and the pursuit continued,
by the greater part of the detachment, to the distance of six miles
beyond the Moravian town, some Indians being killed, and a con
siderable number of prisoners, with a large quantity of plunder,
captured in their progress. Majors Payne, Wood, Todd, and
and Chambers ; Captain Langham, and Lieutenants Scorgin
Bell, with three privates, continued the pursuit several miles furth
er, till night came upon them — but Proctor was not to be taken.
# # # .* * * *
The pursuers, however, at last pressed him so closely, that he was
obliged to abandon the road, and his carriage and sword were cap
tured by the gallant Major Wood. The prisoners, about 50 in
number, were brought back to the Moravian town, where they
' (18)

274 History of Fort Wayne.
Were left in charge of Captain M'Afee, with 100 mounted men,
until Major Gano arrived, about midnight, with a reinforcement of
150 infantry. At. the head of the town, six pieces of brass artillery
were taken, three of which had been captured in the revolution,
at Saratoga and York, and surrendered again by Hull in Detroit.
" Th« exact loss wliich either side sustained in this battle," Con
tinues Captain M'Afee, " has never been correctly known. Accord
ing to the best information, however, which has been received, the
total loss of the mounted regiment on that day, was 17 killed and
30 wounded. The loss of the infantry was much less, though con
siderable also, at the point where they reinforced Colonel Johnson,
which was the principal theatre of our losses. The Indians left
thirty-three dead on the battle ground, and had ten or twelve killed
in different places by their pursuers. The British had 18 killed
and 26 wOuflded, besides 600 prisoners captured, including 25
officers. Among our killed was Colonel Whitley, a veteran who
had been a distinguished soldier in former Indian wars, and had ,
been no le'ss conspicuous atid serviceable in the present campaign,
in whcih the accompanied Colonel Johnson. Captain Craig and
Lieutenant Logan died of their wounds a few days after the battle.
Col. Johnson and Captains Davidson and Short were also wound
ed severely, but recovered. The Colonel was shot through his
thigh and in his hip, by the first fire of the Indians ; and shortly
afterwards he was shot through his left hand, by a ball which rang
ed up his arm, but did not enter his body. He continued, howev
er, in front ofhis men, gallantly fighting the enemy as long as the
action lasted at that place. The white mare on which he rode
was also shot so severely that she fell and expired soon after she
had carried her rider within the lines of the infantry.
" Tecumseh was found among the dead at the (point where Col.
Johnson had charged upon the enemy in person ; and it is gener
ally believed that this celebrated chief fell by the hand of the
Colonel.* It is certain that the latter killed the Indian with his
pistol who shot him through his hand, at the very spot where Te
cumseh lay ; biit another dead body lay at the same place, and
Mr. King, a Soldier in Captain Davidson's company, had the honor
of killing one of them.
" From the best information that has been received, it appears
that there was no material difference in the strength of the two
armies in this battle. The troops under Harrison had been great
ly reduced in number by detachments left as guards and for other
purposes, and by those who were sick and otherwise unable to
* Tho question as to who killed Tecumseh ? has never been decided. Drake, in his
interesting life of this noted chief, devotes spme twenty pages to the solution of this long
unanswered question, but only to arrive at the sage conclusion, that somebody killed
the Shawanoe Chieftain at the battle of the Thames.
While making a political speech at St. Louis, some years 6ubsgquentto the struggles
of 1812-14, a voice in the crowd asked " who killed Tecumseh? " To which Col. John
son replied : " I cannot tel!; it is probable that I did it, but equally probable that I
ilid'nt." One of pnr Westecu poota, the late Charles A. Jones, Esq., of Cincinnati, Ohio

Tribute to Tecumseh. 275
keep up oft forced marches. The distance from Sandwich to the
Moravian town is upwards of eighty miles, which our army march
ed in three days and a half, though frequently harrassed by skir
mishing and forming in order of battle^ and delayed by repairing
bridges and procuring supplies. A body of undisciplined militia,
urged along and regulated alone by their patriotism and military
ardor, would necessarily be much reduced by such a journey. The
whole of the regulars had been left behind, except the small frag
ment of a regiment under Colonel Paul. The brigade of General
M'Arthur had been left at Detroit to protect the inhabitants against
the Indians ; and that of General Cass had been left at Sandwich,
waiting for the baggage of the men, which delayed them so long
that they were unable to come up with the army before the battle
had been fought. The whole way from Sandwich to the battle
ground was filled with scattering parties of the militia. Hence,
our force at the place of action was believed to be less than 2500
men, which was very little more than the force actually engaged
on the part of the enemy. The British part of that force appears
to have been about 845 strong. Its loss in killed, wounded, and
captured, was 645 ; and the adjutant-general of the British forces
some years ago, in the columns of the " Hesperian," paid the following beautiful tribute
to the great warrior :
••" TECUMSEH, Ths last Kino of the Ohio.
" Where rolls the dark and turbid Thames, " Art thou a soldier ? — dost thou not
His consecrated wave along, O'er deeds chivalrio love to muse ?
Sleeps one, than whose, few are the names Here stay thy steps — what holier spot
More worthy of the lyre and song ; Couldst thou for contemplation choose
Yet o'er Wh-ose spot of lono repose The earth beneath ia holy grou nd,
No pilgrim eyes are seen to weep ; It holds a thousand valiant braves;
And no memorial marble throws Tread lightly o'er each little mound,
Its shadow where his ashes sleep. For they are no ignoble graves.
"Stop, Stranger, there Tecumseh lies ; " Thermopylae and Marathon,
Behold the lowly resting place Though classic earth, can boast no more
Of all that of the hero dies ; Of deeds heroic than yon sun
The Caesar — Tully— of his race, Once saw upon this lonely shore,
Whose arm of strength and firey tongue, When in a gallant nation's last
Have won him an immortal name, And deadliest struggle, for its own,
And from the mouths of millions wrung Tecumseh's fiery spirit passed
Reluctant tribute to his fame. In blood, and sought his father's throne.
'* Stop— for 'tis glory claims thy tear, " Oh, softly fall the summer dew,
True worth belongs to all mankind, The tears of Heaven Upon his sod,
And he whose ashes slumber here, For he in life and death was true,
Though man in form, was God in mind; Both to his eountry and his god;
What matter he was not like thee, For oh, if ©od toman has given,
In face or color? — 'tis the soul From his bright home beyond the skies
That marks man's true divinity — One feeling that's akin to Heaven,
Then let not shame they tears control. 'Tis his who for his country dies.
" Art thou a patriot ?— so was he—- Best, warrior, rest — though not a dirge
His breast was Freedom's holiest shrine; Is thine beside the wailing blast ;
And as thou bendest there thy knee, Time cannot in oblivion merge
His spirit will unite With thine ; The light thy star of glory cast ;
AU that a man can give, he gave — While heave yon high hills to the sky,
His life— the country of his sires While rolls yon dark and turbid river.
From the oppressor's. grasp to save — Thy name and fame can never die —
In vain— quenched aro his nation's fires. Whom Freedom loves will live forever.

276 History or Fort Wayhk
soon afterwards officially acknowledged that 204 of those who
escaped had assembled at Ancaster on the 17th of October. This
calculation is also confirmed by the official return of the troops at
Maiden on the 10th of September, which made them 944 in num
ber — affording an excess of 100 above our estimate to meet the
losses experienced on tne retreat before the battle. As for the
amount of their Indian force, when it is shown by their own offi
cial papers, captured with the army, that 15,000 rations were issu
ed daily to the Indians before the retreat, and that the greater
part of them accompanied Proctor up the Thames, it is certainly a
reasonable calculation to estimate them at 15, 18, or even 20 hun
dred warriors in the battle. The whole force of the allies must
hence have been at least considerably above 2000 — yet a large
portion of that force was captured, and the balance entirely driv
en off by the single regiment under Johnson, aided at one point
only by a portion of the infantry, and making altogether, it is be
lieved, much less than half the army. But had our force been
greatly superior, the nature of the ground, and position of the
enemy, would have rendered its superiority useless ; for a larger
force than his could not have been brought efficiently into action,
had his resistance been so great as to render it necessary. The
mounted regiment had but 950 men in the battle — hence the force
of the battalion, which was led into action by Lieutenant-Colonel
James Johnson, could not have been much more than half as great
as the British force, which it shattered in a moment by its impetu
ous charge.
"Our important and glorious victory, it is evident, was princi
pally achieved by the novel expedient of charging through the
British lines with mounted infantry. ' The measure,' says General
Harrison, who conceived it at the moment for its execution, ' was
not sanctioned by anything I had seen or heard, but I was fully
convinced that it would succeed. The American backwoodsmen
ride better in the woods than any other people. A musket or rifle
is no impediment to them, being accustomed to carry it on horse
back from' their earliest youth. I was pursuaded, too, that the
enemy would be quite unprepared for the shock, and that they
could not resist it.' The shock was indeed so unexpected and im
petuous that all the resistance they were able to make amounted
to nothing. Two or three killed, and a few more wounded) was
all the execution done by upwards of eight hundred veterans, many
of whom surrendered without giving a second fire. ' It is really
a novel thing,' says Colonel Wood, ' that raw militia, stuck upon
horses, with muskets in their hands, instead of sabres, should be
able to pierce British lines with such complete effect, as did John
son's men in the affair upon the Thames ; and perhaps the only
circumstance which could justify that deviation from the loag
established rules of the art military, is the complete success of the
result* Great generals are authorized to step asid« occasionally —

Indians to Deliver their Prisoners at Fokt Wayne. 277
especially when they know that their errors will not be noticed by
the adversary,"
On the 6th the American troops continued to occupy the battle
ground, and the Moravian town, about two miles above it, being
employed in burying the dead and collecting the public property of
the enemy, of which a considerable quantity was found in different
places, in addition to the artillery already mentioned, and a great
-variety of military stores, there were at least 5000 stand of small
arms captured by the American troops and destroyed by the ene
my on this expedition. A large proportion of them had been taken
at the surrender of Detroit, the massacre of the river Eaisin, and
the defeat of Colonel Dudley. Early on the 7th, Gen. Harrison
left the army under the immediate command of Governor Shelby
and returned to Detroit ; and in the course of the same day the
different corps commenced their return home, having embarked the
greater part of the property they had captured in boats on the
Thames, and set fire to the Moravian town, which was a very in
considerable village, occupied chiefly by Delaware Indians, who
professed to be ofthe Moravian sect of religion. On the 10th all
the troops arrived with their prisoners at Sandwich. It now. began
to snow, and the weather was extremely cold and stormy. For two
or three days the wind blew down the strait with such violence,
that it was impracticable to cross it, and the vessels bringing down
the public property, were greatly endangered, and much of it was
lost. In the meantime, an armistice was concluded by Gen. Harrison
with the Indians. Before he marched in pursuit of the British, a
deputation of Ottawas and Chippewas had sued for peace, which
he had promised them on condition that they would bring in their
families, and raise the tomahawk against the British. To these
terms they had readily acceded ; and before his return the Miamies
and Pottawattamies had solicited a cessation of hostilities from
General M'Artur on the same conditions. Even the ferocious and
inveterate Mai-pock, of the Pottawattamies, now tendered his sub
mission, and an armistice was concluded with seven of the hostile
tribes, which was to continue till the pleasure of the President was
known. They agreed to deliver up all their prisoners at Fort Wayne,
and to leave hostages in security for their good behavior. Sepa
rated from their allies, by the American victories on the Lake and
the Thames, from whom they had received subsistence and council,
they were now glad to accept the American friendship on any
terms which would save them from extermination by famine and
the sword.*
On the 12th the storm had so far abated, that the mounted regi
ment crossed over the strait to Spring Wells ; and on the next day
the Kentucky infantry crossed at the mouth of the river Rouge.
On the 20th of October, a general order having been issued for
*M'Afee.

278 History op Fort Wayne.
the return of the troops to Kentucky, Governor Shelby said : " Al
though, in the course of this campaign, you necessarily encountered
many difficulties and privations, yet they were met with that
cheerfulness, and sustained with that manly fortitude which the oc
casion required. The uninterrupted good fortune which has attend
ed us, is a source of the most pleasing reflection, and cannot fail to
excite the warmest feelings of gratitude towards the Divine Being,
who has been pleased in a peculiar manner to favor us, and to .
crown with success the exertions we have made for our country.
" In the course of the very active operations which we have
performed, it is possible that expressions may have dropped, tend
ing to irritate and wound the feelings of some who were engaged
in them. The Commanding General hopes, that with the campaign
will end every unpleasant sensation, which may have arisen from
that source, and that we shall return home united as a band of
brothers, with the sweet solace of having served our country from
the purest motives, and with the best of our abilities."
In pursuance of this order, the troops returned to Kentucky, and
were discharged by Major Trigg, at Limestone, on the 4th of No
vember. The mounted regiment was detained a few days at
Detroit, till the Indians had dispersed, after the armistice, and then
returned home without any remarkable occurrence.

•

CHAPTER XXlV.

" Sec ! again, the smoke is curling
From the friendly calumet,
And the club of war is buried,
And the star of slaughter set."'

Further movements of the American Army— Holmes' expedition against the British
near the old battle-ground — He posts his men on a height, and gives the enemy
battle — The Americans again victorious — Movement against Mackinaw — Expedi
tion of General M'Arthur — Resignation of General Harrison — The treaty of
Greenville — Chief Pe-con — Durability of the old fort — Succession of commanders
here — Destruction of the old fort and building of a new one — Peaceful attitude of
the Indians after the war — Spirit of order and desire for peace among the Indians
—Their close observation and intuition — New-coniers — An incident — James Pel
tier, the interpreter, and the Indian.

jLTHOUGH the defeat of the British at the battle of the
Thames had virtually terminated the struggles in the north
-west, yet there was a determination to push the war still
further. In February following, (1814,) an expedition was
formed under Captain Holmes, to invade Canada, the enemy
having, in the month of January, again taken a position at the point
of Proctor's defeat, against which Holmes aimed to direct his expe
dition ; but learning that the British were advancing with a superior
force, he took his position upon an elevated point a few miles from
the old battle ground, and at once proceeded to fortify himself.
Here he was now soon attacked with much vigor, but after
considerable loss, the British were again forced to retreat.
The next was a movement against Mackinaw, which had first
been proposed soon after the battle of the Thames, but the unfa
vorable condition of the weather prevented the safe navigation of
the lakes, and the purpose was abandoned. In the following April,
however, the plan was again proposed, and put into execution for
the double purpose of destroying some vessels the British were
supposed to be building at Gloucester Bay, and to capture Mackin
aw ; which, through some misunderstanding, resulted in a fruitless
effort, and was at length abandoned. It was again revived, late
in the month of July following, from further information received

280 History of Fort Wayne.
relative to the building of vessels at Gloucester Bay. Failing at
length to reach the point in ' question, the vessels sailed to St.
Joseph's, where a trading house was destroyed, and the - goods
thereof seized. A portion of this fleet at once sailed for Mackinaw,
and on the 4th of August made a landing upon the west side ofthe
Island, where a rather spirited action occurred, in which Captain
Holmes and 11 others were killed, which induced an abandonment
of any further attempt to capture Mackinaw. The British were now
somewhat successful in several efforts against the Americans.
M'Arthur, on the 26th of October, with seven hundred and twenty
mounted men, left Detroit. Soon reaching "Oxford, he proceeded
to Burford, whence, instead of joining General Brown, at Fort Erie,
as had been previously proposed, he moved towards the! lake, by
the Long Point road, and there defeated a body of militia, who
had thought to stop his further march; destroyed also some five
or six mills, and then made his retreat along the lake shore towards
Sandwich, pursued by a body of regulars, nearly double his own
number, arriving at Sandwich, on the 17th of November, with a
loss of but one man ; and this closed the struggles in the North
west, General Harrison, feeling, for certain manifest reasons, that the
Secretary of War entertained a dislike for him, resigned his position
as commander-in-chief of the western forces, on the 11th of May,
1814. Prior to his resignation, however, he had arranged for a
treaty at Greenville, where, on the 22d of July, with General Cass,
on behalf of the United States, they had met the friendly Wyan
dotts, Delawares, Shawanoes, Senecas, and concluded a peace with
the Miamies, Weas, and Eel River Indians, and certain of the
Pottawattamies, Ottawas and Kickapoos ; all of whom had engaged
to join the Americans, should the war continue. On (he 24th of
December, the treaty of Ghent having been signed, by the rep
resentatives of the two governments, the difficulties ended, and
the proffered aid of the Indians was no longer required.
The treaty of July, 1814, at Greenville, was one of the largest
treaties that had ever been held with the tribes. Pe-con,* the
successor of Little Turtle, as the representative of the Miamies,
with one hundred and thirteen others, were signers to this treaty.
The old Fort, as originally built by order of General Wayne, in
1794, had withstood the ravages of time and the efforts of the
Indians to destroy it, remarkably well. From the period of Gen
eral Hamtramck's occupation of it, after the departure of General
Wayne, to its final evacuation, in 1819, it had been in charge of
many commandants. After the resignation of'Captain Ray, in
1812, Captain Hugh Moore, assumed command, who, in 1813, was
superseded by Jos. Jenkinson. In the spring of 1814, Major Whist
ler became its commandant, who in turn was superseded by Major
* Chief Pe-eon died soon after this treaty, near the old residence of his successor,
Chief Richardville, some four or five miles up the St. Mary's river.

Peaceable Character op the Indians. 281
Josiah H. Vose, in 1815, who continued in command until its final
evacuation, 19th of April, 1819.
At the close of tbe struggles in 1814, soon after the arrival of
Major Whistler, to assume command here, it was feared that the
Indians might again make an effort to capture the post, and being
much out of repair, and most uncomfortable for the garrison in
many respects, Major Whistler applied to the War Department for
permission to rebuild it, which was granted by General Armstrong,
and the main structure was replaced by new pickets and other
necessary timber for the rebuilding of the officers and other quart
ers within the enclosure.
Though many Indians continued, for several years after the war
of 1812 to congregate here for purposes of trade ; to receive their
annuity ; and also from a feeling of sympathy and attraction for
the scene of their old home and gathering-place, aside from some
petty quarrels among themselves, in which they would often kill
each other, nothing of a war-like nature was ever again manifest
between the Indians and the whites.
During 1818, a year remarkable for the congregation of many
Indians here, the red man is referred to as presenting a general
spirit of order and love of peace, not surpassed by many of the
whites of the time, and well worthy of emulation in many in
stances. It was no uncommon thing in their visits to Ke-ki-on-ga,
seeing a new hut, to enquire whether the new-comer was quiet — if
he "make no trouble for Injun," &c. And their intuition and
close observation were presented very often in the most striking
and reinarkable light.
On one occasion, about this period, an elderly Miamie had come
to the village to trade a little. Soon meeting his old friend; Jas. Pel
tier, the interperter, his observing eye, in looking about the place,
soon fell upon a hut near, that had but recently been built. " Ugh ! "
ejaculated the Indian ; " new wigwam ! " He now became most anx
ious to know if the white man was peaceable— whether he come to
make trouble for Injun ? The two now soon entered the hut of the'
new-comers, and shook hands with the inmates. The Indian at once
began to look about him, and to enquire how many warriors (chil
dren) they had, &c. Eyeing the matron of the house or squaw, as the
Indian called her, and observing that she was quite sad, the Indian
became anxious to know what was the matter with her — he was
sure she was sick. The woman averred that she was not sick.
But the Indian knew she was. Turning' to his old friend P. again,
after looking at the woman and striking his hand upon his breast,
exclaimed, " White squaw sick at heart ; " and was anxious to
know if she had not left something behind, at the settlement from
which they came to Fort Wayne. In response to this, the
woman quickly replied, that she had left her only son, by her first
husband, at Piqua, and that she was anxious to have him with her,
but her present husband did not want him to come. " Did'nt I tell

282 History op Fort Wayne.
you white squaw sick at heart!" replied the Indian, much elated; and
hfe at once proposed to go to Piqua and bring her son to her, if Mr.
P. would give him a blanket — which was readily agreed to. Re
ceiving a note from the mother, the next morning early, with two
Indian ponies, the generous red man was on the road to Piqua ; and
in five days from that time returned with the boy ! The woman's
heart was eased, and as the faithful Indian gazed upon the happy
meeting of the mother and the son, his heart warmed within him,
and turning to his friend Peltier, he exclaimed : " Is'nt that good
medicine for the white squaw ! "
The Indian now became the faithful protector and friend of the
woman and her son, assuming the special guardianship of the lat
ter — telling the husband that if he ever heard a word of complaint,
either from the son or mother, as to ill treatment, " he would have
his hide, if he had to lay in the Maumee river until the moss* had
grown six inches on his back."
For six or seven years the Indian continued his visits to the hut of
the new-comers, always bringing them supplies in the form of
venison, and animals of different kinds ; and the boy very often ac
companied his kind benefactor to the forest in pursuit of g'ame.f
*It was a custom with the Indians in warfare, when seeking to revenge themselves
upon some one, often to cover their backs with moss or -weeds, and thus to creep from
point to point, surprising and killing their opponents.
+As related by Jas. Peltier to his son Louis Peltier, from whom the writer received
(lie narration.

CHAPTER XXV.
" Broad plains — blue -waters — hills and valleys,
That ring -with anthems of the free 1 "

Fort Wayne regarded as an object of marked value to the country — Commanding offi
cer's and soldiers' garden — Main road and general scenery from the fort — Burial
grounds — Exhumation of Indian bones, &c. — Hospitality of the garrison — Early
navigation of the St. Mary's and Maumee — The general landing-place — Dams and
mills — The fur-trade — "Packs" — Richardville — His wealth — French traders —
Treaties at St. Mary's, Ohio — Occupants ofthe fort in May, 1814 — Return of chief
Richardville to Fort Wayne in 1814 — His refusal to attend the treaty of Greenville
— Rebuilding of the fort — Early traces — The " Big Elm"— A fourth-of-July party
— Arrival of the mail — Removal of Major Whistler, and appointment of Major i.
H. Vose and Lieutenant Clark: — Abandonment of the garrison — Loneliness of the
settlers — Captain J ames Riley's visit to and early impressions of Fort Wayne and
vicinity — Early buildings — Settlers of 1815 — Army contractors — Admission of In
diana as a State — The convention at Corydon — Vincennes the seat of government
for the Indiana Territory — Whatis now Allen County, early formed a part of Ran
dolph County on the south, of -which Winchester was long the county-seat — Large
gathering of Indians at Fort Wayne — How they drew their rations — The old
Council-house and well — Letter of Major B. F. Stickney — Early traders — Visit
here of General Cass and H. R, Schoolcraft — Formation of State Districts and elec
tion of Representatives.

I S WITH the heat of summer and the frost of winter, so the
'effects and agitated state of the war element only gradually
> disappeared, again leaving the atmosphere of the general
mind in a state of comparative passivity and reconciliation.
Still remote from the " settlements," Fort Wayne continued
as in former years, to exist as an object of special interest to the
nation, not knowing what trials and conflicts might sooner or later
call it into action again, in defence of the northwest ; and for some
years after the achievements of 1812-14, the soldier still continued
to stand guard at its portals.
Attached to the fort, running west to about where the " Old Fort
House " is located, and where David Comparet's warehouse stands,
embracing about one acre of ground, was an excellent and well
cultivated garden, belonging to the commanding officer, always
filled, in season, with the choicest vegetation. Still to the west of this
was the company's garden, extending to about where the Hedekin
House now stands, which was also well tilled. The road then main-

284 History of Fort Wayne.
ly used, extended westward from the fort along what is now the
canal, to the corner of Barr and Columbia streets.
In general appearance, in the summer of 1814, looking out upon
the surrounding scene from the fort, the country and vicinity was des
cribed as of the rarest beauty. Nature everywhere wore an aspect
of grandeur. The surface, as cleared by order of General Harrison,
in 1812, to thwart the efforts and designs of the Indians, was now
formed, here and there, with beautiful lawns of tall blue grass, of
the finest growth, undisturbed, from season to season, save by the
tread and hunger of a few stray ponies.
Just to the south of the fort, in what is now " Taber's Addition,"
was located the burial- ground ofthe garrison ; and where also were
deposited others not immediately connected with the fort. Lieu
tenant Ostrander, mentioned in a former chapter, who had un-
thoughtedly fired upon a flock of birds passing over the fort, had
been repremanded by Captain Ray, and because of his refusal to
be tried by a court-martial, was confined in a small room in the
garrison, where he subsequently died, was among the number
buried in this old place of interment. Another place of burial,
where also a number of Indians were interred, extended along the
northwest corner of Columbia and Clinton streets, and to the ad
joining block. Many bones were removed from this point some
years ago, in digging cellars, and' laying the foundations of build
ings. In 1846, in the progress of excavating for a foundation wall,
immediately to the west of the northwest corner of Main and
Calhoun streets, were dug up and " removed the remains of an In
dian, who had long before that been buried, with a gun excellently
mounted, some trinkets of silver, and a glass pint flask of whisky,
which liquid was still preserved in at least as good a state as when
buried. The hair was also in a fair state of preservation, though the
skull was much decayed, as were the gun mountings carroded."*
Another burial ground, used principally by the Indians, within
the recollection of some of the early settlers here, extended from about
where Messrs. Hill c& OrbisonV warehouse stands, across the basin
to the brewery, and beyond. And often had been seen, years ago,
swinging from the bough of a tree, or in a hammock stretched be
tween two trees,, the infant of the Indian mother ; or a few little
log enclosures, where the bodies of adults sat upright, with all their
former apparel wrapped about them, and their trinkets, tomahawks,
&c, by their side, could be seen at any time for many years, by the
few pale faces visting or sojourning here.
In those hospitable periods in the northwest, when it was the
pride as well as pleasure of every one to freely help his neighbor,
in any way that each could be serviceable to the other, the appear^
ance of a stranger at the fort, from the settlements, or any part of
the country, was a treat not to be lightly considered ; and such an
»'-|Jfort Wayne Times," 1858.

Early Navigation— The Fur Trade. 285
arrival was always hailed with unbounded pleasure by all, and en
tertained with the freest and most gratifying hospitality.
One of the principal ways by which Fort Wayne was reached at
this period, was by water, either byway of the'St. Mary's or Maumee
rivers, usually in flat boats and what was then known as pirogues,
embarking at St. Mary's,Ohio,when coming by way of the St. Mary's
river. The boat landing was just below the fort, about where the
Maumee bridge is, and in the bend of this river — a road leading
obliquely down the embankment from the fort to the landing ; and
up to 1838, it was no uncommon thing to see pirogues andflatboats,
laden with various articles of merchandise, whisky, flour, furs, &c,
land and unload, and re-load, at this point,. But many dams hav
ing been subsequently erected along the St. Mary's, with a view
to the establishment of mills, navigation at length became impeded,
and finally abandoned altogether. Among the early mills built
along ¦ the St. Mary's .and near Fort Wayne, was one erected by
Captain James Riiey, in 1822, at a point familiarly known as the
" Devil's Race Ground," or what is now Wiltshire, Ohio ; in 1824-5
Samuel Hanna and James Barnett built a mill some three miles
from Fort Wayne, now known as " Beaver's mill."
Great quantities of hides and peltries arriving here on horses,
familiarly called " packs," or by water, across by portage,* from
the Wabash, &c, were placed in pirogues, and re-shipped to Detroit,
and other points below. And this business was for many years
the principal commerce of the place — in fact, the coin itself, by
which notes and " promises to pay," were usually liquidated ; and
it was through these that goods of various kinds were generally
"This business ofthe portage or transporting of goods and furs to and from the waters
of the Maumee and W abash, had, before the erection ef the fort, become of considerable
importance. For some time previous to about the year 1800, it had been pretty much
monopolized by the mother of the late chief Richardville, who usually employed a
considerable number of men — Indians — and horses for that purpose. The extent and
profit of the business was such, that the Indians, upon the grant of a tract of land on
Little river, at the treaty of Greenville, endeavored to have reserved to themselves the
exclusive right of transportation across the portage, a portion of wliich -was included
in the grant ; and it was stated that as much as one hundred dollars had been yielded
from, this source in one day. It is quite certain that this -woman amassed a consider
able fortune at the business. Afterwards, Mr. Louis Bourie, of Detroit, who had a tra
ding house here, principally carried on this business, from about the year 1803, to 1809.
His clerk here, who usually employed a number of 'men aud horses for the purpose, ac
ted also as a kind of forwarding merchant for the traders. Upon the deposit of goods
i n their absence , he issued regular receipts for the same.and paid off tho charges of freight
and duties at the post of Miami. The traders would purchase their goods in Detroit
or Canada, usually in the summer or fall ; transport them in pirogues, in ease of pur
chase from the former, to Detroit or Post Miami, where they paid duties ; thence they
ascended the Maumee river, by the same road to the portage at Fort Wayne ; crossed
the same by- pack horses to the head waters of the Wabash, and down the same by pi
rogues to their respective establishments In the spring they returned, in the same
manner with the furs they had collected in winter, to the marts of Detroit and Canada,
whence they were sent to Europe. We can scarcely conceive, at this clay, of the im
mense quantities of furs, consisting principally of beaver, bear, otter, deer, and coon,
which were formerly collected on the Wabash and Illinois rivers, and nearly all of which
passed over this portage. Thev were the principal staple of the country, and among
-the traders the only currency — when debts were contracted, or payments to be made,
notei were usually drawn pnyable in furs. Such notes are found extending back ia

286 History of Fort Wayne,
obtained in exchange — such as dry goods, boots, shoes, hardware,
&c — which were sold at exorbitant prices to the Indians, and others,
and by which means,, and the early purchase of lands, at a very
low figure, many in after years became very wealthy. Richard-
ville, the late chief of the Miamies, who was licensed as a trader
with the Indians at this point, as early as 1815, amassed an immense
fortune, mainly by this trade and the sale of lands. Schoolcraft
estimated his wealth some years prior to his death at about $200,000
in specie ; much of which he had had so long buried in the earth
that the boxes in which the money was enclosed, had mainly de-
cayed, and the silver itself greatly rusted and blackened.
In 1818, several French traders came here, but not meeting with
such inducements as they had desired, passed on, after a few days,
to the more remote regions of the West, where furs were supposed
to be more abundant.
In this year there were also a number of treaties held with the
Indians at St. Mary's, Ohio, on behalf of the United States, under
the direction of Governor Jennings and Benjamin Parke, of Indi
ana, and General Lewis Cass, of Michigan ; at one of which, on
the 6th of October, a purchase of a considerable body of land
lying south of the rivers St. Mary and Wabash, was effected.
When Major Whistler assumed command of the garrison, in
May, 1814, aside from the little band of soldiers here, were the two
daughters of the commandant, Mrs. Laura Suttenfield,* George
and John E. Hunt ; Lieutenant Curtiss, and William Suttenfield,
husband of Mrs. L. Suttenfield. Soon after the war broke out, with
many other members of the tribe, including his family, Chief
Richardville, made his way to the British lines for protection, and
with a view, doubtless, to render some aid to the enemy ; for, as
the reader already knows, but few among the tribes ofthe northwest
remained neutral, or failed to give aid in some way to the British
cause, At the close of the troubles in 1814, he again returned
to this point, and soon passed on up the St. Mary's, about three
miles from Fort Wayne, where he encamped.! Major Whistler,
desiring to see him, at once sent an interpreter to him by the name
of Crozier, requesting him to come immediately to the fort, with
which he readily complied. The treaty of Greenville, already re
ferred to, was now about to take place, and the Major desired
that the chief should be present, and so requested him ; but Rich
ardville was very indifferent about the matter, hesitated, and soon
returned to his camp again. A few days subsequently, however,
he came back to the fort, where he was now held as a hostage for
some ten days, when he at length consented to attend the treaty,
and was soon after accompanied thither by Chief Chondonnai, of
date from 1810 to as early as 1738 ; at Which latter period Kaskaskia was the empori
um of the trade of theWest.— C. B. Lasselle, from Fort Wayne Democrat, Feb. 20th 1867,
*See sketch of her in back part of this volume.
tit was not far from this point where the government, a few years later, built him a
very neat brick house, in which he resided for several years afterwards.

Rebuilding of the Fort, 287
one of the lower tribes, (who had been a party to the Chicago mas
sacre,) Robert E. Forsyth, and Wm. Suttenfieid.
Much of the season of 1815, was spent in rebuilding the fort ;
and when completed, as with the first erected in 1794, was a most
substantial affair. The timber with which it had been built, was
obtained principally from what is now the east end, about where
stands the dwelling of II. B. Taylor, James Embry, and the late
Samuel Hanna — the pickets consisting of timber, some twelve and
a half feet in length, " in sets of six, with cross pieces, two feet
from the top, let in and spiked, and a trench dug, two and a half
feet deep, into which they were raised."* As the old pickets were
removed, the new ones took their place.
At this early period, the roads leading from the fort were mere
traces ; one leading to Fort Recovery, and known as the " Wayne
trace," passing through what is now Allen County, thence into
Adams, to the north of Monmouth ; from thence passing not far
from Willshire to " Shane's Crossing," and so on. There was also
a trace to Captain Well's place, on the banks of Spy Run ; two
traces led down the Maumee on either side ; and one extended in
the direction of Fort Dearborn, (Chicago ;) between which point
and Fort Wayne, no house was then visible, nor indeed, in any other
direction, with, perhaps, one or two exceptions, short of the settle
ments in Ohio. The two common fording places at that time and for
some years later, were above and below the Maumee bridge— the
one below the bridge was better known as " Harmer's Ford," both
of which are now most entirely obliterated.
It was below this latter ford, near a path leading towards Detroit,
under the cheerful shade of what was then and long after known as
the " Big Elm," on the 4th of July, 1810, that Captain Ray and a few
others from the fort, were enjoying themselves most agreeably,
partaking of a dinner, in honor of the glorious occasion, when an
express came up the trace from Detroit, with the private mail and
Government despatches. Here Captain Ray took possession of
the " mail matter," all gathering around to receive their favors,
which were then duly distributed by first Postmaster Ray ; and the
old Elm was thereafter known as " the Post Office." What has
become of this " old familiar tree " — whose o'erhanging bows
formed the shadow of the first post office in the region of Fort
Wayne, is now unknown. Perhaps some unsparing axeman long
since cut it down.
It was by way of Fort Wayne at this period and some years after
that the troops 'at Chicago and Green Bay received their regular
mail by military express.
Major Whistler, in 1817, being removed from this point to what
is now St. Charles, Mo., was succeeded by Major J. H. Vose, of
the 5th regiment of regulars, who held command until permanent-
,ly evacuated, in April, 1819. The departure of the troops is
» " Fort Wayne Times," 1858.

288 History of Fort Wayne.
said to have "left the little band of citizens" then here " extreme
ly lonesome and unprotected. The cessation of the therefore daily
music of the troops in the fort was supplied by the stillness of
nature, almost overwhelming. The Indians were numerous, and
their camp fires and rude music, the drum, made night more dread
ed ; but to this the inhabitants of Fort Wayne soon became famili
arized." "The punctilio of military life was gradually infused
into the social circle, and gave tone to the etiquette and moral
habits of the citizens of" the fort.*
It was in this year, about the 24th of November, (1819,) that
Captain James Riley, the surveyor, paid a visit to Fort Wayne.
The following are some of his impressions as then dotted down.
" At every step, in this country," said he of General Wayne
and the fort, "every unprejudiced mind will more and more admire
the movements and achievements of the army, conducted by this
veteran and truly wise and great commander, (General Wayne.)
By occupying Fort Wayne, the communication between Lake Erie
and the Ohio, through the channels ofthe Maumee and the Wabash
(which is the shortest and most direct water route from Buffalo to
the Missisippi river,) was cut off, or completely commanded." He
also suggested the importance of a canal, by way of the portage,
from St. Mary's to Little river, and said such " might very easily
be cut six miles long, uniting the Wabash to the St. Mary's, a little
above its junction ; and from what I saw and learned from others,"
said he, " it is my opinion that the swamp might afford water suffi
cient for purposes of Canal navigation.
" The country around Fort Wayne," he continued, " is very fertile.
The situation is commanding and healthy, and here will arise a
town of great importance, which must become a depot of immense
trade. The fort is now only a small stockade ; no troops are sta
tioned here, and less than thirty dwelling houses, occupied by
French and American families, from the settlement. But soon as
the land shall be surveyed and offered for sale, inhabitants will
pour in from all quarters, to this future thoroughfare, between the
East and the Mississippi river."
A year later, November, 1820, Captain Riley, writing to Hon.
Edward Tiffin, surveyor-general, said he " was induced to visit this
place for curiosity, to see the Indians receive their annuities, and
to view the country." It was at this period that he levelled the
portage ground, from the St. Mary's to Little river, and presented
also some very practical suggestions, which, in after years, came
to be highly serviceable. Every freshet at that time, brought
many boats down the St. Mary's, which had, for some years, been
quite common. This, (Fort Wayne,) said he, is " a central point,
combining more natural advantages to build up and support a town
of importance, as a place of deposit and trade, and a thoroughfare,
than any point he had seen in the western country."
At this period, he remarked, there were about one' thousand
» " Fort Wayne Times," 1858,

Account of Captain Riley — Trade with the Indians. 289
whites here from Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and New York, trading
with the Indians during the payment season, who had brought a
great abundance of whisky with them, and which they dealt out
to the Indians so freely as to keep them continually drunk, and un
fit for business ; horse-racing, drinking, gambling, debauchery,
extravagance, and waste were the order of the day and night; and
that the Indians were the least savage, and more christianized ;
that the examples of those whites were too indelicate to mention ;
all of which he thought could be remedied by a speedy survey of
the lands, and then to dispose of them as soon as possible, from
the mouth of the Maumee to Fort Wayne ; and from thence down
the Wabash, wdiich would superinduce a rapid settlement, and
give spur and energy to agriculture, commerce, and manufactures;
and further suggested that the place should he laid out in lots, and
sold, the money to be applied by the President, giving a place and
lands on which to erect buildings of a public character for " this
future Emporium of Lndiana." And he finally purchased, this
year, at the Piqua Land Office, a number of tracts of land at the
Rapids of the St. Mary's, (Wiltshire.) where he soon moved his
family* laid off a town, andj two years later, (1822,) built a grist
mill, and surveyed all the country, on both sides of the St. Mary's,
embracing Fort Wayne, and also about twenty townships, of six
miles square, between the St. Mary's and the Maumee.
Such were the prophetic words — such the spirit and energy of
that Stirling pioneer, Captain James Riley. And he will certain
ly long live in the memory of the people of Fort Wayne.
The trade with the Indians now constituted, for some years after
the organization ot the county, in 1824, the main life and business
activity ofthe place, the principal features of wliich have been most
fully presented in the foregoing, by Captain Riley.
As illustrative of what Captain Riley has said of the adventur
ous sptrit of the time, on one occasion, at a later period, in the
history of this old carrying-place, an Indian had come to Fort
Wayne, upon a very fair pony, and alighted in front of a lit tie
grocery and liquor store, which then stood on the west side of
what is. now Calhoun street, a little north of the north-west cor
ner of Main and Calhoun streets. The Indian wanted money, and
offered to sell his pony for a moderate sum, to a white man stand
ing near the point at which he stopped. The man looked at the
pony somewhat scrutinizingly, and said to the Indian that he would
" like to ride him up the street a piece, and if he liked him, would
buy the pony." The Indian assented, and the man sp'rang upon the
animal and rode toward-! Wayne street. At that time, and for
some years subsequent, the old jail, a rather substantial, though
rough-looking log building, stood on the south-west corner of the
the present enclosure of the court-house. Coming to this old edi
fice, the man turned the corner, eastward, p issed the jail, and put
ting whip to the-pony, was soon beyond the limits of tae town I The

290 History of Fort Wayne.
pony was gone. None could tell him of the rider ; and the, Indian
never saw him more.
In 1815, a few houses began to appear some distance from the
fort, but usually in range of the bastions, so that, in case of attack,
they might easily be destroyed, or the enemy driven away. One
of these was built about the centre of what is now Barr street, near
the corner of Columbia, which, some years afterwards, being re
moved from its former locality, "formed a part of the old Washing
ton Hall building, on the southwest corner of Columbia and Barr
streets, destroyed by fire in 1858.
Among those who came to this point in 1815, were a Mr. Bourie,
grandfather of L. T. Bourie'; Dr. Turner, Dr. Samuel Smith, from
Lancaster, Ohio, and John P. Hedges returned here from Cincin
nati, whither, and to Bowling Green, Ky., he had gone after the
battle of the Thames. The following year Dr. Trevitt came. ,
John H. Piatt, of Cincinnati, beginning with 1812, furnished
supplies to the army here, with whom, in 1814, became associated
Andrew Wallace. This contract was subsequently disposed of to
Rob't Hugh Glenn and Jacob Fowles, who, in turn, disposed of it
(in l8l7,) to Major Wm. P. Rathbone, of Kew York City.
In 1816, Indiana having been admitted as a State, in compliance
with an act of Congress, a Convention was held at Corydon, with
a view to the formation of a State Constitution, in which body this
part of the State, then a portion of Knox county, was represented
by John Badolet, John Benefiel, John Johnson, Wm. Polk, and
Benjamin Parke, all now deceased.
The seat of government of Knox county was at Vincennes,
which had for several years been the seat of government for the
Indiana Territory ; and all judicial matters relating to the vicinity
of Fort Wayne, were settled at Vincennes up to 1818, when this
portion of the State, extending to Lake Michigan, was embraced in
Randolph County, of which Winchester was the county seat, up to
the formation of Allen County, in 1823.
During 1815, after the declaration of peace, the Indians began
to gather here in large numbers, to receive their rations, &c, as
per treaty stipulations, at Greenville.
Being admitted into the fort, on such occasions, in parties of six
or eight, the Indians would present a little bundle of short sticks,
to represent the number of rations they wished to draw. The coun
cil-house which had been destroyed by the siege of 1812, was
rebuilt in 1816, upon the site of theold one, which was again oc
cupied by the former Indian agent here, Major B. F. Stickney.
The same well that was used at the time of its occupancy at this
early period, is still used by Mr. Hedekin, whose residence now
occupies the site of this old edifice.
The year following the rebuilding ofthe old council-house, (1817,)
Major Stiokney addressed the following letter to Thomas L. M'Kin-

Great Quantities of Fjsh in the Maumee. 295
large enough for all needed purposes. * * * It was only
one story in height, and served, for many years, not only as a school-
house, but as the place of religious worship, town meetings, Ma
sonic installations, political speeches, &c."
J. P. Hedges, who still survives as " one of the old ones of the
old ones," of Fort Wayne, was among the first teachers in this
old pioneer school-house. In the winter of 1826, he had it plas
tered at his own expense, that it might be the more comfortable
and neat. A Mr. A. Aughinbangh also taught in this old school-
house at an early period. Mr. A., previous to 1833, had charge of
the county seminary, at which latter period, it is presumed he took
charge of a school in the old brick school-house. It will not be
out of place here to remark that the old county jail, which, up to
1847, stood on the south-west corner of Calhoun and the court-house
square, was used for some time as a school-room, in which Henry
Cooper, Esq., taught ; and Mr. Cooper is claimed as thefirst school
teacher of the place.
The Indians, perhaps for centuries, had been accustomed to look
to the streams here for much of their food in the form of fish, so
abundant were they from Lake Erie to this point, and for some
distance up the St. Mary's and St. Joseph. During seasons of fresh
ets, in great quantities, and some of them very large, they would
find their way up the Maumee from the lake, and when the high
water subsided, they were often so numerous, that It was difficult
to ride a horse or drive a team across the streams here without the
animals or the wheels of the vehicles running over some of the finny
tribe ; and some years ago, a company from Cincinnati began, and
for several years carried on, the manufacture of oil from the fish
caught here. Many boys and Indians made very good wages by
catching the fish for the company. The Indians, had always been
ofthe belief that the Great Spirit had thus filled these streams with
fish for their special benefit, and when, a few years subsequent to
the period in question, a dam was built near the mouth ot the
Maumee, at the Lake, and the fish prevented from getting into this
stream, as their number gradually diminished, and the company'
compelled to cease its operations thereby, the Indians expressed
great displeasure, and considered it a direct encroachment upon
their rights, and the-designs of the Great Spirt.
Among the buildings erected here in 1819, was a log house, by
Samuel Hanna, at the noi'th-west corner of Barr and Columbia sts.,
where his brick block was some years ago erected, ami still stands.*
In this log edifice, he and James Barnett opened a considerable
store, for wholesaling to traders, in which business and building
they continued for several years — their goods reaching here from
the east, by way of Detroit, Toledo, and the Rapids of the Maumee,
from which point they arrived here in pirogues, a kind of" dug_out,"
though usually quite long, and of oue solid tree.
* Sie sketdh of Mr. Hanna in latter part of this volume.

296 History op Fort Wayne. v
At this period, the north-west was yet a comparative wilderness.
On the Wayne trace, already alluded to on a former page, not a
house was to be met with between this and " twenty-four mils
Creek." At this point, there resided a man by the name of Georgia
Ayr.es, near Wiltshire. By the St. Joseph trace, the nearest wag
the house of a Colonel Jackson, on Elk Hart Prairie ; and it was
not until a few years later, that a house appeared, in which Joel
Bristols lived, about three miles south of Wolf Lake, in what is
now Noble county. At a later period, about four miles north of
Kendallville, a man by the name of Norris settled ; where Lima is
now located. On what was known, at an early day, as the " Quaker
trace," a few miles this side of Richmond, Indiana, there was an
occasional house to be seen ; a man by the name of Robinson lived
on the Wabash, about thirty miles south of Fort Wayne ; and a few
( Quaker missionaries had a small settlement at the forks ofthe Wa
bash, where they gave the Indians instructions, as at Wa-pa-kon-
netta, Ohio, in the art of agriculture.*
At the sale of lands at the fort, as already mentioned, " the south
half of the south-east quarter of the section referred to, and im
mediately south of that on which the original town was laid off,
was also purchased by Barr and McCorkle, running to the section,
line, and also the south-west quarter of section one, just on the
east of the fort ; while Alexander Ewing got the east half south
west quarter of section two — same on which Ewings' and Rockhill's
addition were laid out afterwards. * * The section of land over
in the forks of the- St: Mary's and St. Joseph, known as the ' Wells
pre-emption,' had been, by an act of Congress, May 18th, 1808,
set apart as a pre-emption to Captain Wells, who was authorized
to enter it, when adjacent lands should be offered at $1.25 per
acre ; but haying lost his life, as the reader has already seen, in
1812, his heirs were thereafter authorized to, and entered it, at this-
land sale, at $1.25 per acre."f
By an act ofthe legislature of 1823,J the present county of Allen
was organized, as then forming a part of Randolph and Delaware
counties; and James Ray, of Indianapolis, W. M. Conner, of Ham
ilton county, and Abaithes Hathaway, were commissioned to deter-
* John Stratten, Esq . now residing some six miles north of Fort Wayne, c'amehere
about 1824-5, from Wayne county, near Richmond, mainly by way of the, Robinson
trace, with a load of boots and shoes, which he then sold totheMefsrj. Ewing, tra
ding here. At (hat time, he says, there were not more than six or eight houses to be
seen between Fort Wayne and Richmond. and the best house to be seen here at that period
waB a hewed log house, one and a half stories high, keptas a tavern ; besidts which, he
says, there were but about eight ordinary pole cabins. Besides the Ewings, he met
Peter Kisrr here at that time, who is still a goodly citizen of Fort Wayne, and, as for
many years post, still engaged in the sale of Dry Goods, Groceries, itc.
+ "FoitWayne.Times," 18E8.
¦J The first Masonic organization here was formed in this year, (1823) and known as
"Wayne Lodge, No. 25, F. A. M." The place of meeting -was within the piokets of
the fort, in the room of General John Tipton, at which place the order regularly n el,
until finally removed to the old Washington Hall building, on the southwest corner of
Columbia and Barr streets.

First County Officers of Allen County. 297
mine upon the county seat, which they agreed upon in the early
part of 1824.*
In the last week of May, in this year, the first election for county
officers occurred ; and the first session of the " County Board" was
held on the 31st of May, the same month; the Board was constitu
ted ofthe following persons : Wm. Rockhill, James Wyman, and
Francis Comparet.
The county officers were : Anthony L. Davis, Clerk ; Allen
Hamilton, Sheriff; Samuel Hanna and Benjamin Cushman, Asso
ciate Judges; Joseph Holman, Treasurer; H. B. McKeen, first
Assessor; Lambert Oushoois, first Constable of Wayne township,
then embracing the entire county; W. T. Daviss, Overseer of the
Poor ; R. Hars, Inspector of Elections ; Israel Taylor, Joseph Trout-
ner, and Moses Scott, Fence Viewers ; Samuel Hanna, Road Su
pervisor for the township. N
At the first session of the Board, an election for three Justices
of the Peace, for the township, was ordered, which resulted in the
choice of Alexander Ewing, Wm. N. Hood, and Wm. Rockhill,
who then assumed the position, ex officio, of the "Board of Justices,"
taking the place of County Commissioners. Their first session was
held October 22d, 1824, at which time the commissioners gave
notice of the location of a " State Road from Vernon, in Jen
nings county, by way of Greensburgh, Rushville, and New Castle,
to Fort Wayne."
The following were the tavern rates at that early period : Keep
ing horse, night and day, 50 cts ; Breakfast, Dinner and Supper, each
25 cts. ; Lodging, per night, 12| cts.; whisky, per quart, 12^ cts. ;
Brandy, per quart, 50 cts.; Gin, per quart, 37^ cts. ; Porter, per
bottle, 37£ cts.; Cider, per quart, 18-f cts.
In matters of taxation, the rates were arranged as follows : For
every male, over 21 years of age, 50 cts. ; for a horse, gelding, or
mare, over 3 years old, 37£ cts. ; every work ox, 18f cts. ; stallion,
prices of the season; gold watch, $1.00; silver watch, 25 cts. ;
pinchback, 25 cts. ; four-wheeled pleasure carriages, $1.00. The
report of Mr. Holman on taxable property for 1824, was $112.62,
embracing delinquents, errors, &c.
The State, at this period, and for some years later, granted cer
tificates of bounty on all wolf scalps taken, which certificates
were received by the collector for taxes. " So small was the tax,"
it is said, " that the State revenue due from this county, was near
ly all paid off in these certificates, which were usually sent up to
Indianapolis by the representatives." f
The first circuit court held in Allen county, was on the 9th of
August, 1824, which then embraced what is now Adams, Wells,
* The original plat of Fort Wayne, as laid out in this year, was duly recorded at
Winchester, in Randolph county, which, as the records of the Recorder's office here
exhibit, were subsequently transferred to Allen.
f " Fort Wayne Times," 1858.

298 History of Fort Wayne.
Huntington, and Whitley counties. C. W. Ewing, was at this time
prosecuting Attorney. John Upton was made foreman of the
grand jury, which was composed as follows: Paul Taber, William
Suttenfield Alexander Ewing, James W. Hackley, Chales Weeks,
John Daviss, Wm. Probst, Horace Taylor, James Wyman, James
Conner, Cyrus Taber, and W.N. Hood, Peter Felix being discharg
ed. The first case found on the docket was that of Richard Swain,
vs. Joseph Troutner, for trespass ; and continued. At this time, W.
G. Ewing was admitted to the bar as a practitioner at law.
The first application for a divorce in the county, occurred during
the first session of this court. The names of the party were A.
Canada and Nathaniel Canada; which was continued. The near
est paper at that time, in which such matters received publicity,
was the Richmond, Ind., Lnquirer, about one hundred miles from
Fort Wayne. .
Two applications for license, to open taverns here, were also
made at this term ofthe court, by Wm. Suttenfield and Alexander
Ewing — the former on the corner of Barr and Columbia streets ;
the latter on the southwest corner of Barr and Columbia. An ap
plication was also made for citizenship, during this term, by Fran
cis AveJine, or St. Jule, as then known, father of Francis A Ave-
line ; which was granted. The St. Jule family, (French) came
from Vincennes to this place.
Some indictments were found against parties for selling liquor
without license, &c, at this term of the court — each being fined
$3 and cost. In one instance, for gambling, a man was fined $10.
The. first master in chancery of this Court, was Charles W. Ew
ing, then a young lawyer of much ability. "To show the differ
ence, between the manner of allowances of that day and this,
when six times as much service was rendered in a given time,
* * * the records show that Rob't Hood,* (well remem
bered by our old citizens.) was allowed 75 cts. per day for three
days' service as bailiff to the Circuit Court; Allen Hamilton $16.66
for four months service as Sheriff of Allen county ; and Charles
W Ewing, for his services as Prosecuting Attorney, for the term,
$5. This'court after a session of three days, adjourned on the 12th
of August, 1824, to convene again as the Court in course."! The
following year, 1825, the Board of Justices appointed W. G. Ewing
county treasurer ; and the second term of the circuit court was
convened at the residence of Alexander Ewing, on the 6th of
June — Hon. P. Morris, of the fifth judicial circuit, a resident of
Indianapolis, presiding — Judge Hanna officiating in the capacity
of Associate Justice. James Rariden, and Calvin Fletcher were
admitted as practitioners of law at this term — both men of consid-
* A very kind hearted man, always ready,in those early days, to entertain thestran-
ger aud aid the western mover, when ever occasion presented ; and many were the in
teresting adventures and laughable stories lie related to his old friends and the many ]
strangers then often gathered about the big fire of tlie log-cabin in winter.
t " Fort Wayne Times," 1868. '

Court Sessions. 299
erable distinction in after years. Henry Cooper, a man of many
estimable qualities, long since deceased, was also admitted to the
bar, at this term of the court, which continued only five days.
The third term of this court was convened at the house of Wm.
Suttenfield, on the 21st of November, 1825, Judges Hanna and
Cushman presiding ; and it was at this term that a device for a
seal was reported by Charles W. Ewing. Calvin Fletcher
having presented his commission, was also sworn as Prosecuting
Attorney at this time.
The term which convened 13th February, the year following,
1826, was held at the residence of Alexander Ewing, Judges Han
na and Cushman presiding, Hiram Brown, of Indianapolis, and
Moses Cox, being sworn in as attorneys, and Calvin Fletcher re
ceiving the appointment of prosecuting attorney.
But two indictments were issued by the grand jury at this term
—one against an Indian, known as Sa-ga-naugh, for murder, and
the other against, a man by the name of Elisha B. Harris,* familiar
ly known as " Yankee Harris," for larceny, neither of which, how
ever, came to trial.
At the next regular sitting, August 13th, of this year, Hon.
Miles C. Eggleston, of Madison, then pronounced one of the best
nisi prius judges of the west, presented his commission at the
court here, as president judge, was sworn in, and presided over
the third term, Benjamin Cushman acting as Associate Judge,
Cyrus Taber, (afterwards of Logansport, where he died some years
ago,) sheriff, and Amos Lane, of Lawrenceburgh, father of Hon.
James H. Lane, of Kansas, was sworn in as prosecuting attorney.
The report of the grand jury, at this session, of which John P.
Hedges, now among the last ofthe old pioneer stock yet remain
ing, was foreman, relates to the county jail, and runs as follows:
"We, the grand jury, empannelled for the county of Allen, and State of Indiana,
after examining the county jail, are of tht. opinion that tlie criminals' rooms are not a
place of safety for persona committed thereto; that the debtors' room, upper department
of said jail, is not in a suitable condition for the reception of debtors, ir^m the want of
locks, floor, and beddina'. "Jonx P. Hedges, Foreman."
As this report clearly attests, imprisonment for debt was a com
mon custom at this period, and continued for some years alter to
be a common law in the land. At this session, Judge Eggleston
presented a report relative to the mode of keeping a marriage record
by the clerk. No marriage record having been previously kept, it
was thereafter determined to keep such a register.
The next session met at Wm. Suttenfields', August 27th, 1827,
Messrs. Rggleston, Hood and Cushman, presiding, Abner Gerrard,
acting as sheriff, Oliver H. Smith, being sworn in as prosecuting
* Harris was a singular character. He lived on the St. Mary's, about seven miles
from Fort Wayne. Had early adopted for his life's motto— "To be as honest as the na
ture of the circumstances would permit." He seems to have possessed a considerable
amount of common sense, but his main failing was, to engage in as many law suits as
poeBible, and ir- that way, in part, gained a very unenviable reputation.

800 History of Fokt Wayne.
attorney. At this time, Wm. Quarles, of Indianapolis, was licensed
to practice as an attorney.
The next term began May 12th 1828, at the residence of Ben
jamin Archer, and was presided over by Judges Hood and Cush
man, at which time, Charles H. Test, and Andrew Ingram were
sworn in as attorneys, and Mr. Test, late Secretary of State, re
ceived the appointment of prosecuting attorney for the term.
It was at this session that the first will was recorded in Allen
county. The party thus recording, was Abram Burnett.
At the next term, November 10th, 1828, Messrs. Hood and
Cushman, presiding. David Wallace,subsequently Governor ofthe
State, was sworn in and appointed special prosecutor. It was at
this term that the first conviction of felony occurred — the State
vs. Joseph Doane, who was sentenced to the penitentiary for three
years. The next term began May 1 It'll, 1829, Judges Eggleston and-
Hood presiding; Martin M. Ray sworn in as prosecuting attor
ney. At this term Joseph Carville, for larceny, was sentenced lor
three years to the state's prison. During the vacation that fol-
owed, Anthony L. Davis having resigned the clerkship, on the
14th ofOctober, 1829, the Associate Judge met and appointed Jo
seph Holman thereto, but to which position Robert Hood was
subsequently elected, to assume the duties ofthe office from Febru
ary 15th, 1830. On the 10th of May, of this year, C. H. Test,
presenting his commission as President Judge, began the term of
1830, with Wm N. Hood, Associate Judge ; Robert Hood as Clerk;
James Perry as prosecuting attorney; Thomas J. Evans being
sworn in as attorney, while David H. Colerick, Esq., was sworn
in as attorney, ex gratis, for the term.
At this term a case of murder came up for trial. A Miami In
dian, known as Ne-we-ling-gua, or (Big-Leg,) being the accused.
A half Indian and negro woman, whom he claimed as his slave,
had been in the habit of entering his cabin during his absence, i
and faking his meat. Afler repeatedly warning her to desist, he j
at length told her that if she disobeyed him again, he would kill j
her. From her residence among the clan, of which Big-Leg was j
chief, whose village was on the Wabash, a few miles from. Fort j
Wayne, with a view to escape the fate that she knew must befall "
her, after a further disregard of the commands of the chief, the
woman came to Fort Wayne, and was soon employed by some pf "
the citizens. *
Shortly after her departure, Big Leg came to town7, too, and i"
wandering about, he soon discovered her washing, at a house then*
standing about what is now the southeast corner of Clinton and *
Columbia streets. Stealing suddenly upon her, with his long*'
knife ready for her destruction, he plunged it into her with suclr'l
force, that it is said the blade passed through her body, and she ij,
fell dead at his feet; whereupon he proudly ejaculated, "was'nt'rf Hi %

Tbial of Big-Leg. 301
that nice ! " Though no uncommon thing, at that period, for the
Indians visiting here to kill each other, and for which • no
redress* had ever been sought by the authorities, the citizens here,
who were then largely outnumbered by the Indians of the region,
were greatly incensed at this terrible procedure of Big-Leg, and the
civil authorities at once had the chief arrested, and placed in the
old county jail.
His main plea was that the woman belonged to him — was his
property, and that he had a right to do what he pleased with her.
When told that he was to be hanged for the offense, he could not
comprehend it, but seemed to get the idea that it was some such
operation as that he had often witnessed in the use of the old
steel yards by the traders in weighing venison, &c, and concluded
that he was to be weighed until he teas dead; which fact soon be
came commonly understood among the Indians of his tribe and
the region here ; and as he was a chief much regarded by his
clan, /they early sought to exchange him for one of their number,
whom they considered rather worthless ; but without avail.
Having received some explanations as to his probable fate by
hanging, or weighing, as he understood it, which he seemed to re
gard as fixed, he, with his friends, thought to have the experiment
tried upon a dog, in order to see how the animal would act. Ac
cordingly, while the chief was still confined in the jail, a number
of his Indian friends collected about the outside of the prison, in
view of a small opening, where the chief could look out and see
the action of the canine as his Indian friends proceeded to execute
him. Placing a rope around the animal's neck, aud suspending
him from a pole that had been arranged for the purpose, at
the height of a few feet from the ground, by means of crossed
stakes driven into the earth, the dog was soon dangling in the air.
Observing the animal very closely through the grates of
the jail, the violent throes and contortions ofthe dog at once gave
him a great aversion to hanging, or being thus weighed till he was
dead; and when thejailor again made his appearance,he urged that
he might be shot, rather than be killed by such a process as that
he had seen tried on the dog.f
When his trial came on, John B. Bourie and chief Rich
ardville acted as interpreters. He was convicted, but being re
commended to mercy by the jury, the governor subsequently
granted him a pardon; and in 1848, with a body of Miamies, he
removed to Kansas.
The first restraining case that came before the court of Allen
county, was that of Maria Caswell, vs. Wm. Caswell, to prevent
the latter from selling certain property during the pendency of a
* Indian usage guaranteed the right to kill one another, if they saw proper as a mat
ter of revenge, or for other rtmons, without any other punishment than that often
sought to be infiiot.-d by way of common retaliation for the murder of friends.
t Recollections of TYW. Ho'dd, 'oquica JBlin Dubois, and others; tliefl residing hen*

332 History or Poet WaYml
suit for divorce. This case came up at the September term, 1830,
Judges Hood and Cushman presiding.
But little was now done in court matters until the latter partof
1831, when Judges Test, Hood, and Lewis G. Thompson, (the lat
ter of whom hdd then but recently been elected,) presided as
Judges. Allen Hamilton was now clerk, and David Pickering,
sheriff; As clerk, Mr, Hamilton had been commissioned for sev
en years, beginning with June 14th, 1831, all of which period he
served. David 11. Colerick was also again sworn in as attorney
for the term.
The first case, that of H. Cooper, vs J.Wheeler, sent down
from the Supreme Court, occurred at this time. The case had
been reversed. * «
The spring term of 1832 began April 9th, and was presided over
by Judges Hood and Thompson, W. J. Brown acting as prosecut
ing attorney. Gustavus A. Everett, and John S. Newman ap
peared as attorneys, and David H. Colerick, Esq., having produced
a license, signed by Judges Test and Morris, was then fully ad
mitted as a practitioner at the bar.
In 1826, Samuel Hanna was elected a representative to the Leg
islature, the district then being composed of Randolph and Allen
counties — Jay, Adams, Wells, and DelavVare, having since been
formed out of these, the limits of Allen then embracing the terri
tory of about all of these latter counties, west to the Illinois line.
Mr. Manna's opponent, at this time, was John Right,* of Winches
ter, formerly a representative from Randolph, and the adjoining
district. As representative Mr. Hanna now served but one term.
Daniel Worth, of Randolph county, was the successor to Mr.
Hanna. During this legislative term of Judge Hanna, Delaware county
was organized ; and a considerable region of country then lying
between Randolph and Allen counties received the name of
"Adams," but was not organized aj a county until 1836. At that
period the three per cent, fund, amounting to about $500 for each
couniy, was appropriated by the State, to the use of the different
counties, for tlie purpose of opening roads. The territory then
* In those Pioneer days, -when log cabins of various dimensions, served for the gen
eral purposes of dwelling, court-room and tavern, -wherein, in the latter ease, many
often slept in the same room, and not unfrequently, when very much cro-wded, two and
three in a bed, Mr, Right, -while attending court in this district, of whieii, at the
time, he was Judge, the landlord of the house in which he was stopping, being very
much crowded, requested the Judge to receive a bed-fellow for the night in question,
that all might be accommodated. Being averse to " strange bed-fellows." the Judge
was by no means favorable to the proposition of the landlord ; but being assured that
the man was a very clever fellow, a good-natured Irishman, by the name of McCarty,
— the Judge at length consented, and the two were soon " in the one bed," with a few
othee beds in the same koom, all as full as that occupied by the Judge and his friend
McCarty. Awakening " bright and early" the next morning, the Judge began to quiz
bis Irish friend. "Pac," said thu Judge," I guess you'd have lived a longtime in tho
old country before you'd have had the honor of sleeping with a Judge."
"Yes, bejabers," quietly replied Pat ; "and if you'd lived in Ireland, it would biva
been a" mighty long time before you'd uv had the honor of being a judge."

Commencement of tub Wabash and Ekie Canal, 803
embraced within the boundaries of Allen, was so extensive, that
the sum allowed her for road purposes, was considered of little val
ue in carrying out the design of the appropriation; and Judge
Hanna drew the amodnt coming to Allen county, and bestowed it
upon what was afterwards called and organized as Adams county.
In the following year, (1827,) on the 2d of March/by an act of
Congress, " every alternate section of land, equal to five miles in
width," on both sides of what is now the Wabash and Erie canal,
"was granted to the State of Indiana," for the purpose of construct
ing ",a canal from the head of navigation on the Wabash, at the
mouth of the Tippecanoe river, to the'foot ofthe Maumee Rapids,"
the same to be commenced at the expiration of the five years fol
lowing the passage of the act ; " and to be completed within twen
ty years" from that time.
boon after this grant, the Land Office Commissioners closed the
sales and entry of all government lands lying along and embraced
within the limits of said grant, until such time as "the State should
select and locate her bounty under the grant," which, for a time,
had the effect to retard, rather than superinduce and encourage set
tlement in the northern portion of the State, and along the region
of the intended line of canal. A large body of this land, amount
ing to some two hundred and fifty thousand acres, lay in the State of
Ohio, which were eventually ceded to that State, by an act of Con
gress and the consent of the State of Indiana, under certain stipu
lations, vk: "that the canal should be commenced and completed
according to the original grant ; and that it should be sixty feet
wide on the surface of the water, and five feet deep, instead of
forty feet wid£, and four deep." To adjust this, Hon. Jeremiah
Sullivan, during 1829, was commissioned to adjust and settle this
matter. "In the winter of 1826 and 1827, a Board of Canal Commission
ers was created, whose duty it was to examine into the practicabil
ity of a canal route across from the Maumee to the Wabash, and of
obtaining a supply of water therefor, from the St. Joseph, St. Mary's,
Maumee, or Wabash, or all of them ; for which purpose $500
were appropriated, and Samuel Hanna, of Fort Wayne, David Barr,
of Jackson county, and Robert John, of Franklin county, were
elected Commissioners. It was very difficult to get this Board to
gether, but finally it was convened by Governor Ray, on the lith
of July, 1828, at Indianapolis, and there received from him, plats^
maps, surveys, profiles, notes &c, of a report made^by a corps of
Government Engineers, under instructions of the Engineer's De
partment, from the mouth of Little river,— at wliich point a prior
survey had been suspended in 1826 — thence down the Wabash, and
from the summit at Fort Wayne down the Maumee river. This Board
of Commissioners met at Fort Wayne in the summer of that year,
(1828,)and being without a level or any instrument to work with, and
having no engineer, and the $500 of appropriation being insuffi-

304 History of Foet Way»e.
cient for any practical purpose, Judge Hanna agreed to procure
the instruments, and was thereupon dispatched to Detroit, which
place he reached, on horse, in two days, then proceeding to N. York,
procured the instruments, and returned in an extraordinary quick
time for that day. The Board then proceeded, by the aid of John
Smyth, of Miamisburgh, Ohio, (an engineer) early in September,
to gauge the St. Joseph, St. Mary's, and Wabash, at the forks.
During these observations, Smyth was taken sick, and left the Board
(none of whom were engineers,) to carry on the work as best as
they could. From the 10th to the 23d of September, they spent
the time in examining the St. Joseph river, and the adjacent coun
try, for the purpose of locating the Feeder for the canal, and final
ly succeeded in locating the dam and Feeder-line to the summits,
making their own estimates of this, and adopting the estimates,
&c, of Colonel Moore, under whose directions former surveys had
been made, down the Wabash and Maumee rivers ; which, in the
meantime, had been received from the War Department, enab
ling the Commissioners, after the most diligent work, night and day,
to present a report of their labor on the 26th of December, later
than was intended by law creating the commission. So exhausted
was Colonel Burr, by constant fatigue, in caluclation, &c, that for
a time his mental powers were overcome, and hence it devolved
on Juge Hanna to report ; as he did — a report replete, with liberal
suggestions, andtsound sense. This report was concurred in, and
from that day went on a work which has proved so great a benefit
to Indiana. In this capacity Judge Hanna served three years.
The canal lands were located by commissioners, under act of Jan-
nary 25th, 1829, and platted, and a sale opened at Logansport, af
ter some delay, in October, 1830, and an office opened in the first
week of October, 1832, at Fort Wayne."*
The sale at Logansport was attended by a large number of per
sons, and much land was then sold in Cass and adjacent counties,
which resulted in the attraction of quite an influx of emigrants to
that section and contiguous parts of the State. " But," says C.
B. Lasselle, Esq., " owing to the length of credit given on the pur
chase, availed but little in affording means for the prosecution of
the construction of the canal. It was, therefore, found necessary
to appeal to the means of the State. Accordingly a bill was in
troduced in the Legislature during the sessions of 1831-2, for ef
fecting a loan upon the faith of the State, predicated upon the mon
eys arising from the sales, with interest thereon, together with the
tolls and water rents of the canal. The bill met with fierce oppo
sition upon the part of many prominent men in the Legislature;
but it finally passed. Its success was duly celebrated by the citi
zens of Logansport."
The " Cass County Times," of March 2d. 1832, gave the follow
ing interesting account of the meeting of the commissioners, and
commencement of the work on the canal at Fort Wayne :
»" Frtrt Waynb Timfcr," Dtktemb* l6fh, 1*8.

Canal Celeeeation of 1832. 805
" The Commissioners of the Wabash and Erie canal met at Fort
Wayne on the 22d ult., for the purpose of carrying into effect the
requisition of the late law of the Legislature of this State, provid
ing for the commencement of said work, prior to the 2d day of
March, 1832, whereupoii the Commissioners appointed the anni
versary of the birth of the Father of his couutry as the day on
which the first excavation should be made on said canal, and by an
order of the Board, J. Vigus, Esq., was authorized to procure the
necessary tools and assistance, and repair to the most convenient
point on the St. Joseph Feeder-line, at 2 o'clock, on said day, for
the purpose aforesaid.
"The intention of the Commissioners having been made known,
a large number of citizens of the town of Fort Wayne and its vi
cinity, together with a number of gentlemen from the valley of the
Wabash, convened at the Masonic Hall, for the purpose of making-
arrangements for the celebration of this important undertaking ;
whereupon Henry Rudisill, Esq., was called to the chair, and David
H. Colerick appointed secretary. * * * * *
"The procession, having been formed agreeably to order, proceed
ed across the St. Mary's river, to the point selected, when a circle
was formed, in which the Commissioners and Orator took their
stand. Charles W. Ewing, Esq., then rose, and in his usual happy,
eloquent manner, delivered an appropriate address, which was re
ceived with acclamation. J. Vigus, Esq., one of the Canal Com
missioners, and the only one present, addressed the company ; ex
plained the reason why his colleagues were absent — adverted to
the difficulties and embarrassments which the friends of the canal
had encountered and overcome; noticed the importance ofthe work,
and the advantages which would ultimately be- realized; and then
concluded by saying, ' I am now about to commence the Wabash
and Erie' canal in the name and by the authority of the State of
Indiana.'' Having thus said, he ' struck the long suspended blow '
— broke ground — while the company hailed the event with three
cheers.- Judge Hanna and Capt. Murray, two ofthe able and con
sistent advocates ofthe canal, in the councils of the State, nextap-
proached and excavated the earth ; and then commenced an indis
criminate digging and cutting. The procession then marched back
to town in tlie manner it went forth, and dispersed in good order."
Hon. Oliver H. Smith, at the period in question, a resident of
Connersville, Ind.,in 1826, was elected a representative to Congress,
and took his seat at the session of 1827. His opponent was Hon.
John Test. Allen County then gave Mr. Smith but ten votes. In
his " Early Indiana Trials," Mr. Smith presents the following inter
esting account of a trip to Fort Wayne, in company with Judge
Eggleston and James Rariden, in 1825:
Tne fall term of the Circuit Courts, 1825, found Judge Eggleslon and myself well
mounted once more on the Circuit. The Judge upon his pacing Indian pony: the
name tfcit I afterwards role through an electioneering Congressional campaign ; I
(20)

306 Histoey of Foet Wayne.
then rode my gray " fox." Wewere joined at Centerville by James Rariden, mount
ed on '" Old Gray," one of the finest animals I have ever seen. Our Court was to
be, held on the next Monday at Fort Wayne. We reached Winchester late in the
evening and took lodgings at the hotel of Paul W. Way, but no newspaper heralded
the arrival. How different was the circumstance that occurred -when I was" in the
Senate of the United States. Silas Wright, Thomas H. Benton and James Buchan
an, for recreation, ran up to Philadelphia; the next day ther Pensylvanian an
nounced that Senators Benton and Buchanan had- arrived in that city, and taken
lodgings at the United States Hotel. A few days after the three distinguished Sena
tors were in their seats. I sat at the time in the next seat to Gov. Silas Wright ;
turning to the Gov., "Isee by the papers that Mr. Bentoh and Mr. Buchanan have been
in Philadelphia and taken lodgings at the United States Hotel ; how did it happen
that your name was not announced, as you were with them ? " "I did not send my
name to the printer." So it was with us.
After early breakfast we were once more upon our horses, with one hundred miles
through the wilderness before us. There were two Indian paths that led to Fort
Wayne, the one by Chief Francis Godfroy's on the Salamonia river, the other in a*
more easterly direction, crossing the Mississenewa higher up and striking the
" Quaker Trace," from Richmond to Fort Wayne, south of the head waters of the
Wabash river. After a moment's oonsultation, Mr. Rariden, who was our guide,
turned the head of " Old Gray " to the eastern path, and off we started, at a brisk
traveling gait, in high spirits. The day passed away ; it was very hot, and there
was n 3 water to be had for ourselves or liorses. About one o'clock we came to the
Wabash river, nearly dried up, but there was grass upon the bank for our horses,
and we dismounted, took off, the saddles, blankets and saddle-bags, when the ques
tion arose, should we hold the horses while they grazed, tie them to bushes, spancel
them, or turn them loose ? We agreed that the latter was the best for the horses and
easiest for us, but I raised the question of safety, and brought up the old adage,
" Safe bind safe find." Mr. Rariden. — "You could not drive Old Gray away from
me." Judge Eggleston. — "My Indian pony will never leave me." I made no prom
ise for my " Grey Fox." The bridles were taken off, and the horses turned loose to
graze. A moment after, Old Gray stuck up his head, turned to the path we had
just come, and bounded off at a lull gallop swarming with flies, followed by the
pacing Indian pony of the Judge, at his highest speed. Fox lingered behind, but
soon became infected with the bad example of his associates, and away they all
Went, leavingus sitting under the shade of a tree that stood for years afterwards on
the bank ofthe Wabash. Oar horses were, a week afterwards, taken up at Fort Defi
ance, in Ohio, and brought to us at Winchester on our return. It took us but a
moment to decide what to do. Ten miles would takeusup to Thompson's on Town-
send's Prairie. Our saddles and blankets were hung up above the reach of tho
wolves. Each took his saddle-bags upon his back, and we started nt a quick step — ¦
Rariden in the lead, Judge Eggleston in the centre, and I brought up the rear.
The heat was intense. None pf us had been much used to walking. I am satisfied
we must all have broken down, but most fortunately there hadfallenthe night before
a light rain, and the water lay in the shade in the horse tracks. We were soon on
our knees, with our mouths to the water. — -Tell me not of your Croton, ye New
Yorkers, nor of your Fairmount, ye Philadelphians, here was water, " what was
water." Near night we reached the prairie worn down with heat and fatigue. The
thunders were roaring and the lightnings flashing from the black cloudsin thewest.
A Htorm was coming up on the wings of a hurricane, and ten'minutes after we ar
rived at Mr. Thompson's it broke upon us in all its fury, and continued raining in
torrents during the night. We were in a low, one story log cabin, about twenty
feet square, no floor above, with a clapboard roof. Supper, to us dinner, was soon
ready. Three articles of diet only on the plain walnut table, corn-dodgers, boiled
squirrels, and sassafras tea.^Epicures at the 6 o'clock table of the Astor, St.
Nicholas, Metropolitan and Revere, how do you like the bill of fare ? To us it was
sumptuous and thankfully received. Supper over, wo soon turned in, and such a
night of sweet sleep I never had before or since. The next morning our saddles
and blankets were brought to us from the Wabash. The landlord provided us with
ponies and we set forward at full speed, arrived at Fort Wayne that night, and took
lodgings at the hotel of William N. Hood. In the morning court met, Judge Eggle
ston, President, and side judges, Thompson and Cushman on the bench. Fort

Case o? Circumstantial Evidence 307
Wayno contained about two hundred inhabitants, and theCounty of Allen some fifty
voters. There were nooaseson dooketto try of a eriminalcharacter. Courtadjourned
early, and we all went up the St. Mary's river, to Chief Richardville's to see an
Indian horse race.
The nags were brought to the ground, a gray pony, about twelve hands high, and
a roan, rather larger, like Eolipse and Henry, to contest the superiority of stock
between tho bands of Miamies and Pottawattamies. Six Indians were selected as
judges— two placed at the starting point, two at the quarter stake, and two at the
coming-out place. "Riders up— clear tho track," and away they went under whip
and spur. The rapo over, the judges meet, the spokesman, a large Miami, says
"Race oven, Miami grey take first quarter, Pottawattamie roan take last quarter,"
and all are satisfied. In the evening the grand-jury brought in a bill against Elisha
1>. Harris far stealing an Indian pony.. Judge Eggleston. — "Any more business
before you, Mr. Foreman ? " Gen. Tipton.— "None sir." f You are. discharged."
Judge Eggleston.—" There is but one case on the docket for trial, an appeal case,
damages claimed five dollars. I feel quite tired, and willbe obligedto my associates
to try the case." Judge Cushman.— "Certainly." The case was called. Henry
Cooper for the plaintiff, and Hiram Brown for the defendant. Case submitted to the
Court. The action was for damages, five dollars claimed, for killing the plaintiff's
Jog. The witness swore that he saw the defendant running with his rifle across his
yard ; saw him lay it on the fenoe ; saw the smoke ; heard the crack ; saw the dog
fall; Went to wherethe dog lay, and saw the bullet-hole just behind the fore leg.
Here Cooper rested with a triumphant air, and indeed, to a common eye, the case
seemed beyond hope, but to the mind of the skillful advocate, capable of drawing the
distinction between positive and circumstantial evidence, a different conclusion was
come to. — Breckenridge's Miscellanies, and Phillip's Evidence, stating the danger
of listening to circumstantial evidence, and enumerating many lamentable cases of
convictions and executions for murder upon circumstantial evidence, when the con
victs were afterwards proved to be entirely innocent, had been widely circulated
and extensively read by courts and lawyers until the tendency of the courts was to
rejeot circumstantial evidence. My friend, Mr. Brown, an ingenious attorney, of
fine talents, and, by the way, rather waggish, said: "A single question, Mr. Wit
ness — -Can you swear you saw the bullet hit the dog! " "I can swear no such thing."
" That's all, Mr. Cooper ; a case of mere eircumstahtial evidence, your Honors."
Cooper's countenance fell ; defeat stared him in the face ; the case was submitted to
the Court without further evidence. Judge Cushman. — "This is a plain case of
circumstantial evidence. Judgment for the defendant." Cooper, with great indigna
tion, with his eye upon Brown : — "When I die I wish it engraved upon my tombstone,
here lies Henry Cooper — an honest man." Brown, rising as quiok as thought : —
" Pope says an honest man is. the noblest work of God. Thore have been Atheists
in this world — Bolingbroke of England, Voltaire of France, and Tom Paine of Ameri
ca, with a host of other infidel writers who may be named: they have all done noth
ing against the Almighty. But let Henry Cooper be held up in the mid heavens, by
anangel, for the whole race of man to look upon ; and let Gabriel, with his trumpet,
announce to gazing worlds, this is God's noblest work, and all the human race would
become Atheists in a day." We returned to Winchester on our borrowed ponies, took
our horses that had been brought from Defiance, and reached the Wayne Circuit
Court in good time.
At the expiration of Mr. Smith's term, In 1828, Hon. John Test,
then of Brookville, Ind., was elected from the same district, for the
term of 1229-30, and was succeeded by JonathanjMcCarty,* of Fort,
Wayne ; the latter taking his seat in, 1831.
Mr. Worth, of Randolph county, was elected State Senator, and
Anthony L. Davis, of Allen, Representative, in 1829, during which
year the counties of Allen, Randolph and Delaware, including also
the territory north thereof, was formed into a senatorial district ;
while Allen, Cass, Randolph, and Delaware, were organized into a
*Mr McCarty had previously been receiver of public money at the land office here,
at which time Captain Robert Brackenridge was register in said office,

308- History of Foet Wayne.
Representative District. In T830,* Mr1. Worth was again elected
a Senator, and Joseph Holman chosen a Representative from the
foregoing district, at which session. Allen, Randolph, St. Joseph,
Elkhart and Delaware were formed, into a senatorial district, from
which, in the following year, (l83l,t) Mr. Worth was again elected
State Senator, and Samuel, Hanna, from the district at this time
formed out of Allen, Elkhart and St. Joseph, wras chosen a Repre
sentative. The following year, (1832,) Samuel Hanna, of Allen
county, was selected State Senator, and George Crawford, of- Elk
hart, Representative. The following year, Mr. Hanna was re-elec
ted Senator, and David H. Colerick, Esq., chosen Representative.
The " Board of Justices " having, in 1829, been changed to that
of " County Board of Commissioners," consisting of James Hol
man, Wm. Caswell, and N. Coleman, on the 29th of September of
this year, it haying been previously presented fhattwo-thirds ofthe
citizens of Fort Wayne were in favor of incorporating the place,
the County Commissioners- ordered an election of Trustees, the
following gentlemen being chosen therefor : John S.Archer, W.
G. Ewing, Hugh Hanna, Dr. L. G. Thompson and John P. Hedges.,
In the month of November following, the first meeting of this-
Board took place.
By. aii act of Congress of May '3lst, 1830, the associate judges of
Allen county were authorized to enter some twenty acres of land
off the west side of the fort reserve, at ¦$ 1.25 per acre,- which was
complied with and patented to them March' 31st, 1831. Having
previously been transferred to the agent, and for the use of Allen
county, by order of the County Board, these twenty acres were laid
off, platted, and hied Nov. 3d, 1830, and designated " County Addi
tion." The remains of the fort reservation, by an act of Congress, was
set apart for the benefit of the canal, and, with other public lands,
at Logansport, Ind., was subsequenty offered at public auction, and
purchased by Cyrus Taber, who, April 15th, 1835, portioned it off
into forty'Iots, which have since been known as " Taber's Addition."
*At this period there were but 252 males, over 21 years of age, in Allen county.
'f The winter of this year, (lo'31,) was a most remarkable one. As early as the latter
part of November, snow begun to fall, and continued lo lie upon the ground until the
middle of March following ; and the settlers, during this long season of snow, with
their roughly-constructed pole " jumpers," together with frolicking upon theioe ofthe
adjacent streams, sought to, and did enjoy them'selyes most freely and happily. So in
tense, much of the time, 'was the cold' and great tbedepth of the snow during this
long whiter, that — tiio'-Tjgh the settlers suffered but little irom lack of food, and the gen
eral necessaries of life- -'ihe animals of tht forest were brought to the greatest hunger ;
und tlie wolves, of which there were .still vast numbers throughout the northwest, and
which only 'disappeared from the country, as the red man receded- -were brought to
such a state of hunger, that their fierce howlings were nightly heard by the citizens
of the jjlace,; and iv was long unsafe for the settlers to venture far beyond the limits of
the town. The In. Hans also suffered greatly this winter for food, and several of them
were killed and eaten by the wolves. So reduced were the Indians, in some instances,
that they actually, ate dead carrions that had lain upon the ground lor months, What
was most peculiar with the wolves, during this long winter, which exhibited largely
the native instinct of this -animal, they would, never make a -direct attack upon manor
beast, unless their numbers were sufficient to insure tlieir Buc-ceesi i

Succession of Judges. 309
Previous to 1825, the associate judges of the different counties
in ,the State also exercised probate jurisdiction, the clerk thereof
acting also as clerk of the Circuit Court, while the sheriff acted for
both. It was in- this year, (1S25,) November 1 4th , that the organization
of the first Court for Probate (purposes occurred, which met at i the
Old Washington Hall, and was .presided over by Samuel Hanna
and Benjamin Cushman.
On the 23d of May, (1825,) in a small book, some six inches
spuare, the first entry of letters of administration was made.
The next term of this court, February 12th, 1826, was opened at
the residence of Alexander Ewing, and closed at that of Wm Sut
tenfield. The third term, August 13th, 1826, was presided over by
Judge Hanna and W. N. Hood, A. L. Davis, Esq., acting-' as clerk.
At the term of 1828, May 5th, Samuel Hanna, executor 'of A. Bur
nett, received tbeiirst order for the sale of land made to him. This
sale consisted of two sections reserved to Burnett at the Indian trea
ty of 1826- — one lying at Winnemac prairie, on the northwest side of
the Wabash, and the other just opposite the mouth of Deep Creek,
or what is now Delphi, in Carroll county, Ind. At the next term,
Nov. 1828, " letters of administration " were issued to Joseph Hol
man, noon the estate of the then late principal war chief of the
Miamies, known- as La Gross,* who had previously been poisoned
and died at the fort here, near which he was buried. La Gross had
exercised a very conspicious part among the Indians here as ear
ly as 179-4, and was esteemed as a- very good man.
At the next term ofthe Probate Court,1 May 3d, 18,30, W. G. Ew
ing presided as Judge, having previously been commissioned to
serve in'this capacity for seven years, from September 10th, 1829;
the duties of which office he is said to have discharged with marked
ability, till 1833, when he resigned in favor of 'Hugh B.
McCulloch, who became his successor, alsol'to hold the office for
seven years, from June 7th, 1834 ; but Mr. McCulloch resigned the
position after one session, in 1835, to 'take charge of the Branch of
the State Bank of Indiana; after which, Governor Noble appointed
Thomas Johnson to fill the vacancy of Mr. McCulloch. Mr. John
son presided as Probate Judge until August, 1836, when, by gener
al election Lucien P. Ferry f wras commissioned to discharge tho
duties of the office for seven years, from 5th of October, 1836, but,
having resigned, he was superseded, February 10th, 1840, by
* It was after this chief that the town of La Gross, in Wabash county, in this State,
was named.
+ Darin" September, 1843, Yir: Ferry, accompanied by Thomas Johnson, leq., said
to have be%i a very estimable man and a good citizen, returning late one evening.
from Bluffton, Wells county, in this State, whither they had been on court business,
t he nio-lit overtook them, and a h'avy rain coming up they mistook their way, and got
verv wet, from the effects of which Mr. Johnson died two days after. Mr. Jerry, wm>
also bore the reputation of a most intelligent and worthy citizen died m August of the
f ollowing year 1644, at the age of thirty-three. Judge George Johnson, esteemed as a

310 History of Fort Wayne.
Reuben J. Dawson. Mr. Dawson continued but a few months, and
was followed by Samuel Stophlet, November 9th, 1840, who held
the position till 1844, when, resigning, he was followed by George
Johnson, appointed by Governor Whitcomb, who held the position
till the period of election, in August, 1844, when he was elected
to the office, and held the judgeship till 1847, when he resigned,
and was succeeded by Nelson McLain, April 12th, 1847, who was
appointed to this position, but in the following August was elected
to the office, and held the position until this court was abolished
by provisions of the new constitution of 1853, when Hon. James
W. Borden, was elected Judge of what is now the District Court of
Common Pleas, embracing Allen, Adams, Wells and Huntington
counties, with probate jurisdiction, whose first term began Novem
ber 3d, 1853. Since this period, the Courts have undergone no
special change. In the early part of 1867, a Criminal Court was
created here, to preside over which, in the month of April, of this
year, Governor Baker appointed Hon. James H, Fay, Judge, R,
S. Taylor, Prosecuting Attorney; and in the month of October
following, by election, Hon. J. W. Borden assumed the judgeship
of this court.
Of marriage records, previous to October, 1834, there had been
no record of marriage licenses presented here, nor any return made
of the solemnization thereof in the county of Allen. Up to 1824,
while what is now Allen county still formed a part of Randolph, ali
such licenses had to be procured at the Clerk's office in Win-,
Chester, the county-seat of Randolph.
The first record of marriage here, occurring in 1834, was that
of George Withmer to Eleanor Troutner. For some years prior to
the issue of this first license here, it was a custom for officers of
the army to solemnize marriage without license; some were also
married upon license issued from the Clerk's office in Miami coun
ty, Ohio; while others were procured at Vincennes, in Knox
county, Indiana ; and many came together and lived very agree
able without any license at all.
most worthy and intelligent young man, while attending ajeourse of theological studies
at Gambier Ohio, in December, 1850, lost his life by the accidental discharge of a gun.

CHAPTER XXVII.
Still moving ferward — onward ever !
*******
" The four first acts already past,
The fifth shall close the drama with the day ;
Time's noblest offspring is her last."

The first court-house — Treasurer's, Auditor's, Clerk's, and Recorder's offices — The old
jail— The present court-house — Post office and post-masters — Mails — The old pond
— Sbawanoe run — An incident — Sketch of Chief Richardville — The old sand-bill
— Exhumation of Indian bones and relics — Steady improvement of the place 
Population at different periods — Recollections of an early resident — Commanding
position ofthe place — Roads — Buildings — General business — Manufacturing inter
ests — The World's future great commercial city — Railroad interests — Arrival of
the first locomotive — First printing office — Names and number of papers now
published in Fort Wayne — Churches and educational relations — The Future.

'HE FIRST edifice erected for court and general public pur-
)poses,was a two-story brick building, built by S. Edsall, in 1847.
?This edifice stood upon the site of the present substantial
court building. The original court building was of slender
build, and afer a few years use, it became evident that its
longer occupancy would be attended with danger, and a one-story
building was subsequently erected on the south-east corner of
court-square, with a side-room for jury and other purposes fronting
on Berry street, which was also torn down a few years after its
erection. At the time of the occupancy and use of this build
ing, the Treasurer's and Auditor's offices were in a small edifice
on 'the northeast corner of court-square; the Clerk's office on
the northwest corner; and the Recorder's office on the south
west corner of the same.
At the time ofthe erection and during the occupancy and use of
the first court-house, built by Mr. Edsall, the old county jail still
stood on the southwest corner of the square. This old building
was destroyed by fire in 1S47.
During the period intervening between the destruction of the
one-story brick court-house, on the southeast corner of the square,
and the erection ofthe present substantial and commanding edifice

312 History of Fort Wayne. *>
in 1861, court was held in Colerick's Hall, on Columbia street. The
cost of the present edifice was over $80,000. Its corner-stone was
laid with Masonic honors, in 1861, and bears the following inscrip
tion on the northeast corner of the building :
" Corner, Stone, laid with Masonic ceremonies, May 1, A. D. 1861,
A. L. 5861, by Sol. D. Bayless, P. G. M. Michael Crow, John
Shafer, and Isaac Hall, County Commissioners. Contractors : S.
Edsall and V. M. Kimball. Designed by Edwin May. Superin
tendent, Samuel McElfatrick. Builder, D. J. Silver."
Its architecture is a combination of Doric, Corinthian, etc. On
the north side ofthe building appears the figure of General Wayne,
on the west side, the figure of Washington, both in colonial uni
form. In the general court-room, on either side of the judge's
stand, are the figures of Columbus and the goddess of Liberty, in
fresco. As the postoffice is always an institution of interest and import
ance in every place, a little account of the establishment of postal
relations in Fort Wayne will not be out of place here.
The first post master of the place, was the late Judge Hanna.
He kept the office in his store, on Columbia street, near where Cole
rick's Hall now stands. The next postmaster was Henry Rudisill,
father of tin present County Auditor, H. J. Rudisill, Esq., who
kept the office in a frame building, on the north side of Columbia
street, between Calhoun and Clinton, near the place now occupied
by Ash & McCulloch's hardware store. Mr. Rudisill was followed
by Oliver Fairfield, (brother of Captain Asa Fairfield,) and Small-
wood Noel, who kept the office in the same place till the appoint
ment of Wm. Stewart, Esq., in 1845, when Mr. Stewart took it to
his own lot, on Calhoun street, where his present building stands,
in place of which was then a frame building, about 25 feet square.
In 1849, Samuel Stophlet, Esq:, succeeded Mr.8 Stewart, and took
the office further, down Calhoun street, to a frame building, near
where Kline & Marsh's shoe store now stands, where he kept it
till the burning of the Phoenix Block, on the opposite side of the
street, when it was removed to the site now occupied by the drug
store of Gratigny & Bro., corner of Main and Calhoun streets.
Jno. G. Maier, Esq., followed Mr. Stophlet, in 1853, and held the
office during the administrations of Presidents Pierce and Buchan
an, keeping it first on the south side of Columbia near Clinton, and
afterwards on Clinton street, near where the Mayor's office now is.
In 1861,M. Drake, Esq., the present incumbent, received the appoint
ment, still keeping the office for a time on Clinton street; then
removing it to Robinson's block, on Harrison 6treet, and subse
quently to its present locality, on Court street, opposite the court
house, which is considered one of the best arranged post offices in
the western country.
The first regular mails began in 1822-3, which were brought here
on horseback, from Maumee and Piqua, Ohio. Prior to that

The Old Pond — Siiawanoe Run — An Incident. 313
period, the news reached here, only through private and special
messengers. The mail carriers usually had to camp out one night
on the road from Piqua and Maumee, and made the trips regularly,
not unfrequently coming through, however, with empty mail bags.
The mail matter of Chicago often came by way of Fort Wayne,
and it is remembered, that, for one trip, it was carried afoot, by Mr.
Bird, a farmer, still living a few miles from Fort Wayne. After
the opening of canal navigation, the Maumee mail was transferred
to the packets, other mails still being carried by horses, and
subsequently by stages, until the completion of the railroad from
Pittsburgh to this point ; and notwithstanding the march in rail
roads, &c, a few stage lines still continue to reach Fort Wayne
from interior points.
It may here be interesting for the reader to know that
just east of the court-house, about half a square, at a former period
there was to be seen a large pond, extending from what is now the
residence of Mr. Bowser, on Berry street, past the rear of Peter
Kiser's store, to where now stands the store rooms of Messrs. Town-
ley, DeWald, Bond & Co., corner of Calhoun and Columbia
streets. Many of the early settlers frequently caught fish out of
this pond. A little brook, the remains of which is still to be seen,
just north of the canal, opposite the Robinson block, meandered
to the west of this pond, and just north of the court- house, extending-
around the same and running through what is- now the alley-way im
mediately west of and opposite the court-house, thence to about the
rear of the Berry street M. E. Church, and across Harrison, thence
towards the St. Mary's. At the point about where the Berry
street M. E. Church is, it was some four or five feet deep, and was
a favorite fishing place. This little stream was known as " Siiaw
anoe Run," so called from an incident that occurred many years
ago near its banks, at a point about half-way between what
is now Harrison and Calhoun streets, the general surface of the
locality, at that period being covered mainly with small trees,
hazle-bushes, etc. ; and where the Indians were much accustomed
to idle about. On one occasion, a Shawanoe was asked by a Mi
amie to take a drink at the point referred to, to which the former
readily assented, and as he preceded to do so, the Miamie plunged
a knife into his breast, killing him on the spot. The deed was a
barbarous and most treacherous one, at best ; and it was not long
before the Shawanoes— quite a large body of whom then resided a
short distance to the southeast of Fort Wayne — were made acquaint
ed with the revengeful procedure of the Miamie in killing their
brother ; and each and all were alike maddened at the event. The
spirit of the slain member of their tribe was to be revenged ere he
could be appeased, or presents sufficient to coverup the grave ofthe
murdered warrior were to be proffered and accepted, before the
living members of the clan could feel any sense of forgiveness
towards the murderer and his tribe ; and two days after the event

814 History of Fort Wayne.
came a considerable body of Shawanoes to the place, all painted
and armed for a bloody conflict with the opposite tribe. And they
are said to have presented a most ferocious and determined appear
ance, as they halted upon a little rise at what is now the corner of
Washington and Clinton streets.
The matter had now become serious. The Shawanoes had come
to settle the affair — to revenge the murder of their brother — and
the' Miamies knew at once that the case had to be met. Nothing
short of " an eye for an eye," or an adjustment of some kind,
would serve to quell or reconcile the determined will of the paint
ed Shawanoes. Accordingly, Chief Richardville,* of the Miamies,
* With the birth-place of this distinguished chief, as referred to on page 22,
Chapter II, in connection with the " old apple-tree," the reader is already familiar.
His father, Druet de Richardville, was a French trader here for some years before
and after the fated expedition of La Balme, in 1780. Among the many thrilling
and interesting incidents and narrations, as frequently recited by the chief to the
late Allen Hamilton, he gave, some years ago, an account of his ascendency to the
chieftainship of his tribe. The occasion was not only thrilling and heroic, but, on
the part of his famous mother and himself, will ever stand in history as one of
the noblest and most humane acts known to any people, and would serve as a theme,
both grand and eloquent, for the most gifted poet or dramatist of any land.
It was a wild, barbarous moment, now more than eighty years ago. Ke-ki-ong-a
stiU occasionally echoed with the shrieks and. groans of captive men: and the young
warriors of the region still rejoiced in the barbaric custom of burning prisoners at
the stake — a custom long in vogue with the Indians here. A white man had been
captured and brought in by the warriors. A council had been convened, in which
the question of his fate arose in debate and was soon settled. He was to be burned
at the stake, and the braves and villagers generally were soon gathered about the
scene of torture, making the very air to resound with their vociferations and triumph
ant shouts of pleasure and gratification at the prospect of soon enjoying another
hour of fiendish merriment at the expense of a poor, miserable victim of torture.
Already the man was lashed to the stake, and the torch that was to ignite the cum-
bustible material placed about the same and the victim of torture, was in the hands
of the brave appointed to create the flame that was so soon to consume the victim
of their cruelty. But the spirit of rescue was at hand. The man was destined to
be saved from the terrible fate that surrounded him !
Young Richardville had for some time been singled out as the future
chief of the tribe, and his heroic mother saw in this a propitious and glorious mo
ment for the assertion of his chieftainship, by an act of great daring and bravery,
in the rescue of the prisoner at the stake. All eyes were now fixed upon the captive.
Young Richardville and his mother were some distance from the general scene, but
sufficiently near to see the movements ofthe actors in the tragedy about to be enac
ted, and could plainly hear the coarse ejaculations and mingled shouts of triumph
of the crowd. At that moment, just as the torch was about to be applied to the
bark, as if touched by some angelic impulse of love and pity for the poor captive,
the mother of young Richardville placed a knife in her son's hand, and bade him
assert his chieftainship by the rescue of the prisoner. The magnetic force of the
mother seemed instantly to have convulsed and inspired the young warrior, and he
quickly bounded away to the scene, broke through the wild crowd, cut the cords
that bound the man, and bid him be free ! All was .astonishment and surprise; and
though by no means pleased at the loss of their prize, yet the young man, their
favorite, for his heroic and daring conduct, was at once esteemed a god by the crowd,
and then and thereafter became a chief of the first distinction and honor in the
tribe !
The thoughtful and heroic mother of Richardville now took the man in charge,
and' soon quietly placing him in a canoe and covering him with hides and peltries,
in charge of some friendly Indians, he was soon gliding safely clown the placid cur
rent of the Maumee, beyond the scene of the turbulent warriors and villagers of
Ke-ki-ong-a. The rescue was complete.

Sketch of Chief Richardville. 315
was at once called upon by the members of his tribe to adjust and
reconcile the matter, wliich was only accomplished after a lengthy
council between the tribes, wherein the Shawanoes finally agreed
to a reconciliation upon the proffer and gift of several head of
horses, and a quantity of trinkets and goods of various kinds. And
thus the matter ended — and it was out of this incident — fierce and
At a later period in the life of the chief, some years subsequent to this event, be
ing on his way to Washington City, he came to a town in Ohio, where, stopping for a
little while, a man came up to him, and suddenly recognizing in the stranger
ihe countenance of his benefactor and deliverer of years before, threw his arms
about the chief's neck, and embraced him with all the warmth of filial affection and
gratitude ! He was indeed the rescued prisoner ; and the meeting between the
chief and the man was one of mingled pleasure and surprise.
In stature, the chief was about five feet ten inches, with broad shoulders , an d weighed
about one hundred and eighty pounds. His personal appearance was attractive; grace
ful in carriage and manner;,and bore allthemarks ofa " finished gentleman." Exempt
from any_ expression of levity— a simple_child of nature— he is said to have "preserved
his dignity under all circumstances." His eyes were of a lightish blue, and slightly
protruding—" his upper lip firmly pressed upon His teeth, and the under one slightly
projecting. His nose wasroman, and the whole contour of his face was classic and at
tractive." From the recolleotions of David H. Colerick, Esq., long intimate with the chief, and
who served as his attorney, transacting much of his business for many years here, Rich
ardville was computed tlie wisest and most sagacious chief of all the Indians of the
entire northwest; and "was the successful head and ruler of the Miamie tribe for more
than fifty years before and to the tiirie of his death," in 1841.
His mother was a most remarkable woman. Her Indian name was Tau-cum-wa.
Chief Richardville was an only son, and much beloved by her. Her reign as chiefess
of the tribe, continued for a period of some thirty years, prior to tlie war of 1812,
during which time, according to the traditions of the Indians, " she ruled the tribe
with a sway, power, and success as woman never ruled before." After her reign, "she
retired and passed the mace of power to her son," John B. Richardville, whose Indian
name was Pe-she-wa (or Wild Oat,) by which he was always called by his people, and
thus signed it at all the treaties he attended, to transact business for the tribe or tribes
of which he was the representative or head. With a mind somewhat massive, a rather
close observer, and apt in his business transactions, he was always extremely careful in
what he undertook. A most patient listener, his retieense often almost assumed the
form, of extreme indifference; yet such was far from his rature, for he ever execised the
warmest and most attentive regard for all of bis people and mankind in general; and
" the needy never called in vain— -his kind and charitable hand was never withheld
from the distressed of his own people or from the stranger ; and he was beloved and
esteemed by all who knew him."
So well and wisely did he manage the affairs of his tribe— with sueh wisdom and
moderation did he adjust and settle all matters relating to his people — that he was not
only held in the highest estimation by the Indians generally, throughout the northwest,
but"" honored and trusted as their law-giver with the most unsuspecting confidence
and implicit obedience"— always adjusting affairs between his own people, as well as
all inter-tribal relations, without resort to bloodshed. A patient and attentive listener
—prudent and deliberate in his action— when once his conclusions and determination
were formed, " he rarely had occasion to change them." "Averse to bloodshed, except
against armed resistance, he was ever the strong and consistent friend of peace and
good-will. Many were the vivid recollections he gave, years ago, to early settlers here. At the
time of Harmar's movements and defeat at this point, he was a boy of some ten or
twelve years of age. But his recollection of the way the Indians stole along the bank
of the river, near to the point, long since known as " Harmar's ford," were most thril
ling. Not a man among the Indians, said he, was to fire a gun until the white warri
ors under Harmar had gained the stream, and were about to cross. Then the red men
iu the bushes, with rifles levelled and ready for action, just as the detachment of Har
mar beo-an to near the centre of the Maumee, opened a sudden and deadly fire upon
them; and horses and riders fell in the stream, one upon the other, until the river was
literally strewn from bank to bank, with the slain, both horses and men; and the. water
ran dark with the blood of the slain !

316 History of Fort Wayne.
thrilling to those who remember*, it — that grew the name of this
little run. • ,
In the extreme west end ofthe city there was formerly an exten
sive bluff, perhaps some fifteen or sixteen feet higher than any
other point within the present limits of Fort Wayne, which covered
originally some two squares. It was, indeed, an immense, sand
heap. When, and how long accumulating, the ages alone can
determine. The sand is of a rather fine quality, and much of it
has served well, doubtless, for mortar, in building and other pur
poses. It extended from Wayne street, fronting and within a few
yards ofthe college, towards the .river, a short distance below
Berry street, and eastward perhaps about a square ; somewhat
sloping in its general character. Its highest point was at about
the present terminus of B.erry street.. Over this knoll there extend
ed but little vegetative life ; a few indifferent bushes here and there
over it and about its margin, formed, perhaps, the principal part of
its productive growth, as is. usually the case with sandy points.
* Among whom is D. H. Colerick, Esq., from whose recollections this account is given.
" There seemed, in the settling of this section- of the country." says, Mr. Colerick
" a rivalry between the settlers and the Indians, as to who should tender the chief the
highest respect, for all admired who knew him."
At the treaty of St. Mary's, in 1818, a reserve of three sections of land was made to
him, principally located some four or five miles from Port Wayne, up the St. Mary's
river, which, since his death, have been in the. hands andkeeping of his descendants,
" and now owned and occupied by Archonge, (daughter of La Blonde, the first daugh
ter of the chief,) wife of James ft. Godfri, whose interesting family, with some three or
four other persons, relatives of the same, living near, now constitute the only remnants
of the once powerful Miamie tribe in this part of their old strong hold, each and all of
whom have long since assumed the garb of civilization, and not only cultivate the arts
of peace, but live upon, and annually and successfully till one of the finest bodies of
land to be found in the northwest. .
It was an ancient custom with the Indians never to council during cloudy weather.
Open day, and a sun-light unobscured by the frowns of lowering clouds, were the only
guarantees of a successful council among t.hem. In 1832, at a treaty appointed to be
held at the forks of the Wabash— where it is said the Government, through its agents,
not on-lv spent vast sums of money, but fed the Indians most sumptuously for some
days, (which latter was a great source of pleasure and pride to the red men then and
there assembled, for they always liked tbe white man's fare, and ate most
lavishly of it, whenever occasion offered)— the principal agent of tbe treaty, through
his interpreter, requested a council of the tribes on a certain day, and had assembled a
number of tbe principal chiefs present, to make known the desire. Having concluded
his remarks, which were principally addressed to chief Richardville. as the main rep
resentative of the tribes present, the chief, in an unusually dignified and resolute man
ner, arose to respond. The red men, said he, never council when the great Spirit
frowns. Already lie has shut his face from view, and dark clouds are spread over our
heads. When he shall smile again, and the sun begin to alluminethe earth,- then will
we council
No council was therefore convened; and the Indians are said to have continued to
fare most sumptuously, much to their liking, for several days longer, on the choice food
set before them, at this expensive gathering of the tribes,, under tlie auspices of the
United States Government.
Such was the famous chief— such was John B. Richardvillp, (Pe-she-wa,) for so-many
years the head and ruler of the Miamies of this ever memorable and aneientistrong-
hold of Indian life in the northwest ; and to-day, in the Catholic cemetery, jnston the
confines of his birth-place and early associations, is to he seen at any time, bv the visi
tant to this city of the dead, a neat and imposing marble shaft, upon which may be
clearly read, both when the sun shines and tbe clouds lower, the name of John B. Rica-
aiwville, the beloved and famous chief of the Miamies .

Population at Different Periods. 317
The Indians are said to have had some huts upon it, some years ago.
In removing this great sand heap, as in digging at Other points,
within the present limits of Fort Wayne, the Indians having de
posited their dead here and there, many bones and skulls were
exhumed and removed. On one occasion, some workmen thus
engaged, among many others, dug up a most remarkable skull
— with' high forehead and general formation extremely large — in
dicating a giant form to the possessor.*
Somewhat to the south of this once great sand-hill, where there
were also- some open points, the Indians, for many years, cultivated
small patches of corn and other products.
Since the incorporation of the "Town of Fort Wayne," in 1825,
when the principal edifices were >c substantial log buildings," there
has been a steady improvement and increase of populaiton. More
especially, during the last twenty years, has the place advanced in
material wealth and general improvement.
The estimated population of' the place and vicinity, in 1828,
was about 500. Two years later, 1830, it had reached about 800 ;
and in 1810, about 1200; in 1850, about 4200; in 1809, 10.300,
while, at the present period, subburbial portions included, it, has
reached a population of upwards 29.000 ; and its material growth
in building, manufacture, and general commercial pursuits, has
kept pace with the advance in population.
A former resident of Fort Wayne, who visited the scenes of his
boyhood, during 1867, thus writes :
','- Nearly a third of a century ago, when the writer, then a boy,
was residing half a mile from Fort Wayne, the place was known
abroad chiefly as being the site of the fort, which gives it a part of
its name, and as one ofthe villages on the line of the canal. Co
lumbia street monopolized the business, being the focus of the
village trade. The only church then built was the old Presbyteri
an', now an unsightly wreck. ' When the act of secession occurred,
and, the church became divided into Old School and New School,
the court house served as a place of worship for the latter.
" By the laws common to humanity, most of those who were
prominent in business at that day have since passed away, and
their places have been filled by another generation. A few still
remain, however, and I have had the pleasure of meeting and con-
*Mr. Daniel Kiser.some eighteen or twenty years ago, on the Cole farm, dug up tho
remains of an Indian woman, and also found in the grave a silver cup, a number of
brooches, and a snuff box, on which wa3 the portrait of Wm, Penn — the figure of an
ordinary quill-pen being located near the portrait, as expressive of the name of this old
Quaker philanthropist.
Mr. Charles M. Wells, also, some seventeen yeai-3 ago, dug up a number of Indian
bones— seemingly a man and woman. On the breast of the woman were a number of
ear-drops, brooches and crosses. A beautiful piece of ribbon was also found near the
ear-drops' Ac, which seemed to have retained all its primitive elasticity and beau
ty, until' touched, when it instantly crumbled to dust. A little son of N. P.
Stockbridge, Esq., some months since, among a number of other Indian relics, found
two little Indian .bells. Many flints, tomahawks, etc., have1 also been dug up at different
times during the past few years. How long many of these bones and relics have thus
been concealed in the earth/ none Can telli

318 History oe Fort Wayne.
versing with several of the ' old residents,' Two teachers who
taught my young ideas. ' how to shoot,' a third of a century ago,
are still residents of this city. The schools were then taught in
the basement of the Presbyterian Church above referred to, and in
a little brick building, located about where the jail stands., The
former was then at the eastern' extreme, pf the village, while the
latter was beyond the western extreme. The Old Fort was then in
the suburbs.
" During the interval of a third of a century the writer has visi
ted Fort Wayne several times, and has been glad to notice, of
late years, so commendable a spirit of enterprise exhibited by her
business men. Without any natural advantages, the city has been
and must be the architect of her own fortunes. That truly liberal
and far-seeing policy which sacrifices the present for the future,
and builds lines of railroads into and through new, thinly settled
regions,- will yet, I think, make Fort Wayne, one of the foremost
manufacturing cities ofthe West. If the last few years have done
much, the next few years may be made to do far more for the growth
and. material prosperity of the place. Your numerous churches
and your seats of learning , show that the moral and intellectual
advancement of your city have been cared for; and it is to be hoped
that Fort Wayne will become celebrated for law and order, as well
as for the enterprise and liberal spirit of its business men. I do
not here allude to events of recent occurrence. With these I have
nothing to do. I only claim, as one, a portion of whose boyhpod
was passed here, to feel a friendly interest in the growth and wel
fare of your city. , Peace be within its walls, and prosperity within
her gates. * * Show the outside world that Fort Wayne
is up to all the requirements of the age in educational facilities ;
expend money liberally in Nicholson pavements ; encourage the
new lines of railroads by every private and public means ; orna
ment and improve your public grounds and private residences, and
in tho next decade you may challenge comparison with any city in
our borders. As a permanent business investment, eligible lots
are worth mpre, foot for foot, than in any city in Indiana."*
" The causes that produced this rapid growth," says Mr. Williams,
are apparent. The commanding situation -of the town, in the centre
of a large and fertile scope of country that sought this point for
trade, with no competing town and the facilities for export and
import, were important elements, in its growth; The facilities for
this commerce, resulted from the important internal improvements
constructed so as to make this an important point on their routes.",'!',
* Fort Wayne Gazette, April 4th, 1867.
f Referring to the canal and railroads. " By affording the means of shipping direct
to the lake," says thesame writer, " the canal drew the trade ofa large regidn of coun
try, north and south, immediately to this point. The water power resulting from this
improvement, furnished facilities for the erection of mills and manufactories that were
a great importance in its progress ; and from this period it took a new start, and this
impetus continued till the era of plank roads, in 1848. These roads," says he, "were con
structed with much energy and rapidity to a great distance in every direction, attract
ing an increased trade from a large and fertile section of cpuntry,"

The World's Future Great Commercial City. 319
During 1867, upwards of 200 dwellings, handsome and commodi
ous storehouses, and other edifices, were built.
The general business relations of the city of Fort Wayne, at the
present period, are of the first order ; and it may be said of the
business men of our city to-day, that they are among the most ac
tive, liberal, and enterprising of the land, with a credit and repu
tation for promptness unsurpassed by any place of equal size in the
West. Of manufactories, of different kinds, there are few cities of
similar size in the union that can equal her. The busy wheels and
spindles ofthe machine shops and factories f the steady click of tho
hammer; and constant puffing of steam-pipes, at every hand,
tell how active and how numerous — in " what a heat and what a
forge " — the hardy yeomanry — the working-men — of Fort Wayne
are employed. Such a scene of industry and civilization could
the ancient inhabitants of Ke-ki-ong-a suddenly step in uj "
familiar " stamping ground," would indeed " astonish tj
Possessing, as this locality does, the many natural aifvl
material for building purposes ; the facilities for reaci
nearness to, the principal markets of the country, with ol
portant reasons and advantages, Fort Wayne — if keeping
within her borders those finer feelings and relations of so
harmony, good-will, and fair dealing, so essential to the!
growth and prosperity of every people, town, city, and county-
destined to become one of the most extensive and important manu
facturing cities of the country. And there is, perhaps, no material
reason why the great central depot — the great mart of trade — of
the American Central Railroad, soon to connect California with the
East, may not at no distant period, find a seat at this point as the
most central and important of all the points yet referred to by those
• who have given the matter candid and impartial consideration.*
The following list of manufacturing establishments, independ
ence thought of a " Coming Man," in whose organism would centre, as a grand exem
plary model, all the more harmonious and exhalted conditions and attributes of ment
al and physical life, has long attracted the attention and earnest consideration of a large
mass of the civilized world. So, also, among the more reflecLive and studious of man
kind, has the idea of a great commercial centre on the American continent, located at
some favorable point west of the Alleghany mountains, on the great " central plain,"
lying betweeu the seaboard on the east and California on the west, taken deep root,
beginning mainly with General Washington, De Witt Clinton, and others at an early
period of our country's history, and of late years, and perhaps never more earnestly
and thoughtfully than at the present time, has the subject been discussed and reflec
ted upon. And still it will attract attention, until the end is attained.
Everything seems to gravitate towards a common centre. Water finds its level; and
globes and men act and re-act continually, both magnetically and imperceptibly, upon
each other, to the attainment and out-growth of the unity and better developement of
the human race.
Everything serves some wise end in the great economy of existence; and Commerce,
like the evolution and promulgation ofthe great principles and elements of science and
philosophy, in its gravitative movements from point to point over the old world, has
for ages contributed largely to this glorious " end and aim " of life— the unity of the
human family- the establishment of a natural relationship and common genealogy of
the elements of the globe— organic and inorganic, as their general condition and struc
ture may appear.
Unlike past ages, when the great centre of the commercial world sought to plant it-

820 History of Fort Wayne.
ent of the industrial relations of the railroad shops, will give the
reader an extended view of the manufacturing enterprise of Fort
Wayne and vicinity at the present period :
There are three large founderies, employing from forty-three to.
upwards of one hundred men each, with an average pay-roll of
from two thousand five hundred to eight thousand dollars per
month, and are unable to keep pace with the demand for their
labor.
self at some favorable»fointj^i||)n the shores ofthe ocean, or at the mouth of some exten
sive stream, flowing oceanward, or through vast regions of territory, regardless of
centralization, or nearness to the main body of the civilized inhabitants surrounding,
sending out, annually, vast quantities of goods, and commerce of various kinds, through
one mighty channel, as it were, hero in America, to-day, and for years past, a great.
centre is being sought, wherein and without shall flow the vast corrmerce of the con-
perhaps the world-— penetrating in every direction to the most remote aa
rest points of trade, by railroad and navigable water courses, with ease
pjnent look at Fort Wayne as one of the most favorable as well as most
Jpf the vast population to tbe east, north and south of us,) points for
ent of such a centre. With her railroad advantages present and pros-
Freader will already have made himself familiar—penetrating as they will,
lars more, in every direction, connecting her, in a few hours of travel, with
'rtant si-aboard and inland town and city on the continent — even to Califor-
Tlie streams that centre here, including the advanlages.long afforded by the
Ind Erie canal, with proper attention and theoutlay ofafew thousand dollars,
"g their channels, <fec., may be made navigable for the largest steamboats,
during the greater part of the year — the St. Joseph from Lake Michigan, and the Mau
mee, formed here by the junction ot the St. Mary's and St. Joseph, flowing into Lake
Erie— thiis affording ready aud easy transportation from the Lakes and all interior
points, to the most advantageous centre of trade, to all adjacent points thereto, and to
the fartherest limits beyond, where demand shall call for supply.. While, as a grain
and fruit-growing, wool-producing, and stock -raising district, jna few years, With the
proper inducements for extensive scientific culture, in the use of the best mechanical
appliances in tbe cultivation and chemical understanding of the soil, in planting, reap
ing, mowing, etc., etc., this, with the great scope of country lying for hundreds of
miles in every direction around us, may become among the foremost of ihe land. Tim
ber, for fire wood, manufacturing and building purposes, is to be had in great abund
ance, at every side; and as will already have bei n sien, the material and advantages, in
other respects, for building, are inexhaustible. (See chapter I, page 2,) In point of
health, there are few sections of the country, where the masses enjoy better geneial
health than Fort Wayne and vicinity.
These, then, with many other important relations and -advantages, that.might be
named, are of the first necessity and importance in the building and establishment of
sucha manufacturing centre of industry and commerce ; and the rapid strides that have
been ma le here, in building and general improvement during the past few years — the
early location here of some of the most extensive railroad shops in the west, for the
manufacture of cars, engines, etc. — point most clearly, if not absolutely, to this ps the
world's future manufacturing and commercial centre. And while, at the same time,
the suggestion of such a result may awaken a smile of disbelief in some, yet, in after
years, (for it will not be the growth of a day,) we may behold its fullest realization.
Let the reader note the suggestion, and await results.
Toledo, Ohio, Chicago, 111., and Omaha, Nebraska, are already named as this great
commercial centre, lt is not likely to settle down upon or gravitate towards all of
these flourishing-cities: and as Fort Wuyne, with her many rare advantages, is most
favorably located between the former, and an important point on the line of the
Great Central American Railway from Hew York to San Francisco, Cal., which will
touch neither Toledo or Chicago, the chances are largely in our favor. To this
end, therefore, every citizen — eveiy farmer of Allen county, — by a continuous due re
gard for order, honesty, truthfulness and fair dealing, — the bttter developement of the.
social, intellectual, manufacturing, horticultural, agricultural and general industrial
relations of our city and county, may and should contribute something each day
towards the consummation of this glorious end. " Ye know not what ye1 shall bei" The

Business Relations — Manufactories. ' 321
Two extensive file manufactories ; one lock factory ; three large
steam tanneries; soap and candle factory; four saw mills; four
large flooring and dressing mills ; an extensive woolen factory ;
two spoke and hub factories ; two shingle factories , one boiler
factory ; three sash and door factories ; one box factory ; two trunk
factories ; four candy factories ; four saddle and harness manufac
tories ; five wagon factories ; three carriage factories ; three under
takers and _ coffin makers ; two plow manufactories ; two potash
manufactories ; three cooper shops ; and one large paper mill, all
doing an extensive business, with heavy shipments, in some in
stances, as for east as Boston, Mass., south and west as far as New
Orleans, St. Louis, &c.
The business-showing, in other relations, is equally fair and prom
ising. Of dry goods, grocery, clothing, boot and shoe, china,
hardware, tin and stove, variety, drug, book and periodical, millin
ery, music, and other stores, banking houses, hotels, &c, there are
about two hundred and seventy ; some of the larger business houses
doing an annual business of from twenty, thirty, fifty, one hundred
and seventy-five thousand, to a quarter of a million dollars.
Among the most extensive as well as most important adjuncts
to the general manufacturing interest and business relations of the
city of Fort Wayne, at the present period, are those presented by
the Fort Wayne and Chicago Railroad, which was commenced in
conditions of this great superstructure are with us. Let us improve them, and wait.
" Westward, ho I the seat of empire takes its way ! " rang out upon the still air of
the continent during the colonial days of our Republic ; and a steady influx of emi
gration — a continuous enlargement of our agricultural domain, in clearing, etc., have
now continued for upwards of sixty years ; until to-day, the west, in every material,
as well as intellectual point of view, is mighty to look upon. Look, then, at her ad
vancement, fifty years or less hence! She'll then, and before, demand such a com
mercial and manufacturing centre; and Fort Wayne is as likely to be that centre — per
haps most likely — than any other of the points already brought forward.
The past, in a commercial point of view, may be no special eriterioa for the Future.
Presuming that the city of London, England, is now, and for years past has been, the
world's great commercial centre, it is not fully presumable that this centre will, within
a few score years, shift its locality to the city of New York, and there rest for an hun
dred years more, and then make its way westward. No ; we shall long ere that peri
od build up and most fully establish a commercial radius in the west, and from her
extensive workshops and well-tilled agricultural districts, we shall be, as in no small
degree, we are now, enabled to furnish the markets of the East and Europe with vast
stores of grain and other of our productive wealth. The demand for sueha centre is
already apparent ; already it is beginning to grow — to show the strongest signs of life,
and to present the fullest and most substantial prospects of realization in future years.
Before the era of railroads, the lakes and navigable rivers were the principal courses
of travel and trade; but lattelry, for some years past, these channels have greatly
diminished in importance as well aB trade and travel ; though by no means likely to
be lost sight of entirely in this relation, as a means of commercial intercourse, yet, so
long as the convenience and speed of the railroad is maintained, — which is likely for
centuries to be the ease, with the addition of many comforts, more safety, and greater
cheapness of travel thereon — the navigable streams and lakes are not likely to gain
any material ascendency in the future. So that it does not necessarily follow that the
future great commercial and manufacturing city of the globe should be located on the
shore of some extensive lake or river, or at some favorable point on the seaboard, at
either extreme of the American continent, in order to be the more extensive and
equable in its intercourse with, and relations to, other parts of the globe.

322 History of Fort Wayne.
1854,* and completed in 1857. The Ohio and Indiana railroad
was the first located here, which occurred in 1852, and .completed
in 1854. In 1856, the Ohio and Indiana and Fort Wayne and Chi
cago roads were consolidated with the Ohio and Pennsyl
vania road, and continued thereafter to constitute the " Pittsburgh,
Fort Wayne, & Chicago Railroad Company," forming a line of some
550 miles in length, which is unequalled in general importance and
successful business management by any road of similar length in
the United States.
Being a central point on these extensive lines, the companies
early selected this as most convenient for the location of the vari
ous .machine shops necessary for the repair of machinery and
building of rolling stock, such as cars, engines, &c. As now en
larged and faciliated, the shops of the Pittsburgh, Fort Wayne, and
Chicago Company furnish employment for upwards of seven hun
dred mechanics and laborers, with a monthly pay-roll of over
$50,000. Aside from these, the travel over the road and the freight
receipts, have added immensely to the general commercial interest
and wealth of the place. And already several new lines are cen
tering here from different points — most prominent among which,
are the Fort Wayne and Southern ; the Grand Rapids and Indiana ;
Cincinnati, Richmond, and Fort Wayne ; while the Great American
Central Road will make this an important point in its route from
New York to San Francisco.
The total earnings of the P., Ft. W., and C. road for 1866, were
$7,467,217.56 ; expenditures, $5,147,686.54.
The shops of this road embrace a two-story brick depot, 190 feet
long, by 70 feet wide ; a freight-house, 200 by 60 feet ; main build
ing of the car shop, two stories, 220 by 75 feet, with two wing's,
one story,l 88 by 75 feet each; machine and blacksmith shops,327 by
65 feet, two Tories, with two wings for engine and boiler shops,
each 100 by 59 feet ; a round-house, 60 feet deep by 308 feet in
diameter, with stalls for forty engines. A new machine shop, 340
by 120 feet, was added to these in 1866 ; by which they are en
abled to build one entirely new engine per month, besides keeping
up all repairs on the western division of the roads. When it is
necessary, one hundred freight and passenger cars can be built per
month, besides keeping up repairs on rolling stock. The average
amount of lumber used per month, is upwards 700,000 feet, at a
cost of more than $12,000. Already further enlargements are
contemplated, and a new paint shop and foundry will soon be built
*The first locomotive that reached Fort Wayne, eame by way ofthe canal, in charge
of R. W. Wohlfort ; and was landed near the warehouse of D. F. Gomparet, Esq., June
4th, 1854. So great was the interest and curiosity upon its arrival, that hundreds of
the citizens of Fort Wayne flocked near the place of landing to get a peep at the "iron
horse." Mr. W. tells many amusing incidents^ as well as "hair breadth escapes," a3
connected with his " voyage" thither, with this first engine for tho western division
of this road. At this time there was a temporary building near Mr. Comparet's ware
house, which served as a sort of " round-house " for the engines, and a track also ex
tended from this point to the site of the present railroad buildings.

Railroad Interests. 323
The general superintendent of the western division of the P., Ft.
W., and C. R. R., C. E. Gorham, Esq., resides at Fort Wayne.
The Toledo and Western road was begun in 1854, and complet
ed in 1856, which connects Lake Erie with the Mississippi river.
The buildings of this road embrace a round-house, 140 feet in
diameter, with a capacity for 24 engines ; a brick machine shop,
100 feet wide by 160 feet long ; a blacksmith shop, 40 feet wide,
and 160 feet long ; a wood shop, 30 feet wide, and 200 feet long.
There is also a passenger and freight depot. The shops of this
road, as in the foregoing, give regular employment to about 300
workmen, with a pay-roll of $20,000 per month. Length of road.
520 miles. Earnings for 1866— $3,717,386 ; Expenditures for 1866,
$2,811,186; with a constant increase of business. 40.000 tickets
were sold at the Fort Wayne office of this road during the year
1866. The manufacturing interests of Fort Wayne, as the reader can
well infer, from the facts and figures thus presented, form no small
amount of interest in the general business-showing of the place,
and have attracted hither many ofthe most efficient and exemplary
workmen to be found in America, who receive good wages, and
not a few of whom have bought property and built themselves
neat dwellings, with a view to permanent residence in the place.
With such advantages — such a growth in manufacturing rela
tions and facilities — what should impede the continued and rapid
progress of our city in every noble and generous point of view —
every unselfish, intelligent, and patriotic relation of life !
The year following the arrival here of the first railway engine,
in 1854, the "Fort Wayne Gas Company" was incorporated, March,
1855, and works erected, whose pipes now extend throughout the
largest portion of the city.
The first printing office established in Fort Wayne, was that of
the " Fort Wayne Sentinel," by Thomas Tiger arid S. V. B. Noel,
Esqs., in June, 1833, and located in the old Masonic Hall building,
which then stood on the site of Messrs. Hill & Orbison's ware
house, on Columbia street, v
At the present period, there are two Daily papers and three
Weeklies issued in the place, viz : the Daily and Weekly Democrat,
Daily and Weekly Gazette, and a German paper, the " Staats Zei-
tung." In a denominational and educational point of view, Fort Wayne
has long borne a most favorable reputation, as a church-going and
educational-loving people. Nearly every Christian denomination
has its representative here, with fifteen churches, including the
synagogue of the Hebrew denomination. Some of these edifices
are most handsome in their general architectural appearance, and
quite commodious. In public as well as private schools, there are
few places of equal size in America that can present a better show
ing in the number and regularity of pupils in attendance each week

324 History of Fort Wayne.
than Fort Wayne. The reader is already familiar with the locality
and status of the first school and school-house in our city, as also?
the first schoolmaster. From these small beginnings, Fort Wayne-
has steadily advanced, until, at the present period, there are up
wards of 2000 pupils in regular attendance in the two spacious1
public school buildings, known as the "East-end" and "West-end,"
with a corps of some 36 teachers, and a superintendent, whose effi
ciency and care in the disciplining and culture of the youthful
mind, are only equalled by their earnestness and good-nature. Jas.
H. Smart, Esq., is the present worthy superintendent of our public
schools, and under his supervision, for the past three years, the
schools have arisen to a point of excellence unequalled anywhere
in the West or East.
Among the different denominations there are also several excel
lent schools, which are largely attended. There is also a thriving
commprcial college here, enabling the poorest to obtain a complete
commercial and business education at a very small out-lay — a rare
advantage in any place.
In a collegiate relation, aside from the commercial institute, we
have two most excellent institutions, the " Concordia University,"
and the " Fort Wayne College," both of which are admirably con
ducted and well attended.
Such is the City of Fort Wayne at the present period. Let its
march still be onward. Let us advance continually, not only in
things physical, but in all that pertains to the mental and spiritual
welfare of every soul within and without her walls. Let us move
steadily on, with the Right ever in view, adding, day by day, to the
strength and durability of the great edifice of Truth and Progress.;
in which we all hope to find an agreeable seat in that glorious
Future when the " good-time " shall have come. X

Note to the Reader — ERRATA.-Since the main body of the work was printed, in
looking over the volume, I discovered a few typographical errors, which had been over
looked in reading proof and by the printer in the oorreetion of the proof-sheets ; all
of which, however, will be readily comprehended by the intelligent reader. The most
important of these are as follows: In the "Sketch of the Life of General Anthony
Wayne," first pap e, first line, for "not alono a valiant ofiicer and soldier," read "not
oni.y a valiant officer," &c. On page x. of same, 19th line from the top of the page in
stead of " whither he soon returned," &c, read " whence he soon returned," &o. In
Chapter I, page 5, 21st lino from top of page, first word, for " colonel," read colonial.
Page 6th of same Chapter, 10th line from top of page, for " purported to have been "
&o., read "reported to have been," &c. Chapter XXIII, page 273, 7th line from
bottom of page, for "Lieutenants Scorgin Bell,"<fec, read "Lieutenants Scorgin and
Bell," &c. At the bottom of page 22, Chapter I, in note two, (f) beginning at first of
third line from the bottom of the page, read " throwing ; " second line from bottom of
same, first word, read "very;" bottom line, same page, first word, read "fort." In
Chapter II, page 25, 17th line, in a part of the edition^ the word " heroines" is printed
heroes.

Biographical Sketches

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BIOGRAPHY

OV THK LAT«

HON. SAMUEL HApA,

It is the dictate of our nature, no less than of enlightened social policy, to honor
the illustrious dead ; to bedew with affectionate tears the silent urn of departed
genius and virtue ; to unburden the fulness of the surcharged heart in eulogium
upon deceased benefactors ; and to rehearse their noble deeds for the benefit of those
who may coma after us, It has been the commendable custom of all ages and all
nations. Hence the following feeble tribute to one of nature's noblemen.
Samuel Hanna was born October 18th, 1797, in Scott county, Kentucky. His
father, James Hanna, removed to Dayton, Ohio, in 1804, and settled on anew farm,
lying contiguous to the southern boundary of that town. Ho was one of a numerous
family, all of whom attained respectable, and most of them, distinguished positions
in life'. Samuel's early days were passed, like those of most boys in a new country, in
assisting his father to clear up hia farm, and in the enjoyment of such limited edu
cational advantages as were attainable in the West at that early day. His earliest
employment, away from the protection of the parental roof, was that of post-rider,
as it was called ; that is, taking newspapers from the publication office and delivering
them to subscribers at their residences, located far and near oyer the country — an
employment now obsolete, but extensively practiced fifty years ago, when post-offices
were almost entirely limited to the county-seats. In this humble calling, the youth
ful Hanna passed considerable time, traversing, week after wflek, the then wilder
ness of western Ohio.
There is one incident connected with his first business enterprise well worthy of
being recorded for the benefit of the young men who are ambitious to rise in
the world.
It seems that in his nineteenth year, young Hanna occupied the position of clerk
in a store in Piqua, Ohio. He and another young man, also a minor, bought out
the proprietor, giving their notes for $8,000. Soon after, these notes were trans
ferred to an innocent purchaser. About the same time, the goods which they had
purchased were taken from them by writ of attachment, leaving the young men
without means and incumbered by a heavy indebtedness. Hanna's partner soon
relieved himself of the liability by the plea of infancy. Not so young Hann*.
Although his friends advised him to the same course, representing that he had been
swindled he nobly declined, declaring that he would pay the last dollar of the debt,
should providence ever favor him with the means. It is but justice to the memory
of Mr. Hanna to «ay that he subsequently redeemed this promise, and paid the debt,
in full, principal and interest.
Integrity and uprightness thus early evinced, amidst strong inducements to a con
trary course, characterized his long and useful career, and gave him immense influ
ence over his fellow men. If young men would emulate his example in thie respect,
the word failure would seldom be written over their business lives.
Subsequently, he engaged for some time in teaching a country school ; and he is

4 History op Fokt Wayne.
represented, no doubt, truly, as having been a vigorous disciplinarian — an exact,
systematic, and thorough instructor. Indeed, he seems, at that early day, to have
indicated his future eminence and usefulness, by adopting and acting upon, thnthon-
estbut homely maxim that exerted an influence so marked and so beneficial on all
his subsequent career, and extended up to the hour of his death : " Whatever you
find to do, do it with all your might," or, ""Whatever is worth doing, is worth do
ing well."
He attended the Indian treaty at St. Mary's, in 1818, in the character of a »utler,
or purveyor, in connection with his brother Thomas, furnishing both food for men
and provender for horses, all of which was hauled with an ox-team from Troy, Ohio ;
he, with his own hands, hewing out feed-troughs for the stock. By this operation
he realized a small amount of money. This was his first substantial acquisition— >•
the corner-stone upon which his subsequent colossal fortune was reared. Here, too,
his purpose was formed of emigrating to Fort Wayne, where he was destined to
act so conspicuous and important a part in developing the resorces of the country
and building up a city.
He arrived here in 1819, when ho was in his twenty-second year. He found tho
place a mere Indian trading-post, with very few white inhabitants, and those merely
remnants of the old military establishment. Outside of the " Post" and its imme
diate vicinity, there were no white settlers, and the country in every direction, for
hundreds of miles, was an unbroken wilderness, swarming with the red men of tho
forest. He immediately entered upon mercantile pursuits in a small way, at whitt
is now the Northwest corner of Columbia and Barr streets. The town was not
then laid out. His first store-bouse was a rude log cabin, erected, principally, with
his own hands. This primitive structure was soon superseded by a story-and-a-
half frame building, and that, in after years, by a substantial brick block of business
houses. These are still retained by tbe family and belong to the sharer ot his joys
and his sorrows, bis toils and his trials, tho trusted and honored companion of his
youth, his manhood, and his old age, and who yet survives. May her remaining
days be many among the living.
Of course, atthat early day, his chief customers were Indians. Indian trade has always
been profitable, even when conducted honestly and justly, as is universally conceded
it always was by this young trader. It may here be remarked that Indian tradeis, as
a class, have mostly been regarded as about the worst specimens of tbe race; being
chiefly intent, by the basest arts, upon defrauding the ignorant and simple-minded
children of the forest out of their annuities, or whatever little property they might
possess. But no such imputation attaches to the character of Mr. Hanna. By a
course of fair and honorable dealing, first with his Indian customers, and then
with the whites, as they came into the country and tho Indians receded, he acquired
a high degree of regard and consideration on the part of the people among whom
he lived so many years. This regard and consideration went on increasing in vol
ume and intensity while he lived, and only culminated when the portals of the tomb
shut him from mortal sight forever.
Samuel Hansa'b splendid fortune was not acquired by defrauding his fellow-men ,
either white or red; but' by great business sagacity, the most indomitable industry,
and rigid economy. These three qualities he possessed in an eminent degree. He
especially claimed credit ior bis economy during the early stages of his business
career; and often declared that he never expended one dollar for any personal
pleasure or luxury until he was worth over fifty thousand. How many young men
of the present day will be able to say this when they are old ?
From his first settlement at Fort Wayne, Mr. Hanna, at all times, and on all
occasions, evinced a strong desire to build up the town, to advance its material in
terests in every way, and to improve and develope the resources of the country ;
and though not inattentive to his own individual interests, the cardinal purpose was
kept steadily in view during his whole life. In all meetings of the people for tho
promotion of public improvements or public welfare, he was always a conspicuous
and leading actor. He early perceived the indispensible necessity of opening and
improving roads and other facilities for travel and intercommunication ; but to fully
appreciate his designs in this respect, it may be necessary to revert to the condition
of things at that time.
As has already been remarked, Fort Wayne, as he found it, was situated in a
Wildql'ness, far removed from all improvements. The country wound afforded no.

Samuel Hanna. ii
supplies, except the inconsiderable amount yielded by the chase, and a very small
quantity of corn grown on the bottoms in the immediate vicinity by the occupants
of the "Post," or Fort, themselves. The chief supply of provisions or provender,
and almost every necessary of life, had to be brought from a distance; mostly from
Miami county, Ohio, by wny of St. Mary's; being transported by wagons 'to the
latter place, thence to Fort Wayne by flat-boats, down the St. Mary's river. Tho
dangers and difficulties that attended the shipment of supplies through this channel,
can scarcely be conceived at the present day. Imagine men with loaded yearns,
struggling through swamps and interminable mud, dav after day, lodging in tho
wilderness by night, then conceive the perils of boating'on a crooked, narrow stream,
through dense forests, beset with fallen timber and other obstructions in its whole
course. Then think of the hardy boatmen, day after day, standing for hours waist
deep m water, cutting away the fallen trees and removing them, exposed to wet and
cold, with no protection but the scanty garments they "wore, and they saturated
with water for days in succession. Such was the severity of the service, that many
persons engaged in it were brought to a premature grave.
. The facilities for obtaining goods were little or no better. They were, mostly,
purchased in New York or Boston, and brought up the Maumeef in pirogues, a
most laborious task ; or packed through the wilderness from Detroit, on horses.
When it is considered that these were the best, and almost the only sources of
supply, at that early day, tho gigantic difficulties in the way of founding and build
ing a city, may be faintly imagined but never described, nor even fully appreciated
at the present time. Mr. Hanna, though he clearly saw and deeply felt them
all in their fullest force, was by no means discouragedor disheartened. They only
excited the ardor and enthusiasm of his indomitable nature, and nerved him to re
doubled effort and determination. He and a few other public spirited men, who
generally followed his lead, addressed themselves to the work of their removal
with resolute and untiring energy.
The fruits of their noble efforts we this day largely enjoy. Pause for a moment
and contrast the present Fort Wayne and its surroundings with the Fort Way no
of 1819. Then but few people, except Indians, no schools, no churches, no improv
ed country, no town — not even a hud-out town plat. Now, a population rapidly
approaching 30,000; a well cultivated, densely peopled, wealthy, productive and
prosperous country in every direction ; canals, turnpikes, railroads and other facili
ties for travel and transportation, abound, bringing to the city abundant supplies
of produce, goods, building materials, and whatever may conduce to the comfort
and convenience of the people (giving profitable employment to many of them),
or add material prosperity to the place. New structures are springing up in all
directions as if by magic. Temples of public worship, colleges and free schools, are
being erected and beautified. Everything indicates thrift, enterprise, progress,
and prosperity. Society is out of its infancy, and is rapidly assuming the propor
tions of a giant.
What has caused this wonderful transformation? — this bleak, desolate, and savage
wilderness "to blossom as the rose," and become, in this short period of time, the
habitation of a great, a free, a powerful, prosperous and magnanimous people?
Such wonders are not visible everywhere. In many places, even in this favored
land, instead of the rapid advances of improvement, we see evident signs of stag
nation, of decay and dilapidation. Why this difference? In rtiany instances the
country lacked those enterprising men so indispensable to lead the masses, and in
spire them with energetic effort, to direct those efforts, when aroused, to proper
means nnd judicious ends — in short, to lend a powerful helping hand, and throw in
the scale a heavy purse, when other resources fail. Society needs generals in civil
life, as well as in war. Samuel Hanna was emphatically a general in civil life.
His name is intimately associated and blended with every period in tbe history of
Fort Wayne. No public cnterpise of importance was ever undertaken by her citi
zens without his concurrence and aid. In truth, it would be impossible to write
the history of Fort Wayne, without, at the same time, writing a large portion of
tho biography of Samuel Han.va. His vast and controling influence is visible
everywhere, 'and avas potential for good wherever it extended.
Soon after commencing operations at Fort Wayne, Samuel Hanna was appoinecl
Agent of the American Fur Company, a responsible position, which he filled ior a
number of years to the entire satisfaction ofthe Company. He was, also, Associate

¦6 History or Fort Wayne.
Judge of the Circuit Court, and was repeatedly elected, at that early period, and, in
subsequent years, a member of the State Legislature. To the importaneo of some
of his'services in the latter capacity, allusion will, hereafter, be made. As his means
accumulated he extended his mercantile operati6ns to other places, particularly
to Lafayette, where he was, for many years, concerned in a large house with his
brother Joseph ; and to Wabash, where he was connected in business with his brother
Hugh, from both of .which he realized large returns. He became an extensive land
owner in the Wabash valley and elsewhere. The writer well remembers having
heard him remark, upon setting out for Indianapolis, in 1843, that he could go by
way of Lafayette and return by way of^Andersontown, and feed his horse at his
own corn crib every night during his journey.
The American people have been informed that a dim foreshadowing of a canal
to connect Lake Erie with the Ohio river, was entertained by Gen. Washington.
and other early patriots and statesmen, as one of the possibilities of the far future^
But they are indebted to Judge Hajtna for the first practical conception of tha
magnificent project. It was in a familiar conversation with the late David Burr
in a little summer-house attached to his then residence, at the northwest corner
of Barr and BeVry streets, that he first broached the subject of a canal to connect
Lake Erie with the Wabash river, to that gentleman. It struck Mr. Burr favor
ably. He was a scholarly gentleman, of ability and influence, well and respect
fully remembered by the older citizens of the place. The two frequently consulted
together in regard to this important matter, and partially matured a plan of opera
tions. Theyopened correspondence with the Indiana Eepresentatives and Senators
in Congress, and secured their favor and influence for the great undertaking. These
efforts resulted, in 1827, in a grant by Congress to the State of Indiana, of each
alternate section of land for six miles on each side of the proposed line, through its
whole length, tb aid in the construction of the canal. Strange as it may seem at
the present day, a powerful opposition to the acceptance of the grant by the State,
was organized in some parts thereof, and Judge Hanna was elected to the Legis
lature as the especial champion of the canal policy. ' The contest was ardent and
protracted, but resulted in the acceptance of the grant, and an appropriation of
one thousand dollars to purchase the necessary engineering instruments and pro
cure the survey and location of the summit level. Judge Hanna, David Burr, and
•a Mr. Jones were appointed Canal Commissioners. Judge Hawna went to New
York, purchased the instruments, and, returning by way of Detroit, packed them on
horseback from that city to Fort Wayne. Civil Engineers were scarce, in the
West at that day, but the commissioners procured one and immediately entered
upon the survey, commencing on the St. Joseph river, six miles above Fort Wayne,
where the feeder dam was afterwards built, Mr. Burr operating as rod-man and
Judge Hanna as ax-man, both at ten dollars per month. The second day the
engineer was taken sick and was compelled to abandon the work, Judge Hanna
and Mr. Burr, alone, continuing and completing the survey of the summit feeder.
They made their report to the succeeding session of tho Legislature, and Judge.
Hanna, being again a member, secured its adoption, and the passage of an Act
authorizing the construction of the Wabash and Erie Canal. Thus originated, and
was inaugurated, almost, if not entirely, through the untiring energy, the indom
itable perseverance of these two noble pioneers, Hanna and Burr, this stupendous
work of Internal Improvement — the longest continuous line of artificial water
communication on the American continent; if not in the world; and which was of
such incalculable value to Fort Wayne and all Northern Indiana. They are far,
very far, in advance of what they would have been, had there been no Wabash
and Erie Canal. Indeed, it is no exaggeration to say that they (would hardly yet
have been out of -the primeval wilderness without that groat work.
Judge Hanna was Fund Commis%ioner for several years, and negotiated for
ino=t of the money with which the work was carried on.
In alluding to this subject, the American Railway Review, of September 1st,
1859, says:
"Probably no one contributed more to the success of the canal policy dut'ing the- firxt
and trying years of its progress, than Samuel Haxna of Fort Wayne. From 1828 to 1836,
he was successively Canal Commissioner and Fund Commissioner, besides serving threo
years in the State Senate and one year in the House, representing, as Senator, perhaps
one-third the entire area of the State, and filling, in each body, for a part of the time,

Samuel Hanna. 7
the post of Chairman of tho Canal Committee. In these official stations he evinced the
same judgment, tact aud force of oharaoter whioh, noarly a quarter of a century after
wards, onabled him to ronder important service to the Northorn section of Indiana,
the entorpriso of computing, under financial difficulties, such as would have discouraged
men less courageous in assuming pecuniary responsibilities, that portion of the Pittsburg,
Fort Wayne & Chicago Railway lying west of Crestline."
Perhaps the wisdom and ability of Judge Hanna were never more strikingly
displayed in any single act of his life than in the establishment and organization of
the State Bank of Indiana. When the derangement of the currency and finan
cial embarrassment, consequent upon the veto of the United States Bank and other
kindred measures occurred, he was a member of the Legislature. The President
had recommended the creation of more State Banks to supply tho circulation,
retired by the closing of that institution. Accordingly, a charter was introduced
into the Indiana Legislature of such a character that Judge Hanka and other
judicious members thought it ought not to pass. He opposed its passage with groat
power and ability, and was principally instrumental in defeating it ; but it was
clearly seen that a charter of some kind would pass at the next session. A com
mittee was appointed to prepare a proper charter during tho vacation, to be present
ed when the Legislature again convened. Judge Hanna was made Chairman of
that committee, and to him was confided the duty of drafting the proposed new
charter. How well he performed the dujy, may be inferred from the fact that it
passed both houses of the Legislature almost precisely as it came from his hand,
within a few days after their coming together, and was approved January 28th,
1834. Thus was created the State Bank of Indiana, by common consent, one of
the best banking institutions that has ever existed in this country — an institution
that continued in operation twenty years, affording the people a safe and sound
currency, and yielding to the State a large accumulated fund at its close ; an insti
tution that exerted a marked influence on the subsequent Bank Legislation of many
other states. No one ever lost a dollar by the State Bank of Indiana.
A branch was at once established at Fort Wayne, of which Judge Hanna was
President much of the time, and Hon. Hugh McCulloch, present Secretary of the
United States Treasury, Cashier, during the whole time of its continuance. The
branches of this institution were generally well and discreetly managed, but ac
cording to a unanimous public sentiment, the Fort Wayne Branch was managed
with pre-eminent skill and ability.
In 1836, Judge Hanna purchased the large remaining land interest of Barr and
McCorkle, adjoining, and surrounding the then plat of Fort Wayne. This pur
chase, although it ultimately proved very profitable, for many years, involved him
in serious financial embarrassments. He immediately commenced laying off and
selling lots, but sales for some time were not rapid, money was exceedingly scarce,
and most of those who did buy were unable to pay when their liabilities became
due. Meanwhile, the interest on his large purchase had to be paid regularly.
Moreover, such was his leniency towards his debtors, that he would, and did, for
years, suffer every kind of inconvenience and pecuniary sacrifice, rather than
press or distress them. Multitudes have comfortable homes to-day, in this city,
who are indebted for them to the kindness and forbearance of Judge Hanna. It
was a rule with him never to urge payment of any one who kept his interest paid
up, and many were in arrears for even that for years together, without being
disturbed. In 1843, an outlet for produce and an inlet for people were opened by the open
ing of the canal to the Lake ; the country began rapidly to settle, and tho town <to
improve. The sale of lots was greatly augmented, money became more abundant,
and payments more ready. Then Judge Hanna began to reap the benefits of his
hazardous purchase — to enjoy the reward of his years of toil and embarrassments,
and of his generous forbearance towards his poor debtors. " Hanna's Addition "
is a very extensive and important part of the present city of Fort Wayne.
For s'everal years succeeding 1836, Judge Hanna devoted himself, mainly, to
the affairs of the Fort Wayne Branch Bank, to the management and improvement
of his estate, aud to the enjoyment of his domestic find social relations ; accepting,
occasionally, a seat in tbe Legislature of the State. During this period, his pet
project, the Wabash and Erie Canal, was open to Toledo, working wonders in the
dsv'elopement of both town and country. But the roads leading to Fort Wayne

8 History of Fokt Wayne.
were in a wretched condition much of the time, and their improvement became a
subject of vital necessity. The question as to how the desired improvement could
be effected was extensively agitated. About this time the building of plank roads
was coming into practice in some of the eastern states and in Canada. A gentle
man of this county, the late Jesse Vermilyea, visited and examined some of them,
taking particular note ofthe manner of their construction and reported favorably.
The idea was seized by Juda-e Hanna with avidity and acted upon with his accustomed
promptness and energy. He andsome other enterprising gentlemen, here and along
the line, northward, immediately began to organize the Fort Wayne and Lima Plank
Road Company and procure the stock subscriptions. The people were -very solicitous
for the road, but they were generally poor in money, and these subscriptions were
almost entirely made in land, goods, labor, &c. About all the money used in building
fifty miles of this road was borrowed ofthe Branch Bank, on the credit of the company ;
and this was expended in building the necessary steam saw-mills. The first attempt
to let contracts proved a failure. In order to give the work a start, Judge Hanna
took the first ten miles north of Fort Wayne and went, personally, into the work ;
superintending, directing, and with his own hands assisting in the most laborious
operations. Others followed his example, and within about two years the road was
completed to Ontario, a distance of fifty miles — the first improvement of the kind
undertaken and completed in Northern Indiana. Other similar work3 followed in
quick succession leading to Fort Wayne, among which was the Piqua Plank Road.
In the construction of this, as in that of the Lima road, Judge Hanna was an active
and leading participant. While others nobly did their whole duty, it cannot be
denied that he was the Hercules, whose shoulder to the wheel propelled both of those
works onward toward completion.
When the Pennsylvania and Ohio Railroad reached Crestline, and it was pro
posed to extend it to Fort Wavnei under the name of the Ohio and Indiana Rail
road, Judge Hanna was ready with his powerful co-operation. He was largely
instrumental in inducing the people of Allen county to vote a subscription of $100-
000 to its capital stock. This was the turning point of the great enterprise at that
time. Without this timely aid, the work would have been indefinitely postponed,
if not entirely defeated. The project was strong in merit, but weak in funds. It
was difficult to find responsible parties who were willing to undertake the construc
tion of the work; but Judge Hanna, as in all else, was equal to the emergency.
In 1852, he, in connection with our respected fellow citizen, Pliny Hoagland, Esq.,
and the late Hon. Wm. Mitchell, took the whole contract from Crestline to Fort
Wayne, 132 miles, and immediately entered upon the prosecution of the work.
After making some progress, the available means of the company became entirely
exhausted, and the work was suddenly brought to a stand-still. A meeting of the
directors was called at Bucyrus ; but the prospect presented was all dark and dubi
ous. No one could devise the ways and means to advance a step in the work. The
case looked hopeless and desperate. Dr. Merriman, the President of the company,
a most amiable and estimable. gentleman, resigned in despair of rendering any fur
ther service. Judge Hanna was immediately elected to fill the vacancy occasioned
by his resignation. In three days he was in the Eastern cities, pledging his indi-.
vidual credit and that of his coadjutors, Hoagland and Mitchell, for funds. This
effected, without delay, he hastened to Montreal and Quebec, to redeem iron that
had been forfeited for non payment of transportation. In this he was successful.
The crisis was passed — light was abend. Work was resumed. The Ohio and Indi
ana Railroad was again making progress, and in November, 1854, overcoming
the most formidable obstacles, the cars from Pittsburg and Philadelphia, came roll
ing into Fort Wayne, waking the echoe; of the wilderness as they came, and bring
ing hilarious joy and gladness to this hitherto isolated community. Then "was
the town all a jubilee of feasts," festivity and exultation, such as it had never exhib
ited before, and possibly may never exhibit again. It was the initial line of a
system of railroads that are destined, al no distant day, to radiate from Fort
Wayne, "like the spokes from the hub of a wheel."
In the autumn of 1852, while incumbered with the building and financial embar
rassments of the Ohio and Indiana Railroad, the Fort Wayne and Chicago Rail
road company was organized, and Judge Hanna was elected President. "The
means of this company to prosecute tho work were to be derived, mainly, from the

Samotl Hanna. 9
sale of the stock and bonds. Tho stock subscriptions which were paid in cash into
the Treasuryywere vary small — amounting, perhaps, in all, to loss than three per
cent, on the final oost of building and equiping the road between Fort Wayne and
Chicago. The stock subscriptions were paid, mostly, in uncultivated lands, farms,
town-lots, and labor upon the road. A largo portion of the real estate thus con
veyed to the company in payment of subscriptions to stock, (over $1,000,000 in
value,) was mortgaged by the company to obtain the necessary cash means to pay
for grading the road-way." Other cash means had to be derived from the sale of
bonds; and, as the company had been but recently organized, with but little or no
work done on its line of road, of course, its securities met with no ready sale. In
the face of these discouraging circumstances, which would have overwhelmed almost
any other man, Judge Hanna went resolutely to work on the new line. He was thus,
President and chief manager of two companies — both without money, except what
his own exertions provided — whoso united lines extended from Crestline to Chicago,
a distance of 280 miles, and a leading contractor for the construction of one of them.
Instead of being overcome or depressed by this immense responsibility; instead of
fainting or faltering under ihe load that would have crushed most other men, ho
was fully up'to the occasion. The difficulties that surrounded him only nerved him
to the exertion of his great powers. The brightness of his true character never
blazed out in fuller effulgence. The greater the pressure, tho greater was always
his resources, and the greater the elasticity of his nature.
Under such adverse circumstances, as above alluded to, it was not to be expected
that the work would progress with great rapidity. The Pennsylvania Central Rail
road Company extended a little assistance to the new enterprise, but not sufficient
to effect an\T very decided result. In the beginning of 1856, however, the cars were
running to Columbia City, and considerable grading had been done between that
town and Plymouth, a distance of 45 miles further west.
During that year, it became apparent to many of the stockholders, as well as
managers of the separate corporations, extending from Pittsburg to Chicago, and
which, in fact, for all practical and business purposes, formed but one lino, that the
nterests and convenience of each, as well as of the public, would be promoted by
merging theirseperateexistenceintoonogreat consolidated company. Judge Hanna
early and earnestly espoused the cause of consolidation, and a meeting was oalled at
Fort Wayne to consider and act upon the subject. Contrary to expectation, consid
erable opposition to the projected 'consolidation manifested itself at this meeting,
headed and managed by the shrewd and talented Charles L. Boalt, encouraged and
assisted by others'hardly less astute. The debato was animated and exciting. The
best talent on both sides was warmly enlisted. The contest extended to considerable
length, and its issue appeared doubtful. Before tho debate closed, Judge Hanna
rose for a final appeal No one who hoard that brief effort will forget, it. It was
a condensed array of fijots and arguments— a splendid out-burst of burning, earnest
eloquence. The opposition was literally crushed out. The vote resulted in a large
majority for consolidation — many who had opposed it in the beginning, voting in its
favor. Thus, on the first day of August, 1856, the three minor corporations were
obliterated on terms satisfactory to themselves, and the great Pittsburg, Fort
Wayne, and Chicago Railread Company succeeded to their franchises and
liabilities. The Hon. G. W. Cass was elected President, and Judge Hanna Vice President
of the consolidated company; the former holding the position until the present da\',
and the latter until his decoa'se. Out of respect to the memory ofthe late incumbent,
the vacancy has never since been filled.
Tbe new arrangement infused now life and energy into tho work. Jesse L.
Williams Esq., was appointed Chief Engineer, and under his vigorous management,
in November a little over three months after the consolidation, the road was open
. to Plymouth, 'sixty-six miles west of Fort Wayne. That section of the Cincinnati,
Peru and Chicago Railroad, extending from Plymouth to La Porte, and there con
necting with the=Southern Michigan and Northern Indiana Railroad, was opened
for business about the same time ; thus giving, by the aid of two other lines, a through
route from Pittsburg to Chicago. The idea was conceived, and gained some strength,
of permitting the western terminus of the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne, and Chicago
Road to i-Hst'at Plymouth for a while, perhaps indefinitely; and of reaching Chi-

10 History of Port Waynb.
c«go over the two .other routes, by way of La Porte. This plan Judge Hajtna
opposed with even more than his usual vigor and ability, and was largely instru
mental in defeating it. Nothing less than a direct, independent line — the company's
own line — would satisfy him. As the round-about arrangement, upon trial, proved
disadvantageous to the company, it was abandoned, and the direct line pushed for
ward to an early completion.
While Judge Hanna would never yield an iota of the interests of the company
to any outside consideration, he was not unmindful of the interests of Fort Wayne,
nor, perhaps, of his own individual interests. When those of the company could
be as well, or better, subserved at Fort Wayne than elsewhere, he preferred Fort
Wayne. Hence his untiring efforts for the establishment and building up, hare, of
the immense repair shops and manufactories that constitute so important a feature
of Fort Wayne.
To him are we, mainly, if not entirely, indebted for the incalculablebenefit derived
from their location here. His sagacity foresaw their importance from the
beginning, and he never, for a moment, lost sight of it. He had the aid and co-opera
tion of other able and influential men, but he had to encounter the determined
opposition of others equally able and influential. Those who are familiar with the
proceedings of the Board of Directors, from the time of the consolidation, onward,
know with what persistent industry and faithfulness he pursued this cherished object.
Sometimes he advanced towards it by direct approaches — sometimes by strategy, or
¦a "flank movement" — but he always advanced, never receded. Success was the
work of years, but success was achieved at last, and the people of this city are now
enjoying, and always will enjoy the fruits of those enduring, persevering, effective
exertions for their benefit, that were silently, steadfastly prosecuted all those years,
and of which few of them were aware until the work was consummated, judge
Hanna, by his wisdom, his moderation, his prudence, his conciliatory manners,
possessed a standing, and exerted an influence in, the Board of Directors, equalled
by few and surpassed by none; and now, that he has ceased from his labors and
gone to his reward, it is no disparagement to the other distinguished gentlemen
who composed that Board, nor evidence of undue partiality on the part of his
friends, when they regard him as " having been " the noblest Roman of them all."
On the 12th day of June, 1866, the day after the death of Judge Hanna, a
meeting of condolence was held at the Court House by the citizens of Fort Wayne ,
and addressed by Hon. Joseph K. Edgerton. ' At the risk of some repetition,
the following truthful and eloquent passages are extracted from his address on that

" When I first know Judge Hanna, he w.is a large town proprietor in Fort Wayne, and a largo Real
Estate owner in Allen county — reputed rich in property, but poor in money — and all tho powers of his
mind und body seemed identified with and concentrated on the dovelopemant of his county, and tho
building up of Fort Wayne. He had before been an active coadjutor in the construction of the Wabash
and Erie Canal, and, as one of the Fund Commissioners of Indiana, had in part borne well the heavy
burden of managing the finances of the State, during the darkest period of its financial history.
The Wabash and Erie Canal, upon which great hopes had been based, had not realized those hopes.
It had done mnch, but not all that was required, for the material developemeut of tha Wabash Valley.
It had helped Fort Wayne to grow from an Indian frontier trading post, to a thriving county town of
some 2,000 or 3,000 people — but with the projection and construction of "Railroads on the North and South
of as, drawing to them the movement of men to the Northwest, Fort Wayne and Northern Indiana
w«re passed by, aud it plainly was not in the power of the Wabash and Erie Canal to save Fort Wayne
from impending stagnation. No man more clearly saw this than did Judge Uanma. nor was nioro active
and able iu effort than he to avoid the impending evil.
A section of country so thinly peopled and so poor in money as ours vra» then, was not able to build
railroads, and at first but little hope was felt, or effort made iu that direction. Plank-roads, then a new
and popular mode of public improvement — tlie. materials and means for which were iu our power — *
were first looked to, to supply the growing want of easy transportation, and to them, Judge Hanna.,
chief among our citizens, directed hiH energies. Ho was a projector and nctivo and leading worker in
the Fort. Wayme and Lima Plank Boad and iu the Piqua Plank Boad, two projects by which Fort Wayne
sought to draw to itself a large Northern and Southern trade naturally belonging to it. Citizens of
sixteen or eighteen years residence here, all know how faithfully Judge Hanna worked to build plank
roads. With the efficient co-operation of Wm. Mitchell, Urusus Nichols anil other public spirited citi
zens in and out of Fort Wayne, the tiirna Plauk Boad, fifty miles long, was built, ana this soon led to
the construction of the Blulfton, and, in part, the Columbia, the G-ushen and tlie Tiqua plauk roads, all
of which did their part and much, to advance the growth and prosperity of Fort Wayne.
JudgeWJANNA not only planned and worked with his head, but with his hands also, in building the
Lima Plank Boad. He was one of the contractors ou that work, and I well remember seeing him on
one occasion, with as in hand, superintending the work and showing tho workmen howto lay the plauk
Plauk roads had thoir day— they were poor substitutes for the irou way, and the locomotive power o
steam.

Samuel Hanna. 11
When that&rand mvtioual lino of railway, which is now the pride aud strength of Fort Wayne, Fand
with which his name is forever identified, the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Ohioago"Eailway,S was first
projocted,— beginning with the section from Pittsburg to Massillon, thence from Massillon to Crestline,
tnonce from Crestline to Fort Wayne, aud finally developing in the grand idea of a consolidated contin
uous lmo ot 1-allwa.yjfroin Pittsburg to Chicago— Judge Hanna was among the first to see, to appreciate,
fl - '5... old ,o1 th". S°ltlon enterprise, that was, in ten years time, to bring up Fort Wayne from
tho.oonditiou ol an nuiguificaut eouuty town, to rank and dignity among tho first commercial
and manutacturing towns of Indiana ; and not only to do that, but to make hundreds of miles of before
wilderness country, to bear their golden grain, and to dot them over with thriving, busy towns and
villages. "'
Judge Hanna early became identified with the Ohio and Iudiaua Railroad— the middle section be
tween Crestline aud Font Wayne— of what is now the Pittsburg, Foit Wayne 4 Chicago road— on which
work was connnenood in the Spring of 1852. He was greatly instrumental iu procuring the Indiana char
ter for this road, and the Allen County, Indiana, subscription of $100,000, and other couutv subscriptions
in Ohio to aid in its coustructiou. In 1852 he succeeded Dr. Merrimau as President ofthe road, and became
emphatically its loading spirit. Iu September, 180U, he was made first President of tho Fort Wayne aud
Chicago Bailroad Coinpany, on its organization nt Warsaw. From that time until the reorganization
of the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago Railway Company in 1861-02, no man heldamoroimportant
positiou, or took a more activo or influential part iu the completion and management of that line of
railway than did Judge Hanna. His labor and devotion in tho work were unceasing.
It was my fortune to be intimately associated with Judgo Hanna in activo railroad management from
lS54ito tho close of 1860. I had abuudant opportunity of knowing his neal, his ability, his devotion, his
untiring labor in the great work on which ho had built his hopes of fortune aud a public name. Tho
powerful corporation, now so strong and prosperous, measuring its annual income, by well-nigh half a
score of millions of dollars, knew in its early history, both before and after the consolidation, many dark
and gloomy hours. From the Fall of 1864 to the olose of 1800, it passed through a fearful struggle, not
only for the completion of its work, but for its own corporate and financial life. The financial disas
ters of 1857 found the consolidated compauy with an incomplete road, with meagre revenues, and a
broken credit. Mauy of its best friends, even among its own managers, were inclined to grow weary
and to faint by the way. Through all this tryiug period uo man worked moro faithfully and hopefully,
or was consulted more freely, or leaned upon with more confidence, than was Judge Hanna. He was
a tower of strength to an almost ruined enterprise. He was at brief times gloomy and desponding, but
ho was a man of large nope, and a robust, physical organization, that eminently fittted him to stand up
and toil on to a successful end. I think I may truly say, that no man who has ever been connected with
the management of tho Pittsburg, Fort Wayne aud Chicago Bailroad has had a larger share of confi
dence of all interested in it than Judge Hanna possessed. I have seen him in all phases of the com
pany's affairs, and in the midst of negotiations involving the most vital interests in Chicago, Cleveland,
Pittsburg, Philadelphia, and New York. Surrounded by the most sagacious financiers, and railway
men of the country, such men as J. F. D. Lanier, Bichard H. Winslow, John Ferguson, Charles Morau,
J. Edgar Thomson, Wm. B. Ogden, Gfeorge W. Cass, Aniasa Stone, there was in Judge Hanna, a weight of
character, a native sagacity aud far-seeing judgment, and a fidelity of purpose to the public trust he rep
resented, that commaudod the respect of all, aud made hiui the peor of the ablest of them.
If I wore to attempt tu define most cloarly Judge Hanna's position aud influence in the management
of the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago Bailroad, I would say that he was especially the advocate
aud guardian of the local interests of the road. He was evor watchful for the home stoek-holdors, tho
.local trade, the rights aud interests ofthe towns and counties on the railway, and the rights and interests
of the men who worked on the road . In those dark days, when the company could not, or did not, always
pay its men, aud suffering aod strikes wcro impending, Judgo Hanna sympathized with, and did all ho
could for, the men on the road who earned their daily bread by the work of their hands and the sweat
of their brows.
Judge Hanna lived to see the Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and Chicago Bailroad a completed and emi
nently successful public work. He lived to see Fort Wayne, tho city of his love, to which he came when
it was but a trading post, with no town or even post office between it and < Jhicago, grown to a large
and prosperous city. He lived to reap, as he deserved, large pecuniary rewards for his years of toil and
risk and self-denial. He died peacefully in his own home, surrounded by the evidences of the material
nrosperity he had aided to promote.
Inour cemetery of Lindenwood, there is a beautiful monument, which Judge Hanna's own fore
cast and good taste have already erected to his memory. It will ever be looked on with interest, but
Samuel Hanna has a grander and more lasting monument in Fort Wayne itself. Of him may well
be said here what is inscribed upon a marble tablet over tho entrance to the choir in St. Paul's
Cathedral in London, to'the memory of Sir Christopher Wren, its architect, 'Si Monumontnm requlris
""(hie'ma'iti feature of Judge Hanna's character was his untiring energy. It was not in his naturo
to cease to work until he ceased to live. We have evidence of this as well oe other marked char
acteristics his hopefulness and self-reliance, in tho zeal and energy with which, just before his death, he
„; .nterj'nc'uram a new field of public labor, the building of the (Jrnnd Bapids and Indiana Bailroad,
a project second onlv in its public importance, aud in its bearing upon the interests of Fort W ayne, to
thfe Pittsburg, Fort Wayne and ChicagoJAailroad itself.
Knowinir Judze Hanna, as I did, and of the influences he was able to bring to boar upon his new ontor-
T,rii" T have but little doubt that if he had lived and retained his mental and physical strength, but tow
vears would have elapsed before tho iron rails of the Grand Bapids and Indiana Baiiway would have
irrT.! bed from Fort Wayne to Mackinaw. But, like olher greatly useful public men, it was his fate, under
the wm of cid, to die ere he seemed to have rounded the full sphere of hi. usefulness,
Tti. nerhaDs not meet that I should say but a few words more as to tho personal character and domes-
«,. W.irs of Judze Hanna. Most of you knew him well, for he went in and out before you for many
years Neither in person nor in mind was he what may "be called a polished or educated man. He was
i «rif made man He had received few advantages ot oarly education. His was not a disciplined mind
?n the scholastic sense of the term. Hi, teacher was the experience of an active and eventful lite.
He was eminently a man of ¦aifairs.-a practical man-not a man of minute or detail-not a particularly
orderly or systematic man, but one of a larEe, clear mind, .and of indomitable purpose, grasping with
groat power thejsalient poiuts and bearing and end of a public question, and moving towards it, if not

12 Hxstoey of Pom Watiog,
always rapidly or gracefully, yet strongly and surely, 'VVhilo Judge Hanna was not a scholar, ho -was a
great reader, and had learned much from books, as well as from man and things and if without the
aptitude or genius to produce what wras elegant in literature or in art, he was an intelligent admiror and
judge1 of both.
.Judge Hanna belonged to the higher type of the pioneer class of men. He was a planter and builder,
more than a legislator. He had the hope, the courage, the forethought, the fertility of resource, the un-
SJtttering purpose and will that characterise the planters of colonies and founders of cities. He was a
fine type of many ofthe unlearned, but nevertheless wise and able men who were the pioneers of the north
west. With high elements of statesmanship in his nature, he was not altogether adapted for legislativo
or even administrative statesmanship. Ho had rarely sought for or held political office. He was not «.
politician, he moved in a higher sphere of life. It has been said of Manasseh Cutler, one of tho pioneors
of Ohio, 'He was more than a statesman, he was the founder of a State. In the covered wagon in
which he left his Tillage home in Massachusetts to found Marietta, the imperial State of Ohio wras wrap
ped up.' The same sentiment may be applied to Judge Hanna. He was more than a statesman, for ha
had in him the elements and powers of the men who build cities and found States.
With all his mental strength, and public usefulness, it was perhaps in his domestic' life and social
relations that Judg3 Hanna appeared to the best advantage. I have never heard a whisper against
the purity «f his private morals. He was" a temperate, well controlled man. Ha was the idol of his
family. Ho was of a genial, social nature, full at times of a quaint, homely, simple humor, that had
about it the freshness of childhood. He loved his children and his grandchildren, and children and
young folks generally. He was pleased to have them with him and around him. In the gallery of our
accomplished young artist, Mr. J. A. Shoaff. I have lately seen tho stereoscopic views of Judge Hanna's
homestead, himself, and his household. They will remain as vivid pictures, not only of the person,
but of the habits and character of the man. Among the pleasing mementoes that will remain of him,
none can be more pleasing than these miniature scenes, portraying Judge Hanna, the strong and
earnest worker through a life of public care, as a pleased spectator and actor in tho scenes of his
own home.
When such men as Judge Hanna die, not only the public heart is filled with sadness and an
abiding sense of loss, but there is within the sanctuary of his own household a depth of sorrow
that cannot be fathomed."
Judge Ha^jsta accepted the Presidency of the Grand Rapids and Indiana Kail-
road Company, to which Mr. Edgerton alludes in the foregoing passages, with
extreme reluctance. He seemed to have a foreboding that his life's work wasdraw-
ing to a close. The position had been strongly urged upon him, but he had stead
ily declined it. "When he was about leaving home to attend a meeting of the direc
tors at Grand Rapids, less than two months before his decease, the remark was mado
to him that he would return President of the Company. He replied " No, that can
not be," and added with a mournful cadence, "the responsibility is too great, I can
not accept it." The result showed, that although a man may be a ruler among men,
he cannot always govern his own actions. He returned Presidentof the Company,
His desire for the success of the road, and the benefits its construction would confer
upon a city whose interests he had cherished and fostered for a life-time, overcame
any objections he bad entertained to accept the laborious and responsible position.
Judge Hanna's efforts for the improvement of both town and country, were not
connncd to those of a public nature, but his means were always freely advanced for
the promotion and encouragement of private and individual enterprise. The Woolen
Factory of French, Hanna & Co., the extensive Foundry and Machine Shops of
Bass & Hanna, and the largo Hub, Spoke and Bending Factory of Olds, Hanna
& Co., may be cited as tho later instances of the kind, and attest his liberality in
this regard. They were all essentially aided in their earlier stages, by the use of
his capital.
With the utmost charity and good-will towards all Christian denominations, Judgo
Hanna's " religious training was in the faith and spirit of the Presbyterian Church,
of which his father was an elder for some fifty years." The organization of the
first Presbyterian Church at Fort Wayne, iu 1831, had his cordial co-operation and
support, although he did not become a member until 1843 ; soon after which he was
chosen a Ruling Elder, a position which ho retained during the remainder of his
life. Upon the announcement of his death, in addition to the meeting of condolence
before alluded to, and other manifestations of public grief and sorrow, the Common
Council of the City convened and unanimously adopted an appropriate preamble,
and the following resolutions, as expressive of the universal bereavement that per
vaded tho whole community :
Bettolvcd. That the Mayor and Common Council ofthe city of Fort Wayne have received, with tho
deepest sensibility, tho announcement of tho death of our great and good fellow-citizen, Hon. Samckl
Uaxn*.. [tesnloed, That, as a mark of our respect and esteem to the memory of him we mourn, the Mayor,
Common Council and officers of the city attend in a body tho funeral obsequies, and that tho municipal
fiines be closed for 'business during the funeral.
Resolved, That to tho widow &nd family now borne down by the weight of this aflljption,, we tender our

Samuel IIanxa. 13
heartfelt sympathies and coiidolonco, together with tho assurance thnt wo share with thorn their sorrow
ana their tours.
Iie-ohvd, That these proceedings ho spread upon the minutes of the Oommon Council ; that n copy of
the same hoturnisheil tho daily papers of the citv for publication, and tho r.ity Clerk bo directed to trans
mit to the boroavod family a certiticd copy thereof, and that tho citizens, in accordnneo with tho procla
mation of the Mayor bo requested to close all places of business between the hours of two aud four o'clock
on to-morrow aftoruoon.
Ituoln-d, That, as a further mark of respect to tho memory of the lamented dead,, the Council do now
adjourn for one week.
The lasfillness of Judge Hanna was of brief duration. He was taken ill on
¦Wednesday, June 6th, 1866; on Thursday his case was regarded as dangerous ; on
Friday he was partially relieved, and on Saturday he was decidedly better, so much
bo that he was up a portion of the day and walked about the house. But during
Saturday night he was seized with a violent relapse, soon succeeded by uncon
sciousness which continued until Monday A. M., tho 11th, when the community
was startled and shocked bythe intelligence', which flashed over the city with electri'tr
rapidity, that Judge Hanna was dead. No other event has caused "so universal ft
gloom and sadness. Every ono had lost a friend, and every one was in mourning.
The funeral took place on Wednesday, June 13th. Tho arrangements were under
the charge and direction of the Masonic Fraternity, of which Judge Hanna had1
long been a consistent and honored member. A discourse was pronounced by the
Kev. Mr. Wilson, of Warsaw. Tho attendance was, undoubtedly, by far tbe
largest ever witnessed, on a funeral occasion, in Northern Indiana. It was, in fact,
a spontaneous outpouring of the whole people. The procession extended from the
Court House to the Cemetery, a distance of nearly two miles, while the street for
almost the whole distance was lined with thousands of spectators. The bells of all
the city churches tolled their sad notes simultaneously. All business was suspended
in accordance with' tho resolution of the Common Council. Many houses wer«
draped in mourning, and a deep sorrow pervaded the minds of the whole people.
The Railroad shops and buildings, if not, literally, the works of his hands, the
emanation of his fertile mind and elTective purpose, were gracefully festooned with
evergreens, wreathed into ingenious and tasteful devices, among which were in
wrought, in large evergreen letters,
Samuel Hanna, the Working-Man's Friend.
Every man in and about those shops and buildings knew him as a friend and loved
him as a father.
In contemplating the many estimable qualities of Judge Hanna, integrity and
industry appear as prominent characteristics — an integrity that no personal
or other consideration could swerve, and an industry that knew no rest while any
thing remained undone. When a given task was accomplished, he would throw off
all care and become cheerful, even mirthful — a rich vein of mirthfulness permeating
his whole nature — or he would retire to his home and devote himself to domestic
and social enjoyments, for which he had the keenest zest and relish. Hii temper
was calm and equable, seldom aroused, even under severe provocation, but when it
was aroused, it was swift and terrible, His manners were emphatically, those of the
old school gentlemen — plain, simple, dignified — despising sham and pretense of all
kinds. Passing the early part of his life on the frontiers, and his whole life in tha
rough experience of anew country, he possessed none of the sycophancy asd false
polish of the courtier. His devotion to every duty was intense, while his percep
tion of truth and worth was almost intuitive. In his estimate of these he was sel
dom mistaken. His bpiaions were positive and strong; but be was always open to
conviction, and when satisfied that they wore erroneous, his concessions were grace
ful and unqualified.
Judge Hanna's mental endowments and reasoning powers were of a high order,
and he had cultivated them through many years of close observation and intense
thought. His far-seeing sagacity and prescience in the solution of great financial
problems were remarkable. His experience in such questions had been extensive,
and he had profited by it to the utmost. He stood among the great rail
road managers of the country, and the great financiers of Wall street, the ac
knowledged0 peer of the ablest, and he was always listened to with deference.
Judge Hanna was a life-long student. His love of nature and of hooks, and
his thirst for knowledge, were ardent. His mind was wonderfully retentive, and
he had accumulated a fund of information oa all the current topics of tbe day,
that wa« rarely surpassed. Particularly Is ftgrieultnre, hart7icnlt^»> and pomology,

14

Histoey ou Foet Wayne.

which, for years, he had made'afspecialty, his knowledge was varied, extensive-, and
exact, as the many who have listened, with delight, to his discourses on these subjects,
will remember. Though approaching the limit allotted to human life, his capaeity
for labor was undiminished ; his mental acuteness, undimmed ; his vigorous man
hood, unabated. He was just entering upon a new and arduous field of labor and
responsibility, when he was suddenly called from all earthly cares to a final ac
count. Like one of America's greatest statesmen, he may be said, literally, io have
" died in the harness."
Suchgis a brief and imperfect outline of the life and services of one of the- pio
neers of Fort Wayne ; a bright exemplar, worthy the imitation of our young men,
and whose fitting epitaph would be: "A Noble, Honorable Christian Gentleman.''

GEN HYACINTH LASSELLE,
FIRST WHITE MAN BORN AT KE-KI-ON Q'A.

GEN. HYACINTH LASSELLE.
THB FIRST WHITE PERSON BORN AT KI-KI-ONG-A.

The first white perion born at Ke-ki-ong-a, or in this portion of the State, was
the late Gen. Hyaointh Lasselle, of Logansport, Ind. His father, Col. James Las
selle, of Montreal, Canada, having been appointed an Indian Agent, for the tribes
of this vicinity, removed with his family, to the village than, and for many years
after, opposite the present site of Fort Wayne, in the fall of 1776. On the 25th of
February following, the subject of this sketch was born at this point. He continued
here with his parents until the fall of 1780, when tho sudden assault upon the vil
lage by La Balme and his troops caused a very precipitate retreat by the few white,
as well as all the Indian inhabitants. Col. Lasselle made hi3 escape, with his family,
down the Maumee by means of boats, with a loss of an only daughter, who, in the
confusion of the flight, fell overboard and Was drowned. He afterwards returned
to Montreal, where he placed his son, Hyacinth, at school. The latter remained
here at school until about sixteen years of age, when ho was taken into the em-
i ploy, as a clerk, of his older brothers, James and Francis Lasselle, who were then
extensive traders at Detroit. After ascending the St. Lawrence, and crossing tho
¦ Lakes, by means of battaux, — then the ordinary mode of travel— his party reached
Detroit in thefall of 1793, after a journey of two months duration. Here he remained
as a clerk in the establishment of his brothers for about a year.
The Indian war having been closed by the victory of Gen. Wayne, in 1794,
and peaoe being fully restored, he was sent by his brothers to trade with the Indians
at Fort Wayne, which had been erected in October following the battle at tho rap
ids. He arrived here in the month of May, 1795, and continued to trade with the
Miamies, and other tribes visiting the Fort, for about a year and a half. After this,
he descended the Wabash, and traded at several points on tbatjriver, until the year
1804 when he removed his establishment to Vincennes, Ind., and located perma
nently at that place.
Upon the inauguration of Indian hostilities, by the battle cf Tippecanoe, in 1811,
he discontinued the Indian trade, and entered the military service. He served for
a period of four years as a Lieutenant and Captain of a company of Mounted Bifle-
men or Bangers, — aservice of great hardship and danger, — and eventually attained
the position of Major-General of the Militia. In the Spring of 1833, he removed
from Vincennes to Logansport, and died at the latter place on the 23d of January,
1843, in the 66th year of his age. .,.,., . „ ,
In person Gen. L. was about 5 feet 6 inches in height; erect, full-chested, and
muscular. In his prime he was rather rotund and we'ighed about 160. His complexion
was light 'inclining to florid ; his eyes of a light-grey color, and full; and hair dark.
His features were regular, inclining to the Boman cast, and indicated intelligence,
generosity and firmness. The accompanying portrait represents him aa he appeared
From' the year 1795 until 1804 he wa» almost a oenttant resident or visitant of
Fort Wayne in his character as a trader, and was very intimately acquainted with
the various tribes visiting the Fort, and with their character, manners and customs.
His relations of the many incidents connected with Indian life at the Fort here,
would be highlv entertaining; but their recital would necessarily occupy a very
large space is thia volume to detail all tie interesting reminiscences of life here,

15 History 01? Fort Wayne.
as seen and often recounted by Gen. L. He was held in high esteem by the Indians,
and especially by the Miamies, who, on account of his birth among them, always
called him by the name of Ke-Jti-ah, or the little Miami. He was very active and
fleet of foot, and they took great pride in claiming him as their champion in that
line; for, in early times athletic sports of all kinds, and especially foot-racing, were
in great fnvor with the Indians and white pioneers hore. It so happened, on on»
occasion, that the Miamies sent a challenge to all the neighboring tribes to meet
him in the race. The Winnebagoes, of Lake Michigan, accepted the challenge, and
sent a deputation with their champion to Fort Wayne to contest the palm. Tha
race was run. But the Winnebagoes, exasperated at the prospect of defeat, let fly
their arrows at him, just as he was in tho act of winning the lace, one of which pierced
his thigh. This act of bad faith caused great excitement among the Miamies, who
were about to proceed to acts of violence towards the Winnebagoes, that might
have produced trouble between the tribes ; but through the intercession of their
favorite, the matter was finally dropped. His wound did not proveserious, and the
•rrotv was readily extracted; but he beat the Indian.

HENRY RUDISILL.

One of the early pioneers of North-eastern Indiana, the subject of this brief
memoir, was born in Lancaster, Pa., in 1801. His father subsequently moved to
Franklin County, Pa.,and, at the age of 14,Henry was placed in a mercantile establish
ment in Shippinsburg, Pa., to be thoroughly educated in all the different branches
of that business. Three years afterward he removed to Chillicothe, Ohio, (then on
the borders of Western civilization) as an employee of Messrs. Barr and Campbell,
who were then largely engaged in the mercantile business at that and other points,
east and west.
He remained with this firm till 1824, when he moved to Lancaster, Ohio, where
he engaged in business on his own account, ajid was subsequently married to Miss
Elizabeth Johns, who still survives him. In 1829 he moved to Fort Wayne, Ind.,
and, as the agent of Messrs. Barr and McCorkle, tho original proprietors of Fort
Wayne, had charge of their interests here until 1837 ; and while acting in that capac
ity, cleared and cultivated a large portion of what is now the " Old Plat " and " Han
na's addition " to Fort Wayne.
Mr. Budisill was of active and energetic temperament, and a true representative
of the men, who, under Providence, have made the Western country what it
now is ; and, with unselfish aim, always took an active and important part in every
movement that tended to advance the interest of the county and city in which he
lived. As early as 1836, he, in connection with his father-in-law, Mr. Johns, com
menced the improvement of the Water Power of the St. Joseph river, at the point
where the St. Joe Mills are now located, one mile north of Fort Wayne, and built
there a saw mill and the first flouring mill capable of manufacturing merchantable
flour in Northern Indiana. A few years later, he put in operation the first machina
for carding wool that was ever used in Allen county ; and, some years subsequent,
in company with Mr. L. Wolkie, he started the first oil mill for making oil from
flax seed ; and also established the first woolen factory of North-eastern Indiana.
So, too, in church and educational matters, and in such public improvements at
tended to develope the resources of the county, he was always ready and willing to
aid, and contributed' freely to their support, according to his ability.
Being of German descent, and for a number of years the only one in the city who
could speak both languages, he soon became the counsellor, friend, and helper of
many who came from the Old World to make this portion of the New their home ;
and there are many in the county to-day who can date their first steps in their
course of prosperity to his assistance and advice.
He was not a partisan in politics, though voting and acting with the Democratic
party on all State and National questions, till 1854, when he began more especially
«o reserve the right to vote for men, on local questions, regardless of party caucuses

Mrs. Laura Suttenfield. 17
or conventions. He served as Postmastor at this point eight years under Jackson's
administration, and a term of three years a Commissioner, of Allen county ; and
probably did more than any other man; through his personal, influence, with tho
Germans, to make the Democratic party the ruling power in the county. ¦
Injured by a fall while superintending somo work at one of his mills, his spina
became affected, causing partial paralysis and subsequent death in February, 1858v
His uprightness, kindness, and affability in his intercourse with bis fellow-citizens,
early won for him a host of friends, who will over cherish for, him a kindly mem
ory afyd regard.
Jn his more private, social intercourse, lie was no Jess happy in winning the regard
and esteem of every one with whom he came in contact, and, we have the consola-.
tion of knowing that his true piety and earnest Ghristi an faith have prepared for
hirn a rich reward in that better world to which he has gone. -

MRS. LAURA SUTTENFIELD.

But few of the pioneer mothers of Fort Wayne still survive among us to tell
the adventures of the past, one of whom, is Mrs. Laura Suttenfield1; who is now
in her 73d year. Mrs. S. was born in the city of Boston, Mass., in 1795, and, as tlie
reader will already have seen, came to Fort Wayne as early as 1814, by way ofthe
St. Mary's river, then much navigated by " flats." ' It was soon after the arrival of
herself and husband here, with some friends, that the old fort, built by order of
Gen. Wayne, in 1794, was removed, and a new one eredted on the site of the old
one, by order of Major Whistler; in the building of which, her husband took an
active part. From the time of her first arrival here, she, with others, made the
fort their home, and continued to reside in the garrison several years after.
Ever attentive and amiable in her disposition, she early won the esteem not only
of those within the garrison, but strangers visiting tho post, then so famous in the
northwest ; and her recollections of the brave men who participated in the struggles
peculiar to those early times are ever clear and interesting, as many can well attest
among us to-day. Indeed, during many years past, if any question of special im
port came up for consideration, about which any doubts were entertained as to accu
racy of date, name, etc., as one of the early pioneers of Fort Wayne once remarked
to the writer, an appeal was at once had to the memory of Mrs. S. ; and all felt
confident and satisfied when she gave her decision on the point under consideration.
Such was her memory iu other days, and. a few moments con.versation with her
upon early pioneer life in the west, at her present advanced age, will be sufficient
evidence of her wonderful memory. Her husband, Col, Wm. Suttenfield, who has
now been dead some years, was a most patriotic, kind-hearted man. For some
time after his removal to this point, he was a non-commissioned officer of the fort
here. At an early period of tho struggles in the west he was engaged in the re
cruiting service, and for many months after his arrival here, hewas mainly employed
in bringing provisions and other articles needed by tho garrison from Piqua and
other points, on pack-horses, and usually had three or four men to accompany and
' aid him in his perilous and burdensome duties back and forth to the settlements. Be
ina- short and slender of form, and very active on foot, he would often say the In
dians could'nt catch him,- and that ho was not afraid of them. And, as during the
period of his recruiting service, in his labors as superintendent of " packs " and
General provision contractor for the fort here,- he was long and early a most service
able man to his country and the little band Of settlers and sojourners at Fort
Wavne at the early period ;to which this, sketch more especially refers. The first
house (a substantial log edifice) that was built in what is now the "old plat,"
was erected by ColonefSuttenfield, at the northwest, corner of .Barr and Columbia
streets just opposite the grocery store of T. B. Hedekin, in which Mr. Suttenfield
and family resided for many years after its . erection, and, were ever esteemed
for their many kindly traits of character.
Mra. S.'s recollections of Major B. F. Stickney, who often sat at the same table
(E)

18 History of Fort Wayne.
with them, are still quite fresh. Mr. Stickney was a sterling pioneer and soldier,'
and- did much for the alleviation of his cuuntry during its infant struggles in the
west, ever attentive to the wants arid sufferings of the red children of this locality,
as will have been seen elsewhere in this volume, who, in many instances, came to
sad destitution and debasement through the use of intoxicating liquors, a few years
after the struggles of 1812-14. Also of Colonel John Tipton and Colonel
John Johnson, two most patriotic, intelligent, energetic, and serviceable pioneer,
soldiers and citizens of the west — -the former, for some years after the war of '12, a
resident at this point, and more or less constantly in the society and at the resi
dence of Mrs. S. and family ; while the latter and family were long among her
warmest and best friends, and at whose house she resided while living in Piqua,'
Ohio, before coming to Fort Wayne — of these and many others that might be men
tioned, would the space allow, including also many interesting incidents of these
early days, with some of which the reader is already familiar, her memory is yet
most clear.
In view of the vast improvement that has taken place, within a few years, in
what to her and others of the early pioneers here, was an uncultivated field, strewn
with vast quantities of underbrush, with occasional heavy timber, knowing, and
known by every one in the region, Mrs. Suttenfield now finds herself in the opposite'
extreme; and says she "knows no one now, and but few know her" among the
great thrcng of new-comers in and about Fort Wayne ; while the immense improve
ment in building, general culture, and industrial pursuits, have conspired to sut-
round her with. a busy air and tread .that
Tell no more of those primitive days,
And cheery pioneer ways,
wherein, but a few years since, she mingled so hopefully and free.
With Gallagher, in his " Song of the Pioneers," how cheerfully can she, as, " with
halting step," she moves forward, in view of
" Another land more bright than this,'*
join in the pleasing refrain —
" A song for the early times out west,
And our green old forest home,
Whose pleasant memories freshly yet
Across the bosom coine :
* •> * *
We shunn'd not labor : when t'was due'
We -wrought with right good will ;
And for the homes we won for them,
Our children bless us still.
We lived not hermit lives, but oft
In social converse met ;
And fires of love were kindled' then, '
That burn on warmly yet.
*< * * >>
Onr forest life was rough and rude
And dangers closed us round ;
But here, amid the green old trees,
Freedom was sought and found.
* * * #'
Oh, merrily pass'd the time, despito
Our wily Indian foe,
In tbe clays when we were pioneers,
Fifty yoars ago."

ALLEN HAMILTON,

One of the early Settlers of Fort Wayne, was Wits late Allen Hamilton..
Mr. Hamilton was a native of Ireland, born in the county of Tyrone, in the year
1798. At the age of 18, meeting with a gentleman of sorrie talent, who had but
recently returned from a visit to America, young Hamilton listened with great
attention to the glowing description of the' N6w World— its free institutions, &c,
and so thoroughly imbued was he with the excellence and beauty of the new country
overthe Waters, that he returned' home to his-annfSj'wiUr whom he wasthen living,

AlleN Hamilton. , 19
with a full determination of seeking a home in America, and to emigrate thither just
as soon as his means would admit; and, accordingly, in July, 1817, 'having acquired
through his own exertions and by the aid of "friends, sufficient means to bring
him across tho deep, with a small sum also to maintain him for a short period after
his arrival in the Canadas, or until such time as he should be able to obtain em
ployment, ho set sail for Quebec, whither he arrived in due course of time, and soon
presented himself to friends of his aunt, then residing there, who sought - at once,
through the commendation of his aunt, to obtain employment for him. But ho
seemed destined to meet with trouble and be deprived of the advantages presented by
the recommendation of his aunt and efforts of his friends ; for, but a few days had
elapsed before he was taken sick with tho ship fever, a disease that had prevailed
on board the vessel that had brought him to Quebec. For six weeks young
Hamilton lingered with this fatal malady. Beginning to show strong symptoms of
recovery at the expiration of this time, through his physician's advice, he sought to
reach a milder climate, and had only succeeded in reaching Montreal, when he was
taken with a relapse of his recent attack of fever. His little means was now nearly
exhausted, and upon his recovery from the fever that had greatly prostrated and
enfeebled him, he found himself with but a small sum over and above his physician's
fee; and desiring to reach Philadelphia, with no one to aid him in the procurance
of money he sold some of his most valuable wardrobe in order to obtain the
necessary means for his journey to the city of Brotherly Love.
After many vicissitudes and a long and tedious journey afoot, he at length reached
Philadelphia. Without means and without friends, he wandered about the streets
in pursuit of employment, almost despairing of obtaining anything to bring him a
competency — still looking pale and haggard from his late illness. But at length his
eyes fell upon a notice for laborers, tacked " on the door of an iron store." It was
a moment of joy to him ; yet the thought of his enfeebled situation flashed upon him,
and fears soon arose in his mind as to the probability of his being able to obtain
the position offered ; for he had already, in his efforts and wanderings for a place,
been refused a situation " as a common porter on account of his delicate appearance."
From momentary distrust and fear, his feelings rose to the height of unwavering
resolution and courage; and he at once entered the iron store. A benevolent
Quaker chanced to be the proprietor of the establishment. Young Hamilton soon
presented his claims, and having told his story, which was listened to attentively
by his new acquaintance, the Quaker gentleman promised his assistance; and but
about two days had elapsed before young Hamilton fourid himself, through the aid
of his new benefactor, in " a clerkship, with a salary of one hundred dollars a year
and board."
With "an increased salary," our young adventurer remained with his new em
ployer till the spring of 1820, when he determined to visit the west, with a view to
meeting a oousin of the name of James Dill, who had formerly been a general in
the army. Learning that Mr. Dill resided in Lawrenceburgh, Ind., young Hamilton
soon made his way to that point, and found his cousin in the position of Clerk of
the Dearborn County Court. Desiring "to prepare himself for the bar," young
Hamilton soon proposed to his cousin to enter his office, "agreeing to write six
hours a day for his board and the use of his library, " which seems to have been
ieadily agreed upon.
¦ Hero young Hamilton remained for some time, forming the acquaintance of many
men of note and, among others, made the acquaintance of Hon. Jesse L. Holman,
then one of the Judges of the Supreme Court ; and it was to the daughter of Judge
Holman (Miss Emeline J. Holman,) that Mr. Hamilton was subsequently united
in wedlock —a most amiable and intelligent woman, who still survives Mr. H.
Being induced, by Capt. Samuel C. Vance, to visit this famous military point in
1823 Mr. Hamilton was so much pleased with the general aspect of the country
surrounding, and especially with the beauty of the scenery, about the confluence of
the St. Mary and St. Joseph, besides perceiving many advantages of a desireable
nature,'he soon concluded to take up his abode here for the future. Captain Vance,
a short time previous to his departure for Fort Wayne, having been appointed
Begister of the Land Office, then located here, Mr. Hamilton expressed to him his
determination to remain hero, and at once entered the land office as a deputy regis
ter where he also' "pursued his legal studies, with a view of being admitted to the

20 History of Fort Wayne.
tor as soon as tho naturalization laws of the country would permit." But the country
bemg'yet very thinly populated, and thinking the.law business would hardly prove
remunerative, ho abandoned further preparation as a lawyer, and subsequently
turned his attention to that of merchandising — having, through " his good character,
been enabled to purchase a small stock of goods on credit." This occurred about
» vear after his advent here with Oapt. Vance. His stock was small, and the trade
was principally with the Indians, who were then very numerous here — perhaps
thirty to every white man in the region.
In hisneweaterpri.se, he was quite successful, and two years later, he was enabled
to bring hither a very extensiye stock of goods, with capital and credit largely
increased. Associating himself, at an early period of his business relations here, with Cyrus
Taber, Esq., recently of Logansport, Ind., under the title of Hamilton & Taber,
Mr. Hamilton now advanced rapidly in material wealth and influence; and the
firm of Hamilton & Taber long enjoyed an extensive and enviable reputation and
credit. Possessing much of the tact and good nature of Sir Wm. Johnson, With whom
tho reader is already familiar, Mr. Hamilton early won the confidence and friend-
»nip of the Indians, and was especially liked and admired by the Miamies, who
sarlyand for years confided their business affairs lo him. Chief Richardville, during
several years prior to his demise, in 1841, had entrusted his affairs to the keeping of
Mr. Hamilton, and never ventured upon any enterprise, legal transaction, or busi
ness affair of any kind, in his own behalf or that of his tribe, without first consulting
JtHs friend Hamilton ; and th3 result was, that immense sums of money were not
only placed in his charge by the Ind.ans, but large amounts were often disbursed
among them by him. Knowing the Indian character well, and their fondness for
liquor, it often occurred, when they came to town, and desired to get '-squabby,'' they
would call upon Mr. Hamilton for sho-nia ; but, instead of giving them money at
such times, he would often persuade them to accept of something else, in order
to discourage their thirst and desire for liquor; for which they would unhesitatingly
BDend all their money, if even, amounting to hundreds of dollars, in a few daysj
In this way, and for this reason he often induced them to talis goods, and such ar
ticles that would serve them as clothing, &c, rather than see them throw their
money away for liquor, and then lie about drunk, or, being maddened and bewil
dered by the liquor, kill or dangerously wound each Other in the broils and petty
animosities, sure to be awakened when intoxicated.
That Mr. Hamilton was largely indebted to the Indians for the major part of
his Wealth and business success, he often averred in his life time ; but while this is
true, it is clear that tho Indians were long and largely in his debt for the great
care and attention he always bestowed upon them, in transacting their business
affairs, giving them much kindly advice, &c, during many years subsequent to
their removal beyond the Mississippi, in 1846; and the Indians ever, to the time cf
their departure, for the west, and to the day of Mr. Hamilton's death, held him in
high esteem.
ia 1824, Mr. Hamilton received the appointment of Sheriff, for the purpose of
organizing the county of Allen; which otSce, by a subsequent election by the peo
ple, he held fur two years. In 1830, he was chosen county clerk, and remained in
this position seven year3. In 1324, commissioners having been chosen "to negotiate
a treaty with the Miamies," Mr. Hamilton was chosen Secretary of the commission
ers; and in 1838, being again tendered tbe secretaryship, he declined to accept it.
In 1840, though politically opposed to the administration of Mr. Van Buren, who
was then President of the LT. S., Mr. Hamilton was appointed a commissioner with
Others, to treat with the Miamie Indians in the extinguishment of their land claims
in Indiana, and to induce them to remove to Kansas; which terminated1 agreeably
to the wishes of the government. In these latter relations, in view of his great
Influence with the Indians, Mr. Hamilton proved most servicable to the State and
government. Constantly exposed, as they were here, to the whisky barrel and ita
debasing influences, Mr. H imilton readily saw that they must soon be destroyed as a
people, if they remained under its influence; and he humanely sought to induce
their withdrawal to a point westward where they would see less of the traffic, and
tave a larger and more abundant field for the' pursuit of their favorite mode of

Allen Hamilton. 21
life — that of bunting and fishing; and readily succeeded in inducing a largo mass
of them to leuvo for the west.
During the administration of General Harrison, in 1841, Mr. Hamilton was ap
pointed agent of the Miamies, which position he held till 1844, when he resigned.
Some $300,000 or $400,000 were disbursed by Mr. Hamilton during the period of
this agency, to the satisfaction of both tho government and the Indians of tho
time. Accustomed to frequent association with Chief Richardville, they enjoyed many
a jocular contest. On one occasion, some years ago, Mr. Hamilton was riding a
very spirited, fine-looking horse along Columbia street, and the Chief, who then
had a trading house about where stands the store of Messrs. Heustis & Hamilton,
in accordance with quite a prevalent custom with tho Indians of the time, when
they saw anything that pleased them very much, taking a fancy to the animal,
cried out: " I strike on that horse, Mr. Hamilton." Seeing the Chief had the ad
vantage of him in the "strike," Mr. Hamilton at once alighted and handed the
horse over to the future care and keeping of the Chief, who, according to the custom,
at once became the bona-fide owner of the horse. The next "strike" necessarily
fell to Mr. Hamilton, and he was not long indifferent to the right now in his pos
session. So, some time subsequent to this "strike " of the Chief, he and Mr. Hamr
ilton were riding together along the Wabash, where the Chief had several very fine
reserves of land, one of which, particularly, drew the attention of Mr. 'Hamilton,
and he at once exclaimed to Richardville : " Chief? I strike on this section."
" Well," said the Chief, " I make you a deed for it, but we'll not strike any more."
Mr. Hamilton got the land; and though 'the Chief had the first "strike," yet Mr.
Hamilton certainly had the largest. But the matter ended in the greatest good
feeling. A convention for the revision of the Constitution of the State of Indiana being
called in 1850, Mr. Hamilton was chosen a member, over a very popular Demo
cratic competitor, by a large majority, which was amarkedevidence of tho esteem in
which he was then held by the people. In the convention Mr. H. received the
appointment of "Chairman of the committee on currency and banking." Among
other important measures brought forward and adopted by this convention, was
that of a provision Cor the establishment of free banking institutions, in which Mr.
Hamilton wielded a most salutary influence,; and the general proceedings of the
convention were signalized by many wise and beneficial enactments, in all of which
Mr. H. took an active part. Not possessed of great oratorical powers, he readily
devoted himself to work— was an active working member — and made his points
tellj whenever he presented them for consideration.
In the summer of 1857, Mr. Hamilton visited Europe — among other places tho
home of his boyhood, where he remained till the summer of the following year. Soon
after his return home he was chosen, by a handsome majority, representative in tho
State legislature, which position he continued to hold during the whqie term of elec
tion (four years), much to the satisfaction of the people.generally of this section ofthe
State— and here again, he was a working member, — striving on all occasions, where
matters of general or special public interest came up for attention, to devote him
self to the achievement of " the greatest good to the greatest number."
For some rears after the expiration of his senatorial term, he continued to devote
himself to his business relations in Fort Wayne; had been for some years Presi
dent of the Branch Bank of Indiana, which was located at Fort Wayne some years
previous to the convention already referred to ; and the name of Allen Hamilton
is still familiarly associated with the banking interests of Fort Wayne— the old
familiar banking-house of "Allen Hamilton & Co.," still retaining the name and
title of the old firm.
Being nov/ possessed of ample means, including a considerable amount of real
.estate —a comfortable and beautiful home, with numerous advantages in almost
every material point of view that might relate to business, political or social dis
tinction—warm friends, and a commanding position as a man of marked integrity,
intelligence, and good nature, he was enabled to look back upon his trying advent
in the New World, and his first "small beginnings " at the village of Fort Wayne
with no little interest. The
* s< S " tide in the affaire of men,
Which, taken at the flood, Jends on to fortune,"

22 History of Fort Wayne.
had of late years signally favored him; and once fairly before the current of success,
he seemed to have moved resolutely forward, gathering strength, at every turn —
adding continually to his little fund still larger amounts, until at length he was able
to count his hundreds of thousands, and, finally, in August, 1864, died a prosperous
banker, and a most worthy citizen of a noble and worthy country.

MRS. EMELINE GRISWOLD.

This eldest of the few remaining pioneer mothers of Fort Wayne, who came to this
point at a very early day, is now in her seventy-sixth year. She is of French ori
gin, and was born in Detroit, Michigan, in 1792. As the reader will already have
seen, she came to Fort Wayne as early as 1807, with her grandfather and grand
mother, Batis Maloch and wife, the former being attracted hither in the capacity ofa
trader, this then being, as it had been for some years before, and so continued for
many years after, a noted trading post with the Indians.
At the time of her advent here, she was a sprightly girl of sixteen. Her maiden
name was Sheptaun. It was fnot the intention of her friends to remain permanently
here when they came; but the scenery and everything in the region, though wild
and uncultivated, proved so agreeable to them, and the trade that had called them
hither so profitable, that they concluded to make their future home here ; and at
once located near the fort.
From an early period after their settlement here, — having sometime subse
quently been united to a Mr. James Peltier, long a trader with the Indians of tho
northwest, arid much liked by them, — the subject of this sketch became a great
favorite with the Indians of this locality ; and their warm regard for her enabled
her to wield a most potest influence over their actions during many years of
frontier life in this section of the northwest. Many of her narrations are indeed
most thrilling and interesting.
Some time prior to the siege of 1812, some of the occupants of the garrison had
received an invitation to join a pleasure party at the house of a French family, a
short distance down the Maumee, and being somewhat fearful of the Indians then
lurking about, and many of them by no means friendly towards the Americans,
the young Miss Sheptaun, the subject of this sketch, was placed in the lead to shield
the party from harm, should the Indians attempt to molest them. Leaving the
fort, the party had not proceeded far in the direction of their place of destination,
when some Of the unfriendly Indians caught sight of them, and rushed suddenly
upon them, intending to kill them. The Americans at once began to huddle about
their leader and protectoress. Upon a near approach to the party, the Indians
suddenly recognized their friend and favorite, Madamoselle S., who at once insisted
that her friends must not be hurt or disturbed. The Indians now began to make
some effort to sieze and strike the Americans, saying to her in their tongue, (for
she could freely talk with them in their own language,) that if it were not for her
they would kill the Americans. But she finally prevailed upon them to withdraw,
and f.he party, much rejoiced, soon proceeded again on their way down the Maumee,
arriving safely at the house of the French family they had started to visit and join
in the festivities in view, enjoying themselves for several hours, and returning again
in safety to the fort in the evening. Had the party thus ventured upon a pleasure
excursion alone, or forany other purpose gone out ofthe garrison, at this period, it
is not improbable that they would all have been' killed by the Indians. Such was
ihe young Miss Sheptaun's control over the savge men at Ke-ki-ong-a at the time.
Sometime subsequent to this event, some unfriendly Indians made an attack upon
the fort. At this time she was alone in the hut occupied by herself and friends,
the latter being then absent. Having made a sally upon the fort, a small party of
Indians passed down the hill, to the northwest of the garrison a short distance,
where tho hut in which the subject of our sketch then resided, and stepped into
the cabin, where they unexpectedly found their favorite alone. Instead of raising
the tomahawk to kill her — as was then and formerly often the caso when meet-

W. G-. and G. W. Ewing. 23
ing a white male or female under similar circumstances— and would doubtless
have been _ the result, in this instance, had any other than the family
i ¦ -i i!" ?' llved thore>— they simply asked her for something to eat,
wlncn she freely and pleasantly gave them. Having partaken of the food set before
them, the Indians signrfbd that they were sleepy, and desired to lie down ; and
the savage party at once stretched themselves upon the floor of the cabin, where
they soon fell asleep, and continued to snore heavily for some hours, when, fearing
lest some of the garrison might come down; and see them thus quietly enjoying
themselves, in her presence, she awoke them and told them they had better go away,
as some of the men from the fort might come down and shoot them ; to which they
Willingly assented, and soon passed out of the cabin-door, and strode away across
the common and the St. Mary, toward the northwest, leaving their heroic friend
and favorite again alone and unmolested.
Let the reader go back to those frontier times for a moment, and look about him.
"What a wild scene is presented about the point where now so much of life and civili
zation are want to be seen and enjoyed. What a contrast botween the present and the
Fort Wayne of that period, — a lonely garrison, with afew indifferent huts near it, far
removed from the confines of civilized life ; surrounded by a wily foe, daily
seeking an opportunity to destroy the inmates of the Post, and make themselves
masters again of this old rendezvous and scene of their early associations— what a
contrast, I repeat, do we behold between the scenes through which the subject of
this sketch so long ago passed, and the aspect presented to-day in the same localitv
and for miles around this old center of Indian life in the Northwest 1 Yet our
pioneer mother, the once sprightly M'Ue Sheptaun, has lived on through all the
years of this great change, and, "with a few others of " long ago," is with us
to-day, to tell the story of the past — to tell the little ones, as well as the older folk,
of those romantic days in the west, when the country was yet a vast wilderness,
and the red man was lord of the forest — feared by day as well as by night.
But let us return to our story again. The Indians had not long been gone from
the cabin of our heroine, before an officer of the fort, seeing none of the Indians
about, ventured down to the little cabin to ascertain whether its inmates had been
killed or not. Finding her still safe, and hearing her story of the manner in which
she got rid of the warriors, he at once insisted that she must go into the fort, where
she would be more secure, whither she went, and where, with her uncle, David
Bourie, and other friends, she resided for some months, prior to and during the
famous siege of Fort Wayne, in ; 812.
Though now in the decline of life, her memory is yet quite acute, and when in a
talkative mood, she readily and frequently details to her friends aud acquaintances
many interesting scenes and incidents of her early days at Fort Wayne.

THE EWINGS— W. G. AND G. W. EWING.

Most prominent among the early settlers of Fort Wayne, was the Ewing family ;
and having been favored with a manuscript account of the family, written as early
as 1855, by Col. G. W. Ewing, deceased, while on a visit to Washington City, D. O,
I here introduce a portion of tho same, which will be read with no little interest
by the many surviving friends of the Colonel and his esteemed brother, Wm. G.
Ewing— while the stranger will find much to gratify his curiosity in its perusal.
" Washington City, d. c,
"April 24th, 1855.
" Being tho last and only remaining one of the four brothers, and in view of the
uncertainty of life, I have thought that it would be but right, and that it was
perhaps, a duty I owe to those who survive me, that I should make a statement of
reminisenees and facts within my knowledge, relative to the genealogy, rise, and
progress of .the.faniily to jvhjch. I.belong.  „. ... .. ..

24 History of Eout Wayne.
" The absence of any record respecting my own parents, and of their fore-fathers,
has always been a source of regret to me, as well as to my lamented brother.
" We could glean but a meager knowledge of them, only as it was gathered,
incidentally, in conversation, from time to time, with our beloved parents. Even
this, we failed and neglected to perpetuate, for my noble brothers were yet in the
prime of manhood, and counted not on dying .so soon.
" But they have all sunk to their final rest, and I am spared. I will not there
fore' longer defer, but will aim to make a plain statement from memory relative to
the Ewing family.
" My father, Alexander Ewing, was born in the State of Pennsylvania, (the
county not recollected,) about the year 1763, of Irish parentage — the third son —
(his father's name was also Alexander) had two older brothers named William
and Samuel.
" About the year 1769, my father, then a lad of some sixteen years of age, attracted
py the spirit of patriotism, which, at that trying period, governed every true
American, repaired to Philadelphia, and there enlisted in the continental' army,
and remained in service during the last three years of the glorious Revolutionary
war. I often heard my brave sire speak of the incidents of that war, and of his
love and veneration for Gen. Washington ; but like many other young and thought
less men who served in the Revolutionary war, he failed to preserve the written
evidence of his discharge, or to leave behind him any statement showing what regi
ment he served in or the name of his commander.
" The next I remember of my father's history is, that some years after peace was
restored, perhaps as late as the year 1787, he was engaged in a trading expedition,
in what was then called ' the far west,' among the Six Nation Indian tribe. He
erected a trading post on ' Buffalo Creek,' then an entire wilderness, and extended
his winter trading expedition, after furs and peltries, into the country of the
Alleghany mountains, encountering all the privations and hardships that are
usual in a frontier life.
"Where once stood his humble trading cabin, now stands the great and growing
commercial city of Buffalo.
"A few years later, and my father had settled down, prosperously, on a large
and splendid farm, on the Genessee flats, near the village of ' Big Tree.' This is in
the State of New York, on the Genessee river, some sixty miles above the city of
Rochester. There he courted and married my mother, whose maiden name was
Charlotte Griffith, the daughter of Wm. Griffith, a most excellent and moral man,
of Welsh descent, and a farmer by vocation. The nuptials of my beloved parents,
were celebrated at or near Avon Springs, not far from what is now known as Gen-
esseeo. I cannot stato the year that they were married, but think it must have
been in 1795, or there abouts. An aunt of mine, my father's youngest sister,
'Katy,' or Catherine Ewing, was married, at tho same' time, to the Hon. John
Jones. This uncle and aunt continued to reside on the Genessee flats, for many
Years ; raised a large family of sons and daughters, and finally, both died there.
These Jones are first cousins of mine — my mother had also several sisters and broth -
ers; two of her sisters resided near Genesseeo, and do yet if not dead. One was
married to a Mr. bquires — the other to Hon. John White. They have both raised
large and highly respectable families.
" In the year 1802, my parents, in consequence of reverse fortune — my father
having lost his splendid farm and residence, in consequence of security debts, —
removed from the State of New York, and settled on the river Raisin, in the terri
tory of Michigan, where now stands the village of Monroe, a beautiful and flour
ishing town. There my brothers, Wm. G. and Alex. H. Ewing, were born — and
there too, I was born. In 1807, my parents moved to the State of Ohio, and settled
n the small frontier town of ' Washington,' now known as Piqua — there, and at
Troy, a town seven miles south of Piqua, 'we resided, until the year 1822. At
Piqua, my sister Lovina was born, and at Troy, my sister Louisa.— (I forgot to
state, in the proper place, that Sophia C, our elder sister, and the first born of our
family, — and Charles W. Ewing, our eldest brother, were born in tho State of New
York, previous to our parents removing from tho Genessee country.)
" In the war of 1812, my father volunteered and accompanied the Northwestern
army, under command of Wm. H. Harrison. He was along in the fall campaign

W. G. and G. W. Ewing. 25
of 1813 when the groat war chief, Tecumseh, and his British allies, were defeated
at the celebrated battle of the Thames. My father attached himself, as a volunteer,
to the spies, commanded by Capt. Wm. Griffith, my mother's eldest brother, a
brave, and gallant officer. He received two balls, in the skirmish at the crossing of
the river at the Moravian Towns, a few days before the final action, but they were
not mortal. James Knaggs, another uncle of mine, by marriage, to one of my
mother's sisters, and who is yet living near Monroe, Michigan, was also a spy, under
Capt. Griffith. i fa i "'
"At the battle of the Thames, which, if my recollection is right, was fought on
the 5th day of Oct., 1813— the great Shawnee war chief, Tecumseh, was killed.
He was a brave, gallant, and noble Indian, and an implacable enemy of all the ' pale
faces,' but not cruel, nor savage. He would' not do a mean action. 1 saw him
frequently, in 1810, and though then a lad only seven years old, still I recollect
him well— heard him speak in council to Gen. "Harrison, before tho war of 1812
broke out. He was a native orator, a most graceful and elegant-looking Indian.
My father and uncle Knagg found and recognized his body, very shortly after the
battle of the Thames was over, for they both knew him well. In a short time after
wards, his person, being recognized and known, the Kentuckians cut all the skin
off his body, to carry home as trophies, to be used, as they said, for ' razor straps.'
" My uncle, Capt. Wm. Griffith, was in the massacre at Chicago, in August,
1812, where Capt. Wells, and nearly the entire command, of two or three companies
of infantry, were overpowered and nearly all massacred, by a very largo force (sup
posed to have been" three thousand) of Indians. They showed no quarters, except
to a very few, whom they made prisoners. Capt. Griffith was among the latter,
though he had fought gallantly during the whole fight. He was believed, by tho
Indians, to be a Frenchman — for he spoke the Canadian French language — and on
this account his life was spared.
"The Northwestern Indians have always entertained a great friendship for the
French, and call them their 'brothers.' Under this disguise, Capt. Griffith was
spared from the tomahawk, and he soon after made. his escape, and returned home
in safety, but immediately again joined the army, and marched against the com
bined British and Indians, under Gen. Richard M. Johnson, of Kentucky. Capt.
Griffith was a brave and gallant officer. He died in 1824, and was buried a'rnid
the ruins of old Fort Meigs. He left one daughther and two sons.
" In tho spring of 1822, my parents moved from Troy, in the State of Ohio, to.
Fort Wayne, in the State of Indiana. On the first day of January, 1827, my
father died, aged about sixty-three years. His disease was asthma, and other in
firmities, produced by a life of hardship and adventure. He was a man of limited
education, but possessed a strong will and indomitable energy ; with him, to will
was to do. He was a man of warm impulses — a true friend, and a bitter enemy,
He was proud of his family, anil delighted in the well doing of his children; was
proud of his sons, and rejoiced in their prosperity. He was a Free Mason, and
bore the title of 'Colonel.' His personal appearance was commanding. He was
six feet high ; straight, athletic, and active,, when young. His complexion was
rather light, his hair was auburn, and his eyes were blue. His weight, up to the
age of forty years, did not exceed, perhaps, 170 lbs; but in after years, he became
large, and somewhat corpulent, weighing over 200 lbs. His mortal remains were,
by "his own request, interred on a small mound, on the prairie, (his own land.) just
west of what was then the village of Fort Wayne. This sacred spot is marked by
a small oak tree, still standing — but in consequence of the construction of the Wa
bash and Erie Canal, in 1833, which passed very near to this spot, my brother,
(Wm. G. Ewing,) and myself, thought it an unfit place for the final reposiug of the
remains of our father ; so, in 1847, we, erected a vault, known as the ' Ewing
Vault,' situated in the public grave yard immediately south of the ' Ewing addition'
to Fort Wayne, and there we caused to be deposited our father's mortal remains —
enclosed in a zink coffin. The remains of our dear mother, and eldest brother,
Charles W. Ewing, and of his little infant son, are also there — in zink coffins ; and
lastly, the remains~of my last, and most lamented brother, Wm. G. Ewing, are there.
" 1 n^xt proceed to speak , of my most excellent and estimable mother, whose
goodness I shall never forget. My mother, (Charlotte Ewing,) was many years
younger than my father. She was, in all relations of life, a most worthy arid.

26 History of Fort Wayne.
excellent woman — a good neighbor, a kind mother, and possessed of great good-t
ness of disposition, as well as energy of character. Her industry and solicitude
for the success and happiness of her children, know no bounds. It was the grand
object of her honorable life. ' She clung to her children like a true mother, and no
matter what the cold world said or did, she never, for a moment, withdrew from
them, her love. She remained single, after the death of our father, and resided
alternately among her children, each vieing with the other for her society.
" After my marriage, which was on the 10th of December, 3828, she resided much
with me, and it was the happiest period of my life. , She looked upon my wife, as if
she had been her own daughter, and, for the love she bore me, took great interest
in her. In return, my wife often, told me, that she loved my mother better than
she loved her own mother.
"On the, 18th day of March, 1843, my good mother departed this life, at the resi
dence of her eldest daughter, Mrs. Sophia C. Hood — and within an hundred yards
of where I then resided. She lingered for many weeks, and finally died, from the
effect of a large abscess, which had formed on her right side, internally. It was a
mournful satisfaction to me, that I happened to be at home, and where I could,
and did attend in person,- on her, during all the time of her last sickness.
" She died, as she had lived— in peace, and with good-will to all. She was not,
strictly speaking, a member of any christian denomination, at the time of her
death, though she had, in former years, been a member of the Methodist church,
and was always pious, and exceedingly moral in all her acts. She was a firm be
liever in the christian religion, and in a future existence, and I think she expressed
her regrets to her daughter, Mrs. Hood, that she had not attached herself, formally,
to some church and continued through life as a member — this was on her deatliT
bed, during her last sickness. She died in March, 1843, at the age of sixty-three
years, having survived my father, and remained a widow some sixteen years. Her
remains were temporarily interred in the grave yard at Peru, Ind., adjoining Mrs.
Hood's residence, where she died, but were afterwards removed to Fort Wayne and
deposited in our family vault there. Her life had been a virtuous and well spent
one, and she died without reproach, respected and esteemed by all who knew her.
"My parents left a valuable property, and the estate has been divided equally
among the seven.' heirs — namely, their four sons and three daughters. * *
* * * * * * The Ewing
family are( of Irish extraction — we are descended from Irish patriots who bore
our name, and who were obliged to leave their native country because of their
republican sentiments.
" Some of them settled in, Pennsylvania — some in Kentucky — and some in Ten
nessee. The Hon. Thos. Ewing, of Ohio, is distantly related to us — so are most of
the Ewings of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Missouri ; and it is a remarkable circum
stance, and fact, which I may here insert, without being guilty of egotism, that I
never yet saw, or knew, a man of this family, of Ewings, (and I have seen and
know very many of them), who was not a man of more than ordinary talents, and
and ability, and many of them, were prominent, and distinguished men. The Hon.
Thos. Ewing is one of the most distinguished lawyers and statesmen of this country ;
was Secretary of the Treasury, under Gen. Harrison's administration, in 1841, an d
again in 1853, was Secretary of the Interior, under Gen. Taylor. Has several times
represented his State, (Ohio) in the U. S. Senate. Hon. Wm. Lee D. Ewing,
one of the Kentucky branch, was also a prominent man— was once IT. S. Senator
from the State of Illinois, where he resided up to the time of his death. Hon.
Andrew Ewing was a Representative in Congress, from Tennessee, and the Hon.
Prebley Ewing was also a Representative in Congress, from Kentucky; and thus
I might go on, speaking of others, of the name and kindred, who have filled, with
signal ability, many places of honor and responsibility; but I will not enlarge —
my object being simply to give, from memory, a simple and truthful family narra
tive, which may survive me, and be read with interest, by my children and tlieir
descendents, — and I cherish the fond hope that they will aim to emulate those who
have preceded' them, and add foour family name and reputation, rather than, by un
worthy conduct, sink down, and detraot from it. I wish that they would not only
read and study the course and conduct of my lamented brother, Wm. G. Ewing,
and of Alex. H. Ewing, and myself, but I want them to appreciate them, and aim
to profit by our examples."

W. G. AND G. W. ElVING. 27
The names of thesoven heirs mentionedin tho'foregoing, were Hon. Charles Wayno
Ewing, some years ago President-Judge of the 8th Judicial Circuit of the State of
Indiana; and ever esteemed, and yot extensively and kindly remembered, for his
many excellent, intelligent traits of character; but who came to a very unhappv
end, several years since, by destroying his own life in a fit of sorrow, brought on
by an ill-advised marriago— a want of compatibility of temperaments ; Wm. G.
Lwmg, formerly Judge of the Allen county Probate Court, also much beloved and
r»garded for his fine intellectual qualities and spirit of generosity; Alexander SI.
Ewing, ^ for some years a very successful merchant at Cincinnati, Ohio ; Geo. W.
Ewmg* widely known for his fine business mid general intellectual qualifications ;

Tree ; Lovina and Louisa Ewing at Troy, Ohio.
As early as 1827, Wm. G. and Geo. W. Ewing began their business operations,
whichhave since become so extensive and widely known, under the title of " W. G.
& G. W. Ewing; " and " by their articles of copartnership, all their estate, of any
name and natuie, became, and continued to be, the common property of the firm,
until the 11th day of July, 1854, when the co-partnership ceased^ by the death of
William." Ever reposing the largest confidence in each other, "no settlement of
accounts ever took place between them."
In connection with their general business transactions, they established, at
different times, a number of " side partnerships and branches," in Fort Wayne,
Logansport, and La Gro, Ind.; in Michigan, Iowa, Kansas, Minnesota, Wiscon
sin ; and it is said "their business extended from Europe to the Rocky mountains."
With numerous and faithful employees, their name was long familiar "in every
town and hamlet from the Alleghany to the Rocky mountains " — embracing exten
sive buildings and property in the cities of Chicago, Ills., and St. Louis, Mo.; also,
under the firm of W. G. & G. W. Ewing, large business operations were carried
on at Westport, Mo.
After the demise of Wm. G. Ewing, 11th of July, 1854, while on a visit to Lake
Superior, Geo. W. gave much of his time to the winding up of the extensive
business relations of the firm ; and, aided by his agents and confidential friends,
Mess. Miner & Lj'tle, by the 10th of October, 1865, made " a full, final, and complete
settlement to the satisfaction of the administrators and legatees of his brother's
estate," and which was " confirmed at the March Term (1866,) of the Common
Pleas Court of the county of Allen," and the estate of Wm. G. Ewing closed."
At quite an early day, Col. Gep. W. Ewing was engaged in trade, and indeed began
his first business operations among, the Shawanoe Indians,* establishing a trading-
post at the famous In'dian village of Waughpoeanata, Auglaize county, Ohio. In
1826, he attended the treaty of the Miamie Indians; and seems here to have laid the
foundation of his subsequent business success. After this treaty, others were held
at different points in Ohio, Michigan, Indiana, and Illinois, which he also attended,
and " took a prominent part."
Being united in wedlock to Miss Harriet Bourie, in 1828, Col. Ewing now settled
down at the village of Fort Wayne, where he remained till 1830, when he, with
his family and a few others then living here, removed to the Wabash, at the mouth
of Eel river, where they founded the present thriving city of Logansport, Ind.
Quitting this point in 1839, with his family, he took up his residence at Peru, Ind.,
where he remained till October, 1846 ; when he removed to St. Louis, Mo. Here,
in January, 1847, he lost his wife, and where he continued to reside till the death of
his brother, William G. Ewing. It now became neaessary that he should return
*The following, found among some of his papers after his decease, which refers, in
part, to the MSS. from which the foregoing extracts are made, will show much of the
finer feeling that imbued his inner life. " It is my intention," says he, " to complete this
family sketch, (but he died, leaving it unfinished) if I can ovor get time — and I will
revise it, and divest it of all unkind 'expressions, for I would not transmit any thing of
that kind to a faturo generation. It would be in bad taste. The good that men do Iiv es
after them, whilst thoir errors should bo buried with them in their graves. To evr is
human, and where is that man who never errs ? To forgive, when malice, and hatred,
detraction, and ingratitude, have dono their worst, is manly and noble."

28 History of Fort Wayne.
to Fort Wayne, to attend to the business affairs of the firm here ; and, in the latter
part of December, 1865. he came back to his old home and the scenes of his early
association; but his period of physical life now seemed destined to be of short dura
tion. Upon his arrival in Fort Wayne, he found' himself greatly afflicted
with bilious pneumonia, from which he sometime after had only partially recov
ered, when heart disease took a severe hold upon him; and after a lingering and
most painful illness of some five months, on the 29th day of May, 1866, his spirit
passed quietly away to the brighter land beyond the grave
The estate of Wm. G. Ewing was quite extensive, amounting to some $750,000,
200,000 of which fell to his excellent wile, who still survives him ; while the children
of G. W. fell heir to the main bulk of his large fortune of about 1,225,000 dollars;
and Messrs. Miner & Lytle, by certain provisions of the will left by the Colo
nel, are supervising the erection of many large and handsome buildings in
Fort Wayne, Chicago, St. Louis, and elsewhere; the income from which, with
other property of the estate of Geo. W.; must reach a vast increase and value
during the next half century.
But the scene has shifted; and these early pioneers have all passed away, leaving
tlieir stocks and bonds behind them, let us hope, wisely to be enjoyed, and judi
ciously, humanely employed and dispensed.

EARLY GERMAN SETTLERS OF FORT WAYNE.

What was written near a half century ago of the German, is equally true of him
to-day : He is a " man of the world ; he lives under every si?y, and conquers every
obstacle to his happiness. His industry is inexhaustible." Poland, Hungary, and
Russia were years ago indebted to German emigrants; and the same may be said,
in a great measure, of America — that almost universal characteristic of the Ger
man people, rectitude, united with an unswerving perseverance and industry, at an
early period of our country's history, found their way to this 'land of promise in
the continued influx of German emigrants ; and while they, as a general rule,
have prospered well, and in very many instances grown rich, the country has been
greatly benefited and improved by this stable people.
Long noted for their liberal, philosophic sentiments, they are here, in America,
as in the old world, extensive readers and apt thinkers. Sociable and talkative as
a class, they know no fetters for the honest conscience of any man, and would as
readily measure swords with the opponent of their national or'individual freedom,
as drink a glass of choice Rhine wine with a beloved countryman.
As in the Old World, the works which they produced and still produce there, " in
watch and clock-making, in the arls of turnery, sculpture, painting, and architec
ture, are very wonderful," sc in tbe New World of North- America, the German
every where stands high in his profession, what ever it may be.
"The character of men," says Goldsmith, "depends much on the government
under which they live. That of the Germans (of the Old World) has in general
as little brilliancy in it as the constitution of the empire. * * * * There
is one thing," continues he, " in the character of the Germans for which it is not
easy to account ; that is loquacity. The French themselves scarcely talk faster, or
are more communicative, whether they are or are not strangers to each other, than
these sons of the more northern regions." And "they write," he adds " with no less
profusion than they talk, as their numerous authors and 'books can attest. The
peculiar turn of the Germans," he further remarks, " seems to be for philosophy;
they are distinguished from all the nations of Europe for a cool, aud generally just
judgement, united with extreme industry."
Everywhere in America, where there is population sufficient, you find the Ger
man newspaper ; and books, in great quantities, are annually published in the Ger
man language in this country; while vast quantities, of every description, are being
continually imported from the extensive publishing house of Leipzig, Stuttgard,

Early German Settlers oe Eort Wayne. 29
Bremen, Berlin, and Wien, in Gormany, as tho capacious shelves of our German
fellow-citizens, Messrs. Siemon & Bro., of Fort Wayne, can well attest.
Here, as in the old German States, wo havo tho two schools of religion, in many
parts of tbe country quite extensive, and, perhaps, for the size of the place and
settlement surrounding, none moro so than Fort Wayne and vicinity ; and While
the German Protestants, as in the old country, are noted for their remarkable fru
gality, the German Catholics are here still distinguished for their frankness and
good-heartedness. Most conspicuous among the early settlers of Fort Wayne, many of whom
still survive, are the familiar names of J. and B. Trontman, Jacob and J. M.
Foelinger, A. Meyer, Geo. Meyer, H. Nierman, John Orff, H. R. Sohwegman, Dr.
C. Schmitz, Henry Baker, Jacob Fry, B. Phillips, C. Morrell, C. Nill, Louis Wol-
kie, S. Lau, H. Rudisill, A. Lintz. Rev. Dr. Sihler, Geo. Miller, E. Vodemark, C.
Piepenbrink, D. Wehmer, Chas. and L. Baker, Chas. Muhler, and many others.
One of these early settlers gives an amusing account of his advent here. Having
made his way up the Maumee with his family and what little household goods ho
then possessed, heat length drew up about the center of the village, which then
consisted of a few indifferent log huts, scattered about the head of Columbia street
and tbe old fort. The largest hospitality then (as, let us hope does now exist among
the citizens of Fort Wayne) prevailed among every class of citizens here ; ever
anxious and ready, as they were, to attend to the wants of and entertain in their
best and kindest way, the many emigrants and travelers seeking new homes in the
west, regardless of race or sect ; and scarcely had our German friend halted, before
he was greeted with the Words: " La.ndsleute,.ivie gaten,' by a kind old Pennsylvania
settler, Capt. Robt. Brackendridge, then register in the land office here, who at once
pressed him to stop, saying they wanted more settlers, and that here was a good
place to stop.
At this point, our new-comer enquired as to where Fort Wayne was, and how far
it was to that place; saying that he wished to go there; to which Capt. B. replied
that he was already in the place. Casting his eyes over the village, with both won
der and disappointment, at this announcement, he exclaimed, with no little empha
sis, "pshaw 1 " But he stopped — is here to-day; and has seen, from year to year.
With many others, the little village, with a few indifferent log huts, as presented
on bis advent here, between thirty and forty years ago, gradually expand into
wonderful proportions, annually offering large inducements for the settlement hero
of men of industry, enterprise, and honesty of purpose.
Of this hardy, thrifty class of people, many of them but recently from the Old
World, and others from Pennsylvania, Fort Wayne, at an early day, was made up.
Early 'procurmS small tracts of land, in some instances, and considerable sections
in others, in and about the present limits of Fort Wayne, with their usual indom
itable will and perseverance, they began to hew down the trees, clear away and
burn the stumps and underbrush," until at length, in unison with other early set
tlers of this section of the northwest, many beautiful and fertile gardens and farms
began to appear on all sides; fruit trees were planted, and extensive orchards, in a
few years more, began to gladden the new-comers with abundance of choice fruits ;
While, as the ground upon which our beautiful city stands to-day became gradually
prepared and made free of stumps and other impediments, in the form of sand
hills haz-1-oushes, ponds, etc., new buildings began gradually to aipear, and many
comfortable dwellings, by the aid and energy of Germau labor, everywhere served
to cheer the masses and encourage still greater efforts in building and general im
provement And so the place has moved steadily on to its present growth and
prosperity of near thirty thousand inhabitants, the masses of our German fellow-
citizens always busy with their hands, heads, and capital— aiding each other, plan
ning new enterprises, erecting new edifices, and preparing the soil for the reception
of seed and cultivation of plants and herbs. The result has been glorious ; and at
every side our improvements give promise of a still wider range of culture aud gen
eral material advancement in the future. Many of the German settlers have now
be-n here between thirty and forty years- -some of them poling their wav, at the
period of their coming to this point, up the Maumee in pirogues to tho then village
of Fort Wayne— all quite poor in means, but able of hand and willing of heart,
to work— to till the soil, and build themselves homes. Land being then quite cheap
met-

30. History of Eort Wayne.
many made small purchases, while others worked at their trades or hired out as
common day and monthly laborers, as was then common among nearly all classes
of the early pioneer settlers of the west, for then all was new, and riork was to be
done by all, if a competency was to be gained, and the common necessities of life
procured. And to-day it would be difficult indeed to enter any of the various
machine and general workshops of Fort Wayne and fail to find the German un
represented — indeed, in many of these extensive establishments a full score of these
hardy yeomanry of the Old World are constantly employed from year to year ;
and are annually making purchases of lots in the city or its suburbs, and building
thereon, and raising families; while many of the old German settlers have for years
largely prospered in various ways ; and to-day are variously engaged in extensive
business pursuits, and greatly esteemed by the masses of Fort Wayne for their in
tegrity, intelligence, and broad spirit of liberality and love of order.
Such are the Germans of Fort Wayne ; and tmay their better sense of frugality!
perseverance, integrity, and general spirit of industry and philanthropic liberality
ever serve as worthy examples of emulation and regard for the generations yet to
come.

These lines are appropriate here. They tell in rhythm of the brave and noble
"Pioneeks of the West," who years ago sought homes in the western wilds,
and, amid hardships and dangers, laid the foundation of future greatness. They
are from the pen of Eliezer Williamson, of Ohio, and were written as earlv as
1842: Where now, I ask, is that bold, daring band?
The honored fathers of this Western land;
They who first crossed Ohio's silvery wave,
And did unnumbered toils and dangers brave ?
Though some of them did bid the world farewell;
Some still survive, their matchless deeds to tell.
Though fleeting years have passed forever by
Since first they trod beneath this Western sky ;
Yet they remember well those early clays,
And view our country now with great amaze.
The country then was" an unbroken wild ;
The " Western Wilderness," it then was styled ;
The Ohio then sent forth a wild-like roar,
And dark, dense forests waved upon tho shore :
Along her strand the Indians then did dwell,
And oft was heard the wild and savage yell.
The mighty oak — proud monarch of the wood,
Upon those hills in Stately grandeur stood.
Along these vales did ferocious panthers prowl,
And oft was heard the fierce wolf's frightful howl ;
But all these savage beasts have pass'd away,
And the wild Indians too— ^where now are they ?
They've disappeared- — most of those tribes are gone,
Like night's dark shades before the rising dawn.
Can we forget that brave and hardy band
Who made their homes first in this "Western land ?
Their nanies should be enroll'd on history's page,
To be perused by each succeeding age :
They are the fathers of the mighty West ;
Their arduous labors heaven above h'asbless'd.
Before them fell the forest of the plain,.
And peace and plenty followed in the train,
In vain would I attempt to bring to view
The dangers which those pioneers pass'd through.
The wintry winds in wildness round them blow,
And o'er them often rolls the drifted snow.
Upon the cold damp earth their blankets spread,
There they reposed — this was their only bed.
They often crossed great rivers, deep and wide,
Their frail canoes they paddled o'er the tide.
Through pelting storms and the descending snow,.

Allen County Agricultural Society — Note. 31
Though thinly.olad, thoy still would onward go.
How many long nnd oheerloss nights they pass'd
Unsheltered from the cold and chilly blast 1
For many yoars those hardships they endured,
And they to arduous toil became inured.
What lasting gratitude to the them we owe !
'Tis from their toils our richest blessings flow.
Illustrious men ! though slumbering in the dust,
You still are honored by tho good and just!
Posterity will shod a conscious tear,
And, pointing, say, " there sleeps a PiOKeeh."

Allen county agricultural society.

This society was first organized in 1852 for the encouragement of agricultural
interests and domestic manufactures. Under the management of Hon. Wm.
Rockhill, I. D. G. Nelson, Lott S. Bayless, Wm. Hamilton, F. P. Randall, D. M. W.
Huxford, H. C. Gray, and others, it continued, with varying fortunes, until 1880,
when, owing to the disturbed condition of affairs throughout the country, meetings
of members and annual exhibitions were discontinued. In 1859 a Horticultural
Society was organized by some of the members of the Agricultural Society, and in
1863, the two societies were united, forming one sssociation, under the above title.
The new Organization has been very successful, and, with weekly meetings, at their
rooms, in the Court House, at Fort Wayne, aided by a fine Library, their discus
sions, are doing a good work in directing the attention of the public to the most
improved system of agriculture and horticulture. The officers for the year 1868,
are Adam BHnk, President; F. P. Randall, Secretary; S. J. Housh, Treasurer.

REMARKS.
In the compilation, writing, and arranging of tho material throughout this volume,
t have drawn freely from every available source, and have been most careful to accept
of those facts only that are well substantiated by previously published records and per
sons yet living whose recollections of many of the scenes and accounts presented are
still quite fresh and clear. I would gladly have continued the " Sketches of Early Set
tlers of Fort Wayne," had I been supplied with the neoessary material with which to
form the same, as I had frequently both publicly and privately expressed and desired
at an early day in the preparation of this work. But a failure to comply with this do-
sire is not to be attributed to neglect or indifference on the part surviving friends ;
and in view ofa further issue of the work, it is still my Wish to receive at any time such
facts and reminisences of the early fathers and mothers of Fort Wayne as maybe deem
ed interesting and valuable for this department of the volume.
The History of Fort Wayne could not perhaps have been prepared and sent forth at
a more favorable or propitious period. Having attained a wonderful, and let us hope, a
most valuable and lasting growth, with the prospects of, and earnest desire for, a still
wider, more beautiful and benificent range of culture in the future, we are to-day the
better enabled to look back upon the scenes and hardships of the Past, and to scan with
a more scrutinizing vision the perils and vicissitudes that beset the pathway of the
pioneers of the West; and the general connecting links of the work have been most
carefully preserved throughout, rendering it thereby most vauable in u, general as well
as local point of view. TT. A. B.

Biography of General Anthony Wayne, : :¦:!:: viii
CHAPTER I. — Situation and primitive relations, . ; : : : : : 1
CHAPTER II. — Primitive accounts — The Mastedon — Indian .habits and customs—
names of tribes, : ; : : : : : : 14
CHAPTER III.— 7Habits and customs continued — Indian dances— French settlements
---Suggestions of Dr. Franklin— Dances—Peace-pipe— An incident, : : 32
CHAPTER IV.— Death of La Salle— French stockade forts — French and Indian war
---Death of Wolfe, and defeat of the French at Quebec, : : : 43
CHAPTER* VI.— Condition of tribes after the French and Indian war— The Delaware
Prophet-— British occupancy of fort.s— Commencement of the Pontiac war, ' 57
CHAPTER VII.— Siege of Detroit, and defeat of Pontiac — Captain Morris at the
Miami village-— Croghan's journal— Death of Pontiae, : : : : 73
CHAPTER VIII.— The war for Independence, : : : : : : : 88
CHAPTER IX. ---Early pioneers— Movements of George Rogers Clark— -Capture of
Kaskaskia-— Retaking of Vincennes— La Balme's expedition, : : 93
CHAPTER X. — Emigration westward— -Territorial government— Gamelin's journal —
Forsyth's narration— General Cass' address— Hai-mar's Expedition, . : 106
CHAPTER XI. --Expedition and defeat of General Arthur St. Clair, : : 131
CHAPTER XII. ---Relief of the frontier settlements— General Wayne's appointment
and expedition. ..Battle of the Rapids. ..Erection of Fort Wayne, and treaty of
Greenville, ::::::::: 143
CHAPTER XIII. ...Emigration westward. ..Death of General Wayne, ..The Shawanoe
Prophet. ..Treaty of Fort Wayne. ..Tecumseh. ..Progress of avents leading to tho
war ol 1812, :::::::::::: 158
CHAPTER XIV.... Plot to massacre Fort Wayne. ..Tecumseh and the treaty of Fort
Wayne. ..Battle of Tippecanoe, :::;:: 181
CHAPTER* XVI.... Assembly of Indians at Fort Wayne— Visit of Tecumseh. ..Death of
Little Turtle. ..Preparations for war. ..Hull's surrender. ..Captain Well's expedition
to Chicago. ..His death and'defcat of the troops of Fort Dearborn, : : 199
CHAPTER XVII....Siege of Fort Wayne. ..Movements of the army for its relief 211
CHAPTER XVIII. ...Early Prophecy concerning Fort Wayne. ..Movements of thearmy
from Fort Wayne. ..General Winchester's appointment, and movement down tbe
Maumee, :::::: :::::;: 224
CHAPTER XIX....Siege of Fort Harrison. ..Massacre of the Pigeon-Roost jiettlement—
Capture of Gen. Winchester. ..Massacre of Frenchtown, and deathof Col. Allen-,232
CHAPTER XX.. ..General movements of the army under Harrison. ..Expedition of Col.
Richard M. Johnson to Fort Wayne. ..Bombardment of Fort Meigs. ..Capture of
Fort George. ..Evacuation of, Fort Miami, at the foot of the Rapids, : ; 244
CHAPTER XXI. ..Movements at Fort Wayne. ..Plan of Col: R. M. Johnson. ..His march
to Fort Wayne, and movements from the Fort. ..Re-investment of Fort Meigs, 24y
CHAPTER XXII — Reinforcements from Ohio and Kentucky — Commodore Perry on
the lake — Defeat of the British — Destruction of Maiden — Retreat of the British
— Speech of Tecumseh, ::::::.;:: 262
CHAPTER XXIII.— Pursuit of the British— Bones of the killed of Frenchtown— The
American Eagle hovering over the army — Battle of tbe Thames— Defeat of the
British and death of Tecumseh, : : : : : : : : 266
CHAPTER XXiV. — Further Movements of tbe American army afterthe battle ofthe
Thames — Resignation ot General Harrison — Treaty of Greenville — The fort —
An incident, ::::;::::::: 279
CHAPTER" XXV.— Value of Fort Wayne to the country at large— Kindly spirit of
the garrison — Indian bones — Navigation — Tbe fur trade — Evacuation of the
fort— Names of Cominanilants — Settlers of 1H15 — Captain James Riley — Ran
dolph county — Letter ot Major Stickney — State Districts, . : ; 283
CHAPTER XXVI.— The Land office— Purchase of Barr and McCorkle— The old plat
—First school-bouse — Fish — Fort Wayne id 1819— Traces — Eaily purchasers of
land — Organization of Allen county — County officers — Court sessions — Trial of
Big-Leg — Canal grant — Hon. 'Oliver H. Smith — Senatorial Districts — Winter of
1831-2— Wolvis- Taber's addition— Common Pleas and Criminal couits — Mar
riage recurds, ::::¦::::::• 293
CHAPTER XXVII. — First court-house and buildings of court-square— Present court
house — Post office — The old pond — Shawanoe Run.— Chief Richardville — The
Sand-bill— ndian bones and relies — Population — An eaily residert — Roads,
buildings, and business — Manufactories — The world's future great commercial
centre — Railroads — First Printing office — Churches and educational relations —
The Future, : ::::::::.: 312
* By an oversight ol the printer, this Charter is printed "VI," instead of V ; and Chapter XV, by a
similar mishap, ia made to read, " Chapter XVI ;" neither of which, however, otherwise iuterlcre with
thu regular order or reading of the cliapturs throughout the hooii.

Index. •>'¦'>
hiogral'iid'ai, sketches of iiarly settlers of 1'oii.t wayne, ktc.
Biography of Samuel Hanna, . . 3
Skotch of Gen'l Hyaointh Lasselle, .:::.: 15
Sketoh of Honry Rudisill, : : : . : : . 10
Sketch of Mrs. Laura Suttenfield, . : • . -17
Sketch of Allen Hamilton, : ; : • 18
Skotoh of Mrs. Emoline Griswold, : : ¦ 22
Sketoh of tho Ewings— W. G. & G. W. Ewing, . 23
Sketch of Early Gorman Settlers of Fort Wayne, 2K
" Pioneers nf tho West " — (Poetry,) : : 30
Allen 1'oiinty Agricultural Society — Remarks, , 31