i ¦A 1, YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY NARRATIVE OF VARIOUS JOURNEYS IN BALOCHISTAN, AFGHANISTAN, AND THE PANJAB. London: Printed by S. & J. Bentley, Wilson, and Fley, Bangor House, Shoe Lane. 1i"'|i1ffiilll[||lillll||>iiiililiiiiiiiii[^lli^ VIEW of KALAT, Capital of BALOCHISTAN London Richard BanUcy, New Burlingbjn Street 18 4-3. NARRATIVE OF VARIOUS JOURNEYS IN BALOCHISTAN, AFGHANISTAN, THE PANJAB, & KALAT, IBuritiB a ^mtimct in ttose (Kountries. TO WHICH 13 ADDED, AN ACCOUNT OF THE INSURRECTION AT KALAT, AND A MEMOIR ON EASTERN BALOCHISTAN. By CHARLES MASSON, Esq. ILLUSTRATED WITH A LARGE MAP AND NUMEROUS ENGRAVINGS. IN FOUR VOLUMES. VOL. II. LONDON: RICHARD BENTLEY, NEW BURLINGTON STREET. ^xMiSlttx in Orttnars to ^ex iWaJeStji. 1844. EeU 824M CONTENTS 0 THE SECOND VOLUME. CHAPTER I. Sea trips. — Major David Wilson. — Preparations of papers. — Use made of them. — Remarks. — Tabriz. — Sir John Campbell. — Society of Tabrez. — Bagdad. — Karak. — Maskat. — Parting _ with Captain Willock. — Approach to Karachi. — Look-jaw. — Skill of Naqudah. — Dunghis. — Untoward reception at Kardchi. — Cause thereof. — Re cognition. — Refused permission to land. — Guards. — How disposed of. — Disarrangement of plans. — Orders of the Amirs. — Their poli tical jealousy. — Their silly notions. — Departure from Karachi. — Arrival at Ormara. — Present from the governor. — Introduction to him. — His invitation. — Quarters. — The Naqudah's precautions. — Disease of the governor. — Decline of my repute as a physician. — Baloch Khan's suggestion. — Employment. — Ormara friends. — Ex cursions. — Discretion necessary. — Feu-de-joie and accident. — Ba loch Khan's proposal. — Ancient site. — Opposition to my departure. — Mistrust of Baloch Khan's intention. — His son's reserve. — Leave Ormara. — Boldness of Naqudah. — Reach Sunmiani. — Practice of Medicine. — Singular case. — Acquaintance. — The young Jam. — His court and oificers. — The lady dhai. — Her wish and delicacy. — Ar rangement. — Introduction. — Portrait taken. — Bad state of health. — Project. — Kalat merchants. .... CHAPTER II. Facility of forming acquaintance. — Merchant's surprise. — My metamorphosis. — Exchange of salutations. — Conversation. — Reso lution. — Assurance of protection. — Kalikdad. — Hindu civility. — Tl ' CONTENTS. ' A* tit » FAQS ^Composition of party. — Leave Sunmiani. — Liari. — Country. — Patti. — Usman di Got. — Neighbourhood of B^la. — Appearance of Bfla. — Jam's residence. — Tombs. — Advance of parfy. — Goodwill of Kalik dad. — His anxiety. — Departure from B^la. — Mishap on road. — ¦ Return of Kalikdad. — Arrival at Walipat. — Kalikdad rejoins. — Walipat. — Purali. — Remarkable burial-place . — Hills. — Scenery. — Koharn Wat. — Ping. — Halt in the hills. — Trees.^— Samshir Khan. — Baloches. — Kalikdad's greetings. — Meeting with our party. — Troublesome night-march. — Omatch river. — Turkabur-. — Hills, &c. — Water. — Visitors. — Storm. — Baran Lak. — Burial-places. — Wad. — Kaiiat. — Population of Wad. — Sirdars. — Plain of Wad. — NaU. — Its reputed antiquity. ... .21 CHAPTER III. Saman dara. — Mian dara. — Khozdar. — Scenery.— Town. — Gar dens. — Lead-mines. — Khappar. — Zidi. — Advantageous site of Khoz dar. — Antiquity. — Vestiges. — Shower. — Obelisk. — Baghwan. — Terk. — Chiefs. — Change in temperature. — Lakorian. — Anjira. — Gohar Basta. — Oleanders. — Sohrab. — Road to Kalat. — Surma Sing. — Damb. — Rodinjoh. — Sheher Kdki. — Recourse to the toilette. — Approach to Kalat. — Met by friends. — View of Kalat. — Distant prospect. — Faiz Ahmed — His respectability and notions of me — His political acumen. — Haji Abdulah. — Kalikdad. — Abdul Hab. — ^Ab dul Wahad. — Mehrab Khan's absence, and designs.— Darogah Gul Mahomed. — Indifferent health. — Occupations. — Propose to visit ChehelTan. ...... 40 CHAPTER IV. Departure iiom Kalat. — Tomb. — Baba Wall. — Villages. — Mal- gozar. — Ziarat. — Ghiddarftn. — Kar^z Garani. — Baloch family. Re past. — Shepherd's bounty. — Baloch — His intentions — Abandons them. — Ghwen-trees. — Mangarchar. — Baloch hospitality. Plain of Mangarchar.— Ambar. — Kur. — Toman. — Civil welcome. Fati Ma homed. — Wounded man. — Brahui gratitude. — Dhai Bfbu's oarden. — Hindu dwelling. — Zard. — Hindu's hospitality — His rivalry in generosity. — Kfoitti. — Gul Mahomed's pious offices.— Contorted hills, — Flowering plants. — Fine view. — Ab-Chotoh. — Yellow ochre. — Hills of Khad.— Disagreeable night.— Sir-i-ab.—IUaiyar IChan.— Reception. — Shadi Khan. — His wounded relative. Fray. Baloch ^ CONTENTS. vii . f • PAGE^ obligations. — Gardens.— Tombs. — Mastiing. — Chammari. — Fare- , well to Shadi Khan.— Mir-Ghar.— Mahomed Khan.— Tiri.— Sh6kh Langhow. — Gul Mahomed's relatives.— Shamg Zai.— Gul Ma homed's residence. — Kaif'4t. — Sultry weather. — Toman. — Society. — Preparatory measures. — Apprehensions. — Start for Chehel Tan. — Ascent. — Difficulties. — Surmount them. — Halting-place. — Baloch repast — Its excellence. — Bonfires. — Farther progress. — Ascent of peak. — Ziarat. — Discontent of party. — Extensive view. — Dasht-bi- dowlat. — Hill ranges.— Koh Dohji. — Peak in Kharan. — Brahui panic. — Return. — Memorials of visit. — Descent. — Fossil shells — Their varieties. — Separation of party. — Water.— Gul Mahomed's vigilance. — Quick perception.— Discharge of pieces — The object. — Defile. — Pallgz. — Animals and plants of Chehel Tan. — Variations of temperature. — Zones. — Enthusiasm of Brahuis. — Altitude of Chehel Tan. — Snow. — Peaks. — View. — Facilities for survey. — Ziarat of Chehel Tan. — Legend. — Hazrat Ghous. — His benediction. — Brahui credulity. — Juvenile commemoration. — Announced return to Kalat. ....... 56 CHAPTER V. Departure from Khanak. — Spin Bolendi. — K^nitti. — Brahdi cus tom. — Mangarchar. — Karez. — Toman. — Credulity. — Ancient dambs. — Chappar. — Ziarat. — Arrival at Kalat. — Din Mahomed Khan — His pursuits — His amusing anger — His request. — Shahzada ^ Hajl Firozdin — His boasting. — Reception at Kandahar — His fate. — Khan of Kalat's conversations — His judgment of me. — Of Feringhi power. — Abdul Rahman's story. — Fatality at Kalat. — Dhai Bibu. — Entertainment. — Visit to Dhai Bibu — Her wishes — Indulgence in opium. — Laudanum, — Arrival of Mehrab Khan. — Approach of win ter. — Prepare to leave Kalat. — Kalat. — Miri — Bazar— Suburbs — Neighbourhood — Royal sepulchres — Inhabitants. — Eastem Baloch- istan. — Parallel. — Nassir Khan — His prosperous rule. — Taimur Shah. — Mahmud Khan. — Zeman Shah. — Mehrab Khan. — Daoud Mahomed. — Disgust of tribes. — Confusion in the country. — Rebel lious tribes. — Observance of treaties. — Forbearance of the Kalat Khan. — Their delicate policy. — ^ Enmity of Kandahar Sirdars — Disliked by Mehrab Khan. — Their expedition to Balochistan. — Seize Quetta. — Besiege Mastung. — Negotiate a treaty. — Tenns. — Harand and Dajil. — Saiyad Mahomed Sh&if — Replaced by Khodadad. — Flies to Bahawalpiir. — Khodadad calls in the Sikhs. viii CONTENTS. , ¦ PAGE —They occupy Harand and Dajil.— Extent of Mehrab Khan's rule —His revenue. — Military force. — Khanazadas. — Levies.— Artillery. — Subjects. — Brahui tribes. — Produce of country. — Of Kachi. — Trade and merchants. — Base coinage. — Mehrab Khan — His charac ter. — Mir Azera Khan. — Shah Nawaz and Fati Khan — Their treat ment. — Mehr&b Khan's lenity. . . . . .86 CHAPTER VI. Departure from Kalat. — Takht Badshah. — MuUa Izzat. — Rodin joh. — Gandarghen. — Rudeness of camel-drivers. — Sohrab. — The khan's uncle. — Burial-places. — Anjira. — Bopoh. — Sources of the MuUoh river. — Singular stratification. — Goram Bawat. — Shakargaz, or sweet tamarisk. — Peshtar Khan.— Lichens. — Do Dandan. — Janghi Kushta. — Pir Lakka. — Ghuznavi Haji. — Kil. — No Lang. — River fords.— Ancient fort. — The MuUoh river. — Pir Chatta. — The Mtilloh pass. — Security. — Risk from swoUen torrents. — Inhabitants. — Produce. — Considered in military point of view. — Extent. — JeU. — Arrival of Kalikdad. — Kandahar kafila. — Duties. — Collectors. — Amount. — Frauds of the merchants. — Entertainment — Polite re quest. — Town of Jell. — Groves. — Tombs. — Soil and produce. — The Magghassis. — Divisions. — Feud with the Rinds. — Ahmed Khan — His character. — Dissipation — Jet cultivators. — Tunia. — Sannatar. — Hobaras — Kah Shutar. — Sulphurous spring. — Kichi. — Shadia. — Pat. — Apprehensions. — Rinds — Their excursions. — Composure regained. — Obelisks. — Machiilik. — D&a Ghaibi. — Wall Mahomed. — The Chandi tribe. — Services to the Talpuris. — Hajf Bijar. — Unreasonable expectations. — Parsimony of the Talpuris. — Poverty of the Chandis. — Wall Mahomed's victories — His aid implored by Ahmed Khan. — His hostility to the Rinds — Repri manded by the nawab vazir. — Canal. — Absence of Wall Mahomed. 110 CHAPTER VIL Amil. — Panic of Hindus. — Got Ghai. — Feridabad. — Wild melons. — Got Hussen. — Giimbaz Borah. — Site of Vrij. — Ziarat Mir Nassir Mahomed. — Tombs. — Evening solemnities. — Gaj rivulet. — Route to Khozdfir. — Kalikdad's sale . — Musical Guide . — Jui. — Bahawal Khan . — Jamali tribe. — Increase of water. — Penalties on Hindus. — Chinni. — Tombs and ziarats. — Low state of reljgion. — Shrine worship, — CONTENTS. IX .* PAGE Bubak.— Repute of Trenni. — Dog stolen. — Baloch Got. — ViUages near S^hwan. — Diwan Sangat's entertainment. — Old fort of Sfihwan. —Mound.— Reliques.— Their purport. — Conjectures.— Modembuild- ings. — Lall Shah Baz. — Illustrious pilgrims. — Establishments. — Re venues. — Rindistan. — Mini Khan. — Recognition. — Venal coUectors. ' — Inflexible saiyad. — Fees. — Garm-ab. — FossUs. — Hot springs. — Their character. — Sulphur mines. — Rude remains. — Tanda Mahi. — Got Hindu. — Reappearance of Saiyad. — Fresh claims. — Malgari. — Gohar Basta. — Pokar. — Cones. — Wad D&a. — Kalikdad's fraud. — Do Rah. — Tanah. — Biilfuts. — Namadis. — Kafila arrangements. — Bulfut honesty. — Their country. — Remarkable Gohar Basta. — Its construction. — Liimris. — Dagghar-di-Got. — Arrangements. — Cere mony. — Biilfut civility. — Hindu prayers. — P6rarii. — Bulfut indul gence.' — Baloch family. — Opium-pills. — Hab river. — Suspicious people. — Credulous Baloches. — Inquiries and predictions. — Huts. — Sunmiani. — Bulfiit choice and reward. .... 133 CHAPTER VIII. Residence at Sunmiani. — Departure. — Theft at Sh^kh-ka-raj. — Utal. — Osman-di-Got. — Bfla. — Murder of Mogal Merchant. — Con ference. — Slaughter of Minghal and Bizunju chiefs. — Permission to levy duties. — Lawless state. — Prohibition to kafilas. — Haji Gul Ma homed's disregard of prohibition. — Kafila. — Mirza Isak. — Saiyads. — Merchants. — Badragars. — Deception. — Incident. — Compromise. — Departure from Bela. — Robbers.' — Baran Lak. — Wali Mahomed. — His remonstrances — His high feeling — His good offices — His libe rality — His fate. — Isa Khan. — Bizunjii chief. — Fortune of kafila. — Kala Dara. — Plain of Wad. — Benefit of badragars. — Hill people. — Khozdar. — Attempt at imposture. — Sohrab. — Rodinjoh. — Kalat. — Reject invitation to stay. — Mangarchar. — Shehidan. — Baloches. — Trick played them. — Their anger. — Khwoja Amran hills. — Plants. — Wild tulips. — Shorawak. — Killa Mir Alam Khan. — Passes. — Tribes. — Villages. — Borders. — Arrival of Baloches. — Their mission. — Reply of the Afghans. — Canals. — Hissarghu. — Atchak Zai. — Harir. — Chajar. — Kar^z lUaiyar. — Atchak Zai travellers. — Appli cation for duty. — Robbery in mistake. — Simplicity of Mama's ser vants. — Takht Pui. — Saline marsh, — Argasan. — Khush-ab. — Tomb of PMiindar Khan. — Kandahar. — Recognition. — Consequences. — Expedition to Darawat. — Escape of Mir Alam Khan's son. — Fears of Sirdars. — Results of the expedition. — Arrange to leave Kandahar. X CONTENTS. PAGE — Climate. — Death of Fiir Dii Khan. — Abbas MIrza's envoy.— In solent letter. — Envoy's presumption. — His treatment. — Reports and rumours. — Unpopularity and dissensions of the sirdars. — Mehu Dii Khan's hypocrisy. ' . . . . . . 164 CHAPTER IX. Cordial reception. — Ghulam Mahomed's temerity. — Shir DU Khan's daughters. ' — Leave Kandahar. — Tarnak river. — Sheher Safar. — Tirandaz. — Jeldak. — Ghiljis in revolt. — Quarrelsome visi tors. — Hostile indications. — Explanation. — March of kafila. — Killa Ramazan Ohtak. — Visit from Fati Khan.— Ghowar. — Fati Khan — His exactions. — Halt. — Design of Killa Ramazan Khan. — Message from Shahabadin Khan. — Lodin. — Old fortress. — Ghilji fljari. — Shahabadin Khan — His appearance and costume — His abode at Khaka. — Duties. — Their rigid exaction. — Ghilji tribes. — Ohtaks. — Thokis.— Abubekr Khdl.-Terekis —Cultivation of the Thokis.— Aspect of country. — Character of tribes. — Their justification. — Turki origin. — Ferishta's notice. — Ghilji conquests. — Opposition to Nadir Shah. — Hiiss6n Khan. — Abdul Rehman. — Religious tradi tion. — Shahabadin Khan's fame — His recent moderation — His sons — Aversion to Diiranis — His pious remarks. — Khaka. — Military force. — Numbers. — Arms. — Shahabadin Khan's policy. — Murder of his son. — Absolution of the murderers. — Suliman Khfl.' — Dost Ma homed Khan's scruples. — Precautions. — Preparations to march. — Curious scene. — Fruitless expostulation. — Infant Robber. — Valley of Tarnak. — Osman Ganni. — False alarm. — Quanel. — Territory of Ghazni. — Shehidan. — Mokar. — Baffled robbers. — Sir Chishma. — Rivulet. — Obo. — Karabagh. — Hazaras. — Gtilistan Khan. — Nani. — Ghazni. — Town and bazar. — Citadel. — Traditions. — Rozah and shrine of Sultan Mahomed. — Columns. — ^Walls. — Gates. — Situation of town. — Artillery. — Fruits. — Revenue. — Wilford's conjectures. — Gardez and Patan. — Topes. — Sheher Kurghan.— Ghar Sama Nuka. — Lora. — Wardak. — Takia. — River of Loghar. — Sh^khabad. — Maidan.— River of Kabal. — Arghandi.— Killa Kazil.— Chehel Tan. — KiUa Topchi Bashi. — Friendly greetings. — Baber's tomb. Ap proach to Kabal. — Serai Zirdad. — Quarters in Balia Hissar . 194 CHAPTER X. Bvuopean visitors.— Dr. Wolf's prediction.— Jang Shia and Siini. —Dost Mahomed Khan's fears.— Prophecy and delusion. Delica cies of Kabal. — Rawash. — Chiikri. — Cherries. — Mulberries — CONTENTS. xi PAGE Grapes. — Peaches. — Melons.— Their cultivation.— Profusion of fruits.— Ice.— Snow. — Takht Shah. — Khana Sanghi.— Glens.— Antiquities.— Ziarats.— Sang Nawishta.— Topes.— Sanjitak.— Shah Mahmiid's revels and adventure. — Shahzada Ismael's fate.— Baber's tomb.— Masjit. — Grove.— Distribution.— Tank. — Trees and flowers.— Rana Z^ba.-Hawthorns.- Weekly fair.— Serai.— Refiections.- Takht Jan Nissar Khan.— Hospitality.— Accidental interruption.— Liberality of sentiment.— Anecdote of Fati Khan. — Religious laxity. — Restriction at Bokhara. — Equality of Ar menians.— Their intercourse with Mahomedans.— Liberal remark. — Indulgences. — Jews. — Charge of blasphemy. — Punishment.- Reflections. . ooq CHAPTER XI. Situation of Kabal. — Fortifications. — BaUa Hissar. — Defences. — Burj Hulaku. — Value of defences. — Citadels.— BaUa Hissar Balia. — Kula Feringhi. — Prohibition. — Marble thrones. — BaUa Hissar BaUa originally a cemetery. — Discoveries. — Wells. — Gates. — BaUa Hissar Pahin. — Regulations. — MaUas. — Police. — Gates. — Dafta Khana. — Tope Khana. — Palace. — Masjit Padshah. — Anecdote of Taimiir Shah. — City waUs. — Gates. — Chandol. — WaUs. — Popula tion. — Aspect of city. — Habib Ulah Khan's freak. — Construction of houses. — MaUas and kiichas. — Their object and inconveniences. — Public buUdings.— Serais.^ — Hamans. — ^Bridges. — Bazars. — Shops. Trades. — Markets. — Itinerant traders and cries. — Provisions. — Va riable prices. — Famines. — Mode of preventing pressure on supplies. — Enjoyments of winter season. — Sandalis. — Inconveniences. — Eco nomy.— Chimneys. — Flues. — Burial-places. — Inscription. — Ma homedan tombs. — Shia tombs. — Grave-stones. — - Englishman's grave. — Belief respecting it. — Removal of grave-stones. — Customs observed at burial-places. — Processions. — Takias. — Ziarats. — Rock impressions. — Gardens. — Namaz Gah. — Bagh Taimur Shah. — BSgh Shah Zeman. — Bagh Vazir. — Chabar Bagh. — Taimur Shah's tomb. — Bagh Khwoja. — Gardens of Deh Afghan. — River. — Jui Shir.— BaUa Jui.— Jui Pui Mastan. — WeUs. — QuaUty of water. — Abundance. — Meadows. — Bogs. — Causes of fever. — Site of Kabal. Agreeable vicinity. — Winds. — Whirlwinds. — Commercial impor tance. — Domestic trade. — Manufactures. — Wants of the commu nity. — Artisans and fabrics. — State of progression. . 248 Xll CONTENTS. CHAPTER XII. PAGE Introduction to Haji Khan. — His conversation. — His proposal. — Delay in the Khan's movements. — His letter from Bisut. — Sirkerder Kamber. — Bisut. — Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Defeat of Mir Abbas. — De cisive authority. — Reputation. — Nadir's policy. — Persian tribes in Kabal. — Their influence. — Religious differences and contests. — Pre cautions of the Shias. — Power in Bisiit. — Humbled by Mir Yezdan baksh. — Elevation of Dost Mahomed Khan. — Mistrust of Dost Ma homed Khan. — His fears of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Plots his destruc tion.— Invites him to Kabal. — Counsel of the Mir's wife. — Seizure of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Ransom offered. — Escape of Mir Yezdan baksh. — Rebuke to Dost Mahomed Khan. — Escape of the Mir's wife. — Pursuit. — Pei-plexity of pm-suers. — Mir Yezdanbaksh in creases his power. — Bisut tribute. — Carriage of Mir Yezdanbaksh. Karzar. — Defences. — Site. — Invasion of Sh^kh Ali tribe. — Haji Khan. — His jaghir. — Afghan territories in Tiirkistan. — Tajik and Tatar chiefs.' — Their policy. — Mahomed Ali Beg. — His forays. — Haji Khan's designs. — BafHed by Mahomed Ali Beg. — Haji Khan courts Mir Yezdanbaksh.— His artful conduct. — Mir Yezdanbaksh deceived. — Naib Rehimdad. — Gained over by Mahomed Ali Beg. — Plans of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Apprehensions of Mahomed Ali Beg. — His overtures to Haji Kh^n. — Mir Yezd&nbaksh's measures. — In vades Bamian. — His successes. — Fear of Dost Mahomed Khan. — Taghow expedition. — Haji Khan's dexterity. — His engagements and oaths. — Haji Khan visits Bisut. — His liberality. — Movements of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Haji Khan farms Bisut tribute. — His renewed oaths. — Earthquake. — Religious strife. — Haji Khan's hopes. — Ar rangements. — Jealousy between Dost Mahomed Khan and Haji Khan. — Value of Haji Khan's jaghir. — His troops. — His rude countrymen. — Dost Mahomed Khan's suspicions. — Haji Khan's in trigues. — Mission from Kunduz. — Supposed object. — Results. Ru mours. — Hajl Khan's departure for Bisut.— His progress. — His in terview with Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Auspicious commencement of expedition.— Haji Khan's ultimate views.— His brothers. — Despatch of troops against Seghan. . . , oqo CHAPTER XIII. Departure from Kabal.— Arghandi.— Kotal Khak Saf^d.— JeUe'z. —ViUages and casties. — Scufile at Hazara castie.— Tirkhana.— Honai.— Message from Shah Abbas Khan.— Joined by him.— Ha- COJSTENTS. xiii zara party. — Chokidars. — Kirglni. — Our reception. — Violence of Afghan horsemen.— Hospitality of Hazaras. — Koh Baba. — River Helmand. — Appearance of Koh Baba. — Ghowch Khol. — Ab Dila- war. — Kotal Sang Surakh. — Bad Assiah. — Ziarat. — Altercation with Hazaras. — Conduct of Shah Abbas Khan. — Disputes amongst Hazaras. — Results. — Distress of Hazaras. — Their hospitable offices rejected. — Stratagem. — Hazara repast and Afghan delicacy. — De parture. — Eye medicine. — Doubtful roads. — Joined by Shah Abbas Khan. — Vakil Shaffi's castle. — Immense grave. — Fear of women. — Arrival in camp. — Meeting with Haji Khan. — Quarters. — Compa nions.— 'Evening repast. — Fare. — Haji Khan's conversation. — His humble pretensions. — His vaunts of liberality. — His avowal of his intentions. — His counsels to Dost Mahomed Khan. — Approbation of his auditors. — Diwal Khol. — Mir Ali Khan. — Composition of Haji Khan's force. — Hazara force. — Dependents on Haji Khan. — Camp arrangements. — Notice to march. — Order of march. — Taking up gi'ound. — Foragers. — Evening invocation. — Prayers. — Majlis. — Guests. — Entertainment. — Termination of the majlis. . 324 CHAPTER XIV. March to Shaitana. — Halt and negotiations. — Hazara custom. — Evening majlis. — Fatiha. — Hindustan Haji. — His loquacity. — Dar- mirdighan. — Sang Nishandeh. — The Khan's guns. — Treatment of Hazaras. — Their consolation. — Vakil Shaffi. — The Khan's delight. — Hazara Saiyad. — His leaming. — Azdha. — A natural curiosity.— Hazara belief. — Composition of rock. — Tepid springs. — Volcanic products. — Azdha of Bamian. — Ziarat. — Rock impressions. — Sources of Loghar river. — Subterranean passage. — Revelations by the Khan. — Missions from Mahomed Ali Beg and from Shibrghan. — Transactions at Seghan. — Mir Wais's introduction. — Guests. — The Khan's declamation. — Mir Wais's replies. — The Khan's elevated style. — Humility of Mir Wais. — The Khan's interrogation. — Reply of Mir Wais. — Thc Khan boasts his liberality. — Mir Wais implores his protection. — Fatiha. — Mission from Khairpur. — Miilla Jehan Mahomed. — The Khan's vaunts. — Sindian presents. — Death of Khan's brother. — Fall of snow. — Hazara prognostications. — Ziarat Tatar Wali. — Ghiru Maini. — Depredations of the troops. — Indispo sition of the Khan. — Tribute from Jirgai and Biirjehgai. — Klielats. XIV CONTENTS. PAGE Expedients. — Site of Ghiru Maini. — Retrograde march. — Quagmire. — Wiijai. — Bad Assiah! — Ghowch Khol. — Cold and ice. — Fore thought of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Results of campaign. — Increase of revenue. — Confidence inspired. — Advantages of expedition. — Bene fits to the chief. — Peshkash presents.. — Gain to the Kh&n. — Service rendered. — Pleasing anticipations. — View of the Khan's projects. — Mir Yezdanbaksh. — ^His customs and dress.-^Singular appearance. ^March towards Bamian. — Kotal Siah R6gh. — Splendid views. — Mir Yezdanbaksh visits Karzar. — Kalu. — Inclement season. — Mir Zaffar. — Kotal Haft Pailan. — Magnificent prospect. — Topchi. — Ahinghar. — Caves. — Ghulghiileh. — Entry of Khan into Bamian. — Premature winter. — Arrivals from S6ghan. — Mahomed Hassan. — MiJUa Shahabadin's treaty. — Dismissal of S^ghanchis. . 352 CHAPTER XV. Colonel Tod's observations on Bamian. — Opportunities of exami nation. — Inscription. — Memoir. — Idols and caves. — Testimony of Abul Fazil. — Conjecture on idols. — ^Biiddhist temples and idols in Salsette. — Analogy with Bamian idols. — Paintings. — Parthian coins. — Conclusion and influences. — Antiquity of Kaian dynasty. — Curious coincidence. — Towers. — The Castle of Zohak. — Construc tion. — Probable nature. — Remains of Ghulghiileh. — The citadel. — Buildings. — Discoveries. — Defences. — Site of city. — Solemnity of scene. — Emotions. — Effect of winds. — Alexandria ad Caucasum. 382 CHAPTER XVI. March from Bamian. — Surkhdar. — Azdha. — Ak-Robat. — Kotal Ak-Robat. — Noh Regh. — Mahomed Ali Beg's sons. — Their dis missal. — Arrival of Mahomed Ali Beg. — KiUa Sir Sang. FaU of snow. — SuppUes. — Mahomed All Beg. — The khan's conference. Pertinacity of Hazara chiefs. — Despatch of Sadadin. Exchange of presents. — Mission from Tatar chiefs. — Their language. Anger of khan. — Rahmatiilah Beg's agent.— The khan's professions.— Rahmatulah Beg. — His festive habits. — Killich All Beg's o-ene- rosity. — Marriage of the khan. — His iU-humour. — Reason for it. Arrival of the khan's brothers. -r Guns. — Suspicions of Hazaras. Flight of Mir Baz Ali. — Detachment against Kahmerd.— March to CONTENTS. XV PAGE base of Kotal Nai -patch.— KiUa Kafr. — Salute of artiUery. — KiUa Khowja. — Noon repast. — Guests. — The khan's discom-se on Fe- ringhis. — History of Amir Khan. — Mahomed Azem Khan's prayer. — ^Revenue of Kabal, &c. — Mir Yezdanbaksh's opinion of cholera. — Case of an old physician. — Reconnoissance. — Tatar movements. — Return to camp. — Lev^e. — Mir Yezdanbaksh seized. — Pliinder of Hazara camp. — Hazara flight and pursuit. — Lamentable condition of the prisoners. — The khan's precautions. — Seizure at Ak-Robat. — The khan's remark. — Justifies himself to the Ghulam Khana. — Im putes treachery to Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Retrograde march to KUla Sir Sang. — Hazara prisoners. — Reverse of fortune. — Indignation of the camp. — Mahomed Jaffar Khan's remark. — The khan's solici tude. — Resolution of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Enormity of seizure. — Sorrow of Sadadin. — -Mir Yezdanbaksh's intentions. — Refined cruelty. — The khan's objects. — Danger of short supplies. — News from Kahmerd. — Introduction of Ajer chief. — The khan's visit to Mir Yezdanbaksh, and his proposals. — Hazaras intercepted by Ma homed All Beg. — The mir placed in irons. — Meteors. — March to wards Bamian. — Search for plunder. — Hazara captives. — Ak-Robat. — Surkhdar. — Arrival at Bamian. .... 394 CHAPTER XVII. Imposition of fines. — Saiyadabad. — AUadad Khan. — Evacuation of Saiyadabad. — Its solidity and dimensions. — Tradition. — Anti quity. — Repaired by Mirza Mahomed Ali. — Siege by KiUich AH Beg. — Death of Mirza Mahomed Ali. — Independence of AUadad Khan. — The khan's piety. — Provender. — Quarters. — Letters of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Release of Mahomed Giil. — His vows. — Plunder of party from Kabal. — Distress in camp. — Uneasiness of Ghulam Khana troops. — Despair of inhabitants of Bamian. — Orders for the execution of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — The mir informed of them. — His prayers. — His execution. — His fiiinness admired. — Message from Mahomed Morad Beg. — Departure of Ghulam Khana troops. — Their difficulties at Karzar. — Terms of passage. — Loss of lives and acci dents. — Arrivals from Kahmerd. — Mahomed Ali Beg's suggestion. — Advice of Lohani merchants. — The khan extorts money from them. — The khan's brothers obtain permission to depart. — Mine also received. — Departure from Bamian. — Uncertainty as to route. — Reach Ahinghar. — Kotal Shiiter Girdan. — Mori. — Diflficult road. — XVI CONTENTS. PAGE Kaiu. — Mihman Khana. — My repulse. — Passage of rivulet. — Good quarters. — Khan's letter. — Bridle purloined. — Topchi. — Shaghassi Om^d. — Quarters. — Pleasant evening. — Bridle restored. — Compa nions. — March to Bitchflik. — Kotal of Irak. — Violent winds. — Castles of Irak. — Consternation of people. — Our reception. — Con duct of my companions. — The khan's agent and his instructions. — Robbery of a Hindu. — Intentions of my companions. — Their thefts. — Dexterity. — Detection. — Biibiiiak. — Desertion of guide. — Bitchi- lik. — Castle of Saiyad Shah Abbas. — Sh^kh Alis refuse a passage. — Proceed to Shibr. — Reception. — Farther thefts prevented. — Coun cil. — Independence of Hazaras. — Return to Biibiiiak. — ^Regain Ba mian. ... .... 423 CHAPTER XVIII. Proposal of the Hazaras. — Surrender of Karzar. — Proceedings of the khan's brothers.— Introduction of Saiyad Shah Abbas. — Fine imposed. — Destruction ofhis castle. — Fresh departure from Bamian. — Acoident on the road. — Indifference of horsemen. — The khan's conference with Jehandad Khan. — Arrival at Kaiii. — Khan Ma homed Khan. — His quarters. — Distressed Hazaras. — Hajikak. — Castle of Karzar. — Unpleasant situation. — Castles. — Admittance refused. — Vain assault. — Final arrangement. — Good quarters. — River' Helmand. — Yiirt. — Honai. — Castles of Ismael Khan. — Vio lence and altercation. — Robbery. — Admission to castle. — Apology and repast. — Terrific wind. — Its effects. — ^Enter village. — Reception. — Halt. — Progiess to Kabal. — Arrival. . . . 453 JOURNEYS IN BALOCHISTAN, AFGHANISTAN, AND THE PANJAB. CHAPTER I. Sea trips. — Major David Wilson. — Preparation of papers. — Use made of them. — Remarks. — Tabrez. — Sir John Campbell. — ¦ Society of Tdbrez. — Bagddd. — Kdrak. — Maskat. — Parting vp^ith Captain Willock. — Approach to Karachi. — Lock-javr. — Skill of Naq^udah. — Ddnghis. — Untoward reception at Kardchi. — Cause thereof. — Recognition. — Refused permission to land. — Guards. — How disposed of. — Disarrangement of plans. — Orders of the Amirs. — Their political jealousy. — Their silly notions. — De parture from Karachi. — Arrival at Ormara. — Present from the governor. — Introduction to him. — His invitation. — Quarters. — The Naqudah's precautions. — Disease of the govemor. — Decline of my repute as a physician. — Baloch Khan's suggestion. — Em ployment. — Ormdra friends. — Excursions. — Discretion neces sary. — Feu-de-joie and accident. — Baloch Khan's proposal. — Ancient site. — Opposition to my departure. — Mistrust of Baloch Khan's intention. — His son's reserve. — Leave Ormdra. — Boldness of Naqudah. — Reach Siinmidni. — Practice of medicine. — Singular case. — Acquaintance. — The young Jam. — His court and officers. — The lady dhai. — Her wish and delicacy. — Ar rangement. — Introduction. — Portrait taken. — Bad state of health. — Project. — Kalat merchants. From Kardchi I crossed the sea in a dunghi to Maskat, and thence, in an Arab bagala, sailed VOL. II. B 2 PAPERS. for Kishm, in the Persian Gulf, when, crossing the island, I reached Bassador, then an English station, where I was cordially welcomed by the few of my countrymen residing there. A cruiser of the Honourable Company some time after touching, the politeness of her officers gave me the opportunity of proceeding to Bushir, where I continued for three or four months, under the hospitable roof of the late lamented Major David Wilson, at that time the resident; and a gentle man of a mind so superior, that to have possessed his friendship and esteem is a circumstance of which I shall never cease to be proud. I there drew up, from materials in my possession, and from recollection, a series of papers relating to my journeys, and the countries through which I had passed, which were forwarded to the Govemment of Bombay, or to Sir John Malcolm, then the governor. I was not aware that such use would be made of them, nor am I quite sure I should have wished it ; and I doubt whether it has not proved more hurtful than beneficial to me. I may justly lament that these documents should have been artfully brought forward in support of un sound views and ambitious projects. I may also he dissatisfied, in a less degree, that the informa tion they contained has served the purposes of men wanting the generosity to acknowledge it. From Bushir, a two months' journey led me to Tabrez, the capital of the late Abbas Mirza, but MEET MAJOR DAVID WILSON. 3 then desolated by the plague. Before setting out the sad intelligence of the decease of the envoy. Sir John Macdonald, had reached Bii shir, and I found Major, now Sir John Campbell, in charge of the mission. My obligations to this gentleman are more than mere words can express, and far greater than might be seemly to relate in these pages — yet, I may be permitted to record, that if my subsequent labours have proved advantage ous to science, it was owing to his generosity that I was placed in the position to prosecute them. With Sir John Campbell were Mr. now Sir John M'Neil, and Captain Macdonald, nephew of the much regretted envoy. Nearly, or quite two months I enjoyed the society of the friendly circle, at Tabrez, at the hazard of acquiring a distaste for the rough pleasures of a rude and rambling life. I then accompanied Captain Mac donald to Bagdad, where for some days we pro fited by intercourse with Colonel Taylor, the resi dent, and passed down the Tigris to Bassorah, having been joined by the late Captain Frank Gore Willock. From Bassorah we gained Karak, which has since become remarkable from its oc cupation by a force from Bombay, and thence crossed over to Bushir, where I had again the satisfaction to meet Major David Wilson, who was preparing to proceed Overland to England. Captain Macdonald arranged to return with him, and Captain Willock and myself took our pas- B 2 4 LOCK-JAW. sages, in a merchant vessel of Bombay, for Mas kat, and a pleasant course of eleven days brought us to anchor in its haven. We took up our abode at the house of Reuben ben Asian, agent of the Bombay govemment ; and a few days were agree ably passed in visits to the Imam, and in inter course with the inhabitants. Captain Willock hired a vessel to convey him to Mandavi, and I took my passage in an Arab bagala, destined to Karachi. I sailed the day preceding that fixed for the departure of Cap tain Willock, in April 1831, and that excellent and kind-hearted gentleman accompanied me to my vessel, and remained with me until it was put under weigh. We parted, never to meet again. The shumal, or north-westerly winds, raged with considerable violence, — a circumstance in our fa vour, — and the seventh day after leaving Maskat we came in sight of the castle of Manaroh, on the height commanding the entrance of the har bour of Karachi. It being night when we neared it, we anchored off the land. During this trip I suffered from lock-jaw, and my teeth were so nearly closed that I could with difficulty introduce between them small portions of haluah, a sweetmeat of Maskdt, so called, of which I luckily had a few baskets, part of a pre sent from the Im4m to Captain Willock; and which for four or five days was my only suste nance. As the trismus arose from cold, its .symp- THE DUNGHI. 5 toms gradually decreased, without the aid of me dicine, and on approaching Karachi the rigidity of my jaws had somewhat diminished, although it was a long time before I could extend them to their full and natural extent; and I have since found that I am liable to a recurrence of this malady. The passage otherwise had been a brisk and pleasant one. The Arab naqudah, or commander of the dunghi, was an intelligent and civil young man. Willing to impress me with high opinions of his nautical proficiency, he daily took up the skeleton of a quadrant, without glasses, and affected to gaze intently upon the sun; after which, with a pair of compasses, he would measure distances upon his map. On one occasion some of the crew at tempting to adjust the rudder, which was in a very crazy condition, wholly unshipped it. Avail ing themselves of their dexterity as swimmers, after much trouble, they succeeded in replacing it. The dunghi, it may be observed, is the common trad ing vessel of the ports of Arabia, the Persian Gulf, Mekran, Sind, and Malabar. The proper Arabic appellation is, however, bagala, or the coaster, from bagal, the side, or shore. It is of low tonnage, and is impelled by a cumbersome latin sail ; in changing the position of which it is also necessary to shift part of the cargo from one side to the other, to cause a counter-balance, or the vessel runs the chance of being capsized. From 6 UNNECESSARY ALARM. six to twelve hands, make up the crew of a dun ghi, which is probably the form of vessels employed in thege seas from remote antiquity. On the morrow we weighed anchor, and stood in for the harbour. On gaining its entrance, the height of Manaroh being immediately to our left, we were assailed by the shouts of the garrison located in the castle on its summit. The naqudah, not understanding the meaning of these shouts, and continuing his course, the soldiers, or armed men, descended the rocks, and fired a few musket- shots over us in terrorem. Being sufficiently near to be perfectly audible, they peremptorily com manded that we should anchor, and lower down our boat. The naqudah did so, and sent his boat to the shore. It returned with a party of soldiers. It appeared that I was the cause of these move ments ; but how these people should know I was on board could only be accounted for by supposing that some vessel must have sailed from Maskat, during the few days of my stay there, and have brought intelligence that a Feringhi, or European, was at that port, intending to embark for Karachi. The grand cause of alarm I afterwards dis covered, when informed that two European gen tlemen were at one of the mouths of the Indus, anxious to proceed to Lahore by the river route, but that the amirs of Sind had hitherto not de cided to allow them to pass. These gentlemen, I GUARD PLACED OVER ME. 7 subsequently learned, were Captain Burnes and his party. The principal of the soldiers who came recog nized me. He embraced my feet, and told me that he would go to Hassan Khan, the governor of the town, and acquaint him that an ancient guest had arrived. He added, there was little doubt but that I should be permitted to land. He went, and without delay returned, bringing a message from the governor that the orders of the amirs were positive, not to allow any European to land at Karachi, or even to enter the harbour, but that I should be duly supplied with wood, water, and other necessaries. I explained, that the amirs' orders had reference to ships of war, not to in dividuals ; but this view of them was not admitted. I then requested, that notice of my arrival, with a letter from myself, might be sent to Amir Nassir Khan at Haidarabad. This was objected to. Finally, the soldiers departed, three of them re maining on board as a guard over me, so far that I was not to be suffered to quit the vessel. The naqudah repaired to the town, and on his return at mid-day, with the sanction of the governor, ran his dunghi into the harbour, and so close to the shore on the right hand that at low water it was left on the sand. Two of the three soldiers with me were so little inclined to be civil, and were so much impressed 8 ORDERS OF THE AMIRS. with a sense of their own consequence, that I ordered the crew to give them nothing to eat; therefore, after enduring hunger for two days, they were constrained to hail a fishing-boat, into which they stepped, and regained the garrison at Manaroh, one soldier only remaining. As he was tolerably respectful his wants were duly provided for. In the course of two or three days, however, observing my medicine-chest, he would not be satisfied unless I gave him medicine, without having need of it. Judging the opportunity a good one to rid myself of him, I administered a smart dose of jalap, which producing very sensible effects, he was also glad to hail a fishing-boat and to rejoin his companions. We remained two or three days more in the harbour, but I was no longer honoured with a guard. This adventure at Karachi, unexpected on my part, somewhat disconcerted me. I saw no alter native but to return to Maskat ; and thence, if pos sible, to reach Bandar Abbas, and from that point via Kerm§,n and Yezd, to gain Sistan, Kandahar, and the Afghan countries. The shumal winds were, moreover, exactly contrary, and we had to calculate upon a tedious and even dangerous return voyage to Maskat. I learned at Sunmiani, some months afterwards, that the governor of Karachi had despatched tidings of my arrival there to his masters at Haidarabad, who had sent him orders (received after my departure) to expedite me with CREDULITY OF AMIRS. 9 all honour to Haidarabad, and to allow me to incur no expense on the road. They also severely re buked him for not permitting, in the first instance, a defenceless and unassuming stranger to land, who had, by his own account, neither servants, arms, nor boxes. In justice to the amirs of Sind, it must be averred, that however politically jealous of the Eu ropean, they are not so deficient in common sense or humanity as to offer any interruption to the un protected stranger, whom chance or necessity may conduct to their territories. Of this I had before experience. I passed freely through their country, and resided in perfect liberty and security at their capital. Their political jealousy of the European is owing to their fears of his power ; and these fears are artfully kept alive by a few interested persons about them. It must be conceded, that the igno rance and credulity of the amirs render them easy dupes. It would surprise many to know that these rulers of a kingdom believe that a regiment of soldiers may be lodged in an ordinary box : whence there is no article in the possession of an European that they view with so much distrust. Such idle notions, it is obvious, would "be dispelled by in creased intercourse and better acquaintance. Our naqudah did not wait for a cargo, and we weighed anchor and put to sea, with the wind fairly in our teeth. We made, however, little way, pass ing, while it was yet daylight, the small rocky islet noted as Chilney's Isle on our maps, which the 10 INTRODUCTION TO THB GOVERNOR. Sindians call Charna, and at sun-set, on looking be hind us, we could faintly descry the white walls of the castle Manaroh. Towards night we made for the land and came to anchor. The shumal incessantly raged ; so that after many days passage, working on a little by day, and edging in to the shore and anchoring by night, we arrived off the port of Ormara, into which we sailed to procure water. The naqudah went on shore, and, it would seem, told the tale of my repulse at Karachi ; for pre sently a boat put off, bringing one Chuli, on part of the governor, Fati Khan, who had sent me as present a basket of eggs, also an invitation to land. The country, it was told me, was independent of Sind, and that I should be expedited in safety to Kalat, or to any other place I might prefer. I accompanied Chvili, and was introduced to the governor, whom I found sitting under an old wall, with a circle of the inhabitants around him. Among these was the naqudah. The governor appeared about forty years of age, spare, and dark-featured, with anything but a prepossessing countenance, in no wise improved by his long lank black hair. He renewed the offers of service conveyed to me by Chuli, and desired me to consider the country as my own, and himself as my slave, — an ordinary but hyperbolical mode of expressing welcome, and of imparting confidence. I determined at once to remain at Ormara, hoi)ing thence to be able to FATI khan's AFFLICTIONS. 11 reach Kalat ; and although I foresaw the probability of an adventure, confided in my good fortune to get over it. Seeing the miserable state of the huts composing the town, I inquired conceming my lodgings ; and an old tower of a dilapidated fort was pointed out to me ; the other tower (there being but two) was occupied by Fati Khan himself, while within the area of the enclosure was a hut, the residence of Baloch Khan, who, I afterwards found to be joint governor with Fati Khan. My apartment was very crazy, and was reached by a ladder, yet, such as it was, it appeared to be the most eligible that presented ; besides, it had the advantage of forming part of the government house, therefore I accepted it. My effects were sent for from the dunghi ; and the young Arab naqudah took his leave, recom mending me strongly to Fati Khan's care, telling him that I was a particular friend of the Imam of Maskat, and that he would come the next mosam (season) to inquire how I had been treated. I found myself alone at Ormara, among new ac quaintance. I soon discovered that Fati KhAn's principal object in making me his guest was, to be relieved from a complaint, which afflicted him occasionally, viz. an infiation of the abdomen, which happened whenever he indulged in dates, haluah, or other improper food. I desired him to abstain from such food, but this he said was impossible. I therefore 12 BALOCH KHAN'S SUGGESTION. administered drugs to him ; but these he found un palatable, and discontinued. My presence, therefore, did not much benefit him, he persisting in the in dulgence of his Apician appetites, and retaining their consequence in his pot-belly. Being considered a tabib (physician), I had nu merous patients, some of whom I contrived to cure. At length my reputation began to decline, having recommended to a person, who applied for a j61ab (purge), (my drastics being exhausted,) to drink a tumbler of sea-water. At night, when seated in my tower, and Baloch Khan, with a party, were sitting in the area below, I found the circumstance was a topic of conversation with them. " Ap deriah bor," (drink sea-water,) said one. " Ap deriah bor," said another, and all burst into laughter, in which I could not refrain from joining, although at the chance of being overheard by them, Baloch Khan suggested, and all agreed with him, that I was no tabib, but that my object was to examine the country. I remained above a month at Ormara, occupying myself as well as I could, to beguile the weai-y days. Baloch Khan had two sons, the younger of whom, a youth of about seventeen years of age, was my companion in the tower, and in mystrolls. He was ofgood disposition, and could read and write Persian ; while, by his assistance, I framed a small vocabulary of the Baloch dialect. With the inhabitants of the small community I was on the best terms, and GOVERNORS OF ORMARA. 13 they omitted no occasion to show me civility and attention. I had, moreover, made friends with two or three Baloch families, who resided in tents near the wells without the town. They kept goats ; and whenever I visited them, I could depend upon being treated with a bowl of milk or buttermilk. Occasional visitors would come from the jangal, and I made inquiries of them as to their localities, their tribes, and their neighbours. Twice I made the ascent of the high hill Mount Araba, which terminates the peninsula on which Ormara is situ ated ; but at other times was compelled to confine my excursions to the sandy beaches on either side of the peninsula. When the shumal raged, and it generally did with extraordinary violence, I had no resource but to keep my tower and amuse myself as well as I could with my papers and the conversatioii of my friends. I carefully refrained, while at Ormara, from exhibiting money, asserting, that I depended upon medicinal practice for the supply of my ne cessities, although I took care to make more than an equivalent return for any kindness shown to me, and to suffer no service to pass unrequited. I was enabled to acquit myself on these points, having in my possession a few knives, and a variety of trifles, which also were prized beyond money. The two governors were ofthe Mirwari tribe of Baloches, the most respectable of that community, and which in one of its branches, the Kambarari, gives a khan 14 ANCIENT SITE. to Kalat. They were both natives of Kolwa, in the province of Jhow, to the west of Bela; and although Fati Khan stood in relation of son-in-law to Baloch Khan, there was ill-vidll between them, perhaps owing to the jealousy and rivalry of power. The family of Baloch Khan resided with him at Ormara, and consisted of his wife, a respectable woman, two sons, and a daughter ; the last, a per sonable young maid, named Gabi, was affianced to a young man at Passanni, a neighbouring small port to the west. The family of Fati Khan resided at his native place of Kolwa. It chanced one day, that intelligence arrived of a son being born to him, on which two or three old ship guns, lying in front of the gateway of the fort, were loaded. On the first discharge down tumbled the greater part of the gateway, and my old tower so tottered over my head that I leaped into the area without making use of the ladder. Seeing the disaster of the gateway, the other guns were dragged to a con siderable distance, and then discharged. I was thinking in what manner I should depart from Ormara, when Baloch Khan informed me that he was about to proceed to Jhow, and if I chose to accompany him, he would expedite me thence to Bela in Las. I had a wish to visit Jhow, having heard from my young friend, his son, that the mins of an ancient city existed there, among which coins, &c. were found, also the remains of an extraor dinary fortress. It occurred to me, as just possible, MISTRUST OF BALOCH KHAN'S INTENTIONS. 15 that they might indicate the site of the city founded by Alexander among the Oritse, and which he peopled with Arachosians. I expressed to Baloch Khan the satisfaction I should have to accompany him to Jhow, and requested him to hire a camel for me. When my intended departure became known, many inhabitants of the town conjured me not to trust myself in the power of Baloch Khan. Chuli also represented to me that I was about to take a fatal step ; that he was convinced the intentions of Baloch Khan were evil, particularly as the camel he pretended to have hired for me was actually his own, and its conductor his slave. Finally, Fati Khan sent for me, and urged, that as I was especially his guest he felt himself respon sible for my safety, and that he did not like the thought of my proceeding with Baloch Khan. He added, that if I would wait another month or two, he should be going to Jhow himself. I yielded to such representations, and the old sinner, Baloch Khan, — for his hairs were silvered by age, — depart ed on his journey. When it was known that I re mained, congratulations were made me by all, and it seemed universally agreed that I had escaped destruction. The sons of Baloch Khan, I had ob served, were not so pleased at the idea of my ac-r companying their party, as, from the friendly feelings subsisting between us, I might have expected ; and when I was apprised there was danger I construed 16 BOLDNESS OF NAQUDAH. the reserve of the young men into a dislike that any evil should befall me, while their duty, and regard for their father, prevented them from inform ing me that I had reasons to distrust. Some days after, a Sunmiani dunghi arrived from Maskat, and I resolved to sail in her to her desti nation. I accordingly took leave of Fati Khan and my Ormara friends ; the former requested me to oblige him with a lancet, which I gave him with pleasure. We weighed anchor about nine in the forenoon, the shumal blowing strongly, but in our favour, and we had a brisk passage along the coast. By ten or eleven o'clock the next day we had neared the harbour of Sunmiani, the entrance being im peded by sand-banks, over which is a constant surge. Our naqudah had a little erred in his course, and brought his dunghi directly upon the sand banks ; he saw his danger, but crying " Takowal Khoda," (By the favour of God,) manfully dashed the vessel amid the surge. A momentary struggle followed, and the next moment we found ourselves floating in the calm waters of the harbour, the naqudah elate, and congratulating himself on his successful experiment, for he said there was not a gaz (yard) of water on the bank. The passage had been as pleasant as quick, and was to me a gratuit ous one, for being reputed a tabib, I was held a privileged person, and was not so much as asked for a passage fee. I took up my abode at Sun- SINGULAR CASE. 17 miani, at the house of Jam^l, a companion in the dunghi, and as the tidings of the arrival of a Feringhi tabib soon spread, I began rather vigor ously to enter upon the practice of physic. I made some unexpected and extraordinary cures, for if I felt myself safe, and knew the disorder I had to treat, I did not neglect the opportunity to do good, and my fame so much increased that I was visited by patients from the distant hills. I had a singular case from the hills, of a personable female, the wife of a wealthy Lumri, part bf whose face had become white. The husband proffered two camels, if I could by my skill induce the return of the original tint. I remarked, that the lady would look better if she became white altogether. They both smiled, but were not to be persuaded that black was not a preferable hue. This case of course exceeded my ability. I removed from the house of Jamal to a hired apartment in the bazar. The door was latticed, so that I lived rather in a cage than a house. I had made numerous acquaint ance, and many of the Hindus were very obliging, ' particularly two, Tah Mal and Kimji. I resided in perfect security and freedom. During my stay the reigning Jam, or chief of Las, the province of which Sunmiani is the port, arrived, in charge of his mother, from the capital, Bela. I visited him, and found an intelligent child of six or seven years of age. As instructed, he VOL. II. c 18 THE LADY DHAI. saluted me with a " Khush Amadid," or " You are come welcome," and I sent him a few pictures, which much pleased him. This accession of the court contributed to extend the circle of my acquaintance, and I found among the officers of the government many simple and rude, but yet good and worthy men. Arab Vakil, one of the principal men of the little state, was of this description, and Jam Dinar, a relative of the Jam, joined to his other good qualities considerable suavity of manners. Having one day taken the likeness of a young Hindu, the son of my friend Tah Mal, by the assis tance of a camera lucida, the fact was reported to a lady, the dhai, or nurse of the young Jam ; and she could not rest until she had her likeness taken. How this was to be effected was a difficulty. It is not the custom for a lady of the standing of this fair dhai to admit a male stranger to her presence, and she, moreover, was held in singular repute for propriety and delicacy of conduct, upon which she much prided herself. It was farther, as I disco vered, necessary, that I was to be fully impressed with the conviction of her purity of mind and ele vated feelings, and in no wise to suspect that so common a failing as vanity made her desirous of seeing her fine features on paper. I readily pro mised everything ; and the ingenuity of a Jukia Mirza, a platonic admirer, as he represented him- INTRODUCTION TO THE LADY. 19 self, of the lady's beauty and accomplishments, and who officiated as the entremise in this affair, brought about the desired end. She was to believe that she had weak eyes, and that they could be cured only by my placing the camera lucida at a certain distance from them, and I was to believe, that on consideration only of my being a tabib the lady had been induced to infringe etiquette and admit a male to her presence. I was farther to believe, that she was not aware that her picture was to be taken, but that, as the Jukia had explained to her, by means of the camera lucida her sight was to be benefited. When all was arranged, and a convenient opportunity pre sented, the Jukia introduced me to this lady ; and I found a female of very respectable appearance, if not so handsome as his flattering reports had led me to expect. She was very courteous and digni fied, but, like myself, preserved her countenance with some trouble. She spoke fluently in Persian, and was, for such a country, a superior woman. I contrived to get over the business tolerably well, and produced a picture, which I perfected at my lodging, and which, I was told by the Jukia, an swered the purpose of pleasing her. I had to cor rect a certain prominence in the nasal feature, which, however, was not owing to an error of myself or my lucida, for it existed in nature. The season of the year was not the most favour able, yet did I not find the heat inconvenient at 20 PROJECT ENTERTAINED. Sunmiani ; I was, nevertheless, somewhat suffering in health, and gradually weakened in strength, al though without positive or definite ailment. I was, therefore, thinking of quitting Sunmiani, and was about engaging an armed party of Lumris, for the consideration of one hundred rupees, to escort me to Shikarp6r. These men, while willing to have undertaken the task, frankly confessed that they were at enmity with some of the tribes through whose limits they must pass ; and that there was the possibility of collision. They assured me, in such an event, I should be the last to suffer, which I could believe, and was on the point of ratifying a bargain with them, and committing myself to chance, when some Patan merchants of Kalat arrived at Sunmiani, from Karachi. This was a fortunate occurrence, as it gave me an oppor tunity of visiting Kalat, and I indulged the hope of renewing my health and strength in its fine climate, when I could proceed to Kandahar, K^bal, or elsewhere, as occasion or inclination might prompt. 21 CHAPTER II. Facility of forming acquaintance. — Merchant's surprise. — My me tamorphosis. — Exchange of salutations. — Conversation. — Reso lution. — Assurance of protection. — Kilikdad. — Hindd civility. — Composition of party. — Leave Sunmiani. — Lidri. — Country. — Patti. — Usman di Got. — Neighbourhood of Bela. — Appear ance of Bela. — Jam's residence. — Tombs. — Advance of party. — Good- will of Kalikdad. — His anxiety. — Departure from Bela. — Mishap on road. — Retum of Kalikdad. — Arrival at Walipat. — Kalikdad rejoins. — Walipat Purali. — Remarkable burial-place. — Hills. — Scenery. — Koham Wat. — Ping Halt in the hills. — Trees. — Samshir Khan. — Baloches. — Kalikdad's greetings. — Meeting with our party. — Troublesome night march. — Omatch river. — Turkabiir. — Hills, &c. — Water. — Visitors. — Storm — Bardn Lak. — Burial-places. — Wad — Kairat. — Population of Wad. — Sirdars. — Plain of Wad. — Nail. — Its reputed antiquity. The mode in which my acquaintance commenced with the Patan merchants may illustrate the ease, as well as security, which, in most instances, ob tains, of making acquaintances, if not friends, amongst the trafficking classes of Afghans. I was sitting alone in my hired apartment in the bazar of Sunmiani, when one of the merchants, a stout well-dressed person, came in front of my abode, evidently with the intent to address me, but after a short gaze, he turned about and went 22 CONVERSATION. his way. The fact was, I was sitting cross-legged on my chaharpahi, or cot, and, according to the fashion here, without a shirt; and not being in the best humour with myself and the world, my appearance was not very prepossessing. I guessed the cause of the merchant's abrupt departure ; and to be prepared, in case of another visit, clad myself in clean white linen, and, preparing coffee, seated myself a little more gracefully. The beverage I drank from a sparkling tumbler, in default of china, and before me I had two or three books. In a short time the Patau reappeared, probably without any notion of accosting me, whom he had rejected as beneath his notice, but chancing to direct a glance towards me, he seemed astonished at my metamorphosis ; and before he could recover from his surprise, I addressed him with a courteous and sonorous Salam Alikam. He, of course, gave the responding salutation, Alikam Salam, and advanced to me. I invited him to sit down, and a short Conversation followed, in which I expressed my desire to leave Sdnmiani, and he said, " Why not accompany me to Kalat ?" I asked when he would start, and he said, "This evening," and left me. My resolution was instantly fixed, and I set about packing my effects. Soon after, I was visited by four other Afghans of the party, and they testified their pleasure that I was about to be their com panion. I next went into the bazar, arranged some money matters, and hired a camel for two rupees. HINDU CIVILITY. 23 to carry me to Bela. I was anew seated in my apartment, when the merchant whom I had first seen again passed, and observing my effects ar ranged for motion, asked me, " In God's name, are you going with me ?" I replied, " In God's name, I am," when he took my hands, and placing them with his own upon his eyes, assured me that he would do my " kistmat " on the road, and would from Kal4t provide me with trustworthy com panions for Kandahdr, Kabal, or elsewhere, as I might think proper. The name of my new friend was Abdul Kalik, and he proved to be the principal person of the party. Another native of Kalat, named Iddaitula, also paid me a visit ; and I had never reason to change the favourable opinions of his character I then formed. Towards evening, having been previously regaled with a parting feast by my worthy Hindu friend Tah Mal, who had during my stay been invari ably attentive, I mounted my camel and joined the Kalat party, who occupied an old daramsila near the wells behind the town. My other Hindu friend, Kimji, accompanied me thither, and on the road inquired of me whether he should speak in my favour to the Patans. I said, I was so satisfied with them that it was unnecessary. On arrival the good man could not restrain himself, and made a few remarks, which elicited a renewal of pro testations of service and attention from Abdul 24 COMPOSITION OF PARTY. K41ik and Kalifa Iddaitula, the latter asserting that he never saw a Balaiti but his heart rejoiced. The party which I had now joined was composed of inhabitants of Kalat, excepting one Yusaf, a native of Kandahar. The first was Kalikdad. He was portly and good-natured, and was temporarily mounted on a camel, a mare belonging to him being at Bela, where it had been left for the sake of pasture. I afterwards found that he was one of four brothers, who in partnership with a wealthy cousin, Faiz Ahmed, were engaged in trade, and that they had sarais at Karachi and Kandahar. The next was Kalifa Iddaitula, a very respectable young man ; he was mounted on an excellent mari, or running camel, which carried also his companion, Pir Baksh, who was returning from a pilgrimage to Mecca. He had seen Bombay, and was full of the wonders there. Under the protection of Kalifa Iddaitula was a young lad of Kalat, Nasi- rulah, who had resided for some time at Karachi. We had also one Mahomed Rafik, who rode singly on a good mari, and was a good young man ; he was apparelled rather coarsely on our journey, but I found, at Kalat, that he had a handsome competence ; and expressing surprise at the favour able change in his costume, was told that he had lately married. The above were all Afghans of the Babi zai, or tribe, and with them I was in company, as was also Yusaf, the Afghan of Kandahar. This lat- LEAVE SUNMIANI. 25 ter person was corpulent and good-humoured, and seemed to act as cook to the party. We ate in common, and considered ourselves especially com panions. There was besides, one Faiz Mahomed, a respect able merchant of Kalat, mounted on a good horse, who had with him two or three servants, mounted on as many camels. Attached to him was one Nawab, who rode, or drove before him, an ass. Faiz Mahomed was of lonely habits, or being of another zai, did not mix much with the Babis. He only kept as near to us during the journey as was requi site for his safety. We left Sunmiani, and, clearing the low sand hills which encircle it, entered upon the level plain of Las. It was overspread, more or less, with the magnificent dedar, a large bush of dark green hue, called lami, and the gaz, or tamarisk — here a bush. After three or four cosses, the dedar was replaced by the karit, or caper-tree, and still farther , on the vegetation became more luxuriant as we neared Liari, where we halted in a grove of mimosas, east of the village. We had marched ten cosses, or fifteen miles. In this distance we found water only in one spot, a slough, and there unpalatable. Liari is a small vil lage, containing about twenty mud-houses, inhabited by Hindd held the govemment of Harand and Dajil, waited on me, followed by many slaves, bringing the component parts of a sumptuous entertainment, 94 DHAI BIBU. comprising every delicacy procurable at Kalit, and I was informed Dhai Bibii had made me her guest. I sent for Faiz Ahmed, and entreated him to explain to the .nawab, that his mother's attentions pained me, as I felt it was expected I should do, in return, what exceeded my ability. Faiz Ahmed reasoned with the nawab, and he urged the duty of a son. I was obliged to visit the old lady, whose house was close to the Miri. She must have once been a very fine woman, and was now nearly seventy years of age. She wished me to accomplish one of two things, to restore her sight, or to free her from the habit of opium eating. She proffered all kind of remuneration, horses, gold, land, &c., and much wished me to come and take up my abode with her. To be collected for my reception, she had refrained from her morning dose of opium, and was very uneasy. She at length became so much so that she called a slave-girl and swallowed a most immoderate complement. Her conversation soon betrayed the effects of it, and I took leave. I sent a little laudanum as a wash for her eyes, for I was obliged to send something, and in two or three days I heard that she fancied she could see a little. I supplied more laudanum, praying her son to continue its application, if the least benefit was derivable from it. This lady's eyes were affected by what is called giil, or gobar, a thick opaque film obscuring or coating the cornea. Dhai Bibii was living when the British forces APPROACH OF WINTER. 95 captured Kalat in 1839. Her daughter, married to Shahghassi Niir Mahomed, was put by him to the sword, with his other wives and female relatives, when the town was entered. So much disaster, with the fate of Mehrab Khan, upset the little reason she had left, and she sank into the grave. In course of time Mehrab Khan arrived at Kalit from Sohrab, where he had assembled an army ; and conceiving himself secure from any attempt the current year upon Saharawan by the Afghans, he decided to despatch it towards Kej, to reduce the rebellious chieftains in that quarter, particularly Riistam Khan Mamasani, and Mohim Khin, Nush- irwani. The army marched under the orders of Daoud Mahomed, the vazir, and was accompanied by Mir Azem Khan, the khan's young brother. I did not visit the khan, as a fatality seemed to attend my health, and I had become reduced to extremity by a dysentery. The fall of the leaf had taken place, and winter, with all its rigours, was about to set in. I saw no chance of being able to reach Kandahar the present year, and my dis order had become so serious that I even began to reflect on the event of it. I was glad to hear that Kalikdad was ready to start on his annual commer cial joumey to Sind, and I resolved to accompany him, and to regain Siinmiani. Kalikdad had a large quantity of madder, the produce of Mastiing, and raisins of Kandahar, for sale in Sind and Las. The kafila, it was decided, should take the route 96 KALAT. through the valley of the Mtilloh river to Jell, whence tracing the western frontier of Sind, it would reach Karachi. Kalikdad did not start with the kafila, whose route to Jell was tedious and cir cuitous. He proposed to join it at that place, which he would do in three days from Kalat, by crossing the hills. He wished me to have remained, and to have accompanied him, but I had grown anxious to leave a place where I had been so unlucky as to health, and I decided to proceed with the camels and merchandize, expecting benefit from the exer cise and change of air, as well as being desirous of seeing the Mtilloh route. Kalat, the capital of Balochistan, and the resi dence of the khan, is but a small town, seated on the eastern acclivity of a spur from the hill called Shah Mirdan. It is in form oblong, and surround ed by a crenated wall of mud, chiefly of moderate height, and strengthened by towers. The western side of the wall traces the summit of the ridge, and is carried under the miri, or palace of the khan. The last is an edifice of some antiquity, being re ferred to the period when Kalat was governed by Hindu princes. The town has three gates, one facing the east, and the two others the north and south respectively. It may contain about eight hundred houses, a large proportion inhabited by Hindtis. The bazar is equal to the size of the town, and is fairly suppUed. Kalat has two suburbs one to the south, inhabited solely by the Babi tribe of ROYAL SEPULCHRES. 97 Afghans, who fled, or were expelled from the seats of their ancestors, near Kandahar, in the time of Ah med Shah, the first D6rani king. The other is to the north-west, inhabited also by Afghan families, but MIEI, OR CITADEL OF KALAT. of various tribes, and generally recent emigrations from Kandahar. These two suburbs may contain together three hundred houses. West of the town stretch ravines, and low barren hills, for a consider able distance. To the east is a cultivated plain, not exceeding a mile in breadth, through which stretches the bed of a mountain stream, without water, unless at certain times when filled by rains. It is bounded by hills of some altitude, called Har- biii, which intervene between it and the great plain of Kachi. Kalat is nearly useless as a place of VOL. II. f. H 98 EASTERN BALOCHISTAN. defence, being commanded by the hill of Shih Mirdan, on which Ahmed Shah, when he besieged it, stationed his artillery, and was only prevented from its capture by the intervention of his officers. Under the hills east of Kalat is the royal place of sepulture ; and there are the tombs of Nassir Khan and Mahmiid Khan, with the cenotaph of Abdiilah Khan, their progenitor. Near this spot is a cele brated spring of water, which principally provides for the irrigation of the plain. The aboriginal inhabitants of Kalat would appear to be the Deh- wars, equivalent to the Tajiks of Afghinistin and Tiirkistin ; and as with them their vernacular lan guage is Persian, the Brahiii pastoral tribes, belonging to whom is the reigning family, speak a dialect called Brahiii, or Kiir Galli. The extensive country of Eastern Balochistan, of which Kalat is the capital, is now subject to Meh rab Khan, the son of Mahmiid Khan, and grand son of the celebrated Nassir Khan. There is observable a singular parity of fortune between the Baloch kingdom and the Diirani em pire, to which it acknowledged an easy dependence. Contemporary with Ahmed Shih, who created the latter, and raised it to prosperity, was Nassir Khan at Kalat, who was indebted, in great measure, to the Diirani monarch for his elevation to the Khanat, in detriment of his elder brother, Mohabat Khan, who was deposed. Nassir Khan was, beyond com parison, the most able chieftain who had governed TAIMUR SHAH. 99 Balochistan ; and the country under his vigorous rule prospered as it never did before, nor is likely to do again. He extended his arms in every part of Balochistin, and was always successful ; and his kingdom grew from a very humble one to be ex ceedingly extensive. Aware of the . turbulent dis position of his tribes, he kept them continually in the field, thus making use of those qualities in them which would have given him annoyance at homoj to the increase of his power abroad. The fertile province of Kachi had been recently acquired from the Kalorah rulers of Sind, by a treaty which Nadir Shah had imposed. Nassir Khan was not without apprehension that its recovery might be attempted ; and in order to give his tribes an interest in its occupation, he made a division of the lands, by which all the Brahiii tribes became proprietors. To Ahmed Shah succeeded his son, Taimiir Shah, who, as is too often the case in these countries, lived on the reputation of his father, and passed his reign in pleasure, or the gratification of his sen sual appetites. Coeval with him, at Kalat, was Mahmiid Khan, son of Nassir Khan, precisely under the same circumstances, neglecting his government, and immersed in hesh, or enjoyment. He lost the province of Kej, and his kingdom might have been farther mutilated but for the energies of his half- brothers, Mastapha Khin and Mahomed Rehim Khan. To Taimiir Shah at Kabal succeeded his son, H Z 100 DAOUD MAHOMED. Zeman Shih, whose brief reign was terminated by those convulsions which have wrecked the Durani empire. The present Mehrab Khan succeeded his father, Mahmiid Khan, and for the first three years of his reign displayed considerable decision. He recovered Kej, and seemed inclined to maintain the integrity of his kingdom ; but a series of internal conspiracies and revolts disgusted him, and led to the execution both of some of his own imprisoned relatives, and of the principals of many of the tribes. At length he lost all confidence in the hereditary officers of state, and selected for minister one Daoud . Mihomed, a Ghilji of the lowest extraction, and from that time his affairs have gone wholly wrong ; while, by putting himself in opposition, as it were, to the constitution and acknowledged laws of his country, he has provoked a never-ending contest with the tribes, who conceit themselves not bound to obey the dictates of an upstart and alien minister. It hence happens, that some of them are generally in arms ; and the history of the country since the accession of the Ghilji adviser to power, offers little else but a train of rebellions and murders. It is remarkable, that a similar infraction of the laws of the Diiranis by Zeman Shah, viz. the elevation of an unqualified person to the vakalat, was the pri mary cause of the misfortunes which befel that king. Mehrab Khan seems to have given up the idea of coercing his disaffected clans, and is content ORIGINAL TREATIES. 101 by promoting discord amongst them, to disable them from turning against himself. The country is, therefore, in a sad state of confusion. A few years since, the Marris, a formidable tribe in the hills east of Kachi, having descended upon the plains, and sacked Mitari, the Kalat Khan deemed that it behoved him to resent so gross an outrage, and accordingly he marched with an army, said to be of twelve thousand men, against the marauders. They amused him first with one offer, and then with another, until the season for action was passed, when, aware that the khan could not keep his bands together, they defied him, and he was com pelled to retire, with the disgrace of having been outwitted. In the reign of Mahmiid Khan the gallant Mastapha Khan, as lord of Kach Gandava, kept these predatory tribes in due order, as he did their neighbours, the Khadjaks, Khakas, and others. Since his death they have not ceased in their depre dations. While the Dtirani empire preserved a semblance of authority, there was, agreeably to the original treaty concluded between Ahmed Shah and Nassir Khan, a Baloch force of one thousand men stationed in Kashmir, and the khans of Kalit had ever been attentive to the observance of their engagements. On the dislocation of the empire, and after Kashmir had been lost, there was, of course, an end to the treaty, and virtually, to dependence. Yet the khans of Kalat never sought to benefit by the 102 DIFFICULT POLICY. fall of the paramount government ; thus Sivi, which was in their power, was always respected. So long even as there was a nominal Shah in the country, as in the case of Shah Aytib, they professed a cer tain allegiance, but when by the final settlement, or partition of the remnants of the Diirani empire, it became parcelled into small and separate chief- ships, they no longer felt the necessity of acknow ledging the supremacy of either. The chiefs of Kindahar the nearest to Kalat, were the only ones who pressed, and Mehrab Khan, since the death of Mahomed Azem Khan, has had a delicate and difficult part to play with them. It was no principal of his policy to provoke them unneces sarily, and he alike felt repugnance to comply with their demands or to acquiesce in their pretensions. They, on their side, gave him much trouble, hy accepting the submission of his rebellious chieftains, as Mohim Khan, Rakshani of Kharan, Riistam Khan, Mamassani, and others, as well as by grant ing asylum to traitors, and by fomenting conspi racies within his kingdom. This line of conduct is so irritating to Mehrab Khan, that he has fre quently invited Kamran of Herat to assume the offensive, and promised that if he would send his son, Jehinghir, he would place the Baloch levies under the prince's orders. The Kalat khin justly looks upon the Kandahar sirdars as his enemies, and they are by no means favourably disposed towards him, it being very un- CONDUCT OF DURANI FORCE. 103 suitable to their views that an untractable and unfriendly chief should hold the country between them and Shikarpiir, so much an object of their ambition. I have noted, that the sirdars had in vaded the Baloch country subsequently to my visit to Kandahar. The motives of the expedition were, perhaps, manifold, but a principal one was, no doubt, to effect some understanding with the khan, and to prepare the way for a march farther south. The Dtirani force, on this occasion, reached Quetta, of which they took possession by a kind of strata gem, avowing friendship, and introducing their sol diers into the town. They next marched to Mas tiing, which they besieged, after . a manner. The Diiranis could scarcely take the place, and the garrison, trifling as to numbers, could scarcely hold it ; whence it followed that an accommodation was easily made, and the proposals of the sirdars that the place should be evacuated on honourable terms were accepted. The sirdars maintained, that they had no hostile intentions towards the khin or his subjects, but that they desired friendship with him and them. Mehrab Khan by this time had col lected, it is said, twelve thousand men, — which number seems to be the maximum of armaments during his sway, — and encamped at Kenitti, not very distant from the D6rani camp, and quite close enough that a battle might have been fought, had either party been inclined to have tested the justice of their cause by an appeal to the sword. 104 SAIYAD SHERIF'S APPOINTMENT. Negotiations, as a matter of course, were resorted to, and some kind of treaty was patched up, by which the Diiranis retired without the disgrace of being absolutely foiled. Mehrab Khan paid, or consented to pay, one lakh of rupees, Kalat base money ; and professed obedience to the authority of the sirdars, and willingness to assist in their views upon Sind. It was supposed that the sirdars would not have ventured to march hostilely into the Baloch ten-itory had they not had in their camp Assad Khan, the sirdar of Saharawan, and others, who had fled from the vengeance of Meh rab Khan. These traitors returned with them to Kandahar. Besides these sirdars of Kandahir, and his own rebel subjects, the unfortunate chief of Kalat has a new and more potential enemy to contend with in Maharaja Ranjit Singh. The more easternly of the khan's provinces are those of Harand and Dajil, bordering on, and west of the Indus, between Dera Ghazi Khan and the territory of the Mazari tribes. They constitute a government which con fers the title of Nawab on the holder. The ap pointment is arbitrary, and emanates from Kalat. Saiyad Mahomed Sherif, of Tiri near Mastiing, it is said, by a largess to Daoud Mahomed Khan, the Ghilji minister, had procured the govemment, with an understanding that he was to hold it for some time, or until he had reimbursed himself, and accumulated a little besides. The saiyad had REVENUE. 105 scarcely assumed authority, than Daoud Mahomed Khan despatched Khodadad, an Afghan, to super sede him. The enraged saiyad crossed the river, and proceeded to Bahawalpiir, where he induced the khin to put forward a force and invade the country. Khodadad fled in turn, and repaired to the Sii- bahdar of Miiltan, who, on reporting the matter to Lahore, received instructions to reinstate the Khan of Kalat's officers in Harand and Dajil. Accord ingly, the saiyad was again expelled, as were the Bahawalpiir troops, and Khodadid was told that he was governor for Mehrab Khan, but the Sikh troops retained all the posts in the province. Although Mehrab Khan holds nominal sway over a country of vast extent, and embracing great varieties of climate, he has little real power but in his capital and its vicinity. The immense pro portion of the country is held by tribes nearly in dependent of him, and in subjection only to their own contumacious chiefs, who owe the khin, at the best, but military service. It is true, that in most of the provinces he has zamin sirkari, or crown lands, the revenue of which may be said to belong to him, but it is generally consumed by the agents who collect it. The larger quan tum of his resources is drawn from Kach Gan dava, the most productive of his provinces, where he holds the principal towns. I have heard his gross revenue estimated at three lakhs of rupees 106 MILITARY FORCE. per annum, a small sum indeed, but it must be borne in mind that none of the Brahiii or Baloch tribes contribute to it. The khan can scarcely be said to retain a military force, but has a great number of khanazadas, house hold slaves. These, the only people he can tmst, are elevated to high offices, and appointed governors of his towns and provinces. They are, of course, authorized to keep up followers, and their bands form the Uite of the khan's armies, which are other wise composed of the levies from the tribes. The general obligation of military service falls alike upon the villagers and upon the dehwirs, or agricul turalists in the neighbourhood of Kalat, who, in case of need, furnish their quotas of men. The khan's artillery comprises some half dozen unserviceable pieces of small ordnance at Kalat, and two or three others at Gandava, Bagh, and Quetta, — ^it may be presumed in no better condition. The khin's Mahomedan subjects include the Brahiii tribes of Saharawan and Jhalawan, the Ba loch tribes of the western provinces, the Rind and Magghazzi tribes of Kachi, Harand, Dajil, &c., the Kassi Afghins of Shall, the Dehwars (equivalent to Tajiks) of Kalat and its villages ; to which may be added, the Ltimri, or Jadghal tribes of the maritime province of Las. It may be noted also, that there are still some few families of the S^wa tribe at Kalat, who, agreeably to tradition, ruled the country before the Brahuis. KACHI. 107 The Brahui tribes are pastoral : in the summer grazing their flocks on the table-lands, and in the hills of Saharawan and Jhalawan, and in winter descending upon the plains of Kach Gandava. The country of the Brahiiis produces excellent wheat ; but as by far the more considerable part of it can only be cultivated when rain has been abun dant, there is no certainty in the supply. The irri gated lands alone probably yield as m^ch as suf fices for the population, but at high prices. In seasons after copious rains at the proper period, when the returns become very bountiful, there is a large surplus, and prices are extremely low. A camel-load of wheat has been knovra to be sold for one rupee. The low flat province of Kachi has produce of a different kind, wheat being but of partial growth, while jiiari and bajara are most extensively culti vated. The cotton-plant and sugar-cane are raised near Bagh and Dadar ; and at the latter place indigo is produced and manufactured. The Baloch provinces have, comparatively, but a trifling trade with the neighbouring states, and society is not in that advanced state amongst the inhabitants as to render them greatly dependent on foreign markets for articles of taste and luxury. There are a large number of Afghan merchants domiciled at Kalat, who drive a considerable tran sit trade between Sind, Bombay, and Kandahar. The financial necessities of the Kalat rulers have 108 MEHRAB KHAN. introduced a base coinage into circulation at the capital — an expedient fatal to the trade and pro sperity of the country. The same evil existed at Kandahar when I was there, originating, I was told, with the late Shir Dii Khan, but Fiir Dii Khan was wisely taking measures to remedy it. Mehrab Khan is a little beyond forty years of age. Boasting an ancestry which has given twenty- two or twenty-three khans to Kalat and the Bra hiiis, he is so illiterate that he can neither read nor write ; and it seems his father, Mahmiid KhaUj was no better accomplished. Politically severe, distrust ful, and incapable, he is not esteemed personally cruel or tjTannical ; hence, although he cannot be respected by his subjects, he is not thoroughly de tested by them ; and in lieu of deprecating his vices they rather lament that he has not more virtues and energy. Neither is he harsh or exacting upon the merchant, whether foreign or domestic. He has four wives, and a son, named Mahomed Hassan — now a child. He has an only brother, Adam Khan, generally styled Mir Azem Khan, a young man en trusted with delegated command, but exceedingly prone to dissipation. The khan retains as prisoners, or nazzer bands, Shih Nawaz Khan and Fati Khan, sons of the late Ahmed Yar Khan, whom he judged necessary to put to death at the commencement of his reign, or a little after, but not until he had fo mented four rebellions, and had been thrice forgiven. These youths are under easy restraint, and the khan MEHRAB khan's LENITY. 109 takes one of them with him on his journeys, while the other remains at Kalit, in charge of the Daro gah Gill Mahomed. The khan, moreover, seats them on his right hand in the darbar, his own son, Mahomed Hassan, being placed on his left. He has also provided them with wives, or at least the elder. Shah Nawaz Khan, who has married a daughter of a Khadjak chief. These two young men are the oiily remaining descendants of Mohabat Khan, the elder brother of Nassir Khan ; on which account, while treated kindly, they are vigilantly guarded. The Ghilji minister, Daoud Mahomed Khan, wished to have- involved them in the same destruction with their father, Ahmed Yar Khan, and to have thereby exterminated the line, but Mehrab Khan would not consent. 110 CHAPTER VI. Departure fi'om Kalit. — Takht Badshah. — Miilla Izzat. — Rodin joh. — Gandarghen — Rudeness of camel-drivers.— -Sohrab The Khdn's uncle. — Burial-places. — Anjira. — Bopoh. — Sources ofthe Mulloh river. — Singular stratification. — Goram Bawat. — Shak argaz, or sweet tamarisk. — Peshtar Khan. — Lichens. — Do Dan- dan Janghi Ktishta. — Pir Lakka. — Ghuznavi Haji. — Kil. — No Lang. — River fords. — Ancient fort. — The Miilloh river. — Pir Chatta. — The Mulloh pass Security. — Risk from swollen torrents. — Inhabitants. — Produce. — Considered in military point of view. — Extent. — Jell. — Arrival of Kalikdad. — Kandahar ki- fila. — Duties. — Collectors. — Amount. — Frauds of the merchants. — Entertainment. — Polite request. — Town of Jell. — Groves. — Tombs. — Soil and produce. — The Magghassis. — Divisions. — Feud with the Rinds. — Ahmed Khan — his character. — Dissipa tion. — Jet cultivators. — Tiinia. — Sannatar. — Hobdras Kah Shiitar. — Sulphurous spring. — Kichi. — Shadia. — Pat. — Ap prehensions. — Rinds. — Their excursions. — Composure regained. — Obelisks. — Machulik — Dera Ghaibi Wali Mdhomed. — The Chandi tribe. — Services to the Talpiiris. — Haji Bijar. — Unreasonable expectations. — Parsimony of the Talpuris. — Po verty ofthe Chandis.— Wali Mahomed's victories. — His aid im plored by Ahmed Khan. — His hostility to the Rinds Repri manded by the Nawab vazir. — Canal. — Absence of Wali Md homed. The kafila being ready to start, Kilikdad accom panied me to it, a little without the town. He recommended me generally to the good offices of the camel-drivers, and particularly to the attentions of Yikiit, a confidential negro khinazada, who TAKHT BADSIJAH. Ill was sent in charge of the merchandize. This con sisted entirely of madder and raisins. A seat on a camel had been prepared for me, so that I might sit or repose, as I found convenient. The mer chandize was the property of Kalikdad and his partners ; and the camels were hired ones. Besides their drivers we had no other company. We pro ceeded this evening to Takht Badshih, a small open spot, amphitheatricaUy surrounded by hills. On many of the near eminences were conical monuments of stones, possibly sepulchral, as they seemed too laboured to be supposed piles erected by shepherds to occupy and beguile their idle hours. Water was procured from a spring at Koh Chakar, about three furlongs distant, which is not good, being impregnated with some mineral substance. Immediately on our west we had Koh Zoar. Takht Badshah implies the king's throne : I could not leam on what account ; whether there is any tra dition referring to it, or whether any ceremony is performed there on the inauguration of the khins of Kalit. We thence proceeded to Rodinjoh, belonging to the sons of Miilla Izzat, a man in his lifetime of some notoriety. He was wont to walk naked about Kalat; and what in some countries would have been deemed a proof of insanity, was here judged undeniable evidence of sanctity and wisdom. From what I was told of his experiments in gold-making, and of his Stifi principles, I apprehend he was 112 GANDARGHEN. merely a successful impostor. The village of Ro dinjoh was given in grant to him, and he built a house and formed a garden ; both are now in ruins, and his sons are not distinguishable from the zamin- dars, or cultivators of the village, in appearance or manners. We next marched to Gandarghen, said to be seven cosses from Rodinjoh, beyond which the plain widens. The road skirting the dry bed of a riid-khana, passes Damb, so called from a large mound, and Stirma Sing. About a coss beyond we halted on the bank of the rud-khina, in whose bed there is water, but of bad quality. In this march the conductor of my camel drew his sword on me, which I parried with my stick. Kalikdad, I found, the better to give me a claim on the respect and civility of the camel drivers, had re presented me as a Haji. I did not take the trouble to undeceive them, for I was so unwell that I was indifferent to good or bad treatment. On reaching the halting-place I remarked to my quondam as sailant as he assisted me to dismount, that he was a Riistam of a fellow, and he seemed ashamed. Afterwards, although I had to complain of his comrades, I had no reason but to be satisfied with himself When I spoke to Yakiit, Kilikdad's man, I found he was afraid, for he was one among many. Our next march was to Sohrab ; and we halted at the village of Nigghar, towards the south-eastern SOHRAB. 113 extremity of the plain. To our west were the villages of Dan and Rodani. The prospect the plain affords, when clothed with its crops, is very agreeable, the several little villages, or hamlets, having their contiguous gardens, while the contrast of the green or ripe wheat with the intense hues of the lucern plots, is striking. In the plain are several dambs, or ancient artificial mounds : some extensive ones occur east of Nigghar. The sum mits of these are crowned with stone parapets, which, although substantial, are modern, and may have been raised as sangars, or breastworks. Here we had to pay a transit-fee of one sennar, or the sixth of a rupee, on each camel-load of goods to Khaira, the mama, or uncle of the khan. He did not take money, averring it would be of no use to him, but received its value in cloth. The plain ascends a little from Sohrab, and turn ing a point of the hills on our left, we followed a more easterly course. The road became stony, and was frequently crossed by the dry beds of torrents. At some distance from Sohrib were several graves, or what seemed as such ; they might not have been worthy of attention had not their length been from east to west, instead of from north to south, as Mahomedan graves are prescribed to be disposed. The curve, moreover, which in a Mahomedan stmcture, and on the westem side, would denote the kabla, was here found on the eastern side. VOL. 11. I 114 sources OF THE MULLOH RIVER. Passing amid arid undulating rises, and tracing for some distance the bed of the riid-khana, where we occasionally found water in cavities, with many oleander bushes, now laden with their long and dark-coloured seed-vessels, we reached Anjira, halt ing on the bank of a small rivulet. The following day, in progress to Bopoh, we fol lowed the course of the rivulet on which we had halted, our direction north-east. A little before reaching Bopoh the rivulet disappeared, winding to the right. On entering a small plain, the small village of Bopoh was to our left, with a few trees at the foot of the hills. In front, about three miles distant, on the same level, we saw the larger village of Gazan, the hills behind which concealed from ouj- view the villages of the superior plain of Zehri, on which Bopoh and Gazan are dependent. Ghat, the principal village, and abode of Rashid Khan, sirdar of Jhalawan, was said to be four or five cosses distant. About half a mile from Bopoh we rounded a hill, remarkable for its echo. We then halted, and had to bring our water from some dis tance from a rivulet which ran into the Miilloh river. This inconvenience arose from our people having selected an injudicious place for halting in. In the succeeding march we came upon several springs on our right hand, the water gushing copi ously from the rock. These may be, perhaps, con sidered the true sources ofthe Miilloh river, as they never fail, and from them the stream is always a CURIOUS STRATIFICATION. 115 continued one. Other rivulets, as those of Sohrab and Anjira, lead into it, but they are only partiaUy supplied with water. Beyond these first springs others occurred on our left hand, of more or less volume, increasing the original current. The dara, or valley, we traversed, was more properly a defile, formed by the bed of the stream, and enclosing rocks. Occasionally it opened out, and we after wards found that the entire route through the hills was of the same nature. The rocks this day were singular, from their stratification, having a mural formation, and the appearance, conferred by their regular lines of dislocation, of being composed of masonry and brickwork. At one spot was a most curious instance of the rock exhibiting a suc cession of rimmed cylinders, decreasing in size from the lower, or inferior one. As the dara opened we had a wider bed for the stream, which separated into two or more channels. Its borders were overspread with tall grass, in clumps, bearing large tufts of white silky flowers. The plants panir-band and hishwarg^ were abundant. The next stage was to Goram-bawit. The dara was less confined, and we marched less interrupted by the course of the stream. Towards the close of our joumey we passed an open space of some extent, where was a damb of large size, and on an adjacent eminence a conical pyramid of stones. Here was a solitary mud house, and some cultivated land. On our road we had been delighted by the 116 PESHTAR KHAN. notes of the btilbvil, the oriental nightingale, and we observed two or three species of trees, indicat ing our approach to a warmer climate. The ole ander was plentiful, and hence continued so. Here was the variety of tamarisk producing the saccha rine gum called shakar gaz. This nearly resembles the common variety, except that its flowers are white, in lieu of being red, and its verdure more vivid, although of a paler green. From this tree is also procured quantities of small galls, called sakor. Their properties are astringent, and they are used as mordants in dyeing. It is said, that the sweet gum and the galls are alternately pro duced. We had in the next march to cross the stream repeatedly, which implies that the dara was con tracted, and compelled us to trace the river bed. At Peshtar Khan, an extensive open spot, there were numerous ghidans, or matted abodes of the Brahiiis ; also some cultivated lands. Wheat, rice, and miing are grown here. The flocks of sheep and goats were numerous. The karil, or caper-tree, was seen here, with mimosas and ber-trees. There was a very large burial-place at this spot, too considerable, I fear, to be attributed to the residence of a few Brahiiis, and rather marking the consequences of the sanguinary propensities of man. In the crevices of the rocks abounded a variety of lichen, called marmiit. It is used me dicinally by the Brahiiis, in diseases of languor PIR LAKHA. 117 and oppression of the , vis vitce. The plant, replete with juice, and extremely bitter and nauseous, is dried, and a quantity of the powder swallowed, after which water is directed to be drank. The same, or an analogous plant, abounds in the Khai bar hills, and is carried to Peshawer, where it is largely used as an article of food by Hindtis. I found the Brahiii name for the ber, or jujuba zizy phus, was pissi, the designation of one of our pre vious halting places, although I did not there ob serve the tree. Our next march brought us to Do Dandan, or the two teeth, a term derived from the two peaks of a neighbouring hill. On our road we passed some spots in which the cotton-plant was culti vated. At Do Dandan were many Brahiii resi dents. Next day we moved on to Janghi Ktishta, or the place where a famous robber, named Janghi, is said to have been slain. About a mile before reaching our destination we passed the ziarat of Par Lakhi, in the neighbourhood of which were many inhabitants, if we may infer from the nu merous flocks which everywhere grazed upon the hills. The ziarat stands on an elevated site, and adjacent to it is an ample burial-place. The build ing is embosomed in a grove of ber-trees, and is further graced by the presence of a few date- trees. It is square, with many niches on its re spective sides, and is crowned with a cupola. The 118 KIL. whole is covered with cement, and the spot alto gether is sufficiently picturesque. I may here ob serve, that we had been joined by another of Ka- likdid's confidential khanazadas from Kalat, bring ing under his charge a real Haji, but old, and perfectly deaf, from Ghazni, who intended to pro ceed to Mecca, which he had previously several times visited. At Kalit he had been the guest of the Darogah Giil Mihomed, who made him over to the charge of Kalikdad. The old Haji had a most sonorous voice, and sang the songs of Hafiz, and others, with resounding effect. He was literate ; and I found a companion at tea-time, for the old gentleman believed that tea cleared and improved his voice. Our intercourse was singular, as he could not hear; but I found in a short time that we could very well understand each other, and that he could comprehend my signs and gestures. My Brahiii companions still beUeved me a Haji, but could not divine from what country I came. I also was daily improving in health ; and becoming stronger, was better able to keep them in order. We then marched to Kil, where the valley was considerably more spacious than we had hitherto found it. About a mile before it we passed the village of Attarchi, which had many trees and much cultivated land. From Kil the dara continued open, and we again passed much land cultivated with the cot- ANCIENT CASTLE. 119 ton-plant and jiiar ; also beyond it, on a stony barren expanse, large burial-grounds. Our direc tion 'was constantly north, and throughout our journey the valley was more or less peopled. We halted at Noh Lang, or the nine fords. Next day our route commenced through a narrow de file, where the channel of the river being con fined, it was somewhat impetuous and trouble some, but not deep. It was crossed nine times — whence the name applied to the place we started from. As we proceeded we entered upon a more open country, and our road led for some time over a bed of pure sand. A little before passing the last lang, or ford, we had to our right a small hill, called Koh Towar, whence stones are pro cured, employed in the baking of bread. On our left at this spot was a decomposed hill, univer sally of a green colour. We had here a view of the great plain of Kachi, which we hailed with pleasure, as our passage along the course of the Miilloh had been sufficiently tedious. We again passed a large burial-ground, the graves enclosed in low stone walls, and their surfaces neatly ar ranged with pebbles. On our left also were the remains of an old fort, the walls of which were extensive, although rudely constructed of stones. This was probably erected by some vigorous go vernment for the protection of the route, and, as probably, it has also afforded shelter to brigands, who have in later times infested it. The Mill- 120^ SECURITY. loh on our leaving it was perhaps fifty or sixty yards in breadth, but in no part deeper than the knees of our camels ; nor had it been so during our progress. It hence flows northemly to Gan dava, and I understand is spent in the irrigation of the lands in that vicinity. At certain seasons its stream may, possibly, find its way to the Nari. We halted immediately after crossing the ninth lang. About a mile north of us was a conspicu ous giimbaz, or domed building, the ziarat of Pir Chatta, which is the usual halting-place for parties crossing the high range of Tirkari, between Kalat and Kachi. The Miilloh routOj if there existed any important commercial communication, which there does not, between Kalat and the countries to the east, would be one of much value. It is not only easy and safe, but may be travelled at all seasons, and is the only camel-route through the hills intermediate between Saharawan and Jhalawan, and Kachi, from the lati tude of Shill, where the line of intercourse is by the route of the Bolan river, to Khozdar, fi-om which a road leads into middle Sind. It will have been ascertained from my narrative, that danger from pre datory bands is not even apprehended ; and this is always the case, unless the tribes are at war with each other, or disaffected towards the khan of Kalat. The petty rivulets, affluents to the Mulloh, as well as the primary stream, are liable to be swollen by rains ; and instances of kafilas having suffered loss ARRIVAL OF KALIKDAD. 121 from the sudden increase of the water are cited ; although it may be presumed they are rare ; nor is it easy to imagine how such accidents could occur, excepting in some few spots. The inhabitants, as rude and simple as they are secluded, appeared very docile ; and in exchange for coarse cotton fabrics, or karpas, turmeric, &c., supply kafilas or passengers with sheep, fowls, roghan, curds, and rice. The last is grown in comparatively large quantities, as is miing, and it has been seen, that besides the com mon grain, as jiiar, the cotton-plant is also an object of attention. In a military point of view, the route, presenting a succession of open spaces, connected by narrow passages, or defiles, is very defensible ; at the same time affording convenient spots for en campment, abundance of excellent water, fuel, and more or less forage. It is level throughout the road, either tracing the bed of the stream, or lead ing near to its left bank. Our marches were always short ones, not averaging above eight miles each. From Bopoh to Siin we made eight, which would give sixty-four miles for the length of the pas sage. The following day we reached Jell, and halted in a grove of mimosas south of it, having passed on the road the village of Sirangari. After three or four days' halt there, Kalikdad joined us from Kalat, bringing with him Abbas, a young man of that place. We farther awaited the arrival of a kafila from Kandahar, which, previously to the departure 122 DUTIES LEVIED. of Kalikdad, had proceeded by the Miilloh route. It at length reached us, in charge of my old friend G61 Mahomed. Accompanying it were two or three Kandahar merchants, and Atta Mihomed, the son of a wealthy merchant residing in Shorawak, to avoid the rapacity of the Kandahar sirdars. Besides these were a few hajis, and other itinerants. Kalik dad tasked the camel -drivers for their rude beha viour to me on the road, but the error had been chiefly his own, in having announced me as a hiji. Now that we better understood each other, they were perfectly civil, and I had only to intimate a wish to have it gratified. Their assent would often bring forth the whimsical assertion that they would oblige me, even if they cuckolded the khan and the kazi. At Jell a transit-fee of one sennar, or the sixth of a rupee, on each load of merchandize, is collected by Ahmed Khan, Sirdar of the Magghassis, who re sides here. Its levy brought the sirdir's brother to the kafila. He was an acquaintance of Kalikdad, who therefore, besides the amount of duty, made him presents of raisins and worsted socks. This man never appeared altogether sober ; otherwise he was free and courteous. Here is also stationed an officer of the khan of Kalat, to collect duties from such kafilas that have not already paid them at Kalat, and who may not be provided with a pat, or voucher. The khan of Kalat levies three rupees, Kerim-khani, on every load of merchandize leaving JELL. 123 his states, but it is indifferent whether the amount be collected at the capital or at the frontiers. The officer at Jell is certain of his individual fee, whe ther a pat is forthcoming or not — for no kafila leaves Kalat without having evaded the duties in some mode. Kalikdad, who would be esteemed a fair-dealing man, and who pretended to be a very loyal subject, had smuggled away several loads of raisins, besides ingeniously packing three loads upon two camels, and other expedients. At length, all the Uttle arrangements of the kafila being con cluded, the brother of Ahmed Khan gave Kalik dad a farewell mimani, or entertainment, and he sent to know what I was accustomed to eat, and was somewhat surprised to hear that I ate what he did himself. This feast brought him, for the last time, to the kafila, but exhilarated as usual. Some tri fling presents were again made to him. On this occasion Kalikdad called me aside, and premising a hope that I would not feel offended, told me that the khan's brother coveted the worsted socks I had on my feet. I asked if he would not be ashamed to wear old socks ? " Oh ! no," said Kalikdad. Then let him have them, I rejoined, and gave them to him. Jell is the principal town of the Magghassis, and the residence of their sirdar, Ahmed Khin. It is small, comprising within the walls about three hun dred houses. Without may be one hundred hutted residences. There is an indifferent bazar. The 1^4 THE MAGGHASSIS. walls are mud, of some fifteen feet in height, and crenated, with towers at intervals in their faces. Much of the walls, and also some of the towers, have crumbled away, and have not been repaired. There are three gates, if the entrances may be so called, one to the east and two to the south. There are many groves near the town, chiefly mimosa, and on the east is an extensive burial-ground, among which, distinguished by their cupolas, the mausoleums of Kaisar Khan, and Jaffar Khin, former sirdars of the Magghassis, are conspicuous. There is no gar den. Cultivation in the neighbom-hood is exten sive, principally of jiiar and the cotton-plant. The country occupied by the Magghassis is abundantly supplied with water. I believe above thirty canals of irrigation are reckoned, supplied by the springs in the neighbouring hills ; some of them large. The soil is fertile, and capable of producing sugar, or any other superior growth of warm climates ; yet, apathetic, and fettered by old custom, the agricul turalist here attempts nothing beyond jiiar. The Magghassis are one of the Baloch tribes, who have been located for a long time in Kachi, where they occupy the comer in the south-west quarter of the province. They are divided into four principal families or clans, of which the Btitani is the more illustrious, and furnishes the sirdar of the whole. Their chief towns are Jell and Shadia. They boast of being able to muster two thousand fighting men, and are engaged in endless hostility JET CULTIVATORS 125 with their neighbours, the Rinds. An inextin guishable blood-feud exists between the two tribes. At present, notwithstanding the superior numbers of the Rinds, fortune is entirely on the side of the Magghassis. They have gained signal vic tories, with a loss so trifling as to be nearly in credible ; but a day or two before I wrote this note, a conflict took place on the Shikarpiir Pat, and the Rinds were, as usual, defeated. Ahmed Khan, their sirdar, is a young man, and his suc cesses in the field have made him rather elated. He is too fond of the pleasures of wine ; and per petual intoxication, combined with vulgarity and coarse manners, prevents him from being consi dered amiable : yet he has a reckless kind of frank ness and generosity, and if great sense cannot be conceded to him, his personal valour is undisputed. The Magghassis, and, indeed, their enemies the Rinds also, are a dissolute race f all who cannot afford the wretched ardent spirits of the country, stupify themselves with infusions of bang, or with opium. The zamindars, or cultivators of the soil, here, as throughout Kachi, are Jets. These people seldom move abroad but on bullocks, and never unless armed. A laughable tendency is excited by the sight of a Jet half naked — for shirts or upper garments are generally dispensed with — seated on a lean bullock, and formidably armed with match lock, sword, and shield. From Jell we marched to Sannatar ; the com- 126 SULPHUREOUS SPRINGS. puted distance, eight cosses. About a mile from Jell the village of Ajam was under the hills to our right. We crossed numerous canals of irri gation in our road. The cultivation in the vici nity of Jell was succeeded by on open barren space, after which some close jangal occurred. At two cosses from JeU the bazar village of Tiinia, com posed chiefly of huts, was on our right ; it had a tomb, surmounted with a cupola. Jangal con tinued, more or less, until we reached Sannatar, on the bank of a water-course ; in which there is always a small stream. We here saw large num bers of hobaras, or bustards, with speckled bodies and black bellies. Their meat was said to be ex cellent. On starting from Sannatar the jangal was slight for some distance, and then became more close. FinaUy, the country was covered with a juicy but bitter plant, called here kah shiitar, but improperly, as it has no thorns, and can hardly be said to have leaves : it is, however, eagerly eaten by camels. About mid-way was a small chishma, or brook, supplied from a hot spring in the adjacent hills, called the spring of Lakha ; it had a strong sulphureous taste. It is held in repute for allevi ating disorders of the intestines, but its compo sition would more obviously indicate its efficacy in cutaneous affections. InappUcable as a bever age, at least, to persons in health, it is made avail able to the irrigation of the neighbouring lands; APPREHENSION — RINDS. 127 and cultivation again commenced at this point. Many huts were scattered on either side, as we followed on the road, particularly on our right, and numerous canals of irrigation intersected our course. At length, passing on our right the vil lage of Kichi, we halted about half a mile beyond it. In front was a long line of large ber and mi mosa trees. The town of Shadia, represented as surrounded by walls, and having two gates, vrith a bazar nearly as large as that of Jell, was visible about four miles distant, bearing north-east. Next day, clearing the grove of bers and mi mosas before noted, we traversed occasionally much stony ground, broken by ravines and the beds of hill-torrents. We were now crossing the western extremity of the level desert track, known as the Shikarpiir Pat, and of notoriety for the number less depredations and murders committed on it by the predatory bands of Baloches. Our kifila moved under some apprehension, as it was known that the exiled Rinds on the frontiers of Sind had collected a large body of horse for a foray in Kachi ; but its destination was kept a secret. The latter part of our march led under low eminences beneath the superior range ; and on one of these was the tomb of Haji Marri. Our situation here was pleasant ; but during the day the minds of our party were ill at ease, it being a spot likely to be visited by the Rinds, in case they moved in this direction. The Pat being destitute of water and forage, the 128 RENEWED COMPOSURE. predatory bands in their excursions are compelled to make sudden dashes at the usual places where kifilas halt, and not finding them, they as preci pitately shift their quarters. In like manner, in their inroads into Kachi, they move swiftly on the place selected for plunder, and, successful or otherwise, retire with equal celerity. As evening drew near, my friend Kalikdad, who throughout the day had sought many falls in his Hafiz, re covered his serenity of mind. He observed, that the danger was now past, the object of the Rinds in attacking kafilas being to carry off the cattle, which they drive away when feeding in the jangal. Moreover, he felt secure, that if they arrived here on the morrow, it would not be until many hours after he had left the ground, as these robbers always march by day. Water was at some dis tance, from springs among the low hills to the west. About a mile to the north-east of our position was a large heap of stones, said to be the boundary-mark between the territories of Kalat and Sind ; near it were two obelisks, said to be also limitary monuments. Deer abounded in these parts, and the wild ass is reported to be some times seen on the Pat. A plant, called machiilik, bearing yellow flowers, and having a succulent root, was common under the low jangal bushes. The same is found in the neighbourhood of Liya and Bakkar, west of the Indus, and the root employed as a horse-medicine. CHANDI TRIBE. 129 Our next march led over a level naked surface until within three miles of the town of Dera Ghaibi, when commenced a vigorous cultivation of jiiar, to the east occasionally intermixed with patches of dense jangal. To the west the country was open to the foot of the inferior hills, distant perhaps three miles. The superior range was not nearer than eight to ten miles. Dera Ghaibi comprises a few mud houses, chiefly the dwellings of Hindtis, and a large number of huts, and is the frontier town of Upper Sind, in this direction. Here resides Wali Mahomed, the chief of the Chandi tribe of Baloches, who can raise, as is given out, twelve thousand men. The district, of which this town is the capital, is called Chandia, and is held in jaghir by this leader and his followers. It is to this tribe that the pre sent Talptiri chiefs, or amirs of Sind, are principally indebted for the authority they now possess. Haji Bijar, the father of the four brothers, Fati Ali, Ghulam Ali, Mir Kerim Ali, and Morad AU, who first shook the power of the Kalorah rulers, after a pilgrimage to Mecca, repaired to Nassir Khan of Kalat, and strove to engage him in his designs of overthrowing the Kalorahs. The Baloch chieftain at first inclined favourably to Haji Bijar's views, but on the offer by the Kalorah chief of a large sum of money for the delivery into his hands of the factious Hiji, he was about sacrificing his honour to his profit. Haji Bijar, informed thereof, fled to Ghaibi, father of the present Wali VOL. II. K 130 SCANTY RESOURCES. Mahomed, and then chief of the Chindi tribe. Ghaibi took up his cause, and by his assistance Haji Bijar became master of Sind, with the no minal title of Vazir, much in the same manner as Fati Khan placed himself over the indolent Shah Mahmiid in Afghanistan. The present chiefs of Sind have always shown a great mistrust of the Chandi tribe, and lose no occasion to weaken and to divide it. It is an old and true saying, that a fool kicks away the ladder by which he rises, and the Chandi chiefs, with unpardonable simplicity, ex pected from the prince in power the condescen sion shown by the fugitive Hiji. During the early part of the Talpiir sway, when there was dread of the Afghans, necessity dictated liberality, and the Chandi chiefs, as those of other tribes, were in receipt of large sums of money from the govern ment. When the Sindi rulers ceased to fear from the Afghans, owing to their intestine commotions, and from the Baloches, owing to the feeble sway of the successors of Nassir Khan, they discontinued their largesses. The Chandi resources were now limited to the scanty returns from a sterile tract on the north-western frontier, and their chief was embarrassed to meet his expenses. Latterly, how ever, the inundations of the Indus have increased westernly, or a greater portion of its waters have been directed into the canals and branches from it, from which Dera Ghaibi has derived benefit. Still, the chief is sorely dissatisfied, and would, possibly. WALI MAHOMED. 131 join any invader of Sind that might appear, except ing, perhaps, Ranjit Singh. Wali Mahomed is personally brave, and in the several military ex peditions he has made has been uniformly suc cessful. He has defeated the Magghassis of Jell, the father of whose present chief, Ahmed Khan, was slain in a battle with the Chandis ; he has been victorious over the Marris, whom he pursued into their hills ; and over the Kaidranis, whom he sig naUy discomfited in their own country. He is now hostile to the Rinds, and in alliance with the Magghassis. Ahmed Khan, their chief, when a youth, and some years ago, after a severe defeat by the former tribe, took horse and rode to the house of Wali Mahomed at Dera Ghaibi. He told him, that he came personally to absolve him from his father's blood, and to crave his assistance, that the tribe of Magghassis might not be exterminated. Wali Mahomed hastened with his troops, and checked the Rinds in their career of devastation. We afterwards learned, that the Rinds had made a dash at Shidia ; that they had made some booty, and had killed three or four individuals. Wali Mahomed sent to Wali Mahomed Ligari of Lar- khana, who is called the Vazir of Sind, and has charge of the state interests on the northem fron tier, for permission to march, as an ally of the Magghassis, and to intercept the Rinds on their re turn. The vazir withheld his sanction, and be stowed many opprobrious epithets on the Chandi K 2 132 WALI MAHOMED'S REPUTE. chief. He declared, that if he marched he should never set his foot again in Sind. Near Dera Ghaibi is a branch, or rather canal from the Indus, which flows southernly to Jtii, and falls into the Nari, an arm of the great river, a little before its junction with lake Manchtir. Wali Ma homed is partial to Afghans, and never exacts duty from their kafilas, while rigidly enforcing it from Brahiiis and Hindiis. He was not at Dera while we halted there, but Kalikdad sent a due offering of raisins to his family. The chief is now aged, and is represented to be zalim, which may mean tyran nical or oppressive, or merely that he governs his tribe with a strong hand. 133 CHAPTER VII. Amil.— Panic of Hindus. — Got Ghai Feridabad. — Wild melons. — Got Hussen. — Gumbaz Borah. — Site of Vrij. — Zidrat Mir Nassir Mahomed Tombs. — Evening solemnities. — Gaj rivulet. — Route to Khozddr. — Kalikdad's sale. — Musical guide. — Jiii. — Bahawal Khan. — Jamali tribe Increase of water. — Penalties on Hindiis. — Chinni. ^ Tombs and ziarats. — Low state of religion. — Shrine worship. — Biibak — Repute of Trenni. — Dog stolen. — Baloch Got. — Villages near S^hwan. — Diwan Sangat's entertainment. — Old fort of Seh wan. — Mound. — Reliques. — Their purport. — Conjectures.^Modern buildings. — Lall Shah Baz. — Illustrious pilgrims. — Establishments. — Re venues. — Rindistan, — Mirii Khan. — Recognition. — Venal col lectors. — Inflexible Saiyad. — Fees. — Garm-ab. — Fossils. — Hot springs. — Their character. — Sulphur mines. — Rude re mains. — Tanda Mahi. — Got Hindii. — Reappearance of Saiyad. — Fresh claims. — Malgari. — Gohar Basta. — Pokar — Cones — Wad Dera Kalikdad's fraud.— Do Rdh.— Tanah — Bulfiits.— Namadis. — Kdfila arrangements. — Bulfut honesty. — Theii- country. — Remarkable Gohar Basta. — Its eonstrnetion. — Lumris. — Dagghar-di-Got. — Arrangements. — Ceremony.— Biil- fiit civility. — Hindii prayers. — Perarii. — Biilfut indulgence. — Baloch family. — Opium-pills. — Hab river. — Suspicious people. — Credulous Baloches. — Inquiries and predictions Huts. — Sunmiani. — Biilfut choice and reward. We had now gained the borders of Sind, an orderly, and well-regulated country in comparison to that we had left ; and we had no longer doubts 134 FERIDABAD. as to the safety of the road, or apprehensions from bands of Rinds, or other marauders. Our route led along the western frontier, where well-defined hill ranges confine the valley of the Indus. A little beyond Dera Ghaibi were, on our right hand, several gumbazzes, or tombs with cupolas. About a mile before reaching Amil fields of jiiar commenced, and exteuded to the town. The road was continually divided by bands. Amil contains about one hun dred and fifty houses, a few built of mud, the dwellings of the Hindtis, and ' the remainder huts. It has a small bazar. Here resides a relative of Wali Mahomed, who visited Kilikdad, and pre sented a sheep. We found the Hindiis in great consternation, as an order had just arrived from Haidarabad to levy twelve hundred rupees from the town. They were preparing for nocturnal flight. About a coss from Amil we passed, on our left, a small walled village, called Got Ghai, and about a mile beyond it two or three buildings, said to be a daramsala, and Hindii ziarat. To the west, the plain, as usual, was clear to the hills. Extensive fields of jiiar preceded our arrival at Feridabad. This is a small town, with a few mud houses, and many huts. The bazar is considered larger than that of Amil. The superior range of hills, distant four or five miles. In our progress next day we passed several tombs with cupolas, on the right hand. Cultivation was general, and besides jiiar, some miing was seen. A GUMBAZ BORAH. 135 species of wild melon was abundant over the fer tile soil. It is called mihil ; attains the size of a turnip, and is used, dressed with ghee, or clarified butter, as a condiment, by the people. Several villages were observed to the east. Got Hiissen Khin, where we halted, had a trifling bazar. In our route from Got Hussen Khan we passed the vil lage of Biigh, with a bazar. Cultivation on the road was more or less general. A very fragrant plant was common on this march, which deliciously per fumed the night breeze. As it was dark I was unable to observe it. By daylight we beheld, to the east, in the distance, a large building with three cupolas, called Giimbaz Borah. It is, in fact, an ancient masjit, and as we came parallel to it we observed around it ruins for a great extent. We were told it was the site of Vrij, a town often mentioned in the annals of Sind. It is re presented as entirely deserted. A few mtillas and faquirs dwell at the masjit, where a nagira, or drum, is beaten morning and evening. At our halting-place was a large burial-ground, where many of the Kalorah family were interred, when Khodabad, said to be twenty cosses to the east, was their capital. One of these, Mir Nassir Ma homed, has become a saint with the Jet tribes; and his tomb is a place of pilgrimage to multi tudes, who are taught to believe that their wishes are to be realized through the favour of the saint. His tomb is crowned with a cupola, and is enclosed 136 EVENING SOLEMNITIES. within square turreted walls, painted on the ex terior with rude representations of flowers. A na gara is beaten here ; and the revenue of the con tiguous land is appropriated to the support of the edifice and of its little establishment. In the bu rial-ground are about twenty-five other cupolas, all of them fantastically decorated, and painted with coarse glaring colours. There are a vast number of graves, more or less conspicuous. To the south is a large pond of water, with high banks: the fluid is palatable, but muddy and of fensive to the sight. It supplies three small agri cultural hamlets contiguous. Within a mile east of the tombs is a considerable damb, or artificial mound, at whose base, near some remains of walls, is a ziarat, also of repute, and which has its nagara. In the evening the deep and solemn intonations of these rival nagaras, with those of the neigh bouring Borah masjit, produced an impressive effect. One could have imagined he had been transported back to the old times of Buddhism. The next day's march brought us to the southern bank of the Gaj, riid khana, or rivulet. Distance from Ziarat Mir Nassir Mahomed, said to be seven cosses. Our route led over a well-cultivated tract, without any fixed village on the line of road, but there were many discernible to the east. There were, nevertheless, numerous collections of Baloch huts. The course of the Gij was visible some time before we reached it, its banks being fringed with MUSICAL GUIDE. 137 tall tamarisk-trees. We found a tolerable stream of water in its bed, which was esteemed an unusual oc currence. We crossed it and halted. Near us were a few huts of the Jamali tribe, who inhabit the country from the Gaj towards Sehwan ; and a little lower down, on the stream, was a village called Babur-di-G6t. The bazar village of Talli was dis tant about three miles east ; and another, named Pulji, about four miles south-east. The point where the Gaj issues from the hills, marks also that where the road leads through them from this part of the country to Khozdar, and from our position bore due west. Here Kalikdad made some sales of raisins to Hindiis of the neighbouring villages, and gave one parcel to a man he had never seen before, taking in payment a draft, or order, on a brother Hindii at Jtii. I asked him if he might not be deceived. He thought it unlikely. Proceeded to Jiii, distant, by computation, eight cosses from the bank of the Gaj. After clearing the cultivation near the stream, we crossed a level tract much intersected by bands and water-channels. We did not follow the actual path, as Kalikdad had taken the precaution to hire a guide for this march. This fellow, on being told he was a bad guide, re plied, that he was a good singer of songs ; and in truth, apparently careless as to what route he led the kafila, he never ceased singing from the outset of his journey until we arrived at Jui. The object in hiring. this man, was to pass wide of some marshy 138 JUL land, said to lie on the direct road. As we started at midnight, by daybreak we were in sight of Jtii, the country to our east abounding in villages. In the vicinity of the town the surface of the soil was in many places covered with water. A few deep and broad trenches much incommoded the passage of the laden camels. Fields of jiiar extended east ward. To the west a slight jangal stretched to the superior hills, distant a good march, or eight to ten cosses. We halted under the walls of the town, which comprises about two hundred houses, with comparatively a flourishing bazar. Ordinary supplies are readily procurable. It is surrounded by a mud crenated, but dilapidated wall of fif teen feet in height. The only prominent build ing of the place was a new masjit, built by Ba hawal Khan, chief of the Jamali tribe, which, like the houses, is erected of no more costly mate rial than mud. At the south-west angle are the remains of a small mound, of more solid structure, originally formed with kiln-burnt bricks. This town is the little capital of a small district, held in jaghir by the Jamali tribe of Baloches, whose chief, Ba hawal Khan, resides near the hills, for the conveni ence of grazing his flocks and herds, in which he is wealthy. This district commences northernly at the Gaj rivulet, and southernly it extends about three cosses beyond Jiii. West it is bounded by the high frontier hills, and east its limits reach to the Nari branch ofthe Indus, where there is a thriving village. PENALTIES ON HINDUS. 139 called Bahawalpiir, seated on its banks. The Jamali boast of being able to raise seven hundred fighting- men. They have the singular custom of never selling milk, averring they retain it for their guests. The Marris, another Baloch tribe, for the same alleged reason, will on no account sell roghan. The Lar- kana canal, or branch of the Indus, was said to be distant about a coss to the east of Jiii, and sup plies the bazar with fish. The main stream, — by which I hardly know whether the Nari or the Indus itself was meant, — ^was affirmed to be eight cosses distant. It would appear, that during late years a far greater supply of water enters the canal than formerly, and even causes it, like the parent stream, to inundate. Jtii heretofore experienced distress from having no water immediately near; now, its numerous canals are overflowing. Kalikdad made sales here of madder and raisins. The order given by the Hindii at the Gaj river proved worthless on presentation. I was inclined to joke with my friend on his simplicity, but he was not willing to allow that I had reason. There was no Hindii, he said, in Sind, who would venture so egregiously to defraud a Mtissulman, for the penalty would involve the forfeiture of his property to ten times the amount of the fraud, and his being forcibly made a Mahomedan. This penal regulation seem ed ingeniously framed to protect the Mtissulman against the sharper witted Hindii, as well as to in crease the number of proselytes to Islam. Kalik- 140 ABUNDANCE OF TOMBS AND ZIARATS. dad, however, was right in his estimation, for the Hindii came toiling to Jiii with the money. He declared he knew that the order was useless, but feared that had he not given it the raisins might have been refused to him. From Jtii, four computed courses led us to Chinni, a town adjacent to the low hills, dependent on the superior range. Many of the eminences were crowned with gtimbazzes, or tombs, marked by cu polas. Some of them were handsomely carved, and their material was yellow stone. Sind is a great country for tombs and ziarats. The abundance of the latter, if a proof of the state of civilization in a country, is a certain one of the credulity of the inhabitants. It is also evidence, although it may seem, at first view, a paradoxical assertion, of the low state of religion, for the people, who are prone to pay homage to ziarats, will not be found fre quenters of the ordinary places of worship. Thus, in Sind the masjits are neglected, while the ziarats, or shrines, are flourishing. The natives, calling themselves Mahomedans, have abandoned essen tially the religion of Islam, and have become vota ries to a new worship, that of shrines. Among the Baloch tribes of the hills this is wholly the case; indeed a masjit is rarely or ever to be seen among them. There is much cultivation around Chinni, and a good deal of pasture. Its bazar has about sixty shops. The road from Chinni led pleasantly along a fine BALOCH GOT. 141 tract of pasture, (low hills, or eminences, to our right, and a plain stretching eastward to the Nari, and lake Manchtir,) to Trenni, a small village with its complement of giimbazzes. Biibak, on the borders of the lake, was a conspicuous object from this place, either that its houses were elevated, or that it was seated on a mound. Its elimate is vaunted, and both Trenni and Chinni were much favoured in this respect, and also in their situa tion and grass-land. Biibak is said to contain nearly a thousand houses. Contiguous thereto were the villages of Razi and Barafli. Sehwan was pointed out east. Trenni has a singular and igno ble repute, that of dog-stealing. The dogs of kafi las, it is said, are sure to disappear at Trenni. Ka likdad had picked up on the road a very large dog, that had become habituated, and had travelled with us for some days. He had always expressed his fear that he should lose him at Trenni. We took all precautions, doubled our watch, but in the morning there was no dog. Our route from Trenni led through slight jangal, and its latter part was through sand to Baloch Got, a small village on rising ground, with three or four shops. Here it is customary for kafilas to halt, until the duties payable at the town of Sehwan are adjusted. A miserable fellow, called Miisa, a Rind, came from the village, and stationed himself with the kafila. His task was to watch that no loads were clandestinely forwarded or secreted. 142 DIWAN SANGAT'S ENTERTAINMENT. Kalikdad repairing to Sehwan, I accompanied him, being desirous to see the remains of the ancient fort there. Our route from Baloch Got was through a well-cultivated country, villages occurring at short intervals. These had always a better and ancient appearance, from being chiefly built of kiln-burnt bricks, and from having one or more upper stories. They were generally raised on capacious mounds. Towards Sehwan large mimosa-trees are abund ant, and the road was pleasant, passing through a grove. Low sand-hills occur just before reaching the town,, and the soil becomes affected by them. We traversed the bazar, and took up quarters at a faquir's takia, overlooking the Aral branch of the Indus, and immediately under the ancient fort. Sehwan was computed at six cosses from Baloch Got. Kalikdad noted his arrival to the officers of Diwan Sangat, the farmer of the revenues, and they came to ascertain the number of individuals in company, that provision for their fare might be furnished, as is the custom with the Diwan. We re ceived a due allowance of rice, flour, roghan, and sugar. In conformity to the routine of business here, a Saiyad and a Hindii, the one to check the fidelity of the other, were appointed to return with our party, and to ascertain if the particulars ren dered by the merchants were correct. I inspected the old fort, which I found constructed of kiln-burnt bricks around the sides of a huge oblong mound. It was much dilapidated, but the RELIQUES DISCOVERED. 143 entrances were still well marked. There was no thing, however, in its exterior appearance which would justiiy an opinion of its great antiquity. It might be one thousand years old, it might be five hundred. The mound is artificial, or rather chiefly artificial, for an eminence was originally here, as proved by the masses of rock on the northern face ; and this has been made the nucleus of an immense collection of earth. The mound may, or may not have been formed considerably prior to the walls, which face its exterior sides, and contain it. The chance is that it had a prior existence. From the gates, cut through the mound, were streets, which, although much choked up, and converted by the action of centuries into water-courses, retain the signs of their former destination in the masses of brickwork, and similar indications, which yet in some parts adhere to the sides. Quantities of burnt grain, as wheat and gram, are discovered in some spots. On examination of these, I found they were intermixed with fragments of bone and of cocoa-nut shells, ample proofs that they denoted spots of cremation. This fact also explains why coins, trinkets, and other trifles should be met with so frequently, they being merely deposits with the dead, as far as coins are concerned, and the trinkets were attached to the corpse when consumed. I did not see any of the coins found, but understand that they are invariably Mahomedan, especiaUy coins of the caliphs. This circumstance would go far to 144 LALL SHAH BAZ. prove that in their time the mound was a Hindti place of cremation. At the same time, it may not affect the antiquity of the walls, for it is as easy to suppose that the Hindus converted a neglected fortress into a receptacle for the ashes of their dead as it is to suppose the converse, or that the Maho medans converted a Hindti cemetery into a citadel. In the latter case, however, and it is not impossible, the walls themselves have not an antiquity beyond that of the Caliphs. Like every other person who roams about these ruins, I found a relique, but an insignificant one, a copper omament, which my companions pronounced an ear-ring. There are the remains of buildings on the mound sufficient to point out that it has been occupied at a comparatively recent date ; and part of the outer wall of a tower above the western gateway, rising, indeed, above the level of the mound, ex hibits interiorly a few niches, seeming to show that the apartment was an inhabited one. The town of Sehwan itself is seated on a mound or mounds, a little inferior in height only to that of the castle, and the base of these towards the east has been secured by being faced with masonry. At the present day, it is far less famed on account of its antiquity, or of its reputed founder, Seth, than as being honoured with the shrine of the illustrious Mahomedan saint, Lall Shah Baz. Who he was is not decisively known ; whether, as the attendants at his shrine pretend, a saint of some LALL SHAH BAZ — ESTABLISHMENTS. 145 distant region, or, as some aver, a successful pur- loiner of his neighbours' cattle. However this may be, if he be even a fabulous saint, created on the wreck of a Hindii one, the repute of his shrine is well established, and LiU Shah Baz has become venerated with the emphatic title of the Pir of the Kohistin. The favours of the saint are, of course, granted in proportion to the value of the offerings of pilgrims ; and it may be presumed that the treasury of his temple is rich. The amirs of Sind have testified their piety by many costly donations, and are wont, at tiraes, to repair to Sehwan to iraplore the good offices of Lall Shah Baz. The profligate vazir, Fati Khan, at some risk, clandes- ¦ tinely visited this shrine, and no doubt went away satisfied that he had left his sins behind hira. The buildings attached are very numerous, and some of them sufficiently splendid ; the principal is crowned with a large cupola. The establishment of attendant miillas and faquirs is also ample, and food is distributed to indigent pilgriras and mendi cants. Much ceremony is observed in the ap proach of pilgrims to the shrine, and the rolling murraurs of the nagara accorapany the steps of the awe-stricken men. Amongst the wonders of the place are two tigers, enclosed in cages. Sehwan being one of the more erainent towns of Sind west of its river, is held by one of the amirs, and was now enjoyed by Mir Morad Ali. The revenues of the town are annually exposed to sale, and the VOL. II. L 146 MIRU KHAN — RECOGNITION. purchaser this year was the Diwan Sangat, who, in like manner, had acquired the revenues of Tatta. The district dependent on Sehwan extends to the lake Manchtir, and is very fertile in grain. Be tween Sehwan and Baloch Got the district is held in jaghir by a branch of the Utan Zai, the prin cipal Rind tribe, who have dwelt there for three generations, and have conferred on it the name of Rindistan. From this branch Mir Morad Ali has taken a wife, who is the mother of Mir Nassir Khin. In our journey to Sehwan we met on the road, returning from a visit to the ziarat of Lall Shah Baz, Mirii Khan, the present young sirdar, or chief, of these Rinds. He was attended by some fifteen mounted followers, on horses and camels ; two or three of them carried hawks. He was corpulent, and appeared thoughtless ; and his reputation for sense I found accorded with the me diocrity of his appearance. The saiyad, and his colleague the Hindti, being ready to start, we returned with thera to Baloch Got by the same road we had come to Sehwan. On passing through the bazar of the town I was recognized as a Feringhi by several people, but the recognition was immaterial. A day was passed at Baloch Got in satisfying the cravings of the saiyad, the Hindii, and of Miisa the Rind. The Hindii was most easily contented, and went his way ; Miisa made more difficulty, but suffered his conscience to be soothed. The INFLEXIBLE SAIYAD. 147 saiyad, however, remained, and it was difficult to divine the extent of his expectations. It is fair to observe that, if the inferior officers in Sind are venal, and the collections of duty are vexatiously made, the raerchants of kafilas lay themselves open to annoyance and exaction. They invariably exer cise their ingenuity to defraud the revenue, and therefore place themselves at the mercy of the collectors. Our saiyad, a remarkably sedate opium- eating gentleman, exhibited the most inflexible composure ; and he had completely the advantage over his victims, for they could not march until he uttered the word " mokal," or " permission to depart." It was clear that he was quite indiffer ent as to the length of tirae he might detain the kafila, as he must be well entertained so long as it stayed. He made no demands ; but on Kalikdad and the others tendering him what they judged due, he received it, and sat with the same imperturbable gravity as before, evincing no in clination to move ; from which it was inferred he was not satisfied. This farce was carried on during the day ; and it was evening when, having received from Kalikdad twelve rupees and a quantity of raisins and jira (carraways), and sixteen rupees from Atta Mahomed and the Kandahdr kafila, he pronounced the word so desired, " mokal," and took his leave. We then marched to Garm-ab, distant from Ba loch Got four cosses. The jangal was considerable, L 2 148 GARM-AB. and some marshy ground impeded our progress. Beyond, a dry open country again presented itself We passed a circular enclosure of masonry, clearly, from its style and neatness, a remnant of other days. At length we crossed the brook Garm-ab, flowing through a grove of mimosas, and halted imme diately beyond it. I proceeded to its sources, about three hundred yards from our position. They issue from the foot of a low rock, raade up of fossillized shells. A deep basin is formed, shaded by small bushes and plants ; the water delightfully lucid, glides easterly for about two hundred and fifty yards, when it expands into a small pond, thence anew fiowing easterly, it descends upon the plain, providing for the irrigation of the neighbouring- lands. I bathed about eighty yards frora the sources, and was surprised at the warmth of the water, as well as much gratified with immersion. The water is drunk, and has no perceptible taste. Numerous little fishes play in its transparent stream. There are many springs in these countries whose waters, warra in the morning, become cold during the day ; but this of Garm-ab is really a hot spring, preserving its temperature at all tiraes and seasons. I was told that its teraperature increased in winter, but it is possible it only then becoraes more pal pable from the lower state of the atmosphere. I have before noted the sulphureous spring of Lakha, some twenty miles south of Jell ; there is another a little below Sehwan, on the hills west of the SULPHUR MINES. 149 Indus, and again other very hot springs near Ka rachi. These several springs are found in the same line of hills, and those the inferior ones at the base of the superior range dividing Sind and Kachi from Balochistan. They extend from the Bolan pass to the ocean. The springs are found also under the same condition, or accorapanied with fossillized shells, as if on their original creation, the fossil lized mass had been gurgled up frora beneath the surface, through the vents afforded to thera, and had been subsequently condensed. These springs may afford data for an opinion as to the epoch when these hills were called into existence, which again must have been after the deposit of the shells. Under the same hills north of Jell, and west of Stiran and Sanni, are sulphur mines, showing that the same character of formation distinguishes them throughout their course. Immediately north of the spring, and of the isolated hill from whose base it gushes forth, is an artificial raound, strewed with fragraents of pottery, as was the surface of the soil around. That this spot was anciently an object of adoration, when natural phenoraena were deemed worthy of veneration, may be beUeved : at present we have its grove and its charmed circle, but we miss the temple. We were now about to enter a region replete with rustic, yet sometimes massy monuments of the forraer superstitions of a bar barous people. They bear a great analogy to the ponderous Celtic vestiges of ancient Europe, and, 150 GOT HINDU. like them, were constructed in the same primitive state of society. It is not impossible that they owe their origin even to the same races and super stitions. The name given to the spring of Garm- ab is expressive of its warmth. The plain below us to the east was spacious and well cultivated, and plentifully sprinkled with hamlets. A superior dwelling was pointed out as the Tanda Mahi, the residence of a respectable chief. The first part of our next journey traced the base of the low hills on our right. Afterwards we cross ed a riid-khina, its bed wide, and furnished with a stream of water. It accompanied us on our right during the remainder of our course. Tuming the base of a low hill, the waste was overspread with perp6k-trees, a few in blossom. In one or two places the soil was of a dark red colour, friable, and unctuous to the touch. Passing a burial-place on our right, in which were some prominent tombs of carved yellow stone, a little beyond it we halted at the remains of an old building called Got Hindu. This was supposed by my companions to have been a fortress, its forra being square, while circular towers described the angles. There were, however, peculiarities in the mode of architecture, which made me suspect it to be rather an ancient religious edifice. The walls were only two feet in height, and I inferred they had never been higher. Their breadth was about eight feet. The inner and ex terior surfaces were arranged with rauch neatness. FRESH CLAIMS. 151 The natives here call any old place, prior to their time or conception, Hindii. We were now in the country held by the Biilfiit tribe of Liimris, who extend in the direction of Karachi until, parallel to Tatta, they are met by the Jiikias, another Ba loch tribe. Our water was procured from the rijd- khina just noted. We had scarcely unladen our camels when, to the horror of Kalikdid and his brother merchants, the inexorable saiyad of Seh wan, with three attendants, on camels, made their appearance. Sad evasion had been practised. He affirmed, merchandize had been sold clandestinely on the road, and the kafila must return to Sehwan. With much ado he was induced to dismount, and to consent to remain until the morning's meal — in preparation — was ready. This delay gave oppor tunity for debate, and Kalikdad talked much of his respectability and honesty, which the wary saiyad never affected to doubt. The same farce was enacted as at Sehwan ; additional fees were given before the unwelcome guest would depart, and a fresh " mokal " was pronounced, I asked Kalikdad if he had not exercised his ingenuity in evading duty. He owned he had, but the Kan dahar merchants had overdone the matter. Throughout the next march the road, always level, led through a jumble of low hills, interspersed with waste, speckled with low trees and shrubs. We crossed the bed of a riid-khana, and winding through a variety of small eminences, so exactly 152 POKAR. conical that I hardly knew whether they were na tural objects or artifical mounds, we halted at a spot called Malgari. Water was found in the bed of the riid-khana. Our road, the following day, led generally along an open valley, low parallel hills on either side. Towards the end of our joumey, we crossed the bed of a riid-khana, with water in it. Beyond it we had on our right one of those ancient structures to which the natives apply the name of Gohar Basta. It was oblong ; and by the disposition of its walls, which in structure resembled those of the building at Got Hindii, described four apart ments, which faced the east. This antique vestige was distinguished by the presence of some fine dedars, the first we had met with, although they abounded in the following marches. We halted at a spot called Pokar, which was clear and open. Fragments of pottery strewed about the surface here, proved that anciently it was honoured by the presence of man. Now it is a solitude. There were, also, a series of conical heaps of stones, of large dimensions, and worthy of remark, as being situated on the plain. Heretofore we had noticed isolated ones, but seated on erainences. The suramit of a hill to the south-west was crowned with so many of these cones that they gave it the appear ance of being turreted. I was left to conjecture whether they were recent tombs or more ancient monuments. That they were the latter, their oc- WAD DERA. 153 currence in such a spot, marked by its gohar basta, and other evidences, might tend to substantiate. The hills in the neighbourhood yield a red powder, which the natives are willing to believe sindtir, or the red oxide of lead. Water was procured from a rud-khana. We thence traversed a fine level plain, neglected, indeed, but with good soil, and free from stones. On gaining a low detached hill, we skirted its base, having to our left a riid-khina. This we crossed, and halted immediately on its bank. About half a raile east of our ground was a sraall village, called Wad Dera, where resided Mir Khan, a Biilfiit chief, who collects a transit-fee of a quarter rupee on each carael-load of merchandize. I followed the path, which led among the jangal to the village, and was recognized by the Hindiis, of whom there are some, to be a Feringhi. The men of the kafila inquired for honey here. Mir Khan paid Kalikdad a visit, and brought him a fine diiraba, or fat-tailed sheep. The merchant, nevertheless, did not scruple to deceive him most egregiously in the amount of duty paid. From Wad Dera our march was over a fine level surface, slightly wooded with ber-trees, and those called kiiber, pelti, ghwanghi, &c., with the plant hishwirg. A variety of miraosa predomi nated. The tittar, or partridge, was plentiful. This raarch, called of eight cosses, I suspect was nearer twelve, for it was one of the longest we 154 DO RAH. had made. We finally halted near some small eminences occupying the face of the valley, and having higher hills on either side of us. These were, as usual, marked by conical heaps of stones'. From Do Rah (the two roads literally) led a road to Jiriki and Haidarabad, and the other we were following, to Karachi, The riid-khana we crossed at Wad Dera was on our left throughout the march ; we again came upon it at Do Rah, and derived from it our water. Our next march, a long one of twelve cosses, was made over a country exten sively open, and free from large hills. The waste was overspread, as usual, with slight jangal. A village occurred on our right, with a burial-ground and ziarat, amid a grove of trees. Hence the soil became somewhat sandy, and our road traced the base of a low hill on our left, until it terminated. From this point our course inclined westerly to Got Arab, or, as sometimes called, Tanah, where we halted. This is a large village of huts, where sometimes resides Ahmed Khan, the chief of the Biilfiits. There are many Hindiis at it. Here a transit-fee of a quarter rupee per load is again collected on the merchandize. The chief was not present, and the amount was paid to his mother. The Biilfiits boast of comprising twelve thousand khanas, or farailies, and as many fighting-men ; which any one would be inclined to doubt who had traversed their country, and, excepting the two or three small villages, had not seen a house KAFILA ARRANGEMENT. 155 or hut in it, and scarcely a human being. They are a tribe of the great Ltimri community, and are denominated Ltimri Baranis, in contradistinc tion to the Ltimri tribes of Las, called Lassis. In the public records of Sind they are called Namadi, by which designation they are mentioned in the treaty between Nadir Shah and Mahomed Shah of Delhi. There are two important divisions, the Bappahani, whose chief is Biila Khan, and the Amalani, whose chief is Ahmed Khan. These are again numerously subdivided. Ahmed Khan holds in jaghir the bazar village of Kotli, on the westem bank of the Indus, opposite to Haidarabad. It is about five years since duty was first allowed to be collected by the Liimris. Before, kafilas strong in number would sometimes pass through their limits, but their camels, when grazing, would be canied off, and occasionally a load or two would be stealthily abstracted on the march. Faiz Ahmed, the Babi merchant of Kalat, and cousin of Kalikdad, who possessed some consideration with the amirs of Haidarabad, preferred a petition to them, that the Ltimri chiefs should receive a small transit-fee from passing kifilas, and be held responsible for any loss that befel them. The amirs approved the suggestion, and the Ltimri chiefs consented to the terms. Since that time no instance of robbery has been known, and even animals straying are always secured and delivered up. If one be ine- coverably lost, it is presumed stolen, and its value 156 GOHAR BASTA. paid. These Liimris, or Bulfiits, as they generaUy call themselves, lead a life entirely pastoral. The little land cultivated is stocked with jiiari. The extensive tract of country they spread over has many tracts of good soil, and nothing is required but the construction of bands to secure the rain water, and bring much of it under culture. That it was once more peopled than at present is evi denced by the sites of former villages pointed out. From Tanah an open level country spread for about four or five cosses. We then neared some small eminences to our right, and upon the bank of a water-course stretching from them we came upon the most complete and singular gohir basta I had yet seen. There was exactly the same kind of structure we had met with near Pokar ; an ob long, divided by walls of masonry into four apart ments; but connected therewith, and north of it, was another square erection, with projecting en trances. This was composed of huge stones ; the length of one was equal to fourteen of ray spans, the breadth five spans, the thickness only one span. The extent of the oblong I found seventy-two of my paces. At the head of the water-course, I learned, were some works of masonry, and that they had been penetrated by the Ltimris, who conjectured that a spring of water had been, at some unknown period, wilfully closed by them. They probably opened a place of sepulchre, and failing to discover what they sought for, they found some trifling arti- LUMRIS. 157 cles, one amongst which they supposed to be a chil- 1am, or apparatus for smoking tobaccco. GOHAR BASTA, OE CYCLOPEAN VESTIGE. At some distance from these monuraents we crossed another riid-khina, without water, and I was told, that to the right were other conspicuous gohar basta. We made towards a detached hill, visible in our front, under which we finally halted. I was not satisfied with the cursory view I had taken in passing of the structures I had seen, therefore walked back with one of the camel- drivers, and inspected thera raore at leisure ; also took a sketch of the square building. On our return we met two Liimris, one of them armed, who asked my companion to let him examine his sword. The Brahiii declined, alleging, that good 158 CEREMONY. men did not part with their weapons. The Ltimri said he was a staunch sipihi, or soldier, and, after some jokes, we parted. Close to this halting-place was a viUage of huts, called Dagghar di Got ; amongst the population were a few Hindtis. On the hills were some of the conical stone monu ments. There fell a smart shower of rain here, from which we sheltered ourselves under the projecting ledges of the rock. I made an agreeraent with a Biilfut to conduct me to Siinmiani, as I did not know how I might be received at Karachi, and I did not wish Kalikdad to incur trouble on my account. This man provided a running-camel, and engaged to con duct me to Siinmiani in three days, receiving four rupees in remuneration. He had no idea that I was a Feringhi; and I made over to Kalikdad my compass, and other things which were as well not to be seen, and stuffed them into my pillow, keeping with me my kiirzin, or saddle-bags, filled with clothes and books. Kalikdad was to bring the pillow, as he would visit Sxinmiani in a few days. The kafila started by night, and, I afterwards learned, reached Karachi in four marches, halting respectively at Tirk, Mani- roh, Malaroh, and Karachi. Two of Ahmed Khan's men accompanied it; from which I inferred the coun try was more peopled, and that more precaution was necessary. At sunset one of these, mounting on the loads, gave notice, as loud as he was able, that the country was God's, and its Bidshah Mir Morad BULFUT CIVILITY. 159 Ali, and that any one coraraitting theft should re fund in the proportion of one rupee to one pais, and of one hundred rupees to one rupee. Without this observance and caution, I was told, the siraple value of effects stolen could only be recovered. Kalikdid and Atta Mahomed, although the kafila had started, to do me honour, remained with me the night at the Biilfiit's house in the viUage, and in the morning departed, recommending rae to his care. The Biilfiit, as soon as he had breakfasted, went in search of his camel, and did not return until noon. The beast was not secured, and again strayed into the jangal, and could not be found. My com panion told me to keep a " vadda dii," or, my spirits high ; but I could have wished there had been no delay. The Ltimris are certainly not a very delicate race, and below even many of their neighbours in the little arts and conveniences of life. The family I had mixed with comprised only the Biilfiit and a young woraan, about his own age, I could not tell whether his wife or his sister. My companion, in proof of his civility, would make me partake of his wat, or boiled rice, and would only allow me to sip from that part of the wooden bowl which had been already moistened by his lips. I was heartily glad when the alternate meal was over. Two or three hours before daylight next morn ing a loud chanting commenced in the village, which, I learned from the Biilftit when he awoke, was from the Hindiis reading their granths, or, as 160 BALOCH FAMILY. he expressed it, worshipping God in their own way. He then went in search of the camel, and brought it back with hira a little after noon. He prepared to start, telling me he would keep his word, although his female companion wished him to delay until the morning. We took our leave of the village, and making good way, the road always good, with low hills around us, we reached a place called Perarii, where we passed the night with a Baloch faraily. My conductor was, like all the Ltimris, an opium eater, and not only took a dose himself on starting but administered one to his camel. The animal became in consequence very wild for a time, and ran here and there, little troubling itself about the path, until the exhilaration of the opium had past. My friend as the animal capered about did not fail to encourage me, by telling me to keep a vadda dii, and, what was as necessary, to lay tight hold of his kamarband, or waist-shawl. We travelled nearly the whole of the day. Huts were sometiraes passed, and the soil was sandy. The hills bore a very different aspect, being now earthy ones, with abrupt scarped sides, and tabular summits. We halted for the night at a Baloch hut; the inmates civil, and if the men were unseemly, the females were very pretty. My Biilfiit ate opium with every man he met. The ceremony observed on such occasions may be noted. The opium, formed into pills, is placed by the fingers of the one into the mouth CREDULOUS BALOCHES. 161 of the other, so that no man, unless alone, eraploys his own fingers. The next day we crossed the valley, through which flows the Hab river. It presented a wild scene of natural confusion, frora the enorraous raasses of rock scattered about it. Towards evening we passed through sorae hills, and by night reached a spot where there were raany dwellings, and sorae Hindiis. Here, had I arrived by daylight, I might have had an adventure ; as it was, the people were suspicious, and came in small parties of two and three to reconnoitre, and went away. At length the Biilfiit found out a friend, and this put an end to interruption. This raan, I observed, always knew sorae one individual at each place he halted at. We started betiraes in the morning, and tra versed a country rather of undulating heights and depressions, than of hills. It was also better wood ed. At noon we reached a collection of Baloch huts, where my conductor telling our hosts that I had so many books, that if I lived among them I should be revered as a holla, or saint, I was asked to ascertain whether much rain would fall. I, in tum, inquired the reason of their solicitude about rain. They replied, that too much rain origi nated disease amongst their flocks, and that they lost numbers of them. Thus provided with infor mation, I gravely turned over the pages of Duncan's Edinburgh Dispensatory, and, of course, predicted that only a reasonable quantity of rain might be VOL. II. M 162 SUNMIANL expected. I was then asked to tell if some missing goats had merely strayed, or had been stolen. An exaraination of the Dispensatory naturally elicited that they had only strayed. Another question was put as to the direction in which they should be looked for. The Dispensatory answered, in the north, or the quarter in which they had 'been lost. These simple folks were well satisfied, and prepared for us cakes of bread ; and after our repast we pro ceeded for no very great distance, when we came upon a large collection of huts, superior in construc tion to any we had before met with. There was even much cultivated land. Here my Biilftit had an acquaintance, who pressed us to stay, which we did, although we might have travelled farther. We did not start until noon next day ; two or three young men intending to accompany us to Siinmiani, which I found was close at hand. We passed along a pleasant track, and rounding some wooded knolls, entered upon the level plain of Las. A short transit brought us to Siinmiani, where I was welcoraed by my Hindii friends. As my con ductor had behaved very properly on the road, I asked him what 1 should give him as a present, in addition to his carael hire. He selected my liinghi, that he might make a display with it on his return to his village. It was an old and indifferent one, but I had no other covering to my head, therefore I took a ducat, far beyond the liinghl's value, and told him he raight take which he pleased. He was BULFUT'S REWARD AND CHOICE. 163 >r some time undecided, looking at the liinghi and ien at the gold ; finally, summoning resolution, he lid, he would have the Patau's liinghi. I gave to him ; and making his little purchases, he left, ) pass the night at the place we had started from I the morning. 164 CHAPTER VIII. Residence at Siinmidni. — Departure. — Theft at Shekh-ka-rdj. — Utal. — Osman-di-Got. — Bela. — Murder of Mogal merchant. — Conference. — Slaughter of Minghal and Bizunjii chiefs. — Permis sion to levy duties. — Lawless state. — Prohibition to kafilas. — Haji Giil Mahomed's disregard of prohibition. — Kafila. — Mirza Isak. — Saiyads. — Merchants. — Badragars. — Deception. — Inci dent. — Compromise. — Departure from Bela. — Robbers. — Bdran Lak — Wali Mdhomed. — His remonstrances — His high feeling — His good offices — His liberality — His fate. — Isa Khan Bi- ziinju chief. — Fortune of kafila. — Kdla Dara. — Plain of Wad. — Benefit of badragars. — Hill people. — Khozdar. — Attempt at im posture. — Sohrdb — Rodinjoh. — Kal4t. — Reject invitation to stay. — Mangarchar. — Shehidan Baloches. — Trick played them. — Their anger. — Khwoja Amran hills. — Plants. — Wild tulips. — Shordwak. — Killa Mir Alam Khan. — Passes Tribes. — Villages. — Borders. — Arrival of Baloches. — Their mission. — Reply of the Afghans. — Canals. — Hissdrghii. — Atchak Zai Harir. — Chajar. — Kdrez Illaiydr. — Atchak Zai travellers. — AppUcation for duty. — Robbery in mistake SimpUcity of Mama's servants. — Takht Pui. — Saline marsh Arghasan. — Khiish-ab. — Tomb of Pahindar Khan. — Kandahar. — Recogni tion. — Consequences. — Expedition to Darawat. — Escape of Mir Alam Khan's son. — Fears of Sirdars. — Results ofthe expedition. — Arrange to leave Kandahar. — Climate Death of Fdr Dii Khan. — Abbas MIrza's envoy. — Insolent letter. — Envoy's pre sumption. — His treatment. — Reports and rumours. — Unpopu larity and dissensions of the sirdars. — Mehu Dii Khan's hypo crisy. Kalikdad in two or three days joined me at Stiur ralani, made some sales, and returned to Karachi. THEFTS AT SHEKH-KA-RAJ. 165 I resided, as in my former visit, on the best terms with the people, but fearful that a long abode might impair my health, improved by the journey from Kalat, I was anxiously awaiting an opportunity again to proceed to the north. In process of time, many merchants, and others, arrived from Bombay and Sind, and it was arranged to form a kafila to pass through the Minghal and Biziinjii hills. I resolved to accompany it, and bargained with an owner of camels, named Soh, to carry me in a kajawa (a kind of pannier) to Kabal. The bulk of the kafila was destined to Kalat and Kandahar, but there were three or four Nlazl Afghans, who dwelt near Kabal, and purposed to reach it by the route of Shall and Toba. I agreed to take my chance with them. We moved on to Chaghai, three cosses from Siinmiani, and thence to Shekh-ka-raj, a vil lage of sixty houses, with a few Hindti shops. A camel was here stolen from our kafila during the night ; nor was the animal recovered. On re presentation to the principal of the village, he avowed his inability to procure restitution, and alleged, that under the present lax government of Las, robbers had become so daring as to carry off cattle from his villagers. Although we started from Sh6kh-ka-raj about an hour before sunset, we reached Utal, ten cosses distant, only after midnight. This is a small town of about three hundred houses, with a great pro portion of Hindus. It is pleasantly enough situated 166 OSMAN-DI-GOT. amid groves of kikars ; and the country around is well cultivated with jiiari, sircham (rape), and the cotton-plant. Water supplied from wells. Pro visions, in moderate quantities, are procurable here, and honey is reasonable and abundant. Utal con tributes four thousand rupees annually to the re venue of B^la. We next proceeded to a spot, without name, on the bank of a dry ravine. We marched before sun set, and did not halt until after sunrise next morn ing, but our passage had been much obstructed by trenches and erabankments across the road. Water was found, of bad quality, in a well. At this place many of the camels strayed, but were recovered. We again marched before sunset, and did not reach Osman-di-Got, our destination, until considerably after sunrise the next morning. Water from a pond. Thence, a short march took us to Bela, and we fixed ourselves immediately north of the town. A delay was occasioned here by the necessity of engaging badragars, or safe-guards, to conduct the kafila through the Brahtii tribes of the hills. In the time of Mahmiid Khan, the father of the pre sent Mehrab Khan of Kalat, a Mogal merchant, passing from Kalat to Bela, was plundered and slain. On intelUgence being carried to the Afghan government, a vakil was despatched to Kalat, de manding satisfaction for the outrage; which was promised. Mihmtid Khan repaired to Khozdar, SLAUGHTER OF THE CHIEFS. 167 and encamped, summoning to his presence the several Minghal and Biziinjii chiefs of the hills. At an audience, the khan, with the Afghin vakil sitting by his side, required restitution of the stolen property, and the surrender of the murderers. In course of debate, one of the leaders observing to Mahmud Khan that he did not comport hiraself as an 11, or brother of the Baloch race, the Afghan vakil rose on his knees, and grasping his sword, which was lying before him, asked how a subject could dare address such language to his sovereign ? The Brahiii leaders, crying out that they were be trayed, instantly retired from the tent to an ad jacent tappa, or eminence. Mahmiid Khan ordered the nagaras to beat to arms, and the tappa to be surrounded. The Brahiii leaders were slain, to a man ; and popular report has associated with their slaughter the manifestation of a miracle. A shower of rain fell, but only over the tappa, which extin guished the matches of the devoted men, and left them a helpless sacrifice to their assailants. Some time after this signal display of justice, Mahmud Khan, excited by compassion, granted to the sons, or representatives of those slain on the occasion, permission to levy small transit-fees on kafilas, on their guarantee to respect property themselves, and to be responsible for robberies comraitted within their respective limits. The aggregate of these transit-fees did not exceed four rupees. Latterly, owing to the embarrassment of the Khan of Kalat, 168 LAWLESS STATE. the Brahuis of the hills levy at discretion, and a camel-load of merchandize is not cleared from Bela to Khozdar under a less amount than twenty-three or twenty-four rupees. Moreover, the assumption of independence, and disregard of authority, has pro duced a licentiousness of conduct to the individuals of kifilas, especially to Afghins and vOthers, not Baloches ; and badragars are indispensable, both to ensure safety and to prevent interminable disputes and wrangling. The growing insolence of the tribes was brought to notice in the conferences at Sohrab last year. The amount they benefited by the pas sage of kifilas throughout the year, was ascertained, and found, I think, to be so high as ninety thousand rupees. To dirainish this serious burthen on the trade of the country, as well as to punish the tribes for their contempt of authority, and refusal to fur nish the prescribed railitary contingents, it was de^ cided to prohibit kafilas from passing through their hills. Accordingly, Mehrab Khin interdicted the road, under penalty of confiscation of property, to those who followed it in defiance of orders. In the early part of this year Hiji Gul Mahomed, Andari, one of the most considerable of the mer chants at Kindahar, either ignorant of the khin's order, or, more likely, regardless of it, presuming on his influence at Kindahar, being connected with Khoda Nazzar, the mtlkhtahar of the sirdars, en gaged badragars, and proceeded to Kalat. The ki fila with which I was now in company conceived KAFILA. 169 they were privileged to infringe the khin's man date, as Haji Giil Mahomed had done so with im punity before thera. It consisted of a great nura ber of Peshing saiyads, sorae merchants of Kin dahar, and a few other Afghins, with numerous Baloches, natives of Kalat and the vicinity, men who were retuming to their horaes after three or four years' service in the Dekkan, or other parts of India, or who had carried horses and dogs for sale to Bombay. The Afghan and Kindahar people only had merchandize, consisting of fine calicoes, muslins, shawls, chintzes, &c. Among the Kan- daharls was one Mirza Isak, in the employ of Ab diilah Khan, the Atchak Zai sirdar, who, from his superior address, officiated as secretary, treasurer, and diplomatic agent to the kafila. He was a Parsivan and Shia, but on the road repeated prayers in company with the S6nls, as did two or three other Parslvans of Kindahar. The saiyads of Peshing, a rude boisterous class of men, but im perious from their acknowledged lineage, were en trusted with the direction of the kifila as regarded its motion. The order to prepare for marching was given by the most eminent of them, in a loud voice. and was followed by his benediction. Amongst the raerchants of Kandahar, the more respectable were, Martezza Khan, Barak Zai, residing at Chap- lani, a village south of Kandahar, and Yar Maho med Tijik, a dweller at Karezak, a village east of the same city. There were also three Nlazl Af- 170 BADRAGARS. ghans of Kabal, who had a load of muslins, and another of glass bangles ; and these last were espe cially my companions. Four badragars, Minghal and Biziinjii, were engaged, one of them, Rehimdad, a younger brother of Isa Khan, the superior chief of the Minghals at Wad. One hundred and twenty rupees were paid for their attentions, and their en tertainment on the road was to be provided* at the charge of the kafila. The number of loads liable to payment was fixed at thirty-five, although there were above forty. The proprietors made a deposit in the hands of Mirza Isak, to meet the demands throughout the journey. The load of bangles, con sisting of two long packages, secured by bambiis, was represented as containing tabuts, or corpses, the veracity of which was not suspected. Near the spot at which we halted at B61a was a well. One evening a masdtir, or servant of the Peshing saiyads, going to fill his massak, or skin, with water, met a female, of agreeable countenance, retuming from the well with a jar of water on her head. He -profited by the fair one's situa tion, and kissed her. The jar was precipitated to the ground and broken to pieces. The girl ran screaming into the fort ; and proved to be a kaniz, or slave girl of the infant Jam's mother. Appli cation was made to the kafila for delivery of the of fender, who was traced to the party of the saiyads. They refused to give up the man, as he, like them selves, was a descendant of the Prophet. Indeed, THIEVES. 171 every camel-driver belonging to them claimed the same honour. In the evening a party of armed men from the fort forcibly carried off five camels. The affair was ultimately compromised ; the officers of Las observing sarcastically, yet truly, " That al though the Peshinghls might be saiyads, they were uncouth, and saiyads of the hills." In my former journey to Kalat from Bela we had traveUed rapidly, being unencumbered with merchandize ; in the present one the Peshing sai yads, anxious to reach their homes, pushed on much more speedily than was agreeable to the Baloch part of the kafila, who, although dissatisfied, only ventured gently to murmur, fearing the maledic tions of the holy men. From Bela we marched to the Purali river, near the hills ; then passing Koharn Wat, we encamped within them ; and the third march brought us to a spot called Selloh — from which we made Marjit lUaibakhsh. On the road, and we travelled by night, some robbers darted on the hindmost pe destrians of the kafila, not to plunder on a grand scale, but to snatch anything that feU in their way, a,nd make off. One of them seized the liinghi on the head of one Khairii, walking behind the string of camels. Khairii had hold of one end, and the robber of the other. They both pulled, and Khairii roared out " Thieves ! thieves !" The camel-drivers in advance hastened to his assistance, with horrible imprecations, but they could not save the liinghi, 172 WALI MAHOMED. which the Brahui made off with. Our halting-place was on a small open space, with a large burial- ground and rud-khana, from which we got water, to our right. We then proceeded to the base of the Pass Ba ran Lak, and found water in the rocky bed of a hill-torrent. The next day we ascended the Pass, not particularly extensive or precipitous, yet sufii ciently so to impede the progress of heavily-laden camels. The detentions and accidents happening gave occasion to the camel-drivers to wish that the Feringhis would come and take the country, that the roads might be improved. While at the halt ing-place. Wall Mahomed, one of the principal Min ghal chiefs resident at Wad, with Taj Mahomed, another chief of consequence, and a few attend ants, the whole mounted, by pairs, on running ca mels, passed the kafila. Wali Mahomed was a venerable aged gentleman, with a white beard. On the merchants advancing to salute him, he rebuked them for coming by this road, in opposition to the khan's orders. He observed, that had they only abandoned the route one year, the insolent men of the hills would have been reduced to have sup.- plicated them to resume it ; that the khan had prohibited the route for their benefit, and they were so inconsiderate as to thwart the khan's good intentions. Rehimdad Khin, his relative, with the other badragars, appearing to pay their respects, his anger was inflamed at the sight of them, and WALI MAHOMED. 173 he asked the merchants if those kiiramsiks, or scoundrels, had intruded themselves or had been engaged with good will. On being answered, with good-will, he rejoined, that such unprincipled persons as these, for the sake of their badragars' fees', were accessory to the present unsettled state of the roads, as they acted in concert with the Brahiiis, and instigated them to acts of violence and rapine. The merchants much pressed the old chief to alight, and take his noon's repast vrith them, but he declined, asserting that the bread of strangers was to him aram, or unlawful. This excellent character was proceeding to Bela, to ar range an affair of bloodshed. A few years since, a kafila, in progress to Ka lit, was detained at Wad, the tribes interraediate between it and Khozdar having taken up arms. Wall Mahomed, lamenting the detention of the merchants, voluntarily escorted them to Khozdar. On arrival there, they debated upon the manner of expressing their gratitude for his unsolicited kindness, and collected two hundred rupees, which they placed in a silk handkerchief and tendered to their benefactor. He refused the present ; nor could any entreaty induce him to accept it. It was still urged upon him, when he remarked, that if any amongst thera had bandar nas, or Bombay snuff, he would receive a small quantity, not as a gift to which he was entitled, but as a mark of their favour. The money he could not think 174 DEATH OF WALI MAHOMED. of. The snuff, it need hardly be noted, was col lected, placed in ballaghiins, and presented to the chief, who received it with many thanks. Wali Mahomed is the uncle of Isa Khan, the present head of the Minghals ; and his exertions to re press disorder and keep his nephew in a right course, have not the success they merit. Isa Khan has a large number of retainers, and has all the restless spirits of the tribe in his party, and is thereby enabled to counteract the honest views of Wali Mahomed and the better disposed of the tribe. Had the kafila met Isa Khan, it would have been superfluous to have asked him to be come a guest. Ten years of increased age and honour had grown upon the loyal and upright Wall Mahomed, when, at the capture of Kalit, he fell, sword in hand, by the side of his prince, Mehrab Khan. His honourable death was worthy of his unblemished life. But we may regret the policy which numbered so estimable a chief amongst its victims. At this place we expected a visit from a Biziinjii chief, residing near Nail, who is, or considers him self to be, entitled to levy transit-fees. He is represented as a man of extreme brutality, and ilifamous for his outrages on kafilas and insolence to Afghans, of whom, it would seera, he has a hor ror. To suffer mere abuse at his hands is es teeraed peculiarly fortunate ; and there were two or three persons, one amongst them a saiyad, who VALLEY OF KALA DARA. 175 had been, on former occasions, wounded by this man and his followers. The ogre of the Biztinjiis, did not, however, make his appearance ; and we understood afterwards, that the tribe were in arms, and at variance amongst themselves, so that one party did not dare move abroad, or it would be attacked by another. This state of affairs proba bly benefited the kifila, with regard to the fees payable to the Biztinjiis of NaU, and which are at the heavy rate of two rupees per load. No one applied for them. In the succeeding march to the garden of Isi Khan, north of Wad, we passed up the fine valley of Kila Dara, noticed in my prior narrative. It was gay with its olive and beautiful perpiik-trees. I ob served also, that there were several gohar bastas in it. Although we started before sunset, and were in motion all night, it was not until some time after sunrise next raorning that having left behind the little town of Wad, we reached the garden, chiefly stocked with apricot-trees, with some mulbeny, plum, and peach trees. At this early period of the year all bore unripe fruit, the mulberries and apri cots of considerable size. The plain of Wad exhi bited a very different appearance from the dreary one under which I had formerly seen it. The cul tivation of grain had clad it in verdure, and I was no less delighted than surprised to behold the sterile surface covered with a profusion of thorny plants, either identical with, or closely allied to. 176 NATIVES OF THE HILLS. the English furze. There was another, but thorn-^ less bush, which was alike charged with yellow blossoms, and the gratified vision extended over an expanse of vegetable gold. We here parted with our badragars. These men were certainly useful, as the numerous and clamorous Brahiiis applying for fees were referred to them. If the number of loads was suspected as being under rated, they were told, " We (the badragars) are, like you, leviers of transit-fees. We are satisfied, why should you not be ? " In no one instance was the kafila put to inconvenience, nor did any one of the applicants for fees insist upon having the loads counted. Men pf little conscience, they showed that they had some, and were satisfied with the badragars' stateraent. Throughout this journey we had much intercourse with the natives of the hills. I must say that, however rude, they appeared honest. At all our halting-places traffic by barter was carried on, the ihdividuals of the party supply ing themselves with sheep, roghan, and lacteal pre parations, giving in exchange parcha, or coarse cotton cloth, spices, and turmeric. The latter article is much in request, being used to dye wool, as well as a condiment, and cloth is prized because none is manufactured amongst them. From Wad, halt ing intermediately at the head of Miin Dara, we moved on to Khozdar. Here fees were received by an officer of Mehrab Khan, called the Naib. A i^erson was willing to have imposed himself on KALAT. 177 the merchants as an agent of the Biztinjiis of Nail. He consequentially came, with a scroll of paper in his hand, and seemed busy in counting the loads, and scribbling down the results. In this no one interrupted him. He then inquired as to the con tents of the loads, when he was told, the trouble he was giving himself was useless, and he had bet ter return to his colleague in dexterity, the naib. The fellow, ashamed, went his way. Khozdar had a beautiful appearance in the vernal season. In our next march we passed Baghwan, and again halted at a spot between it and Sohrab. The hills were now covered with the fiowers of early bulbous plants, which relieved their otherwise bleak appear ance. The valley of Sohrab was alike interesting from the luxuriant verdure of its lucern fields. From Sohrab we marched to Damb, and experi enced a severe storm of winU and rain. The next stage was Rodinjoh, where we found the plains smiling with the varied and gaudy blossoms of the lala, or wild tulip. The following day we reached Kalit before daybreak, and making the circuit of its walls, halted in the rear of the miri, or palace of the khin. I visited ray old friends, and they dissuaded me from attempting the route through the Khaka country to Kabal, as the Khakas were engaged in internal hostilities. Kalat now presented a dreary aspect. The wil low and sanjit-trees were alone leafed. Mulberry and other trees only bore indications of nascent VOL. II. N 178 MANGARCHAR. foliage. Mehrab Khan heard of my arrival, and wished to see ray bhtits, or pictures. I regretted that I could not oblige hira, having left them with ray luggage at Siinmiani. Faiz Ahmed much pressed me to stay some time at Kalat, but I would not listen to his proposal, and thought it better to accompany the portion of the present kafila going on to Kandahar, particularly as I found it would take the route of Shorawak, a part of the country I was desirous to see. We parted from our companions, the saiyads and Brahiiis ; and the Kandahar party made a long jour ney frora Kalat to the foot of the hills, confining on the west the plain of Mangarchar. There were no habitations, but the bed of a rud-khana furnished us with water. In our next raarch we crossed the hills by a rather long and difficult pass. The descent brought us into a tanghi, or defile, of some extent; clearing which, we passed over an uneven surface araongst low hills, or eminences, until we halted on the bank of a riid-khana, with a small stream in it. This journey occupied us from before sunset to sun rise of the next morning. Our course now led over a low range of hills, hy a pass, long but easy. On its summit was a shehi- din, or grave, of two men, slain the former year by robbers. The men of the kifila strewed mountain- flowers over thera, and craved that a similar fate might not await themselves. I understood there was danger in this march, and the raerchants showed TRICK PLAYED UPON BALOCHES. 179 they felt it. From the pass the road became better, and we passed a riid-khana with a stream in it. At a more advanced season it was said to have none. We were still in motion when we were joined by three or four Baloches, who claimed a transit-fee, the due of a petty Baloch chief re siding at Chahirdeh, to our west. With the in solence of men in authority, they commanded the kafila to halt, and called for the chillara and tobacco. The Afghans waggishly filled the chillara with chirs, and the Baloches, unaccustomed thereto, as if by enchantment, fell asleep, and the kafila left them snoring in happy oblivion on the ground. We halted a little after midnight at Lagai, near a karez. Near us was a small rectangular walled residence, and a square tower, with a newly-planted garden. Here during the day anived the Baloches, furious on account of having been outwitted, and of having been put to the trouble of following the kafila. They were not much pitied, and receiving their fees, went their way. We commenced our next joumey very early — ^the reason I soon discovered, as we had to cross the great range of Khwoja Amran. A short distance brought us to its base ; and it was yet daylight when we reached the summit, from which was a fine view of the regions around. I observed here the ferula asafoetlda, and the various other ferulas to be found on the hills of Balochistin. A round-leafed variety of rhubarb was also abundant ; and this plant had n2 180 SHORAWAK. been common amongst the hills since our leaving Mangarchar. The descent of the pass was at first very precipitous, but led into a dara, with a conti nual but very gradual inclination. In sorae parts of it were vast numbers of wild tulips, or lalas, red and yellow ; and many varieties of the orchis, from which the former are distinguished by black spots on their petals. As we proceeded down the dara we passed a large mountain-willow ; hence, I presume, the tri vial name conferred upon this pass, of Kotal Bed, or the Willow Pass. Night commenced as we entered this dara, but it was daybreak before we cleared it and found ourselves on the plain of Shorawak. We made for a substantial castle, called Killa Mir Alam Khin, having been built by that nobleraan, a Niir Zai sirdar, who was slain by the Vazir Fati Khan, his brother-in-law. We halted in front of it. The castle was large, and neatly constructed of mud. It had eight towers, each face having an intermediate one between the angular ones. We had in view five or six other castles, and were told, that, altoge ther, there were twenty castles and villages in Sho rawak. We had close to us a canal, derived from the Lora river, which flows from the plain of Pe shing, through the rangie we had crossed into Sho rawak, and fertilizes its fields. Without it Sho rawak would be a part of the desert, which sur rounds it to the south and west. The pass which we had surmounted is one of four, leading over the Khwoja Amrin range. Beyond it is the Kotal , ARRIVAL OF BALOCHES. 181 Shiitar, or the Camel Pass, which some of the peo ple with our kafila had crossed, and represented as tolerable. Above it is the Kotal Roghannl ; and be yond it is the one most frequented, called Kotal Kozhak, being in the direct road from Kanda har to Shall. Shorawak is inhabited by the Bare- chl tribe of Afghans, dependent on Kindahar, and is generally under the control of the governor of Peshing. It has six principal villages, called Mandii Zai, Ahti Zai, Bahidar Zai, All Zai, Badal Zai, and Sherrari. It is probable, although I am not certain of it, that these villages bear the names of the divi sions of the tribe. On the west its boundary is well defined by the Khwoja Amran hill. On the north it has low unconnected hills, separating it frora ste rile sandy tracts, inhabited by Atchak Zais, and other Afghins ; to the south the sand desert separates it frora Ntishki; and to the west again extends the same ocean of sand. In this direction the horizon is uninterrupted by hills, the only hill visible being a low isolated black peak, bearing north-west. The Barechls are at deadly enmity with the Baloch tribes. The day we passed here six or seven Ba loches arrived, wishing to procure the restitution of some camels, recently stolen by the Barechls, and to enter into an arrangement for future friendship. As soon as the Baloches drew near, a party of the Barechls assembled, and, kneeling, presented their matchlocks, threatening to fire. Two of the most elderly of the Baloches, laying down their fire-arms, 182 CANALS. advanced to parley. This was ineffectual. The Barechls refused the restitution of the stolen ani mals, and alleged, that between themselves and the Baloches differences existed which could only be settled by a pitched battle between the two liluses. That they were willing to attend at any time and place the Baloches might appoint. If these terms were not approved, matters must remain as they were, each party, as opportunity offered, resorting to aggression. We here learned the degradation of Abdtilah Khin, the Atchak Zai sirdar, by the chiefs of Kandahar. Various reasons were alleged, but there was a sufficient one in his reputed wealth. The inhabitants here were civil to the members of the kafila, and exchanged their necessaries for spices, cloth, and turmeric. Before we left the plain of Shorawak we crossed perhaps as many as fifteen or twenty canals, all de rived from the Lora river, also the stream itself It had but a small body of water, but the bed was very wide, and not sunken, as in the plain of Peshing. Winding amongst the hills, the road always level, we traversed a sandy tract, diversified with small hillocks, until midnight, when we halted at a spot named Hissarghii. We saw no habitations here, but were visited by many Afghins, miserable in deed, if their raiments truly denoted their condition. They bartered their young lambs and roghan with the kafila, cheerfully receiving in exchange tobacco and turmeric. They were Atchak Zais. Our water HARIR. 1 83 was procured from a pool. About a mile to our west were some black rocks, and beyond thera was a waste of pure sand. The track between Shorawak and this place seemed, indeed, in dispute between the desert and the main land. Our next march was over a country analogous to the preceding, but we crossed the dry beds of several ravines and water-courses. We again halted at midnight in a small plain named Harir, encircled by low sand-hills. These were sprinkled with bushes, whose dark verdure afforded a strong con trast to the pale colour of the ungrateful soil in which they grew. Water was again in pools, and muddy, beihg merely a deposit from rains. No habitations were visible. We left Harir before sunset, and proceeding the entire night over a level surface, found ourselves at daybreak on the banks of immense ravines, full of water. This spot was called Chajar. We had to cross it, which was no easy raatter. Having effected our passage, we marched, still in a ravine, through a morass studded with tamarisk-bushes. At length we entered, lengthways, upon a spacious level plain between low parallel hills ; those to the west being of pure sand, or covered therewith, those to the east of bare black rock. The plain at its com mencement was stony. We passed a deserted mud castle on our right, and soon after halted near some forty black tents of the Atchak Zai Afghans. There were two or three detached raud dwellings lower 184 ATCHAK ZAI TRAVELLERS. down on the plain, which was extensively cultivated. Water was excellent, and procured from a karez; which, with its projector, gave a name to the place of Karez lUaiyar. The Atchak Zais were remarka bly civil, and amongst them were some respectable raen. Necessaries were, as usual, exchanged, and we regaled ourselves with young larabs. Some of our companions in the kafila were Atchak Zais, whp had been absent some years, seeking their fortunes in India. The joy of these men was great on re turning to their homes ; and I smiled as I heard them assure their friends that wherever they had been, and they had seen the Dekkan and Bombay, they had met no people to be compared with the Atchak Zais, and none who could boast of such khorak (food), or such poshak (raiment). In the course of the day a herd of camels belonging to Khoda Nazzar, or Mama, as he is generally called, anived here to graze. It also chanced, that two raen, on the part of Hassan Khan, an Atchak Zai chief, carae and deraanded a fee of one sennar per load. To this, by prior regulations, he was entitled ; but the individuals of the kafila, aware of Abdiilah Khan's seizure, and that the orders had been re scinded, refused to pay it. The messengers, in tent on retaliation, drove off a carael belonging to Khoda Nazzar's herd, supposing it to belong to the kafila. We moved from Karez lUaiyar before sunset; at the extreraity of the plain was an old tower. SALINE MARSH. 185 a choki, or guard-station. Here the servants of Khodi Nazzar had awaited us, and issuing forth, wished to detain the kafila until a camel was given, whimsically, but truly, asserting that the Atchak Zais had driven off their raaster's animal in error. The merchants did not seem to care for them or the vazir, and we left them in very bad humour to rectify the mistake of Hassan Khan's tiiiis. Round ing a small hill, we entered another spacious but barren plain, and at sunset had reached Takht Ptil, a spot where kifilas frequently halt. Here we fell into the high road, at the point where it leads by Robat to Peshing and Shall. By daybreak we had reached the village of Karez Haji, the houses all co vered with domes. Here was abundance of water in canals, and much cultivation. We then deviated from the high road and struck across a swampy plain, unfruitful and unfit for tillage from its sa line impregnations, but at this time of the year of charming appearance, its surface being covered with the beautiful blossoms of the fish, a bulbous-rooted plant, from whose roots the paste called shirlsh is made. Its flowers are both white and yellow, and hang on a taper stalk like those of the hyacinth. We crossed the Arghasan, and halted on its bank. The river's bed was wide, but the stream was in considerable, though rapid and irapetuous. Mar tezza Khan here left us for Chaplani, his village on the edge of the desert, a little south of us, as did Taj Mahomed the Tajik merchant. 186 TOMB OF PAHINDAH KHAN. At midday my companions, eager to conclude the journey and rejoin their friends, continued their course over the plain, crossing many canals of irri gation, some of them large, to the village of Khiish- ab, containing several houses, but chiefly ruinous, and thence we gained the summit of a slight ascent over a low hill, called Kotal Zakkar, from which we bad a noble view of the city, vrith its enri rons. At the foot of the pass was the large and straggling village of Zakkar, with gardens inter spersed amongst the houses. Close to it is the tomb of Pihindah Khan, slain by Shih Zeman, and the father of the actual chiefs of Kandahar, Kabal, and Peshiwer. From Zakkar, came to the rillage of Karij, where some of our party again left us. Thence the road led over the cultivated fields ; and we had much ado to thread our way amid them, and over the numerous canals of inigation. De tached residences, gardens, tombs, and takias we passed on our route, and it was after sunset that we reached the Shikarpur derwaza, or gate. Here the custom-house officers of Mama were on the alert ; and as I had nothing but an ill-filled kiirzin, or saddle-bags, I might have passed unnoticed, and indeed had so passed. One of the camel-drivers, in assisting me to alight, inadvertently stated that I was a Feringhi, on which my kiirzin, camel, and myself, were forthwith conducted to the chabiitra, in the centre of the city. I could not induce an immediate examination, as I clearly saw that curi- EXPEDITION IN PREPARATION. 187 osity was to be gratified by a leisurely inspection of a Feringhi's kiirzin. I therefore returned with Soh, the camel-owner, to his house, where I passed the night. The exactions on the score of duty on merchandize coming to Kindahar are infamous. It was useful to see how rapacity and tyranny defeat their own ends. None of the raerchants, except two or three Parslvans actually residing at the city, entered within its walls. They all dispersed with their goods to their several villages. It was not until the third day after my arrival that Soh brought my kiirzin from the chabiitra. A few sheets of writing-paper and a little tea had been subtracted. I found the sirdars busy in pre paring an expedition against Darawat, the country of the Niir Zais, towards the Helmand. Their darbars were crowded with the military, and the city was full of Diirani cavalry. The occasion of this activity was, the escape of the son of Mir Alam Khan, Niir Zai, from captivity. He had long been confined in the BaUa Hissar, and was so dreaded that his feet were secured by fetters. He, however, contrived to elude the vigilance of his keepers, much to their surprise and consternation. He re paired to his native country, and his clan instantly took up arms in his cause. To suppress these move ments so near home required the promptest mea sures, not merely on their own account, but from the apprehensions that the Niir Zais might be acting in concert with Kamran, the prince of Herat, 188 ARRANGE TO LEAVE KANDAHAR. and the disaffected Hazaras. The sirdars had not a moment to lose, and therefore Kandahar exhi bited a scene of extraordinary activity and warlike bustle. My stay here did not allow me to learn the result of this expedition, but I became informed of it at Kabal afterwards. It was anything bufc fortunate to the sirdars. On arrival in the Dara wat country, the Nur Zais placed by night lighted matches on the bushes opposite to the Dtirani camp on one side, and attacked it from the other. A panic followed, and the sirdars, with their troops, fled, abandoning their tents and the four guns they had brought with thera. One of the sirdars, Raham Dii, was for some days Meandering alone amongst the hills, after exchanging clothes with a shepherd, and with difficulty found his way back to Kandahar. I removed my quarters frora the house of Soh to that of ray old acquaintance Sirafraz Khin. I had arranged to have raade the journey to Kabal in the company of a highly-religious character, the pir, or spiritual guide of Kohan Dii Khan, and this holy man had expressed his pleasure that I should do so ; but his departure was postponed to an indefinite time, and I judged better to avail myself of a kafila about to start, amongst whose merabers were some well known to Sirafraz Khan. I therefore settled with one Rahraat for one side of a kajawa, and I had for companion in the other, Sufi, a Parsivan merchant of Kandahar. It was now the early part of May, and heavy DEATH OF FUR DIL KHAN. 189 showers of rain fell, with occasionally a smart hail storm. In the bazar lettuces were sold in profu sion, with unripe plums and apricots. The winter had been unusually severe and protracted, there fore, mulberries, which in ordinary seasons would have been ripe, were yet hanging immature on the trees. Kandahar is esteeraed felicitous in its winter climate, and snow, which remains on all the lands around, rarely falls on its favoured plains, or falls only to melt. In the interval between ray first and present visit, Fiir Dii Khan had been taken away by a fever of short continuance. He was speechless some little time before resigning his vital breath, and no information could- be gained from him as to his concealed wealth. His corpse was interred with indecent haste by his surviving brothers, who seized upon all his property in effects and horses, to the detriment of his sons. During his lifetime his brothers had been generally confederated against him, frora jealousy of his power ; and Kandahar had two darbars, one of Fiir Dii Khan, and one of his three brothers. Soraetimes they would be recon ciled by the influence of their mother, or of Khodi Nazzar, but the periods of harmony and union would be short. Still, while thus at variance on points of individual interest, they would act in concert on the more important objects of foreign policy, as regarded their brother. Dost Mahoraed Khin of Kibal, or the prince Kamran of Herat. About the 190 envoy's PRESUMPTION. time of Fiir Dii Khin's decease. Abbas Mirza, the crown prince of Persia, had arrived in Khorasan, and had despatched a messenger, or envoy, to the elder of the three brothers, Kohan Dii Khin. This envoy was a notorious character, one Hajl Hiissen All Khan, Morad Khani, a native of Kabal, from whence he had fied, in the time of Mahomed Azem Khan, to Ranjit Singh. He for some time thrived under the auspices of the Maharaja, but at length presuming to kill a cow, the fact was re ported, and he was dismissed from Lahore. He then repaired to Sind, where he profitably tumed his ingenuity to' account, by imposing himself as an elchl upon the Amirs, and again, on a mission from them, proceeded to Persia. He now re-appeared on the theatre of diplomacy, and brought a letter from Abbas Mirza to Kohan Dii Khan. The sirdar was highly incensed, as he was addressed with no more dignified appellation and title than " Kohan Dii Khan Abdall," and the extent of the Persian prince's courtesy had led him to restrict his complimentary introduction to " Hafiyat bashed," or, " May he be well." The letter, moreover, was to the purport, that if the sirdar's conduct was fitting, and such that should merit approbation, he should be made mir of the Afghans. Kohan Dii Khan thought he was already mir of the Afghans. Haji Hiissen All Khan, forgetful that he had been a dependent on the family of the sirdar's, and pre suming too much on his quality of envoy, gave him- REPORTS AND RUMOURS. 191 self many airs, and indulged in undue freedom of speech. One night, however, his house was en tered by robbers, and all his property, even to his wearing-apparel, and horses from his stable, were carried off. Kohan Dii Khan was wonderfuUy surprised in the morning, at the audacity of the robbers, but every one was free to surmise who had sent them. The unfortunate envoy was glad to return to his master on hired cattle. His adven tures were now the subject of jocular conversation and merriment at Kandahar. The sirdars had given out, in conformity to a favoured system with thera of raising false reports, that an elchl from the Feringhis of Hind was on the road to them. It was entirely credited by the people, and before reaching the city, I had often been asked about the expected envoy ; and now at it, I was repeatedly questioned as to how far behind was the elchl, with his hundred boxes. The sirdars, led by their imagined interests to combine in opposition to their deceased brother, Fiir Dii Khin, now that he was no more, were on sad terms with each other. Kohan DU Khan affected a superiority, which the others did not ac knowledge, and all classes of their dependents were disgusted, and harassed at their incessant and un meaning dissensions. Every now and then Raham Dii Khan would leave the city, threatening to re tire from the country, and his brothers would be in duced to wait upon him, and entreat him to remain. Meher Dii Khan, in turn, would declare his in- 192 MEHER DIL KHAN'S HYPOCRISY. tention of renouncing power and of proceeding on a pilgriraage to Mecca, and now he was in one of his pious fits rauch to the enjoyment of his bro thers. The man who visited the sirdar on business, and the soldier who attended for his stipend, in reply to their Salam Alikam, would receive the de vout ejaculation of " Yar rasiil Khoda;" by which they would understand, that the sirdar was too much absorbed in abstract reveries to be able to occupy himself with worldly affairs. It was always remarked, that Meher Dii Khan, whenever he had the demands of his retainers to satisfy, began to think of a pilgrimage to Mecca. 193 CHAPTER IX. Cordial reception. — Ghulam Mdhomed's temerity. — Shir Dii Khan's daughters. — Leave Kandahar. — Tarnak river. — Sheher Safar. — Tirandaz. — Jeldak. — Ghiljis in revolt. — Quarrelsome vi.sitors. — Hostile indications. — Explanation. — March of kafila. — KUla Rdmazan Ohtak. — Visit from Fati Khan. — Ghowar. — Fati Khan — His exactions. — Halt. — Design of Killa Ramazan Khan. — Message from Shahabadin Khan. — Lodin. — Old fortress. — Ghilji iljari. — Shahabadin Khan — His appearance and cos tume — His abode at Khaka. — Duties. — Their rigid exaction. — Ghilji tribes. — Ohtaks. — Thokis. — Abiibekr Khel. — Terekis. — Cultivation of the Thokis. — Aspect of country. — Character of tribes. — Their justification Turki origin. — Ferishta's notice. — Ghilji conquests. — Opposition to Nadir Shah. — Hiissen Khan. — Abdul Rehman. — Religious tradition. — Shahabadin Khan's fame — His recent moderation — His sons — Aversion to Diiranis — His pious remarks. — Khaka. — Military force. — Numbers. — Arms. — Shahabadin Khan's poUcy. — Murder of his son. — Abso lution of the murderers. — Siiliman Khel Dost Mahomed Khan's scruples. — Precautions. — Preparations to march. — Curi ous scene. — Fruitless expostulation. — Infant robber. — Valley of Tamak — Osman Ganni. — False alarm. — Quarrel. — Tei-ritory of Ghazni. — Shehiddn. — Mokar. — Baffled robbers. — Sir Chishma. — Rivulet. — Obo. — Karabagh Hazaras. — GiiUstan Khan. — Nani. — Ghazni. — Town and bazar. — Citadel. — Traditions. — Rozah and shrine of Siiltdn Mdhomed. — Columns. — Walls.— Gates. — Situation of town. — Artillery. — Fruits. — Revenue. — Wilford's conjectures. — Gardez and Patan. — Topes — Sheher K(irghan. — Ghar Samd Niika. — Lora. — Wardak. — Takia. — River of Loghar. — Shekhabad. — Maidan. — River of Kabal. — VOL. II. O 194 GHULAM MAHOMED'S TEMERITY. Arghandi.— Killa Kazi.— Chehel Tan.— Killa Topchi Bashi — Friendly greetings. — Baber's tomb. — Approach to Kabal. — Serai Zirdad. — Quarters in Bdlla Hissdr. My reception by Sirafraz Khan was very cordial, and being in better trim than when we first made acquaintance, he entertained me sumptuously, and I reposed at night under costly coverlets of silk and satin, which I could not prevent being brought forth. With a young man, Ghiilam Mahomed, his adopted son, I visited the gardens of the neigh bourhood, and amongst them a private flower- garden of the sirdar's. Ghtilam Mahomed knew it was forbidden ground, but finding no one there, ventured to enter it. Iraraediately after, the daugh ters of the late Sirdar Shir Dii Khan came, with their female attendants. The latter severely scolded my companion for his irapertinent intrusion and insolence, and, sadly disconcerted, he went away. I was following him, but was told I raight remain, the females observing, that they knew I should not have come had not Ghiilam Mahomed brought me, and telling the sirdar's daughters, charming young girls, that I was a yar, or friend, of Mahomed Sidik Khan. As my stay was so short, I did not call upon the son of Kohan DU Khan, who was, besides, busy in his preparations for the expedition against the Ntir Zais; and for the same reason I did not see the son of Taimiir Kuli Khan, but was pleased to hear that his affairs were more prosperous, inas- LEAVE KANDAHAR. 195 much as the sirdars had conferred a little notice upon him, which would soothe his pride and flatter his vanity. In company with Ra.hmat,^I left Kandahar, and passing Deh Khwoja and Koh Zakka, reached Deh Mandlsaii where he resided. I there found my future corapanion, Stifl, and Ghowar, an Ohtak Ghilji, also proceeding to Kabal. The kafila had preceded us ; and the next day, following it, we halted on the banks of the Tarnak river. We thence made a long night-march, parallel to the course of the stream, and again rested on its bank, the high road being on the opposite side. Before sunset we moved on our journey, and soon passed, to the right, a huge artificial plat form of earth, which supported another of inferior diraensions. A sirailar vestige, but sraaller, occurs a little east of Kabal. It would appear, on a cur sory view, to have been a fortress, with the walls erected on the two stages formed, but may as probably have been a temple, and sepulchral local ity of the olden inhabitants. A little beyond, we crossed the river and gained the high road. In our farther progress, we passed the village and ziarat of Khel Akhiind, and beyond it, an emi nence right of the road, denoting the site of Sheher Safar, about half a mile beyond which we halted. By this tirae the day had dawned. There are at present no inhabited houses near Sheher Safar, o2 196 GHILJIS IN REVOLT. hut a few ruinous mud walls are seen to the right of the road. The modern village was destroyed by the Vazir Fati Khan, and has not been re-edified. Sheher Safar has been supposed to represent the ancient city of Zupha, noted in the Peutingerian tables, but merely from a doubtful affinity in name. Our next march was along the bank of the Tar nak. A little beyond Sheher Safar was a sraall garden and some ruinous walls left of the road. The hills on the right of the valley are generally detached, and of broken mgged outlines. The soil on either side of the river was under culti vation. We finally halted near the column, or obelisk, called Tirandaz, between the road and the Tarnak, which has been already noticed in the first volume. The following day we reached Jeldak, where we found the kifila, this being the frontier village of the Kindahar territory. Our entire course had been along the bank of the river. We here received intelligence that Badradin, one of the sons of Shahabadin Khin, the chief of the Thokl Ghiljis, was in rebellion, and marching about the country with his foUowers. This news much perplexed us, and made it doubtful whether it was prudent to advance. Early one morning a party of Ghilji horsemen came, on the part of Fati Khan, Abiibekr Khll, a Ghilji chief, who claims a transit- fee from kafilas. These men, on dismounting, quar- MARCH OF KAFILA. 197 relied among themselves, and swords were drawn in a trice. By interposition, bloodshed was prevented. The kafila, uncertain whether they would proceed, would not pay the required fees, which were unne cessary if the frontier was not passed. The Ghiljis were very anxious to receive them in any case ; but, although refiised, an entertainment was pro vided for them. AYhile they were yet with the kafila, parties of armed men, from the neighbour ing villages behind the hills on our left, came and seated themselves on their summits with their matchlocks. The Ghiljis, who are at enmity with all their neighbours, first suspected that these hos tile indications were on their account ; but it proved that the villagers had assembled to avenge on the kafila an outrage, committed by one of its members on a villager, who had been beaten at a fiour-mill. Explanation was made that the offender was a saiyad, which led to an understanding ; and the villagers, who had assumed so warlike an attitude, ran laughing dovra the hills to the kafila, and blew away their enmity with whiffs of tobacco. The kafila loaded about an hour before sunset, as was supposed, for the purpose of returning to Kandahar, and many had proceeded a little way on the road thither ; when the kifila bashi, ob serving that the Ghiljis, bad as they were, were not adamkhors, or cannibals, took the string of his front camel, and followed the Kibal road. He was imitated by Rahmat, and eventually by all 198 VISIT FROM FATI KHAN. — GHOWAR. the others. We raarched the whole night along the bank of the river, which, at daybreak, leaving the high road, we crossed, and passing a small village, and then a riid-khana, gained Killa Rama zan Khan, Ohtak, where we halted. This castle belongs to a Ghilji, in the service of the Kan dahar chiefs. During the day we were visited by the Abiibekr Khel chief, Fati Khan himself, with about twenty horsemen. His fees were some what high, — three rupees for a camel, two rupees for a horse, and one rupee for an ass; twenty rupees in addition were presented as mlminl, to avoid the trouble of preparing food for the party, as the Ghiljis are not easily-satisfied guests. The raoney raatters were arranged with comparative facility, considering the character of the collectors. Two or three Parsivan camel-drivers, indeed, re ceived a horse-whipping. My companion, Ghowar, the Ohtak, proved of great service, as he was well known ; and the Ohtak is the superior tribe of the Ghiljis, and held in respect by the others. He instructed me to remain quiet in my quarters ; and, in reply to one of the horsemen, who asked who I was, replied that I was a faquir from Riim Sham. This elicited the remark of " dher pardes di," or " he is a great stranger." Fati Khan resides near Kalat Ghilji, • which was here distant from three to four miles to the north. He was an elderly man, of smart respectable appearance. He has a sister, married to Shah Stijah, the ex-king, FATI KHAN — HIS EXACTION. 199 the mother of his eldest son, prince Taimiir. It was originally the custom that transit-fees on ka filas coming from Kandahar were received by him, and fees on those coming from Kabal by Shaha badin Khan. Latterly, profiting by the distracted state of affairs in these countries, he levies from all kafilas, coming or going, as does his brother- chief, and enemy. Fati Khan is considered inimical by the sirdars of Kandahar, particularly, perhaps, on account of his connexion with Shah Stijah, and his exaction of transit-fees is not made with their consent or sanction : kafilas think it better to pay them than to incur the risk of being plun dered altogether. Fati Khan also is obliged to be on the alert ; as, if a kafila pass beyond Killa Ramazan Khan, he would not dare to follow it, and would lose his fees. A kasid was hence de spatched to Shahabadin Khan to learn the true state of affairs in the Ghilji district, and whether he would protect the kafila's advance. Awaiting the reply of Shahabadin Khan, our stay here was sufficiently agreeable. We had a karez of excellent water flowing near us, and we procured our little supplies from a collection of tents contiguous. There were also two or three Hindtis within the castle. To our left, beyond a riid-khana, were low hills, from whose sumrait a fine view was obtained of Kalat Ghilji, and the valley of the Tamak, also of the village of Lodin. On our right, in like manner, on ascending the rises, we beheld 200 OLD FORTRESS. some villages and castles, with their gardens. Killa Ramazan Khan, was built by its proprietor, at the suggestion of the Kandahar sirdars, with the view of yielding protection to kafilas, and thereby to induce them to adopt the route by it, instead of following the high one along the course of the Tarnak. This was hoped would prevent the col lection of transit-fees by the Abiibekr Khel Ghiljis. How the scheme had answered we were witnesses, as the Ghiljis had first come to the village within the Kindahar boundary, and had now collected their supposed droits from under the walls of the castle. At length, by night, a horseraan arrived stealthily frora Shahabadin Khan, announcing his approach in person, and that he would place hira self between the kafila and his son, who must first defeat him ere he had it in his power to interfere with thera. He wished the kafila to march the following day. In the evening we therefore started, and soon en tered the bed of a riid-khana which we traced for sorae distance, and arrived in a line with the village of Lodin, about three miles distant to our left, where, we understood, the refractory son of Shahabadin Khan had taken position. Traversing a small ex tent of plain, we fell into another riid-khana, with hills on either side, up whose bed we continued our journey for a long time. On the hills to our right were the remains of an ancient fortress of consider able magnitude. We at length passed the tiiiis SHAHABADIN KHAN. 201 infantry of Shahabadin Khan. They were lying, or rather resting on the ground, on their knees and hands, covered with their uncouth kozahs, or white felt cloaks. They made many demands for tobacco, with which it was necessary to comply. From their language it might be understood that they would have been better pleased to have plundered than to have protected the kafila. Some of their ex pressions were so reckless and violent that the men of the kafila blessed themselves in honor. They were, indeed, crouching on the earth like so many tigers, and are probably not a whit more humane in disposition. They are, however, as men, a sturdy and superior race. Soon after getting rid of them we passed the spot where Shahabadin Khan was passing the night. Here we did not stay, but pro ceeding some distance beyond, at daybreak halted on an open space, whence we could discern no habi tation, or sign of it. In the morning we were joined by Shahabadin Khin and his cavalry, about one hundred and fifty in number. They halted, and cooked their pro visions. Everything that they required was taken from the men of the kafila with the greatest effron tery. The khan sat on an eminence, and received the salutations of the kafila bashi, and others. With the view of preventing delay at his castle, it was wished to have paid at this place the amount of transit-fees due ; but the khin would not consent to receive it. A little after noon the kafila was in 202 khan's abode, motion, Shahabadin Khan covering the march. I had now a favourable opportunity of seeing this celebrated Ghilji chief. He was, apparently, about sixty years of age, very robust, but active, and of stern, sanguine, raanly countenance. His attire was plain. A liinghi was bound around his head, and a fargal, or upper robe of white lineh, only distin guished him frora his attendants. On his right hand was riding his younger son (for he has many sons), and it may be presumed his more favoured one, and he was apparelled raore gaily, as was be coming the taste of youth and his father's regard. Our road was throughout level, but over a barren sandy tract, with slight hills and rises on either side, but we passed no house or cultivation imtil towards evening. In one spot the khan directed the kafila to pass watchfully on, as there was appre hension. Soon after this we came in sight of castles and villages, called Khaka, at which we arrived at the close of day. Passing them about an hour after sunset, we reached the khan's resi dence, in front of which we halted. We found the khan indifferently lodged. This was not surprising, if the terms on which he lives with his neighbours, the Diiranis of Kabal and Kandahar, be considered. It would be unwise for a khan of the Ghiljis to construct an edifice which it would grieve hira to see destroyed whenever their arraies might march through his country. As it is, his hurable abode is purposely fixed distant from the high road. It honourable CHARGE. 203 is built merely of mud, and is seated on a mound, at the foot of which are a few houses, and in the vicinity are some black tents. This day duty was paid at the rate of four rupees per camel, two rupees per horse, and one rupee per jackass. The collection was made in a summary way, by count ing the animals, as the Ghiljis, to avoid discussion and the frauds of the merchants, levy on the beasts of burthen, not on the merchandize ; and to incur no chance of being duped as to them, levy on all indiscriminately, whether laden or not. Any at tempt to irapose upon thera brought a free appli cation of the horsewhip ; and some few poor fellows, who had secreted their asses, were most severely bela boured. With the Afghan portion of the kafila they were less rancorous, but equally strict as to enforc ing their rights. Towards the Parsivan portion they were oppressively harsh and insulting, even while attributing to themselves the merit of mo deration. I sat during the scene, which lasted throughout the day, in perfect ease, Ghowar the Ohtak being at hand to look after his bales, and ready to answer if any one noticed me. I was, indeed, honoured by one of the collectors with the charge of his chain-armour, and in the evening re ceived his thanks for having carefully watched it. Besides the amount of transit-fees, forty rupees were paid as mImanI, or an entertainment fee. A blind Haji, returning from pilgrimage, and who rode on a camel, with a lame faquir mounted on an ass, 204 OHTAKS. were excused by the khan, whose inexorable nature relented at the exhibition of the infirmities of human kind. The Ghilji tribes occupy the principal portion of the country between Kandahar and Ghazni. They are, moreover, the most nuraerous of the Af ghan tribes, and if united under a capable chief, raight, especially in the present state of the country, become the most powerful. These people are also found between Farra and Herat, and again between Kibal and Jelalabad, but in either position, being under due control, they are little heard of. The Ghiljis between Kandahar and Ghazni comprise the great families of the Ohtaks, the Thokis, the Terekis, and the Andarls, with their sub-divisions. Of these the three first are independent, and the last, residing at Mokar, are subject to the govemraent of Ghazni. The Ohtaks are acknowledged the principal of the Ghilji fami lies, and furnished the chief, or padshah, in the period of their supremacy. They have accordingly a kind of reputation to maintain, and their cha-t racter is more respectable than that of the other tribes. They dwell in the tract of country north of the Thokis, and of the high road from Kandahar to Ghazni, on which account travellers seldom pass through it. The Thokis, more numerous than the Ohtaks, occupy the line of road, and the tracts immediately north and south of it, from the confines of Kandahar to Mokar. Nearest to Kindahar re- CULTIVATION OF THE THOKIS. 205 side the Abiibekr Khel, one of the subdivisions under their chief, Fati Khan. The Terekis also border on the frontiers of Kandahar, and are east of the Thokis. They are less numerous than the Thokis, and have for chief Khan Terek, — who, if not dependent upon, cultivates an understanding with the sirdars of Kandahar. Very raany of the Terekl tribe also reside in the districts of Mokar and Karabagh : there they are, of course, subjects to the Ghazni government. The Ghiljis are both an agricultural and pastoral people, dwelling in villages and castles as well as in tents. The Thokis, possessing, the greater length of the course of the Tarnak river, are enabled through its means to cultivate most extensively the tract of country bordering on it, and they raise large quantities of grain and lucern. In certain spots, where the extent of plain is ample, it is wonderful to behold the number of castles scattered over it, and equally so to look upon the luxuriant crops which cover it in the vernal season. When the latter are removed the scene is as singular ; having a peculiarly dreary appearance, derived frora the dull naked walls of the isolated castles, enlivened by no surrounding trees, or only by stunted and solitary ones, as if in mockery, or to point out the poverty of the landscape. The Thokis have, how ever, a few villages, or hamlets, with orchards, in favourable situations ; and the Ohtaks, whose country is more hilly, and with much less plain, have nume- 206 CHARACTER OF TRIBES. rous small fertile valleys, well irrigated by rivulets, and they constantly reside in fixed villages. The Terekis have alike villages, and few castles, except ing that of their chief The Ghiljis generally are wealthy in flocks, but have no manufactures, except of coarse carpets and felts, sacking, and other rough articles for domestic use, prepared from wool and camel-hair. They are a remarkably fine race of men, the Ohtak and Thokl peasantry being probably unsur passed, in the mass, by any other Afghin tribe for coraraanding stature and strength. They are brave and warlike, but have a sternness of disposition araounting to ferocity in the generality of them, and their brutal manners are, unfortunately, encou raged by the hostility existing between them and their neighbours, while they are not discountenanced by their chiefs. Some of the inferior Ghiljis are so violent in their intercourse with strangers that they can scarcely be considered in the light of human beings, while no language can describe the terrors of a transit through their country, or the indignities which are to be endured. Yet it must be conceded, that they do not excurse on marauding expeditions, and seem to think themselves justifiable in doing as they please in their own country. In this spirit, a person remonstrating against ill-treatment, would be asked why he came amongst them, as he could not be ignorant of their habits. GHILJI CONQUESTS. 207 The Ghiljis, although considered, and calling themselves, Afghans, and, raoreover, eraploying the Pashto, or Afghan dialect, are undoubtedly a mixed race. The name is evidently a modification or cor ruption of Khalji, or Khilaji, that of a great Tiirki tribe, mentioned by Sherifadin in his history of Taimiir, who describes a portion of it as being at that time fixed about Savah and Khiim, in Persia, and where they are still to be found. It is probable that the Ohtak and Thokl families particularly are of Tiirki descent, as may be the Terekl and Andari tribes ; and that they were lo cated in this part of the country at a very early period is evident from the testimony of Ferishta, who, describing the progress of the Mahoraedan arras, calls thera the Ghilji and Khilijl ; and notes that, in conjunction with the tribes of Ghor and of Kabal, they united, a.h. 143, with the Af ghans of Kirman (Bangash) and Peshawer to re pel the attacks of the Hindii princes of Lahore. Subsequently, they eminently distinguished thera selves by their conquests in India and in Persia. In the latter country, they even defeated the Ottoman armies, and endured sieges unsurpassed in history, ancient and modern, for gallantry and length of defence. Nadir Shah found them the most ob stinate of his enemies ; and, when he marched towards India, Kandahar was in the hands of 208 RELIGIOUS TRADITION. Hiissen Khan, a Ghilji, who defended the city for eighteen raonths, and, being reduced to extremity, made a sortie, in which he and his sons, after evincing most signal bravery, and losing the greater part of his men, were made prisoners. I am ignorant of the fate of this gallant man, but with him expired Ghilji ascendancy in these parts ; and ¦yphich the tribes, although they have made stren uous efforts, have never since been able to re cover. Their last attempt was during the sway at Kibal of the weak Shih Mahmiid ; and Abdiil Rehman Khan, Ohtak, the principal in that affair, is yet alive ; but, as he is never heard of, may be presuraed, with increase of years to have declined in influence, and to have moderated his views of ambition. The testimony of Ferishta, while clearly distin guishing the Ghilji tribes from the Afghans, also establishes the fact of their early conversion to Islam ; still there is a tradition that they were, at some time. Christians of the Arraenian and Georgian churches. It is asserted that they re lapsed, or becarae converts to Mahomedanism from not having been perraitted by their pastors to drink buttermilk on fast-days. A whimsical cause, truly, for secession from a faith ; yet not so whimsical but that, if the story be correct, it raight have influenced a whirasical people. This tradition is known to the Armenians of Kabal ; and they in stance, as corroborating it, the practice observed AVERSION TO DURANIS. 209 by the Ghiljis of embroidering the front parts of the gowns, or robes, of their females and children with figures of the cross ; and the custora of their house wives, who, previous to forming their dough into cakes, cross their arms over their breasts, and raake the sign of the cross on their foreheads after their own raanner. The most powerful and the best known of the present Ghilji chiefs, is Shahabadin Khan, Thokl, who is what is termed " namdar," or famous, both on account of his ability as the head of a turbu lent tribe, and for his oppressive conduct to kafilas and to travellers. Latterly, indeed, he has some what remitted in his arbitrary proceedings, and, acknowledging his former rapacity, professes to cora port himself as a Mtissulman, and to exact only regulated transit-fees frora the traders ; yet, if raore scrupulous himself, he does not, and, it may be, is unable to restrain effectually the extortions and annoyances of his people. He has a nuraerous progeny ; and some of his sons occasion him much trouble, leaguing themselves with the disaffected of the tribe, and putting themselves into open revolt. Shahabadin Khan, in common with all the Ghil jis, execrates the Diiranis, whom he regards as usurpers, and pays no kind of obedience to the actual sirdars of Kandahar and Kabal, neither does he hold any direct or constant communication with them. They, on their part, do not require any vol. II. p 210 PIOUS REMARK — MILITARY FORCE. mark of submission from him, it being their policy to allow an independent chief to be between their respective frontiers, or that they distrust their power of supporting such a demand. As it is, the Ghilji chief sets them at defiance ; and, boasting that his ancestors never acknowledged the authority of Ahmed Shah, asks, why should he respect that of traitors and Ahmed Shah's slaves ? If it be inquired of him why, with his numerous tribes, he does not attempt to wrest the country from them, he conceals his weakness by the pious re mark, that to enjoy or to be deprived of power depends upon the will of God, which it is not right to anticipate ; but that, if the Sikhs should march into Khorasan, he will then range all the Ghiljis under the banners of Islam. He has no stronghold or fortified place ; his residence at Khaka, retired from the high road, being so little costly, and therefore so easily renewed if destroyed, would not tempt an enemy to deviate from the road for no better object than its destruction. In the event, however, of the march of armies, he abandons it, and sends his haram to the hills and wastes, his best fastnesses. Shahabadin Khan retains in regular pay some two or three hundred horsemen, but his great strength, and that of every Ghilji chief, is in the levy of the tribe. On occasions when the strength of the Ghilji community has been put forth, the united force has been very considerable as to num- SHAHABADIN KHAN'S SON. 211 bers ; thirty-five, forty, and fifty thousand men are talked of. Such large bodies, hastily assembled, of course as precipitately disperse if their object be not immediately gained, and, fortunately, the chiefs have not resources enabling them to wield effectively the formidable elements of power otherwise at their command. Every Ghilji capable of bear ing arms is a soldier, or becomes one in case of need, and he is tolerably well arraed with a match lock or musket, besides his sword and shield. The matchlock has frequently a kind of bayonet at tached to it, and such a weapon is as much used by the horseman as by the man on foot. The disposition of Shahabadin Khan has some times led him to attempt a greater control over his tribe than was considered by the community consistent with ancient custom, but he has always been prudent enough to concede when a show of resistance was made to his measures. He had a son, of whora farae speaks highly, and who fully entered into his father's views as to increasing his authority by curtailing popular influence. The young man, in furtherance of the project, made himself obnoxious, and was at length slain. Shah abadin Khan, as soon as informed thereof, rodp to the residence of the assassin, and absolved him of the murder, remarking, that if his son desired to infringe the established laws of the Ghiljis his death was merited. Yet there is rauch distrust of the severe Khan entertained by many of the tribe, p 2 212 DOST MAHOMED KHAN'S SCRUPLES. of which his factious sons profit to create them selves parties. Such a state of things manifestly operates to diminish the power of all ; and it is well, for the zillam, or tyranny, of Ghiljis in autho rity is proverbially excessive. It is also said, that when duly coerced, they become excellent subjects. East of Ghazni, in the province of Ziirmat, are the Stilimin Khel Ghiljis, exceedingly numerous, and notorious fortheir habits of violence and rapine. These have no positive connexion with the Thokis or other tribes, neither have they one acknowledged head, but are governed by their respective maleks, who are independent of each other. Dost Maho med Khin has just reduced them to the condition of tributaries, after having destroyed a multitude of their castles. He was rather averse to attack them, seeming to think it " dangerous to disturb a hornet's nest," but his misgivings were overcome by the counsels of Haji Khan. From the Siiliman Khel tribe branch off all the various Ghilji families in the neighbourhood of Kibal, and again east of that place to Jelalabad. Indeed, the Ghiljis raay, with propriety, be classed into two great divisions, the western and eastern, the latter being all Siiliman Khels, the former being the Ohtaks, Thokis, Tere kis, and Andarls ; to which families, I doubt not, belong the Ghiljis between Farra and Herat. Transit-fees having been collected by the officers of Shahibadin Khan, it was arranged that the CURIOUS SCENE. 213 kafila should continue its journey in the morning. Ghowar the Ohtak, and Rihraat, buckled on their swords and shields, and at dusk left us, and did not return until near the dawn of day. They had gone privily to some place to ascertain whether the kifila was likely to be attacked on the road in the inorning. Their report was favourable. By daybreak the men of the kafila were about to load their aniraals, but a fresh inspection of their numbers was set on foot by the Ghiljis. A little more horsewhipping was the consequence. About nine o'clock the collectors expressed themselves satisfied, and, so far as they were concerned, ab solved the kafila from farther interruption. Now occurred an extraordinary scene ; a host of fellows from the houses about Shahabadin Khan's abode rushed in, and with knives ripping open the heads of bales and packages, helped themselves to hand fuls of tobacco, raisins, and pepper, all in the best humour possible. This, it seemed, was their share -of the profit derived from passing kafilas, and the purloining by handfuls continued until the packages were fairly on the camels' backs ; and the rising of the animals was the signal for them to desist. It was amusing to witness the haste of the camel- drivers to load, and the avidity of the Ghiljis in profiting by their delay. Those who fell upon the goods of the Afghans were ingeniously directed to supply their wants at the expense of the Parslvans. The officers of Shahabadin, unable to prevent these 214 INFANT ROBBER. nefarious practices, sanctioned by custom, were con tent to expostulate with the riotous multitude, and remind them that the fees were paid. The kafila, however, was at last in motion, and happy were its members at having escaped from the tiger's den. We soon passed a few collections of black tents, and afterwards two small villages, one on either side of the road. Beyond these again were a few black tents, and we had a laughable instance of the furtive instinct of our Ghilji friends afforded by a child of some seven or eight years of age, who had detached a camel from the line, and was lead ing- it off before our faces. He was detected, but what could be done to so juvenile an urchin ? We now crossed a small range of hills, and beheld an extensive plain in front as far as our sight could reach. On either hand were a few castles, and at some distance on the left a multitude of scattered castles, denoting the course of the Tamak, and the high road. We had now to traverse a spacious waste, or plain, intervening between the Ghilji dis tricts and those of Mokar. It is much dreaded by kifilas, who are not only liable to attacks from the Thokis, but are under apprehension from one Os man Ganni, a chief of the Stillman Khel Ghiljis, who, without fixed abode, maintains himself and a party of horse by marauding. This man I found was much more dreaded than Shahabadin Khan, and has rendered himself of infamous celebrity from his brutal behaviour as well as his robberies. We FALSE ALARM. 215 were well advanced on the plain, when a cloud of dust in front raade our camel-drivers condense their files, and trepidation was spread over many a heart. All was given up in imagination as already lost, and the unblessed men of the kafila selected the mo ment for a battle with each other. Some mistake was made, or some discussion arose, and clubs were in play on all sides. Two or three better people with difficulty separated the combatants. A shep herd, more sagacious than we were, assured us the dust was raised by a whirlwind, and not by Osman Ganni. We however raarched in close order, until we had passed the deserted walls of a castle on the bank of the Tarnak, about half a raile from the road, which is said to be the usual rendezvous of robbers. Beyond this the kafila extended its files, and in joy at having escaped the perils of the road, crossed the Tarnak, of inconsiderable breadth, flowing in a deep bed, and entered the territory of Ghazni. A ruinous castle was near, and a spot, called Shehidan, or the place of martyrs, was pointed out, where one thousand Afghans, who had intrenphed themselves, were slain by the victorious army of Nadir. Their bleached bones, it is said, are strewed plentifully over the soil. We passed a castle called Ghari Killa, but it was moonlight before we halted at another castle, with a Lohani village of tents contiguous. We halted at Mokar two days, clouds gather ing in the afternoon over the Hazara hills to the 216 ' SIR CHISHMA. north, and much rain fell, accompanied by thun der. Mokar is a large, populous, and well-culti vated district, yet its appearance is not attractive, there being a deficiency of trees; the inhabitants dwell in castles, which are very nuinerous, and have a naked aspect. Wheat and barley are principally cultivated. The natives are of the Andari, All Khel, and Terekl tribes of Ghiljis. From Mokar our course led for some time from castle to castle, until we neared the hills on our left, the road being over a barren stony tract. Here some robbers rushed frora their ambuscade in a ravine, and attempted to detach some camels. They were detected, and the men of the kafila swaggered about, clanging their swords and shields, and uttering terrible words of defiance and me nace, but the rogues had come to plunder not to fight, and being foiled, went off. The night had but little advanced when we halted near a village called Sir Chishma, or the fountain-head. Behind us were, in fact, the springs, or sources of the river Tarnak, near which is a tappa, or artificial mound. This spot was very agreeable from the plot of pas ture, through which meandered the slender rivu lets forraed by the springs. That the locality, as the head of a river, had been held sacred in former times, might be inferred from the presence of the mound, which was, doubtless, crowned or accompanied by a temple, or some structure dedi cated to the presiding deities. HAZARAS. 217 Next day we crossed the nascent Tarnak, close to its head. The road led over a bleak, barren tract, which, although tolerably good, was occa sionally dotted with hollows and pools, now filled with rain-water. A little before sunset we pass ed a rivulet about twenty feet wide, running be tween high banks, with a fair supply of water. Its excess falls into the Lake Ab-istada. A few villages were seen now and then under the skirts of the hills, and on the plain were grouped some collections of Lohani tents. Four or five tappas, or artificial mounds, occurred on or near the line of road, and finally reaching the district of Obo, we halted near a tappa of superior size, near which gushed a spring of water. Villages and castles were slightly sprinkled in our rear, and the hills to the north were yet covered with snow. Leaving Obo, at sunset we crossed two spaci ous ravines, after which the line of road was fre quently cut by canals of irrigation. Towards the close of our progress we traversed a small stream flowing in the bed of a broad and deep ravine, and halted, the moon being pretty high, in the district of Karabagh. Numerous castles were seen under the snowy hills to our left, or north, and fewer were dispersed over the wide plain to the right. Here we found the inhabitants, principally Hazaras, easily distinguished from their Afghan neighbours -by their Tatar physiognomy, their di minished stature, and their habiliments, especially 218 GHAZNI. their close-fitting skull-cap. They are of the Bii bak tribe, and their chief, Gtilistin Khan, resides at Karabigh. He was formerly of some conse quence, but has been materially depressed by Amir Mahomed Khan, the present Sirdar of Ghazni, whose policy has caused him to reduce to insig nificance the various aspiring heads of tribes un der his government. He still attends the darbar, and is a man of some ability, and of good address. Notwithstanding various exactions which have been made from him, he is considered wealthy. His tribe is also found at Nawar and Sir-i-ab. From Karabagh we marched early, and passed a large tappa on our left hand, and afterwards an extensive burial-ground, with ^arat. A barren stony tract intervened between us and Nani, where we arrived and halted. Here are many castles, the inhabitants are ¦ both Tajiks and Hazaras. The latter are of the Jaghattii tribe. In the fore part of the day we were visited by a heavy hail-storm. About an hour and a half be fore sunset we started for Ghazni. Castles and small viUages chequered either side of the road. It was daylight when we distinguished in the distance the walls and castle of the once famed capital of Mahmud, but it was night before we reached it, having crossed near it the river, over which is an ancient and ruinous bridge. We skirt ed the walls on the southern face, and halted in front of the Kibal Gate. ROZAH. 219 The kifila had here to pay duties, which were collected in a courteous manner by a Hindii farmer of the revenue. No person is allowed to enter the town unless he deposits his weapons with the guards at the gates. The bazar is neither very large nor well supplied, and the town itself probably does not contain above one thousand houses. It is built on the projecting spur from a small mass of rounded hills, and the citadel, or residence of Amir Mahomed Khin, is perched on the higher portion of the spur. Its appearance is sufficiently picturesque, and it enjoys an extensive view over the country to the south, but there are no objects to render the landscape interesting. We look in vain over the city for any traces of the splendour which once marked the capital of the great Stiltan Mahmiid, and almost question the possibility that we are wandering about its representative. There are traditions that the ancient city was destroyed by a fall of snow overwhelming it at an unusu ally late period of the season, or nine and a half days after No Roz, but its destmction may be equaUy imputed to the desolating armies of Hiilakii and other barbarian conquerors. The low hills, which close upon and command the city on the side of the Kabal gate, are covered with old Ma homedan cemeteries, and under them, about a mile distant from the town, is the village of Rozah ; con tiguous to which is the sepulchre and shrine of the raighty Mahmiid. This has been suffered to 220 SHRINE OF SULTAN MAHMUD. dwindle away into ruin, and broken figures of raarble lions, with other fragments, alone attest the former beauty of its courts and fountains. In the present gates, fragments, which have escaped the avidity of the pious collectors of relics, are said to be portions of the celebrated Sandal gates of Sam- nath, and the interior of the apartment covering the tomb of the once-powerful monarch is deco rated with fiags and suspended ostrich eggs. The tomb itself is enveloped in carpets and palls of silk. There are numerous gardens belonging to Rozah, and the houses of the village have an antique appearance. Between this village and the town are two brick columns, which are the most ancient vestiges of the place, and may be held undoubted testimonies to the ancient capital. They are usual ly ascribed to Stiltan Mahmud, but I am not aware on what authority. They are, however, due to the period when Cufic characters were in use, for the bricks of which they are constructed are so dis posed as to represent Cufic inscriptions and sen tences. They are hollow, and may be ascended by flights of steps, whicli are, in truth, somewhat out of order, but may be surraounted. Ghazni is sur rounded by walls, formed of mixed masonry and brick-work, carried along the scarp the entire length of the spur of hill on which it stands. The walls are strengthened with numerous bastions, and a trench surrounds the whole. The citadel is built on an eminence overlooking the town, and owes REVENUE. 221 its present appearance to Amir Mahomed Khan, who since its capture by Dost Mahomed Khan has made it his residence. I saw but two gates, one leading towards Nani, the other towards Kabal, but conclude there are also gates on the opposite side. Ghazni coraraands a most extensive plain, which is but indifferently furnished with villages and castles, although not absolutely without them, and the river of Nawar runs beneath the town walls on the northern side. The town is seated in the midst of a rich grain-country, and in the adjacent plains of Nawar it has immense fields of pasture. In a military point of view it is happily situated, if we consider the period at which it was selected as a capital, for in the present day it would be scarcely tenable for a long siege, as it is comraanded by the hills with which it is connected. Then, however,, the case was very different, and it covered the roads leading to Loghar, Kabal, and Baraian. Unless the sirdar be himself residing at Ghazni, there are few troops there, and some four or five pieces of artillery, amongst which is a famous one called Zabar Zang. Ghazni in its prosperity was frequently taken and sacked, — meraorably, by the great Hiilakii and by AUahadin, the Afghan prince of Ghor. In its fallen state it has afforded a tri umph to British arms, which, in whatever other light regarded, answered the temporary purposes of a political clique, and signalized the coraraenceraent of a new reign. It therefore produced abundant 222 WILFORD'S CONJECTURES. exultation, and no sparing distribution of rewards and honours. I could wish to exult with those who exulted, and to rejoice with those who were re warded and honoured, but the ghosts of Palmer and his companions in arms, admonish to be silent and discreet. The country being more elevated than Kabal, the temperature of the atmosphere is generally lower, and the winters are more severe. The apples and prunes of Ghazni are much famed, and exceed in goodness those of Kabal. The revenue enjoyed by Amir Mahomed Khan, and derived from Ghazni and its districts, somewhat exceeds four lakhs of rupees, .and is collected as follows — RUPEES. From the duties ofthe town, and transit-fees on kafilas 65,000 Prom agricultural taxes on lands held by Tajiks . 70,000 From agricultural taxes on lands held by Andari, and ) „„ ... other Afghan tribes S ' From the district of Wardak between Ghazni and ) .. ... Kabal, being chiefly agricultural taxes . . . ) ' From the Hazaras of Karabagh, Nani, &e. . . 75,000 Prom the tributary Hazaras of Jaghiiri and Mallistdn 14,000 Total rupees 404,000 Ghazni has the repute of being a very ancient site. Wilford tells us, of course following his San scrit authorities, that the kings of the Yavanas and Deucalion resided at it. He farther tells us, that its proper ancient name was Sabal, Zabal, or Saul, as written by Chrysococcas ; whence he infers it to be the Ozola of Ptolemy. He also conjectures TOPES. 223 it to be the Oscanidati of the Peutingerian tables, noted as twenty-two fersangs from Asbana, which he considers Kabal, and thirty-five fersangs from Zupha, which I believe he would identify with Sheher Safar, In the neighbouring province of Ziirmat are sites which may have preceded that of Ghazni as capitals of this part of the country, viz. Gardez and Patan. There are also in the district of Wardak several of the ancient monu ments called topes, which have been examined by me, and, from the coins found in them, would appear to have been erected during the period of monarchs of the Indo-Scythic race, but not of the earlier ones. They may probably be due to the fourth or fifth century of our era. An inscrip tion, dotted on a brass vessel found in one of them, in Bactro-Pall characters, may, it is hoped, instmct us as to their origin and nature. In the hills west of Ghazni are other considerable remains of anti quity, at a spot supposed to be the site of a city, and called Sheher Kiirghan. Nuinerous relics, coins, &c., are found there ; but this only proves that it is an ancient place of sepulture ; still, being found in more than usual numbers, we are justified to infer that a city of importance flourished near it, or that it was a locality of eminent sanctity. There is also a remarkable cave at this place, called Ghar Samantika. Sheher Kurghan is be hind, and separated by hills from Nawar, so famed for its pastures, and the band, or dam, thrown 224 LORA. across the river of Ghazni by the former sove reigns of the country. It is in the district of Azeristan. Skirting the low hills of Ghazni, we entered the valley leading to Kabal. The night was far ad vanced when we reached Lora, where we halted. Here were some half-dozen castles, inhabited by Hazaras and Afghans. We learned frora the Ha zaras that the sirdar collected, as revenue, half the produce of the lands. Confessing he was severe and uncoraproraising, they admitted that he had proraoted peace amongst them, and extinguished feuds. We were now in the district of Wardak, w^hich extends to Shekhabad, and yields a revenue of ninety thousand rupees. It was anciently pos sessed by the Hazaras, who, about one hundred years since, were expelled by the Afghans. The Hazaras would also seera to have held the country frora Karabagh to Ghazni, but have been in like manner partially expelled. Indeed, the encroach ments of the Afghan tribes are still in progress. From Lora, followed a road, generaUy even, but occasionally broken by water-courses and ravines. Halted at Takia, a place with few people or houses, but a coramon halting-spot for kafilas. In our progress next day we passed the village of Saiyadabad, and afterwards the fertile valley of Shekhabad, through which winds the river, rising from springs at Ashda, in the Hazara country of Bisiit. It was night as we passed amongst the ARGHANDI. 225 rillages, castles, and poplar-groves of Shekhabad, but it was easy to imagine that the locaUty was a favoured one. The river gurgled over a stony bed, and we crossed it by a temporary bridge. We halted at the Kabal head of the valley. From Shekhabad, we passed the castles called Top, and entered upon a spacious plain, on which was a chold, or guard-station. We at length halted in the beautiful vale of Maidan, covered with castles, gardens, groves of poplar and plane-trees, with a redundant cultivation watered by numerous canals. Maidan is inhabited chiefly by the Oraar Khel Ghiljis, and through it flows the river of Kabal. In our following march we reached the village of Arghandi, since distinguished as the spot select ed by Dost Mahomed Khan to cover Kabal and encounter his British adversaries, and where the defection of his army took place, which compelled him at once to fly and abandon the country. Beyond it we passed a choki, or guard-station, on the road-side, and, crossing a small rivulet, en tered upon the raagnificent plain of Chahardeh (the four villages). Here we had on our right hand, at a sraall distance from the road, the en closed village of Killa Kazi, with its orchards ; to our left, a dreary expanse, bounded by lofty hills crowned with snow, at whose skirts were dense Unes of dark verdure, denoting the orchards of Bekh Tiit and Paghman. As we proceeded we VOL. II. Q 226 KILLA TOPCHI BASHI. had to our left, at some distance, a low detached hill, called Chehel Tan, from its ziarat. Here is a cave, accessible only by a narrow aperture. It is believed, that if a person enter it he will be unable to squeeze himself out, unless pure and free from sin. The cave is, therefore, not much visited, but the spot is occasionally the resort of holiday-parties frora Kabal. There is also a tra dition, that near to it was the ancient city of Zabal. About mid-distance across the plain, we halted near the ruinous castle of Topchi Bashi, still possessing some fine plane-trees, and an excellent spring of water. On our right hand was the handsome castle of a Jiianshir merchant. At an early hour we resumed our journey, and with light hearts, as it was the last. At Killa Topchi Bashi many of the members of our kafila had been visited by their relatives and friends from the city, decked in their holiday garments, and bringing offerings of rawash and lettuce. I had no relatives or friends to welcome my approach, but, as a com panion, or rafik, I was admitted to a share of the delicacies : and my feelings permitted me to parti cipate in the joy of those around me. Traversing the remainder of the fair plain, we reached Deh Mazzang, and approached the defile between the hills Assa Mahi and Takht Shah, through which the road leads into the city. To our right were the venerable gardens, and chanar, or plane-tree APPROACH TO KABAL. 227 groves, overshadowing the grave of the Eraperor Baber, and just beyond it, perched on an erainence, a decayed structure, called Takht Jan Nissar Khan, erected in the tirae of Shah Zeraan by one of his favourites, that the monarch might, in the luxuriant scenery of the plain, gratify that sight, of which, alas ! he was to be so speedily deprived. To our left, at some distance, were the scattered castles of the Afshars. On entering the defile, the forti fied bridge of Nassir Khan, who defended Kabal against Nadir Shah, extends nearly across its breadth, leaving roads on either side. From the bridge lead up the hills lines of parapet and bastions, but in decay, which are ascribed to Sirdar Jehan Khan, a veteran chief of Ahmed Shah. Through this defile flows the river frora Chahardeh, and runs through the city. Hence, tracing a road skirting on orchards, and the dilapidated tomb of Taimiir Shah, the view amplifies, and the city, BaUa Hissar, and neighbourhood, lie before us. Passing through the suburbs, we crossed the river by the Piii Kishti, a brick structure, and a little beyond halted at the serai Zirdad, near the Chokh, where, also, during his stay at Kabal, Mr. Forster lodged. In the morning I walked through the city to the BaUa Hissar, and procured a comfortable abode in the Armenian quarter. There I resided, in quiet and satisfaction, until the autumn, when the desire to see Bamian and its antiquities, led rae to ac- q2 228 QUARTERS IN BALLA HISSAR. company Haji Khan Khaka, then governor of the place, on a military progress, which first took me into the Hazara country of Bisiit. As it was now the early part of the month of June, I had araple leisure to become acquainted with the city and its inhabitants. 229 CHAPTER X. European visitors Dr. Wolf's prediction. — Jang Shia and Siini. — Dost Mahomed Khan's fears. — Prophesy and delusion. — Delicacies of Kabal Rawash. — Chukrl — Cherries. — Mulber ries. — Grapes. — Peaches. — Melons. — Their cultivation. — Profu sion of fruits. — Ice. — Snow. — Takht Shah. — Khana Sanghi. — Glens. — Antiquities. — Ziarats. — Sang Nawishta. — Topes. — Sanjitak Shah Mahmud's revels and adventure. — Shahzada Ismael's fate. — Baber's tomb. — Masjit. — Grove. — Distribution. — Tank. — Trees and flowers. — Rana Zfeba — Hawthorns. — Weekly fair. — Serai. — Reflections. — Takht Jan Nissar Khan. — Hospitality. — Accidental interruption. — Liberality of senti ment. — Anecdote of Fati Khan. — Religious laxity. — Restriction at Bokhar^. — Equality of Armenians. — Their intercourse with Mahomedans. — Liberal remark. — Indulgences. — Jews. — Charge of Blasphemy. — Punishment — Reflections. Some few days before ray reaching Kabal it had been honoured by the presence of three English gen tleraen. Lieutenant Burnes, Doctor Gerard, and the Reverend Joseph Wolf The latter had predicted many singular events, to be preceded by earth quakes, civil dissensions, foreign wars, and divers other calamities. An alarming earthquake did occur, and established his prophetical character, which considerably rose in estimation, when, about three hours after, a confiict took place between the Atchak Zai Afghans of the city and the JiianshIrS; 230 DELUSIVE PROPHECY. who were celebrating the Mohoram, and wailing and beating their breasts in commemorative grief of the slaughter of the sons of All. Several lives were lost ; the Siini population were about to arra in the cause of the Atchak Zais, Chandol was on the alert, and its raraparts were nianned, while desultory firing was carried on. Dost Mahoraed Khan, who had calmly sat during the earthquake, could not endure with the sarae fortitude the intelligence of an event, which, if it ripened into a crisis, would in volve the loss of that authority which was so dear to him, and had cost him so many cares and crimes to obtain. He became sick of a fever. Haji Khan Khaka, who had been previously unwell, but now sent a Korin as a pledge to the Jdanshlrs, in the expectation that the affair would bring on a general struggle, was appointed agent by Dost Mahomed Khan for the Shias of the city, and the Nawab Jabar Khan agent for the Siinls. These two com promised matters, or rather, suffered them to sub side, for no arrangement was made. The season was fruitful in forebodings and prophecies, for now another earthquake was foretold by one of the holy men, which was to complete the destruction me naced by the preceding one. On the appointed day half of the inhabitants of Kabal repaired to tents without the city, and when it had passed serenely over, returaed in ridicule to their deserted abodes. Rawash, or the blanched stalks of the rhubarb- plant, was one of the delicacies of the bazars when DELICACIES OF KABAL. 231 I anived in Kabal, and the lambs of the Lohani and Ghilji flocks formed another. Lettuces also abounded. Rawash lasts for three months, from the middle of April to that of July. It is much eaten in its natural state, siraply with the addi tion of salt, and is largely employed in cookery with meat. It affords a grateful, acidulated relish, and is held to be particularly sanative. It serves a variety of uses, and dried, is preserved for any length of time. It also makes an excellent pre serve, by being first saturated in a solution of lime and then boiled with shirar, or the inspissated juice of grapes, losing, however, in this case, its charac teristic fiavour. Rawash is more or less plentiful in all the hills from Kalat of Balochistan to Kandahar, and again from that place to Kabal. Attention is only paid to its growth by the inhabitants of Pagh man, who supply the bazars of the city. They sur round the choicer plants with conical coverings of stones, so as to exclude light and air, and thereby produce that whiteness of stem so rauch prized. The unblanched plant is called chiikri, and is also exposed to sale. More reasonable in price, it is nearly as well adapted for ordinary uses. Rlwand Chini, or Chinese rhubarb, is a coraraon drug at Kabal, and much employed by the physicians, who never suspect it to be the same plant which yields their rawash. The day of my arrival was distinguished by the presence in the bazar of chenies, the first-fruits of 232 FRUITS OF KABAL. the year ; a day or two after apricots were seen, and in four or five days they were succeeded by mulber ries. Cherries, I observed, were of three varieties ; and to the Emperor Baber is ascribed the merit of their introduction into Kabal, and to which he lays claim in his meraoirs. Apricots are of very nume rous varieties, as are the mulberries ; and all exist in profusion. Parties visit the gardens about the city, and each paying a pais, or the sixtieth part of a rupee, have liberty to shake the trees, and regale themselves at discretion during the day. Some of the varieties of mulberries are of excellent flavour, and to enhance its zest, rose-water is by some sj)rinkled over the mass, with fragments of ice or pounded snow. The first grapes which ripen are called Kandaharl, from having, perhaps, been ori ginally brought from that place ; they are black, and of large clustered bunches, the grapes much varying in size. They appear about the end of June, and continue until the end of July, when they are replaced by the many varieties for which Kabal is famous, until the close of autumn, foUowing each other in due succession. In June, also, apples are first brought to the bazars, and in July they become plentiful, with pears. In the beginning of August peaches ripen in Koh Daman ; they are very large, but I think not well fiavoured ; indeed, I question whether any of the fruits of Kibal equal in flavour the analogous varieties of England. Quinces, with musk, and, water-melons, usher in the autumn ; and ASL-SUS. — ICE. 233 the latter are certainly fine fruits ; while their enor mous consuraption is such, that to raise them is the task of the agriculturist. The Sadii Zai princes did not disdain to derive profits from their royal melon- fields, nor is Dost Mahomed Khan asharaed to imitate the precedent. He has his palez, or me lon-fields, prepared and tended by forced labour, and the inhabitants of the contiguous villages are taxed to furnish, from the neighbouring wastes, their respective proportions of the plant asl-siis, or liquorice, which is employed in the forraation of the beds and trenches, and which abounds. Besides all these fruits, there are walnuts, al raonds, pistas, figs, and poraegranates, although the two latter kinds are not so esteeraed as those of warraer countries. It is scarcely possible that Kabal can be surpassed for the abundance and variety of its fruits, and, perhaps, no city can pre sent, in its season, so beautiful a display of the deli cious treasures supplied by nature for her children. Of the many luxuries of Kabal, ice raust not be for gotten ; like fruit, it is abundant, and so cheap as to be within the reach of the poorest citizen. It is used to cool water, sherbets, and fruits ; and even a cup of buttermilk is scarcely thought fit to drink unless a fragment of ice be floating in it. During winter large blocks of ice are deposited in deep pits, lined with chaff; matting, for a depth of some feet, is placed over them, and the whole is covered with earth. Another method of obtaining ice is by 234 TAKHT SHAH. directing water into a prepared cavity, and allowing it to freeze. The process is renewed until a sufficient quantity of the congelated mass is accumulated, when it is overspread with matting and soil. Snow is alike preserved, and its square crystalized heaps sparkle during the warra months in the shops of the fruiterers and confectioners. I made many excursions in the environs, and examined the various interesting objects they pre sent. On one occasion I ascended the hill Koh Takht Shah, to inspect the building on its suramit, mindful that Baber had described it as the palace of an ancient king. I found a substantial erection of about thirty-five feet in length, and eighteen feet in breadth, with a height of about eleven feet. On the western front is a sraall arched entrance, leading into an apartment of about eleven feet square, crowned with a dome. Four niches were inserted at the angles of the walls, and three others in the respective sides. A little below, on the face of the hill, there is believed to be a cave, which has its opposite outlet at Fatiabad, at the head of the Jelalabad valley, and by which Zakom Shah, an infidel king who resided here, escaped from the vengeance of Hizrat All. Baber appears to have related the tradition of the country connected with the spot, but there can be little question, from the existence of the domed chamber, that the Takht Shih, or King's Throne, as it is called, is a sepul chral monuraent of the raiddle ages. It is rudely ANTIQUITIES. 235 composed of unfashioned stones, and the chamber has been lined with cement. Connected with it, and extending along the summits of the range, and of its ramifications, are parapet walls of masonry. We ascended the hill by the Kotal, or pass of Kedar, leading from the ziarat of that name into Chahar Deh, on the descent of which is another object of curiosity. It is called the Khana Sanghi, or the stone house, and consists of two apartments hewn in the rock, with the doors also of stone. A tenace, of a few feet in breadth, extends before it, and two or three large hewn stones are lying by the sides of the entrances. It may have been the re treat in former times of some religious recluse. In our descent from the Takht Shah we carae direct down its eastem face, and fell upon the glens, or khols Sharas, and Magamast, where are sepulchral vestiges of the old inhabitants. In these we sub sequently made excavations, and found a variety of idols, also some Nagari manuscripts on leaves, which, however, it is feared, were too mutilated to be very serviceable, although the characters on what had been spared were very distinct. At the same spot Dr. Gerard, when at Kabal, procured the image of Buddha, so called, which figures in the September number of the Journal of the Asiatic Society in Bengal for 1834. From the khols to the BaUa Hissar the distance is a little above half a mile, and is occupied by a burial-place of the present city ; in former times it 236 SANG NAWISHTA. was appropriated to a similar use. On the skirts of the hill overlooking it are the ziarats, or shrines of Jehan Baz, Panja Shah Merdan, and Kedar, all favourite places of festive resort to the people of the city. I had heard of an inscribed stone, called Sang Nawishta, near the hill Shakh Baranta, about five miles south of Kabal, and such an object de manded attention. I therefore walked to it, and found a large square block lying on the right of the road on the bank of the Loghar river, over which, close by, a bridge has been thrown. Tt required no dexterity to see that it was Persian, but whether the characters had been mutilated, or were of too ancient a style, I could find no per son able fully and satisfactorily to read it. Copies preserved may tend to its explanation, but I ques tion if it relates to any iraportant event or topic. It had been lying for years neglected, when Abbas Kiill Khan, the proprietor of a castle on the oppo site side of the river, set it up in its present posi tion. The Loghar river at this point enters the plain east of Kabal, and has a breadth of nearly sixty yards. In another and more extended excur sion, I skirted the hill-range from Shakh Baranta to Bhtit Khikh, in whose recesses are the Topes, subsequently examined by M. Honigberger. I was unable at this time to benefit by the knowledge of their existence. Amongst the glens, or khols of these, hills, is one called Sanjitak, a favourite spot for the pleasure- SHAH MAHMUD'S ADVENTURE. 237 seeking parties of Kibal, who are, however, obliged to come in numbers and armed, as it is a little retired. It is a place of ancient sepulture, and there are mounds and caves at it ; — frora the forraer funeral jars have been extracted. The attractions for holiday-makers are, the water of a fine spring, which a little from its source is collected in a deep and spacious tank, cut in the living rock, a work of other days, and the shade afforded by some um brageous trees, themselves venerable from their age. These are chanars, or oriental planes, but there are likewise walnut-trees and vineyards. The dis solute and eccentric Shah Mahmiid loved the se cluded and picturesque glen of Sanjitak, so con venient, and adapted to the indulgence and conceal ment of his Ucentiousness. At the head of the spring he built a pleasure-house, now in ruins ; and many tales are told of his adventures here, for he was pleased to ramble about, slightly attended. Once, it is said, the horses of the monarch and of his few attendants were carried off by robbers. The same spot is memorable in the annals of Kabal, as having been visited, on pretence of diversion, by Shahzada Ismael, son of Shah Ayub, who intended to have retired to Peshawer, having failed to con vince his infatuated father of the propriety of seiz ing the property of the deceased Sirdar Mahoraed Azem Khan, as well as of his own immediate dan ger from the violence of the sirdar's brother, Fiir DU Khin. The nominal Shah, conjecturing his 238 baber's TOMB. son's purpose, sent after him to Sanjitak. The prince was induced to return, and on the morrow was shot in a rash atterapt to resist the deposition of his father. This event led to many reflections, and is still held as an undeniable evidence of the impossibility of avoiding the destiny which, fixed and unerring, awaits every mortal. Numerous were the walks I made, and the days I spent amongst the several ziarats, or shrines of the city, as well as amid its delightful gardens and orchards. Of the ziirats, that of the Eraperor Baber best repays a visit. It is attractive from TOMB OF THE EMPEROR BABER. the recollections we carry with us, and the reve ries to which they give rise. It is equally so from the romantic situation of the spot, its pic- GROVES. 239 turesque aspect, and frora the extensive and beau tiful view it coramands. The tomb of the great monarch is accompanied by many raonuments of sirailar nature, comraeraorative of his relatives, and they are surrounded by an enclosure of white mar ble, curiously and elegantly carved. A few argha- wan-trees, in the early spring putting forth their splendid red blossoms, flourish, as it were, negli gently, about the structure. The tombs, for the truth must be told, are the objects of least atten tion in these degenerate days. No person super intends them, and great liberty has been taken with the stones employed in the enclosing walls. Behind, or west of the tombs, is a handsome mas jit, also of raarble, over which is a long Persian inscription, recording the cause and date of its erection. The latter was subsequent to the de cease of Baber. Again, behind the masjit, is the large and venerable grove, which constitutes the glory of the locality. The shade of the illustrious prince might not be displeased to know that the precincts of his sepulchre are devoted to the re creations of the inhabitants of his beloved Kibal ; and the indignation it might feel that the pre sent chief does not hesitate to picket his horses under the shade of the groves, might be soothed by the deprecatory enunciations the act of dese cration calls forth. The groves are no longer kept in order, and sad havoc has been perpetrated amongst the trees. Probably a diffidence too se- 240 TREES AND FLOWERS. riously to outrage public sentiment, has saved them from total destruction. The ground is laid out in a succession of terraces, elevated the one above the other, and connected in the centre by flights of ascending steps. At each flight of steps is a plot of chanar, or plane-trees, and to the left of the superior flight is a very raagnificent group of the sarae trees, surrounding as they oversha dow, a tank, or reservoir of water. The principal road leads from west to east, up the steps, and had formerly on either side lines of sabr, or cy press-trees, a few of which only remain. Canals of water, derived from the upper tank, were con ducted parallel to the course of the road, the water falling in cascades over the descents of the several terraces. This tank is filled by a canal, noted by Baber himself. It is that which he tells us was formed in the time* of his paternal uncle, Mirza Ulugh Beg, by Wais Atkeh. The de scendants of the Wais still flourish, and are consi dered the principal family of Kibal. The rather notorious Mir Wais, put to death by Shah Stijah, when in power, was a member of it. Below the tomb of the emperor, on the plain, is the heredi tary castle and estate, with the village Waisala- bad, due to the sarae faraily. Baber Badshih, so the interesting spot is call ed, is distinguished by the abundance, variety, and beauty of its trees and shrubs. Besides the im posing masses of plane-trees, its lines of tall, ta- FAIR. 241 pering, and sombre cypresses, and its multitudes of mulberry-trees, there are wildernesses of white and yellow rose-bushes, of jasmines, and other fra grant shrubs. The rina zeba, a remarkable va riety of the rose {rosa prostolistaia), the exterior of whose petals is yellow, while the interior is vermilion red, also is common. The Englishman is not a little charmed to behold amongst the arborescent ornaments of the place the hawthorn of his native country, with its fragrant clustered flowers and its scarlet hips. Attaining the size of a tree, it is here a curiosity. Its native re gion is araongst the secondary hills of the Hindti Kosh, in Panjshir, &c. On Juma, or Friday, the sabbatical day of Ma homedans, in the vernal season, a m^la, or fair, is regularly instituted here. Shops are arranged, where provisions and delicacies may be procured, and crowds flock to Baber Badshah to greet the welcome return of spring. On Shamba, the day following Jtima, the females of the city resort to the umbrageous groves, and divert themselves by dancing to the soft tones of the lyre and tam bourine, and by swinging. They amply enjoy their liberty after six days' confinement in the solitude of the haram. On other days, it is no uncom mon circurastance for families to make festive ex cursions to Baber Badshah. The place is pecu liarly fitted for social enjoyment, and nothing can surpass the beauty of the landscape and the pu- VOL. II. R 242 REFLECTIONS. rity of atmosphere. Its situation is likewise ad mirably apposite, being without the city, yet con veniently near. Parties from the western parts of the city pass through the opening leading into Chahar Deh. From the eastern parts and the BaUa Hissar, it may be more speedily reached by crossing the ridge Koh Takht Shah, by the pass of Kheddar, which descends nearly upon it. The establishment connected with the sepulchre of the illustrious Baber was once very complete. At the entrance of the grove to the west are the substantial walls of a karavanseral, for the accom modation of merchants ; and over the river, which flows contiguously, a massive bridge of raasonry, evidently of the same period, has been thrown. It is instructive, while wandering about the shaded walks of Baber Badshah, to reflect on the probable origin of shrines, temples, fairs, &c. The causes being well exemplified in the scenes before us. The tomb of a beneficent and beloved mon arch has given rise to a temple, to a sacred grove, to a fair, to a karavanseral, and to a bridge. The age of hero worship is past, but the state of reli gion in these countries, while preventing an apotheo sis, has still permitted that gratitude should enrol the gay and generous Baber in the calendar of saints. Adjacent to Baber Badshah, on an eminence, is a rainous building, erected by Jan Nissar Khan in the reign of Shih Zemin, that the monarch HOSPITALITY. 243 might thence survey the luxuriant prospect around. Certainly, when the sober shades of evening have invested the landscape with a chaste solemnity, it is unrivalled, and indifferent must be the bosom which is not influenced and enraptured by its calm and serene beauties. There are few places where a stranger so soon feels himself at horae, and becomes familiar with all classes, as at Kibal. There can be none where all classes so much respect his clairas to cirility, and so much exert themselves to promote his sa tisfaction and amusement. He must not be un happy. To avow himself so, would be, he is told, a reproach upon the hospitality of his hosts and entertainers. I had not been a month in Kabal before I had becorae acquainted with I know not how many people ; had become a visitor at their houses, a member of their social parties. No ho liday occurred that did not bring me a sumraons to attend some family circle, in some one of the many gardens of the city. The stranger guest will not fail to be astonished at the attentions paid to him on such occasions. It seems as if the entertaimhent had been expressly designed for him, and that the company had no other object than to contribute to his gratification. The most rigid mind must admire such politeness, and the feelings which prompt its exhibition. I was accustomed to stroll freely about the city and its immediate neighbourhood, and was never R 2 244 ANECDOTE OF FATI KHAN. interrupted, or noticed offensively, but on one day, when a cap I wore, rather than myself, elicited some ill feeling. I had, by chance, left my house with a Persian cap on my head, in lieu of the usual liinghi. I have seen many changes in Kabal, and do not know what may yet come to pass there, but I cannot forget that the sight of a Persian cap would, in 1832, have brought insult upon the wearer. It is matter of agreeable surprise to any one ac quainted with the Mahomedans of India, Persia, and Turkey, and with their religious prejudices and antipathies, to find that the people of Kabal are entirely free from thera. In most countries, few Mahomedans will eat with a Christian ; to salute hira, even in error, is deemed unfortunate, and he is looked upon as unclean. Here none of these difficulties or feelings exist. The Christian is respectfully called a " kitabl," or " one of the book." The dissolute Vazir Fati Khan, when, oc casionally, an Armenian Christian presented himself, desiring to becorae a convert to Islam, was wont to inquire what he had found deficient in his own reUgion that he wished to change it ? And would remark, that those persons who possessed a book, and would adopt a new faith, were scoundrels, ac tuated by love of gain, or other interested motive. To the Hindti, anxious to enter the pale of the Mahomedan Church, he made no objection ; on the contrary, he applauded him who, having no religion, LAWS OF BOKHARA. 245 embraced one. I at first imputed the indifference of the Kabal people to their own laxity, for I soon observed that there was very little religion amongst them. Those called Shias were very generally of the Stifl mazzab, which, whatever its mystical pre tensions, I fear, iraplies no religion at all. The same system largely prevails amongst the Siini professors. But when the same liberality was found to extend over the country, and amongst all races, whether Afghans, Tajiks, or others who could not be chargeable with Siifi doctrines, I was sensible that there must be some other reason ; however I could not discern it for the fact that the people of Kabal and the country around, only of all Ma homedans, should be careless or generous, as the case may be, in matters held by others of so much moment. I believe that the invidious distinction of dress, enforced generally on Christians at Bok hara, is according to an edict of no very remote date, nor is it impossible that previously the sarae liberality of deportment distinguished Tiirkistin. The political ascendancy of Christians may have an effect ; and it is at least consolatory to the pride of the Miissulmin to fancy he possesses an ad vantage in spiritual matters, when his rival, by superior address and talent, has established his pre eminence in temporal affairs. It is highly credit able, however, to those of a declining faith, whose higher tone of sentiment can withstand the admis sion into their bosoms of ungenerous feelings to- 246 REMARK OF MIR WAIS. wards those whose superiority they acknowledge. Living with the Arraenians of the city, I witnessed every day the terras of equality on which they dwelt amongst their Mahoraedan neighbours. The Ar raenian followed the Mahomedan corpse to its place of burial ; the Mahomedan showed the same mark of respect to the deceased of the Armenian com raunity. They mutually attended each others' wed dings, and participated in the little matters which spring up in society. The Armenian presented gifts on Id Noh Roz, or the Mahomedan new year's day; he received thera on his own Christmas-day. If it had happened that a Mahomedan had manied an Armenian female who was lost to the Church of the Cross, I found that the Armenians had re taliated, and brought Mahomedan females into their families, and inducted them into their faith. An Armenian, in conversation with the present head of the Wais family said, that some person had called him a kafr or infidel. The reply was, " He that calls you a kafr is a kifr himself" It is something for a Christian to reside with Maho medans so tolerant and unprejudiced. Wine, pro hibited to be made or sold in the city, is perraitted to be made and used by Armenians, who are simply restricted 4o indulge in their own houses. They have not, unadroitly, induced the Mahomedans to believe that to drink wine is part of their religion, and to interfere on that head is impossible. There are a few families of Jews at Kabal, but while per- REFLECTIONS. 247 fectly tolerated as to raatters of faith, they by no means command the respect which is shown to Arraenians. Like thera, they are perraitted to make vinous and spirituous liquors; and they de pend chiefly for their livelihood upon the clan destine sale of thera. Some years since, a Jew was heard to speak disrespectfully of Jesus Christ ; he was anaigned, and convicted before the Maho medan tribunals on a charge of blasphemy; the sentence was sang sar, or, to be stoned to death. The unhappy culprit was brought to the Arraenians that they, as particularly interested, raight carry into effect the punishment of the law. They de clined, when the Mahomedans led the poor wretch without the city, and his life becarae the forfeit of his indiscretion. It was singular that an attack upon the divinity of our Saviour should have been held cognizable in a Mihomedan ecclesiastical court, and that it should have been resented by those who in their theological disputes with Chris tians never fail to cavil on that very point. The Jew, in averring that Jesus Christ was the son of the carpenter Joseph, had differed frora their own belief on that subject ; but had not the assertion been made by a Jew, who would have noticed it ? How true is it, that the Jews are everywhere the despised, the rejected race. 248 CHAPTER XI. Situation of Kabal Fortifications. — Bdlla Hissdr.— Defences.— Bilrj Hiildku.— Value of defences. — Citadels. — Bdlla Hissar Bdlla. — Kdla Feringhi. — Prohibition. — Marble thrones. — Bdlla Hissdr Bdlla originally a cemetery. — Discoveries. — ^Wells, — Gates. — Bdlla Hissdr Pahin. — Regulations. — MaUas. — PoUce. — Gates. — Dafta Khana. — Tope Khana. — Palace. — Masjit Pad shah. — Anecdote of Taimiir Shah. — City walls. — Gates. — Chandol. — Walls. — Population. — Aspect of city — Habib Ulah Khan's freak. — Construction of houses. — MaUas and kuchas. — Their object and inconveniences. — Public buildings. — Serais. — Hamans. — Bridges. — Bazars. — Shops. — Trades. — Markets. — Itinerant traders and cries. — Provisions. — Variable prices. — Famines. — Mode of preventing pressure on supplies. — Enjoy ments of winter season. — Sandalis. — Inconveniences. — Eco nomy. — Chimneys. — Flues. — Burial-places. — Inscription. — Md- homedan tombs Shia tombs. — Grave-stones. — EngUshman's grave. — Belief respecting it. — Removal of grave-stones. — Cus toms observed at burial-places. — Processions. — Takias. — Zidrats. — Rock impressions. — Gardens. — Namaz Gah. — Bdgh Taimiir Shah Bagh Shah Zeman. — Bagh Vazir. — Chahar B3,gh Taimur Shah's tomb. — Bagh Khwoja. — Gardens of Deh Af ghan. — River. —Jiii Shir. — Bdlla Jui. — Jiii Piit Mastan.— Wells. — Quality of water. — Abundance. — Meadows. — Bogs. — Causes of fever. — Site of Kdbal. — Agreeable vicinity. — Winds. — Whirlwinds. — Commercial importance. — Domestic trade. — Manufactures. — Wants ofthe community Artizans and fabrics. — State of progression. The city of Kabal is seated at the westem ex tremity of a spacious plain, in an angle formed by FORTIFICATIONS. 249 the approach of two inferior hill ridges. That to the south is indifferently called Koh Takht Shah (hill of the king's palace), and Koh Khwoja Safar from a ziarat of that name, on its acclivity, over looking the city. It has also the less used and mythological appellation of Bandar Deo. The ridge to the north, of inferior altitude, is known by the name of the Koh Assa Mahi, or the hill of the great mother, which is Nature. A temple, dedi cated to the goddess, is at the foot of the hill. A huge stone is the object of adoration. The interval between these two hills allows space for the entrance, from the plain of Chahar Deh, of the stream called the river of Kabal, which winds through the city. Over it has been thrown a sub stantial and fortified bridge of masonry. Frora it connecting lines of ramparts and towers are canied up the sides and over the summits of the ridges. Useless for purposes of defence, they contribute to diversify the aspect of the city, as seen from the east. The lines of fortifications cresting the Koh Takht Shah are brought down the eastern face of the hill, and made to close upon the BaUa Hissar Billa, or citadel, built upon a spur of the sarae hill, at the south-east extremity of the city. At this point was formerly one of the gates of the old city, (the Derwaza Jabar,) and as it connected the hill defences with those of the BaUa Hissar BaUa, the enceinte of the place was completed according to the notions of the projector, Sirdar Jahan Khan, 250 DEFENCES OF BALLA HISSAR. Popal Zai, a veteran chief, ofthe age of Ahmed Shah. The Balia Hissar was originally strongly built, and its walls were accommodated to the form of the rising ground of its site. Their lower portions are composed of masonry, facing the rock, to a depth of fifteen to twenty feet. Their upper portions, six or seven feet in height, are of burnt brick, and form a parapet, which is crenated and provided with embrasures and loop-holes for large and small arms, also with a regular succession of kangaras. Formerly, a shirazi, or fausse-braye of mud, was carried between the walls and the trench. The latter is spacious, but of variable depth, and being neglected, has becorae overgrown with rank grass, amongst which, towards the close of autumn, when the water decreases, cattle graze. At the south-west end of the fortification, where the minor hill of the Balia Hissar Balia connects with the parent one, and where the Derwaza Jabar once stood, the nature of the swelling rock has not per mitted the extension of the trench ; or the obstacles it opposed were deemed too formidable to be en countered, for the advantages to be derived. Still, this point seems to have been thought the weak one of the place ; and to strengthen it, on the su perior hill coraraanding it, is a massive tower, called Biirj Hiilakii, from some tradition respecting that barbarous conqueror. To this point, we have al ready noted, that the lines of Sirdar Jahan Khin were extended, and within them he has included CITADEL. 251 the Biirj Hiilakii. This work, intended for the defence of the place, has, invariably, in the numoT rous intestine contests happening during the last few years for its possession, fallen into the power of the assailing party on the outbreak of hostilities. As a fortress, from being comraanded on the south-west, and west by the hill overshadowing it, and to the east by erainences, on which Nadir Shah raised his batteries, the BaUa Hissar of Kibal can scarcely be deemed competent to resist for any length of time, a scientific attack. In native war fare, it must be considered a strong place, or one capable of being made so. In earlier times, we can give the judicious Baber credit for the im portance he attached to its fortifications. At a later period, the siege it withstood against Nadir did not irapair its reputation for strength. The BaUa Hissar of Kabal comprises two por tions, the BaUa Hissar Pahin, and the BaUa Hissar BaUa. Hissar implies a fortress, and Balia Hissar the upper or superior fortress, the citadel. Hence, Peshawer, Kabal, Ghazni, Kandahar, and Herat, have all their Balia Hissars, equivalents to the Args of Persia. Balia Hissar BaUa, and BaUa Hissir Pahin, therefore, signify the upper and lower cita dels. In some places, as at Herat, Kandahar, and Ghazni, the citadel may be enclosed within the walls of the city. In others, as at Kabal and Pesh awer, they may be without, and independent. In the latter reigns of the Sadu Zai princes the BaUa 252 KULA FERINGHI. Hissar BaUa served as a state prison. It is now a solitude, and in ruins. The summit of the emi nence on which it is raised is surmounted by a dilapidated square, turretted building, called the Ktila Feringhi (European hat). It is of very re cent date, being due to Sirdar Stiltan Mahomed Khan, and arose under the superintendence of a rude architect, Haji All, KohistanI, one of his mili tary dependents. It was intended for no more im portant purpose than to enable the chief and his friends to enjoy the beauties of the landscape around, and was in consequence slightly construct ed. As a spectator from it completely overlooks the palace of the chief below, orders, little regard ed, have been issued, to forbid the people of the city to visit it, and the BaUa Hissar BaUa gene rally, on the plea of preserving intact the " pardah," or privacy of the haram. Under the northern wall of the Ktila Feringhi, however, are two objects deserving inspection, in two masses of hewn white raarble, describing what are here called takhts, or thrones ; flights of three steps being formed in each. One of them is distin guished by a flagon carved on one of its sides ; and this symbol of good cheer and festivity, while it may explain the purpose to which the thrones may have been at some time devoted, forcibly recalls to recollection, that this was the very spot where the social Baber frequently held his convivial meet ings, and which probably he had in mind when he DISCOVERIES. 253 exultingly declared that Kabal was the very best- place in the world to drink wine in. Connected with the thrones is a miniature hous, or reservoir for water, inadequate for purposes of general ablu tions, but appropriate for the lavement of fingers and plalas (cups), and the trivial detergent offices consequent upon an oriental regale. It is certain that the Balia Hissar BaUa has been at one time a cemetery, for I have been assured by too many people to doubt the fact, that when children they were accustomed in their rambles over it constantly to pick up old coins, &c. ; even now they are occasionally found. Discoveries of another nature have been frequently made, of stone cannon-balls, anow-heads, caltrops, &;c. ; of course, portions of the munitions once laid in store for the defence of the place. It is not improbable that very much of the hill is honey-combed with vaults and passages, some of which have been casually discovered. The soil spread over the hill is con tinually carried away for the manufacture of salt petre. Much of this may be formed of the debris of the unsubstantial erections of unburnt bricks, which have been frora time to time erected within the limits of the fortifications. Yet, no small part of it may be considered as the soil which, in former ages, has been carried up from the plain beneath, and deposited upon the rocky surface, to form the required basis for the reception of the jars and ashes of the dead. 254 WELLS — GATES. Within the precincts of the upper citadel are two weUs, lined with masonry. One of these, called the Siah Chah (black well), was used as a dungeon, up to the time of Shah Mahmiid. The Vazir Fati Khan once confined many of his brothers. Dost Mahomed Khin amongst the rest, in this Siah Chah. After executions, the corpses of the slain were sometimes thrown into it. The other well is now neglected, but once yielded excellent water. The outer line of the BaUa Hissar BaUa has three gates. One, the principal, leading into the BaUa Hissar Pahin, a little south of the palace. This gate was mined by Dost Mahomed Khin, when he be sieged Prince Jehinghir, the son of Kamrin. The second, called Derwaza KashI (contraction of Na- kashl, or painted), frora having been covered with glazed enaraelled tiles, looks upon the plain east ward. By this gate Prince Jehinghir escaped. The third gate, sraaller than the others, leads to wards the hill Khwoja Safar, near the site of the Derwaza Jabar. It is called the gate of blood, as through it were earned privily by night, for inter ment, the corpses of those of the royal family who fell victims to the resentraent, or fears of the reign ing prince. This detestable gate, with the others, is closed. The BaUa Hissar Pihin, or lower citadel, under the Sadii Zai princes, besides the space occupied by their palaces and appurtenances, chiefly accom modated their servants and select retainers, as cer- REGULATION OF CROWN PROPERTY. 255 tain portions of the ghiilam khina, or house hold troops. Now it is more indiscriminately tenanted. On the understood fact that it is the property of the crown, or of the ruling power, no house can be erected in it without perraission ; neither does any house erected becorae the absolute property of its occupant or founder. In sales, or transfers of possession, the houses are not so rauch sold as the wood eraployed in their construction, the value of which regulates the price. It is in the power of the authorities at any time to eject the inha bitants. Of course, such an act is only thought of in cases of emergency. An instance of eject ment occurred when Habib Ulah Khin held the Balia Hissar. His mother appealed to him in favour of the Armenian residents ; and the not very rational youth admitted that to displace those who had no connexions in the country to receive them would be harsh. They were allowed to remain. The Billa Hissar Pahin may contain nearly one thousand houses, and is provided with a good bazar. It is divided into many quarters, or mallas, caUed after the classes inhabiting them ; as the MaUa Araba (Arab), MaUa Habashi (descendants of ne groes), MaUa Armani (Armenian), &c. It has a police, under the direction of a katwil, and a court under the jurisdiction of a Kazi, for the judgment and adjudication of disputes and causes. All seri ous raatters are referred to Dost Mahomed Khan, 256 DAFTA KHANA. and, indeed, in Kibal all offices are nominal, the chief attending personally to all matters, however trivial. In the exterior circumference of the Balia Hissar Pahin there are two gates, one on the eastern front called the Derwaza Shah Shehid, from a ziarat contiguous ; the other, on the western front, called the Derwiza Nagara Khana, on account of the nagaras, or drums, beaten daily at certain times, being stationed there. There is an internal and intermediate gate on the road between these two now standing, and there was formerly another, both belonging to a court south of the palace, in which was the Dafta Khana, or record office. This build ing, a very gay one, was in being when I first visited Kabal; Dost Mahomed Khan has pulled it down, intending with its materials to construct a garden- house, under the hill of the upper citadel. How ever effectually he may conduct the business of the state, he has no need off public offices, and his ministers write at their own houses, and carry their records and papers about with them in their pockets. From the court of the Dafta Khana the Tope Khana, or artillery-ground, is entered, and beyond it the bazar of the Araba leads to the Derwaza Na gara Khana. This bazar is spacious, and had lines of trees extending along its centre ; some of them remain. The artillery-ground and Dafta Khana were similarly ornamented ; and it is easy to ima gine, nptwithstanding the destruction which has PALACE. 257 occurred, and the neglect which prevails, that the interior of the I'ower citadel was once regularly and agreeably laid out, as was becoming in the vicinity of the palace of the sovereign. The royal abode built by Taimiir Shah (Ahmed Shah was wont to reside in the city) occupies much ofthe northern front ofthe lower citadel, and is raade PALACE OP BALLA HISSAR. to rest upon its walls. It has a sorabre external appearance, but commands beautiful views over the surrounding country, particularly towards the north, where the distant snowy masses of the Hindii Kosh terminate the prospect. It is raost substantially constructed, and the interior is distributed into a variety of handsorae and capacious areas, surrounded VOL. II. s 258 ANECDOTE OF TAIMUR SHAH. by suites of apartments on a commodious and mag nificent scale. These are embeUished with orna mental carvings, and highly coloured paintings of flowers, fruits, and other devices. Formerly there were many appendages without the high walls en closing the palace, in gardens, diwan khanas, mas jits, &c. ; but these have been suffered to disappear, or have been purposely destroyed by the present chiefs, to obliterate, if possible, any recollections of the Sadii Zai dynasty. The masjit Padshah, or royal mosque, which it would have been profane to pull down, has been allowed to fall silently into min. Near it, is pointed out a withered tree, become so, it is said, from the nuraberless perjuries which have been uttered beneath it. It is believed to be an evidence of the crimes and perfidies of the times. When Taimiir Shah, in his last visit to Kibal, in progress to the eastward, beheld the palace then un finished, he complained that the sitims, or pillars, were too slight. It was submitted, that they were made of the largest timbers procurable. The prince reraarked, they might last well enough for fifty years, when he would build a new palace. He never again beheld it, being canied into it a corpse. His palace is now the dwelling-place of usurpers ; and who shall venture to predict its possessor at the close of the monarch's fifty years. The original city of Kabal was surrounded by walls, constructed partly of burnt bricks, and partly CITY WALLS — GATES. 259 of mud. Their indications may be traced in many places, more abundantly in the eastern quarter. The space enclosed by them being largely filled, even now, with gardens, does not contain above five thousand houses ; anciently it may be presumed to have comprised a lower number. When we consi der that the large suburbs, or additions, to the old city, have been made since the Sadii Zai dynasty had established itself in power, and are owing to the foreign tribes domiciled subsequently to the demise of Nadir, we may question whether the original city could ever have boasted of twenty thousand inha bitants, or have been of one half the size of the present. Seven gates allowed ingress and egress to and from the old city; the Derwazas Lahori, Sirdar, Pet, D^h Afghanan, Deh Mazzang, Giizar Gah, and Jabar. Of these, Derwazas Lahori and Sirdar are the only ones standing, built of deeply coloured kiln-burnt bricks. That of Jabar was removed only four or five years since. The sites of those no longer existing, besides being well known, are the stations of officers appointed to collect the town duties on the necessaries of life brought in from the country. Some of the names by which the gates are now known, or remembered, would seem to have replaced more ancient ones. The derwaza Lahori is certainly the currier's gate of Baber, and adjacent thereto still reside the charm-gars, or leather-dressers of Kabal. s 2 260 CHANDOL — POPULATION. Without the limits of the ancient city, to the west, is the quarter of Chandol ; once a village, its narae preserved by Baber, now a large town, sur rounded by lofty walls. It is inhabited solely by the various tribes of Persian and Turki descent, that have become located at Kibal since the death of Nadir. It contains about fifteen hundred or two thousand houses, and is provided with its independ ent bazars, baths, masjitsy and other appurtenances of a city. It has, also, its separate police, and courts of law and justice. Its walls were raised under the sanction of the Vazir Fati Khan. An expression regarding thera, made by Atta Mahomed Khan, reported to the Barak Zai chiefs, the vazir's brothers, led to his being deprived of sight. Besides the fortified suburb of Chandol, there may be about fifteen hundred other houses, dis persed without the ancient liraits of the city. In clusive of the Balia Hissar, the nuraber of houses in Kabal, will be about nine thousand, of which nearly one half are occupied by Shia farailies. The popu lation raay therefore be computed at something be tween fifty and sixty thousand. In the summer season, from the infiux of merchants, and people from all parts of the country, the city is very densely inhabited; and this pressure of strangers explains the crowds and bustle to be witnessed in the bazars ; with the great proportion of itinerant traders in cooked provisions, and the necessaries of life, who may be said to infest the streets. HABIB ULAH KHAN'S FREAK. 261 The appearance of Kibal as a city, has little to recommend it beyond the interest conferred by the surrounding scenery. It is best, and indeed can only be seen from the east. In that direction it is first descried by the traveller from the lower coun tries, at the crest, of the kotal, or pass of Lataband, (the place of shreds). Formerly, a canopied apart ment of the palace at Kabal was cased in copper, gilt, and besides being very ornamental, it had a conspicuous effect in the obscure and indistinct raass ' presented by the city when divulged frora the kotal. It endured up to the brief governraent of Habib Ulah Khin, who, inheritor to the vast treasures of his father, in a freak rather than frora cupidity — for he was thoughtless and profuse — ordered the copper- gilt casing to be removed, and the gold to be ex tracted. A paltry sura did not pay the cost of labour incurred to procure it, and the inconsiderate chief repented that he had exposed hiraself to ridi cule, and to the reproaches of his people, for having destroyed one of the principal ornaraents of the city. The houses of Kabal are but slightly and indiffer ently built, generally of mud and unburnt bricks. The few of burnt bricks are those of old standing. Their general want of substantiality does not mili tate against their being conveniently arranged with in, as many of them are ; particularly those built by the Shias in Chandol, and other quarters. These people lay claim, and perhaps justly, to a greater 262 MULLAS AND KUCHAS. share of taste and refinement than falls to the lot of their fellow-townsfolk. The city is divided into mallas, or quarters, and these again are separated into kiichas, or sections. The latter are enclosed and entered by small gates. In occasions of war or tumult the entrance gates are built up, and the city contains as many different fortresses as there are kiichas in it. This means of defence is called kucha-bandi (closing up the ktichas). It must be obvious, that an insecure state of society has induced this precautionary mode of arrangement in the building of the city. The necessity to adopt it has occasioned the nanow and inconvenient passages of communication, or streets, if they must be so called, which intersect the seve ral kiichas. No predilection for dark alleys, or wish to exclude the pure air of heaven has operated. The principal bazars of the city are independent of the ktichas, and extend generally in straight lines ; the chief objects of attention, they are when tracing out the plan of a city, defined with accuracy, and the mallas and ktichas are formed arbitrarily upon them. In winter the inhabitants clear the flat roofs of their houses of the snow by shelving it into the passages below, whence they become at length choked up. Gradually melted on the advent of spring, the paths are filled with raixed snow, water, and mud, and for a long time continue in a mise rable condition. After severe winters, or when HAMAMS. 263 much snow has been accumulated, it is surprising to how late a period it will remain unmelted in many of the kiichas, nearly excluded from, or but for a short hour visited by the genial rays of the sun. There are no public buildings of any moment in the city. The masjits, or places of worship, are far from being splendid edifices, although many are spacious and commodious ; convenience and utility, other than specious external appearance, being sought for in their construction. There is but one madressa, or college, — without endowment or scholars. There are some fourteen or fifteen serais, or ka- ravanserals, for the accommodation of foreign mer chants and traders, named sometiraes after their founders, as the Serai Zirdad, the Serai Maho med Kiimi, &c. ; sometimes after the place whose traders in preference frequent it, as the Serai Kan daharl, &c. These structures will bear no com parison with the elegant and commodious build ings of the sarae kind, so nuraerous in the cities and country of Persia. Hamaras, or public baths, being indispensable appendages to a Mihomedan city, are in some number, but they are deficient on the score of cleanliness. The approach to many of them is announced by an unwelcome odour, arising frora the offensive fuel employed to heat them. Across the river which flows through Ka bal, so far as the actual city is concemed, there can be said to be only one bridge, viz. the Piii Kishti (the brick bridge). It is, in fact, a sub- 264 BRIDGES. stantial structure, however ill kept in repair, of mixed brick-work and masonry. It leads directly into the busy parts of the city, where the chabii tra, or custom-house, mandeh, or corn-market, the chahar chatta, or the covered arcades, and the prin cipal bazars are found. At a little distance east of it is what is called Ptil Noe, or the canoe bridge : it is composed of the hollowed trunks of trees joined to each other. It yields a tremulous passage to pedestrians who choose to venture over it, and connects the quarters Bagh All Mirdan Khan and Morad Khani. To the west, at the gorge between the two hills, through which the river enters upon the city, is the fortified bridge of Sirdar Jehan Khan. This is sometimes call ed the bridge of Nassir Khan, and is probably due to the governor so named, who flourished at the epoch of Nadir's invasion, and, it is believed, was one of the dignitaries who invited the Persian. Sirdar Jehan Khan connected with this bridge the lines of fortifications, which he threw over the hills ; and raost likely built the parapet wall which fringes the western, or exterior face of the bridge. Between this stmcture and the Piii Kishti was anciently a bridge connecting Chandol on the southern side of the stream, with the Anderibi quarter on the opposite side. It has disappeared, but the Nawab Jabar Khan contemplates its re placement. Beyond the Ptil Noe, and altogether without the city, is another once substantial bridge. BRIDGES. 265 thrown across the stream, said to owe its origin to Baber. It became injured through age and neglect; but being on the road from the palace of the BaUa Hissar to the royal gardens, it was necessary to repair it ; and at length, in the reign of Zeman Shah it was re-edified by the go vernor of the city. Sirdar Jehan Nissar Khan, whose name it yet bears. It has, however, again become dilapidated. Iramediately north of this bridge are the two castles of Mahomed Khan Bai- yat, since become raemorable from one of them having been selected as the commissariat depot for the English troops at Kabal, by the capture of which so much and fatal disaster was occasion ed, if not wholly, in great measure. The castles are north, and opposite to the palace in the Balia Hissar, from which a meadow extends to the river, on whose opposite side they are seated. The dis tance from thera to the palace is two thousand yards. It is astonishing that an attack upon this position should have been allowed by the troops in the BaUa Hissar, under whose imraediate ob servation it must have occurred. It is equally singular, that the first attack having been re pulsed, the little garrison was not reinforced. Close to the castles is a dam damma, or large mound, on which, in the struggles for the pos session of Kabal, a gun was placed by Dost Ma homed Khan, to play upon the BaUa Hissar. The proprietor, Mahomed Khan, was intimately con- 266 BRIDGES. nected with Dost Mahomed Khan, and generally his companion at meals and in his rides. He greatly favoured an intercourse with Persia, and was, perhaps, one of the few who might have be nefited by it. He therefore used his influence to prevent Dost Mahomed Khan from forming any connexion with the Indian Governraent, and was suspected of having forwarded letters to the Persian camp before Herat. Sir Alexander Burnes, it would seem from his letters, printed, and pri vately circulated, was willing to have wreaked his vengeance on the old offender, but Sir William Macnaghten raore generously preserved him from the effects of pitiful resentraent, and in the attack on the commissariat his family and retainers as sisted the ganison in the defence, for which his son paid the forfeit of his ears to the chiefs of the insurrection. It was by the destruction of this bridge, or of another, one hundred yards beyond it, over the canal Morad Khani, that the coraraunications be tween the camp and Balia Hissar were cut off. The river has yet another bridge, traversing it west of the fortified bridge at the gorge of the two hills, and parallel to the tomb of the cele brated Baber. It is alike a substantial erection, and its date is probably that of the tomb and its appendages, of which it may be considered one. The river has therefore in Kabal and the imme diate vicinity, four substantial bridges crossing it. BAZARS. 267 with the probability of having another, the fifth constructed. The canoe-bridge is not entitled to be considered a bridge, being little more irapor tant than a plank placed across a rivulet deserves to be thought. Besides these bridges, the river has no other, either to the east or west of them, in the upper part of its course being easily ford able, and soon terminating its lower by joining with the river of Loghar. Of the several bazars of the city, the two prin cipal, running irregularly parallel to each other, are the Shor Bazar and the Bazar of the Der waza Lahori. The former to the south, extends east and west from the BaUa Hissar Pahin to the Ziarat Baba Khodi, a distance of little more than three quarters of a mile. The latter, stretch ing frora the Derwaza Lahori, terminates at the Chabiitra, at which point a street to the south, called Chob Frosh, or the wood-market, commu nicates with the western extreraity of the Shor Bazar. To the north, another street leads from the Chabiitra to the Ptil Kishti. The western portion of the bazar Derwaza Lahori is occupied by the" Chahiir Chatta, or four covered arcades : the more magnificent of the Kabal bazars, and of which the inhabitants are justly proud. The strac ture is ascribed to Ali Mirdan Khan, whose name is iniraortal in these countries, from the many visible testimonies to his public spirit extant in various forms. It was handsomely constructed 268 TRADES — MARKETS. and highly embellished with paintings. The four covered arcades, of equal length and dimensions, are separated from each other by square open areas, originally provided with wells and foun tains. These were judicious improvements on the plan in vogue throughout Persia, where the covered bazars, extending in some of the larger cities for above two miles, not only exclude the rays of the sun but completely prevent the free circu lation of air, producing thereby close and oppres sive, and it may be presumed, unhealthy atmo spheres. The dokans, or shops of the Chahar Chat ta, are now tenanted by bazazis, or retail venders of manufactured goods, whether of wool, cotton, or silk. Before the shops are what may be called counters, on which sit, with their wares displayed, allaka-bands, or silk-men, makers of caps, shoes, &;c. with sarafs, or money-changers, vrith their heaps of pais, or copper monies, before thera. Beneath the counters are stalls ; and as they exactly resemble the coblers' stalls of London in situation and ap pearance, so are they generally occupied by the same class of craftsmen. In Kabal, the several descriptions of traders and artisans congregate, as is usual in Eastern cities, and together are found the shops of drapers, sad dlers, braziers, ironmongers, armourers, book-bind ers, venders of shoes, postlns, &c. The cattle- market, called Nakash, is seated north of the river, and west of the Piii Kishti, in the AnderabI quar- MARKETS — TRADESMEN. 269 ter. It is held daily, and sales of all aniraals are effected, whether for slaughter as food, or for purposes of pleasure, use, or burthen. There are two raandes, or grain-markets ; one near the Chahar Chatta, called Mande Kalan, the other Mande Shahzada, in the quarter Tandtir SazI, or earthen ware manufactory, between the Shor Bazar and the Derwaza Lahori. The quarter called Shik- arpiirl, adjoining the Piii Kishti, on the right bank of the river, may be considered the fruit- market of Kabal. To it the various fruits are brought from the neighbouring country, and thence are dispersed among the retail venders of the city, to form those rich, copious, and beautiful displays, in their due seasons, which fail not to extort the admiration of strangers. Melons, an important branch of the fruit-trade, and of which the con suraption is immense, are sold principally at Mande Kalan. There are, in like manner, markets for wood and charcoal, while every malla, or quarter, is provided with its depots of these articles of fuel for the winter deraand. In Kibal, as in other places, all traffic is transacted through the medium of the broker, or dalal. Besides the shopkeepers, or fixed tradesmen, a vast number of itinerant traders parade the bazars, and it is probable that the cries of Kibal equal in variety those of London. Many- of them are iden tical, and the old clothesman of the British me tropolis is perfectly represented by the Moghat 270 PROVISIONS. of Kabal, who, although not a Jew, follows his profession, and announces it by the cry of " Zir-i-khona ? rakht-i-khona ? "— " old buUion ? old clothes?" While the quality of the provisions brought into the Kibal markets is excellent, prices are liable to much fluctuation, especially in the various kinds of grain ; and the reason is, obviously, that the country at large scarcely yields a sufficient quan tity for the supply of its inhabitants, and wheat becoraes an article of import. It follows hence, that not only are prices subject to variation from extraordinary accidents, as partial or general fail ure of the crops, the ravages of locusts, &c., but that they are affected by the ordinary and con stantly occuning changes of the season. Winter in Kabal is always distinguished by high prices, and the advance immediately follows the stoppage of its communications by snow. In the famines which, from time to time, have affiicted Kabal, the misery has naturally been most intense within the city during the winter ; and it would appear, that the calamity has been only experienced there, while in the provinces supplies, if not abundantly, might still have been spared to have relieved the distress of the capital ; but the roads were closed by snow, and the little energy wanting to over come the slight impediment was absent, or no one thought of bringing it into action. The last serious famine occurred in the reign of Shah Mah- ENJOYMENTS OF WINTER SEASON. 271 mild ; and since that tirae so great an evil has been happily averted, notwithstanding occasional years of scarcity have, in the order of things, pre sented themselves. The present chief is always anxious to relieve the pressure which would attend the residence of a large body of troops in the city throughout the winter ; and the collection of the revenues of Bangash and Taghow affords him the opportunity of employing thera advantageously dur ing that period. The warmer region of Jelalabad also provides for the reception of a large body of troops, and contributes to lighten the demand upon the winter stores accuraulated for the supply of the city, which are never altogether sufficient, both frora want of capital and improvidence. In despite of the evils consequent upon winter, and the severity of the climate, which prohibits exercise abroad, the inhabitant of Kabal seeras to consider it as the season of luxurious enjoyment as it is that of supine sloth. The enjojTuent vaunt ed of is not, however, of an enviable nature, and consists merely in regaling upon the fresh fruits of the. past auturan, while the individual is seated, with his legs under the cover of a sandall, drawn, up to his chin. The sandall, it must be explained, is the ordinary mode of exhibiting fire for the purposes of warmth in most countries of Western Asia. It consists merely of a takht, or table, placed over a cavity in the ground, or some other recept acle to contain fire, and covered with a number 272 SANDALIS — THEIR INCONVENIENCE. of capacious cloths and quilts. A little fuel suf fices to raise heat, which is retained by the quilts, and as little is necessary to sustain it. Around this sit, during the day, the various members of a family. Upon the surface of the takht they arrange their repasts ; and at night, when in clined to repose, have only to fall backwards, and draw the cover of the sandall over them. Could the imagination, so fertile and powerful, unroof during a winter's night the houses of Kabal, upon what a singular scene would it look down. Dis missing the revelations which might interest an Asraodeus, and a bachelor of Salamanca, how curious the spectacle of a countless nuraber of sandalis, ap pearing as the centres of an endless succession of circles, their radii formed by extended huraan beings ! There are some inconveniences attending the use of sandalis, and the bursting of an imper fectly raade piece of charcoal, the description of fuel generally employed, frequently occasions danger. There would also seem danger in the use of char coal itself, but I never heard of any accident occurring on that account, which may be perhaps accounted for in the fact that there is not, even amongst the houses of the opulent, an apartment perfectly air-tight in Kabal : moreover, the quan tity of charcoal used is small. The confinement during so many months, the postures in which it has been passed, and the fumes of the charcoal, occasion the legs of many individuals to be par- PLACES OF BURIAL. 273 tially benumbed on the advent of spring, and it needs the elastic energies of the season, and exer cise, to enable them to recover their tone and action. The sandall is simple and economical, yet could only be in fashion or employed in countries where the raass of the people can afford to sit idle during the winter, as it is incompatible with labour. The wealthy, while not rejecting sandalis, also use mangals, or open iron vessels, in which they burn wood, that of the baliit, or holly, being preferred. There are few chimneys, or bokharls, as called, although not absolutely unknown. They are considered a Persian invention ; and the centre of the room is still held the proper place for the fire intended to warra it ; while the smoke, al though admitted to be an inconvenience, is yet supposed to have its effect in heating the atmo sphere of the chamber ; and, again, its incon venience is said less to be felt, as it is the custom to sit on the ground, not on chairs ; and smoke, as every one knows, ascends. Some of the higher classes have especial winter apartments, heated by flues to a regulated degree, after the manner of baths, or of hot-houses in England. Attached to the city are several places of burial, the different sects haring their distinct ones, and even the different classes of the same sect. In general, they resemble European localities of similar character. The larger burial-places, which are al ways without the city, are those of the Ziarat VOL. II. T 274 INSCRIPTION. Khedar, and Panjah Shah Mirdan, the Derwaza Shih Shehid, and of Ashak Arlfan, under the Tiill Koh Khwoja Safar, with that east of the Derwaza Lahori, belonging to the Siinls, The Shias of Chandol have a burial-place on the part of the hill Khwoja Safar which overlooks their quarter; a large one, is that of the Afshars, so called from being near them, but where the dead of many pf the Shia tribes are deposited; this lies on the brow of the hill Assa Mahi.- The Morad Khanls have a distinct place of sepulture, as have the Ciirds, and other tribes. The skirts, indeed, of all the superior hills, and of the minor eminences in the environs of the city, are occu pied by graves and burial-places. On those of the Tappa Marinjan, east of the city, are the burial- place of the Jews and the Hindu Soz, or spot where Hindii corpses undergo cremation. The Armenians have their peculiar, and walled-in cemetery, amongst the Mahomedan graveyards of Khwoja Khedarl, south of the BaUa Hissar, and directly opposite the takia, or shrine of Shir All Lapchak, over the entrance to which is an inscription on a marble slab, recording that Jehinghir visited Kabal, on an excursion of pleasure, in the year 1002 of the Hejra. The Mihomedan tombs vary little, except in position, from ordinary Christian ones. They are placed from north to south. They have the same shaped head-stone, generally of marble, either of GRAVE-STONES. 275 the costly kind imported from more eastern coun tries, or of the native alabaster, procured in the quarries of Maidan. The head-stone also bears an inscribed epitaph, and is ornamented, if not with faces of angels and cherubs, with sculptured flowers, and other fanciful devices. It is no un common circumstance amongst the graves of the Shia tribes, to see shields, swords, and lances en graved on the tombs, commeraorating the profession of the deceased, a practice observed in various parts of Persia, particularly in Kiirdistan, where, if expense deters the sculptured stone, a rudely painted figure of a warrior on the hurable monu ment of wood constitutes the simple memorial. There are many head-stones in the Kabal burial- grounds, which have an antiquity of several cen turies ; many of these may have been removed frora their original sites, but they bear inscriptions in antiquated Arabic and Persian characters. I am not aware that stones with Cufic epitaphs exist, which, however, would not have been deemed strange, looking at the long period the Caliphs dominated in these countries. In the grave-yards of the hill Assa Mahi a neglected stone, distin guished by a sfculptured mitre, denotes the place of rest of a Georgian bishop, who it would seem died at Kabal three or four centuries since. In the Armenian cemetery likewise a mitre on one bf the stones points to the rank of the person de posited beneath it, although tradition is silent as T 2 276 ENGLISHMAN'S GRAVE. to him or to his age. But the more curious, and to Englishmen the most interesting grave-stone to be found about Kabal, is one comraeraorative of a countryraan, and which bears a simple epitaph and record, in large legible Roraan characters. The raonuraent is small, and of raarble, not of the very frequent description of upright head stone, but of another form, which is also common, and which imitates the form of the raised sod over the grave. It is to be seen close to the zlirat, or shrine of Shah Shehid, in the burial-ground east of the gate of the same name, and within sorae two hun dred yards of it. It is rather confusedly engraved around the sides of the stone, but runs as follows : HERE LYES THE BODY OF JOSEPH HICKS THE SON OF THOMAS HICKS AND ELDITH WHO DEPARTED THIS LYFE THE ELEVENTH OF OCTOBER 1666. The date carries us back to the commencement of the reign of Aurangzeb, when Kabal was held by one of his lieutenants. This monument was one of the first objects of curiosity brought to my notice at Kibal, and residing iramediately within the gate of the Balia Hissar near to it, I had it in sight whenever I left my house on a stroll. In those days there was a kabar-kan, or grave-digger, well-versed in the histories and traditions of the monuraents and graves of the ground in which his practice prevailed. He was communicative, and informed me that he understood from hia predecessors, that CUSTOMS OBSERVED AT GRAVES. 277 the monument commemorated an officer of artillery, who stood so high in the estimation of the governor, that they were buried close to each other on a contiguous mound. This, and the monument raised over the govemor, were pointed out to me by the venerable depositary of funeral lore, and he assured me that the monument placed over the Feringhi (European), or of Mr. Hicks, had been removed, before his memory, from its correct locality, and placed over the grave of a Mahoraedan ; such transfers, however indecorous or indelicate, being sometimes made. On a tappa, or mound, some distance to the south, is another monument of the sarae form, but of larger dimensions, which is also believed to rest on the grave of a Feringhi. The inference is here drawn frora the direction of the stone, which is frora east to west, no epitaph being present to render the fact certain. It is customary for people to sit and weep over the graves of their deceased relatives ; and this task principally falls upon the females, who may be pre sumed to enjoy greater leisure than their lords. It also gives a fair pretence to exchange the confined atmosphere of the haram for the healthy breeze of the external country. Priests, on recent occasions, are also hired to repeat prayers and recite the Koran, sometimes for so long a period as one year. At the revival of spring, annually, a day is appro priated to the visit of the graves of the dead ; it is called the Day of the Deceased ; and would almost 278 ZIARATS. seem a Mahomedan conservation and transposition of the ancient rites paid in honour of Adonis and Osiris. On such occasions the graves are visited in procession ; they are sprinkled vrith water ; gar lands are placed on them, and any injuries which may have occurred during the preceding year re paired. These pious offices do not, however, pre clude a due manifestation of grief, in lamentations and bowlings. It is worthy of note, that the sarae sanctity does not attach to burial-places amongst Mahoraedans as with Christians. At least, they are in nowise offended by persons walking or riding over and trarapling upon them. Neither are they consecrated localities. Many takias are interspersed amongst all burial- places ; nor does the admixture of things so profane with objects entitled to reverence appear to be thought improper, indeed, it is never thought of at all. Very many of these places, dignified with the higher appellation of ziarat, or shrine, deserve notice, not merely on account of the holy repute attaching to them, but that they are amongst the chief and usual spots of holiday resort to the inha bitants of the city, owing to the beauty of their picturesque sites. Found generally on the acclivi ties of hills, in recesses supplied by springs of water, and embellished by groves and gardens, they also coramand extensive views ofthe country around. At many of these localities the largest trees in the country are to be seen, usually the chanar, or plane. ROCK IMPRESSIONS. 279 and each of them has sorae peculiar attraction. The raore erainent of these are the ziarats Jehan Baz, Panjah Shah Mirdan, Khwoja Khedarl, Khwo ja Safar, and Ashak Arlfan, on the eastern skirts of the hiU Koh Takht Shah; and the tomb of Baber and the ziarat Shah Mallang on the western skirts, overlooking Chahar Deh. At the ziarat Panjah Shah Mirdin, the object of estimation, indeed of adoration, is an impress on the surface of the rock, in . the shape, nearly, of the human hand. This is held to be a token of Hazrat All. It is clearly, however, no irapression of the human hand, but a geological curiosity, being the indenture made by some animal passing over the rock when in a plastic state. Such irapressions abound in the countries of Kibal, and are generally made ziarats, although not always so. A very common variety is the form of a hoof ; and this is always accepted as that of Daldal, the charger of Hazrat All. I have observed, that these vestiges occur in the same kind of black stone. In the instance of Panjah Shah Mirdan the token is upon a perpendicular rock ; in all other cases I have found them on horizontal sur faces. There can be little doubt but that all the ziarats on the acclivities of hills were, in the ages prior to Mahomedanism, alike places of sacred note with the then inhabitants. The ancient sepulchral mounds visible in the precincts of all of them, with their accompanying caves, attest it ; and it is not unusual, as happened at Panjah Shah Mir- 280 GARDENS. dan, on digging to prepare the soil for the founda tion of a building, to discover quantities of buried idols. Amongst the other scenes of recreation to which the inhabitants of Kibal, essentially a holiday peo ple, repair, are the various gardens and orchards. These are numerously interspersed amid the houses under the hill Assa Mahi, as well as partially throughout the city ; while many are found without its limits to the north and north-east. The vast supplies of fruits brought to the markets are pro duced in the orchards of Chahar D6h, Paghman, Koh Daman, and the Kohistin. Gardens are in variably open to the public, even those belonging to private individuals. The principal of these are, the royal gardens of Ahmed Shah, Tairaiir Shah, and Zemin Shah, Bigh Vazir, the Chahar Bagh, Bagh -Khwoja, with the gardens of D^h Afghan. The garden formed by Ahmed Shah is called Ne- maz Gah (the place of prayer), and appears to have been the Id Gah (place of celebrating the festival of Id) of his time. Of the masjit erected in the centre the ruins remain, but the encircling space is still carefully swept, and about it are planted irises and other flowers. The trees of this garden are all mulberries, venerable as to age and pro portions. We are told, that the roots of them were originally nourished with milk, in lieu of water. The under soil is now annually sown with shaftal, or trefoil, but numerous kahkowas, splendid BAGH SHAH ZEMAN. 281 varieties of the tulip, spontaneously growing in their season, proclaim that it was once under the dominion of Flora. The garden of Taimiir Shah is on the Kaiaban, or race-course leading from the Der waza Sirdar, and occupies a space of nine kolbahs. The greater part of the trees has been destroyed by the ruling chiefs, who raise shaftal on the de nuded soil. The Bagh of Zemin Shah is seated also on the Kaiaban, but lower down, or more easterly, and on the side opposite to that of Taimiir Shah. It fills a space of seven kolbahs, and agree ably to the plan upon which all these gardens have been laid out and formed, it had a pleasure-house in the centre, from which diverged the four prin cipal roads. Of this erection, as in the case also of the preceding garden, merely the remains exist. Surrounded by walls, the entrance was distinguished ENTRANCE TO BAGH SHAH ZEMAN. 282 BAGH VAZIR. by a handsorae building, the remnants of which are still interesting. This, like all the other royal gardens, is now the property of Dost Mahomed Khan, who derives a revenue from the produce of the fruit-trees, and turns the soil to profit by the culture of grasses. To this garden, and that of Taimiir Shah, the chief makes his ordinary evening rides. A little beyond the garden of Zemin Shih terminates the Kaiaban, or race-course, which extends in a direct line east from the Derwaza Sirdar, one of the old city gates. It was made by Sirdar Jan Nissar Khan, and passes the several royal gardens, and the village of Blmarii. Where it terminates the British can tonment was formed ; the village and heights of Bimarii (a contraction of Bibl Mah Riii, of the moon-faced, or beautiful lady, Baber's appellation,) are a little to the north of the Kaiaban. These spots have derived a mournful celebrity frora the late unhappy occurrences. The Bagh Vazir is seated on the left bank of the river, west of the Ptil Kishti, and near Chandol, and is noted for a conspicuous pleasure-house, built by Fati Khan. It is also raemorable as having been the place where Atta Mahomed Khan, son of the Miikhtahar-a-dowlah, was deprived of sight by Pir Mahomed Khan, the younger of the brothers of the Vazir. The Chihar Bagh is also similarly situated. It is well stocked with standard mul berry trees, and in the centre is the unfinished TAIMUR SHAH'S TOMB. 283 tomb of Taimiir Shah, an octagon of kiln-burnt bricks, surmounted by a cupola. The crowning monument is sadly fractured ; and we are told that the injury was occasioned by the reckless Habib Ulah Khan, who, during his short sway, was ac customed to amuse himself by witnessing the scene afforded by a man, who, for the consideration of a ducat, would place himself on its sumrait as a mark, upon which he and his companions might exercise their dexterity as artillerymen. Bagh Khwoja, so called from its founder, a religious character, is seated between the river and Deh Afghin, a small village without the city on the eastern front of the hill Assa Mahi. It is fur nished with fruit-trees of various descriptions. De pendent upon Deh Afghan are many gardens ; one of them, in which is the tomb of a saint of the Shias, is of repute, as being entirely laid out as a flower-garden. Its visitors are of a disorderly class. In this neighbourhood are also the bulk of the kitchen-gardens, which supply the city with vege tables. They are very creditably tended, and the horticulturists are esteemed the best in the country. Kabal is abundantly supplied with water, and gene rally of good quality. The river, on its entrance from the plain of Chahar Deh, is beautifully trans parent ; but after a course of a few hundred yards its waters are little used bythe inhabitants of the city as a beverage, from a belief that its quality is impaired by the large quantities of clothes cleansed 284 BALLA JUI. in it preparatory to bleaching upon its banks. Parallel to the river in the first part of its course, is the canal called Jiii Shir (the canal of milk), whose water is esteemed excellent. We must dis credit tradition, or believe that it was once flowing with milk. The southern parts of the city are supplied with water from a canal called BaUa Jtii, (the upper canal,) which is brought from the river at its entrance into the plain of Chahar Deh, and being carried on the western face of the hill Koh Takht Shah, passes the sepulchre of Baber Padshah, and thence winds around the same hill until it reaches the BaUa Hissar Billa. This is the canal noted by Baber as having been formed in the tirae of his paternal uncle Ulugh Beg, by Weis Atkeh. Without the BaUa Hissar, to the east, flows a canal, the JM Piii Mastan, whose water is held in high repute. It is derived frora the river of Loghar, as it enters the plain of ShevakI, and has a course of about five mUes, a length a little inferior to that of the BaUa Jul. There are very many wells throughout the whole extent of the city, indeed numerous houses are provided with them ; the same remarks apply to the BaUa Hissar. The waters of these are more or less esteemed, but are gene rally considered heavy, and decidedly inferior to river- water undefiled. In Kibal, water, to be good, must be light in weight. The monarchs were ac customed to have the water drank by them brought from Shakr Dara, a distance of nine miles ; and ABUNDANCE OF WATER. 285 the experiments, testing its superiority over that of the neighbouring valleys of Ferzah, &c. are nanated. Water is very readily procurable throughout the whole valley of Kabal ; which, notwithstanding its superior elevation, is still, with reference to the altitude of the hills sunounding it on various sides, a depressed one. The presence of the rivers of Kibal and Loghar, and the facilities they afford, with the multitude of springs and rivulets issuing from the bases of the hills, render a recourse to wells here, as throughout the country, unnecessary ; but in situations where they may be needed, as in gardens, there is no difficulty in finding water at moderate depths. To the north-west and north of the city, are the chamans, or pastures of Vazlrabad and Blmarii. To the east those of Begram, and to the south-east and south, those of Shevaki and Blnl Hissar. In seasons when snow has been plentiful, they are covered, on the breaking up of the winter, with large sheets of water, becoraing indeed lakes, and are the resorts of iramense numbers of aquatic fowl. As the waters are absorbed or evaporated vast quantities of rank but very nourishing grass abound ; and the steeds of the sirdar are let loose upon them. As the season advances, the cattle of the inha bitants are also permitted to graze over them, on the payment of regulated fees. These chamans have all their nuclei of bibulous quagmire; and 286 SITE OF KABAL. they can scarcely be looked upon vrithout the sug gestion arising to the imagination that the entire valley was once under water, and that these still tremulous bogs, the deeper portions of them, are testiraonies to the fact. Their existence, however, is by no means beneficial to the health of the city ; for it cannot fail to be remarked, that in those years when the accumulation of water is large dan gerous autumnal fevers prevail, and that the con trary happens under converse conditions. In cases of excess, the ordinary causes of diminution, ab sorption, and evaporation, are not sufficient to carry off, or dissipate the mass, and the superfluity stag nates towards the close of autumn. The effluvia arising frora this putrid collection are borne full upon the city by the prevailing winds, particularly by the northernly winds, or Bad of Perwin, which incessantly rage at that time of the year, and sweep over the more noxious charaans of Vazlrabad and Blmarii. Still Kibal raay not be considered an unhealthy city. Its disadvantages, besides these just noted, are, its situation, wedged in, as it were, betweeh two hills, its confined streets and buildings, with the evils consequent upon thera. In compensation, it has the benefits of a fine atmosphere, excellent water, and provisions, with delightful enrirons. A considerable part of the city, from its locality, is deprived of the benefit of the winds from many quarters, as from the west and south. There are WHIRLWIND. 287 two spots without the city to the east and west, where it is remarked that amid the calm which pervades the intermediate space strong breezes are always playing; the one towards the junction of the two hills, between Chandol and the Ptil Jehan Khin, where a constant current of wind drives through the slender aperture, separating thera, as through a funnel ; the other, as you quit the Billa Hissar Pihin to the east, where, imme- -diately without the Derwaza Shih Shehid, a north ernly breeze incessantly plays. During the summer and autumnal months, but chiefly during the latter, the city is visited every evening by a khak-bad, or whirlwind. As this phenomenon is so very constant, and regular, as to its time of occurrence, showing itself about three or four o'clock, its causes may, no doubt, be sought for in the relative situation of the neighbouring plains and hills. It arises in the north-west, ap parently in the barren tracts between Paghmin and Chahar Deh, and is impelled with great violence over the city. The complete obscuration of the atmosphere in the direction in which it originates announces its formation ; as a furious blast, and sud den decrease of temperature, gave waming of its im mediate approach. It is necessary to close windows, but the precaution does not prevent the apartments frora being filled with subtile particles of dust. Its duration is shprt, or so long only as may suffice for its impetuous transit over the city ; and it is rarely. 288 MANUFACTURES. although sometimes attended by a few drops of rain. The Emperor Baber vaunts the commercial im portance of Kabal, and the consequent resort to it of the merchants of all countries, and the display in its markets of the fabrics and produce of all climes. The eminent advantage possess ed by Kabal is that of locality. It is one which cannot be impaired. It is conferred by nature ; and so long as the present conformation and anange ment of hill and plain endure so long will she preserve and enjoy it. There has always been, and there always will be a commercial communication between India and the regions of Tiirkistan. Kibal, happily situated at the gorge of the nearest and most practicable passes connecting the two coun tries, will always profit by the intercourse between them. Whether the tide of commerce roll up the Ganges or up the Indus, its course must be directed upon Kabal. It is not our purpose here to expatiate on the external trade of the city, but to consider it merely in the character of a capital to a petty state. In the centre of a considerable population, it dispenses to its dependent districts the products of other countries, and stands to them in the relation ofa mart for the reception and sale of their produce and manufactures. Of the latter the city has scarcely any to offer of home fabric. Indeed the ARTISANS AND FABRICS. 289 manufactures of the country do not rise to medi ocrity, and are suitable only to the consumption of the lower and less wealthy classes. If all ranks were of the one description, and satisfied with the humble products of the industry of their native country, no doubt their necessities would be amply supplied. Such is not the case. If great wealth does not prevail, people in easy circumstances are very nuraerous. A spirit of fashion predominates, and with it an appetite for the novelties and superior fabrics of foreign countries. From the middle classes upwards it would be difficult to find an in dividual who is clad in the produce of his native looras. Even araongst the lower many are found little satisfied unless they carry on their heads the Mnghls, and hide their feet in the shoes of Pesh awer. The presence of the court, and of a comparatively large military force, not a little contributes to the bustle and activity to be observed in the city. It also imparts life and vigour to many professions and crafts engaged in the preparation of warlike instru ments and necessaries. As a class, the artisans, and there are nearly all descriptions, while not inexpert, and perfectly competent to meet the wants of their customers, do not excel. There is not an article made or wrought in Kibal which is not surpassed by spe cimens from other countries. It is probable that VOL. II. u 290 STATE OF PROGRESSION. many of the trades did not exist before the founda tion of the monarchy, and they should perhaps be even now considered in a state of progTession. A remark perhaps applicable to the whole country. It is cheering to be able to conceit, that the pro gression is towards improvement. 291 CHAPTER XII. Introduction to Haji Khan His conversation. — His proposal. — Delay in the Khan's movements. — His letter from Bisut. — Sir kerder Kamber. — Bisut. — Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Defeat of Mir Abbds. — Decisive authority. — Reputation Nadir's policy Persian tribes in Kabal. — Their influence. — Religious differences and contests. — Precautions of the Shias. — Power in Bisiit. — Humbled by Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Elevation of Dost Ma homed Khan. — Mistrust of Dost Mahomed Khan. — His fears of Mir Yezddnbaksh. — Plots his destruction. — Invites him to Kabal. — Counsel of the Mir's wife. — Seizure of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Ransom offered. — Escape of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Rebuke to Dost Mdhomed Khan. — Escape of the Mir's wife. — Pursuit. — Perplexity of pursuers. — Mir Yezdanbaksh increases his power — Bisiit tribute. — Carriage of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Kdrzar. — Defences. — Site. — Invasion of Shekh Ali tribe. — Haji Khdn. — His jaghir. — Afghan territories in Turkistan. — Tajik and Tatar chiefs. — Their policy Mahomed Ali Beg. — His forays. — Haji Khan's designs. — Baffled by Mahomed Ali Beg — Haji Khan courts Mir Yezdanbaksh. — His artful conduct. — Mir Yezddnbaksh deceived. — Naib Rehimdad. — Gained over by Mahomed Ali Beg. — Plans of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Apprehen sions of Mahomed Ali Beg. — His overtures to Haji Khdn. — — Mir Yezdanbaksh's measures. — Ivadnes Bamid — His suc cesses — Pear of Dost Mahomed Khan. — Taghow expedition. — Hdji Khan's dexterity. — His engagements and oaths. — Haji Khan visits Bisiit. — His liberality. — Movements of Mir Yez danbaksh. — Haji Kh^n farms Bisut tribute. — His renewed oaths. — Earthquake. — Religious strife — Haji Khin's hopes. — Arrange ments. — Jealousy between Dost Mahomed Khan and Haji Khan. — Value of Haji Khan's jaghir. — His troops. — His rude country men. — Dost Mdhomed Khail's suspicions Haji Khan's in- u 2 292 HAJI KHAN. trigues. — Mission from Ktinduz. — Supposed object. — Results. — Rumours. — Haji Khan's departure for Bisut. — His progress. — His interview with Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Auspicious commence ment of expedition Haji Khan's ultimate views. — His bro thers. — Despatch of troops against Seghan. I HAVE before mentioned my intention to visit Baraian, and the proposal of Hajl Khan that I should accorapany him. Soon after ray anival at Kabal I requested Sxilirain, an Armenian, in a house belonging to whom I resided, to notify to the khan ray desire to see hira, and was informed that he would send for me by night, when few or no persons were present, that our conversation might be free and unrestrained. I also received a gentle rebuke for having been several days in Kabal without calling on him. After some time I was summoned ; and, accorapanied by Siiliman, repaired to the khan's house. Passing a variety of dark passages, continually ascending, the build ings here being built upon the brow of a hill, I> was finally introduced to the khan, sitting in a small apartment, to enter which we were obliged to creep, as the aperture of adraission, or door, if it must be so called, was of very scanty dimensions. There were sorae eight or ten persons present of his own household, and I was saluted with a pro fusion of terms of civility and welcorae ; the khan styled me rafik, or companion, and rejoiced at seeing me again. He informed me that he was going to Bamian, and that he should be happy if I could INTERVIEW WITH THE KHAN. 293; accompany him. He then entered into a florid description of the interesting objects there, the immense colossal statues, the samtiches, the ruins of Gtilghiileh, and the castle of Zohak, which he portrayed in a very lively manner. He gave an account of the metals to be found in the hills^ asserting there were gold, silver, copper, lead, an timony, &c.&;c., adding, that he and his people were khurs, or asses, and did not know how to extract them. The affairs of Turkey, Egypt, and Persia, were also duly discussed ; and the khin alluded to Buonaparte, affirming he had been told, that his son was to prove Dadjal.* I had been told of the de tention of Sikandar, or Lieutenant Burnes, at Kiin- dtiz, and mentioned it to the khan, who had not heard of it, and was surprised. He remarked, that the Afghans were derils. I replied, it was true, but they were good devils. At which he smiled, and rejoined, that the Uzbeks were devils altogether. After a long desultory conversation, the khan cora ing to the essential point, acquainted rae, that owing to MusulminI scruples he should not raarch from Kibal until after tte 13th of the next month, Saffar, (it being considered unlucky to do so,) but he hoped that I would wait till that time. In the interim he desired me to amuse myself freely in the environs of the city ; and telling me his horses were at my command, I received my dis missal. * Antichrist. 294 SIRKERDER KAMBER. The 13th of Saffar passed, and there was no sign of movement on part of the khin. Month after month followed ; and it was not until the month of Rabbl-as-Sanl that he left Kabal : which he did without signifying his departure to me. I might reasonably have felt surprise, but rather indulged the conjecture that the khan was acting pmdently towards me ; and so it proved. As soon as he reach ed Bisiit he forwarded me a letter, through Miilla Ibrahim Khan, his naib at Kabal, — in which, after begging many pardons for his forgetfulness of me, which he imputed to the multiplicity of his affairs, he eamestly entreated me to join his camp, whence he would expedite me, in care of approved men, to visit Bamian. He moreover directed Miilla Ibra him Khan to provide attendants to escort me to camp. I now prepared for the journey, hired a yabti (pony), and engaged a neighbour, named Yusef, to attend it. It chanced that one Kamber, of Abyssinian extraction, who had formerly been sirkerder, or chief of the Habbashes under Shah Mahmiid, and now in the khin's service, was about to proceed to the camp, and hearing that I was going, came and offered his attendance and services. These were gladly accepted, the sirkerder being a man of tmst, and valuable from his experience; and our arrangements being completed, it was de cided that we should start from Kabal on the 4th of the Mahomedan month Jamadl-owal. I shall here premise such observations as may be MIR YEZDANBAKSH. 295 necessary to render intelligible the circumstances interwoven with the subsequent narrative. The Hazara districts between Kabal and Bamian are collectively called Bisiit ; and millia, or tribute, is enforced from them by the authorities of Kibal. This fluctuates in actual receipt, but the registered amount is 40,000 rupees. Some twenty or twenty- five years- since the superior chief of Bisut was Mir Wall Beg, of Kirzar. He was treacherously slain by an inferior chief, the Vakil Sifiilah, at Siah Sang (black rock), a spot in the valley leading from Kirzir to the vale of the Helmand. Mir Wall Beg had twelve sons, the elder of whom, Mir Ma horaed Shah, became Mir of Bisiit. The younger of these sons, Mir Yezdinbaksh, assembled troops, defeated and took prisoner the Vakil Sifiilah, whom he slew at the same spot (Siah Sang) where his father had been sacrificed. Mir Yezdinbaksh next directed his arms against his eldest brother, Mir Mahomed Shih, whom he corapelled to fly to Ki bal. He now assumed the mirship, but his claim was contested by an intermediate brother, Mir Abbas. The fortune of Mir Yezdanbaksh prevail ed, and Mir Abbas suffered defeat ; but the former, alike unwilling to proceed to extremities with a brother, and anxious to secure to his interests a gallant soldier, tendered a reconciliation, which Mir Abbas accepted, and for some time resided with his brother. He was induced, however, to make a second struggle for supremacy, was again worsted. 296 MIR ABBAS. and again reconciled ; since which his obedience has been constant. Mir Yezdanbaksh, the acknow ledged lord of Bisiit, turned his attention to the affairs of his province, and by the humiliation of the several petty chiefs, established a more decisive authority than any former mir had enjoyed. In exorable to the haughty, and such as opposed his plans, he was equally careful of the interests of the subject, and his name was venerated among the Hazaras. The high road between Kabal and Ba- mlin led through his tenitory, and had hitherto been a theatre for forays and depredations : forays from the independent Hazaras of Shekh All, and depredations from the inhabitants of Bisiit. By the energetic measures of Mir Yezdanbaksh order was restored ; the road became safe ; the Hazaras of Shekh All dared not make their appearance, and the people of Bisiit became as eager to show civility as they had been before to offend, while the single traveller passed as securely as if in company with a host. To kafilas the chief was particularly attentive, and merchants were diligent in spreading his praises and renown. It was evident that a chief of superior ability had arisen among the Hazaras, and he became an object of much attention both to the Shias and government of Kabal ; the former congratulating themselves in having a potent ally in case of need, the latter apprehensive of his views, and of the effects of a consolidated authority in the Hazarajat NADIR'S POLICY. 297 It may be noted, that one of Nadir Shah's fea tures of policy was the colonization of the countries he conquered, and in pursuance thereof he encou raged settlement in Afghinistin by the various tribes of the vast Persian empire. At the time of his death numbers, under such intention, had reached Meshed, and were subsequently invited by Ahmed Shih Dtirani ; while a large Persian force, escorting treasure from India at that critical period, were also induced to enter the employ of the new Afghan so vereign, and renounced their native country. Hence at Kabal, at this day, are found, Jtiinshlrs, Kiirds, Rikas, Afshars, Baktiarls, Shah Sewins, Talishes, Baiyats, in short, representatives of every Persian tribe. Under Ahmed Shah, and his successors, they formed the principal portion of the Ghiilam Khana, or household troops ; and the appellation they still preserve. Like their fathers, they are Shias by reli gion. They have exceedingly multiplied, and be come affluent, and, decidedly, are the raost powerful and influential body in the city of Kabal, of which they occupy one half, and exclusively the quarter called Chandol, which is fortified. They occupy also many castles in the vicinity of the city. An unextinguishable rancour is known to exist between the two leading sects of Mahomedanism, the Shia and the StinI, which, however for a while dormant, or concealed by consent of both, is ever ready to burst forth upon the most trivial occasion ; and this circumstance has been taken advantage of by the 298 RELIGIOUS HATRED AND CONTESTS. intriguers of Kabal, who, when determined upon subverting the existing government, have only to excite a jang Shia and Siini to effect their object. As soon as the contest is fairly coramenced in the city the rude hordes of Paghman, Koh Daman, and Kohistin flock to it, animated equally by zeal for what they believe the orthodox faith, and by thirst of plunder. Hostilities and confusion continue un til the desired change in authority is produced, when saiyads, and other worthies, interpose, and a temporary calm is restored. The Shias of Kabal, aware of their constant exposure to conflict, and of the possibility of defeat, have endeavoured to pro vide for such a calamity by securing for themselves an asylum. They have, therefore, turned their eyes upon Bisiit, where the most wealthy of them have purchased castles and lands, and have, in fact, be come joint proprietors of the soil with the Hazaras. Prior to the sway of Mir Yezdanbaksh they pos sessed a paramount superiority in Bisiit, arising not from power of force but from that of the influence which they possessed over the mirs, divided in councils and feeble in talents, and who were glad to avail themselves of their mediation and support in their domestic quarrels and transactions with the Afghan authorities. Mir Yezdinbaksh, early made it apparent that he would allow no rival or control ling influence in Bisut, and even confiscated some estates of such Kabal Shias who had favoured his opponents ; and it became manifest to the re- ELEVATION OF DOST MAHOMED KHAN. 299 mainder that to enjoy their properties they must submit to conciliate the favour of the new chief. The general good understanding between the Kibal Shias and the Hazaras was not disturbed by these occunences ; the former, indeed, found that they could no longer dictate in Bisiit ; but alliances, as be fore, were contracted between the principal families of either ; and the daily increasing power of the Bisut mir was an universal subject of triumph and exultation. We now corae to the period when, after the ele vation and degradation of numerous shihzadas, after a flagrant series of civil dissensions, cabals, in trigues, treacheries, perjuries, confiscations, and as sassinations, the inhabitants of Kabal, disgusted with the tyrannic and oppressive govemment of Shir Dii Khin, and his minister, Khoda Nazzar, en tered into negotiation with his brother, Dost Ma homed Khin, then a fugitive in the Kohistin ; and Shir Dii Khin, unable to contend with the combi nation against him, abandoned the city and retired to Kandahar. There was a prepossession among the Shias of Kibal in favour of Dost Mahomed Khan, on account of his mother being a Kazzilbash. No doubt they principally contributed to his acces- ,sion to power; and on attaining it he was assiduous in attention to them. Dost Mahomed Khan was an Afghan. He had gained Kabal ; his first cares were to look around him, and discover if there was any one near him 300 JEALOUSY OF DOST MAHOMED KHAN. likely or able to disturb him in its possession, and to destroy, by any means, the mistrusted person or persons. The state-prison of the Sadii Zai princes had long been empty ; the descendants of Ahraed Shih were dispersed in foreign climes ; not one of thera remained in Kibal that an enemy could erect into a monarch for the day ; his bro thers of Kandahai- and Peshawer, although hostile to him, were unable seriously to annoy him, being too much occupied in providing for their own se curity, the first against Kararin of Herat, the last against Ranjit Singh of Lahore, — the Khans of the Diirani tribes had perished in the field, or under the hands of the executioner, and their families were in exile, or destitute. But Dost Mahomed Khan was uneasy ; he beheld, amid the bleak hills and wilds of the Hazaras, a chieftain, able in council and valiant in the field, extending his power in every direction, — a power not ephe meral, but promising to be durable, being raised by superior genius, and consolidated by good faith. He was aware that the Shias of Kibal had been the iiistruirients of his elevation — they might be come those of his degradation. Already too pow erful, they were inesistible if joined by Mir Yez danbaksh. He saw his safety only in the destruc tion of that chief, which he in consequence planned* Profiting by the cordiality subsisting between him self and the Shias, he represented to thera that he held the character of Mir Yezdanbaksh in high COUNSEL OF THE MIR'S LADY. 301 esteem, and desired to establish a personal ac quaintance with him ; and he requested thera to employ their influence to induce the chief to visit Kabal. They made communications to Mir Yez danbaksh; and Dost Mahoraed Khin forwarded to hira a Koran, with his seal affixed, as a solemn pledge for his safety ; for which also the principals of the Shias, at the Kabal chief's suggestion, be came guarantees. Mir Yezdinbaksh, who had not hitherto come into collision with the Afghins, apprehending no hostility from one to whom he had given no cause for enmity, decided to visit Dost Mahomed Khan, calculating on making ar rangeraents relative to Bisiit which might be mu tually beneficial. One of his wives (a daughter of a Deh Zanghl chief) alone cautioned him not to repair to Kibal. This lady, of masculine under standing and habits, was accustoraed, arrayed in male attire, well armed and mounted, to accom pany her lord in his expeditions ; she fought by his side in the field, and out of it assisted him in his councils. It was usual with her, on every occasion, to recommend to the mir never to place himself in the power of the Afghans. The Hazara mir, on this occasion, listened not to her advice ; and she, unable to dissuade him from his purpose, evinced her fidelity by accompanying him, although her mind foreboded every disaster. The pair, ar rived at Kabal, were courteously received by Dost Mahomed Khan ; but, on the first favourable op- 302 DOST MAHOMED KHAN REBUKED. portunity, Mir Yezdanbaksh was seized and con fined a prisoner, as was his wife. The Afghan chief would immediately have slain his captive ; but the latter, aware of Afghan cupidity, inti mated his willingness to pay fifty thousand rupees for his ransom, provided he was released immedi ately, that he raight repair to Kirzar and collect it, the Jtiinshlrs of Kibal becoming bondsmen for its due payment. Dost Mahomed Khan, re markably needy, without any design of sparing the Hazara chief, was nevertheless anxious, by some fraud or other, to obtain his property, and therefore rescinded the orders for immediate execution, that he might concert measures for so doing. While these were in agitation, Mir Yezdanbaksh found means to escape, and reached Bisiit. Exasper ated at the escape of his intended victim. Dost Mahomed Khan, in the first transports of his rage, resolved to immolate his wife, and ordered her to be brought before him, when he reviled her in opprobrious terms. The Hazara Amazon exclaimed^ " Oh, son of Pihinda Khin, art thou not ashamed to array thyself against a female?" It is said, that the Afghin chief was abashed, and hung down his head. There were not wanting men of influ ence amongst the Afghins, who, admiring the woman's magnanimity, deprecated any species of violence being offered to her ; and Dost Maho med Khan himself, perhaps recovering his reason, PURSUIT. 303 consented that she should be placed in custody of the Kazzilbashes, who would treat her with more kindness than Afghins. She was accordingly conveyed to Chandol, whence, in a short time, she also fled, attired as a male, and well armed and mounted, her escape probably favoured or connived at by her gaolers. On her flight becoming known to Dost Mahomed Khin, he despatched a small party of horse in pursuit of her, and these came up with her in the valley of Honai, immediately before entering the Hazara tenitory. Finding her self overtaken, she turned about and presented her matchlock, and, by alternately advancing and halting, keeping her pursuers at bay, she gained the kotal, or pass of Honai, which being Hazara soil, pursuit was abandoned. The lady's good for tune was principally owing, of course, to the in decision of her pursuers ; they had proceeded with sufficient alacrity in chase, but, on reaching the object of it, as men and soldiers, felt perplexed how to secure it, and ashamed to attack a fernale. The heroine joined her husband at Karzar, to his great satisfaction. She has since paid, the debt of nature. Mir Yezdanbaksh had no sooner regained his liberty than he applied himself with unwearied assiduity to the extension of his power among the Hazaras. Although his sentiments towards the chief of Kabal could not be doubted, he refrained 304 CONDUCT OF MIR YEZDANBAKSH. from manifesting any ill will towards the Afghans, and kafilas passed to and fro from Kibal to Tiir kistan with the same security as before. The collection of the Hazara millia, or tribute. Dost Mahomed Khin had confided to his brother Amir Mahomed Khin, the chief of Ghazni, who, for this purpose, made annual incursions into Bisiit. Mir Yezdanbaksh did not indeed assist him in the collection, as before wont to do, but while punc tually making over the portion immediately due from himself, left him to exercise his discretion, and to do as well as he could with the several petty and refractory chieftains ; nor did he join his camp until it was far advanced in the province, and then with so powerful a force as to defy treachery. The principal castle and residence of Mir Wall Beg, father of Mir Yezdanbaksh, was at Karzar, a valley watered by a fine rivulet leading froni the base of the kotal, or pass Hajikak, to Girdan Dlwil and the valley of the Helmand. Mir Yezdinbaksh erected a new castle adjacent to, but on the op posite side of the rivulet ; the walls he intended to raise to the height of twenty-five pakhsas, or about fifty feet, while their breadth was eleven pakhsas, or about twenty-two feet. About fourteen pakhsas, or twenty-eight feet of the height had been effected in 1832. The castle was rectangular, in comraon with other Hazara castles, but much larger than they generally are, and the entrance was defended by towers, after the mode in vogue HAJI KHAN. 305 at Kandahar. The walls and towers were per forated with apertures for the insertion of match locks, which, although really weakening them, by their disposition and regularity contributed to em bellishment. In this castle the mir laid in large stores of lead and powder. Untenable against a regular force, and perhaps so even against an Af ghan army, it might be considered impregnable in a war of liliis, or of the tribes. Its site was ad-» mirable, completely comraanding the high road, which led iramediately under its wall. Mir Yezdanbaksh had united himself by marriage to the Hazara chiefs of Deh Zanghl and Shekh All ; but among the latter tribe, there being some chiefs inimical to him, he marched against them, and chastised them, as Well as the several petty tribes in the vicinity of Ghorband. Among the Afghan khans who had been ser viceable to Dost Mahomed Khan in his designs upon Kabal, was Taj Mahomed Khan, Khaka, or Hajl Khan, as commonly called ; on more than one occasion he had preserved him from being blinded, if not put to death, by his brother. Shir Dii Khin. Dost Mahomed Khin, on accession to power, in return for his services, bestowed upon him, in jighir, the district of Baraian, with its dependencies, for the support of himself and troops, limited to three hundred and fifty cavalry. The Afghan influence, it may be noted, in the time of Shah Zemin, ex tended to the Amii, or Oxus ; at that period, how- VOL. II. X 306 TAJIK AND TATAR CHIEFS. ever, it was considerably lessened by the wary and able conduct of the celebrated Killich Ali Beg of Balkh, and pending the convulsions in Afghanistan, subsequent to the blinding of Shah Zemin, was lost altogether. On the death of Killich Ali Beg, Balkh became a dependency on Bokhara, his sons holding authority at Khiilm and Haibak, as vassals to Mir Mihomed Morad Beg, the chief of Kiindviz, who seized the opportunity of extending his arms and influence, and became, what he now is, the most powerful Usbek prince south of the Arati ; Baraian, with its contiguous districts of Gandak, and Ak Robat to the north ; Stirkhdar and Jiii Fo- ladi to the west ; Kalii to the south, and Irak and Shibr to the east, only remained to the Afghins. North of Ak Robat, now become the northern frontier of the Afghans, and between it and the acknowledged limits of Ktindiiz, are many petty chieftains, Tajik and Tatar, who for many years have availed themselves of the disinclination of Mir Mahomed Morad Beg to provoke a war with the Afghans, and of the inability of the latter to attack the chief of Kundtiz, to maintain a kind of independence, asserting, if pressed by the Afghans, that they pay tribute to the Usbeks, and if incom moded by the Usbeks, that they are tributaries to the Afghins ; while, by making annually small pre sents of horses to both parties, they preserve ap pearances with, each, and their little estates from invasiop. The principal of these are the Tijik MAHOMED ALI BEG. 307 chiefs Mahomed All Beg, of Seghan, Rahmatiilah Beg, of Kahmerd, and Nasrtilah Beg, of Ajer, with the Tatar chiefs. Sirdar Saiyad Mahomed Khan, Shah Pessand, Ferhad, dec. resident on the Dasht Safed. In order that the events subsequently to be related may be more clearly comprehended, it is necessary to note that the first named of the Tijik chiefs, Mahomed All Beg, of Seghan, was a man of con siderable political dexterity and military enterprize. With no other legitimate resources than a scanty revenue, derived from his small territory, and the bij, or duty levied from passing kafilas ; he main tained fcu~, hundred horse, which he subsisted by forays upon the Hazara districts to the south and south-west of Seghan, carrying off men, women, and children, whom he sold to the Usbeks. One year he had ventured to proceed to Deh Zanghl, and had exacted the payment of a year's millia, or tri bute. It was natural that he should becorae an object of dread and execration to the Haziras, and he was, in fact, the Nimrod of these regions, " A mighty hunter, for his prey was man.'' So soon as Haji Khan obtained the govemment of Baraian his attention, for several reasons, was directed to the extension of his influence in the direction of Tiirkistan, and the possession of Seghan and Kahmerd he deemed essential to his designs ; but as he was himself constrained to be present X 2 308 HAJI KHAN. at Kibal, he was obliged to entrust his affairs in those quarters to his naibs, or deputies, whom Mahomed Ali Beg ever found raeans to amuse and to outwit, and the khan's projects towards the close of 1832 had no farther advanced towards maturity than at the period of their conception. He was, or feigned to be, exceedingly incensed against Mi homed All Beg. Bamian being separated from the districts of Kabal by the whole breadth of Bisiit, it is erident that Mir Yezdanbaksh had the power at any time to cut off all communication between the two places, and even to overrun the former, if hostilely inclined. Hajl Khan, therefore, at an early period, sought to cultivate a good understanding with the Hazara chief. The Afghan khan, a profound master in dissimulation, had hitherto contrived in his public career to pass himself off as a man of veracity, and of fidelity to any cause he espoused ; and although a few may have had penetration sufficient to ques tion his integrity, it is certain that no public cha racter in Afghanistan stood in so high or universal esteera. Such favourable impressions of his character availed him in his attempt to attach the Shias of Kabal to his party, and in his overtures to Mir Yezdanbaksh. He taught the former to believe that in any religious contest they would behold the raost able of Dost Mahoraed Khan's sirdars an ally under their banners, as in his public capa- NAIB REHIMDAD. 309 city he looked to the equal protection of all classes of subjects, whether Shias or Siinls, and the pre servation of order, without reference to matters of faith. He taught the latter to believe, that he might secure a friend, independently of any conside rations as to Dost Mihomed Khan, and pledged hiraself to frustrate any eril designs of that chief, even at the risk of being reputed in rebellion. The Shias of Kabal reiterated to Mir Yezdanbaksh the amicable sentiments of the Khan, and he so far consented to a mutual good understanding as to pledge, on his part, that he would hold Baraian inviolate, and allow two soldiers of the khin to be stationed at certain castles in the line of road from Sir Chishma to Kalii, to provide for the wants and conveniences of the khan's people, who might pass to and fro. The khin assigned Mir Yezdanbaksh an annual allowance of one hundred kharwirs of wheat, Mir Baz All fifty kharwars of wheat, and chiefs of inferior note smaller allowances of grain, from the produce of Bamian, sparing no means in his power to ingratiate himself into the good-will of the Hazara chieftains. In 1830 Hajl Khan, norainated as naib in Ba mian Rehimdad Khan, his relative, a man of busi ness, and personally brave. He had instructions to proceed to extremities with Mahomed All Beg, and in conformity thereto marched in the direction of Seghin. Just so much skirmishing followed 310 VIEWS OF MIR YEZDANBAKSH: that one or two men were wounded on either side, when he also was gained over by Mahomed All Beg^ and returned to Bamian, reporting to the khan at Kabal, as instructed by the Tajik chief, that it was necessary to secure Mahomed Ali Beg's friendship, and to provide against the designs of Mir Yezdin baksh. Rehimdad Khin had hitherto been friendly to the mir ; he now became an avowed enemy. It had long been a favourite object with Mir Yezdanbaksh, and one universally cherished by the Hazaras, to exterminate the chief of Seghan, in famous frora his frequent forays, and for vindicating the sale of captives on plea of their being Shias and infidels. In pursuance of his intended measures, Mir Yezdinbaksh had gained over to his interests the Titar chiefs of the Dasht Safed, which, of course, became known to Mahomed Ali Beg, who .also in some manner had offended Mir Mahomed Morad Beg, of Ktindiiz, and could not look to him for assistance, while he was at variance with his neighbour Rihmatiilah Beg, of Kahmerd. He saw himself on the eve of a contest with the Hazaras, to whom he had only his own feeble resources to oppose ; and to rescue himself from impending de struction he resolved, if possible, to court the Af ghans ; and now that he had secured Rehimdad Khan in his interests, his offer of services and tender of submission were made with perfect sincerity, his only fear was that they would not be accepted by Hiji Khin. INVADES BAMIAN. 311 Mir Yezdanbaksh on receiving intelligence of the arrangements made between Mahomed All Beg and Rehimdad Khan, did not doubt but that the latter acted in conformity with instructions from Kibal, and, convinced that any league to which Mahoraed Ali Beg was a party must prove in jurious to his interests, instantly resolved on de cisive measures. He ejected the soldiers of Hiji Khin stationed in the castles of Bisut, and with a considerable force marched into KiM, the Hazara chief of which, Mir Zaffar, joined his standard. Thence he proceeded into Irik, the inhabitants of which he put under heavy contributions. From Irik he marched into Shibr, and alike exacted large quantities of cattle, grain, and roghan; his ally Mir Zaffar here also obtained two thousand sheep. From Shibr the Hazara chief passed by Irak into the valley of Bamian, where the several proprietors of castles either voluntarily repaired to his camp or were intimidated into subraission. The most powerful of these was AUadad Khan, Moghal, who occupied an ancient castle, now called Saiyadabad, adjacent to the minous citadel of Ghiil- ghtileh. This man had ever set the govemors of Ba- mlin at defiance, and now espoused the cause of Mir Yezdinbaksh with alacrity. The whole of the castles of Bamian were obedient to the mir, excepting the one in which the governor for Haji Khin resided, opposite the celebrated colossal statues. Therein he invested Rehiradid Khan, and imposed jirim, or 312 HAJI KHAN'S RESOURCE. fines, at pleasure, on the individuals of the district obnoxious to him. These events happened in 1830. Bamian ap peared on the point of being lost to the Afghans, and the chief of Kibal became more than ever apprehensive of the ultimate designs of a powerful chief, who in attacking one of his provinces made it manifest that he did not shrink from a contest with him. This year the Kabal chief was also engaged in an expedition against Taghow, to the north-east of Kabal, which prevented him from giv ing immediate attention to the affairs of Bamian and Bisiit. Hajl Khan accompanied him, and had no difficulty in agreeing with his chief that it was necessary in some mode or other to circumvent Mir Yezdanbaksh, a service which he proffered to perform. As a remedy was necessary for the emergency of the moment, the dexterity of Haji Khan, who was particularly interested for the safety of his jaghir, was exercised — his Shia friends were put forward ; and they induced Mir Yezdanbaksh to evacuate Bamian. By their means he persuaded Mir Yezdanbaksh that Rehimdad Khan had acted without orders ; to confirm which he appointed in his place another governor for Bamlin ; he also sent a Koran, by which he swore to forget what had past, and that he would not in any raanner molest Mir Zaffar of Kalii, or any other of the Hazara and Tajik chieftains, his dependents, who MIR YEZDANBAKSH. 313 had sided with Mir Yezdinbaksh ; and he farther swore that he would personally exterminate Ma homed Ali Beg, or compel him to supplicate for mercy at the feet of the Hazaras. In 1831 Amir Mahomed Khan, as usual, en tered Bisiit to collect millia, and Haji Khin at the same period proceeded there, having obtained an order on Amir Mahomed Khan for six thousand ru pees. This he readily obtained from Dost Mahomed Khan, urging, in advertence to his promises the preceding year of ensnaring Mir Yezdanbaksh, the propriety of adopting preliminary measures. His principal object was, no doubt, to examine the coun try; and while in it he comported himself with unsparing liberality and indulgence to the Hazaras ; and such manners and conduct so contrasting with the stern severity and even cruelty of Amir Ma horaed, procured for him a very high character in the Hazal-ajat. Mir Yezdanbaksh refused this season to attend the Afghan camp, and at the head of two thousand horse raarched, as he said, on pilgrimage to the ziarat (shrine) of Hazrat All, at Band Amir, or Band Berber, as generally called, seated a little north of Yek Auleng, and south-east not very distant from Seghan. Thither he went; but having settled his religious affairs, he applied his attention to his political ones, and marched to the valley of Seghan, where on two or three successive days he drew up his forces in order of battle, inviting Mahomed All Beg to a conflict, which the Tijik 314 HAJI KHAN'S PREPARATIONS. chief declining, he decamped and returned to Karzar. In the early part of 1832 Haji Khin stood a candidate for the collection of the Bisiit millia for the year. Frora the transactions which had oc curred at Bamian, it was clear that the province was in a precarious state of allegiance; and the khan raight reasonably enough represent that it required no less authority than his own to reduce it to order, and to teach the~ several Hazara and Tajik chiefs that they were raiyats, or subjects of Kabal, and not allies or partisans of Mir Yezdan baksh. The destruction of that chief being also undoubtedly a secret condition. Dost Mahoraed Khan appointed Hajl Khan to the collection of the Bisiit millia, which was farmed to hira for forty thousand rupees ; after the collection of which he was to proceed and settle the affairs of Bamian. The Kibal chief engaged to furnish him with fifteen hundred horse, two guns, and an elephant, in addi tion to his own quota of troops. Hiji Khan's whole attention was now directed to his preparations for the expedition into Bisiit and Bamian. He was assiduous in cultivating friend ship with Mir Yezdinbaksh, and in inspiring him with confidence through the means principally of Khan Sherin Khan, the principal of the Jtiinshlrs at Kibal ; he succeeded, the Mir promising to act in cordial co-operation with him — the annihilation of Mahomed All Beg being ever a leading topic RELIGIOUS CONTEST. 315 in the negotiations. Hajl Khin despatched no less than seven kalim-miillas, or oaths, upon the Koran at various times, as solemn vouchers for the sincerity of his engagements. In the month of Mohoram (June) an event hap pened at Kabal which tended greatly to confirm Mir Yezdanbaksh and the Shias of Kabal in their good opinions of Hiji Khan. A very smart earth quake occurred, which about an hour after was followed by a conflict between the Shias and Siinls at the city, in consequence of some Atchak Zai Afghans, neighbours of the J6anshlrs, interrupting the celebration, by the latter, of the commemoration of the death of the sons of Ali. Some lives were lost on the occasion, and on the intelligence reach ing Hajl Khin, who at the time was confined to his couch, he despatched the ever-ready Koran to Khan Sherin Khan, and swore himself prepared to stand by the Shias. He probably expected that the conflict would become general, and that the rude tribes of the Kohistin would hasten to defend the orthodox faith ; but aware that the Shias, from their superior intelligence and union, were likely ultimately to prevail over their more barbarous opponents, he feigned to espouse their cause, as their triumph, or the convulsion that would follow would involve the subversion of Dost Mahoraed Khan's authority, which was exactly what he wish ed. It did not, however, happen so. The Shias, indeed, manned the walls and towers of their for- 316 HAJI KHAN'S JAGHIR. tified residences for some days ; but the combat was not renewed, and a tmce being gained for negotia tion, Hiji Khin, now recovered from his disorder, was appointed vakil, or agent, on part of the Af ghins, as the Niwab Jabar Khin was on part of the Jtiinshlrs. The principal point to accommodate was the compensation for the blood that had been shed, the loss of which was chiefly on the Afghin side ; and Hiji Khin favouring the Jtiinshlrs, matters were so contrived that the affair, without being arranged, was suffered to die away. It is time to observe that between Hiji Khin and the chief of Kibal a mutual distrust had for sorae time existed. The latter, a man of great ability, is naturally suspicious ; and Hiji Khin had become very influential and powerful. His jaghir was originally fixed at 72,000 rupees per annum, Baraian being valued at 55,000 rupees per annum, half the sayer, or transit-duties of Charikar in the Kohistin at 10,000 rupees per annum ; Robat, near the latter place, with villages at Sir Chishma and Loghar, completing the amount. The Khin derived from Bamian, as he assured me, 120,000 rupees per annum ; the half of the transit-duties of Cha rikar also rauch exceeded the sum fixed, as did the revenues of all his villages. There can be little doubt but that at this time the Khin was in receipt of a lakh and half of rupees from his jae- dad, valued at less than half the amount. The quota of troops he should entertain was limited HIS TRIBE. 317 to three hundred and fifty horse; he had in pay" above seven hundred, and, with foot soldiers, he had certainly a thousand soldiers in his ser vice. The khan was of the Khaka tribe of Afghans, whose seats are in the hilly regions on the south-eastern confines of Afghinistin, where they are neighbours of the Baloches. He was entirely a soldier of fortune, and his great fame drew numbers of his rude and destitute country men around him. These on their anival at Kibal in their ragged felts and uncouth attire were a spectacle to the inhabitants. The khin always sent such men to Baraian^ where they were quar.. tered upon the inhabitants, and progressively as he was able to provide, received clothes, arms, and horses. To many he assigned lands ; some formed villages ; and, had his plans matured, Bamlin would have been colonized by Khika Afghins. Such circumstances may have been sufficient to attract the attention of Dost Mahomed Khin, whose vigilance and penetration they were not likely to escape ; but the whole political deportment of Hiji Khin was calculated to excite the mistrust of a chief, in whose character jealousy is a principal ingredient. He had induced Dost Mahomed Khin to despatch his brother, Daoud Mahomed Khiu' on a mission to Lahore ; it was whispered to Dost Mahomed Khin, that the envoy had rather further ed his brother's objects than those of his mission — and whether he had or not. Dost Mahomed 318 DOST MAHOMED KHAN. Khin's suspicions were excited. Hiji Khin more over, maintained a regular conespondence with foreign princes, as those of Balochistan and Sind, while his intrigues and connexions with the va rious ghvinds, or factions in Kibal were notorious, under whatever colour he might represent them, or seek to excuse them to Dost Mahomed Khin. In the summer of this year (1832) Diwan Atmar, the Hindii minister, and confidant of Mir Mahomed Morad Beg of Ktindiiz, arrived, on a mission at Ka bal. The Uzbek chieftain, sufficiently rude and bar barous, is, nevertheless, the most able and energetic ruler in Tiirkistin, and is strongly suspected to re gret that no opportunity presents itself to allow his interference in the affairs of Kibal. As it is, he has no party there ; and the Dlwin's object was gene rally supposed to be for the purpose of forming one, and making a political reconnoisance. His avowed purpose was to conclude a treaty, offensive and de fensive, with Dost Mahomed Khan, and to unite by a family alliance the rulers of Kabal and Ktindiiz. Dost Mahomed Khin, remarkably shrewd, politely declined any kind of treaty or alliance. Among his nobles who reprobated a connexion with the Uzbeks, no one was so prominent as Hajl Khin. Yet, from subsequent events, there is every pro bability that the khin forraed an intimate con nexion himself with the Diwan ; and while in the darbar he contended with so much vehemence against Mahomed Morad Beg, he privately, through SHAH SUJAH'S PROJECTS. 319 the Diwan, pledged himself to advance his views in another and more effectual way. Whatever may have passed was probably known to Dost Mahomed Khan, and he possibly repented having appointed Hiji Khin to the collection of the Bisiit millia. To annul the appointment would have been ungracious and irritating, and therefore he contemplated to seize the khan, — in his estima tion too powerful for a subject, and become dan gerous, — and at once remove all uneasiness and apprehension. But the Kibal chief could more readily conceive than execute so decisive a mea sure ; and while his irresolution continued, his in tentions became known, and that Hiji Khan was selected for a victim became the current chit-chat of the day. The chief's irresolution, the publicity of his design, and the new turn of ideas occasioned by the accounts about this time re(feived of Shih Stijah's projects, conduced to the safety of Hajl Khin ; and his chief, unwillingly, but without help, allowed hira to depart from Kabal ; but to cripple him in his operations as much as possible, instead of fifteen hundred cavalry, originally arranged to have been furnished him, about three hundred were commissioned for the service of Bisiit. Hiji Khin had expended above 12,000 rupees in the purchase of Kashmlrian and British manufac tured shils, liinghls, and dresses of descriptions to be distributed as khelats. He had originally in- 320 HAJI KHAN'S DEPARTURE. tended to have left the city in the raonth of Safar, as before noted, but he did not take his departure until the raonth of Rabbl-as-SanI, when he encamp ed at Allabad, about a coss distant ; here he halted some days, and shifted his quarters to Killa Kazi, where a second halt of some days occurred ; thence he finally marched for Bisiit by the valley of Jellez and Sir Chishma. The motive assigned for these delays, was the prudence of allowing time for the Hazaras to collect their harvests, that there might be a certainty of provender for the horses of the army. The real cause was the difficulty the khan found to raise funds to enable him to put his troops in motion. The khan was accompanied in his ex pedition by two of his wives, the most favoured ; a circumstance by his admirers imputed to his fear less spirit. At Sir Chishma the khan suraraoned Mir Yez danbaksh to meet him on the frontier of Bisiit, who returned for answer that he would first deliver over the tribute due immediately from himself, as a proof of his fidelity and good faith, and next wait upon the khin. The khin therefore crossed the kotal Honai, and by short stages passing the plain of Ytirt, arrived at Girdan Dlwil in the valley of the Helmand. By this time Mir Yezdinbaksh had made over the tribute from Bisiit dependent upon him, which in former years had given Amir Maho med Khin so much trouble, and had taken so much time to collect, and advanced to an interview with HAJI KHAN'S INTENTIONS. 321 the khan. This took place on the crest of a small eminence called the Kotal Girdan Dlwil. The Ha zara chief halted in line his force of fifteen hundred cavalry, and advanced alone. Hiji Khan did the same, and in presence of the two forces the mir and khan met and embraced each other. Mir Yez dinbaksh affirmed, that he should consider the khan's enemies as his ovra, whether Hazaras, Uzbeks, or others, and asked only one favour, that in the day of battle he might be placed in front. This meet ing was succeeded by a renewal of oaths ; and Hiji Khin affianced one of his infant sons to an infant daughter of Mir Yezdinbaksh. Nothing could be more auspicious than the commencement of this expedition ; satisfaction and confidence were gene ral, and the united Afghan and Hazara army moved along the banks of the Helmand ; the Hazara chiefs, vieing with each other in delivering their tribute, in emulous iraitation of their superior mir, who at tended at once to prevent any evasion and to pro vide for the entertainment of his guest the khin. With the knowledge of subsequent events, it is impossible to decide what the real intentions of Haji Khin were on quitting Kabal ; although it may be conjectured that he had determined, if pos sible, not to retura there. He knew that he had become an object of suspicion to the Aihlr, and he knew that no Afghan spares even a supposed ene my, if he possess the power to destroy him. He may have considered it possible, with the alli- VOL. II. Y 322 HAJI KHAN'S BROTHERS. ance of Mir Yezdanbaksh, to have maintained him self independently at Bamiin, or, if he preferred a connexion with the Uzbeks, he had paved the way for it by his intercourse with Diwan Atmar. The possible appearance of Shah Stijah in the field, if other chances failed, would give him an opportu nity, in possession of Baraian and comraanding the resources of Bisiit, of rendering the Shah an ira portant service, and of enhancing his clairas in the distribution of favour, which would follow his re- accession to sovereignty. Like every Afghan, how ever, he was essentially the child of circurastances : his grand object was to preserve Mmself, and, if pos sible, at the same time to signalize himself ; but his ability, great as it was, like that of all Afghans, while it sufficed to enable him to accoramodate him self to and profit by circumstances, was not adequate to enable him to direct and comraand them. Haji Khan at this time had four brothers ; one, Giii Mahoraed Khan, was resident at Toba, in the Khaka country ; two, Daoud Mahomed Khan, and Khan Mahoraed Khan, were in the service of Arair Mahomed Khan, at Ghazni ; and the fourth. Dost Mahoraed Khin, was attached personally to Haji Khin, and accompanied him. The two brothers from Ghazni, it was arranged, should join his camp in Bisiit with their foUowers ; and, as a strong confirmation that he had little idea of returning to Kibal, he had invited Giil Mahomed Khin to repair frora Toba to Bamian, with as large a body DESPATCH OF TROOPS TO SEGHAN. 323 of his countryraen as he might be able to raise. The three first-named were all able and gallant leaders ; Dost Mahomed Khan was less assuming. Having conducted the Khin to the banks of the Helmand, with his Hazara auxiliaries, from whence he wrote to rae, the narrative may turn to the detail of our progress to join hira, and of the incidents which afterwards fell out ; we should note, however, that after the first meeting with Mir Yezdanbaksh at Girdan Diwal, some two thou sand Hazara infantry were despatched to act in conjunction with the Khan's troops at Bamlin, in the reduction of Seghin, the country of Maho med All Beg ; and, in justice perhaps to ourselves, it may be premised, that at the time we were perfectly unacquainted with the Khan's political views and ideas, and proceeded to his camp with no other object than of examining, under favour able circumstances, the antiquities of Bamian. y 2 324 CHAPTER XIII. Departure from Kabal. — Arghandi. — Kotal Khak Safed Jellez. — Villages and castles. — Scuffle at Hazara castle. — Tirkhana. — Honai. — Message from Shah Abbds Khan. — Joined by him. — Hazara party. — Chokidars. — Kirghu. — Our reception. — Vio lence of Afghan horsemen. — Hospitality of Hazaras. — Koh Bdbd. — River Helmand. — Appearance of Koh Baba. — Ghowch Khol. — Ab Dildwar. — Kotal Sang Surakh. — Bad Assiah. — Zidrat. — Altercation with Hazaras. — Conduct of Shah Abbas Khan. — Disputes amongst Hazdras. — Results. — Distress of Hazaras. — Their hospitable offices rejected. — Stratagem. — Ha zara repast and Afghan deUcacy. — Departure. — Eye medicine. — Doubtful roads. — Joined by Shah Abbas Khan. — Vakil Shaffi's castle. — Immense gi'ave. — Pear of women. — Arrival in camp. — Meeting with Haji Khan Quarters. — Companions. — Evening repast. — Pare. — Haji Khan's conversation. — His hum ble pretentions. — His vaunts of Uberality. — His avowal of his intentions. — His counsels to Dost Mahomed Khan. — Appro bation of his auditors. — Diwal Khol. — Mir Ali Khan. — Compo sition of Haji Khan's force. — Hazara force. — Dependents on Haji Khan. — Camp arrangements. — Notice to march — Order of march. — Taking up ground. — Foragers. — Evening invocation. — Prayers. — MajHs. — Guests. —Entertainment. — Termination of the majUs. Being joined by Sirkerder Kambar and his ser vant, our party of four persons left the BaUa Hissar by the Derwaza Nagara Khina, and by the road of Chandol passed the defile, called by Baber, ARGHANDI. 325 Deveren — an appellation now forgotten — into the plain of Chahardeh, at this season beautifully sprin kled with fields of maswak, or safflower, the plant being charged with its fine orange-coloured blos soms. We passed Killa Kazi, and by night reached Arghandi, where we took up quarters at a masjit contiguous to one of the castles, intending there to have passed the night, when the inhabitants of the castle entreated us to lodge within their walls' asserting, they had eneraies, who might assassinate us in the night, for the purpose of throwing the opprobrium and consequences of the crirae upon them. As this mode of effecting the disgrace and ruin of enemies is common among Afghans, we complied, and entered the castle. In our road from Arghandi we raet a numerous cavalcade of men, children, camels, horses, asses, bullocks, and flocks of sheep, which proved to be the Afghin pastoral tribe of Hassan Khel, with their property, in progress from their suraraer resi dences in the Hazarajit to the more genial dis tricts of Liighraan. About a raile from Arghandi we followed a ravine, which led to the base of the pass called Kotal Khik Safed (white earth). The pass was neither long nor difficult, and brought us on an extensive table-space, in which we found an abandoned watch-tower, and springs of water in two or three spqts. The descent from this table- space was gradual, and brought us into the beau tiful valley of Zemani, Jellez, and Sir Chishma, 226 JELLEZ. speckled with castles, viUages, and gardens, through which flowed a fine stream of water, rising at Sir Chishma. The road we followed traced the eastern side, of the valley, and successively passing the zia rat of Khwoja Isa, distinguished by a grove of trees, and the villages Zebudik and Zemani, left of the stream, we arrived at a splendid grove of chanar, or plane-trees, with the village of Jellez immediately to the right of the road. Jellez has an ancient appearance ; may contain some eighty houses, and has two or three Hindii dokandars, or shopkeepers. It is said to be twelve jerlbl cosses from Kibal, or twenty-seven and a half miles. From Jellez the valley has the name of Tirkhana ; at a castle in which, inhabited by Ha zaras, we took up quarters for the night. This march was a very agreeable one, from the generally roraantic and fine scenery. The villages and castles, usually constmcted of stones, had invariably their stock of winter provender piled upon the flat roofs of their houses ; the various substances, such as grass, clover, &;c., being arranged in distinct layers, recognizable by their various hues of brown, pale, or dark green. Among them were interposed layers of a vivid red colour, which were found, on inquiry, to be composed of the dried leaves of the rhubarb plant, collected by the peasants frora the neigh bouring hills, and made to contribute to the sus tenance of their cattle during winter. The ope rative cultivators of the soil were invariably Hazaras. SCUFFLE AT HAZARA CASTLE. 327 The villages are inhabited by mixed Afghans and Tajiks. The district of Z6budak is entirely occu pied by the Afghan tribe of Riistam Kh61. Wheat, grown throughout the valley, is proverbially esteem ed, and the lands, watered by the river, yield large quantities of shall, or rice. At this castle, in the evening, a terrible hubbub ensued, which we found occasioned by my raan Yusef, who was a chillam- kash, or tobacco sraoker ; he needed the chillam, or apparatus for smoking, and maltreated the Ha zaras for not producing what they had not to pro duce. The Hazaras made common cause, and the Sirkerder and myself had not only difficulty to appease the tumult, but were ourselves very nearly ejected forcibly from the castle. The uncompro mising chillam-kash, however, triumphed, for a chillam was brought for him from a neighbouring castle. In the morning, crossing the stream, we traced the westera portion of the valley of Tirkhana, which contains several castles and small hamlets. These have always, as indeed is general throughout Afghan istan, neat masjits without them, serving at once as places for devotion and for the accomraodation of the stranger : numerous water mills were seated on the stream. Where Tirkhana terminates the stream flows through a narrow defile, or tanghi, and the spot is romantic ; on the rocks to the right is perched an ancient tower. The defile passed, we enter the valley called Sir Chishma, 328 HONAI. which in its expanse coraprises raany castles and hamlets. A spring at the north of the vale is consi dered the source of the river, whence the narae appUed to the district. In it Hiji Khin holds some lands, and a castle, called Jiii Foladl. At the head of the valley, where is seated a village on an eminence, we inclined to the west, having on our right a rivulet flowing in a deep ravine, and on our left high undulating grounds, araong which were interspersed a few castles and some cultivation. The last of these castles, with two contiguous ones, is the property of Ismael Khan, Mervl, mirokar, or raaster of horse to Dost Mahoraed Khan. About half a mile hence the valley winds to the north, and leads into Honai, at the commenceraent of which is the handsome castle of Mastapha Khan, son of Ytisef Khin Jii- inshlr. A fine rivulet flows down Honai ; ascend ing which, we reach two or three castles with contiguous hamlets, the latter being now called kishlaks, belonging to Ziilfakar Khin, a con siderable land proprietor, also a merchant, traffick ing with Deh Zanghl. At this point the stream turns a water-mill. Proceeding up the valley, which widens, the remains of walls and parapets are observed on the adjacent eminences. These might be supposed to represent old castles, but now that we are better acquainted with such ruins, we con jecture them to denote the burial-places of the old inhabitants of the country. Clearing this extended ASS KAFILA. 329 space, the valley again contracts until we reach the base of the pass, or Kotal of Honai. A little while after leaving Sir Chishma I was overtaken by an Afghan horseman, who informed me that he was sent by Shih Abbas Khin, mirikor to Hajl Khan, to acquaint rae that he was behind, with three camels laden with provisions and articles of clothing, which he was escorting to the camp, and he hoped that I would halt for hira, that we might join the khan together, who would be pleased with him for having paid me attention. I knew nothing ^f the mirikor, but on reaching a small patch of chaman, or pasture, the sirkerder and myself agreed to wait for him, and allowing our horses to graze, we threw ourselves on the ground until he reached us. He did so in due time, when we mounted and pushed on, leaving the camels to follow at their leisure. On reaching the base of the kotal we found a party of Hazaras, endeavouring to procure karij, or duty, frora a small ass-kifila, carrying fruit and coarse calicoes to the camp. The men of the kafila disputed payment on the plea of being camp-followers and privileged persons ; and the Hazaras were about to employ force to obtain what they asserted to be their due. Their party con sisted of two very personable youths mounted, who called themselves saiyads, and five or six match lock-men on foot. The youths observed, that on our account, they would not now use compulsion, but that their claims were just. They were satisfied 330 CHOKIDARS. with a few bunches of grapes ; and Shah Abbas cautioned thera not to interfere with the khan's caraels in the rear. Coraraencing the ascent of the kotal, we fell in with Mir AU Khan, Hazara, and nazir, or steward to Mir Yezdanbaksh, proceeding on business to Kabal. We gave hira a few bunches of grapes procured frora the kafila, and he gave us a nishin or token, by eraploying which we might secure a courteous reception at a castle in Kirghii, where he recomraended us to pass the night. The kotal was not difficult, but consisted of altemate ascents and descents ; and in the hollows were al ways small rivulets, fringed with margins of chaman. On the crest of the kotal, where is a large table expanse, were the ruined walls of a small square enclosure, under which were sitting two or three Hazara chokidars, or collectors of duty. They claimed duty from the ass-kafila, and on being re fused, threatened to chapow (plunder) it, but were satisfied vrith a few bunches of grapes and a small quantity of tobacco. We remained here until the camels joined. The road divides into two branches, one to the right, the high road to Bamian by Yiirt and Karzar, the other leading to the front, which we followed. We had now entered upon a country indeed dreary and bleak, but abounding with rivulets, and in which every spot on its irre gular surface at all capable was appropriated to cultivation ; castles were occasionally seen in nooks or sheltered recesses of the hills, at a distance from A SLIGHT DISPUTE. 331 the road. We soon reached Kirghii, where we found three castles belonging to Mir Yezdanbaksh and his brother, Mir Mahomed Shah. We had in tended to have halted at the farthest in situation of the three castles ; but the people asserted their inability to provide us and our cattle with supplies. Notwithstanding the outrageous behaviour of Shah Abbas, they were firm in refusing us accommoda tion, but advised us to proceed to a castle behind, seated on a rise, belonging to Mir Mahomed Shih, where, although the rair was at Kibal, the mlr- zadis his sons were present, and we should find every thing we needed. We accordingly went there, and the young mirs accepted the nishan of the nazir, and were polite enough to say, that without it they would have entertained our party on my account. A carpet was immediately spread without the castle, and a chillam produced. Here we found four Afghan horsemen, who asserted they had a barat, or written order, for their entertainraent that night, but refusing to show it, were denied recep tion. Much foul language was uttered by the Af ghins, and it growing nearly dark, two, the most violent, drew their swords, vowing they would ob tain by force what was refused to civility. The Hazaras took up stones, begging us to remain quietly in our seats, as we had nothing to do with the affair. Matters did not proceed to extremities. The Afghans, finding their raenaces ineffectual, were content to raount their horses, and seek lodging 332 KIEGHU. elsewhere, lavishing terms of abuse, and reviling Mir Yezdinbaksh as a sag, or dog. A large flock of sheep now appeared in sight, which proved to be in charge of these men ; on which the young rairs called for their jisals, or guns, and with four or five armed attendants, hastened to protect their stand ing crops of wheat from being devoured. In the course of this day's march we had met many large flocks of sheep, on their road to Kabal, being por tions of the tribute of Bisiit, made over to awaleh- dars, or persons holding awalehs, or orders, from Dost Mahomed Khin. To ourselves every atten tion was paid, and a sheep was set before us as peshkash (a present), which we would fain have declined, but it was pressed upon us, and a huge vessel of a composite raetal, called chodin, was provided, in which to cook it, with abundance of chelmer for fuel. Cakes were prepared, of a mix ture of mtishiing, or pea and barley-flour. I was undoubtedly an object of curiosity, and even the female infants, beautiful in features, were brought to see what they had never seen before, a Feringhi ; but the modesty of the mirzadas prevented them from asking rae a single question. The night here was very cold, and in the morning the rivulet was slightly iced over. Kirghii is south of Kirzar. Bade adieu to our hospitable friends at Kirghii ; and crossing a rivulet, made a slight ascent, which brought us to the commencement of a fine level dasht, or plain, of large^ extent. At this point were KOH BABA. 333 a few castles ; and we had a magnificent view of Koh Baba to the north-west. The road was ex cellent. At some distance to our right we had the riyer Helmand, flowing in a deep valley, and between the river and the skirts of Koh Baba was the district Ferai Kholm, abounding in castles and cultivated land, but without a tree. On either side of the road we were following were also many cas tles, and the soil was generally under cultivation — several vast heaps of stones occurred on the road side, and occasionally graves and burial-places. We halted awhile at a castle on this plain, that the camels might appear. I asked the old men, if Koh Baba was accessible, and was told that the summit might be reached in one day by persons who were " mat saf," or pure in heart, but those who were not might ramble many days, or even be unable to gain it. This mountain is remarkable for its abrupt, needle-shaped pinnacles, and stands a singular spectacle, from its contrast with the sur rounding hills. Having traversed the plain, we had low hills to our left, while to our right was the Helnaand, flowing beneath us through a space of chaman ; its banks fringed with rose-bushes and osiers. In so inviting a spot, we descended from the road, and refreshed ourselves awhile. Although the cold was so severe by night the sun was power ful by day, so rauch so that while halting here I was glad to sit in the shade of contiguous rocks. Hence a short distance brought us to Ghowch Khol, 334 KOTAL SANG SURAKHI. (the deep glen). Here were two castles on the op posite bank of the Helmand, over which a rustic bridge was thrown ; the castles were also seated on the opposite sides of a ravine, down which from the north a considerable rivulet flowed, and here joined the Helmand. This river also receives at Ghowch Khol the waters of another rivulet, Ab Dilawer (the high spirited water), so called from its never being ice-bound. Ab Dilawer flows frora the south-west. Our road probably led straight on along the banks of the Helmand, but, for the convenience of our camels, we followed the valley, down which flowed Ab Dilawer. It was of consi derable length, and although without dwellings, there was much cultivated land in it. The rivulet rises at its upper extreraity, and frora its source a portion of its water is diverted into a channel, or rural aqueduct, carried along the hills to the left, throughout the whole extent of the valley. The aqueduct is supported by a parapet of stones, sufficiently regular in construction to produce a pleasing and picturesque appearance. At the head of the valley is a kotal, or pass, the descent of which is considerable. Here a large rock, with a cavity therein, occurs, called Sang Siirakhi (the perforated rock), frora which, we believe, this pass is called Kotal Sang Siirakhi. At the base of this pass we found, as usual, a rivulet, and on the right a castle, where we halted until the camels came up. Hence passing over a succession of irre- A SKIRMISH. 335 gular, but low ascents and descents, we reached a castle, at the opening of the extensive plain Bid Assiah, where we resolved to pass the night. Above us to the right, at a trifling distance, was another castle, and to the left on the opposite side of the valley was a small kishlak ; beyond which, in a shel tered recess of the hills, was a cheerful gTOve of trees, now rare objects, -denoting a ziarat of Hazrat Ali, or, as called, Hazrat Shah Mirdin. The Hazaras of the castle at which we had halted were unwill ing to furnish us with supplies, alleging that the stirsat they had contributed to the army had ex hausted their raeans. Shah Abbas would not ad mit excuses, and was liberal in the discipline of the whip, and but that I deprecated in strong terms, violence, I presume a curious scene of insolence on the one side, and resistance on the other would have followed. I wished to have proceeded to a castle a little lower down in the plain, where, I learned, Mir All Khan Kiird was fixed, with thirty horsemen, but the Sirkerder did not appear con senting. I, however, insisted that nothing on my account should be taken from the Hazaras forci bly, or even gratuitously, and flour was given to them, which they cheerfully engaged to prepare into bread. These people had now consented to furnish chaff and barley for the cattle, but wished to divide the charge of our entertainment with their neighbours in the castle and kishlak. These refused, those of the castle telling them to take 336 EXPLANATION. charge of their own guests ; adding, that if the whole party had originally taken up quarters with thera they would willingly have provided every thing needful. Contention now arose among the Hazaras themselves ; stones were taken up ; and Shih Abbas and his corapanions were obliged to draw swords to terminate the strife. Night was now drawing on, and neither chaff nor barley was forthcoming. Shah Abbas told me that the quar rel among the Hazaras had been a feint, to shuffle giving anything, and that I had spoiled all his ar rangements by forbidding violence ; that with Ha zaras it was necessary to employ kicks and cuffs. Chaff was at last brought; but information given that the Rish Safed (white bearded old man), who had undertaken to provide barley, had ran away and secreted hiraself in the upper castle. On this, Shih Abbas lost patience, and sent his companions, armed, to secure hira. They went, and after some scuffling, in which a few stones were thrown by the Hazaras, they succeeded in bringing away the old gentleman, and another fellow, who had been pro minent in opposing them. Shah Abbas ordered them to be bound, and would have flogged both. I was enabled to save the old man from disgrace, but was compelled to abandon the younger one to his fate. The Hazaras now betook themselves to supplication ; the old and young women of the cas tle assailed the Afghaiis with cries of sorrow, and entreaties to unbind the men. Barley was pro- THE HAZARAS. 337 duced, and their prayers were granted. A sheep was also offered, as peshkash, which Shah Abbas disdainfully rejected, threatening the people of the castle with all the vengeance of Hiji Khin and Mir Yezdanbaksh, for their inhospitality. The bread, prepared with our own flour, was now brought, and with cheese, also our own property, we made our supper. Shah Abbas and his companions had some Kibal- baked cakes on which they regaled. The Hazaras however prepared for the party cakes of pea and barley-flour, and brought them, with large bowls of boiled milk. Their hospitable offices were indig nantly refused by Shih Abbis, nor could all their entreaties, their expressions of contrition, and their kissing of hands and feet, induce hira to partake of the provided fare. It was ridiculous enough to be hold five hungry Afghins refusing to satisfy their appetites ; but the fact was, they were now employ ing stratagem. A sheep had been exhibited, and although in the first instance scornfully rejected, it was not intended that it should escape slaughter. On this account, therefore, they persisted in not ac cepting the cakes and milk, and laid themselves down to sleep, execrating the Hazaras as inhospi table infidels. By times in the morning we made signals of motion, when the Hazaras of the castle besought us to partake of an entertainment first. The stra tagem of the Afghans had succeeded ; an entire VOL. II. z 338 SHAH ABBAS. sheep had been roasted during tJhe night. Afghan delicacy was again amusing ; it was not until they had wearied the Hazaras, in supplication, weeping and kissing their feet, that they consented, as a matter of especial favour, to sit down to a magni ficent breakfast of a fine hot roasted sheep, bowls of moss, or curds, and warm bread-cakes. I par took of the banquet ; but on its conclusion inquired for the master of the sheep that had been slain, and presented him with its value in money, which he gratefully accepted ; after which, my nag being saddled, I mounted and departed, receiving the be nedictions of the people of the castle. Sirkerder Kamber remained until Shah Abbas started, as the latter wished, and would otherwise have taken the money from the Haziras. We crossed the north ern extremity of the plain Bad Assiah, the soil of irregular surface, bleak and uncultivated, 'the castles with the appropriated soil lying at some distance to our left. On , leaving the dusht we reached a spot of chaman, where, with Shah Abbas, who had previously joined, we halted until the camels appeared. Shih Abbis commenced dig ging up the roots of a small bulbous plant, which, he said, yielded artin tiita. This is a medicine of high price, and of high repute for diseases of the eye. Its qualities are decidedly stimulant, and as it is indiscriminately appUed, its use must be in many cases improper, I afterwards found this medicine was one of the articles particularly inquired for by IN A DILEMMA. 339 the people of the camp in the Hazarajat. It is sold in small pieces, of a dark brown colour, and would appear to be the inspissated juice of some bulbous plant, if Shih Abbas was right, of some species of colchicum possibly. From this spot Shih Abbas and his companion took the lead of us ; and when we followed, we came to a point where the road divided into two branches, both passing over as cents ; the road to our right was evidently the principal one, but it was as evident that Shah Abbas had taken the other, the impression of his horses' hoofs being visible ; we therefore followed it, although convinced we were in error, and were fearful that our servants and camels might be be wildered. We passed a slight ascent, which brought us into a narrow valley of some length, with a fine rivulet, which, at the mouth of the valley, or just before it opens into another and larger, disappears suddenly. In the larger valley was a still more considerable rivulet, with a variety of springs, ex cellent chaman, and patches of cultivated soil. Shah Abbas was not to be found, and we rested here, determined to await the arrival of our ser vants. These at length arrived. We were in a dilemma, being conscious that we had lost the right road, and there was no castle in sight where we might obtain information. A flock of sheep came down the valley, but the shepherd as soon as he saw us, abandoned his charge and fled over the hills. The Sirkerder mounted and pursued him, z 2 340 ZIARAT. and although he did not overtake the fugitive, he ascertained on gaining the heights that a castle, with a few trees, was at some distance. Shah Abbas and his companion had now joined us. They had pro ceeded far down the valley, but finding no person or habitation, had wandered in doubt. Shih Abbas started for the castle discovered by the Sirkerder ; on his return, from the inforraation obtained, our party moved down the valley awhile, and then ascending the heights to our left, crossed over an undulating country, and gained a spacious valley, in which were several castles, much cultivated land, and fine plots of chaman, with a fair rivulet flowing through it. Three or four brood raares, and two or three foals were grazing, indications of the prosperity of the inhabitants, and we found that the castles belonged to the Vakil Shaffi and his liliis. We were now directed into a well-defined road, which led us into an extensive plain, bounded to the right by low hills of a white porcelain clay, of which the few castles dispersed over the surface were constructed, giving them a peculiar appearance. Two or three of these were in ruins, having been destroyed the preceding year by Amir Mahomed Khan. Tra versing this plain, we passed through a burial- ground, where on the right of the road was an immense grave from twenty to twenty-five yards in length. This, of course, was a ziarat, and, like everything wonderful among the Hazaras, was as cribed to Hazrat Shah Mirdin. Shih Abbas and BANKS OF THE HELMAND, 341 his companion had again preceded us, and we came up with them lying before a castle, in which were only women, who through fear had fastened the entrance. We found that the Afghins had en deavoured to break open the door with stones, under pretence of procuring a chillam and fire. Sirkerder Kamber succeeded by fair language in inducing the women, who stood on the ramparts of one of the towers, to lower down the indispensable chillam and fire. These woraen, on our inquiries as to the situation of the camp, in their anxiety to get rid of us, or through ignorance, directed us wrongly, and we went on until, passing many successive and considerable elevations, we made a valley with two or three castles, whence,, being- made sensible of our error, we turned to our right, and at no great distance descried from the heights the Afghin camp on the banks of the Helmand, which we joined, it being still day. My arrival was notified to the khan, who imme diately sent for me and the Sirkerder He was profuse in expressions of satisfaction at seeing me, and said that when at Kabal, from the pressure of his affairs, he was prevented from showing me the attentions he wished ; now we should be constant companions. He added, if I wished to proceed di rectly to Bamian he would provide attendants, but he had rather I should postpone the visit for a few days, lintil the affairs of Bisiit were arranged, when we should all go together. To this I assented. 342 DIFFERENCES OF OPINION. After being regaled with grapes and melons, now articles of luxury to us, we took leave. A quarter of a large tent, appropriated to the Sandtik Khana establishment, was assigned for my quarters, and Sirkerder Kamber, who shared it vrith me, was directed to attend to me in particular, as were generally all the peshkidmats, or servants of the household, A second quarter of this tent was oc cupied by Akhiind Iddaittilah and his son, the first tabib, or physician to the khan, a venerable Rish Safed, or white-bearded old gentleman ; the son, a stuttering youth, attar bashi, or apothecary. They had two or three enormous boxes, contain ing a various collection of sanative drags and sim ples. The other half of the tent was occupied by the two sandiikdars, persons in charge of the chests, two khaiyats, or tailors, and Saiyad Abdii lah and his son, who called themselves the khin's pirkhanas, or spiritual guides. The old saiyad was an ignorant and intolerant bigot, who agreed badly with Sirkerder Kamber, who was not per haps altogether orthodox in his opinions, and had no particular reverence for saiyads in general, and none for Saiyad Abdtilah. The latter, therefore, was wont to fulminate his curses aud to revile the Sirkerder as a kifr, or infidel, who in return charged the holy man with imposture. The young saiyad was a raeek inoffensive youth. In the evening a peshkidmat announced that the • khan invited me to sup with him in the tent of HAJI KHAN'S CONVERSATION. 343 Mahomed Bigher Khan, where he was himself a guest. Thither I repaired, and was placed by the khin by his side, which on all occasions after was my seat. Here I found most of the Ghiilara Khana chiefs assembled. Our entertainment was composed of pillau and kormeh, or stewed meat, with sherbet, or sugar and water. After the re past the khan observed to me, that all the persons present were sons of noblemen ; the father of him pointing to Mir Ali Khin Kiird, spent crores of rupees under the Sadii Zai monarchs. "At that time tribute was received from, Kashmir, Derah Miiltan, and Sind ; now we are all corapelled to scour the Hazara hills in search of sheep and goats." Mahoraed Bigher Khin remarked, it was a subject of congratulation, that amid the various ricissitudes that had passed, his (the khan's) guze- rin (circumstances) were prosperous. The khan exclaimed ShUkr ! (thanks !) and added, that he had a sirdar who possessed insaf (equity). He next panegyrized the Hazaras, professing to be delighted with their frank, unsuspecting manners, and love of truth ; affirming, that he himself waa both a haji and hijiz (unassuming), who had come into Bisiit solely for the kidmut (service) of those good people, who had been maltreated by Amir Mahomed Khin. He expatiated on the large sums he had expended in khelats since his en trance into the country, observing, that his libe rality had already excited umbrage at Kabal, where 344 HISTORICAL APPLICATIONS. his enemies were numerous ; and he had under etood that the sirdar should have said, " The Ha zaras, incapable of appreciating generous treat ment, would the following year refuse the pay ment of tribute altogether." He complained that the sirdar had not forwarded him, as promised, supplies of flour from Ghazni ; and that, instead of sending one thousand five hundred troops of the Ghiilam Khana, had only despatched a few above two hundred. He affirmed, that he had written to the sirdar, that any disgrace generated by failure in the present expedition would attach mainly to himself, — that he was aware many per sons in Kabal would exult and chuckle if Hajl suffered defeat. He then asserted his intention of reducing Seghan and Kahmerd, and vowed, that until he had effected those objects the water of Kabal was gosht-khtik (swine-flesh) to him, and, if necessitated to pass the winter at Bamiin, he would do so at the risk of being reputed yighi, or rebellious. He dwelt on his many efforts to prevail upon Dost Mahomed Khan to aggrandize himself at the expense of his brothers at Kanda har and Peshawer, remarking, that any one who had read the histories of Jenghiz Khin, Taimiir Lang, Nadir Shah, or any other great man who had become Padshih, would see the necessity of disregarding family ties ; that it was by the slaugh ter of kinsmen they had reached the summit of power ; and he who would be, like them, fortunate REACH DIWAL KHOL. 345 must be, like them, cruel. He said, that the pre ceding year at Jelalabad he had exhorted Dost Mahomed Khan to advance upon Bajor and the Yusef Zai country, or upon the Derajit and Banti. He, moreover, entered into an explanation of his motives in the negotiations between the Shias and Siinls, which followed the affray in the month of Mohoram, avowing unbounded liberality in reli gious sentiments, and insisting on the sacred duty of a chief to dispense justice equally to all classes of subjects, whether Shias, Siinls, or even Guebres and Hindtis. In this and sirailar conversation the Khan, who engrossed all talking, spent the evening ; his auditors, indeed, every now and then exclaim ing, by way of admiration and approval, " Insabi insabl ! " or Just, very just ! until, it growing late, he rose, and the company broke up. He accom panied rae to ray tent, just behind his own ; and, although I did not need it, sent me bed-clothing and furniture from his haram. This day a moderate march of four or five miles, passing two or three bolendis, or rising grounds, brought us to a valley called Diwal Khol, or the wall-glen, a name I could not discover for what reason confened. In the course of the march I was passed by Mir All Khan Kiird, who re marked to his party, that the preceding evening the Khan intended to have given me a postln, which I missed by telling him I was already pro vided with one. This was the man whose father. 346 FORCES OF THE KHAN. the khan told me, had spent crores of rupees in his time, and who himself was possessed of much property, and at the head of thirty horse. Still, to him it appeared wonderful why I had told the truth, when by a falsehood I might have gained a postln. The khin, alluding to the cold of Bisiit, asked me in Mahomed Bigher Khan's tent, whe ther I was provided with a postln, no doubt in tending to have given me one had I replied in the negative. I told him the truth, and the matter dropped. In this encarapment we had the Helmand some distance to the north, and from it the plain ascended to the skirts of Koh Baba, and was studded with castles. In the evening supped with the khan in the tent of his brother. Dost Mahomed Khan. It may not be irrelevant to note here the forces accompanying the khan, as well as other particulars relative to the affairs of the camp. The khin's own troops at this time with him, were about four hun dred Khaka cavalry; the chiefs, Rehimdad Khin, the former governor of Bimlin, Naib Sadiidln, Ghtilim Akhiindzida, Pir Mihomed Khin, Abdtil Rasiil Khin, Mirza Uztir, the khin's secretary, and the khan's brother. Dost Mahomed Khin. He had also, of his own retainers, about one hundred sol diers, thirty of whom were Hindiistinis, who fur nished his personal guard. The Ghiilam Khina troops were two hundred and twenty in number ; their chiefs, Mahomed Bagher Khin and Mihomed Jiffer Khan, Morad Khinis, Mir All Khin Kird, TOTAL AMOUNT. 347 Hiissen Khan, Chaous Bashi, and Ghtilam Reza Khin Rika, Abdiil Azziz Khin Kilmiik, and Saiyad Mihomed Khin Paghmani. Besides these were the following troops furnished by Dost Mahomed Khan: Shaktir Khin, Terln, with fifty horse-jlsil- ohis, and Juma Khin, Yusef Zai, with twenty foot-jisalchls, — the latter a guard for the guns, of which there were two, one of heavy and one of light calibre, with some twenty or twenty-five gunners. Attached to the guns was an elephant. The whole forming a total of something above eight hundred fighting men. The khin, moreover, had about thirty servants, who officiated as shahghissis, nazirs, peshkidmats, chillam-berdars, sandiikdars, &c., most of whom were really effective as soldiers, being all armed and mounted, and many of them were constantly employed on diplomatic and mili tary business. He was also attended by six or seven youths, his nephews, called khinzadas ; each of these had two or three or four attendants, so that the number of effective troops raay be calculated at nine hundred ; a small number, corapared with the force which always accompanied Amir Mahomed Khin. The Hazara force consisted of about two thou sand cavalry, under the orders of the Mirs Yez danbaksh and Biz Ali, and other chieftains of less note. Dependent on the khin were five or six Hindu miinshls, or secretaries, and two or three Shikar- piiris; these formed his commissariat department. 348 THE khan's ESTABLISHMENT. Attending the camp was a bazar, which was tole rably supplied. I have before noted, that the khan's establishraent coraprised a physician, apothecary, saiyads, tailors, &c. ; it had also sizindahs, or musi cians ; and accompanying him as friends, or hangers, on, were many other persons, a saiyad from Mas tiing, in Balochistin, some HijIs of Hindustin, Din Mahoraed, a Jiianshir merchant, who came, hoping to recover sorae property plundered by the Deh Zanghl Hazaras the preceding year on his route from Herat to Kibal. His nephews were under the direction of Miilla Shahabadin, who boasted descent frora Sh6kh Jara, and himself officiated as kazi, miifti, &c. as occasion required. Previously to marching the khan comraunicated his orders to an old toothless jlsalchi, who acted as herald, and raoved about the camp, shouting, as well as his disabled organs of speech would allow, " Khaimeh pihin kon," or strike tents. Upon this notice, horses were saddled, and the grooms loading their yabiis (ponies) with their stable stores, were the first to move; they were followed by the camels, raore heavily laden ; and when the ground was cleared of these, parties of horse, at discretion, marched. The khin was generally the last to mount, bringing up the rear with a more or less considerable party. His march was announced by the beating of nagaras, which was repeated on his approach to any inhabited spot, as well as on his nearing the new encampment. It CAMP ARRANGEMENTS. 349 was usual to send in advance during the night the peshkhina, or a tent with servants, attached to the haram serai, and karkhana, or kitchen establish ment, that his wives on arrival at the ground might be forthwith accommodated, and that the food for the evening's meal might be in a state of prepara tion. His wives rode on the march in kajawas, canied by horses, and, attended by a slight escort, moved with the heavy equipage. On reaching the fixed halting-place the khin's grooms, under the direction of Naib Gtil Mahomed, Hazdra, super intendent of the stables, described by long lines of rope an oblong square, to which the khin's horses as they anived were picketed. Within the area of this square were put up the tents of the khin and his establishment, while other individuals without it selected spots at pleasure. The Ghiilam Khana troops always encamped distinctly and together, as did the Hazaras. As soon as the yabiis of the grooms were relieved of their loads they were again mounted by their raasters, who, in charge of Naib Giil Mahoraed, rode to the Hazara castles that might be near, and laid hands on all the chaff and chelmer they met with, for the use of the forces. These men were the foraging party of the army. The camp being arranged, every one was occupied by his own immediate affairs until nimaz sham (evening prayers), which concluded, general shouts of " Damm bhawal hak," thrice repeated, resound ed throughout the Afghin portion of it, imploring 350 THE ETIQUETTE. the protection of the holy Bhawal, the Pir, who is most reverenced by the khin, and whose ziarat is in the citadel of Miiltan. At the conclusion of nimaz sham, which the khin usually repeated in the tent of his nephews and Sh6kh, or Miilla Shahabadin, he was wont to read a portion of the Koran, that, as he expressed it, " khazaneh shiiwad," or, that wealth might follow ; after which he repaired to the tent, where he re ceived his evening majlis, or party. The majlis consisted of three descriptions of persons ; firstly, those whora the khin invited ; se condly, such of his dependents who were privileged to attend, and lastly, of such Afghans and Hazaras who voluntarily came. The khin sat, of course, at the head of the tent, and his most honoured guests immediately on his right and left hand. Two or three shahghissis (masters of ceremonies) were in attendance, with their wands of office, to announce arrivals, and to conduct visitors to the seats due to their rank. The company seated, at intervals thc khin called for the kaliiin, which would be passed to others of the party who were smokers. In due time supper would be ordered, which was invariably composed of the same fare. A few co vered dishes of pillau, or boiled rice and meat, with two or three biishkibs, or plates of kormeh, or stew ed meat for the khan and those adjacent to him, and bowls or basins of ib-gosht, or meat and broth, for the multitude at the lower end of the tent, and RISING OF MAJLIS. 351 less entitled to distinction. The repast was follow ed by conversation, in which the khin seldom left room for others to mingle. Occasionally individuals rose and took their leave, by making an obeisance and exclaiming " Salam Alikam !" but the majlis was only finally dissolved by the rising of the khin himself. 352 CHAPTER XIV. March to Shaitana. — Halt and negotiations. — Hazdra custom. — Evening majlis. — Fatiha. — Hindustdn Haji. — His loquacity. — Darmirdighin. — Sang Nishandeh — The Khan's guns Treat ment of Hazaras. — Their consolation. — Vakil Shaffi. — The Khin's delight. — Hazdra Saiyad. — His leaming. — Azdhd. — A natural curiosity. — Hazara belief. — Composition of rock. — Tepid springs. — Volcanic products. — Azdhd of Bamian. — Ziarat. — Rock impressions. — Sources of Loghar river. — Subterranean passage. — Revelations by the Khan Missions from Mahomed Ali Beg and from Shibrghan. — Transactions at Seghan. — Mir Wais's introduction. — Guests. — The Khan's declamation. — Mir Wais's replies. — The Khan's elevated style. — Humility of Mir Wais. — The Khan's interrogation. — Reply of Mir Wais. — The Khan boasts his liberality. — Mir Wais implores his pro tection. — Fatiha. — Mission from Khairpiir. — Miilla Jehan Mdho med The Khan's vaunts. — Sindian presents. — Death of Khan's brother. — Fall of snow. — Hazara prognostications. — Ziarat. — Tdtar Wali — Ghini Maini — Depredations of the troops. — In disposition of the Khan. — Tribute from Jirgai and Biirjehgai. — Khelats. — Expedients. — Site of Ghird Maini. — Retrograde march. — Quagmire. — Wujai. — Bad Assiah — Ghowch Khol. — Cold and ice. — Forethought of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Results of campaign. — Increase of revenue. — Confidence inspired. — Ad vantages of expedition. — Benefits to the chief. — Peshkash pre sents. — Gain to the Khan. — Service rendered. — Pleasing antici pations. — View of the Khan's projects. — Mir Yezdanbaksh. — His customs and dress. — Singular appearance. — March towards Bamidn. — Kotal Sidh Regh. — Splendid view. — MirYesddnbaksh visits Kdrzdr. — Kalu. — Inclement season. — Mir Zaffar. — Kotal Haft Pailan. — Magnificent prospect. — Topchi Ahinghar. — Caves. — Ghulghiileh, — Entry of Khan into Bamian. — Prema ture winter. — Arrivals from Seghan. — Mahomed Hassan. —^ Mfilla Shahdbadin's treaty. — Dismissal of Seghdnchis. HAZARA CUSTOM. 353 From Dlwil Khol we raarched four or five miles to Shaitina, over a similar black, undulating sur face, and halted in a barren spot, with castles adja cent. The place had a portentous name, as shai tan signifies the devil. We halted here, owing to the necessity of nego tiation with the chiefs of some districts in advance, who had been hitherto accustomed, when asked to pay tribute by the Afghins, to offer, according to an old Hazara custora, " sang ya biiz," or a stone or a goat ; that is, they held a goat in one hand and a stone in the other, saying, if the Afghins are willing to accept the goat in place of a sheep we will give tribute, if unwilling, they shall have stones, or that they would resist. Arair Mahomed Khin had been obliged to accede to their condi tions, from the advanced state of the season when he approached these parts; but now the khin in sisted on receiving full tribute, which, owing to his personal reputation, his avowed determination to ex terminate Mahomed All Beg of Seghan, and, above all, the powerful influence of Mir Yezdinbaksh, was delivered to him. As usual, I passed my evenings with the khin, in the majlis tent. There were ge nerally some of the Hazara chiefs present, as well as many of the Hazara and Tijik proprietors of Ba mlin, and its districts. The conversation naturally turned on the affairs of Mahomed All Beg of Seg han, and it always happened that twice or thrice in the course thereof the khan would raise his hands, VOL. II. 2 A 354 EVENING MAJLIS. in which he would be followed by the company, and repeat Fatiha, swearing to exterminate the Seg hin chief, which he finished by stroking down his beard, and exclaiming " Allah Akber," or By the order of God. He particularly inquired, if Maho med All Beg had any wealth ; but all answered, no thing but a few horses and their equipments. Among the constant risitors at the majlis, was a pert hiji, of Hindiistan. This man had visited Persia and Asia Minor, and, being particularly loquacious, would sometimes, uninvited, enter into a narration of the events which had occuned in those coun tries during his sojourn in them, and detail the circumstances of the wars between Russia, and Turkey, and Persia. He inforraed the khin that Russia raade war upon the siiltin because he would not grant her sovereign a " kiila" or hat, as he had bestowed on other Feringhi poten tates, but that the s6ltan, having been worsted, had now been compelled to give his majesty, the autocrat of all the Russias, permission to wear a hat. Relative to the Persian war, he observed that Abbas Mirza throughout the contest connived at the defeat of his own forces, being favourable to the Russians, whom he loved, as was believed in Persia, better than his own father. At Shaitana we had the Helmand to the north, and beyond it were the districts from which the khin now received full tribute, in place of being satisfied with half, or sang ya biiz. They were SANG NISHANDEH. 355 called Darmirdlghin, or the land of heroes, literally, the land of men one of whom is equal to ten ; it being usual with the Hazaras, if they wish to convey the irapression that a man is valiant, to call him "darmird," or ten men, implying that he is equivalent to ten others of ordinary valour. The castles of Darmirdlghin were visible from Shaitina, distant some seven or eight miles. The soil of a dark red hue. From Shaitina our march was a trifling one of between two and three miles, up the valley of Sang Nishindeh, of which Shaitana was a portion. There were seven or eight castles, with some cultivated lands and chaman, with the never-failing rivulet, in this valley. The Sang Nishindeh, which gives the name to the locality, was a large black stone, perpendicularly inserted in a heap of small stones, and serves, or did serve, as a boundary mark. I omitted previously to notice, that the two guns attached to the force were dragged through Bisiit by the Hazara peasants, who were collected by the officers of Mir Yezdinbaksh. About eighty of these poor fellows were provided for the smaller, and two hundred for the larger gun. In most of the marches the direct line of road was not practica ble in certain spots for artillery, there always occur ring tanghls, or narrow defiles, where wheeled car riages could not pass. To avoid these, the guns were dragged by circuitous routes along and over the brows of hills, and the operation was tedious 2a 2 356 VAKIL SHAFFI. and toilsome. The Hazaras, who by compulsion were reduced to act the part of beasts of burthen, on arrival in camp were dismissed without receiv ing even a cake of bread, or the still less costly ex pression of thanks. It may be, they consoled them selves with the idea that the guns they were drag ging would one day be eraployed in effecting the destruction of Mahomed All Beg. The elephant with the force, accompanied the large gun, and was serviceable in preventing it from running back in the passages of the hills, by the powerful resist ance he opposed with his trunk. At our evening's majlis at this halting place, we had among our Hazara visitors Vakil Shaffi. He was a fine, straightforward, ingenuous young man, and introduced to the Khan a saiyad, who might be serviceable to him, in his projects upon Biirjeh gai and Deh Zanghl. The khin appeared to be much delighted, and spoke in highly flattering terms to the Vakil Shaffi. He said, that from the first interview he had with him he was much prepos sessed in his favour, and vowed that he would raake such a man of him that " five men in the hills should stare again." With the saiyad he was no less charmed, or feigned to be so. This descendant of the Prophet indulged in incessant citations from the Korin. The khin was lost in ecstasy and surprise that so accomplished and learned a person age should be found among the hills of the Hazaras. He promised to advance the saiyad's temporal AZDHA OF BISUT. 357 interests, who in return vowed to render obedient to him all the sturdy and turbulent men of the hills. The presence of the saiyad gave occasion to many fatihas, in all of which the destruction of Mahoraed All Beg was sworn. When he took his leave with Vakil Shaffi, the khin observed, that he had now found an " ajaib mirdem," (adrairable man,) and that his mind was corapletely set at rest. There were Afghins in the camp who had before seen the saiyad, and they affirmed that his influence had been useful to the chiefs of Kindahar in their trans actions with the Hazaras in their vicinity. Frora Sang Nishindeh we made a raore conside rable march of fourteen or fifteen miles. The route across a bleak, elevated, and irregular country, to wards the conclusion a long, and, in spots, precipi tous descent brought us into a fair valley, with a few castles to the right and left, and a remarkable spot called the Azdha, or Dragon, beyond which we halt ed, on elevated ground, in the valley of Shesh Blirjeh, or the six towers, and contiguous to us were as many castles. The Azdha of Bisiit is indeed a natural curiosity, which the creative imagination of the Hazaras sup poses to be the petrified remains of a dragon, slain by their champion Hazrat All. Nor are they sin gular in the belief, for all classes of Mahomedans in these countries coincide with them, and revere the object as an eminent proof of the intrepidity of the son-in-law of Mahomed, and as a standing evidence of 358 SHAPE OF AZDHA. the truth of their faith. It is, geologically speaking, of volcanic formation, and a long projected mass of rock about one hundred and seventy yards in length ; the main body is in form the half of a_ cylinder, of a white honey-combed friable stone ; on its sumrait is an in ferior projection, through the centre of which is a fis sure of about two feet in depth and five or six inches in breadth, frora which exhales a strong sulphurous odour ; and a portion of the rock having been set on fire, it proved to contain sulphur. This part of the rock is assumed to have been the mane ofthe monster. In the superior part of the projection, which is sup posed to represent the head of the dragon, there are nuraerous sraall springs on the eastem face, which trickle down in sraall lucid currents, having a re markable effect from rippling over a surface of variously coloured red, yellow, and white rock, and exhibiting a waxy appearance. The water of these springs is tepid, and of a mixed, saline, and sulphur ous flavour. They are supposed to exude from the Azdha's brains. On the back of what is called the head are a number of small cones, from the apices of which tepid springs bubble forth. These cones are of the same description of white friable porous stone, but singular from being as it were scaled over, and this character prevails over the greater portion of the Azdha. On one side of the head large cavities have been made, the powdery white earth there found being carried away by visitors, extraordinary efficacy in various diseases ZIARAT. 359 being imputed to it. The vivid red rock which is found about the head is imagined to be tinged with the blood of the dragon. Beneath the numerous springs on the eastern face occur large quantities of an acrid crystalline substance resembling sal- ammoniac, and I was told it occurs in some of the neighbouring hills in vast quantities; lead is also one of the products of the hills near this place. I afterwards found that an analogous mass of rock, but of much more iraposing size, occurs in the vicinity of Bamlin, and is alike supposed to represent a petrified dragon. Near the north-western extreraity of the dragon of Bisiit, on high ground, is a sraall building, a ziarat. Here are shown impressions on a mass of black rock, said to denote the spot where Hazrat All stood when with his arrows he destroyed the sleeping dragon, the irapressions being those of the hoofs of his famed charger Daldal. At the en trance is also a stone, with some other impressions, and over the door is an inscription, on black stone, in Persian, inforraing us that the building was erected some one hundred and fifty years since. In various parts of Afghinistin are found impressions on rock, certainly reserabling the cavity which would be formed by the hoof of an animal, rather than any thing else. Most of such impressions have ziarats erected over them, but I have seen them in spots where they have not hitherto been so consecrated, and where they occur, beyond doubt, in the solid rock 360 SOURCES OF THE LOGHAR RIVER. of the hill. They may conceal some eurioiis ahd important geological facts. The valley in which we were now encamped is, moreover, remarkable for containing the sources of the river of Loghar, and these are also a curiosity of themselves. About a mile above the Azdha the springs issue from a large verdant expanse of bog, not far frora which the stream has a subterranean passage for about two hundred yards, when it re appears in a small lake or cavity of about eighty yards in circumference. Here it tums two water- mills, and again disappears for about five hundred yards, in which distance it passes under the Azdha, and issues east of it. Hence its course is unim peded, and it flows, a small but clear stream, through a verdant valley, and, traversing the Ha zara districts, crosses at Shekhabad the valley lead ing from Kibal to Ghazni. At this place the khin sent for me privately by night, and entering into a long account of his early history and adventures, his services to Dost Maho med Khan, and the return he met with from him, disclosed to me his views and intentions, of which I had been for sorae tirae suspicious. The khin explained, that he was favoured by visions, and had been instructed in them that he was to become a great man ; that the country, whether Afghin or Uzbek, was " bl-sahib," or without a master ; and he proposed that he and I should benefit by such a state of things, and turn MIR wais's INTERVIEW WITH THE KHAN. 361 ourselves into padshih and vazir. I forget which of us was to have been the padshih, but in proof of his sincerity, he offered me the charge of his signet, which I modestly declined, assuring him it could be in no better custody than his own. As I have been recently suspected of being willing to establish a principality at Kalit, by the aid of Arab auxiliaries, justly indignant at the imputation of so paltry a project, I may laraent that at this time I did not lend a hand to the vision-seeing khan, and that I had not revived the old Bactrian empire. The khin farther observed that Dost Mahoraed Khin could not assail him at Bamlin ; that he had, indeed, left the greater part of his wives with his family at Kabal, but that when he fled from Herat Prince Kamran did not molest thera, and he should hope Dost Mahomed Khan would in like manner respect them, and permit thera to joiii him, if not, he coolly remarked, that he could get plenty more. We halted some days at Shesh Biirjeh, and were joined by a party from Bamlin, composed of Mir Wais, Tajik, and confidential agent of Mahomed All Beg of Seghan ; two or three Uzbek vakils of the chief of Shibrghin, bringing horses as presents to the khan and sirdar of Kabal ; Mir Zaffer, the Hazara chief of Kalii ; Mir Faizi, the Hazira chief of Foladl; these two subjects of the khan, with Karra Ktill Khan, and two or three others in the khin's employ. The last gave an account of the 362 THE KHAN'S CHARGES. « transactions which had taken place in the vale of Seghan ; they reported, that the khin's troops, in conjunction with the Hazara infantry, and a Tatar force from the Dasht Safed, had possessed them selves of five castles belonging to Mahomed All Beg and his adherents, that the Hazaras originally stationed in the new conquests had voluntarily given them over to the Tatars, who now refused ad mission to the Afghans, asserting, that they held them on behalf of Mir Morad Beg of Kundtiz, They continued, that the Hazara troops had retumed to their homes, and strenuously insisted that they and their chief were acting treacherously toward the khan. I was present at the evening's majlis, at which Mir Wais had his first interview with the khan. There was in company a large concourse of Hazara chiefs, all ' the new guests from Bamian, Dost Ma homed Khan, the khan's brother, a saiyad of Mas tiing, in Balochistan, Rehimdad Khan, the former governor of Bamlin, with many others of less note. The khin descanted on the uncompromising con duct of Mahomed All Beg towards himself ; affirm ed that he had rejected all his overtures of friend ship ; that he had duped all his naibs of Bamlin ; that he had rendered himself infamous by his cha- pows (forays) for the purpose of carrying off slaves ; that he had been audacious enough to kidnap five individuals from Shibr, immediate raiyats of his own, which the Hazaras virtually were, since they paid MIR wais's reply. 363 him tribute ; that on account of Mahomed All Beg's contumacy, he had been compelled to defer the execution of his designs upon Deh Zanghl, Yek Auleng, and the Shekh All districts; that he had been necessitated to station three hundred troops in Bamian, when every one of them was needed at Kibal ; that this disposal of his troops had pre vented him from giving assistance to that martyr to Islam, Saiyad Ahmed Shah, who fell waging war with the infidel Sikhs. He contrasted his conduct with that of Mir Yezdinbaksh ; enumerated the numerous important services the mir had ren dered, and was rendering him ; professed him self charmed with Mir Yezdinbaksh, and swore that he would reduce Mahomed Ali Beg to the condition of a raiyat, or annihilate him. Mir Wais observed, that Mahomed Ali Beg was vrilling to become his raiyat, or had the khan resolved to an nihilate him, it was an easy matter. The khan continued ; that he had no wish to annihilate, but it was necessary that the Seghin chief should be come as tmly attached to him as Mir Yezdanbaksh was ; all the hiishlarl he had hitherto displayed was on the side of falsehood, it now behoved him to veer to the side of truth. " Neither shall I be satisfied," said the khan, assuming the buskin, " with the possession of Seghan ; I must have Kahmerd also ; until I have reduced both the water of Kabal is ghost-khtik (swine-flesh) to me. Here," pointing to the saiyad of Mast6ng, " is a Saiyad of Baloch ; 364 PROLONGED DISCUSSION. shall I allow him to circulate in Baloch that I was baffled by Mahomed All Beg ; and here," tak ing me by the hand, " is a Feringhi, shall I allow him to tell his countrymen that Hiji Khan marched from Kabal with a fine force of gaUant cavalry, and guns, and elephants, and returned without striking a blow I Forbid it, heaven ! " Mir Wais reite rated, that if the khan could forget the past, Ma homed Ali Beg was now actuated only by sincerity, in whicli sentiments he was supported by Rehim dad Khan, and Karra Katili Khan. The khin, catch ing the eyes of the Hazara chiefs, asked Mir Wais, what makes you carry off and sell the Hazaras ; are they not Miissulmins, and Bandi Khodi ? He re plied, that Mahomed Morad Beg was imperious in his demands for slaves ; that grain, and not men, was the produce of Seghan, and that necessity led Mahomed All Beg to chapow the Hazaras. The khin said, if Mahomed Morad Beg requires men from you, refer him to me ; if dissatisfied with my representations, I will send him my own sons. The khin asked Mir Wais, if Mahoraed All Beg would join his camp in Bisiit ? who positively answered that he would not, but if the khin wished, he would send a son. The khin observed, that this was a subterfuge : Mahomed All Beg was aware that his son would be exposed to no injury, on the contrary, would be kindly treated ; he knew that he (the khan) was a Miissulmin, and how could he punish an innocent youth for his father's crimes ? Much ENVOY FROM SIND. 365 conversation passed, in which the khin was amaz ingly liberal in his own praises. He endeavoured to persuade every one that he was a most pious Mdssulmin, that his gratitude to such as rendered hira services was unbounded, as was his liberality and he instanced his having already expended above twelve thousand rupees as presents in Bisiit. When ever he alluded to Mahomed All Beg he always expressed himself angrily, seeming to doubt his sincerity. At length Mir Wais rose, and seized the hem of the khan's garment, affirraing, that he looked up to no other person, and conjuring him to sup pose Mahomed All Beg in the same condition. The khin applauded the action, and asked Mir Wais, if Mahoraed Ali Beg should hereafter turn to his old trick of deceit, whether he would abandon him, and adhere to himself. Mir Wais said he would, on which the khan immediately raised his hands and repeated fatiha, being joined as usual by the company. At Azdha, also, arrived in camp, Miilla Jin Mahomed, bearer of letters and presents for the khin and sirdar of Kibal, from Mir Riistam, the chief of Khairpiir, in Upper Sind. This man had formerly been in the khin's service, and his go vernor at Bamlin, but intriguing with the Hazara chiefs, the khin had seized him, confiscated his effects, and after shaving his beard, and subjecting him to a variety of ignominious treatment, set him at liberty, when he went to Sind, and found 366 FALL OF SNOW. service with Mir Rustam. Whatever the object of his mission might have been, it afforded the khan an opportunity of vaunting to the Hazaras that the following year he would lead an army of an hundred thousand Mussulmins against the Sikh infidels. Miilla Jin Mahomed brought as presents, two Sindi muskets, one mounted in silver, the other in gold, cut-glass kllayiin bottoras, shawls, mixed silk and cotton, of Sind fabric, British mus lins, calicoes, &c., with three running, or mari camels. The miilla, in his route from Khairpiir, had passed by Toba, in the Khaka country, and brought intel ligence to the khin of the decease of his brother, Giil Mahomed Khin, a rude but gallant soldier. This naturally affected the khan, and more parti cularly so at this crisis, when he had expected his arrival at Bimlin in co-operation with the designs he entertained. While at Azdha two or three slight falls of snow occurred, on which occasions the khin sum moned his sizindas, or musicians, which gave rise among the troops to a contrast of his conduct with that of Amir Mahomed Khan, who on the first ap pearance of snow hastily decamped for Kibal, even though the whole of the tribute had not been collected. We had also for two or three days, violent wind storms, which the Hazaras, skilful prognosticators of the weather, with the falls of snow, ascribed to a tokal, and affirmed they would be succeeded by fine settled weather. My horse, GHIRU MAINI. 367 however, was nearly destroyed, and having before heen provided with a better one, for riding by the khin, I despatched it to Kibal from this place, with Ytisef, who also coraplained of the cold. Our next march was a long one of sixteen to eighteen miles, and conducted us to the frontiers of Jirgai and Biirjehgai. On leaving the valley of Shesh Biirjeh, a little north of the Azdha, we passed amid low elevations covered with a deep red soil, and gained a narrow valley, down which flowed a rivulet, and to our left were two or three castles ; this valley terminated in a narrow defile, which cleared, we entered upon a more level coun try, and the road was good and well-defined. Ar rived at the ziarat of Tatar Wall, whom the Ha zaras represent as having been brother to Baba Wall, whose ziarat is at Kandahar. This ziarat resembles in form and appearance that of Hazrat Shih Mirdin at Azdha, and adjacent to it are two kishliks, or villages. Hence, a long distance, pass ing a castle or two on our right, brought us to the valley of Ghlrii Maini, where we halted. Here were three or four castles, deserted by the inhabitants, who had also broken or hidden the grinding stones of their assiahs, or water-mills, of which there were six or seven seated on various parts of the rivulet which watered the valley. Many of the soldiers at this place, availing themselves of the castles and kishlaks deserted by the inhabitants, had made free with the wood employed in their con- 368 KHELATS. struction. The khin, observing this, paraded his camp, and with a large stick personally chas tised those he detected with the wood in their possession. At this place we made a halt of some days ; for two or three the khan was indisposed, and his dis order at one time was so serious, that he became insensible. The chiefs of Jirgai and Biirjehgai, after some negotiation, consented to pay tribute ; influenced a little by the approach of the khin, but more by the interposition of Mir Yezdinbaksh. The forraer district gave tribute to the amount of three thousand rupees, the latter to the value of seven thousand rupees. The khan originally in sisted upon the delivery of two years' tribute, but the advanced state of the season, with his own anxiety to - direct his attention to the affairs of Seghan and Kahmerd, operated in favour of these Hazaras. Their chiefs, after the delivery of their tribute, joined the camp and received khelats. The khan, profuse in the distribution of presents, had long since exhausted the stock he brought from Kabal, of shals, Mnghis, chapans, &c., and it was now amusing enough to see his servants, by his orders, despoiling the heads of the khanzidis his nephews, and others of his troops, to bestow them upon the Hazaras. Even this resource at last failed, and the peshkidmats were reduced to the expedient of purchasing a khelat from one who had received it, that they might re-deliver it to RETROGRADE MARCH. 369 the khan to confer upon another. Snow agairi fell here, but not in such quantity as to remain on the ground. Ghlrii Maini was the limit of our expedition, from which Karabagh of Ghazni was represented to me as lying S. 20° E., three marches distant. The district of Jirgai was due west of it, and Biirjehgai north-west ; the southern extre mity of Deh Zanghl was pointed out as being about fifteen miles distant, its direction a little north pf west. We now retrograded and made a very long march of perhaps twenty-two to twenty-four railes. We followed nearly the sarae road by which we had advanced from Shesh Biirjeh, repassing the ziarat Tatar Wali, and crossing the valley of Shesh Biirjeh at a point more northerly than the Azdha, which, although at no great distance, was not visible. At that spot we were compelled to be cautious in selecting our road, for the soil, although verdant and covered with grass, was boggy. The Hazaras told us that some years since a gun belong ing to the Afghans had been swallowed up in it. From this valley, a slight ascent passed, we entered into another, where were three castles, one called Killa Kisim ; hence, after traversing a bleak wild country, we finally reached Wiijai, where we halted. Here were two or three castles, with a fine rivulet of water. Our next march was the longest we had made. On starting, we crossed the rivulet of Wiijai, and tra- VOL. II. 2 B 370 CROSS THE HELMAND. versing a high ground, had other two or three castles to our left. A long course over a wild dreary coun try brought us into the southern and most populous part of the plain Bad Assiah, a term which signifies windmill, but I looked in vain for such an object. In this plain were nuraerous castles and kishliks ; many of the houses displayed gtimbiizes, or domes, and many of the towers of the castles were also covered with them, imparting a novel and picturesque ap pearance. The cultivated land was of considerable extent. At the north-eastern extremity of the plain we crossed a very deep ravine, with a powerful rivulet flowing through it, after which we passed the castle, at which we remained a night when pro ceeding to join the khan's camp, as noted in the fourth raarch, and where Shah Abbas so signalized himself. I was in advance, riding with sorae of the khan's Hindiis, and was not recognized by the inmates, but Sirkerder Kamber, who was behind, was on coraing up taken into the castle, and regaled with milk. From this spot we passed the Kotal Sang Siirakhi, and descended the valley of Ab Dilawer, — ^both before described, — and crossed the Helmand at Ghowch Khol, halting on the high grounds beyond it, and near a castle, the proprietor of which, although a relative of Mir Yezdanbaksh, had thought prudent to fly, having on some occasion been imprudent enough to say he would slay the' mir if opportunity occurred. Above us to the north was another castle, and two kishliks. A BLOODLESS CAMPAIGN. 37 J little to the east was a deep rarine, through which flowed the stream which I have before noticed as joining the Helmand at this spot. The cold here was severe, and a rigorous frost predominated. The stream was not ice-bound, but its banks and the contiguous shrubs, were clad with vast icicles. Our ground of encampment was also free from snow, but it lay heavily on the hills we had to cross in the next march. As this march closed our expedition in Bisiit, Mir Yezdanbaksh had, by previous orders, col lected at Ghowch Khol large stores of provisions, which he presented to the khan. About to leave the province, it raay be in place to note, briefiy, the results of the khin's bloodless campaign. The revenue of Bisiit, farmed by the khin at its accus tomed valuation of forty thousand rupees, had been raised to sixty thousand rupees, the increase owing to the receipt of full tribute from some districts for merly wont to pay but half, or sang ya biiz, and to the receipt of tribute full also from Jirgai and Biirgehgai, which before had paid no tribute at all. By the cordial cooperation of Mir Yezdinbaksh, the collection had been made with facility and promptitude, without the necessity of firing a mus ket. The Hazara chiefs were full of confidence in the good faith of the khan, and even two or three leaders of Deh Zanghl had visited his camp at Ghlrii Maini, and promised the next year to lead him intoj their country. Nothing but the untoward state of 2 B 2 372 AMOUNT OF TRIBUTE COLLECTED. the season, as Mir Yezdanbaksh observed, prevented this year the collection of tribute from Deh Zanghl and Yek Auleng. During preceding years, when Arair Mahomed Khan, the sirdar of Kibal's bro ther, collected the revenue of Bis6t, and when, unassisted by the influence of Mir Yezdanbaksh, he was left to pursue his own harsh and uncompro mising measures, he was always compelled to leave a portion of it behind ; and of the portion col lected much was lost by the Hazaras chapowing the flocks in their passage to Kibal and Ghazni. To the European, accustomed to transactions of consequence, the advantage of sending a large force on an expedition of two or three months for so small a sum as 40,000 rupees, or about £4000, raay appear very equivocal ; but, in these countries of poverty and bad raanageraent, even such a sum is deemed of importance. It serves also to appease the clamours of some of the hungry soldiery, and to furnish eraployment for others in the collection. The superior officer, and, indeed, all the troops eraployed, find a benefit in it, as their cattle are supplied gratis with chaff, and themselves with fuel, and sometimes food, which they would be obliged to purchase if stationary at Kabal. It is the custom at every new encarap ment to furnish one day's provisions for the troops, collected from the inhabitants of the district. This, indeed, is chiefly profitable to the superior chief, who receives it ; and, if he distributes it among POLITICAL SITUATION OF BISUT. 373 his followers, he charges it to their accounts. The chief likewise receives a great number of horses as peshkash, for no Hazara chief comes before 'him empty-handed. In the same manner he re ceives a great number of carpets, nararaads, or felts, and barraks, or pieces of coarse woollen fabric, all of which he turns to profit, valuing them as raoney if made over to his troops, as well as being enabled to display a costless UberaUty. The provisions received with the peshkash offer ings raust all, therefore, be estimated at so much value received from the Hazaras, and included in the amount of tribute. The khin had collected as tribute, 60,000 rupees ; under the heads just noted he had received probably more than half that amount, from which deducting the 40,000 rupees made over to the awalehdars, and 10,000 rupees, the value of the presents disbursed, we may safely calculate that the khin had netted a profit of 30,000 rupees ; it being noted, that agreeably to the sherlki, or partnership relation, in which the khan considers himself with the sirdar of Kabal, he did not make over to him the excess in tribute collected. With regard to the political situation of Bisiit^ it was evident that the khin, had he been zealous in devotion to Dost Mahomed Khin, had rendered that sirdar an important service, having placed the province, by his artful management, in a state of dependence it had never before acknowledged. The S74 SECRET INTENTIONS OF THE KHAN. revenue was auginented by one half, and the next year he might collect tribute from Deh Zanghl and Yek Auleng, as probably from the Shekh All districts, the chiefe of which it were absurd to suppose could resist the united forces of the khan and Mir Yezdanbaksh. It was fair to compute, that the revenue of the Hazara districts near Kabal raight be raised to one lakh and a half of rupees, without including the incidental advantages, so con siderable, as has been previously demonstrated. It was also pleasing to reflect, that these advantages might be gained without bloodshed, viewing the high character the khan seemed to have esta blished among the Hazaras, and the apparently sincere attachment of Mir Yezdanbaksh to his interests. But knowing, as I did, the khin's se cret intentions, I was not sanguine enough to imagine that these gratifying anticipations would be verified. It was probable, indeed, that Mir Yezdanbaksh, guided by his personal enmity to Dost Mahomed Khan, and influenced by his con fidence in the khan, would espouse his cause ; and the large force he could bring into the field, with the khan's Khaka horse, were sufficient to create much uneasiness to Dost Mahomed Khan, surrounded, as he is, by enemies. It was reason able to suppose, that the khan and mir united might be enabled effectually to resist the efforts of Dost Mahomed Khan, even if he put forth his strength ; while, if discomfited, the Shias of MIR YEZDANBAKSH. 376 Kibal, who could riot separate their interests from those of Mir Yezdinbaksh, and who considered the khan as their friend, were always at hand to interpose and negotiate a reconciliation. Mir Yez danbaksh, we raay not^, was a raan of about forty years of age, of tall, athletic forra, with a remark ably long neck. His coraplexion was ruddy and his features prominent, of the genuine Hazara cast, but withal pleasing ; he had scarcely any beard, or rather a few straggling hairs in place of one. When in company, he had always his tasblh, or string of beads, in his hand, which he passed be tween his fingers, ejaculating lowly to himself, and turning his head continually from one side to the other, with his eyes averted upwards, like a person abstracted in thought, or even like one insane. He usually sat bare-headed, alleging, that his head was hot, and that he could bear no pressure upon it. On the line of march, were the cold ever so intense, he always rode with a simple cap, without other covering, and only on extraordinary occasions did he put on a turban of white muslin. His garments were plain and unaffected ; his vest of barrak of Deh Zanghl, with two stripes of gold lace down the front. A liinghi was his kammar- band, in which was inserted a Hazara knife. He seldom took part in general conversation, and, in deed, seldom spoke at all, unless immediately ad dressed, when his answers and reraarks were brief and pertinent. His appearance and raanners were 376 KOTAL SIAH REGH. certainly singular, but would, nevertheless, induce the observer to credit his being an extraordinary man, which he undoubtedly was. . From Ghowch Khol our raarch, in the direction pf Bimlin, was a very long one. Traversing the table space, on the extremity of which we had en caraped, and passing a castle and two or three kishlaks, we entered the ravine, down which flowed the rivulet before raentioned, and followed its course nearly north east ; our road led over rocks pf dark priraitive slate, and, although the course of the rivulet was soraetimes very narrow, was not upon the whole difficult to cavalry, although im practicable to wheel-carriages. We eventually reached the base of the Kotal Siah Regh, or the pass of black sand. The ascent would not pro bably be very difficult, or even very long at any other tirae, but now was troublesorae, from the frozen snow, which caused many of our animals, particularly the laden ones, to slip, and lose their footing. On gaining the summit of the pass, which was strewed with huge fragments of rock, we had a splendid view of the hilly regions around us ; below us were the few castles of the district called Slab Sang, to gain which a long and precipitous descent was to be made. To our left we had, very near, the craggy pinnacles of Koh Baba, seen to advantage from the plains of the south. I dis mounted, and sat awhile on the rocks ; when the khan arrived, who also dismounted, and took a VALE OF KALU. 377 survey of the country around with his dtirbin, or spy-glass. We were joined by Mir Yezdanbaksh, who pointed out the position of Ghorband, and other places. The idols of Bamian were not hence visi ble. The rair obtained permission to visit his castle of Karzar, not far distant to the right, and left us at this spot. The descent of this pass was so diffi cult that most of us thought fit to lead our horses. On reaching Siah Sang we took a westerly direc tion, and crossed two successive and long passes, with rounded summits, the country covered with snow; and descended into a valley, leading into the vale of Kilii, through which passing many cas tles and kishlaks, we proceeded to the westera ex tremity, and encamped near the castles occupied by the chief Mir Zaffer, and his relatives. The spot itself was free from snow, which lay on the low hills behind us to the south, as well as on the loftier ones to the north. We here observed the scanty crops of wheat at the skirts of the hills bounding the vale, still green, and iraraersed in snow. The principal crops had, indeed, been reaped, but heaps of the untrodden sheaves were lying on the plain, sorae of them covered with snow. Kilii is one of the principal districts dependent on Ba mian, and contains sorae twenty castles and a few kishlaks. Its chief, Mir Zaffer, Hazdra, had a family connexion with Mir Yezdinbaksh. He had joined the khan's camp in Bisut, and now provided an abundance of provisions. The mir M^as about 378 MOUNTAIN SCENERY. fifty years of age, tall, stout, and of respectable appearance; of manners frank, and in conversa^ tion plain and sensible. From Kalii, passing south of the castle of Mir Zaffer, called Killa Noh (the new castle), built on an eminence, with sorae ruins of bumt bricks on the suramit of a hill to the left, we proceeded to the base of the pass, or Kotal Haft Pailan. The commenceraent of the ascent was somewhat steep, but the road large and unencumbered with rock or stone ; this surmounted, the road winds round the brows of elevations and then stretches over a gra dually ascending plain until we reach the crest of the pass. Hence we had a magnificent view of mountain scenery. The hills of Baraian and vici nity were splendid, from the bright red soil with which many are covered, interspersed with sections of white and green. The mountains of Turkistin in the distance presented a beautiful and boundless maze. The valley of B-amlin was displayed, and the niches in the hills which contain its idols visi ble. The descent of the kotal, although of great length, was perfectly easy, and the road excellent throughout : it led us into the northern extremity of the vale of Topchi, where we found a rivulet fring ed with numerous mountain willows, a spot revered as a ziarat of Hazrat All, and above which was an ancient tower, perched on a rock. A little below we encamped ; and near to us were five or six castles, of a red colour, which distinguishes the soil and BAMIAN IDOLS. 379 most of the hills of the vale. In those to the west were some inhabited caves, or samtiches. Up the darra, or defile, leading from Topchi is a road, which avoids entirely the Kotal of Haft Pailin, and leads to its base. Some of our cattle followed this road. The inhabitants of the place provided the khin with supplies. Proceeding down the valley of Topchi for above two miles, we entered the valley of Bamian at a spot called Ahinghar, or the iron foundry. The rivulets of Topchi here also fell into the river of Bamlin ; its course had been, latterly, fringed with zirishk, or barberry bushes, mixed with a few tamarisk shrubs. Towards the close of the valley, on the hills to the east, were some ancient ruins. At Ahin ghar were two castles with kishlaks, and hills to the north had a few inaccessible caves. From Ahinghar, proceeded westerly, up the valley of Ba mlin, skirting the low hills to the north, the river flowing in a deep bed in a more or less extensive plain beneath us to the left. The hills soon began to be perforated with caves, which increased in number as we advanced. Passing the castle of Amir Mahomed Tijik to our right, we arrived opposite the minous citadel of Ghiilghiileh, where in the hills near to it on the opposite side of the valley, were great numbers of caves. A short dis tance brought us to Bamian, where we encaraped, opposite the colossal idols. The troops this day marched in line, with banners displayed ; the khin 380 HALT AT BAMIAN. preceding with his Khika horse, being followed by the feebler line of the Ghiilam Khina. Amid the beating of nagaras he entered Bamlin, and re ceived the cojagratulations and welcome of his raiyats. Our guns had been left in Bisiit to be dragged through by the Hazaras. We found a strange state of things at Bamiin ; the winter had set in prematurely, and the sheaves of grain were lying untrodden under snow. The oldest inhabitants did not remember such an oc currence We halted here several days, and a vast quantity of provisions and provender was collected from the inhabitants of Baraian and dependent districts. The Hazara troops had now become guests of the khan, and received rations in the same raanner as his own troops. On our arrival here Mir Wais, the agent of Mahomed All Beg, accompanied by Mtilla Shahabadin on part of the khin, set off for Seghan. Mir Yezdanbaksh rejoined the Afghan carap, and the Hazara auxiliary force was augment ed by the arrival of four hundred horse frora Deh Zanghl, coraraanded by two young chiefs, related to Mir Yezdanbaksh. In the course of a few days Mir Wais and Miilla Shahabadin arrived in camp, bringing with thera Mahomed Hassan, a son of Mahoraed All Beg, and five or six horses as pesh kash. Mahomed Hassan was a very handsome youth, of about sixteen years of age, and was received with rauch kindness by the khan, who MAHOMED HASSAN. 381 seated him on his knee. Mihomed All Beg had entirely gained over Miilla Shahabadin by pre senting lum with a chapan of scarlet broad-cloth, two horses, and, as was said, a few tillas (gold coin) of Bokhara ; and a treaty had been concluded, by which the Seghan chief acknowledged him self a tributary to the khin, and consented to give him his daughter in marriage. These arrange ments, however consonant with the khan's ideas and views, were by no means agreeable to the Haziras, the destruction of Mahomed Ali Beg haring been ever held out to them as the reward for their co-operation, and which the khin had vowed, in numberless fatihas, in Bisiit. An advance having been determined upon, on Seghin and Kahmerd, Mahomed Hassan, after receiving a mag nificent khelat, was disraissed in charge of Mir Wais ; the khan, in order still to amuse the Haza ras, avowing, he would only be satisfied with the personal attendance and submission of Mahomed All Beg. One of the khin's finest horses was also despatched as a present to the Seghin chief. 382 CHAPTER XV. Colonel Tod's observations on Bdmian. — Opportunities of examina tion. — Inscription. — Memoir. — Idols and caves. — Testimony of Abul Fazil. — Conjecture on idols. — Buddhist temples and idols in Salsette. — Analogy with Bamian idols. — Paintings. — Parthian coins. — Conclusion and influences. — Antiquity of Kaian dy nasty. — Curious coincidence. — Towers. — The Castle of Zohak. — Construction. — Probable nature. — Remains of Ghulghiileh. — The citadel. — Buildings. — Discoveries. — Defences. — Site of city. — Solemnity of scene Emotions. — Effect of winds. — Alexan dria ad Caucasum. We were encamped at Baraian opposite to the idols and caves, so much the objects of European curiosity. I was aware of the importance attaching to them, and that the late Colonel Tod had affirmed, that " In the cave temples of Bamian in scriptions might be met with ; and were but the single fact established that the colossal figures in the temple were Buddhist, it would be worth a journey. Perhaps no spot in the world is more curious than this region." As my stay at this time was brief, I could do little more than visit and exaraine the antiquities, with the view of ascertaining what they were, a necessary step prior to speculating on their origin and character. On my return from Seghan, one of BAMIAN ANTIQUITIES. 383 the most intense winters remembered prevented farther research, which I did not much regret at the time, supposing I should be able at a future period to resume my inquiries. I did not, indeed I could not, foresee that circumstances would arise to defeat my intentions. I had discovered, in the niche of the superior idol, a six-lettered inscription, with which, and the other facts I collected, I returned to Kabal. Subse quently, the discovery of a coin of a well-marked series, with a legend, plainly in similar characters, encouraged me to attempt the removal of the mys tery enshrouding the remains, especially as the coin presented the bust of a sovereign identical with one figured amongst the paintings in the niche of the second idol as to size, unquestionably establishing a connexion between them. I therefore drew up a Memoir on the Antiquities of Bamian, which I for warded through my friend. Sir Henry Pottinger, to the late ever-to-be-lamented James Pririsep, and which was inserted in his Journal of the Asiatic Society in Bengal. In it I pointed out that there were now in exist ence three large idols, with the niches in which many other smaller ones had once stood. That every idol had its suit of caves, amongst which some had domes or vaulted roofs, being, as I supposed, temples. I further showed, that besides the mass, of caves ob viously connected with the idols, there were certain apertures in the face of the rock, now inaccessible. 384 BAMIAN ANTIQUITIES. which never could have been intended for dwellings of the living, but were, probably, the repositories of the dead. I could but reraember that the corpses of the older Persian monarchs were consigned to such receptacles, and I thence drew an inference- bearing materially on the character of the locality.. I have since observed, not without satisfaction, that Abiil Fazil notes, that in his time the inhabitants showed a corpse in one of the caves, whose state of preservation, and period of deposit, were matters of wonder and conjecture to them. No doubt an em balmed corpse of an ancient sovereign of the coun try, or other illustrious person deposited here. Presuming the site to be one of royal sepulture, it occurred to me, that the statues might represent sovereigns or the deities they adored. This ques tion remains to be decided. It has been remarked to me that Lieutenant Burnes in his visit saw the remains of mitres on the heads of the two longer statues. I did not notice this peculiarity, (no proof that it does not exist, as it may have escaped my attention,) yet, could I be certain of it, I should be more confident that they are not images of Biiddha, which I believe are never so distinguished. I have recently visited the Biiddhist temples in the island of Salsette, and certainly there can be no doubt of the resemblance between the colossal figures of Biiddha in them, and those of the Bamian niches. They are, in like manner, erect, clothed in the same - .--fssiar.;^ V ' ^« 4»-J -rr I=jissiaK£is^^_„;^!ite^ ^~^"%i^ VIEW of a portion of tte CAVES at BAMI AM, aTid of the SECOND IDOi. Lcr,dcn. 'iir l-ar.-i 3ent!,-y Nsm Burhngt.-.i i^t.-,.'f I .¦; 1 J MONUMENTS OF BAMIAN. 385 drapery, and stand in the same attitude. Amongst the innumerable smaller seated figures of Biiddha at Salsette the attitudes are only three, those of medi tation, prayer, and teaching or expounding. The colossal and erect figures invariably represent him in the last, or teaching attitude, with one arm ex tended, while the other supports the drapery of his robes, which attitude is that of the Baraian idols. The latter, in comraon with those of Salsette, have what have been called " pendulous ears," but an exa mination of the Salsette images enabled me to ve rify, beyond doubt, that the ears have been formed with due care as to their proportions, the seeraing excess being raerely occasioned by the rings affixed to them, which is manifest in all of them when closely inspected, but palpably so in some instances where circular rings have been substituted for the ordinary oblong and lengthened ones. The inscription over the superior idol at Bamian induced me to suggest to James Prinsep, that with reference to the number of its letters, and the recur rence of some of them, it might be the equivalent for Nanaia ; but this was raerely a suggestion, and not entitled to rauch weight. The painted bust of the sovereign in the niche of the second idol, iden tical with the coin bust, I consider, however, of greater importance, if the probabiUty be admitted that its presence would intiraate that the idol and its accompaniments were due to the monarch whose VOL. II. 2 c 386 COINS OF BAMIAN. portrait has been preserved and handed down to us, for if we can establish the age of the coins we have also that of the monuraents. On regarding the paintings at Bamian, it struck me that it would be unreasonable to assign them any inexplicable antiquity, and equally so to sup pose them late additions with relation to the idols, for they are equally found in all the niches, whether now occupied or not by idols, and were clearly a por tion of their original erabellishraents, and I have been gratified to observe in the Biiddhist teraples at Salsette that such embellishments are there also part of the very system of the cave temples, which would not have been complete without them. Reverting to the coin which bears the bust of a sovereign commemorated at Bamian, we find it one of a series extensively found in Afghanistan, the reverse of which displays a plain fire-altar, or what has been called such. Coraparing them with known coins, the busts have a great resemblance to those of the Arsakian, or Parthian dynasty of Persia ; and this caused Colonel Tod, who had discovered some of them in India, to designate them as " rare ones of a Parthian dynasty, unknown to history." Parthian coins, or such as are Arsakian, have never, however, the fire-altar, therefore the coins under notice can not be referred to them, unless they are supposed to be raerely provincial coins, which is very doubtful. Sassanian coins have, indeed, the fire-altar, but it is always accompanied with two raaji, or defenders. THE KAIANS. 387 Consequently there is a distinction between them and the coins we find in Afghanistan. In considering to what line of princes these coins might be assigned, I ventured in my meraoir to in tiraate the possibility of their appertaining to the Kaian dynasty, so renowned in oriental records ; and this intimation led me to conclusions and infer ences very much at variance with received notions and opinions. James Prinsep privately informed me, that he scarcely agreed with me, but afterwards in his Journal, on more occasions than one, evinced that my conjectures had engaged his attention. In the location of the Kaiin kings in Ariana, or Khorasan, instead of in Fars, or Persia, I had only adopted the statements of their historians and poets ; but in assigning their epoch to an intelli gible and comparatively modern period I had ira paired the mystery thrown over Zerdasht, and dis turbed the reveries of the learned in Europe, who fondly believed the reformer of Azerbijan to be the Zoroaster of Plato and the classical authors. It would be inconsistent with the object of these voluraes, or with the limits prescribed to them, to discuss these points with the detail due to them, and I may probably take another opportunity of bringing them to the notice of the scientific world, feeling assured that labour would not be misdirect ed in establishing facts so important to history at large, especially to that of the dark middle ages. I have suspected that the Kaiins may have been 2 c 2 388 INVASION OF THE CHINESE. the White Huns of India, the royal Huns of western historians, but I find as many reasons against as for the suspicion, both as regards the great family of nations to which they belonged, and the date of their appearance in Central Asia. There is a remarkable circumstance noted in the history of the Kaian prince Gustasp, who has been oddly enough supposed to be Darius Hystaspes, which I cannot pass over. The Chinese in his reign captured Balkh (his capital), and burned ihe boohs of Zerdasht. We learn from other sources that Chinese armies appeared, /or thefirst time, in Central Asia, where they penetrated to the Caspian Sea, in the reign of Tsin-she-hwang-te, who fiourished in the second century before Christ, and acquired celebrity as a burner of boohs. If this Chinese era peror were the foe of Gustasp, we gain the date of the Kaiin dynasty and of Zerdasht, but one fatal to the Hun hypothesis. Besides the idols and caves extending for miles in the valley of Baraian, there are other objects deserving notice ; the towers on the summits of many eminences, the so-called castle of Zohak, and the reraains of the city and citadel of Ghiilghiileh. The towers are probably pyrethrse, or fire-altars, for their solidity of structure prevents thera being supposed to be mere watch-towers, while at Seghan one occurs immediately over a collection of caves, seeming to confirm the relation between them, and to indicate its nature. Numerous monuments of THE CASTLE OF ZOHAK. 389 this description are found in the regions around Bamlin. The castle of Zohak is at the extremity of a defile, through which the rivulet of Kalii flows into the river of Bamian. The remains facing the east encompass the angular point of the hill in terposed between the two streams, and consist of walls and parapets, built from the base to the sum mit, with an elevation, loosely estimated, of seventy or eighty feet. They conform to the irregular contour of the rock, and the difficulties to be overcorae have been raade subservient to the su perior erabellishraent of the structure, for the walls have been carried up in some places by a succession of terraces, or steps ; in some by a slope of inclina tion; in others by perpendicular elevation, but in such variety of combination, and so judiciously as to create astonishment and give a most pleasing effect. Excellent burnt bricks have been employ ed, and in the arrangement of these, along the upper lines of parapets, and those of walls and their sections, care has been taken to describe orna mental devices of diamond squares, and other figures. Owing to the quality of the raaterials, and the solidity of their preparation, the greater portion of these interesting remains have as fresh an ap pearance as if they were the work of yesterday, while their great antiquity is obvious, and cannot be doubted. Connected with them, on the sumrait of the hill, are the dilapidated walls of a spacious 890 GHULGHULEH. square enclosure. I had not the opportunity to exa mine this spot, and the merely having seen it, would scarcely, I fear, authorize me to pronounce positive ly as to its character. That the remains are those of a fortress, as asserted by Abul Fazil, and by tradition, I may be allowed to doubt, because it is not very apparent why a fortress should have been erected in so unprofitable a locality. Years have elapsed since I beheld the remains of the castle of Zohik, but subsequent observation, and research in other parts, lead me to the inference that they are, like so many other analogous edifices abounding in similarly secluded sites throughout the Afghan countries, places of sepulchral and re ligious privacy, the superiority of their construction showing that they received the ashes of the high born and the illustrious of the land. Whether the name of Zohak be as justly as it is intimately associated with the spot we cannot determine, but the mere circumstance of its being so deserves to be noted. The evidences of Ghiilghiileh are many and con siderable, proving that it must have been an ex tensive city. The most remarkable are the remains of the citadel, on an isolated eminence in the centre of the valley, its base washed by the river of Ba mlin. They are picturesque in appearance, although bare and desolate, as well frora the form and dispo sition of the walls and towers, as from the aspect of the eminence on which they stand, whose earthy GHULGHULEH. 391 sides are furrowed by the channels silently worn in them by rains. Many of the apartments have their walls pretty entire, with their niches well preserved ; they are, of course, filled, more or less, with mbbish and debris. Some few are distinguished by slight architec tural decorations, as to their plaster raouldings, but all of thera must have been confined and incon venient dwellings, being necessarily, as to extent, affected by the scanty area comprised within the limits of the fortress. Excavations have been sometimes made by the inhabitants of the vicinity, and arrow-heads, with masses of mutilated and effaced raanuscripts, are said to have been found. The latter are plausibly supposed to have been archives, and are written, it is asserted, in Persian characters. Chance also frequently elicits coins, but so far as I could learn, they are invariably Cufic, which, if true, would fix a period for the origin of the place. On the eastern front the walls of the outer line of defence are in tolerable repair, and are carried rauch nearer the base of the eminence than on the other sides. They are taste fully constructed, and have loop-holes, as if for matchlocks, though they may have been intended for the discharge of arrows ; still we are not certain whether the ruins extant are those of the strong hold destroyed by Jenghiz Khin, or of some more recent edifice, which, adverting to native traditions, may have succeeded it. The waUs of the citadel. 392 REMAINS OF GHULGHULEH. and of all the enclosed buildings, have been formed of unburnt bricks. The adjacent castle, called Killa Dokhtar, the castle of AUadad Khin, is built of superior kiln-burnt bricks. EEMAINS OP THE CITADEL OF GHULGHULEH. Besides these primary objects, there are very many dilapidated mosques and tombs, as might be expected, on the site of a decayed Mahomedan city, and the broken undulating ground south of the river of Bamian, to the foot of the hills confining the valley, is strewed with mounds, and the remains of walls and buildings ; and these, say the present inhabitants, occupy the " assai," or veritable site of the city of Ghiilghiileh. The traveller surveying from the height of Ghiil ghiileh, the vast and mysterious idols, and the mul- ANCIENT ALEXANDRIA. 393 titude of caves around him, will scarcely fail to be absorbed in deep reflection and wonder, while their contemplation will call forth various and interesting- associations in his raind. The desolate spot itself has a peculiar solemnity, not merely from its lonely and startling evidences of past grandeur, but because nature appears to have invested it with a character of raystery and awe. The very winds, as they whistle through its devoted pinnacles and towers, impart tones so shrill and lugubrious as to impress with emotions of surprise the most indifferent being. So surprising is their effect that often while stroll ing near it the mournful melody irresistibly rivet ting my attention, would compel rae involuntarily to direct my sight to the erainence and its ruined fanes, and frequently would I sit for a long time together expecting the occasional repetition of the singular cadence. The natives may be excused, who consider these mournful and unearthly sounds as the music of departed souls and of invisible agents ; and we may suspect that their prevalence has gained for the locality the appellation of Ghiil ghiileh, slightly expressive of the peculiarity. Bamian has been conjectured the site of Alex andria ad Caucasum ; to which it may be objected that it lies north of the Hindii Kosh, and not south, as Alexandria would appear to have been. 394 CHAPTER XVI. March from Bdmian. — Surkhdar. — Azdhd. — Ak-Robdt. — Kotal Ak-Robdt.— Noh R6gh. — Mdhomed Ali Beg's sons. — Their dismissal. — Arrival of Mahomed All Beg. — Killa Sir Sang Pall of snow. — Supplies. — Mahomed Ali Beg. — The khan's con ference. — Pertinacity of Hazara chiefs. — Despatch of Sddadin. — Exchange of presents. — Mission from Tdtar chiefs. — Their lan guage. — Anger of khan. — Rahmatulah Beg's agent — The khan's professions. — Rdhmatulah Beg — His festive habits. — KiUich Ali Beg's generosity. — Marriage of the khan — His ill-humour. — Reason for it. — Arrival of the khan's brothers. — Guns. — Suspi cions of Hazdras. — Flight of Mir Baz Ali. — Detachment against Kahmerd. — March to base of Kotal Nal-patch. — Killa Kafr. — Salute of artillery. — Killa Khwoja. — Noon repast — Guests. — The khan's discourse on Feringhis. — History of Amir Khan — Mdhomed Azem Khan's prayer. — Revenue of Kabal, &c. — Mir Yezdanbaksh's opinion of cholera. — Case of an old physician. — Reconnoissance. — jTatar movements. — Retum to camp. — Levee. — Mir Yezdanbaksh seized. — Plunder of Hazara camp. — Hazara flight and pursuit. — Lamentable condition of the prisoners. — The khan's precautions. — Seizure at Ak-Robdt. — The khan's remark. — Justifies himself to the Ghuldm Khana. — Imputes treachery to Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Retrograde march to Killa Sir Sang. — Hazdra prisoners. — Reverse of fortune. — Indignation in the camp. — Mahomed Jaffar Khan's remark. — The khan's solicitude. — Resolution of Mir Yezddnbaksh. — Enormity of sei zure. — Sorrow of Sadadin. — Mir Yezdanbaksh's intentions. — Refined cruelty. — The khan's objects. — Danger of short supplies. — News from Kahmerd. — Introduction of Ajer chief. — The khan's visit to Mir Yezdanbaksh, and his proposals. — Hazaras intercepted by Mdhomed Ali Beg. — The mir placed in irons. — Meteors. — March towards Bamian. — Search for plunder. — Ha zara captives. — Ak-Robdi. — Surkhdar. — Arrival at Bamian. LEAVE SURKHDAR. 395 When the khin was prepared to march from Bamiin we proceeded up the valley, under the low hills to the north, mostly perforated with caves many of which were inhabited. Cultivation was general, and in the bed of the valley were numerous castles. After a course of about four miles the valley narrowed, and passing a defile, we entered into the small valley of Stirkhdar, where we en caraped. The soil, and many of the hills, were red, whence the name of the spot, the red valley. On the hills were sorae ancient mins, and a branch of the river of Baralin flowed through our encamp ment. A little south of us, but not visible, from the intervening hills, was the Azdha, or dragon of Bamlin, a natural curiosity, analogous in character to that of Bisiit, but of much larger size. To it the same superstitious reverence is attached, and, like it, it is believed to have been a monster de stroyed by Hazrat Ali. Frora Stirkhdar we ascended the hills to the north, and for a long distance passed over an irre gular ascending surface, the road always good. Numbers of deer were seen in this march. At length, a gradual descent brought us into a small vale, where were some chaman, and a rivulet, but no inhabitants ; whence another hill, of the same easy character as the preceding, was crossed, and we entered the valley of Ak-Robat. Here was some cultivation, a fine rivulet, and chaman, with a solitary castle. Ascending the valley, we reached 396 MARCH FROM NOH REGH. the pass, or Kotal Ak-Robat, having passed to the east of the valley some considerable ancient remains on the hills. The pass was tolerably easy, but on the summit we encountered a sharp wind for which it is remarkable, and the pass is emphatically de signated a bid-khina, or place of wind. The de scent was also gradual and unimpeded, and brought us into a fair valley ; the rivulet flowing to the north, as that of Ak-Robat does to the south. At length we reached an expanded tract, called Noh Regh, or the nine sands, where we halted. Supplies were derived from castles to our right and left, at no great distance, but not discernible — those to the right at a spot called Gharow. When about to march from Noh R6gh, the se cond son of Mahomed Ali Beg arrived in camp, and paid his respects to the khan, who immediately dismissed him, and he returned in all speed to his father. From Noh Regh the valley contracted, and became little better than a continued defile ; at one spot we had to our left a sraall grove of trees, denoting a ziarat, the branches decorated with a variety of rags, and horas of deer, goats,, and other aniraals, a mode by which rural shrines in this part of the country are distinguished. A little beyond it the valley expanded, and we had a ruinous modern castle on the eminences to the right, and there was also an inhabited village of caves. Here we were met by the eldest son of Mahoraed All Beg. Him also the khin dismissed; and he re- AT SEGHAN. 397 turned galloping to his father. From hence the valley was a complete defile, and so continued until it opens into the valley of Seghin. There Maho med Ali Beg presented himself, proffered all devo tion and subraission, and was, in retum, embraced by the khin. Coraraanding the gorge of this defile is a castle called Killa Sir Sang, seated on an emi nence ; whence its name, the castle on the rock. Immediately beyond it, we crossed the rivulet of Seghin, and encaraped on the rising grounds north of the valley. This castle, the stronghold of Ma homed Ali Beg, had been evacuated by his orders, and he tendered it to the khin as a pledge of his sincerity, who ordered Afghin troops to garrison it. The castle itself was a rude, shapeless building, with no pretensions to strength but what it derived from its site, although, in the estiraation of the Seghin- chls, it is the key to Tiirkistan. On our gaining this ground we had a fall of snow. About a raile west of us was the castle in which Mahoraed All Beg hiraself resided. In that direction were several other castles, and the valley was pretty open. At S6ghin large supplies were received frora Mahomed All Beg, but the khan was also neces sitated to draw considerable supplies from Bimlin, as the consumption of the united Afghan and Ha zara force could not be met by the produce of Seghan. Mahomed All Beg, however he endea voured to conceal them, entertained apprehensions for his personal safety, as was evident from his car- 398 AFGHAN CUSTOM. riage and demeanour. On the evening of our ar rival the gun we had with us was discharged ; he was in camp, and became rauch terrified, and was re-assured only when informed that it was an Af ghin custom to fire a salute on encampment in a a new country. This chief, who had rendered him self in these countries of so much notoriety, and who had become the terror of the Hazarajat, was of middle stature, stout built, and from forty-five to fifty years of age. His countenance was forbidding, and his general bad aspect was increased by an awk wardness of his eyes ; in fact, he was near-sighted. He dressed meanly, but his horse was magnificently accoutred, and his saddle-cloth was of gold. For his services to Mahomed Morad Beg in procuring slaves, he had been styled Min Beghl, or the com raander of a thousand raen ; the fiattery of Miilla Shahibadin now elevated him into the Chirighadin, or the light or lamp of religion. We here learned that the superior chief of Deh Zanghi had nearly reached Baraian with five hundred horse, when hearing ofthe negotiations pending between the khin and Mahomed All Beg, he had returaed in disgust. The khan at this place assembled in his tent Mahoraed Ali Beg, Mir Yezdinbaksh, Mir Baz Ali, and the various Hazara chiefs, and exhorted them all to a reconciliation. Much debate ensued, and nu merous accusations and retorts passed on either side, but ultiraately a Koran was produced, and on it both parties swore forgetfulness of the past and PESHKASH OFFERINGS. 399 good-will for the future. During this scene the khin was much ruffled by the pertinacity of some of the Hazara chiefs. Mahomed All Beg after wards restored to liberty some ten or twelve Hazara slaves, as he said, on the khin's account. The khan's naib, Sadadin, who from the first had been the medium of his intercourse with Mir Yez danbaksh, and a party to the many oaths that had been passed between him and the khan, was now despatched with the mir to meet Shah Pessand, a Tatar chief on the Dasht Safed. With a small party of horse they proceeded, and were met on the Dasht by Shah Pessand, also slightly attended. The Tatar chief accepted as a present frora the naib his chapan of blue broad-cloth, and gave hira in retura his own, lined with fur : to the Hazara mir he presented three horses as peshkash, and he pro mised the next day to send his brother, accompanied by agents, on behalf of his allies, with horses as peshkash to the khin. The following day the brother of Shah Pessand, with agents of the Sirdar Saiyad Mahomed, Ferhad, and other Tatar chiefs, arrived in carap, bringing four or five horses as peshkash. The agent of Rahmatiilah Beg, the Tajik chief of Kahmerd, also joined, with three peshkash horses ; but it was known that Rahmatiilah had sent his eldest son to Ktindiiz for instructions how to act in the present conjuncture. The brother of Shah Pessand was the principal orator in the interview with the Khin. 400 ELOQUENCE OF THE KHAN. He said, that if it were required of them to acknow ledge Afghin supremacy, they could not do so, as they acknowledged that of Mir Mahomed Mo rad Beg ; who, content with their siraple acknow ledgraent, and their readiness to furnish komak, or an auxiliary force, when called upon, did not exact tribute frora them. That they would prefer dependency on the Afghins to that on the Uzbeks ; that the season for action this year was past, but that if the khin appeared in the field in spring, with a fair force, they would join him, and march with hira even to Ktindiiz. Under any circum stances, he positively affirmed, that they would not suffer the khin to enter their lands ; that they had numerous gardens ; and that if the khan ven tured to enter the Dasht Safed, he must prepare for an engagement. This language was but ill relished by the khan, who raade use of all his elo quence, alternately raenacing and soothing ; he even occasionally indulged in terms of abuse, — which he uttered, however, in Pashto, to his auditors unintelligible. They firmly adhered to their sentiments ; and the khan ultimately bestowed khelats on them, and dismissed them, vehemently swearing that he would put an end to the shuffling- tricks of the Tatars. The agent of Rahmatiilah Beg spoke much in the same strain as the Tatar agents, and observed, that his master had referred to Mahomed Morad Beg, and if he were willing RAHMATULAH BEG. 401 to relinquish his claims, the Kahmerd chief was ready to acknowledge those of the Afghins. The khan, while he vowed not to be satisfied with unmeaning pretexts, was very careful not to speak in ungracious terms of Rahmatiilah Beg, for whora he professed to entertain a most par ticular esteem, and regretted that he did not come to his camp and seek his friendship. The fact was, Rahmatiilah Beg had considerable wealth, which it was the khan's object to obtain, and this could only be done by securing his person ; on this account, even when in Bisiit, inveighing against Mahomed AH Beg, he had always spoken flatter ingly of Rahmatiilah Beg, under the idea that the conversation would be reported to him, and secure his confidence. This Rahmatiilah Beg is generally known by the name of Rahmatiilah Dlwina, or the madman. For a nuraber of years he has governed the small but luxuriant valley of Kahmerd, and frora his youth has passed his life in the enjoyments of wine and music. A man of strong natural sense, he has always contrived to command respect among his neighbours, while his inoffensive manners have disposed the most rigid of Mahomedan bigots to re gard with forgiving eye his festivities and illicit in dulgences. Many years since he had provoked the re sentment of the illustrious Killich AH Beg of Balkh, who entered Kahmerd with an array. Rahraattilah Beg on this occasion collected all his property, as VOL. II. ' 2d 402 MARRIAGE OF THE KHAN. shals, chapans, silks, kimkibs, broad-cloth, horse fur niture, weapons, &c., and exposing them to the view of the Uzbek chief, invited him to take what he pleased. Killich AH Beg took one shal and one piece of klmkab, a demonstration of friendship rather than of superiority, asserting for himself that he would ever hold his person, wealth, and authority inviolate, and as long as he lived cause others to respect them. He told him also to enjoy the plea sures of wine and music as he had been wont to do. The same indulgence he experiences from Ma horaed Morad Beg, who even, considering him a privileged being, himself supplies hira with strong drinks, when he may be his guest at Ktindiiz. One of the strange events which occurred during our stay at Seghan, was the marriage of the khin with the daughter of Mahoraed All Beg, which was solemnized the day after our arrival. The khin, attended only by a few of his peshkidmats and his musicians, repaired to the Seghan chief's castle, and Mtilla Shahabadin performed the nikah, or marriage cereraony. On the morning of the next day the khan returned to camp, and received a variety of congratulatory salutations, but it was plain he was in very ill humour ; he had been taken in : his new bride, whom he had expected to find remarkably beautiful, from the report of Mulla Shahabadin and others, and from the universally acknowledged personal charms of her mother, proved to be an ill-favoured, snub-nosed Hazara MISGIVINGS OF THE HAZARAS. 403 wench. Moreover, it was known to others, though probably not to the khin, that she was not the daughter of Mahomed Ali Beg, inasmuch as her mother had been married to a Hazara, whom Mi homed AH Beg slew, for the sake of obtaining his wife, whose fame for beauty was far spread. He received her pregnant into his family, and the fruit of her labour was the daughter now bestowed upon Haji Khan. At Seghan also arrived frora Ghazni two of the khan's brothers, Daoud Mahomed Khan and Khin Mahomed Khin. They brought about one hundred horse, and reported in high terras of satisfaction the attentions paid to them in Bisiit, particularly their reception at the castle of Mir Yezdanbaksh at Karzar. IntelUgence was now received of the arrival of the large gun at Bamian. I should before have noted, that on our march from Ghowch Khol to Kilii by the Kotal Siah Regh, the two guns, with the elephant, were despatched by the route of Ferai Kholm and Karzar. The sraaller gun reached us at Bamian, but the larger had broken down on the road, and from the delays and difficulties in repair ing the carriage, had only now reached Bamlin. It was but natural that the khan's alliance with Mahomed All Beg should excite suspicions among the Hazaras, and the first who manifested them was Mir Baz AH, next to Mir Yezdanbaksh the most considerable of them. He, alleging sickness, 2 D 2 404 MARCH TOWARDS DASHT SAFED. solicited his dismissal, which the khan granted, but angrily, teUing hira, not to present himself before him again with his salam, or bow of obe dience, and directing him to leave his son with a body of troops in camp. On the ensuing night Mir Baz Ali, his son, and about five hundred horse, silently decaraped, and the morning but discovered to the khan that the birds had flown, without showing the course of their flight. There were still about two thousand Hazara horse with us, under Mir Yezdinbaksh and the two young chiefs of Deh Zanghi. The khan having decided to advance upon the Dasht Safed, Rehimdad Khan, with one hundred horse, chiefly Jisilchls, was despatched, in con junction with Mahoraed AH Beg, to reduce the castles in Kahmerd. The khan probably expected to gain his objects by finesse and intimidation, as he positively enjoined Rehimdad Khan to avoid battle and the loss of men. The khin having assembled his Khaka troops in two parallel lines, the march commenced with the beating of nagaras. The Ghiilam Khana troops were in advance, and I this day accompanied them. We passed easterly down the valley, which a little below Killa Sir Sang narrows for some distance, and again expands, when we found several castles and kishliks, the largest of the forraer being Killa Khwoja. We had reached the foot of the Kotal Nil-patch, or the horse-shoe breaking pass, leading SALUTE OF ARTILLERY. 405 to the Dasht Saf(6d, and were preparing to ascend, when people, sent by the khan, called us back, and we found the halting-place was KUla Khwoja. The khan, before dismounting proceeded with a large party down the valley, which below the pa rallel of the kotal contracts into a defile, for the purpose of viewing the reraains of an ancient for tress called Killa Kafr, the infidel's fort. They were very iraposing, and from the bulk of the stones employed in their construction excited much wonder. At the extremity of this darra is a castle, whether ancient or raodern I know not, called Darband, a contraction of Dara-band, the band, or key of the valley ; and east of it is another, called Baianir. In this short raarch our route traced the northern side of the vale of Seg hin, and we passed a village of caves, with an ancient tower on the eminence, in which they were excavated. This evening we fired from our gun several rounds, as well to celebrate our arrival on new territory, as to let the Tatars know we had come. Killa Khwoja, with another castle, was garrisoned with the khan's troops, and the castle of a chief. Faquir Beg, who had been long obnox ious to Mahomed All Beg, and who was related to the Dasht Saf(6d chiefs, was ordered to be de molished. The wood found there was used as fuel by the army. Faquir Beg was despatched, with his family, to Bamian, the khin promising to pro vide for hira there. 406 HISTORY OF AMIR KHAN. The day after our arrival at Killa Khwoja snow fell ; and the khin invited me to take noon's re past with him in his kergha, or felt-covered tent. Here were present the khan, his niib Sadadin, MtiUa Jan Mihomed, Mir Yezdinbaksh, Mir Zaffer of Kilu, and myself. On my account the khin principally discoursed of Feringhis, and he astonished his Hazara guests by his accounts of their insaf, or equity. He related the history of Amir Khan (the freebooter of Tonk), and so curi ously, that I shall repeat the substance of it. " Amir Khin had one hundred and twenty thousand men, and was flying before twelve thousand Feringhis, when the latter sent to him, offering as much ar tillery as he needed and a crore of rupees, if he would but stand and give battle. Amir Khan re ceived artillery and a crore of rupees, gave battle, and was defeated, with the loss of twenty-seven thousand men. The Feringhis lost six thousand men. Amir Khin, reflecting on the diminished force of the Feringhis, again ventured to engage, and suffered defeat, with the loss of twelve thou sand men ; his opponents lost three thousand men. Amir Khan having still nearly eighty thousand men, judged it concerned his honour not to suf fer so small a force as three thousand to escape, and surrounded it ; but he found that in the night the Feringhis had eluded his vigilance, and learn ing that they had summoned another kimpti of twelve thousand men to their assistance, he shift- THE MOBA, OR CHOLERA. 407 ed his quarters to another part of the country. Ultimately, when the Feringhis concluded a treaty with him, knowing him to be an able, useful man, they gave hira an allowance of fifteen lakhs of ru pees for his haram, placing only one injunction upon him, that he was never to turn his eyes to wards the Afghans." The khin observed, that the Sirdar Mahomed Azem Khin, then living, upon hearing the terms of the treaty, placed his turban on the ground before him, and prayed to heaven that he might one day become the ghiilam (slave) of the Feringhis. The khan, in the course of this day's conversation reraarked, that the gross re venue of Kibal, Ghazni, Jelalabad, Bamian, and Bisiit, for the year past, 1831, 1832, was fifteen lakhs. Taghow, Dhost, and Khiiram, being rebel lious, not included. Mir Yezdanbaksh spoke very little, continually passing his beads between his fin gers, uttering indistinct ejaculations, with his eyes averted upwards. As usual with him, he sat bare headed. The moha, or cholera morbus, which de solated Kibal in 1827, being alluded to, the mir took occasion to state his disbelief in the remedies of physicians, and, observing that no one case of moha occurred in Bisiit, asked. What has disease to do with men who live upon barley-bread and butter-milk ? The khin cited the case of a portly old physician, who was vrith the camp that year in Ziirmat, and who one day in his tent affected to ridicule the moba, saying, if every one like me 408 BEAT TO ARMS. anointed his body with oil, he would have no rea son to fear the moba. With the words in his mouth, said the khin, he left my tent, and a very short time after I heard that the fat old gentle man with his oiled body was dead ! On the following day, in the afternoon, the na gara beat to arms ; the khan having determined upon raaking a reconnoissance on the Dasht Safed. Mir Yezdanbaksh accorapanied him, with about fifty horse only. The troops ascended the Kotal Nil-patch, rather long, but not difficult, and at the sumrait were in view three of the Tatar castles, with their gardens. The khin halted the Ghiilara Khana troops midway up the kotal, saying he did not . vrish to fatigue them. The Tatars soon descried the troops, and their horsemen issued from the castles and took position on the plain, but again re-en tered them. Persons therefrom were observed to send them back. The khan used his spyglass, and speculated on their numbers. During the few minutes he remained on the plain he once inquired, "Where is Mir Yezdinbaksh ? " and looking around, and observing hira to be attended by Daoud Ma homed Khan and his party, remarked " All is well ; he is arausing hiraself with Daoud Mahomed." The khan and troops rejoined the camp, it being yet daylight. On arrival he despatched Saiyad Mi homed Khan with personal communications for Mahomed Ali Beg at Kahmerd. In the morning the khan suramoned to his Ker- SEIZURE OF MIR YEZDANBAKSH. 409 gah his naib Sadadin and Mir Yezdinbaksh. They having arrived, he then sent for Mir Abbas, brother to Mir Yezdanbaksh, and others of his relatives, and officers, with the two chiefs of Deh Zanghl, who carae supposing Mir Yezdanbaksh required their attend ance, as they were told. The khin, when his bro ther Daoud Mahomed Khan entered the Kergah, followed by a large party of armed Afghans, angrily asked Mir Yezdinbaksh why he had thrown defeat among his troops, and occasioned a triumph to the Ta tars ? The mir, aware of his critical situation, said, "Khan, place me in front and see what I will do with the Tatars." The khin spoke abusively in Pash to, arose, and ordered the seizure of the mir and his attendants. This was effected without resistance, as those admitted within the Kergah were few, the others of the Hazaras sumraoned standing with out, and their detention was an easy matter. The nagara sounded iraraediately to arms, and Ghiilam Hakamzida was despatched to plunder the mir's tent. The khin having effected this coup, stood without his tent in a state of manifest surprise and anxiety. The presence of two thousand Hazara horse raight also give him uneasiness, but fortune, as if favouring his designs, had divided this force into three bodies, one with the mir and the Afghan camp, and the two others in villages of Samuches, north of the valley, which they had occupied on the fall of snow. The khin had no cause for apprehen sion from the Hazaras ; the poor fellows were para- 410 PURSUIT OF HAZARAS. lyzed by the seizure of their chiefs, and had no other thought but to provide each for his individual safety. The portion with the camp, mounting as soon as pos sible, some passed down the valley of Seghan, while others ascended the hills south of the valley, and made for Gandak. Those in the Samuches scram bled up the hills behind their position, which were absolutely impracticable to the Afghan horses, and some made for the Dasht Safed, while others tra versed the Dasht Ghazzak between Seghin and Kahmerd, and made for Yek Auleng. As soon as the seizure of Mir Yezdanbaksh was known the Khaka troops hastened to despoil the Hazaras, and obtained a great nuraber of horses, arms, and accoutrements. The pursuit of the fugitives was kept up principally by the attendants upon the horses, and such was the panic among the former that one of the latter would be seen retuming with two or even three horses, and as many swords and matchlocks. It was afflicting to behold the un fortunate Hazaras raade captives, and in the raidst of snow and inclement weather reduced to a state of nudity by their merciless tyrants; even the brothers and officers of Mir Yezdinbaksh were not spared, and the mir hiraself was the only person the khan judged fit, by peremptory order, to com mand to be respected as to clothing, and from his girdle the knife was taken by those who seized him. A son of Mir Mahomed Shah and nephew to Mir Yezdanbaksh, one of my hospitable enter- TENDER MERCIES OF AFGHANS. 411 tainers at Kerghti, as noted in my third march, was among the sufferers, and was dragged past me by three or four Afghans, who called him their pri soner, shivering, barefooted, and without any other covering than an old pair of perjamas (trowsers), which his despoilers, in their humanity, had be stowed upon him. I said, "Mir, what has hap pened to you?" He repUed, "Bad roz amed," or an unlucky day has come. He was taken be fore the khin, who, aware that his father, Mir Mahomed Shah, was inimical to his brother, Mir Yezdanbaksh, ordered clothing to be given to him, and his horses and arms, of some value, to be re turned. These orders were, in part, complied with, and the next day I found him only wanting a pair of shoes, with which I was able to supply him. The only precautionary measures taken by the khin on seizing the Hazara chiefs, were the despatch of his two brothers, Daoud Mahomed Khan and Khan Mahomed Khan, to the base of the Kotal Nil-patch, rather to anticipate a movement on the part of the Tatars than to prevent the flight of the Hazaras in that direction, and the sending a few horsemen to the Killa Sir Sang, to instruct the garrison of what had happened. It now became known that Saiyad Mahomed Khan, Paghmani, who had been coraraissioned the preceding night to Mahomed AH Beg with a verbal communica tion, was sent to announce the intended seizure of the Hazara chiefs on the next morning. The khin 412 HAJI khan's EXPLANATIONS. had also sent intimation of his designs to his agents at Baraian, and one of thera. Wall, a chillam-ber- dar, was employed to secure the persons of AUadad Khin Moghal, and others who were known to be of the party of Mir Yezdanbaksh. This he effected by suramoning them to the castle of Ak Robat, on the pretext that the khan had sent for them, and on their arrival he made them prisoners. Iraraediately after the seizure of Mir Yezdan baksh I joined the khan, standing without his ker gah, now become a prison. Naib Sadadin, his agent in all transactions with the mir, was astounded, and said, in Pashto, "Khin, se kawl?" or, khin, what have you done ? The khan replied, in Per sian, " Say nothing ; what is done, is done." After standing sorae tirae, and observing the departure of the Hazaras, he repaired to the tent of Mahomed Bigher Khin, Morad Khini, of the Ghtilam Khana troops. These men being Shias, and intimately connected with Mir Yezdanbaksh by political and reUgious ties, could not but be much incensed at the fiagrant act just coramitted. To them the khan sought to justify himself, by asserting, that the seizure of Mir Yezdanbaksh was a measure pressed upon hira by the Sirdar Dost Mahomed Khan when in Tagow ; that he had repeatedly written to him since he left Kabal to seize the mir ; that hitherto he had refrained frora doing so, nor would he now have obeyed these instruc tions had not Mir Yezdanbaksh treacherously con- CAPTIVES. 413 certed a plan with the Tatars, by which they were to engage the khan's troops in front, while he was to pillage the carap, and destroy those who remained in it. In confirmation of this charge he read a letter, that he asserted had been taken from a messenger sent by the mir to the Tatars. I was not present at the reading of this letter, which was, moreover, known to be a forgery, and written by Ghiilam Hakamzida at the khan's suggestion ; but the Ghtilam Khina officers after wards assured me that it was far from cleverly done, for there was nothing in it to warrant sus picion, even in the khin's mind. After reraaining with the Ghiilam Khina until after mid-day, orders to march were issued, and the troops, in order of battle, retrograded to their former position near Killa Sir Sang. The khin with his line marched first, after him the Ghiilam Khina horse, and behind them the captives, while Dioud Mahomed Khan and Khan Mahomed Khin brought up the rear. The prisoners were about twenty in number, and this day mounted on horses, their arms secured behind them by ropes at their elbow joints, while other ropes were fixed round their necks, with the ends hanging down to be taken hold of by the persons having immediate charge of, each of them. The unfortunate men were preceded by Mtilla Shahabadin and the khin's nephew. I saw Mir Yezdanbaksh when he left the kergah to mount his horse ; he raised his 414 THE khan's SUSPENSE. dejected head, cast a momentary look around, and again dropped it. I believe there were few in carap but commiserated his case ; to behold him who in the moming was the superior lord of Bisiit, who commanded a numerous force, and held arbi trary power over many thousand dependent human beings, in the space of an instant reduced to the powerless situation of a captive in bonds, would occasion feelings of consternation, as an exempli fication of the ordinary vicissitudes of life ; but when the mir's frank and generous character, the many serrices he had rendered the khan, and, above all, the perfidious circumstances of his seizure were considered, I believe there was not a bosom in the Afghin camp that glowed not with indig nation, and such as dared to express their feelings consigned to execration the contrivers and perpe trators of so infamous a deed. I came up on this march with the Ghtilam Khina troops; and Ma homed Jaffar Khan, Morad Khini, signiflcantly asked, " DidI ? " or, have you seen ? on replying affirmatively, he rejoined " By such perjuries and atrocities the Afghins have lost their political power and influence." During the past night I leamed that the Khika troops, by the khan's orders, had been under arms, and that he himself had sat up in his tent without taking sleep, his musicians, until near moming, playing and singing before him. When he dis missed these, he inquired if there were any move- THE MIR ENTREATED TO FLY. 415 ments araong the Hazaras, and observed to one of his peshkidmats, that if Mir Yezdinbaksh fly, " bakht," or fortune, is on his side ; if he remain until morn, it is on mine. It was subsequently ascertained that the Hazara chief, yielding to the unanimous and urgent en treaties of his followers to decamp, had ordered his horses to be saddled ; that he had left his tent, and actually placed one of his feet in the stirrup, preparing to mount, when he withdrew it, observ ing, that he was a Kohistini, or man of the hills, that he had attached himself to the khin by oaths, by which he was resolved to stand even were the consequences fatal to him. Having thus spoken, he returned to his tent, and the Hazaras, unsad dling their horses, retumed to their quarters. I must confess, I was confounded at the khin's procedure. I had never before witnessed the com mission of so flagrant an enormity ; and, aware of his secret designs, could not conceive why he preferred the alliance of Mahomed Ali Beg to that of so powerful a chief as Mir Yezdinbaksh. I could not for a moment credit the treacherous intentions imputed to the latter, who, had he been faithless or insincere, could easily have destroyed the khin and his army when on the frontiers of Biirjehgai. The surprise and sorrow of the khan's naib, Sadadin, was a convincing testimony also of the injustice of the charge fixed upon the mir. The letter produced by the khan was known to 416 INTENTIONS OF THE KHAN. be forged ; and on the mir's person at the time of seizure was found a letter addressed to his dependants at Karzar, directing thera to make all due preparations for the entertainment of the khin on his return ; and his nazir, Mir AH Khin, had been deputed to Kabal to purchase ten kharwars of rice for the festive occasion contemplated. It appeared to me also a heinous refinement of cruelty in keeping up good appearances with the mir until he had led hira into the country of his avowed and unprincipled enemy, and by his seizure there affording the Tijik chief a gratuitous tri umph, more galling to the generous mind of his victim than the loss of power and fortune. An accession of territory at the expense of the Tatar chiefs of the Dasht Safed, was evidently an object with the khin, and he may have expected that by the Hazara chief's infiuenee with them he might have been enabled to secure their persons, after which the confiscation of their estates was an easy matter. But, being baffled by the firm ness of the Tatar chiefs, and finding that Rahma tulah Beg of Kahmerd would not voluntarily sur render his country, and was too wary to place himself in his power, he, regardless of every tie of friendship and moral obligation, seized the mir, expecting to procure a large sum for his ransom, which might enable him to subsist his troops during the winter at Bamiin. Could I venture to fathom the original intentions of the khan, he JOINED BY MAHOMED ALI BEG. 417 had conteraplated to pass the winter at Kahmerd, where he would probably have subsisted his troops ; and whence, in concert with the Uzbek chief of Khiilm, decidedly hostile to Mahomed Morad Beg of Ktindiiz, he might have been enabled to have acted in a very different mode from that to which necessity afterwards compelled him. As it was, the obstinacy of Rahmatiilah Beg had foiled him, — he could not subsist at Seghin ; Mahomed All Beg had no property worth the seizure, and he had no resource but to retrograde to Bamian ; and the question was, how to subsist hiraself there. The revenue frora the soil of Baraian, with its districts, araounts to fifteen thousand kharwirs of grain, whether wheat, barley, or ratishiing (pea). This had been exhausted by previous receipts and requisitions while in Bisiit, and even at this place. The premature and unusually severe winter had also materially affected the year's produce, and heaps of untrodden wheat were yet lying rotting under snow. That the khan possessed eminent ability in meeting the exigencies of his situation may be conceived, although it was lamentable to reflect upon the unhallowed means employed. At Killa Sir Sang on the next day we were joined by Mahoraed AH Beg and Karra Ktill Khin, on the part of Rehimdad Khan. They reported the capture of four castles of Rahmatiilah Beg, who still held two, the raore important, and refused to wait upon the khan. A negotiation had been VOL. II. 2 E 418 THE KHAN'S TERMS. carried on with him, and it had been agreed, under the plausible pretext of preventing the effusion of Mtissulmani blood, to refer matters to Mir Ma homed Morid Beg. Rahmattilah's castles had not been taken without bloodshed; two or three men on the part of Rehimdad Khin had been slain, and several had been wounded. To attend upon these the khan despatched his surgeon to Kahmerd, giving him ten rupees. On this occasion Nasrti lah Khan, the chief of Ajer, was introduced to the khan, and proffered his submission. He was courteously received, and a khelat was bestowed on hira. He was a young man, of ordinary appear ance and capacity, and inherited from his fathers the hill fort of Ajer, some miles to the west of Kahmerd, with two dependent castles. The khan paid a visit to Mir Yezdinbaksh at this place, offering him terras, by acceding to which he should be released. These were, the payment of twenty thousand rupees, in money or value, the surrender of the castle of Karzar, and two or three others on the line of road from Bamian to Kabal, his engagement not to levy duty from kafilas, and the delivery of adequate hostages for the perform ance of his obligations. Mahomed Ali Beg unequivocally pressed upon the khin the necessity for the mir's execution, alleging, that if released neither one nor the other would be able to move in these countries. Ma homed Ali Beg had become proportionately con- METEORS. 419 fident on the seizure of his adversary, and he had probably turned to good account the dispersion of the Hazara force, and recompensed himself for the ten or twelve Hazara slaves he had formerly set at liberty. The route of many of the fiigitives must have been over the Dasht Ghazzak, between Kahmerd and Seghan, where he, informed of the intended act, would have been ready to intercept thera. Subsequently Mir Yezdanbaksh affirraed that three hundred and ten were raissing; but I know not whether this nuraber referred to the whole force or to that under his own orders. Many of these may have perished from cold, but the greater number were probably kidnapped. Mir Yezdanbaksh was still lodged in the khan's kergah, and the Hindiistini soldiers formed his guard. It was decided to retire to Bamlin. The khin had but three pairs of leg-irons with him, but his Tajik ally cheerfully furnished him with six other pairs from his own stores, and now Mir Yez dinbaksh and the principal captives had their feet bound in fetters. Melted lead was poured into the locks, which secured them, to effectually prevent their being opened. Another fall of snow occurred at Seghan; and one morning, a little before the break of day, the heavens displayed a beautiful appearance, from the descent of numberless of those raeteors called fall ing stars; some of the globes were of large size and of amazing brilliancy. They pervaded the whole 2e 2 420 RETURN TO BAMIAN. extent of the visible firmament, and continued to be discernible long after the light of day dawned. The phenomena, I afterwards found, were in like manner observed at Kabal, and I have since learned, on the banks of the Jal6m in the Panjab. Their appearance gave rise to rauch speculation in camp ; every one considered them portentous of some great event, which each felt at liberty to progriosticate after his own manner. We now started on our retura to Bamian. The khan preceded the troops, with a few followers, Miilla Shahibadan and the Khanzidas, Miilla Jan Mahomed, and myself We followed the valley until we arrived at the spot called Noh Regh, where we had before encamped. We now found it covered with snow, but it was determined to halt for the convenience of procuring supplies from the contiguous castles. At the point where the narrow valley expands into the open space of Noh R6gh the khan and Mtilla Jin Mihomed seated themselves on a rock overhanging the line of road ; and his purpose in marching before the troops was soon made evident. The metars, troopers, and indeed all who arrived, were stopped and examined as to their possession of Hazara property. The horses, weapons, &c. were taken account of by Mtilla Jin Mahomed and Miilla Shahibadan, with the names of the persons possessing them. The khin did not take the articles from the men, but observed, he should consult with his chiefs as to the disposal AK ROBAT. 421 of the spoil ; he was, perhaps, also willing, by an enumeration of the trophies, to estimate the extent of his dishonest and bloodless victory. I had taken position on the eminences east of the valley, which were free from snow, and as the troops successively airived observed with regret the unfortunate Mir Yezdanbaksh, with Mir Abbas his brother, the two Deh Zanghl chiefs, and other captives, approach, in charge of Dost Mahoraed Khan, the khan's brother, raanacled, and seated on pairs of chests, carried by yabiis (ponies). It becarae raanifest that the mir's doom was decided upon, for after exposing him to so much indignity release was out of the question. As the tents had not arrived, and snow covered the ground. Dost Mahomed Khan brought his prisoners near the spot where I was sitting, where they continued until the ground designed for the tents was cleared, when, a fire being kindled, the mir in fetters walked thither. He sat over the fire, warming his hands, apparently unconcerned, amid snow and severe cold, bare headed. We continued our march up the now more equal and open valley, and crossed the pass of Ak Robat, which, although covered with snow, did not impede us, and, fortunately, the wind was little more than perceptible. We traversed the valley of Ak Robat, and passing the slight kotal to the east, entered the inferior valley before noted, as containing chaman, which I now descended, having before seen the 422 AT BAMIAN. road to the right over the elevated country. We soon gained a narrow valley, which, after some distance, joins that stretching from Ak Robat, whose rivulet we had now with us. Our road was tolerably good, and as we descended the valley a considerable rivu let fell into it from the west, and again lower down received also from the west a still more considera ble stream ; these united waters form one of the branches of the Bamlin river, and flow through Stirkhdar. Just before reaching this place we passed a sraall grove of trees, a ziarat. From Stirkhdar we pushed forwards to Baraian, where we arrived before nightfall. The khan on arrival took up quarters at a castle, where on marching for Seghin he had left his wives brought from Kibal ; and myself, with Sirkerder Kamber, the physician Iddaittilah, and his son, pitched a tent in a hollow under its southern walls. The khan in formed the inhabitants of Bamian, assembled to greet his return, that if perfectly agreeable to them selves, he would be their guest for ten days, it being necessary to settle his affairs vrith Mir Yez danbaksh and others. 423 CHAPTER XVII. Imposition of fines. — Saiyadabdd. — AUadad Khan. — Evacuation of Saiyadabad. — Its solidity and dimensions. — Tradition. — Anti quity. — Repaured by Mirza Mahomed All.— Siege by KiUich All Beg. — Death of Mirza Mahomed All. — Independence of AUadad Khan. — The khan's piety. — Provender. — Quarters. — Letters of Mir Yezdanbaksh. — Release of Mahomed Gul. — His vows. — Plunder of party from Kabal Distress in camp. — Uneasiness of Ghulam Khana troops. — Despair of inhabitants at Bamian. — Orders for the execution of Mir Yezddnbaksh. — The mir informed of them. — His prayers His execution. — His firmness admired. — Message from Mahomed Morad Beg. — De parture of Ghulam Khana troops. — Their difficulties at Kdrzdr. — Terms of passage. — Loss of lives and accidents. — Arrivals from Kahmerd. — Mahomed Ali Beg's suggestion Advice of Lohani merchants The khan extorts money from them. — The khan's brothers obtain permission to depart. — Mine also received. —Departure from Bimian. — Uncertainty as to route. — Reach Ahinghar. — Kotal Shiiter Girdan. — Mori Difficult road. — Kalu. — Mihman Khdna. — My repulse. — Passage of rivulet. — Good quarters — Khan's letter. — Bridle purloined. — Topchi. — Shahghassi Omed. — Quarters. — Pleasant evening Bridle re stored. — Companions — March to Bitchilik. — Kotal of Irak. — Violent winds. — Castles of Irak. — Consternation of people. — Our reception. — Conduct of my companions. — -The khan's agent and his instructions — Robbery of a Hindu Intentions of my companions. — Their thefts. — Dexterity. — Detection Bubulik. — Desertion of guide. — Bitchilik. — Castle of Saiyad Shah Abbas. — Sh6kh Alis refuse a passage. — Proceed to Shibr. — Reception. — ^Farther thefts prevented. — Council. — Independence of Hazd ras. — Retum to Biibiiiak. — Regain Bamian. 424 FINES IMPOSED. The khin having been accepted as a guest by the good people of Bamlin, his first step was to settle the amount of jirira, or fine, on such indi viduals as were obnoxious to hira, that is, on such as had property that he might appropriate. The greater part of these had been made prisoners at Ak Robat, as before noted, through the dexterity of Wali, the chillam-berdar. The amount obtained by jirim was not less than thirty thousand rupees, although received in effects, as carpets, felts, wool lens, copper utensils, lead, and cattle of various kinds. Their connexion with Mir Yezdanbaksh was the crime imputed to them ; and the khan as sumed great credit to himself with most of them, for having re-directed them into the path of Islam, from which they had deviated by associating them selves with Shias and infidels. Another of the khan's immediate objects was to obtain possession of the castle of Saiyadabad, belonging to AUadad Khan, Moghal, who had laid up in it a vast quan tity of supplies. The Moghal was a prisoner, and. consented to pay his fine, but was unwilling to surrender his castle ; on which the khan sent for his elephant, and ordered him to be trampled under his feet. AUadad now craved for raercy, which, through the raediation of the Ghiilara Khana chiefs, was conceded. The following morning the inha bitants of the castle evacuated their dwelling, being permitted to carry away their grain and effects, excepting forage and fuel. The khin, with five or CASTLE OF SAIYADABAD. 425 six attendants, and myself, rode to survey the new acquisition. We crossed the river of Bamian, and skirting the southern face of the detached eminence, on which stands the ruined citadel of Ghiilghiileh, ascended a level space, on which is the castle of Saiyadabad. It was a dilapidated, but truly impos ing ancient castle, constructed of burnt bricks. We entered it by a modern gateway on the south ; the original entrance was an arched one to the west, of very large dimensions, which had been long since closed up. The walls were of immense solidity, while the burnt bricks employed in their structure were of surprising size. The apartments were ranged in lines with the walls, leaving a small area in the centre. Those of the ground-floor were twenty-five to thirty feet in height, and they had above them others equally lofty and capacious. The whole of them had been originally covered with domes, — a construction adopted in the old city of Ghiilghiileh, — .but these have nearly all yielded to the attacks of time, and at present the roofs are flat, and supported on rafters. West of the castle is a large walled enclosure, called the Serai, having on the west a line of domed buildings, but modern ; near them are the reraains of the old masjit belong ing to the castle, exhibiting the same style of solid architecture. In the enclosure is a well, also a re cent addition. The castle of Saiyadabad is called, in the traditions of the country, Killa Dokhtar, the daughter's castle, having been, as it is said, at 426 ANCIENT GHULGHULEH. the period of the reduction of Ghiilghiileh, the residence of a princess, the daughter of its sove reign, who married the besieging chief, and be trayed her father by disclosing the hidden channels through which water was conveyed to the citadel. The castle, without ascribing much credit to tra dition, was undoubtedly one of the most promi nent structures of the old city of Ghiilghuleh, but manifesting a Mahomedan origin, and probably built under the sway of the Caliphs. Ghiilghiileh, we know from authentic history was destroyed by Jenghiz Khin in 1220, A. v. and afforded some time a refuge to Jeliladan, the expelled Shih of Khwi- rizm. About two hundred yards from it, on the north-east, are other buildings referrible to the same era. It would appear to have reraained in an uninhabitable state until about thirty years since, when a governor of Bamian, Mirza Maho med Ali, affecting a kind of semi-independence, covered in the exposed dwellings, built the serai, and sank the well. In it he endured a twelve month's siege by Killich AH Beg of Balkh, who ultimately decaraped without effecting the reduc tion of the fortress. Since that time, or soon after, Mirza Mahomed AH retired to Zohik, which he intended to repair, and to place in a state of de fence, and there being proclairaed a traitor he was slain by the inhabitants of Biralan. Since the fall of the ralrza the castle of Saiyadabad had been held by AUadad Khan, Moghal, and he, confiding in the A TRUE MUSSULMAN. 427 strength of his walls, which cannot be destroyed by any means at coraraand of the govemors of Bamian, lived perfectly independent of them, refused to pay the usual third of the produce of his land, and even occasionally attacked his neighbours. He and his castle had now fallen beneath the ascendancy of Hiji Khan's stars, and after a survey of the build ing, its new possessor decided on occupying it him self, and sent orders for the expedition thither of his wives and followers. In the castle, where he had hitherto resided were left the Hazara pri soners, under the charge of his brother, Dost Ma homed Khan, and the HindiistanI soldiers. The khin repaired to a raodern masjit at the entrance of the castle, and, with a Korin in his hands, ira plored the favour of heaven on his new conquest. The ejection of about eighty families in the midst of winter, and depriving them of fuel, and proven der for their cattle, turning a deaf ear to the prayers of the aged women of the castle, who ap peared before hira, each with a Koran in her hands, exhorting him to look in the face of God, and be merciful, — were perhaps Mtissulmani actions ; but it was necessary in the midst of the perpetration of crime ' to preserve religious appearances, and to show his followers that whatever might be done from necessity, he was still a true and devout Mussulman. Within the castle were large quan tities of clover-hay, wheat-chaff, chelmer, and wood. Without the forraer the khin raight have been era- 428 AFFAIRS OF THE HAZARAJAT. harrassed as to the subsistence of his horses. I se lected an apartment on the ground-floor, which was large and convenient ; a stable was adjoining, and there were two or three recesses in it, full of chaff, wood, and chelmer, and I admitted no cora panions but the old physician Iddaittilah, and his son. The whole of the khan's horses were brought to Saiyadabad : the raost valuable were housed with in the castle, and the remainder were picketed in the adjacent serai. The khan's brothers, Daoud Ma homed Khan and Khin Mahomed Khin, had taken up quarters in the caves of Bamiin; the Khika troops had sheltered themselves in the several cas tles, and the Ghiilam Khana troops only remained encaraped in the snow. We shall now advert to the affairs of the Haza rajat. The seizure of Mir Yezdinbaksh had pro duced an universal sensation of indignation araong the Hazaras ; and Mir Baz AH had repaired to Kirzar to concert measures with his friends there for resist ance to Haji Khin. The letters of Mir Yezdan baksh to his adherents were unattended to, and the replies were full of terms of defiance to the khan. Whether the mir was sincere in wishing his letters to be coraplied with I know not ; he said he was ; and at his instance, seconded by the entreaties of Naib Sadadin, who, to do hira justice, was ever anxious to be serviceable to his unfortunate friend, Mahoraed Giil, one of his confidential servants and a prisoner, was released and despatched to Karzar, PARTY PLUNDERED. 429 that he might, by personal explanation, induce the people there to surrender the castle and the hos tages required, and procure the release of Mir Yezdinbaksh. The khan was not pleased to allow Mahomed Gill to depart, and" Mir Mahomed Shih, brother to Mir Yezdinbaksh, now, with the khan, protested against it. He however went, raaking a thousand vows of fidelity to the khin, and irapre- cating the vengeance of heaven on his head if he proved false. On arrival at Kirzar he but con firmed the assembled Hazaras in their determina tion to hold it. The winter seeming to allow no military operations to be carried on against Karzar, Mir Baz AH returned to his home, writ ing a letter, of ambiguous tendency, to the khin. The principal men at Kirzar were, Nazir Mir AH and one Kisim ; the former had been sent to Kabal to purchase rice, and articles for the entertainment of the khan on his expected return ; and the latter had been left at Karzar by the rair, to attend to the affairs of Bisiit during his absence. They were now joined by Mahomed Gtil. A party of four individuals from Kabal, three Kohistanis and one native of Kibal, driving asses laden with fruit, and articles to sell in camp, unconscious of what had happened at Seghan, fell into the power of the Hazaras near Karzar. The three Kohistanis, making resistance, were killed, and the Kaball was brought to the castle, where his life was spared, and he was set at liberty, but in a state of nudity. 430 DOOM OF MIR YEZDANBAKSH. As the communication between Kabal and Ba mian was now cut off, there were many reduced to much inconvenience and distress, and a good deal of discontent existed among such as did not like the khan entertain the idea of wintering at Bamiin. The Ghiilam Khana troops were very uneasy, and for some time past had been continually soliciting riiksat, or leave to depart ; but the khan had hitherto contrived to delay giving it. To their ordinary capacities the extraordinary measures of the khan were perfectly incomprehensible. Sur mises as to his ultimate intentions were also heard. The khan's brothers did not approve of his stay at Bamian. The natives of Bamian were nearly reduced to despair by the abstraction of their means of subsistence for the supply of the troops ; so awful a visitation had never before fallen on them. The mysterious and absolute khan was not to be resisted ; but they had a slender consolation in the refiection that no one had ever, with impunity, wantonly tyrannized over Bamian, under the pro tection of its twelve thousand walls (saints). Matters remained in this perplexed state until the eighth Rajab, when the khin repaired to the castle where Mir Yezdinbaksh was confined, and after a secret conference with his brothers, Daoud Mihomed Khan and Khin Mahomed Khan, or dered the execution of the mir, as he said, frora necessity. He inquired of Miilla Shahabadin if the destruction of Mir Yezdanbaksh was justifiable HIS LAST WORDS. 431 by the laws of the Koran ; who replied, that it was absolutely indispensable ; adding, that it was better that death should be inflicted by the hands of his own kinsmen. A peshkidmat Mahomed Khin repaired to the mir, and told him to rise, as he was wanted with out. The mir asked, if it was intended to kill him ? Mahomed Khan replied, that such were the orders. On which he immediately arose, and followed the messenger. He was led to the border of a canal of irrigation under the castle wall, where he sat down until the preparations were completed. He begged as a favour that his hands might be untied, that he might repeat two rikats of prayer. It was refused. He therefore, as a devotional act, was compelled to be satisfied with passing the beads of his tusblli, or rosary, between his fingers, and making low ejaculations. The preparations being slow, — a controversy having arisen among those con cerned whether a thin or thick rope was preferable, strangling having been the mode of death ordered, — the mir expressed his hope that he should not be made to suffer any lingering torment, and wished that with swords they would strike directly at his neck. A thick rope had been decided upon. The same peshkidraat asked the mir if he had anything to say. He looked around for a moment, and observed, " No ; what have I to say ? They must all follow me, " rah ara in ast," or, the road is this. The rope being fixed, the mir was led 432 HIS FIRMNESS. into the hollow south of the castle, and six kinsmen were stationed, three at each end of the rope » among these was his brother, Mir Abbas, and two sons of the Vakil Saifiilah. The forraer, being a prisoner, was corapelled to assist, and the two latter were afforded an opportunity to avenge the death of their father slain by the mir. His corpse was thrown across a yabti, and instantly despatched to Kirzar. Thus fell Mir Yezdinbaksh, a victira to Afghin perfidy and dissimulation. His firmness in meeting death was admired even by his executioners ; and it was observed that in lieu of evincing any signs of anxiety or dejection his countenance was more ruddy than usual. It was also discovered that he had been slain on an excellent day and time, as the raonth Rajab was the best of all raonths for a Miissulraan to die in, and the Roz Jiima the best of all days. The slaughter of their chief did not cause his adherents at Karzar iramediately to surrender the castles, as perhaps the khin had hoped; but soon afterwards letters arrived with arabiguous offers, which Mir Zaffer of Kalii pronounced false. Kar ra Kiill Khin, who had been despatched to Ktindiiz, now returned, bringing with him an agent of Ma homed Morad Beg, with a message to the follow ing purport. " If the khan be my elder in age, he is my father, if my equal, ray brother, and if ray younger, my son." The khan now resolved to despatch a formal embassy to Ktindiiz, and Ghulam UNEASINESS OF TROOPS. 433 Hakamzida was selected, and to him were given as offerings to the Uzbek chief most of the presents brought from Sind by Mulla Jan Mahomed. The Ghiilam Khina troops became claraorous for their riiksat, or dismissal ; they had no idea of finding themselves isolated among Uzbeks ; if they remained, a possible circumstance ; and at length, soraewhat angrily, the khan consented to their de parture. They were contented to brave the rigours of a wintry passage through Bisiit, and reckoned, by their influence with the Hazaras, on procuring a passage by the castle of Karzar. A kafila which had arrived from Bokhara placed themselves under their protection. The Rikas, at variance with the rest of the Ghtilam Khina troops, and being also Sunis, with Saiyad Mahomed Khan, PaghminI, re mained. The khin on dismissal of these troops gave them a barit, or order for three days' supplies, on Kalii. Many were desirous to accompany the Ghiilam Khana troops, but the khin cajoled them with the promise of going hiraself to Kabal in a few days, when the castle of Karzar should sur render. The Ghtilim Khana troops on reaching Kirzar were detained three days under its walls, and had to endure all the horrors of an unusually intense cold, rendered still more terrific and fatal by a powerful shamal wind, amid snow breast-high, and without fuel. The Hazaras assembled, and although a few shots were fired, no one suffered from thera. Mahomed Bagher Khin, Mahomed VOL. II. 2 F 434 THE COLD OF BISUT. Jaffar Khan, Mir All Khan, and two or three other chiefs, were only admitted within the castle, and at first were made prisoners for some hours, but finally an arrangement was concluded, by which ten tomans were given for a free passage, and hostages were delivered as pledges that no violence should be offered to the Hazara peasantry between Karzar and Sir Chishma. Moreover, all the horses, arms, accoutrements, and clothing, spoil of the Hazaras, which were easily recognised, were taken from all who had them in possession. The terms of this treaty complied with, the Ghiilam Khana troops proceeded through Bisiit, having no other anta gonist than the cold, itself a formidable one. Forty- five individuals of the party perished ; and of those who reached Kabal great numbers had to deplore the loss of toes and fingers, many of their hands and feet entirely. The destruction of cattle was also immense, and the camels particularly suffered. Rehimdad Khin, with Mahomed AH Beg, and the young chief of Ajer, about this time arrived from Kahmerd, a reference respecting that district having been made to Mahoraed Morad Beg. Ma homed All Beg strove to dissuade the khan from remaining the winter at Bimian, a purpose which he now avowed. With respect to Karzar he" ob served, that the khan did only half measures. On the seizure of Mir Yezdanbaksh he ought to have slain him, and sent a force in chapow upon the castle. As it was, he suggested that the iiliis force LOHANI MERCHANTS. 435 of Bamlin should be called out, scaling ladders prepared, and volunteered, in conjunction with Re himdad Khan, to reduce the fortress by assault. These measures were not adopted. Another kafila arrived from Bokhara; with it were two or three Lohani merchants. These had sufficient penetration to conjecture the khan's de signs, and recommended him, in course of conver sation, not to return to Kabal, where he would be degraded, but to repair to Ktinduz, where his honours would be increased. Two or three days after the khan confined those merchants, demand ing from them the loan of one thousand tillahs (gold coin) of Bokhara. They refused, and fasted a day or two, vowing they would starve themselves to death ; the craving of hunger becoming intolerable, they tendered five hundred tillahs, which the khan accepted, and released thera. The tillah of Bok hara is in value about seven rupees of Kibal, so that the khan profited by the raerchants three thou sand five hundred rupees. Daoud Mahomed Khin, the khin's brother, had for some time been at Irak, where he had occupied the castle, and confiscated the property of Saiyad Shah Mahomed, one of the individuals on whom a fine of three thousand rupees had been imposed. He now came to Bamian, and with his brother. Khan Mahomed Khin, signified to the khan that they should proceed to Kibal. He used every argu ment to dissuade them, but ineffectually, and they 2 F 2 436 PERMISSION TO DEPART. told him that they were servants of Dost Mahomed Khan, and not of himself. Riiksat was therefore given to them and to the Rikas, and Saiyad Ma homed Khin, Paghmani, with many others, to ac company them'. I had long been very much dis tressed, and refrained from accompanying the Ghtilam Khana troops, only because they proceeded a little against the khin's pleasure, but now that his brothers had obtained riiksat, I asked mine, which was of course granted. The khin proraised to place me under protection of his brothers, but did not, and as they had left Bamlin I followed them, accompanied by one Barkat, a young raan of the BaUa Hissar Kibal, who had two horses to convey thither, and who engaged for a trifling sum to attend me and my horse on the road, and to place ray luggage on one of his horses, so that I and ray animal might be unencumbered. My ob ject was now to reach Kibal, but how or by what road no one knew ; the two brothers of the khan, and Saiyad Mahomed Khin, Paghmani, had vowed not to return to Baraian — but it still remained to decide in what mode to reach Kabal. As Afghans, they could not expect so easily as the Ghulam Khina troops, to pass the castle of Kirzar ; how ever, there seemed a general resolution, if com pelled thereto, to force a passage by the castle, and to fight their way through BIs6t. On the other hand, Saiyad Mahomed Khin, Paghmani, who is believed to be what is called a Siichah Saiyad, TOPCHI. 437 or, one whose pedigree is undoubted, and who has influence with sorae of the Shekh AH chiefs, hoped by the assistance of Saiyad Shah Abbas, residing at Bitchilik, near Shibr, the Pir of the Shekh AHs, to procure by negotiation or purchase a passiage through their territories. At the time of my leav ing Bamian it was understood that Khan Ma homed Khin was at Ahinghar, at the mouth of the valley of Topchi, Daoud Mahomed Khin at Irik, and Saiyad Mahomed Khin at Bitchilik. We proceeded down the valley of Bamian to the commencement of the valley of Topchi, where are two castles called Ahinghar, as before noted, which we found occupied by the troops of Khan Mahoraed Khan, and others. As we started late from Saiyada bad, so it was dark before we arrived here, and, as quarters were out of the question, I was obliged to pass the night in my postln on the ground, and although the cold was severe suffered no incon venience. . About an hour after dayUght many of the troops were in motion, but the horses of Khan Mahomed Khin were not yet saddled. I however joined the promiscuous group proceeding, Barkat being to follow. We passed up the valley of Topchi, and ascended the Kotal Haft Pailan, but in place of making the summit inclined to the left, or east, and gained the crest of the Kotal Shiitar Girdin, the descent of which is less considerable. Naturally steep and precipitous, it was now very troublesome 438 DEFILE OF MORI. from the frozen snow, although the passage had been improved by the exertions of the Hazaras of Kilii. It became absolutely necessary to dis mount, and with all our precautions numbers of horses lost their footing. The descent brought us into the defile of Mori, stretching from north to south, where was a castle, deserted by its inha bitants, and the entrance blocked up with stones. Here was a plantation of small trees, and a water- mill. On the rocks on the eastern side were con siderable ancient remains, constructed of burnt bricks, and remarkable for neatness and solidity. Our course up the valley was long and difficult, and we had several times to cross and recross the half frozen rivulet. The road generally led over precipices, and many of the animals slipped down them, but, thanks to heaven, my little nag was sure and firm-footed, and passed all the dangerous spots with impunity. It was still day when we reached Kilii, and passing under the castles occupied by Mir Zaffer and his relations, on eminences now on our right, came opposite to a kishlak on the other side of the rivulet, which had a rural bridge thrown over it. The kishlak was occupied by Shaktir Khan, Terln, with his horse Jisilchls. I waited until near dark for the arrival of Barkat, who not ap pearing, I was obliged to seek for quarters for the night. Shaktir Khan hearing of me, gave me into the hands of a brother of Mir Zaffer, enjoin- HOUSE OF GUESTS. 439 ing him, if he valued the khan's good-will, to take charge of rae. The mir conducted me to his castle, and directed one of his people to conduct me to the Mihman Khina (house of guests), adjacent to it. This I found full of men and horses, the party of Saifadin, the khan's Shahghassi, and brother to his naib, Sadadin. They were not willing to re ceive an intruder, and expressed themselves in terras of little decency or civility. I believe, how ever, they did not recognise me, and I did not take the trouble to make myself known. I now returned to the castle gate, and had reconciled myself to pass the night under its wall, when two horsemen arrived, inquiring where Shaktir Khin had taken up quarters. Seeing me, they told me to come with them, and we descended towards the kishlik. On reaching the intervening stream our horses, on account of the darkness, were fearful of committing themselves to it, and I believe we must have spent above an hour in unavailing beating, kicking, and goading, before we finally succeeded in making them cross it. Shaktir Khin regaled me with a good supper, and provided barley and chaff for my horse. Throughout the night a splendid fire was kept up, maintained, however, at the expense of the implements of husbandry belonging to the Hazaras. We were yet sitting when Mir Zaffer's brother arrived, and showed a letter from the khan, commanding the return of all the troops to Bamian. 440 ARRIVAL AT TOPCHI. Having no alternative but to return, Shaktir Khan's party saddled their horses, and one of the men did the sarae for rae, when it was found that my bridle and one of the saddle-girths had been purloined. Shaktir Khin exhorted his men to produce the articles, and a saiyad of the party stood on the roof of a house and denounced the vengeance of the Prophet on whoever had taken the property of a stranger guest, but to no purpose — and I was corapelled to proceed without having in my hand a guide or check to my horse. The good little animal did not allow me to suffer from the deficiency. We returned by the road we had come, and in progress I fell in with Barkat. On arrival at Topchi we proceeded to the first of the castles, where, every house being occupied, we were compelled to select a spot for the night under the walls. Here I found ShahghissI Omed of the khan's establishment, who interested himself to procure me a lodging. Adjacent to the castle was a house in which Din Mahomed, a Jiianshir merchant, with his son, had taken quarters. The ShahghissI, first civilly requested, and, on their demurring, insisted on their receiving me as a companion. They con sented, and I in return declined to avail myself of what seeraed to be considered a favour. Their servants came and entreated rae to join their mas ter, on which I went, and had a comfortable posi tion assigned me. Din Mahomed was a tea- drinker, and was suffering great privation, having exhausted BRIDLE RESTORED. 441 his stock of the delectable herb. I had it in my power to give him a small supply, which put him in very good humour, and we passed a pleasant evening, enlivened by the presence of our landlady, a pretty lively young Tijik wife. Shahghassi Omed perceiving my want of a bridle, produced a Hazara one not worth a dinar, which he said a friend of his was willing to sell for a rupee. I knew that the worthless bridle was his own, but considering he deserved a rupee for his attentions the preceding evening I purchased it. Just as I was going to mount, a man of Shaktir Khan's party came up and returned my own bridle, which it was feared to retain, supposing that I was returning to Bamlin, and might acquaint the khan with my loss. There was a small party of four, foot Jisilchls, now mounted indeed on horses, Hazara spoil, a portion of those under command of Jtima Khin, Ytisef Zai, and who when at Kibal do duty at the Derwazza Shih Shehid of the BaUa Hissar. These men claimed me as an acquaintance, and attached theraselves to me, as did three other men of Koh Daman, Jisilchls also, but on foot. Saiyad Mahoraed Khan, Paghmani, I have before noted, had proceeded to Bitchilik, and reports reached us that his negotiations with the Shekh AH Hazaras had succeeded. We therefore determined to pro ceed and join him. We passed down the valley of Topchi, and on reaching that of Bamiin turned to our right, or east, and after no very great 442 VIOLENT WINDS. distance passing a castle to the left, arrived under the ancient remains called the castle of Zohak, and crossing the rivulet of Kilii, which at this point falls into the river of Bamian, ascended the hills opposite to Zohak, the passage over which is called the Kotal of Irik. The road was good, and the ascent gradual, and the summit of the pass was a large table space, remarkable at all times for wind. We had hitherto tra versed ground slightly covered with snow. The surface of the table space was, however, clear, the violence of the wind having dispersed whatever snow had fallen on it. On this day walking and leading ray horse, the better to resist the cold, I was scarcely able to stand against the wind, which blew frora the south. The north-westers are said to be terrible in power at this spot. The table space surmounted, the descent of the kotal com menced, which only at first a little steep, led us into a stony valley for a few hundred yards, when the open vale of Irak was entered. We halted at the first castle that occurred : there were others in front, and to our right, or south, one of the latter belonging to Shah Mahomed Saiyad, who had been condemned in fine. About six castles were only in sight, but we were told that there were others in contiguous valleys, considered as belonging to Irak, which formed an aggregate of twenty inhabit ed castles. The plain was nearly free from snow, and the cultivated lands were considerable ; a small INSTALLED A KHAN. 443 rivulet irrigated the valley, flowing from the south to the north, and on it were many water-mills. Opposite to us, in the rocks north of the valley, were many caves, occupied by the kifila from Bokhara, as the castles were by the soldiery. The inhabitants of Irak beheld with consternation the ingress of so great a multitude, and were at a loss how to furnish supplies, which, of course, were imperiously demanded. In the castle in which we had sheltered ourselves, our party of nine persons, and six horses, were lodged in an apart ment on the ground-floor; in other apartments was a Hakamzada of Peshawer, with a party of twenty, all mounted. The rish safed, or father of the family occupying the castle, through neces sity consented to provide chaff for the horses of his guests, but he was thrown into great anxiety by the arrival of a large herd of camels, the drivers of which bivouacked behind the castle walls, and laid hands on the old man's dried clover, as well as chaff. My companions installed me their khin, the better to practise their impositions on the Hazaras, a part they judged me corapetent to per sonate, being arrayed in garments of British chintz, and somewhat more respectably mounted than themselves ; indeed, as the rish safed observed, the khin's horse was the only one that had not been plundered from the Hazaras. I was com pelled to witness, without the power of prevention, much insolence, presumption, and oppression; all 444 PLUNDER DETERMINED ON. I could do was to conduct myself orderly, arid to accept nothing without giving an equivalent. I was, fortunately, provided with a small supply of giir, or coarse sugar in balls, the only saccharine sub stance to be procured at Baralin, with a few other articles prized by Hazaras ; and by raaking sraall presents, which were gratifying to the receivers, I soon became a favourite. The next day, no precise intelligence having been received by Saiyad Mahomed Khin, Paghraanl, and my companions holding good quarters, they deter mined to halt, as did the Hikamzada. In the course of the day the khin's agent at Irik, Pihin dah Khan, arrived, and told the rish safed that he was at liberty to eject his intruding guests, who were a set of vagabonds, roving about the country, contrary to the khan's orders, and that the. khan had positively forbidden that any one should sell, or give to them a handful of chaff or barley. The rish safed observed that on my account, who was a Mtissulman among the whole, he was contented to give lodging for the night, and chaff for the horses, but prayed that he might be relieved from the presence of the caraels, that were devouring, as he expressed it, his entrails. In the apartment allotted to us was a kandiir, or mud vessel of capacity, the raouth of which, as well as the sides, was plastered over ; by sounding with their fingers my companions found it to be full, and they de termined to open it during the night, and evacuate HAZARAS fLUNDERED. 445 a portion of the contents. A large bag of grain was also destined to similar treatment. During the day a Hindii from the kafila had come to the castle with a trinket, which he wished to sell or exchange for necessaries. One of the Jisilchls happened to be at the gateway, and took the trinket from the Hindii, under pretence of effect ing its disposal ; he came with it and secreted himself in a sheep-crib at the extreraity of the apartraent, and eluded all search that the Hindii and Hazaras of the castle raade for him, while his comrades were highly indignant that one of their party should be suspected of dishonesty. Two of the three foot Jisilchls of Koh Daman were nlmazzls, or prayer-sayers, and one of them, after repeating Nimaz Sham, or evening prayer, called for a mekh tavlla, or iron horse pin, avowing, with out shame, that he was a balit, or adept at such nefarious work. He sounded the kandiir in various parts with the instrument, selecting the head as the spot to open ; the operation to be postponed until midnight. Ultimately, when it was supposed that the Hazaras were at repose, the unhallowed despoilers arose, lighted the lamp, and first re paired to the bag, which they opened by cutting the threads with which it was sewed, and abstracted a quantity of grain. Being prorided with large sewing-needles and thread, they resewed the bag. Between our apartment and that in which the Hazaras of the castle slept there was no inter- 446 THEFT DISCOVERED. vening separation, both being as it were one apart ment, one portion lying round to the right, the other to the left of the common entrance from without ; hence it became a necessary but delicate matter so to manage the lamp that its light should not be seen by the Hazaras, and this was dexter ously managed by the assistance of a chapan, or cloak. The kandiir was then assailed, and a quantity of, I believe, grain extracted. The aper ture made was next cemented over with moist clay, previously prepared, and the stolen property se curely deposited in the saddle-bags of the parties. They extinguished the lamp and again went to rest. My companions by times saddled their horses and prepared to start, wishing to precede the dis covery of the night's theft. One of the Hazara youths, however, examined the bag of grain, and exclaimed that it had been opened ; the good rish safed enjoined silence on him, obserring, what had been done could not be helped, and addressing the Jisilchls, conjured them to behave with propriety in Shibr, where they would not find the people to be sags, or dogs ; that it behoved them not to throw obloquy on the Padshah, whose ser vants they were ; and he commended them to the Divine protection. He warmly pressed my hands when I mounted, and invoked on my head a variety of blessings, as did the other inhabitants of the cas tle. We crossed the rivulet in front of the castle, BUBULAK. 447 and turning to the north passed through a defile into a small vale, where were two or three castles, the water accompanying us ; this conducted us into another, more spacious, and inclined to the north east, where were four or five castles and two or three kishlaks, with several caves, and the reraains of ancient buildings on the rocks. There are also two or three ziarats, and numerous small groves of trees. The valley was perfectly free from snow, as were in great measure the adjacent hills. It was evidently a favoured spot, and the soil was so ex cellent that I found tobacco was among its pro ducts. It was called Biibiiiak. Its rivulet joined that of Irak in the valley we had quitted, and both augment the river of Bamlin. Ascending the val ley of Biibiiiak, we passed a spring, which on issu ing frora the rocks was sensibly warra. Above this point the valley contracts, and we began to have snow beneath our feet, the quantity increasing as we ascended. We arrived where a defile, radiated to the east, which a guide we had with us told us led to Shibr ; but our party, which was this day in cora pany with the Hakamzida, resolving to proceed to Bitchilik, we kept straight up the valley we were in. Our guide here wished to leave us, but the Hakamzida would not suffer him, when, a very little farther on, he took the start of us, we being embar rassed by snow and ice, and either hiding hiraself or passing over the rocks, was lost to us. As we pro ceeded up the valley it became a mere defile, and 448 EMBLEM OF POWER. we were grievously incommoded by the accumu lated snow and ice. A rivulet in it, now nearly icebound, proved a serious obstacle to our progress. Eventually clearing it, we found ourselves at the southern extremity of the vale of Bitchilik, which was open, but covered with snow. The vale ex tended from north to south, and passing some eight or ten castles and kishlaks, we arrived at the castle of Saiyad Shah Abbas, at its northern extremity, and at the base of the kotal leading into the Shekh All districts. On one of the towers of the castle was a pole, surmounted by a hand of metal, the emblem of the saiyad's power and character. We found that Saiyad Mahomed Khan, Paghmani, was within the castle ; to which none of us were admitted, and Din Mahomed, the Jiianshir merchant, was at the Mih- min Khana, under the walls. We learned that the Shekh Ali Hazaras had refused to grant a passage through their territory, and menaced no longer to reverence Saiyad Shih Abbas as their pir, who seemed desirous to introduce the Afghans among them. They said, if a passage were granted, that the Afghins would the following year enter the country with guns, and corapel thera to pay tribute. The saiyad's brother had been first despatched, and on his return the saiyad himself had repaired to the Hazaras, but it was hardly to be expected that he would be more successful in his mission. Our ar rival was said to be unfortunate, and calculated to frustrate the negotiation, and we were recommend- THEFTS PREVENTED. 449 ed to proceed to Shibr, which lay only a little to the south, a slight kotal intervening. We therefore crossed the kotal, which was not long, and rather a passage qver an undulating high land than a pass, and came into the southern extremity of the vale of Shibr ; ascended the vale, passing several castles and kishliks to the right and left ; and at the head of it the Hakamzida and his party were pro vided with quarters, and we were taken up a val ley extending to the south, where were several castles, among which our party was distributed, the men on foot at one castle, and the horsemen in two castles. The people were willing to con sider us as guests, and to provide us with food and our horses with provender, and they made a magnificent fire, continually heaping on it fresh fuel. We were regaled with a supper of fine wheaten cakes and kriit. My companions having turned their eyes around the apartment, to disco ver if there was anything to purloin, and there being in it two or three kandiirs, to prevent a repetition of the scene of the preceding night I took an opportunity of going outside, and calling the rish safed, cautioned him to make two of his young men sleep in our apartment; which step being adopted, baffled the furtively inclined. We sat up late this evening, some young Hazaras from the other castles having corae on my account. Little presents won all hearts, and the donation of two or three sheets of paper to the son of the rish VOL. II. 2 G 450 HAZARA INDEPENDENCE. safed, wlio was a raiilla, or able to read and write, wonderfully delighted him, as it did the old gentle man his father. Our landlords in the morning, although they in tiraated the expediency of our departure, had the hospitality first to provide us with breakfast, and to feed our cattle. One of the Jisilchls had pro ceeded to the castle below, where the Hikamzi- da had passed the night, to inquire of him how to act, as we were now situated. He replied, that if we thought we should not be ejected, it would be as well to reraain, otherwise there was no al ternative but to shift quarters. On return of the messenger a council of war was held by my com panions, and it was decided that a removal was expedient and necessary ; both as an ejection was to be apprehended, and there was a probability that the Hazaras of Shekh All would be seen crowning the summit of the kotal, it being un derstood that fifteen hundred of them had assem bled on the other side on hearing of the advance of the Afghins to Shibr. The Hazaras of Shibr were more independent and fearless than those of the other districts we had visited. They said, in course of conversation, that they were raiyats of the Afghins rather from a desire to live peaceably than from necessity. The Afghans, they observed, might talk of their padshah, but they had none ; Dost Mahoraed Khan of Kabal was not a padshah, but a liitmar, or robber. We RETURN TO BUBULAK. 451 mounted and descended the vale of Shibr which terminated in a narrow defile ; which again opened into another valley stretching frora north to south, and to the left, or south, were sorae five or six castles. Soon after we entered the valley which led us to Biibiilik, where we took up quarters at a kishlik, which proved to be but one house, very spacious and convenient. Our presence was not altogether acceptable to the owners, two brothers, and one of them went to prefer a complaint to the khan's agent, residing at Biibiilik. This raan came, and after soothing the Hazaras, told my companions to get as much out of them as they could for the night, but to depart in the morning. They needed not this encouragement to assurae importance ; and ourselves and horses were provided with food gra tuitously. In the morning, having first breakfasted, raount ed, and passing successively the valley of Irik and its kotal, we descended into the valley of Bamian. A little beyond Zohak was a castle, where my com panions would fain have passed the night, but there were no others than females and children in it, the males having been sent with Rehimdad Khin and Mahomed Ali Beg to Karzar. The women weeping, and showing much anxiety, I continued my course, and was followed by the others of the party ; and urging my horse, reached Bamian while it was yet day. I found that the khin had removed 2 G 2 452 REGAIN BAMIAN. from the castle of Saiyadabad to that before the colossal statues, in which he formerly resided, and where Mir Yezdanbaksh had been slain. Before reaching it, I was met by my corapanion Sirkerder Karaber, who led rae to his quarters. 453 CHAPTER XVIII. Proposal of the Hazdras. — Surrender of Karzar. — Proceedings of the khan's brothers. — Introduction of Saiyad Shah Abbas.— Fine imposed. — Destruction of his castle. — Fresh departure from Bdmian. — Accident on the road. — Indifference of horsemen. — The khan's conference with Jehanddd Khan. — Arrival at Kalu. — Khan Mahomed Khan. — His quarters. — Distressed Hazaras. — Hajikak. — Castle of Karzar. — Unpleasant situation. — Castles. — Admittance refused. — Vain assault. — Final arrangeraent. — Good quarters. — River Helmand. — Yiirt. — Honai. — Castles of Ismael Khan. — Violence and altercation. — Robbery . — Ad mission to castle. — Apology and repast. — Terrific wind — Its effects. — Enter viUage. — Reception. — Halt. — Progress to Kabal. — Arrival. We now learned that the Hazaras of Karzar had despatched letters to the khin, offering to surrender the castles, if assured of indemnity for the past by the guarantees of Rehimdad Khan and Mahomed AH Beg. It was singular to observe these men reduced to the necessity of seeking protection from their avowed enemies, and how fortune seemed to favour the khin's designs, by his adversaries volun tarily coraing forward and relieving hira from a state of embarrassraent. Rehimdad Khin and Ma homed All Beg had been iraraediately despatched to Karzar, and ere they reached it it was found 454 DIVORCE BY STONES. that Nazir Mir Ali and Kasim Khin were on the road to Bamiin to pay their respects to the khan. They arrived, and were courteously received, the khan telling Nazir Mir Ali that he had a better opinion of him for having held out the castle, than he would have had had he surrendered it on hearing of his mir's death. Tidings of the occupation of the castles of Kirzar now reached, and the road to Kabal became open. The khan's two brothers, Daoud Mahomed Khan and Khan Mihoined Khan, had before, with Saiyad Mahomed Khan, Paghmani, taken oaths that they would not return to Bamiin, and had each thrown three stones on the ground, vowing they would have no farther connexion with the khan, agreeably to an Afghin custom, called " Sang talik," or divorce by stones. Daoud Mahomed Khan, in observance ofhis oath, was at Irak, and Khan Mahomed Khin, with like scruples, occupied Some caves below Ba mian. Saiyad Mahoraed Khan failing in his nego tiations with the Sh^kh All Hazaras for a passage, returaed without hesitation to Bamian; as an Afghin, considering oaths trivial matters, or, as a saiyad, looking upon himself privileged to disregard them. He brought also with him the sons and brothers of Saiyad Shah Abbas of Bitchilik, and introduced them to the khan's acquaintance, which subsequently became so intimate that the khin imposed a fine of five thousand rupees on the sai yad, who procuring a letter frora the sirdar of START FROM BAMIAN. 455 Kabal in his favour, the khan first pillaged and then demolished his castle, writing tb the sirdar that his letter" unfortunately had come too late. The saiyad, exaggerating, possibly, estimated his loss of property at twenty thousand rupees. The khan visited his brother. Khan Mahoraed Khin, in the caves, and much urged hira to remain at Bamian. The latter was inflexible, and raany high words passed, and it was finally agreed that each should no longer consider the other as a brother, and written documents to that effect were interchanged. But it was all a farce : Khin Mahomed Khan's departure was concerted ; and if the khan's designs were Uable to suspicion by the sirdar of Kabal, it was necessary that the loyalty of Khan Mahomed should not be suspected. Daoud Mahomed Khan had consented to remain. I now made arrange ments to accompany Khin Mahomed Khin. It being understood that Khan Mahomed Khin would pass the night at Topchi, I was in no great hurry to start from Bamian, and remained there until midday. The khin himself took horse, and had proceeded to Ahinghar for the purpose, as was supposed, of conferring with his brothers. Dioud Mahomed Khin, I knew, had been sumnioned from Irak. I now followed hira alone, a young- man of Kabal, who had engaged to attend my horse on the road, being to join at Topchi. Pass ed down the valley of Bamian ; and at some dis tance beyond the castle of Amir Mahomed Tajik, 456 ACCIDENT ON THE ROAD. where the road borders on a precipice, was assailed by the cries of two youths, cutting ghaz-bushes in the valley of the river beneath. They were too distant to be intelligibly heard, but I found that they directed my attention to something below the precipice. Discovering, after some trouble, a path down into the bed of the valley, I found lying in agony, and with countenances pale as death, Saiyad Abdiilah and his son, noticed as being in raates of the Sandtik Khana tent in the Bisiit expedition. They had obtained permission from the khan to return to Kabal, and he had given to them one of the running camels brought frora Sind, which carried both, and, mounted on this animal, they had left Bamiin to join Khan Ma homed Khin. The carael at this dangerous spot had slipped, or trod falsely, and precipitated hira self and riders frora a height of seventy or eighty feet. The animal was killed on the spot ; the men were still living : nor did I know the extent of the injury they had received. Two horsemen joined us, and I wished the saiyad and his son to be conveyed to the Tijik's castle behind, but this was refused, the horsemen asking, when had Tijiks become Miissulmins ? As I could not carry them rayself, all to be done was, to collect their effects and place them under their heads. On reaching Ahinghar, I found the khan sitting on an eminence south of the castles, in conversation with Daoud Mahomed Khin, his naib Sadadin, ARRIVAL AT KALU. 457 Mtilla Jin Mahoraed the envoy from Sind, and Jehandad Khin, a Khika ; the two latter proceed ing to Kibal. I joined the group ; and although the discourse was in Pashto, was able to compre hend the general drift. The khin, adverting to the probability of Dost Mahomed Khin's displea sure, or suspicions, desired Jehandid to represent to him the important services rendered, with which, if satisfied, well ; if not, turning to the castles in view, he said, Here I have castles, villages, and gardens, and can content myself Daoud Maho med Khan smiled, and observed, he feared the sirdar would say that Haji had taken to his " ikbal tagghl," or^ his own peculiar mode of humbugging. The khan, on rising, gave me in charge to Miilla Jan Mahomed and Jehandad Khan, urging their attention to me on the road, and instructing them to tell Khan Mahomed Khan not to suffer me to incur any expense to Kibal. In company with my new companions, We passed Topchi, when I found our destination was KaM. We crossed the Kotal Shutar Girdan, and de scended into the valley of Mori, when yet a glim mering of light remained. As we ascended it darkness set in, and although the road wap intri cate and dangerous, and some of the animals some times slipped,, we reached Kalii in safety. We repaired to the castle of Mir Zaffer's brother, who took us to the mihrain khana, where again was Shihghissl Saifadin and his party. They were 458 QUARTERS OF KHAN MAHOMED KHAN. unwilling, as before, to receive me, but admitted my companions, who made me over to a Hazara, telling him to conduct me to Khan Mahomed Khan. I was taken to a castle a little north, and introduced to Khan Mahomed Khan, sitting by a cheerful fire in a spacious room, with some one lying by his side hidden under bed-clothes. He was excessively angry with M6lla Jan Ma homed for having turned me adrift at so unsea sonable an hour, and said, that but for his female companion — the hidden thing under the bed-clothes proved to be a Hazara kaniz, or slave-girl — I should have shared his apartment. As it was I was fur nished with sujiper, and then provided with lodg ing in another apartment, where were four or five horses. Although so late, chaff and barley were produced for my horse, by a brother or son of Mir Zaffer. I may observe, that as we traced the valley of Mori we met a number of men, women, and children, Hazaras of Kalii, who had been compelled to abandon their dwellings to the Afghin soldiery, and with weepings and lamenta tions, were proceeding, I presume, to the caves at Mori. Early in the morning our horses were saddled, and understanding the night was to be passed at Girdan Diwal, I proceeded, falling in with such horsemen as first advanced, without comraunicating with Khin M'ahomed Khan. As we traced the vale of Kalii the snow began to lie heavy on the SIAH SANG. 459 soil, increasing in quantity as we neared the Kotal or pass of Hijikak. The ascent of the kotal was coraparatively easy, and the road, if free from snow, is probably good : the descent is rauch raore steep, and was now very troublesome. At the base of the kotal on this side was a castle to the left, called Hajikak. We now entered the valley of Karzar, and our road was strewed with the ske letons of the animals that had perished during the march of the Ghiilam Khina troops. After some distance we reached the two castles of Karzar, one seated left of the rivulet, and the other, that built by Mir Yezdanbaksh, right of it, and on the line of the road. The latter was garrisoned by Afghans, and the former by Mahomed AH Beg and his Se- ghanchls. From Karzar the valley widens a lit tle, and afterwards expands at a place called Seh Killa (the three castles), where were, indeed, the number indicated of inhabited castles, and two or three ruinous ones. Hence the valley again contracts until we reach Siah Sang (the black rock), where Mir Yezdanbaksh slew the Vakil Saifiilah, the mur derer of his father, who himself was also slain here. At this spot it is connected with another, turning to the right, which we followed. We raarched until dark, and I had the mortification to learn that Khan Mahomed Khin had remained at Kirzar. I was, therefore, in a manner alone, and left to my own exertions and the favour of heaven. The horsemen in front of me had i^roceeded until no vestige of a 460 MAHOMED HASSAN KHAN. path was discernible, and as it was night they were in much perplexity. We had, without knowing it, arrived at the spot where the valley of Siah Sang opens into that of the Helmand river. After much search a path was reported, leading up the emi nences on our right : this was pursued, and brought us on a table space, which we traversed, in hopes of finding sorae inhabited spot. We came upon two castles, the inmates of which manned the walls, and loudly protested against our halting. The whole body of horse collected around the second castle, and as snow was falling, and our situation was becoming very desperate, sorae of the most belligerent of the party called upon their companions, styling them the victors of Seghin and Kahmerd, and exclaimed, it would be disgraceful if they could not compel the Hazaras to adrait thera. The gates of the castle were assailed by axes and stones, but in vain, when the owner offered, if his guests quietly took up quarters under the walls, to provide them with fuel and chaff ; but he peremptorily affirmed that none should be ad mitted within the castle. These terms were accepted. It was soon discovered that the two castles belonged to two brothers, Mahomed Shaffi Khin and Ma homed Hassan Khan, Talishes, and not Haziras. The latter was present, the former at Kabal. My con dition was not rauch improved, having no one that I could claim as a companion, and no one willing to admit me as such. In this dilemma I addressed myself to Mahomed Hassan Khan, who was now MIR AFZIL. 461 busy among the men in promoting their arrange ments. He instantly took ray hand, and put it into that of one his servants, telling him to take me and my horse to the farther castle. Here I was comfortably lodged, had a good supper, and the sons of my landlords passed a good part of the night with me in chit-chat. I found the name of the place was Tabtir, and that it was part of the dis trict of Girdan Diwal. In the moraing we retraced the road to the junc tion of the valley of Siah Sang with that of the Hel mand river, which we crossed, the stream flowing under ice. On the erainences to our left were two or three castles and kishliks, and in front of thera were sitting nurabers of Hazaras, with their fire locks, not, as I imagine, for the purpose of annoying us, but of securing themselves from interruption. Frora the Helmand we ascended the valley, leading southerly for some distance, and then another, stretching easterly, which finished in an ascent rather than a kotal, which brought us on the plain of Yirt, of some extent. Here were three castles visible, rauch to the left of the road ; the nearest one, of superior construction, was that of Mir Afzil. Frora Yiirt another ascent, or slight kotal, brought us into the plain of Kirghii, at the base of the Kotal Honai. The passage of this kotal was diffi cult, and there were few traces of a road. However, we succeeded in crossing it, and descended into the valley of Honai, it being stiU daylight. Many took 462 ROBBER. up quarters at Killa Vazir, the castle of Ziilfakar Khan ; others, with myself, proceeded. On reaching the castle of Mastapha Khan entrance was refused, and we went on until we reached the castles at the opening of Sir Chishma, belonging to Ismael Khan Mervl. It was now night, and admittance alike refused. The heroes of Kahmerd and Se ghan again had recourse to ineffectual menace and violence; the walls of the castles were manried, and sorae shots, probably blank ones, fired from them. The party at length contented themselves with a large stable and masjit without the walls. I here saw no reraedy but passing the night on the ground, and the best place I could find was under the gateway of the castle. My postln was wet on the outside, as a good deal of snow had fallen during the day, but I had a large excellent nam- raad, or felt, fastened behind my saddle, which I now trusted would avail me, but on rising from the ground, where I had been sitting, with my horse's bridle in my hands, I found it had been cut away. While uttering fruitless denunciations against the robber, a voice from within the castle whispered to me, that if I sat a little while till the Afghins were settled I should be admitted. These were glad tidings, and the promise was fulfilled; the gates were opened, and myself and horse dragged in. I was led to a warra apartment, where was a sandalli, and thrusting my legs under it, was as comfortable as I could be. KINDNESS OF ISMAEL KHAN'S LADIES. 463 In the raorning an excellent breakfast of stewed fowl was provided, it having been discovered that I was a Feringhi, and not a Telinghl, as had been at first supposed; and sorae of the ladies of Israael Khan, who proved to be in the castle, sent an apo logy for having lodged me the night with grooms. This was unnecessary ; I was too grateful for the shelter afforded to quarrel with the corapany I found myself in, and desiring my thanks to be con veyed, mounted and left the castle. There arose a terrific south wind, which carried the drifting snow before it. I had never in my life witnessed any thing so violent, and until now had never formed a just conception of the effects of a wind-terapest during winter in these regions. I bore up, how ever, against it, successively passing through the districts of Sir Chishma, Tirkhana, and Jellez, when my powers yielded, and I found myself be coming insensible. Fortunately, at this critical mo ment a village was a little right of the road, to which I turned my horse, who also had become faint. Crossed the stream of the valley by a bridge, and entered the village on its bank. Threw myself from the horse, and entered, without ceremony, the first house with open door. The master, who saw how things stood, recommended rae to the masjit, engaging to take care of my horse. I replied, my good man, I ara a Feringhi, and what have I to do with the masjit. On which he instantly led me into an upper apartment, occupied by a brother. 464 RETURN TO KABAL. There was a sandalli ; my boots were puUed off, and my feet examined, which had suffered ^no injury. My new host, seeing a good Hazara barrak bound round my waist, offered to receive it in lieu of other remuneration, and to kill a sheep in the evening. I gave it to them on condition, that if the wind con tinued on the morrow they should not tum me out of doors. My right eye had been affected by the snow, and becarae very painful towards night ; after trying a variety of experiments, the pain yielded to the application of -pressure. On the morrow, the wind continuing with un abated violence, I halted at Zemanni, agreeably to engagement. My landlords here were men engaged in petty traffic with the districts of Seghan, Kah merd, the Dasht Saf6d, &c. They affirmed, that they were at a castle on the Dasht Safed when Hiji Khan made his reconnoissance, and that had he advanced the Tatars would have fled. , From Zemanni, the wind having ceased, I started for Kibal, and arrived before sunset. My Arme nian friends were rejoiced to see me again, and for getting the perils of- the road and the rigours of Bimlin, I passed in their society a pleasant even ing, which, by their calculation, was that of Christ mas-day. END OF THE SECOND VOLUME. ,^ \. \ y London: \ " ^ A^r Printed by S. & J. 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