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THE RISE OF SOUTH AFRICA

THE RISE OF SOUTH AFRICA
A History of the Origin of South African
Colonisation and of its Development towards
the East from the Earliest Times to 1857.
By SIR G. E. CORY, D.Litt.
In Six Volumes. With Maps, Plans and
Illustrations.
Vol. I. From the Earliest Times to
1820 26s.
Vol. II. From 1820-1834 26s.
Vol. III. From 1834-1838 26s.
Vol. IV. From 1838-1846 26s.
Vol. V. From 1 847-1 853 26s.
Vol. VI. In Preparation.

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THE RISE OF
SOUTH AFRICA
A HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN OF SOUTH AFRICAN
COLONISATION AND OF ITS DEVELOPMENT
TOWARDS THE EAST FROM THE
EARLIEST TIMES TO 1857

BY
SIR GEO. E. CORY, M.A., D.Lirr.
KING'S COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE
PROFESSOR EMERITUS, RHODES UNIVERSITY COLLEGE,
GRAHAMSTOWN, SOUTH AFRICA
FELLOW OF THE ROYAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY
LONDON

IN SIX VOLUMES
Vol. V

WITH MAPS, PLANS, AND ILLUSTRATIONS

LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
LONDON NEW YORK :: TORONTO
1930

V. 5"
LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO. Ltd.
39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON, E.C. 4
6 OLD COURT HOUSE STREET, CALCUTTA
53 NICOL ROAD, BOMBAY
36A MOUNT ROAD, MADRAS
LONGMANS, GREEN AND CO.
55 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK
221 EAST 20TH STREET, CHICAGO
TREMONT TEMPLE, BOSTON
I28-I32 UNIVERSITY AVENUE, TORONTO

Made in Great Britain

CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
CHAPTER I
The Reign of Sir Henry Pottinger
Career of Sir Henry Pottinger — His attitude towards the political questions
of the Colony — -Earl Grey's instructions — The new relations with the
Kaffirs — The arrival of the Governor — He leaves for the East — The
petition from the East — Its failure — The Port Elizabeth address —
His arrival in Grahamstown — His sympathy with the colonists —
Sandilli's declaration — Re developments in Kaffirland — East London
— Difficulties, want of men and money — Calls for volunteers — The con
duct of Major Eld — The Kat River people called out — Abuses on
public expenditure — The Governor's famous despatch, No. 154 —
The state of the Kat River Settlement — The cost of maintaining it —
The Governor's investigation into the public expenditure and its
abuse — Rev. H. Calderwood and Col. Johnstone make inquiries —
Captain Stretch— His concern for the native levies — The hostility
of Pottinger towards him — The Fingo levy — The Tarka levy — The
dishonesty of Mintel — Dismissal of " that man Stretch " — The
Governor carries his investigations further — He regards all as dis
honest—The alleged bogus levies — Pottinger claims authority over
the commander of the forces on financial matters — Sir George Berkeley
replies — Mr. Burgas appointed compensation commissioner — Earl
Grey 'refuses any compensation — Marauding continues — Doubtful
attitude of the Kaffir chiefs — -The Governor makes his headquarters
at Peddie — Burghers will not enlist, nor will the Hottentots — The
Governor's prospective Kaffirland policy — A port at the mouth of the
Buffalo — East London — -The wrecks at the mouth of the Buffalo —
Pottinger annuls all treaties — The Burghers refuse to act beyond
_ the month — Kaffir police — The Kaffir attack at Need's camp — The
¦" theft of the fourteen goats — The resulting skirmish — Sandilli en-
f^ deavours to make peace — But Mr. Calderwood will not hear of it —
¦<r" Messengers sent to Sandilli — He is declared a rebel, and action is to be
— ' taken against him — The troops move to the Amatola — Sandilli
wishes to surrender — Capt. Bisset goes to him in the bush — Suggestion
of treachery on the part of Capt. Bisset. Sandilli is sent to Grahams-
w* town — The Governor considers Capt. Bisset's action unfortunate —
f Col. Somerset's action— The pursuit after Pato — The affair at the
*i Chechaba — Pato escapes — The Kaffirs murder the five officers — Sir
— George Berkeley goes cattle-hunting among the Gcalekas — Pato
<J* takes refuge in Kreli's country — Col. Somerset's action beyond the
*•* Kei — Pato surrenders — Cost of the war — The Kaffir Police a success
^ —Fort Hare - - page 1
J- CHAPTER II
f~i East versus West
Move for separation of East from West — Sir H. E. F. Young appointed
Lieut.-Governor — His arrival in Grahamstown and Fort Peddie —

vi CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
Separate government for the East wanted — Sir H. Young threatens
Chief Justice Menzies with dismissal — Judges not bound to send
reports of cases to the Lieut.-Governor — Sir H. Pottinger disagrees
with Sir H. Young on his supposed right to interfere with the Judges—
What was the position and authority of the Lieut.-Governor ? — Sir
H. Pottinger gives his views — The petitions from Uitenhage and
Albany — Public meetings on the question of separate government —
Justification for separate government in the East — The iniquities
of the Central Road Board — The Fort Beaufort report — Comparison
of trade and shipping of the East with the West — Departure of Sir
H. Young — Sir H. Pottinger leaves the Colony — The Natal natives
crowd on the Dutch farms — Pretorius goes as delegate to Pottinger —
Pretorius' letter — His second letter — The Governor refuses to see
Pretorius — Pretorius returns in anger, meets his people fleeing from
Natal— Sir Harry Smith visits the Natal Boers— Trouble on the
Klip River, Natal — A. T. Spies settles there — Panda gives permission
— The Klip River Government — West communicates with Panda,
Panda's shifty conduct — The conduct of the Boers — The mission of
Archbell to the Boers — The statement of A. T. Spies — Becomes an
officer of Panda — The violence of de Jager — Mr. Bird goes to survey
the farms, but the Boers will not allow it — Lieut. -Governor's notice
respecting the lands — The mission of Mr. Harding — Establishment
of Klip Paver magistracy — Mr. J. N. Boshof appointed magistrate-
Spies' manifesto — Zikali's message — The plight of the Boers — Sir
H. Smith dissuades the Boers against trekking — Sir H. Pottinger
leaves the Colony - - page 59
CHAPTER III
The Establishment of British Kaffraria
Sir Harry Smith arrives in the Colony. His heroic career — The tumultuous
joy on his arrival — Goes to Port Elizabeth and meets Maqomo.
Thence to Grahamstown — His reply to the address — Sandilli is set free
— The Governor extends the boundaries of the Colony, and annuls
Kaffir treaties — He meets the Kaffirs at King William's Town — Pro
claims British Kaffraria — The chiefs have to kiss his feet and acclaim
him Inkosi Inkulu — The town of Alice — Mr. Calderwood appointed
Civil Commissioner — Establishment of the district of Victoria —
Establishment of East London — Fort Glamorgan, and other posts —
King William's Town headquarters — Earl Grey disapproves of the
expenditure — The great meeting of January 7th, 1848 — Sir H. Smith
blows up the waggon — Visits the present Orange Free State —
Meets Adam Kok — Meets the Boers and proposes British rule for
the Sovereignty — Visits Winburg, meets Moshesh — Lays the founda
tion stone of the church — Sir H. Smith meets the Boers in Natal —
Pretorius' letter to M. West — Pretorius disapproves of the declara
tion of the Sovereignty — The proclamation of February 3rd, 1848—
The Attorney-General's opinion on the annexation — The dissent of the
Privy Council — The Governor in Pietermaritzburg and the proclama
tion of February 10th — The Governor returns to Cape Town — The
murder of John Stanley — Capt. Dawson robbed on the highway
by Kaffirs — Hermanus is a scourge in the Fort Beaufort district —
Mr. T. H. Bowker inspects the Blinkwater — Illicit gun trade with the
Basutos — The attempt to form a militia a failure — Discharged
soldiers to be settled on the lands — Proposals for the establishment of
military villages — Woburn, Auckland and Juanasberg — Capt.
Armytage's account of the military villages — He selects the site
for Woburn ; the village established, but soon abandoned — Signs
of Kaffir disapproval — The settlers unjustly accused of desecrating
Tyali's grave — Kaffir police force formed - - - page 98

V vii
CHAPTER IV
The Sovereignty Rebellion
Pretorius incites the people to resist the British Government — Tries to
intimidate Zikali — Tries to enlist Panda on his side — The meeting
at Winburg — The action of W. J. Jacobs — The meeting at Potchef-
stroom — Opposition to Pretorius as Commandant-General — Difference
of opinion regarding the Sovereignty — Sir Harry Smith's manifesto —
The effect of the manifesto was two-fold — The action of Snyman —
Matters quieten down — The proclamation of March 8th — The three
districts and their officers — a simple administration — The magistrate,
Mr. Biddulph, arrives at Winburg — Mr. O'Reilly founds Smithfield —
But as that site was not satisfactory, Riet Poort was chosen — The
Basutos object — Jacobs resists Biddulph assuming the magistracy —
Jacobs' letter to Biddulph, who escapes to Bloemfontein for pro
tection — Pretorius refuses to allow the Government officials to act.
The action of Michael Quigley — Major Warden pursued by the Boers.
The attempt to arrest him — Mr. Rex goes to the Boer camp — Is
escorted to Bloemfontein — Pretorius' manifesto — His move to Bloem
fontein ; his notice to Warden to quit Bloemfontein — He leaves —
Smithfield also abandoned — Pretorius is master of the country —
Pretorius' answer to Sir Harry Smith's proclamation of March 29th —
£1,000 reward for Pretorius and £500 for Jacobs — and soldiers to
march to the Sovereignty — The forces meet at the Orange River —
Pretorius sends message to the Governor, who treats him as a rebel
— Smith's final notice to the Boers — The troops cross the river —
The march up the country — Boomplaats : Sergeant Darling's account.
— The force reaches Bloemfontein — The shooting of Quigley and
Dreyer — The Queen's Fort is built — Opposition to Pretorius — The
Governor moves to Winburg and creates the Vaal River district —
He holds another public meeting in Winburg, when all present
approve of his measures — He goes to Smithfield — All approve of
what he has done — The natives object to the land boundaries —
Aliwal North founded — Triumphal tour through the Eastern Province
— Question of East versus West is raised — The Governor is against
separation — Holds another meeting of Kaffir Chiefs — The fines
imposed in the Sovereignty— R. Southey is Commissioner — The
ruse of Moshesh — The tribes in Basutoland and their quarrels —
Matters complicated by the entrance of the Boers — Boundary troubles.
page 134
CHAPTER V
The Convict Agitation
The calm before the storm — First attempt at a Cape penal settlement in
1841 — Lord Stanley's scheme of 1842 — Scheme of convicts for Table
Bay breakwater — Difficulties on account of increase of criminals —
The new reformative convict scheme — The Cape to be one of the
reformative places — Strange correspondence of Earl Grey — The
Order in Council of September 4th, 1848 : 250 convicts to go from
Bermuda to the Cape — The Neptune leaves Woolwich for Bermuda —
John Mitchel. Excitement at the Cape begins — several petitions go to
England — Further alarm and action in Cape Town — The public
meeting of April 5th, and the Pledge — Alarm spreads throughout
the country — Shoals of petitions — Epitome of the petitions — English
men to be looked upon as convicts — Public meeting at the Kat River-
Result of the speeches — Sir H. Smith becoming an object of public
odium ; finds himself in a very awkward position — He appeals to Grey
for a reversal of his decision — The two villains of New South Wales —

CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
The Anti-Convict Association— Mr. Adderley's action— The intimida
tion by the Anti-Convict Association — Excitement at the announce
ment in the Legislative Council — Subscriptions to send the ship
away_The monster meeting of July 4th — Petition to the Governor
to disallow the landing of convicts. — The Governor's answer — Earl
Grey accused of deceit and dishonourable conduct— The vacancies
in the Legislative Council — Mr. Letterstedt's account of the treat
ment accorded to him. His property damaged— The action of William
Cock, who defies the Association — Mr. Cock and legs of mutton-
All government officials now under the ban — The cases of de Wet and
Morkel and de Villiers— The Vigilance Committee — The Neptune arrives
—Increased excitement — Mr. Ebden's defiant letter to the Governor.
The Governor remains firm — The Moderates object to the action of
the ultras — Mr. Ebden resigns — Mr. Fairbairn tightens the Pledge
regulations— Mr. Fairbairn's house attacked — Earl Grey attempts
conciliation— The colony not to be a penal settlement — The convicts
are supplied with provisions — The death of Dr. Deas — Commodore
Wyvill assists them and comes " under the Pledge." — Capt. Robert
Stanford comes to the rescue — The case of Laubser — Many now
defy the Anti-Convict Association — J. B. Ebden comes under the
Pledge — The extraordinary proceedings in the law case of Letterstedt
 Mr. Justice Musgrave protests — Subscriptions to reimburse those
who have lost through the Pledge — Arrival of despatches from Earl
Grey, who was unaware of the trouble he had caused — Apologises —
Orders the Neptune to Van Diemen's Land — He censures Sir Harry
Smith but makes amends — The Anti-Convict Association comes to
an end - PaSe l8°

CHAPTER VI
Representative Government for Cape Colony
The beginning of the Council of Advice — The petitions of 1827 and 1830— A
Legislative Council created. But it did not satisfy the public —
The big meeting, of August 24th, 1841, and the two petitions — Lord
Stanley's opposition — Earl Grey takes the opposite view ; is in
favour of what the petitioners ask — Sir Harry Smith deals with the
question — Seeks the advice of the high Government officials —
East versus West — Mr. Porter not sympathetic towards the East —
Cape Town to be the centre of all things — Mr. Porter's suggested
House of Assembly — Mr. Montagu's opinions — Mr. Rivers' views —
Mr. Justice Menzies' opinions : he condemns the Legislative Council
Mr. Justice Musgrave agrees — Chief Justice Wylde agrees with the
Attorney-General — Mr. Porter's draft constitution — Earl Grey
refuses any further assistance in Kaffir wars — The complaints against
the Council — The draft constitution before the Council for Trade
and Foreign Plantations — The Letters Patent of May 23rd, 1850 —
Sir H. Smith's difficulty in having no Legislative Council — He leaves
the choice of members of the Legislative Council to the public —
Reserves the right to choose five — The first four and Mr. Godlonton,
the twelfth chosen — The first meeting of the new Council not a
happy one — Mr. Godlonton's selection opposed — The hostile action
of Sir Andries Stockenstrom — The Council proceeds " to other
business." — Personality versus possessions — The Attorney-General's
motion that the election has been in order — Electioneering
tricks — September 20th, Stockenstrom refuses to deal with
anything but the Constitution — The four leave the Council —
The eleven reasons for dissent, the twelve reasons for assent — The
remaining members form a Legislative Council — Cape Town Munici
pality take a prominent part in the troubles — The sixteen Sections —

V ix
Suspicious electioneering tactics — Public opinion on the four resigna
tions — Mr. Fairbairn leaves for England — Stockenstrom's acrid
letter to the Secretary of State — His vile letter to the Governor —
Chief Justice not to be President of the Upper House — The £25
franchise — Earl Grey disapproves of the Governor's procedure —
The Additional Instructions — Sir Andries Stockenstrom goes to London
— Mr. C. B. Adderley takes up the case — The difficulty of the delegates
to find a grievance — They attack the Additional Instructions — The
negotiations with Lord John Russell — The delegates take legal advice
on the Additional Instructions — Stockenstrom's parting shot to
Lord John Russell — The delegates return to the Cape — The Council
is reconstructed by the inclusion of four other gentlemen — The
action of the Cape Town Municipality — The Kaffir War interferes
with these matters — Earl Grey is favouring removal of Government
to the East — Sir H. Smith now in favour of it — Separation more and
more rampant — Difference of opinion of the high officials — Post
ponement of further consideration of Representative Government —
Fear of the £25 franchise — The change in the Home Government.
Unaccountable delays — Mr. Montagu blamed — The Town House in
Cape Town has been busy — The Ordinance passes its second and
third readings ; is sent to England — Mr. Montagu retires, goes to
England, and dies — Further agitation on the part of the Cape Town
House — Proposed postponement of the ratification — Great anger
and discontent — The Legislative Council accused of being an illegal
body with no right to disburse public money — The opinion of
the South African College — Grahamstown approves of postponement
— A change of Government in England causes matters to be hastened,
and the Ordinance is ratified — The first General Election — Registra
tion of voters — The Legislative Council comes to an end — Their
last meeting — Election of members for the new Legislative Council —
The House of Assembly election— The first Parliament is summoned —
The ceremonies of administration of the oaths — First Parliament
opened on July ist, 1854 — Lieut.-Governor Darling's consolatory
speech ------- page 229

CHAPTER VII
Outbreak of the Kaffir War of 1850-53
Happy State of Kaffirland — Presents to natives — Unprecedented peace
in the Colony — Growing discontent of Kaffir Chiefs — Rumours of
the "Prophet" — Umlanjeni and his father Kala — Attempts to
arrest them — Umlanjeni's influence increases — Desertion of Kaffir
servants — C. Coetzee is warned by bis servants — Increasing alarm
in the Colony — Sandilli instigates Pato, but Pato intends to remain
loyal — The Commissioners meet the Chiefs — Mr. Brownlee meets the
Gaikas — Sir Harry Smith leaves Cape Town for the East — He meets
the Chiefs at King William's Town — Sandilli does not attend — The
Governor's message to him — Sandilli refuses to meet the Governor —
He is deposed, and Mr. Brownlee is put in his place — The Chiefs approve
of the Governor's action — The Governor visits the Frontier towns on
his return to Cape Town — He approves of a Rural Police — The theft of
the four oxen and the action of Qwarana — The Gaikas ready for war —
Pato declares for the Government — The Governor returns to British
Kaffraria — Again meets the Chiefs — £500 reward offered for Sandilli —
Sir H. Smith at Fort Cox — The Boomah Pass affair — Col. Armytage's
account — The massacre at Woburn — The massacre at Auckland — The
adventure of McCabe — Affairs at the Chumie Mission Station — The
flight of Stevenson — The escape of Snodgrass — Other refugees arrive
at the Chumie — The terrible experiences of the Nivens page 290

x CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
CHAPTER VIII
The Hottentot Rebellion
The Governor a prisoner in Fort Cox — He declares Martial Law, and orders
civilians to take up arms — Seeks assistance from Natal — Col. Somerset
to act as Commander-in-Chief — The Kaffirs attack a force on its
way from Fort Hare to Fort Cox — A friendly Kaffir delivers the
documents— The Kaffirs attack the Line Drift Post — Hermanus
joins the Kaffirs — The murder of Winterberg farmers — The Hottentots
joining Hermanus — Alarm in the Colony — State of Grahamstown —
Sir H. Smith escapes from Fort Cox — Col. Somerset becomes
Major-General — Calls out the burghers ; reasons for their apathy in
complying — The Dutch cannot be induced to move — Recruiting
in the West is satisfactory— The disloyalty of the Hottentots-
Defection in the Kat River — Its history and favourable notices of it in
its early days — Reasons for its failure — Services of the Hottentots in
the former wars — Biddulph's bad report of the Kat River Settlement
— Its contiguity to Kaffirland harmful — Alleged seditious preaching
by the Missionaries — Kat River people refuse to enrol for service —
Hermanus and his nest of robbers — A commission of investigation
visits the place : their report — Hermanus commences action— Rev. Van
Rooyen does his best to stay proceedings — The attacks on isolated
farms — The case of Mrs. Booth ; also of Mr. Gilbert — Somerset's
proclamation of pardon of Jan. 3rd — The attack on Fort Beaufort
of January 7th, 1851 — Hermanus is killed, and his dead body is on
exhibition — The rebels chased to their haunt at the Blinkwater —
William Uithaalder becomes the new leader ; his forces increase —
The actions of the Missionaries — The Kaffir attack on Fort Hare —
January 22nd, the rebel Hottentots congregate at Fort Armstrong
The flight to Philipton and Whittlesea — The Pringles attack Olivier's
camp — The behaviour of Andries Botha at Fort Armstrong — The
Kat River Loyal Burgher Association : collects evidence — Uithaalder
visits Philipton — The magistrate with Hottentot escort visits Fort
Beaufort ; the escort badly treated — The Tambookies and rebel
Hottentots attack Shiloh and Whittlesea — Mr. Bonatz forsakes
his mission — Gen. Somerset stops the fighting at Shiloh — The attack
on Post Retief — The great fight at Fort Armstrong on February 22nd —
The General visits Philipton — The forces play havoc with the Kat
River Settlement — Philipton abandoned — The court-martial at
Fort Hare — The desertion of the Cape Corps at King William's Town
— Desertions in Grahamstown — Demands for investigation into the
causes of the Hottentot rebellion — The Rev. H. Renton — The murder
of Ashley and Radford in the Queen's Road — The Renton riot in
Grahamstown — The public meeting — The end of the Kat River
Settlement page 320
CHAPTER IX
The Kaffir War Continued
The serious character of the war — Devastation of the country the only
effective tactics — Difficulty of transport — Supply expeditions to Forts
White and Cox — The attack on Seyolo commences offensive opera
tions in Kaffirland — General Somerset's patrol — Gideon Joubert
commands the forces against the Tambookies ; his various and
strenuous actions — Major Warden from Bloemfontein assists, but is
acting ultra vires — -The attack on Morosi and its result — Mr. Ayliff's
commando — Sir H. Smith disapproves of Warden's action — The
volunteers of Cradock and Albert co-operate — A long and strenuous
fight — The suspicious behaviour of KreU ; the Governor chides him —

V xi
Traders' waggons attacked in Kreli's country— also the trading
stations — Kreli tampers with Umhala and Pato, but is repelled —
Pato a staunch friend of the Government — Continued patrols in the
mountains — The numbers of the forces in the country — Earl Grey sends
out more — The Zulu force does not materialize — Continued apathy
of the burghers — Sir Andries Stockenstrom's peculiar behaviour —
Appeal to the burghers of the West — The Board of Defence in
Grahamstown — The revolt of the Hottentots at Theopolis — Murder
of Field Cornet Gray — The fight at the Karraa — Hans Brander is
taking the lead — Further clearance of the Amatola mountains — The
big " push " of June — Kreli is getting alarmed — Sandilli wants peace :
asks Pato to appeal for him — The Kaffirs on the Kroomie mountains :
holding their own — Hottentots murder Castings in De Bruins Poort —
Uithaalder's appeal to Adam Kok for his co-operation — Kok refuses —
Appeal of the Board of Relief for better protection — Col. Eyre es
tablishes post at Bathurst — The attack on the Kroomie mountains —
Fingo panic — -The Western Hottentots return to their homes — The
panic in the West originated by A. J. Louw — Commission to
investigate — The Squatters Bill — Action of the Cape Town Party —
Riversdale panic - page 365
CHAPTER X
Further Trouble in the Orange River Sovereignty.
State of the war towards the end of 1851 — Col. Fordyce in October takes
a strong force into the Waterkloof — Details of the action — Death of
Col. Fordyce — Sir Harry Smith's highly coloured eulogy on officers —
Earl Grey does not accept it — Public discontent with Sir Harry in
not bringing the war to an end — The London Times — The suspicion
that traders were supplying the enemy with gunpowder — Investiga
tion — The cruise of the Grecian — The question of the Sovereignty :
did it want to become British ? — Appointment of two Assistant-
Commissioners — They go to Bloemfontein — Moshesh the crafty, and
other chiefs — Their feuds — Major Warden interferes — Viervoet —
Moshesh playing a double game — Boers prefer Basuto to British rule — ¦
The influence of Pretorius — The extraordinary behaviour of Mr.
Biddulph — Major Warden also very unpopular — both British and
Dutch against him — Lieut.-Governor of Natal sends Zulu troops
into the Sovereignty — Pretorius as peace-maker — Rev. Andrew
Murray adds his soothing influence — Van der Kolf — Pretorius' out
lawry revoked — Warden to be dismissed — The Sand River Con
vention — The first Boer Republic founded — The Ngami discoveries —
Interfered with by the Boers — The case of Mr. McCabe — Government
can do nothing — Kreli's iniquities — Action to be taken against him —
The punitive expedition : the details — Return with great prize of
cattle — The Gaika chiefs now anxious for peace — Troops carrying
on devastation — Still more fighting in the Blinkwater — Wreck
of the Birkenhead — Earl Grey so discontented with Sir Harry Smith
that he recalls him, recounting his shortcomings — Sir George
Cathcart appointed — Grief at the departure of Sir Harry and Lady
Smith ----- ....- page 405
CHAPTER XI
The War Brought to an End
Sir George Cathcart : his appointment — C. H. Darling appointed Lieut-
Governor — State of British Kaffraria on arrival of the Governor —
Message to Kreli — Forts in British Kaffraria — Change in the Home

CONTENTS OF VOLUME V
Government — Mr. Pakington is Secretary of State for the Colonies —
Sir George Cathcart's policy — The meeting of the chiefs at Fort
Murray — ^Major-General Yorke takes command — Kaffirs make over
tures for peace — The Hottentots maintain the struggle — The attack
on Mount Coke — The kidnapping of Toise — The waggons attacked
on the Koonap Hill by Hottentots — The affair at Murray's Krantz —
The Rural Police — Maj .-General Somerset goes to India — Death of
Major Hogge — KreU's insolence — The action against him — Further
action in the Kroomie mountains — Governor meets the chiefs at
Fort Murray — Seyolo a prisoner in Cape Town — Hostilities with the
Gaikas cease — The Governor meets the Gaika chiefs at the Yellow
woods — The Hottentots hold out — The murder of Mr. James ; also
of Capt. Hearn — Offer of pardon to Hottentots — Hottentots' con
fessions — Settlement of Tambookieland — The movement against
Moshesh — Interview with Moshesh — The Battle of the Berea —
Disaster to Col. Napier's column — Moshesh's diplomatic note — Dis
satisfaction of the troops — Peace declared and martial law revoked —
Re-arrangement of British Kaffraria — The Royal Reserve — The
Bowker-Cathcart system of military tenure — Foundation of Queens-
town — Re-arrangement of the Kat River Settlement — End of the
War — Sir George Cathcart leaves the country — Is killed at Inkerman. page 448

INDEX - . page 493

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS OF VOLUME V

View of Fort Hare
Specially drawn for this work from materials supplied
by the A uthor.
Portrait of Sir Henry Pottinger
Portrait of Sir Harry Smith
Portrait of A. W. J. Pretorius
Bloemfontein in 185 i -
From u picture in the Town Hall, Bloemfontein, by
permission.
Views of Boomplaats showing the Nek and the
Stream
The Anti-Convict Meeting - - - -
Portrait of Attorney-General William Porter
The Old Town House, Cape Town
Sandilli, his Wives and Counsellors
Mr. Brownlee meets the Gaika Chief near Fort
Cox
Boomah Pass
Post Retief
Andries Botha - - - -
Mendelsohn Collection, Houses of Parliament, Cape
Town.
Kaffir Chief, Maqomo
Mendelsohn Collection, Houses of Parliament, Cape
Town.
Attack on Fort Armstrong ....
Mendelsohn Collection, Houses of Parliament, Cape
Town.
Philipton in 1850
Philipton of to-day, showing Read's Grave
Col. Fordyce's Action in the Kroomie Mountains
Mendelsohn Collection, Houses of Parliament, Cape
Town.
Portrait of Major Warden
The Wreck of the Birkenhead, 1852
Kaffirs on Murray's Krantz xiii

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355 355408
426443 461

xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS OF VOLUME V
MAPS AND PLANS
Plan of Fort Hare Page 57
Plan of Ground in Neighbourhood of Block Drift ,, 58
Plan of Field of Action at Boomplaats ,. 157
Topographical Sketch of the Kat River Settlement To face page 326
Plan of Battle of Berea Page 480
State of the Frontier, April, 1853 ,. 486

CHAPTER I
THE REIGN OF SIR HENRY POTTINGER
THE successor to Sir Peregrine Maitland in the Government CHAP.
of Cape Colony was Sir Henry Pottinger, Bart., G.C.B.
As diplomatist and soldier, the new Governor had had a
distinguished career in India and China. The success
which had attended his missions had gained for him a
world-wide reputation and all the honour which a grateful
country could bestow on an exceedingly able and dutiful
officer. To the British Government therefore he seemed to
be the man who would be able and likely to solve the
problem which had baffled so many others, namely, that of
settling and putting in order the affairs of the Eastern
Frontier of the Cape of Good Hope. He was born at
Mount Pottinger in County Down, Ireland, in 1789. After
a somewhat limited education at a school in Belfast, he went
to sea at the age of twelve. In 1803, when fourteen, he left
England for India and obtained a cadetship in the native
army. During the next six years, while resident in Bombay,
he applied himself to the study of the native languages ;
thus by 1809, when he obtained his lieutenancy, he was
competent to undertake the adventures which brought his
name so prominently before the world. In that year he
volunteered to explore the then unknown country situated
between India and Persia. The Government accepted his
offer. In January 1810, in company with his friend Captain
Christie, he set out from Bombay and returned in February
181 1. The account of the adventures of these wanderers —
disguised as native traders until their identities were dis
covered — will be found in the volume Travels in Beloochistan
and Scinde, written by Sir H. Pottinger. Afterwards, he
was appointed on the staff of the Governor of Bombay ;
served in the Mahratta War of 181 7 and subsequently
VOL. vi B

2 SIR H. POTTINGER GOVERNOR
CHAP, became Collector of Ahmadnagar. He attained the rank
I# of colonel in 1834 and was created a baronet in 1840. In
connection with the troubles in China, consequent upon the
opening of that country to British trade, Sir Henry
Pottinger took a prominent part. He settled matters and
signed the peace treaty of 1842, in virtue of which Hong
Kong was ceded to England. He then became the first
Governor of Hong Kong and was created G.C.B. Return
ing to England in 1844, he was the hero of the hour and the
recipient of the freedom of many cities. In June 1845, the
House of Commons made due recognition of his eminent
services and a humble address to Her Majesty the Queen
gained for him an annual pension of £ 1,500.
On October 27th 1846, it was announced that Her
Majesty had been pleased to appoint Sir Henry Pottinger
" as Governor of the Cape of Good Hope and High
Commissioner for settling and adjusting the affairs of the
territories adjacent or contiguous to the Eastern and North-
Eastern Frontier of the said Settlement."
His first contact with the politics of Cape Colony may be
considered to have been the delegation from the Aborigines
Protection Society which waited upon him before he left
England and presented an address on behalf of the native
tribes " who in times past have had much to endure." He
replied that he entered upon his duties unbiassed towards
any party, that he pledged himself to no plan until he had
seen and judged for himself, but, said he, the welfare of the
natives consistently with their restraint from mischief would
be an object of his care. So far this augured well for the
line of policy he would take in the Colony, and such a state
ment must have been a source of satisfaction to the Eastern
Province inhabitants, who in a far greater measure had
" in times past much to endure." Even more satisfactory
was the tenor of the instructions which Earl Grey issued to
Sir Henry Pottinger on November 2nd 1846. From these
it was evident that the numerous petitions and pathetic
appeals for protection, which had so often been sent to the
House of Commons, had at last had some effect. It was
clear that Earl Grey understood the case between the
Colonists and the Kaffirs and that he was unbiassed by the

' ^ A-," *JT *

;y

views of the Aborigines Protection Society or Exeter Hall. CHAP.
From a perusal of the communications which during so L
many years, had reached his office, he could not escape
the conclusion, he said, " that an enlightened regard for
the real welfare of our uncivilised neighbours, not less than
for the welfare of the Colonists, require that the Kaffir
tribes should no longer be left in possession of the indepen
dence they have so long enjoyed and abused. Our past
forbearance they have evidently been unable to appreciate ;
they have clearly been insensible to the obligations they
have contracted by their treaties with us, and the cupidity
or the violence of their young warriors has proved too
strong for any restraint of authority or law. Should we,
on the successful termination of the present hostilities,
brought on by unprovoked aggression on their part, be
again content with imposing upon them terms of peace
similar to those by which we have allowed former wars to
be terminated, there would be no rational ground for
expecting that the future history of our relations with those
people would prove anything but a repetition of the past.
It is therefore requisite that a new policy, more accurately
and more carefully adapted to the necessities of the case,
should now be adopted." The " new " policy which the
noble earl recommended was, in fact, little more than a
modification of the " Durban System." Accumulated
experience had by this time demonstrated the futility of
of making treaties with Kaffirs. The Glenelg-Stockenstrom
regime had driven so many of the worthy Dutch inhabitants
from the country and had brought about the state of affairs
on the Frontier which had resulted in the war then not yet
ended. Earl Grey, more than any previous Secretary of
State, seems to have made it his business to learn the true
history of the Frontier. The result of his study was his
decision that British authority must be established in, at
least, a part of Kaffirland, that the chiefs and their tribes
must acknowledge the Queen as their protector, that there
must be a British officer resident in the country to whom all
chiefs must be subordinate in civil as well as in all military
matters and — with respect to treaties — to trust to a general
understanding that British authority is to be supreme and,

4 ARRIVAL OF SIR H. POTTINGER
chap, in all cases, to be implicitly obeyed. This was to be the
I- new procedure, instead of that of attempting to define by
words their respective rights and duties. For all injuries
which might be inflicted on the colonists by the Kaffirs,
reparation was to be exacted or due punishment inflicted by
the resident officer, who was to be styled Commandant of
Kaffraria. And reciprocally, there was to be prompt redress
for any wrongs done to the natives by the colonists. Earl
Grey looked to a system of law and government guided, not
only by justice and humanity, but by such methods as
should, if possible, obtain the willing assent and cordial
co-operation of the Kaffirs themselves, this co-operation to
be connected with and sustained by a systematic endeavour
to diffuse among them religious knowledge, moral instruc
tion and an acquaintance with the arts of civilized life.
Practically all this was what Sir B. D'Urban and Colonel
(afterwards Sir Harry) Smith had commenced in Kaffirland
in 1836, when it was overthrown by Lord Glenelg and Sir
Andries Stockenstrom and when the Kaffirs were permitted,
unrestrainedly, to continue in their barbarous customs and
to remain a scourge to the Eastern Province.
Sir Henry Pottinger, accompanied by Lieut.-General Sir
George Berkeley, K.C.B., who was to command the troops
and conduct the operations more immediately connected
with the war, and by Richard Woosnam, Esquire, the
Governor's private secretary, arrived in Cape Town on
January 27th, 1847. He was sworn in and took the oaths
of office that day. His stay in Cape Town was short as he
very soon realized that his presence was needed in the
Eastern Province. Although Sir Peregrine Maitland had
said that the war was practically at an end, had abolished
Martial Law and had allowed nearly all the burgher forces
to be disbanded, it was clear to Sir Henry Pottinger that
there was yet much to be done before a state of peace could
be proclaimed. Almost upon his arrival he received dis
quieting letters from the Revd. Mr. Calderwood, the Gaika
Commissioner, and from Capt. Maclean, the diplomatic
agent at Port Peddie. According to these, the chief Pato,
having been able to hold out so long, had encouraged the
other chiefs to further resistance ; the sudden departure of

the late governor at so crucial a time had emboldened the CHAP.
Kaffirs and caused them to think that the white man was h
tired of the war, and further, that with an increasing spirit
of defiance the natives had ceased to register themselves and
deliver up their guns, while the fidelity of those who had
done so was not above suspicion. On February nth,
therefore, Sir Henry Pottinger left Simon's Town in
H.M.S. President and arrived at Port Elizabeth on the
19th. The reputation he had gained in connection with his
masterly management and settlement of the political difficul- '
ties in other parts of the world gave rise to the hope that at
length a better order of things would be the lot of the Eastern
Province of South Africa. His advent in those parts there
fore was hailed with joy. His replies to the addresses which
were presented to him gave every promise that in him the
colonists had a sympathetic friend and champion. Two
hours after he left Cape Town a delegation arrived at that
place from the East with a petition from the inhabitants of
Albany which he was to be asked to transmit to Earl Grey
with such recommendation as he saw fit. It was an appeal
for compensation for the losses and ruin which had been
brought about by this war as well as that of 1835. After
giving the usual lengthy history of the Albany settlement,
which always formed so large a part of these numerous
petitions, the signatories prayed that their whole case might
be taken into immediate and earnest consideration and that
they might be accorded some present relief and an assurance
of future security to which on every principle of reason and
equity they were justly entitled. Further, as the continuance
of the present war made it impossible to estimate the losses
they had incurred, they implored such pecuniary assistance
in the meantime as might relieve their present distress and
enable them to resume their former occupations. Sir Henry
Pottinger cordially supported this appeal. In transmitting it
to Earl Grey he said he believed the statements to be true
and that compensation was deserved. As will yet be seen,
he went even further ; he set on foot an inquiry into the
losses of the inhabitants with a view to compensation.
Anticipating somewhat — it may here be said — Earl Grey in
a despatch, dated May 14th, gave a very discouraging reply.

6 ADDRESSES. OF WELCOME
CHAP. He pointed out that at the end of the 1835 war a similar
petition had been received at the Colonial Office. To that
it was replied that Her Majesty's Government could not
admit that the people of this country (England) had con
tracted any obligations to indemnify the inhabitants of the
British Colonies against the losses and calamities to which
their situation might expose them, whether those losses
arose from war or from other causes. Although he. (Earl
Grey) deeply lamented the losses of the inhabitants of the
Eastern Province, he could not admit that the British
Treasury was liable for these in addition to the serious
expenses which had been — and were still being — incurred
for the military defence of the colony. Sir Henry Pottinger,
therefore, was able to offer the colonists no other consolation
than his own personal sympathy.
The addresses of welcome which Sir Henry Pottinger
received on his arrival in Port Elizabeth and Grahamstown
were by no means the matters of formal ceremony and the
tendering of empty compliments which so often greeted
distinguished and popular men. The addresses now pre
sented were more of the nature of accounts of lives harassed
by barbarous neighbours and appeals for the righting of
existing and long-borne wrongs. The replies which His
Excellency vouchsafed to them were no less definite. He
foresaw, in his task of settling and putting in order the
affairs of the Eastern Province of the Cape of Good Hope,
the need of the good will and co-operation of the civil
population. In Port Elizabeth, a deputation from the merchants,
traders and landowners of that place waited upon him and
presented an address in which, after the eulogy upon his
distinguished career, they gave the following as their opinion
on the causes of the war. In short, they were (1) The
reversal of the D'Urban policy. (2) The Kaffirs being per
mitted again to occupy the country up to the jungles of the
Fish and Kat rivers. (3) The weak and vacillating policy
which had been pursued towards the Kaffir chiefs. (4)
The exaggerated statements concerning the extensive influ
ence of Christianity on the Kaffirs, which had been put
forth by the missionaries, and '^5), perhaps most impor-

fflli' A'.'iLiil^UQ, ,«z>SIJl/t A :: «jU,l»:A' M-.aMENTS -7
tant, the question which was so near the hearts of all Eastern CHAP.
Province people at that time — and long after, namely, the
separation of the East from the West. " The utter want of
the representation of frontier interests in the Legislative and
Executive Councils," they said " which although continually
assailed with petitions from the border inhabitants, have, at
a distance of 600 miles, and in entire ignorance of the real
state of frontier affairs, lent a deaf ear to their most urgent
representations." They felt sure His Excellency would
become impressed with the impracticability of administer
ing the affairs of the Eastern Province upon a satisfactory
basis, while the Council held its meetings at the other end
of the colony, and that His Excellency would deem it
expedient to recommend either the removal of the seat of
Government to a more central spot or a separation of the
two provinces as recommended by His Majesty's Commis
sioners of Inquiry in 1 826.
His Excellency received this address very graciously.
In reply, he expressed his readiness to devote his time and
energies to their welfare. He urged upon all, of whatever
class or colour, the necessity, that still must be held to exist,
for all to be prepared, in case of emergency, to stand forth
to protect their lives and property ; all, he said, must be
united and ready to oppose marauders and foreign aggres
sion. He hoped that if their services were called for they
would be rendered with alacrity. Further, he expressed
the desire to receive any authentic information which they
might be able at any time to communicate to him. In
connection with this request, he issued, on March the 9th,
a Government Notice to the effect that any information
conveyed to him must be on positive grounds and not on
vague and unsifted rumour. He would not, he said, relieve
from responsibility of exciting needless alarm any one who
transmitted rumours of trouble which on investigation should
be found to be imaginary.
The Governor reached Grahamstown on February 28th.
He received addresses from the inhabitants generally, as
well as from the municipal commissioners and the mercan
tile community. They were all much of the same lugubrious
character. In the first, the signatories regretted that, in an

8 A SYMPATHETIC REPLY
CHAP, address of welcome, they were obliged to obtrude on His
L Excellency's notice the privations and sufferings they had
so long endured on account of the Kaffirs. As they were
entirely dependent upon the justice of the British Government
for compensation, for the losses they had sustained by this
unprovoked irruption, they implored His Excellency to
recommend to Earl Grey the petition for compensation which
already had been sent forward and they begged him, in
mercy to the helpless and destitute, to procure as speedily
as practicable some instalment of assistance to keep them
from starving.
The Governor's reply was as kind and as sympathetic
as could well have been desired. It was quite clear, he
said, that the colonists were innocent of anything which
had brought about the present devastating war. It was
due entirely, he believed, to the rapacity and cupidity of
the barbarous border tribes. He was convinced that the
only method of reclaiming and improving the moral and
civil condition of the tribes was by placing them under a
strong and vigorous government — directed by a resolute
will — and by demonstrating to them, beyond all doubt, that
they were at the mercy and disposal of the Government
and afterwards treating them with that humanity, kindness
and conciliation which their conduct and obedience merited.
Then looking to his own task, he expressed the hope that
the inhabitants would be ready to render him all assistance
when he might find occasion to call for it. The other
addresses were much of the same tenor and met with the
same condescending affability and sympathy.
Towards making himself acquainted with the real state
of the country and to learn the truth of the various and contra
dictory reports which he was receiving, Sir Henry Pottinger,
immediately upon his arrival in Grahamstown, sent express
riders to Block Drift and Peddie to summon the Revd.
H. Calderwood and Captain Maclean in order to get from
them first-hand information. From these as well as from
other reports, it was clear that the war was not at an end.
And it was equally clear that Sir P. Maitland's abolition
of martial law and the disbandment of the burgher forces
were premature. The chiefs Pato, Cobus and Toise, who

 ,„ ^ANDILLI

were occupying the country between the Buffalo and the CHAP.
Kei, were still open enemies and were not pretending to
be anything else. The disposition of Kreli was scarcely
doubtful. He had not yet given up the cattle which had
been demanded of him and as far as he dared, so it was
believed, he was countenancing the rebel chiefs. The
great and turbulent Gaika clan was quiet and apparently
peaceable. This however, was ascribed to their being busy
at this season with their gardens and crops. Sandilli,
described by Mr. Calderwood as worthless, of no personal
influence, sensual and a tool in the hands of others, was
manifesting a propriety .of conduct and peaceable demeanour
which was quite foreign to his nature. In March, Mr.
Calderwood held a meeting with most of the Gaika chiefs
and about five hundred of their followers. At the conclusion
of his speech Sandilli said " Is it now war or peace ? How
can the Commissioner speak of war when I am here ? Who
can be at war when I am at peace ? Who says the Kaffirs
are unregistered ? Who has seen any guns in the possession
of Kaffirs ? We all wish to live in peace and submit to the
Government. What further need has the Government 01
proof of my peaceable disposition ? " Then taking a dirty
handkerchief from his head, he said he made his head bare
before the Commissioner in token of his submission to the
Government. In spite of all this, Mr. Calderwood did not
think he was to be trusted. The wily chief was merely
biding his time until it should suit him to declare himself an
open enemy — which, as will be seen, he did before many
months had passed.
Sir P. Maitland's registration of the Kaffirs as British
subjects had, in a large measure, proved to be a farce. It
became obvious that, in order to be enabled to sow and tend
their crops, they had merely cheated the authorities into
the belief that they were subjugated, they were simply
trifling with the Government and watching the course of
events with a determination to take advantage of anything
which might turn up in their favour. Registration had
proved to be no check to crime, the registered having been
in very many cases as guilty as the unregistered. Marauding
was still rife in the Colony, small parties of Kaffirs continuing

IO .AN IMPENDING CAMPAiw
chap, to molest places where any stock was to be obtained. In
L Kaffirland itself there was much robbery. The Kaffirs
stole from one another, chiefly horses, which they took into
the colony and sold for small sums to whoever would
buy them.
Sir Henry Pottinger and Sir George Berkeley having
grasped the situation, decided that their chief military
operation was to be against the rebel Pato and his co-chiefs.
These were to be compelled to surrender or to be driven
across the Kei. Then, this accomplished and a general
pacification of Kaffirland brought about, a number of military
posts were to be established in different parts of the country
in much the same manner as had been done by Sir B. D'Urban.
King William's Town was to be re-established as a central
depot and attempts to utilise the mouth of the Buffalo
river as a landing place for stores were to be made, thus
unknowingly commencing the flourishing port of East
London. At the outset of this campaign a very serious diffi
culty confronted the Commander-in-Chief.- There was a
lamentable shortage of both men and money. The total
number of regular troops in the colony was 3,271, a number
entirely inadequate for holding posts in Kaffirland, the
protection of the colonial boundary and the necessary
skirmishing in bush and mountain. The 90th regiment
was found to be under orders to march from Grahamstown
to Port Elizabeth and then to embark for England. Sir
George Berkeley countermanded this. But, as the men had
served for a long time in a hot climate and had become
weakened, he allowed them to go as far as Cape Town,
where they were to remain on garrison duty. The burgher
forces were practically non-existent. Not only had they
been disbanded, but there was a very decided disinclination
to re-enlist. The recollection of their treatment by the
military had not inspired them with enthusiasm to enter
the service again. Money matters were in a bad way. Not
only was the military chest empty, but there was much debt
which, for a time at least, it was impossible to liquidate.
There were drafts for £27,600 payable by the commissariat
chest and there was a sum of £30,258 due to the Eastern
Province Bank for advances. The Bank then discontinued

*~ OUTSET n

to take up these drafts. For two months, money from CHAP.
England had been overdue. Officers could not pay their L
men, it was impossible to settle for waggon hire as well
as other services and creditors could not get cash for the
commissariat drafts. To tide over this state of affairs the
Governor authorised the issue of commissariat drafts
bearing six per cent, interest. But even with this induce
ment it was feared that the colonists, especially the Dutch,
would not accept them or anything else but hard cash.
Sir H. Pottinger proceeded with much caution and tact
in dealing with the difficult situation. His sympathies were
manifestly with the colonists. " My inquiries lead me to
think " he said, " that the natural anxieties and alarms
of the inhabitants have not always been attended to as
much as they should have been." He might in the present
instance, had he chosen, have dragooned them with the re-
establishment of martial law. On the contrary " being
averse " he said in his Proclamation of March 3rd, " to
take any step that might excite groundless alarm, and conse
quently subject the inhabitants to unnecessary inconvenience,
or to trench, even for a limited time, on their civil rights, I
have resolved in preference to the adoption of such a measure
as proclaiming martial law, to rely on the spontaneous and
well-tried loyalty, high feeling and courage of all Her
Majesty's good and faithful subjects, and to call on them,
in case necessity should arise, to assemble and embody them
selves in such numbers and at such points as shall be denoted
to them by the field cornets of their respective districts . . .
well armed, but as lightly equipped as possible and unat
tended by ox waggons or other encumbrances . . . under
no circumstances shall the period for which such frontier
volunteers are to be detained from their homes and families
exceed one month." In response to this Proclamation, a
petition signed by 96 burghers, British and Dutch, was sent
to the Governor asking that they might be permitted to
serve under a commandant already known to them.1
1 The dislike of the colonists for the regular military officer was not
lessened by an incident which happened about this time. It appears
that Major Eld of the 90th Regiment, with 400 men and the usual com
plement of oxen and waggons, was marching to Port Elizabeth. When
they arrived at Cradock Place, the estate of Mr. J. C. Chase, about nine

12 AN ERRONEOUS IMPRESSION
CHAP. In consequence of his kind consideration, his entire
L fitness for the command and their confidence in him they
begged that Sir Andries Stockenstrom might again be
appointed commandant of burghers. In reply, the Governor
told them that in view of the limited burgher force which
had been asked to volunteer, he did not consider it necessary
to request Sir Andries to assume the command.
Sir Henry Pottinger's consideration for the civil popula
tion in attempting to obtain their co-operation without the
aid of martial law did not extend to the Kat River settlement.
Acting under the erroneous impression that the Hottentots
held their lands on military tenure, he ordered four hundred
of the men to join the Europeans who were to assemble at
Fort Peddie. The response from that quarter he considered
unsatisfactory. This led to an investigation into the general
conditions of the settlement and the discovery of what he
regarded as abuses of Government employment and support.
The matter did not end — in fact it only began — there.
During his short year of government, his eyes having been
opened, so to speak, to what was taking place at the Kat
River, Sir Henry Pottinger's chief business became that of
miles from Port Elizabeth, without the formality of asking permission
or taking any notice of Mr. Chase, they bivouacked and let loose the animals
all over the place. Further, the men foraged unrestrainedly for poultry,
eggs or anything else in the way of food. Mr. Chase sent a polite note to
Major Eld complaining of this trespass. He received in reply an insulting
answer. Mr. Chase was a public-spirited man, always ready to sacrifice
himself for the good of the country ; he would have been quite willing
to assist these men ; but he resented the overbearing insolence of Major
Eld. Determining to make a test case of it in order to learn whether
the military had the right to trespass on private property as they chose,
Mr. Chase brought the matter before the magistrate of Port Elizabeth.
Major Eld was summoned to answer a charge of trespass. He was found
guilty and fined a pound with fourteen shillings costs. His behaviour in
court was certainly not that of " an officer and gentleman." He refused
to pay the fine, saying that he would appeal to the Governor. Sir George
Berkeley, in reporting the matter, said that it was most extraordinary
that in a country like this, beset by an inveterate enemy, Mr. Chase,
who seems to be a magistrate himself, instead of affording assistance to
Her Majesty's troops employed in the defence of the country, should
summon Major Eld for trespass before another magistrate, who gives
judgment against Major Eld. The Governor's reply to this was " had
Major Eld either replied in writing to Mr. Chase's note or sent his adjutant
with a civil message, this unpleasant affair might have been avoided, but
his not taking either of these steps coupled with his observation as to not
having seen a gentleman since he left Block Drift could only give offence
and exasperate. The magistrate is quite correct in his sentence, and had
Mr. Chase pressed for the full amount of damage, it must have been
awarded."

iv,vi^i ii. ji iu-ji ji iiVtMu™. c» Mjje.3£*A.TCH No, 154 13
investigating alleged abuses of public trust and unauthorised CHAP
expenditure of public money on a large scale throughout L
the Frontier districts.
In justice to those who came under his wholesale
condemnation and whose names figure with unenviable
prominence in his famous despatch, No. 154, one or two
points must be taken into consideration. He arrived at
a time of only nominal war. Practically, all the serious
fighting was over and the period of stress due to insufficient
soldiery and inadequate means of defence had almost
passed. It was a time when it was possible to be wise after
the event and to be able to criticise the courses of action
which, most probably, were the only ones possible in
emergency. In the confusion which had arisen, there
crept in irregularities, and certainly abuses, which in a
better state of preparedness would have "been avoided.
The Governor does not seem to have made sufficient allow
ance for this. Then although Sir H. Pottinger had taken
a part in the Mahratta and Chinese wars and held at this
time the rank of honorary Major- General, he was not a
soldier. His career had been almost entirely a civil one, as a
diplomatist. He was undoubtedly without military experi
ence in general and ignorant of the difficulties of Kaffir
warfare in particular, hence his somewhat unsympathetic
treatment of Col. Somerset and the officers who had worked
with him in the great difficulties of the previous year. Yet
now he was Commander-in-Chief and in authority over
Major-General Sir George Berkeley, the actual Commander
of the forces and the organiser of such campaign as was
yet necessary to finish the war. In this despatch, No. 154,1
which with its enclosures is of great length — 248 pages of
print — little or nothing is said of the services which had been
rendered by the levies, or the losses which had been sustained
by those who had come forward to the assistance of the
inadequate regular forces. The tenor is almost entirely
that of unauthorised expenditure and extravagance.
Had Sir Henry Pottinger given himself time to have
1 Although it bears the date October 20th, 1847, it was not completed
until the beginning of February, 1848. It was printed partly in Grahams
town and partly in Cape Town, by Saul Solomon & Co.

14 THE KAT RIVEK-SHiti-nmcivi.
CHAP, become better acquainted with the circumstances of the
L Kat River Settlement — he did not even know that the district
was called Stockenstrom — he most probably would not
have been surprised or disappointed at the small response to
his call for four hundred recruits from that quarter. The
population of the settlement was 3,700 women and children
and about a thousand men. Of these men, nine hundred
were already serving, four hundred with the troops in
advance and five hundred garrisoning important posts,
ready at any moment to escort ox waggons or to perform
other non-combatant duties. Ninety per cent, of the Kat
River men were on active service, while at this time the
European burgher population furnished only three per
cent, of its men. Major Sutton, the recruiting officer, in
reporting his failure to enlist men, described the settlement
as in a state of idleness and insubordination, while Lieut.
Metcalf, of the 91st, who shortly afterwards was in charge
as superintendent, was perfectly satisfied with the conduct
of the people.
It should be mentioned that a very wretched state of
things existed there. Without the supply of Government
rations — the expense of which so alarmed Sir Henry
Pottinger — the people must have died of starvation. In
consequence of the war, all had left their allotments and
for nearly a year had crowded round such places as Fort
Armstrong and Elands Post fort — now the town of Seymour.
The men had been from their homes and thus had been
prevented from working for the support of their families.
Further, having served without pay, but merely for a ration
of bread and meat, all were in semi-nakedness in consequence
of the want of the wherewithal to purchase clothes. Col.
.Somerset, who was a persona grata with these people,
promised them a supply of warm clothing in view of the
coming winter, which can be extremely cold in those parts.
But it had not arrived ; hence the clamour for it, which
met Major Sutton, was most probably the insubordination
which he reported. According to Lieut. Metcalf, the cost
to the Government for the supply of rations to the settlement
was £58 14s. od. per diem, or £1,760 per mensem, or
£21,296 per annum. Sir Peregrine Maitland, before his

 „„„.»£ I5
departure, had ordered the supply of rations to cease on CHAP.
February ist, yet here was the middle of March and this L
large expenditure continuing. Sir Henry Pottinger could
find no written authority for the support which was being
given to " this ill-conditioned and hitherto worse than useless
settlement " in violation of the late Governor's instructions.
He ordered the immediate stoppage of food to all except the
families of the four hundred men at the front. However,
on the urgent representation of Col. Somerset and Sir George
Berkeley, rations were continued from March 24th. It was
Col. Somerset who on becoming Commander-in-Chief on
the departure of Sir Peregrine Maitland authorised on
" asserted verbal orders " the continuation of rations to the
Kat River settlement.
The discovery of this expenditure of public money on
Hottentots without written authority and, among other
matters, the report that the Chief Kama with his tribe had
been brought back from " the Orange River " — really
Kamastone in the Queenstown district — to Block Drift to
be fed, clothed and paid at Government expense, compelled
the Governor to institute a general inquiry into the " heavy
public expense which appears to be going on without any
adequate advantage to the public interests." On March 19th
he arrived at Fort Peddie and made that place his head
quarters. The Revd. H. Calderwood, the Gaika Commis
sioner, and Col. Johnstone waited upon him on the 25th.
They received instructions to make inquiries into the issues
of Government stores to Kaffirs as well as the authority on
which they had been sanctioned ; to investigate the circum
stances attending the establishment and maintenance of a
body of men called the Fort Hare Fingo Levies under the
charge of " a person of the name of Stretch," and to discover
the reason why three hundred " idle and useless Kaffirs,
belonging to the missionary Chalmers " were being sup
ported at Government expense. Within a week both of the
gentlemen were ready with some information. With regard
to Kama's people, it was true that they had been and were
still being fed and clothed at the public cost. But there was
some justification, as they had taken an active part in the
military operations of 1846, some of them in the actions in

l6 "THAT MAIS Sixain.
CHAP, the Amatola mountains and others in Tambookieland
J* against Mapassa. With reference to the missionary Kaffirs
of Mr. Chalmers, who at this time had been dead some months,
it transpired that at the outbreak of war, they had been
plundered of everything by the enemy and had had to
abandon their place, the Gwali mission station. Besides
proving loyal, 1 50 of them had taken part in the war against
their kinsmen and only that number was being rationed. The
others, in their destitute condition, looked to the Government
for support. It is not clear that they got it. As no written
authority for this supply of rations could be found, Sir
Henry Pottinger forbade any further issue.
Captain Stretch, who is often so contemptuously referred
to by Sir Henry Pottinger as " that man Stretch " had taken
a most active part, not only in the turmoil of the previous
year, but in the affairs of Kaffirland for many years. His
whole career as diplomatic agent among the Gaikas, as a
commander of native levies and afterwards as a member of
the Legislative Assembly, showed him to be a man of the
greatest integrity, honesty of purpose, and one who was
actuated by a real desire to do good to all with whom he came
in contact. On August 10th, 1846, he was placed in com
mand of a large number of Fingoes. This tribe, or mixture of
Zulu tribes, it will be remembered had been rescued from the
thraldom of the Gcalekas by the British and had ever since
been willing to assist the troops against the Kaffirs. They had
done so in this war from its beginning in April 1846. By
the time they came under the command of Captain Stretch
in August, they were almost naked ; such scanty clothing
as they originally had was quite worn out. With the
approval of Col. Hare in October, Captain Stretch provided
each man with a pair of moleskin trousers and a shirt — not
a very elaborate uniform. In February 1847, before Sir
Henry Pottinger arrived on the Frontier, Captain Stretch
requisitioned for a further four hundred suits of clothes
O'ackets, trousers, shirts, hats and boots) for his " Fingo
Levy." The requisition was recommended by Col. Johnstone,
signed by Col. Montr esor and approved by Col. Somerset.
The clothes were accordingly supplied. Shortly after this,
Captain Stretch made application for 188 suits of clothes

x n. iz. jri i\\jO shvu 1A JX.KA L*E VIES VJ
for the people of the chiefs Kama and Hermanus (non- CHAP.
Fingoes). Sir Henry Pottinger not only refused these, but *"
demanded an inquiry into the circumstances attending the
issue of the others as well as the question of Captain Stretch,
the Commandant of the Fingoes, being also in command of
Kaffirs. The circumstances which added Kaffirs to his command
were these. There was a small mission station on the
Umxelo river, a small tributary of the Kat river, and about
eight miles from Block Drift. The Kaffirs of that station,
averse to taking any part in the war, were anxious to be at
a distance from mischief and danger ; they were therefore
removed to the farm Glen Avon, near Somerset East,
belonging, in fact, to a relation of Captain Stretch. There
they remained until December 1846, when, on their return
to Kaffirland, they placed themselves under Captain Stretch
in his Fingo Levy.
The second addition of Kaffirs — in February 1847 —
was that of the " Tarka Levy." The history of this levy,
unfortunately, is associated with the dishonesty and fraud
which Sir H. Pottinger seems to have been anxious to find
in all. The " Tarka Levy " consisted of 188 of the followers
of Kama and Hermanus. It was raised in June 1846, when
men were badly wanted to fight in Kaffirland, and as its
name implies, it originated in the Tarka district. The
moving spirit and organiser — and for a time at least, the
commander, was an enterprising gentleman of the name of
Minter. All went as well with the levy as the exigencies of
war permitted until there arose a growl about the want of
pay which the men had a right to expect. This together
with the fact that the proper sums had been issued from the
military chest led to inquiries. It then transpired that
Minter had drawn £561 2s. 6d., of which sum £302 4s. 6d.
had been sent to one Higgs in Grahamstown for the purchase
of goods which were to be sold at a profit in Fort Beaufort,
and a sum of £258 18s. odd had been used to pay Minter's
debts in Cradock. Minter was arrested, tried, convicted
and sentenced to five months imprisonment with hard
labour. The " Tarka Levy," being commanderless, was
added to Captain Stretch's " Fingo Levy." When Mr.
vol. v 2 c

18 CAPT. STRETCH DISMISSED
CHAP. Calderwood, in pursuance of the Governor's instructions,
I- inspected the levy in March 1847, he found it to consist of
Fingoes, Hottentots and Kaffirs, these last making up about
one third of the whole. But besides the Kaffirs of Kama,
Hermanus and the Umxelo station, there were thirty, who
were known to have been actively engaged in war with the
colony very shortly before. Captain Stretch's reason for
admitting these was that, though they had been enemies,
they had been registered and, nominally at least, were
British subjects. Of course, all were receiving Government
rations. Mr. Calderwood reported further that there was
something wrong about the muster rolls of these men.
On receipt of this report, Sir Henry promptly ordered
the dismissal of " that man Stretch " from Government
service altogether. He was of opinion that he had grossly
exceeded his duty in taking Kaffirs into his command, or
having anything to do with them — no one but the Com
mander-in-Chief had the power to enlist Kaffirs to fight
for us. With regard to the issue of the 400 suits of clothes,
the Governor appointed a Court of Inquiry to investigate
the matter. The Court consisted of Col. Johnstone, Col.
Montresor and Major Hind. They sat at Fort Hare on
May 1 2th. Having mustered the men, they found 223 of
them wearing suits, while the remaining 177 suits were
safely in store unissued. All were accounted for. There
was therefore, no charge to be brought against Captain
Stretch on this account. The Court reported accordingly.
This did not please the Governor. He said the affair
indicated fraud and absurdity on the face of it ; he deprecated
" a person in Stretch's position " having the power to
squander the public money in this manner and the Court
ought to have condemned it. Col. Somerset was afterwards
asked by what right and authority he approved of this issue.
He answered laconically " by my authority as Commander-
in-Chief of the Frontier forces." For Col. Montresor, who
had signed the requisition, and for Majors Wittenhall and
O'Grady, Sir Henry told Sir George Berkeley, he had no
further use and recommended their return to England. It
seems strange that a civilian, or at most an honorary
Major-General should have taken upon himself to dismiss

A DETAILED INQUIRY ig
military officers in this manner without consulting the actual CHAP.
Major-General who commanded the troops. *"
Captain Stretch, in connection with his dismissal,
asked that a Court of Inquiry into his conduct might be
held and that he be given an opportunity of clearing himself
of the Governor's aspersions. " The idea " said Sir Henry
Pottinger, " of ordering a Court of Inquiry on a person
like Stretch, amidst such gross neglect, confusion and
irregularity would have been involving myself in useless
difficulties and worry." Thus far enlightened, as he con
sidered himself to be, and believing, rightly or wrongly,
that he saw " gross neglect, confusion and irregularity "
in every person and place, he determined to institute a
very detailed inquiry into every nook and corner of the
financial, administrative and other matters connected with
the war. To this end he issued from his camp at Fort
Peddie two Government notices, one on April 3rd, and the
other on the 10th. According to the former " The confused,
vague and frequently-contradictory reports and returns,
which have been submitted to the Right Honourable the
Governor and High Commissioner, since his arrival in the
Colony, as to the number of persons who are at present
permitted to draw rations, or to receive clothing and pay
at the expense of the Government, have been found — on
the most careful examination and comparison with recorded
instructions, discovered to have been issued on the subject —
to be wholly inextricable and unsatisfactory. His Excellency
is therefore pleased hereby to call peremptorily on all civil
and military authorities to transmit to the undersigned, with
the least possible delay, returns showing the numbers,
descriptions, classes or tribes, sexes and ages of all persons
not belonging to Her Majesty's forces, who may be receiving
from the civil or military authorities, rations, clothing or
pay at the public expense, and to accompany such returns
with attested copies of the authority on which the issues
have been made. — R. Woosnam." The Government notice
of the 10th, called for returns of the exact number of indivi
duals, not belonging to the regular forces, who were serving
in any capacity with provisional corps or levies, together
with statements concerning their rank, pay and the authority

20 DESPATCH No. 154 AGAIN
CHAP, for their appointment. These returns were not received as
L promptly as the Governor thought they should have been.
By May the 6th, he tells us, that by dint of withholding his
sanction to the issue of all pay and rations, he obtained
sufficient data to enter upon his task of bringing forth his
famous despatch, No. 1 54. It is testimony to the compara
tively good and quiet behaviour of the Kaffirs during 1847
that the Governor was permitted to devote so much time
to this work. In this very long report there is not a word of
commendation for anyone. The violation of red tape
regulations seems to have horrified him far more than the
violation of all peace and the destruction of life and property
by the Kaffirs. Apparently, the principle which actuated
him was to regard every man as utterly dishonest until
proof of the reverse was forthcoming. But, as in the case
of Captain Stretch, no one had an opportunity of defending
himself, pleading honourable motives or showing that the
circumstances of 1846 precluded that detailed reverence for
red tape which was quite proper in those who could at a
distance regard danger with equanimity. The delays in
furnishing the returns called for, were not great, practically
all arrived within a month. Yet Sir H. Pottinger ascribed
this, in some cases, to the ignorance of officers whose business
it was to know all about what was going on ; in other cases
he believed that the delays were intentional, and that the
information was withheld with a view to quashing inquiry
and thereby eluding disclosures. But with what he did
obtain he found himself, he said, quite unable to give Earl
Grey any adequate idea of the confusion and unauthorised
expense and attendant peculation which had obtained.
" Officers who I conceive had no pretence for assuming to
themselves any such power had raised corps, appointed
local officers, ordered the issue of rations and sanctioned
supplies of clothing, arms, etc., to an extent that I only
gradually arrived at a full knowledge of, and that I could
not have before believed possible. At Grahamstown alone,
the monthly expense could not have been less than £3,000.
Persons of all ranks and callings were known by the military
titles of captain- commandant, captain-paymaster, quarter
master and all the paraphernalia of the regular army.

LEVIES NOT UNAUTHORISED 21
Officers while receiving pay as men " in the field " were CHAP.
following their occupations of editor of newspaper, shop- L
keeper, saddler, inn-keeper, etc. Instead of being " in the
field " or " at the front " as we should say nowadays, he
considered that these officers and men, who were receiving
pay and rations as on military service, were simply living
at their homes or at most within twenty miles of Grahams
town in their own district of Albany ; whilst other detach
ments were staying at the " farms of private gentlemen."
It is very curious that Sir Henry Pottinger's detailed
investigations did not teach him that the invasion of the
Colony by the Kaffirs had rendered Grahamstown and
Albany " in the field " and that much of the war had been
in these parts and not in Kaffirland itself. As had been
shewn, the Grahamstown Hottentot levy under the command
of Mr. L. H. Heurant (obviously the newspaper editor
commandant referred to by the Governor), the Sporting
Club under Mr. W. Stubbs (the saddler commandant),
the Yeomanry under Mr. J. D. Nordau (an auctioneer
commandant), the Cradock levy, organised by Mr. W.
Gilfillan, the civil commissioner, the levies of Fort Beaufort,
Fort Brown, Shiloh and others had done very important
work in fighting in bush and mountain, escorting provision
waggons to distant outposts, as well as occupying these
outposts, continually patrolling the country and always
holding themselves in readiness, night and day, to turn out
a a moment's notice to act on the defensive or offensive.
Yet the Governor looked upon these levies as unauthorised
in their establishment and existing more as swindles than
necessary defences of the country. They were, however,
not unauthorised, for on April 25th, 1846, that is at the
beginning of the war, Col. Hare, the Lieut.-Governor and
Commander of the forces issued the following notice : " Any
respectable inhabitant of the district, who shall be considered
to be- in every respect qualified for such a post as that of
commander of 100 men, understanding perfectly the Dutch
language, of an active and enterprising character, prepared
to meet with fatigues and privations and determined to do
good service himself and be an example of courage and
gallantry to his men " would be permitted to take such

22 REPORT ON MR. GILFILLAN
CHAP, command at certain specified rates of pay. Further, there
L was so much in the numerous Garrison and General Orders
of the time, sanctioning this and authorising that, that one
is almost driven to the conclusion that in his numerous
charges of fraud and peculation against everybody, Sir
Henry Pottinger must have been actuated by some spite or
contempt for all who had really conscientiously done their
duty and must have deliberately turned a deaf ear to anything
which was to be said in their defence. He believed no one.
On his arrival in Port Elizabeth, he tells us, he was led by
misrepresentation to believe that the country was in a
dangerous and wretched state, but that he now believes
the object was to keep up the notion of invasion and in
security in order to provide a plea for war establishments
and their concomitant abuses.
In accordance with Col. Hare's notice of April 25th,
1846, Mr. W. Gilfillan of Cradock had formed a body of
Hottentots called the Cradock levy. Having served well for
some time and received no pay, they became discontented
and showed a tendency to disband. To prevent this and
to keep them together, Mr. Gilfillan, out of his own pocket
and on his own unauthorised responsibility, advanced
£249 5s. out of the £482 10s. which was due to them.
The only irregularity of which he seems to have been
guilty, was that of recouping himself from the military
funds at a later date than he might have done. A most
careful examination into his accounts and into his care of
public money showed that everything was quite correct.
Yet Sir Henry Pottinger in his report to Earl Grey said :
" I record my deliberate and most conscientious conviction
that the money that has been drawn from the military chest
neither has reached, nor can ever reach the hands of the
many of those for whom it was intended." He left it to the
Secretary of State to decide whether Mr. Gilfillan should be
permitted to retain his important public office. Armed
with the information which the notices of April 3rd and
10th had brought forth, the Governor felt sufficiently
confident to issue General Orders on May the 6th directing
the disbandment of all levies and the dismissal of the greater
number of the officers. In some cases this took effect on

uuvniinuK v. COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 23
May 15th, but all by the 31st. His idea then was to re-form CHAP.
a smaller number of levies, but each of greater strength. L
As will be seen, he met with considerable difficulty in doing
this. The men when once set free showed the greatest
disinclination to re-enlist on any terms he could propose.
Writing to Sir George Berkeley on May 13th, he said:
" I neither can see nor admit that any step which I have
taken towards these people should have caused such a
general feeling of dissatisfaction as appears to have suddenly
arisen among them." The colonists regarded all this with
grave concern, as it clearly exposed the Frontier to danger.
Had the Kaffirs at that time been as disposed for war as
they had been in the previous year, such action as this of
Sir Henry Pottinger's would have been tantamount to an
invitation to invasion. The doubts with regard to the right
and authority to sanction expenditure from the military
chest which Sir H. Pottinger entertained in the cases of
Colonel Somerset and Col. Johnstone, extended even to
Sir George Berkeley, the Commander of the whole of the
forces. He considered that as Civil Governor, he alone
was responsible to Her Majesty's Government in all financial
matters, and that the Commander of the troops was sub
ordinate to himself, and could incur no military expense
without his knowledge • and approval. This raised the
question of their relative authoritative positions. Sir H.
Pottinger considered that Sir George Berkeley stood towards
him as Governor in the same relation as the Commander-
in-Chief in India did towards the Governor-General or as
the Commander-in-Chief of one of the subordinate Presi
dencies did to the Governor of that Presidency. If so, then
Sir George Berkeley was not vested with any power to
authorise the expenditure of public money " without my
previous sanction, that the military chest, the provision of
funds and supplies are under my control, that all appoint
ments to all commands of local and provisional corps or
levies and the fixing of their emoluments rest with me. I
have casually seen in the newspapers that which convinced
me that you were not the proper authority to attach officers
to the local levies and fix their emoluments, both of which
were done by you in Grahamstown." Sir George Berkeley

24 SIR G. BERKELEY'S REPLY
CHAP, might recommend payment to be made or withheld or
nominate officers to command levies, but the final sanction
lay with the Governor, under whose orders men and money
might be placed at the disposal of the General Commanding.
As the military chest might be emptied to the last penny
without his knowing anything about it, Sir H. Pottinger
refused to be responsible for any disbursements or expenses
over which he could exercise no control. In order to come
to a clear understanding and to prevent a clash of authority,
he wrote to Sir George Berkeley in this strain on April the
ioth, from his camp at Fort Peddie.
Sir George, in reply on the 17th, acknowledged that he
had not been in India and was not acquainted with the
procedure there, but he had always understood that no
payments could be made except under the authority of the
Officer Commanding the troops and quoted from the regula
tions. " The Commissariat Chest at each station is under
the control and responsibility of the Officer Commanding,
no issue to be made from the chest which is not authorised
and directed by a warrant under his hand." In the end, by
mutual agreement, the Governor took upon himself the
responsibility of the levies, while Sir George Berkeley was
in command of the regular troops. The former, however,
were not called upon for much afctive service as the war
was practically at an end and such calls as were made,
met with but small response as all were too eager to take
advantage of their disbandment.
In spite of his harsh treatment of all those in military
authority, it is pleasant to discover that there was one
direction in which Sir Henry Pottinger took a kindlier
part. In the same measure in which he felt himself called
upon to protect the British — and Colonial — taxpayer against
what he considered as the unwise and lavish expenditure of
public money, so, on the other hand and in justice to the
British and Colonial, who had suffered in consequence of
the war, he moved in the matter of compensation for their
losses. " Where men have sacrificed their lives and been
wounded in defending the Colony, I think their families
or themselves, have established claims to which both policy
and humanity demand consideration and I mean to express

A COMMISSIONER FOR CLAIMS 25
that opinion when I lay those claims before the Executive CHAP.
Council. ... I may remark that the universal argument L
urged by the people is, that their well-being and prosperity
(as well as safety and lives) have been lost by a course of
prescribed policy, which was adhered to when it had become
obvious that it was fast tending to, and could only terminate
in, the present misery and devastation." * This question of
compensation was almost the first thing to which he gave
his attention on his arrival in the Colony. As has already
been pointed out, it was the substance of the petition which
arrived in Cape Town just after his departure for the East,
and to which he gave his cordial support in transmitting it
to Earl Grey. He must have moved in this matter during
the very first week of his arrival in Grahamstown, for on
March the nth, he was ready with a Government notice
replying to all the petitions which had been received. His
answer to their statements was that he had appointed
R. Burgas, Esq., M.A., of the Middle Temple, Barrister-at-
Law, to be a Commissioner for Claims, to whom all were
invited to present their cases. Mr. Burgas, who seems to
have been a personal friend of Sir Henry Pottinger and a
member of his suite, undertook this work, pro bono publico ;
he refused all remuneration and reward for his troublesome
task. He went to work with enthusiasm, visiting such
centres as Grahamstown 2 and Port Elizabeth, where people
could be interviewed and applications received. He raised
hopes in many a breast. There was talk of pensions for those
incapable by reason of their wounds, for the survivors of
those murdered by Kaffirs ; there was to be remuneration
for transport and other Government services and compensa
tion for the losses of oxen and waggons as well as houses,
merchandise and other property.
But those in whom expectations of relief in their unde
served sufferings and ruinations were thus raised, were
doomed to speedy disappointment. Earl Grey would not
for a moment consider compensation. In a Despatch dated
June 15th, 1847, he said : " You announce in your Despatch
of March 1 5th, that you had appointed Mr. Burgas to be a
1 Despatch Pottinger to Earl Grey, March 15th, 1847
' At the Freemasons' Tavern, afterwards Wood's Hotel.

26 NO INDEMNIFICATION
CHAP. Commissioner for Claims for compensations for casualties
I- in action with the enemy, for wounds received in action,
for the loss which individuals may have sustained by the
murders of their kindred or friends by the enemy, for the
value of private property employed in the public service,
and for losses incurred by the plundering and devastation
of the enemy. It does not distinctly appear from your
Despatch what is the ultimate object of the inquiry with a
view to which you have made this appointment ; but as I
am led to apprehend that it may possibly be intended as a
preliminary step towards preferring a claim for compensation
being made to the sufferers by the war at the cost of this
country, I think it my duty to take the earliest opportunity
of discouraging any expectations that such a claim, if
preferred, would be entertained. With colonies in every
quarter of the globe in the vicinity of uncivilised populations,
it would be a very serious matter to take a course involving
an admission that the British Treasury is to be held respon
sible for the losses in which British Colonists may be involved
in their contests with such people. The Government and
Legislature of this Kingdom have adopted the general
practice of allowing the whole cost of actual warfare in
such cases to be charged on the revenue derived from taxes
paid by the people of the United Kingdom, and they have
also, with a view to the prevention of such warfare in our
various colonies, maintained garrisons, forming a very
heavy demand on the military and the financial resources
of the country. The expense thus incurred for the defence
of our colonies has been very large, nor is there any part of
Her Majesty's dominions, for the protection of which the
troops and the treasure of the United Kingdom have been
more freely employed than for the Cape of Good Hope."
Earl Grey considered that an addition to such charges as
these, the indemnification of colonists against all the injuries
which war may bring upon them was warranted neither by
precedent nor justice. Sir Henry Pottinger does not seem
to have agreed with the noble earl, for writing to Sir George
Berkeley on November the 13th, he said : "I confess it
seems to be a case of extreme hardship that men whose
property has been pressed into, and lost in, the public service

' AN EASTERN PROVINCE PEACE 27
(whether civil or military) should not be compensated for CHAP.
it, but such I collect to be the decision of Her Majesty's L
Government, as I consider it to be almost hopeless that the
revenue of the Colony can ever meet such demands, even
supposing the Legislative Council would be disposed to
appropriate any portion of it to that object."
But what about the war while all these more purely
political matters were engrossing the attention of the
Governor and so many others ? The disbandment of the
levies and the dismissal of local officers indicated that peace
was in the land. So it was ; but it was the typical Eastern
Province peace. There was the usual marauding on the
Frontier farms by small parties of Kaffirs. Some of those
who had been registered and then known as " friendly "
were caught here and there with stolen property while
others were found in possession of guns which were supposed
to have been surrendered. Although there was very little
actual fighting, in fact, throughout this year there was only
one action worthy of the name of war — no one for a moment
supposed that the enemy was yet subdued or that it was
possible to turn an undivided attention to the peaceable
occupations of farming or trading. A Government notice
on April 3rd, enjoined all to keep a watchful eye upon their
stock and to be continually on the alert to intercept parties
of marauders who might have eluded the watches at the
military posts.
At a distance in Kaffirland, Pato's people were still in
open hostility, but the chief himself, early in March, had,
through the intervention of the chief Umhala, sent a mes
senger to the British agent offering his surrender. But it
does not seem to have been accepted. That exemplary
paragon of virtue and integrity, Sandilli, and his Gaikas,
were, it might almost be said, painfully quiet. The reward
for this was the fine crops which were to be seen everywhere
in Kaffirland. The attitude of Kreli was still an enigma.
This, roughly, was the state of affairs on March 19th,
when Sir Henry Pottinger arrived at Fort Peddie where he
established his headquarters. He had been escorted a part
of the way from Grahamstown by the Sporting Club and
Yeomanry. This greatly gratified him until he discovered

28 HOTTENTOTS REFUSE TO RE-ENLlST
CHAP, that they were receiving pay from the Public Treasury. In
L view of the notice of March 3rd, calling for burgher recruits,
he expected to find that the whole number called for had
arrived on the previous day, the 18th. But to his disappoint
ment and chagrin, barely one half of the number presented
themselves, and many of these were badly mounted and
armed. This was the beginning of the difficulty which
beset him and Sir George Berkeley throughout the year,
namely that of raising a force sufficiently strong to continue
operations in the enemy's country. Very serious too was the
reluctance of the Hottentots to re-enlist after their dis-
bandment. Their services were especially desired because
of their special fitness for Kaffir warfare. " They possessed
wonderful power of vision, great celerity of foot and power
of endurance ; they were expert in discovering the track
of Kaffirs and cattle and when found could always follow
it up until they reached both Kaffirs and cattle. In this
respect, they were of far more use than the regular soldiers."
Recruiting among the people continued for some months,
but with poor result. Even the lure of a £2 bounty did not
draw them. They looked upon this with suspicion and
feared that by taking it, they condemned themselves to a
military life for the rest of their days. Apart from this, too
fresh in the memories of both burghers and Hottentots was
the treatment they had received during the preceding year.
There were some Hottentots, who although nominally dis
banded were still retained at one or other of the military
posts. At Fort Beaufort, for instance, there were many of
the Graaff-Reinet levy in semi-nakedness and discontented.
All seem to have been staunch in their refusal to re-enlist.
On account of this difficulty of getting recruits and the sub
sequent questionable behaviour of a large proportion of the
burghers who did join the forces, the prospects of success in
the contemplated military procedure were small.
The first steps towards the solution of the Kaffirland
problem which presented themselves to Sir Henry Pottinger
were the re-establishment of King William's Town as a
military depot ; the substitution of the mouth of the Buffalo
river for Waterloo Bay as a landing place for stores and the
formation of a number of small military posts between those

uuftALU KI VER MOUTH TO BE DEVELOPED 29
places. Then eventually, when the war was over, he proposed CHAP.
to declare the country between the Buffalo and Kei rivers L
under the protection of the Queen of England and named
British Kaffraria. British agents were to be appointed to
assist the chiefs in the administration of justice and the
settlement of disputes ; all that was good in native laws and
customs was to be retained while all that was objectionable,
such as witchcraft and certain obscene practices, was to be
peremptorily abolished. In short, this prospective Kaffirland
policy was 'to be very like that of Sir Benjamin D'Urban.
Sir Henry Pottinger differed very materially from Sir P.
Maitland in his attitude towards the chiefs. While the latter
ignored them and hoped to govern entirely by European
officials, the former thought it was impossible to act without
them. The scheme of releasing 30,000 or 40,000 men free
from all authority and guidance of their chiefs seemed to
him to be preposterous and he could not understand how it
could have been thought of. As will be seen, Sir Henry
Pottinger did not remain long enough in the country to
give effect to any of his good intentions.
In view of the future development and prosperity of the
Eastern Province, the attention which was now given to
the mouth of the Buffalo river was of the first importance.
But it must be said in passing that it was not the first attempt
to turn that place to good account. During 1836, before it
was known that the disastrous Philip-Glenelg-Stockenstrom
policy was to result in the abandonment of the Province of
Queen Adelaide and the undoing of all the good work of
Sir Benjamin D'Urban and the famous Col. (afterwards Sir)
Harry Smith, Mr. John Bailie — head of Bailie's party of
1820 settlers — first conceived the idea of establishing a port
at the mouth of the Buffalo river. It is scarcely conceivable
that any meditative and observant person, standing near
the Buffalo mouth in 1847 and viewing that wide river
making its way inland through those beautiful and wooded
hills, would not have foreseen — even without a detailed vision
of the future prosperous town of East London — that in the
course of events, a centre of civilisation and industry would
arise there. It could not be that the wild and thieving
Kaffir was to be allowed to regard indefinitely the circum-

30 EARLY DISASTERS AT EAST LONDON
CHAP, adjacent country as a refuge for stolen cattle and a perpetual
lm home of all that was bad and violent. Perhaps some such
considerations occurred to Mr. Bailie. In any case he sug
gested to Sir Benjamin D'Urban the expediency of making
surveys and taking soundings. This was done and a favour
able report resulting, a small vessel made the first attempt
to enter the river. The vessel was the Knysna which belonged
to Mr. Rex the surveyor. With both Messrs Bailie and Rex
on board, the Knysna left Cape Town with a cargo of
stores for the troops and arrived at the mouth of 'the Buffalo,
but was unable to cross the bar. All the stores, however,
were safely landed on the western side in small boats. Mr.
Bailie tells us that his first procedure on landing was to
erect some sort of pole on an eminence on the eastern bank
arid to hoist the British flag. The Knysna further tested
the capabilities of the place by riding at anchor for seven
weeks and successfully weathering two gales. Eventually,
she sailed back to Cape Town with a cargo of hides. The
name Port Rex was then given to the prospective site of
East London. Port Rex was forgotten. Now, in 1847,
another war causes the idea of the development of the
mouth of the Buffalo to be re-born. Waterloo Bay as
a landing place for military stores had proved dis
appointing, so under the aegis of Sir Henry Pottinger
and Sir George Berkeley the Buffalo mouth was re-
surveyed. The work was done by Lt. Forsyth, in the
exploring ship Beagle— in which the famous Charles Darwin
had surveyed unknown coasts in Australia and South
America. Again the report was satisfactory. Thus the
mouth of the Buffalo became a port and even in these early
days many vessels might, now and then, be seen at the
anchorage at the same time. Its early history, however, is
not free from accounts of disaster. On October 1 7th of this
year, there were five vessels at anchor in the roadstead — the
Kate, the Foam, the Ghika, the Chieftain and the Harriet.
The weather was threatening, albeit cargo was being landed
by means of surf boats. Early in the afternoon one of these
boats in making its way from the shore to the ship through
the surf — which was becoming more and more violent —
was swamped when seven out of the ten men were drowned.

^iYii±nfjitii^jj MARKET CATTLE DRIVING" 31
Among them was Captain Froud of the Ghika. He had CHAP.
offered the men a reward to risk taking him back to his ship. I-
Then during the night, the Ghika itself broke from her moor
ings, was driven into the surf and mysteriously became a
total wreck, when twelve more persons — all on board —
were drowned, making a total of nineteen. Mysteriously,
because nothing was known on shore of the Ghika' s difficulties
until one of her boats was found floating in the river the
next morning.
Sir George Berkeley, with a part of the 73rd regiment,
marched to Port Buffalo — as for a time it may be called — and
established there his headquarters. He did not make this
march into the enemy's country without molestation.
Kaffirs in many bushy parts, with considerable daring,
showed themselves disposed to dispute the further progress
of the column and to attack the waggon convoy. When the
headquarters camp was formed, they hovered around and
made it dangerous for any of the occupants to move to any
distance. In this state of affairs and in moments of fancied
safety, Major Smith of the 73rd was wounded and two of
the Albany burghers were killed. To guard the drifts and
other places through which it was possible for the Kaffirs to
drive cattle, as well as to impress them with the idea that
possession of their country had been taken, a number of
temporary posts were established between Port Buffalo and
King William's Town. These were manned, in the first
place, by the burghers of Uitenhage and Albany and the
Rifle Brigade.
But shortly before this, namely in March, Col. Somerset
with the C.M.R. and a number of burghers had operated
effectively in the country between the Keiskamma and
Chalumna rivers, scouring the bush for concealed Kaffirs,
burning kraals and capturing cattle. One detachment
killed two of the enemy and got 50 cattle while another
captured 130. Such work as this constituted the Kaffir
warfare of this time. It was, in fact, " Smithfield market
cattle driving " as Col. Smith called it at the time of the
1835 war.
Before Sir Henry Pottinger had been in Kaffirland a
fortnight, he dealt in a very summary way with the treaties

32 SIR H. POTTINGER ANNULS TREATIES
CHAP, which had been made with the various Kaffir tribes. Dis
regarding all that had been done by Glenelg, Stockenstrom,
Napier and Maitland in their policies of conciliation, for
bearance and pampering with presents, he, without any
ceremony, formality or customary assembling of chiefs, but
with a mere stroke of the pen, so to speak, abolished every
treaty whatsoever. According to a Government notice of
March 31st, he gave it to be understood that " Several
recent instances having occurred of papers having been
transmitted to, or for the information of Her Majesty's
High Commissioner in which allusion is made to ' Existing
treaties ' and the ' terms of subsisting engagements '
-with Kaffir chiefs, His Excellency deems it advisable, with
the object of putting a final stop to all misapprehension on
this point, to publish for general information the appended
extract of a letter, addressed from Fort Peddie, on the
26th instant, to Captain Maclean, Commissioner with the
Tslambi tribes : — You have of course already distinctly
understood that no treaties are to be made with any of the
chiefs who may remain on this side of the Kei River, and
all such as have been already entered into are to be considered
as annulled without an exception." This sweeping statement
must, of course, have included the Fingoes. It is however,
open to question whether this was intended, for those people,
from the time of their liberation from Gcaleka thraldom,
had been loyal and had always taken part with the British
against all the other tribes.
In the early months of 1847, it was the intention of Sir
H. Pottinger and Sir G. Berkeley to commence operations
in the country beyond the Buffalo river, to bring to heel
Pato, Kreli and Mapassa and thus to make a finality of the
war. But these plans were frustrated almost as soon as
thought of. For small as the total force was, it was further
diminished by the refusal of many of the burghers to remain
any longer in the field. According to the Proclamation of
March 3rd, the volunteer burghers were not to be detained
from their homes and families more than one month. Those
who responded to the call, went to Fort Peddie, and must
have waited there some time before Sir H. Pottinger arrived
on March 19th. So that by April the 12th or 13th, their

I'/.V I :
HEW KAFFIR POLICE FORCE 33
proferred month of service expired. At that time, therefore, CHAP.
without more ado, the whole of the Uitenhage burghers I-
and most of those of Albany left their posts and commenced
the return journey to their homes. This altered the plan of
campaign and, for a time, made a forward movement im
possible. This, not surprisingly, greatly- angered Sir G.
Berkeley. He pointed out to the Governor the impossibility
of carrying out any regular operations against the enemy,
if the men under his command are to work, when, how and
where they please and desert their posts at the very moment
their services are most required. " If the burghers when
called out for the defence of their country do not choose to
defend it, but, on the contrary, disband themselves when
ever they please, the sooner we leave them to their fate the
better." The burghers when expostulated with, quoted the
terms of the Proclamation. The Governor's answer was
that he meant a month from the time they took service " in
the field." He does not seem to have recognised that Fort
Peddie was " in the field."
Fortunately, in addition to the Fingoes and Hottentots,
there was at this time another native force which had been
raised shortly before. It was one on which the Governor
looked with great confidence, but which was regarded with
suspicion by the colonists. This new body was a police
force comprised of " friendly " Kaffirs. In spite of acting
against their own kith and kin, the Kaffir Police did very
good work and gave such satisfaction to the Governor, that
he caused this force to be largely increased. It was placed
under the command of a Lieut. Davies, and had its head
quarters at the new town of Alice, which was then making
a start. The difficulty in which the Governor considered himself
to be placed, induced him to look overseas for further rein
forcements of regular troops. He proposed to get a regiment
from India as well as assistance from St. Helena and
Mauritius. But Earl Grey would not hear of it. He pointed
out to Sir Henry Pottinger, that the total number of troops in
the Colony was 5470,1 which with the assistance he was likely
to get locally, placed him in a far better position than Sir
1 The number on the frontier was 3,271.
VOL. V 3 D

34 KAFFIR DEPREDATIONS RIFE
CHAP. Benjamin D'Urban had been in during the 1835 war, when
I- the total number of troops was 1,709. He (Earl Grey)
thought that the object in view ought to be attained without
recourse to the Governor-General of India and the with
drawal of portions of the garrisons from St. Helena and
Mauritius. Time eventually showed that there was no
need for these reinforcements. In consequence of Sir
Henry Pottinger's conviction of the inadequacy of the
military force, of the reluctance of the colonists to render
any spirited assistance, of the doubts which were entertained
concerning the fidelity of the Fingoes and the Kaffir Police
and, perhaps it may be said, of that want in Sir Henry
Pottinger himself of that fiery spirit and precipitancy which
would have been exhibited by Sir Harry Smith under these
circumstances, the Kaffirs had things much in their own
way during the first six months of 1847. Depredations,
especially in Lower Albany, were as rife as ever. It was
impossible for isolated families living within twenty miles
of the border to feel otherwise than insecure. In view of
this state of things, J. D. Nel, in July, visited the Governor
and assured him that their continuance would necessitate
him and others to quit the Colony altogether. Sir Henry,
in reply, could only say that it was his determination to
subjugate the Kaffirs and to. bring about the peace which
all so desired. He added further that he was persuaded
that Her Majesty's Government still laboured under
erroneous impressions with regard to . these matters
and that he had been doing all he could to disabuse
them. The present warfare, if it may be so called, was little
more than the inglorious hunting of cattle thieves and the
protection of convoys of supplies from one military post to
another. The enemy undoubtedly resented the establish
ments at Waterloo Bay and Fort Buffalo. To those places their
attention was especially directed. They availed themselves
of the opportunities which were offered by the neglect of
those who had to guard property, as well as by their own
daring and prowess. In May, two mule waggons, laden
with supplies and escorted by ten men of the C.M.R., were
going from Port Buffalo to King William's Town. About

KAtEIHS ATTACK A CONVOY

35

half-way, near Need's camp,1 the road lay through a defile CHAP.
which was flanked on both sides by high rocky eminences L
and therefore, in the state of the country, a dangerous place,
as offering cover to hostile Kaffirs. Fortunately Kaffirs
were seen in that part before the convoy entered. One or
two of the escort seized shelter behind some of the rocks on
one side of the defile, while the Kaffirs were behind those
on the other. From both sides firing commenced and con
tinued for half an hour, during which time, in spite of the
hail of bullets, the remainder of the escort rushed the waggons
through. The Kaffirs retreated to a distant thicket and were
followed. Three were found dead and the blood in different
places indicated that many must have been wounded. The
firing being heard at Need's camp, assistance was sent forth,
but when it arrived, the action was over.
Although there were many Kaffirs who were disposed to
make such attacks as this, probably a very much larger
number, including chiefs, were in favour of peace. The
women had actually declared their intention to go into the
Colony for refuge as a protest against continuance of the
war by the men. In May, the warlike Gaikas through
Sandilli asked that the missionaries and traders might be
allowed to return to Kaffirland. This however, may not
have meant much, especially in view of Sandilli's behaviour
shortly afterwards. The Governor not feeling prepared to
declare peace with the Gaikas, said that those people might
return if they chose, but that he would not be responsible for
their safety.
In June, matters assumed a more warlike aspect and,
as in the previous year, the troops found the enemy worthier
of their steel. Sandilli was held responsible for all that
happened. But in justice to that wily chief, it must be said
that — in the first place at all events — his offence was one
which could scarcely be construed as defiance of the Govern
ment, though it afterwards developed into that. It was,
comparatively speaking, the insignificant crime of one
Kaffir in Kaffirland stealing stock from another. He was
- Need's camp was a temporary post which, in the first place, was held
by the Uitenhage volunteers, but when they abandoned it, Lieut. Need
with some of the Rifle Brigade was stationed there. The site still bears
the name.

36 ATTEMPT TO ARREST SANDILLI
CHAP, probably more inclined for war now than he had been during
L the previous six months, but finding the troops upon his
track to punish him for what was really more of a domestic
affair, he summoned force to oppose them.
The details of the case are these. Fourteen goats were
stolen from a Fingo's kraal in the Kat River district. The
matter having been reported to the Kaffir police, the spoor
was traced to a kraal of one of Sandilli's people, about
twenty miles distant. The police then, as in duty bound,
reported the theft to Sandilli. Sandilli, in righteous wrath
let us suppose, visited the offending kraal, recovered the
stolen goats and took all the cattle belonging to the thief
as well as those of some perfectly innocent people, and
converted all to his own use. As soon as the matter became
known to the Revd. H. Calderwood, the Gaika commissioner
at Block Drift, he sent two messengers to Sandilli's place
near Burns Hill, demanded the restoration of the goats,
three head of cattle as a fine and the person of the thief.
Nothing seems to have been said about the other people's
cattle. Sandilli returned twelve goats and the answer that
he could not send the thief as he did not know who he was ;
in fact, so he said, he did not believe the goats had been
stolen, but had been found just wandering about and belong
ing to nobody. That, he was lying was obvious from the
fact that he had confiscated the thief's property.
The Governor decided that this matter could not be
overlooked. He left it to the discretion of Mr. Calderwood
to adopt the one or the other of the following courses of
action : — either to compel Sandilli to restore the remaining
two goats, to deliver up the thief and to pay a fine for his
contumacy, or to seize him and place him in confinement
as a traitor and disturber of the public tranquillity. And as
these measures might lead to an outbreak, the authorities at
the Kat River Settlement and Fort Beaufort were to warn
their respective inhabitants to be on the alert. The second
of these alternatives, which really in practice included the
first, was the one attempted.
On June 1 5th, Lieut. Davies with 74 of the Kaffir Police
moved off from the police office in Alice towards Middle
Drift. And at the same time Capt. Moultree, from Fort

ANTA ALSO FLED 37
Hare, marched in command of parties of the 45th regiment, chap.
the 7th Dragoon Guards, the Cape Corps and Fingoes —
about 170 strong — towards the same place. These forces
united in the afternoon and bivouacked for the night at Middle
Drift. Signal fires of the Kaffirs were seen on the distant
hills, indicating that in all probability, the enemy was
not in ignorance of the move which was intended against
them. At two o'clock in the dark morning of the 16th,
the whole force moved along the upper road to Burns
Hill, undoubtedly passing over the place where the disaster
to the waggons took place in the preceding April. Then in
confident hopes of catching Sandilli and his people napping —
or fast asleep in their huts — the two-mile further journey
was made towards his place. But as so often happened in
Kaffir warfare, there was something about the equipment of
the regular military which could make a noise and give
warning of its approach, so in this case, the rattling of the
swords of the galloping dragoons was heard at the kraals.
Instantly all was life and soon the war cry was heard, calling
Gaikas to arms. It is scarcely surprising therefore, that
when the officers went to Sandilli's kraal to seize the chief, he
was not to be found and the main object of the expedition
was foiled.
Lieut. Davies with his men rode a short distance to the
kraal of the chief Anta — Sandilli's brother — in the hope of
arresting him. But he also had fled and left as his represen
tatives a large number of his people armed with guns.
Lieuts. Davies and Russell (also of the Kaffir Police) then
took their men along the spoor of cattle which went up
the adjacent Amatola mountains. Right on top they cap
tured a number of animals with which they returned to
Sandilli's kraal and rejoined the remainder of the force.
The cattle at that place were also seized. The return march
to Block Drift was then commenced. The sight of their
cattle being driven from them could not permit the Kaffirs
to suffer this march to be made without molestation. The
troops reached Burns Hill safely, where a halt was called.
During this time, Kaffirs in great strength were seen to be
approaching, but obviously making their way to the upper
drift across the Keiskamma, where under ordinary circum-

38 A FIGHTING RETREAT
CHAP, stances the river would be crossed. On this account as well
as because of the danger of this upper road with its thick bush
on either side, Capt. Moultree ordered his men to make a
detour and endeavour to reach the lower drift — the Middle
Drift in fact — albeit that path also passed for some distance
through thick bush. On reaching the top of a hill, a further
reinforcement of two hundred Kaffirs armed with guns was
discovered on the other side and in the distance yet more
were seen to be approaching. Capt. Moultree estimated
that there were at least a thousand bent on opposing his
retreat, for that in reality is what it was. Sandilli himself
was seen upon this hill. He sent a messenger to Lieut.
Davies to ask where the cattle were going and what he had
done to merit such treatment as this. He was told in reply,
to go to Block Drift and discuss the matter with Mr.
Calderwood. Firing commenced on both sides and was
continued while both bodies of combatants moved towards
Block Drift, but the Kaffirs wisely kept at too great a distance
to admit of much damage being done. Three however,
were seen to fall dead ; how many more were killed and
how many wounded is uncertain. On the side of the troops,
during this march of fifteen miles, one private of the 45th
was killed and one wounded ; one of the 7th Dragoon
Guards was wounded and of the Kaffir Police, Lieut.
Russell and one private were killed. The enemy followed
the force up to within four miles of Fort Hare, which place
was reached at five in the afternoon. Thirty-nine cattle and
two horses were taken in ; there should have been many
more considering the number captured, but many had
escaped, frightened by the sound of the guns — and, of
course, were recaptured by the Kaffirs. This affair gave a
new and definite turn to the war. It demonstrated that the
Gaikas were less peaceably inclined and better supplied
with guns than had been supposed. And the fact that these
troops had had to make a retreat, reminiscent of that from
Burns Hill in April, 1846, indicated that before any further
action was taken against Sandilli, it was necessary to make
sure that the means at hand might reasonably be expected to
ensure success. It was clear that there would have to be
further hunting in the extensive Amatola mountains. Sir

SLOW RECRUITING 39
Henry Pottinger now saw reason to regret his premature chap.
and sweeping disbandment of all the levies and the unpopu- L
larity which he had thus brought upon himself. At this
time, he tells Sir George Berkeley, that the worst feature of
the present position of affairs is the want of spirit and the
apathy of the colonists. It is not to be denied, he said, that
they have suffered much in the past. To induce them to
come forward again he promised, in his Proclamation of
August 27th, that they should be permitted to keep for their
own use all the cattle and other booty which they took from
the Kaffirs. Major Hogge was moving actively about the
country, even as far from the Frontier as the districts of
George and Swellendam endeavouring to enlist and re-
enlist Hottentots ; but the length of his lists grew very
slowly. The 90th regiment, which had been sent to Cape
Town, was soon under orders to embark for Port Buffalo.
For three months preparations of one kind or another were
in progress, during which time Sir Henry Pottinger oscillated
between the determination to commence hostilities and the
fear of doing so. The Gaikas, in the meantime, were not
idle. Cattle were sent into distant places of supposed
security and Sandilli was holding communication with
Kreli and Pato with a view to combination. All other chiefs
however stood aloof and refused to become involved in the
hostilities. Maqomo even begged to be granted the same
privilege as had been accorded to Unkye at the beginning
of the war, namely, that of being allowed to reside in the
Colony. He was permitted to do so and Port Elizabeth
was chosen as his residence. He was allowed to take with
him ten followers who, like himself, were to be maintained
at the public expense. These ten followers had between
them, besides a hundred cattle, twenty horses and two
waggons, twenty-six wives and fifty-two children — eighty-
eight persons in all. The people of Port Elizabeth were
very angry when they heard of the honour Maqomo was to
confer upon them, for they regarded him as a more dangerous
character than Sandilli. They petitioned the Governor
against this move, but it took place all the same.
A few days after the punitive visitation to Sandilli's
kraal, the chief, though undoubtedly justified in making

40 SANDILLI TRIES TO PATCH UP PEACE
CHAP, his escape, probably felt that matters had gone too far in
the attack which had been made upon the troops. In any
case, he endeavoured to mend matters by sending, as a peace
offering, twenty-one milch cows and good oxen to Mr.
Calderwood at Block Drift. This procedure created a some
what perplexing situation. If this offering was accepted as
an earnest of Sandilli's contrition and sincerity, then the
contemplated action against him must be deferred, if not
entirely abandoned, as it would be a distinct act of treachery
to treat with him one day and attack him the next. On
the other hand, in view of the improbability of his remaining
at peace any longer than suited his purpose, it seemed more
expedient to visit upon him such punishment as should
humble him and his people permanently. Mr. Calderwood
was of opinion that no further parley should be held with
him until a sufficient force was at hand to compel him to
accede to the demands which were to be made. The gift
therefore, was not accepted.
On July 5th, Sandilli made a further attempt to patch
up a peace and, incidentally, to recover the cattle which had
been taken by the troops. He sent two messengers to Mr.
Calderwood " his father " to say that the late affair at his
place arose out of a misunderstanding. He tried to convey
the idea that besides the twelve goats which he had restored,
he had also sent the fine of three oxen, but the messenger
had stolen them and driven them off to his own kraal. He
(Sandilli) was now determined to find that messenger and
punish him. " Sandilli is hungry and his children are
hungry " he said " therefore, he begs his father to restore
the cattle." Mr. Calderwood's answer was " the late affair
at Sandilli's place was no mistake and Sandilli has already
been fully informed of its cause. I have no word respecting
the cattle, they are already in the hands of the Governor,
who is much displeased with Sandilli. My only reply to
Sandilli's message can be : Where is the thief whom Sandilli
said he did not know, while he had already taken his
property ? Whose fire arms were those employed in firing
upon the servants of the Government who went to Sandilli's
place ? — they do not belong to Sandilli, because Sandilli
says he has submitted to the Government and given up all

ATTEMPTS TO AVERT WAR

41

his guns. It is no mistake, they were in Sandilli's country, chap.
Until these questions are answered, I cannot believe Sandilli's
professions of submission."
During the ensuing few weeks, there was apparent peace,
though both sides were quietly making preparations for
war. On the part of the Colony strenuous, though not very
successful, exertions were made to get recruits while on
the side of the Gaikas cattle were being driven for safety
to the Windvogelberg (Cathcart) and Sandilli, also not very
successfully, was endeavouring to obtain the co-operation of
other tribes. By the middle of August, Sir Henry Pottinger's
military ardour had considerably cooled. He had weighed,
as they demanded, the difficulties, both civil and military,
which surrounded the whole affair and had, in the end, come
to the resolution of trying to avoid a recommencement of
hostilities for the present. He hoped to do this by making
such a demand upon Sandilli as, should it be complied with,
would, he thought, satisfy the offended dignity and honour
of the British Government. Mr. Calderwood therefore was
authorised to inform Sandilli that if he would give up two
hundred guns and also seize and deliver up the thief of the
goats, all that had passed would be overlooked and matters
would be allowed to revert to a friendly footing. But should
he, on the other hand, refuse this moderate demand, then
the Governor would consider himself at liberty to adopt
such measures as he might see fit.
Mr. Calderwood had little hope of success in any such
negotiation with Sandilli. In accordance with the Governor's
instructions, he sent, on August 18th, two trusty messengers
accompanied by the missionary, Mr. McDiarmid and a
good interpreter to Sandilli's kraal — a distance of about
fourteen miles. When they arrived the chief was not at
home. A great chief never was at home when emissaries from
the Government or other important delegate, suspected of
coming on some unpleasant errand, reached the place ;
though most probably all the time he was not very far distant.
The Governor's message was delivered to Anta, Sandilli's
brother and to Sutu, his mother, in the presence and hearing
of about thirty of the chief men of the kraal and in so distinct
a manner as to preclude the possibility of any misunder-

42 SANDILLI DECLARED A REBEL
CHAP, standing. The next day, Mr. Calderwood received a
L message from Sandilli saying that he was now at home and
the messenger might be sent to him again. In answer to
this impertinence, Sandilli was told that unless he (Mr.
Calderwood) received acceptance of the Governor's terms
by sundown that day, it would be taken as his rejection of
them and the Governor would be informed accordingly.
This did not frighten Sandilli as there had been a numerously-
attended meeting at his place when it was decided by a
large majority to refuse to part with their treasured guns.
As nothing further was heard from Sandilli, Sir Henry
Pottinger considered that such contumacious behaviour
could not be overlooked without endangering the general
peace and tranquillity of the Colony, it was therefore im
possible to avoid proceeding to active hostilities. On
August 27th, he issued a Proclamation, declaring Sandilli
a rebel and no longer under the protection of Her Majesty's
Government. It was then also when he invited all classes
of men to aid in the intended hostile measures against the
said rebel on the promise of their being allowed to keep
all the cattle they could capture.
Every attention had now to be given to the details of the
military operations which Sandilli's conduct had rendered
imperative. It was decided that men in parties of three or
four hundred, as lightly equipped as possible and without
waggons, should enter the Amatola mountains at different
places, scour them from top to bottom, destroy all habitations
and seize all cattle. All this was to commence at the full
of the moon in September. The available forces were the
6th, 27th, 45th, 90th and 91st regiments, the C.M.R. and
Rifle Brigade as well as the Swellendam and Kat River
Hottentots, the Kaffir Police and Kama's Kaffirs. The
colonists would render little or no assistance. The conditions
under which the hostilities were to be carried on were very
favourable compared with those which took place during the
previous year. There was no drought, consequently the
country was in fine condition and afforded plenty of food
for ox and horse and there was no shortage of supplies
or ammunition— depots having been established at King
William's Town, Debe Nek and Fort Hare. On the evening

SANDILLI TRIES TO NEGOTIATE

43

of September 19th, three columns, one under the command of chap.
Col. Somerset, one under Col. Buller and one under Col. L
Campbell — two thousand men in all — assembled at three
different points at the base of the famous Kaffir strongholds.
On the morning of the 20th a simultaneous move was made
into the mountains. The action, on the whole, seems to
have been very tame. The Kaffirs were very disinclined
to fight and fled immediately on the appearance of the troops,
so that they had practically everything their own way. In
one instance only did they return the fire ; this was against
Capt. Hogge's Hottentots in the Keiskamma Hoek moun
tains. Four Kaffirs were killed and 300 cattle were captured.
On September 28th, Capt. Hogge arrived in King William's
Town and reported that during the previous ten days he had
ridden through most of the country and everywhere found
the Kaffirs inclined for peace. Even the warlike Seyolo
had tendered his unqualified submission and other chiefs
were stated to have advised Sandilli to throw himself upon
the Governor's mercy. It is certain that before long,
Sandilli must not only have found himself unsupported by
any other chief, but even advised to surrender by those
on whom he relied for support. On October 19th, just
a month after the action began, this final surrender took
place. Final, because on three occasions, very shortly
before, he endeavoured to open negotiations with Capt.
Maclean, the Ndhlambi commissioner. The first was
on September 25th, when he must have seen or known
that, from the Kaffir point of view, things were going
very badly. He sent his brother Anta to learn on what
terms he would be received. The answer was unconditional
surrender and a readiness to meet all demands made by
the Governor without further discussion or evasion. On
October 5th, he tried again and sent as a peace offering
one gun (instead of two hundred) as an earnest of his sincerity
and with the message that its acceptance would be considered
as a guarantee of the cessation of hostilities. He received
for reply the intimation that his offer was an insult to the
Governor and that nothing less than his personal surrender
would be accepted. On October 10th he renewed his move
for peace and increased his offer to ten guns ; but he received

44 SURRENDER OF SANDILLI
CHAP, the same answer as before. By the 18th, when the troops
had rendered his case almost desperate and he himself had
been very nearly captured while hiding in a rocky eminence
above the Wolf river, he evidently saw no alternative but to
submit to any terms which might be demanded. On the
evening of that day, the 18th, two of Sandilli's councillors
arrived at Col. Buller's camp at Keiskamma Hoek. They
stated that Sandilli wished " to come out of the bush and
fall at the Governor's feet." Sandilli, so they said, was too
far away to come in that night, but if Col. Buller would send
an officer to conduct him to the camp, he would come in
the next day. Accordingly at dawn on the 19th, Capt.
Bisset with an interpreter and accompanied, presumably,
by the two councillors moved to the part where Sandilli
and a number of his people were in hiding. Having chosen
a place for the meeting, Capt. Bisset had to wait two hours
before Sandilli with Anta and eighty of his followers ap
peared. Sandilli wished to make terms then and there with
Capt. Bisset, but was told that Captain Bisset was only a
small captain and could not talk and that it was necessary
to go to Keiskamma Hoek, where the chief would meet a
big captain. Sandilli hesitated and conferred with his
men on the wisdom of this move. His personal safety
having been guaranteed and he himself repeating in Dutch,
" Zijn personlyke leven is versekert," he lighted his pipe
and said, " I will go." The return journey to the camp
was then made, during which Capt. Bisset would hold no
conversation with him. This is an important statement,
the truth of which it is somewhat difficult to elicit. For
shortly afterwards, Sandilli tried to show that his surrender
had been obtained through treachery, that he had been
induced to give himself up by false pretences on the part of
Capt. Bisset. Sir H. Pottinger in his despatch to Earl
Grey on November 1 ith, said that the matter was one which
involved the good faith of the British Government and his
own personal conduct as Governor. Of this more anon.
Sandilli on his arrival at the Keiskamma Hoek camp was
received by Col. Buller. "I am glad to see you have
surrendered yourself to the Government," said the Colonel,
" it was the only thing you could do, had you not done so

xaixuilli UN ROUTE TO GRAHAMSTOWN 45
hostilities would never have ceased." There can be no chap.
doubt that Sandilli's surrender was unconditional, but very I-
soon after his arrival in the camp, he endeavoured to make
it appear that he had come to complain of the action of
Mr. Calderwood in not sending him any message prior to
war being declared upon him, in short, that he was now in
the camp, not as a prisoner of war, but as great chief having
come to confer on a political matter with the representative
of the Governor. Capt. Bisset rode off to Sir Henry Pottinger
in Grahamstown and acquainted him with the progress of
affairs so far. He returned to Keiskamma Hoek and
through the interpreter, Mr. W. G. B. Shepstone, told
Sandilli that the Governor had heard of his request for
peace and of his complaint against Mr. Calderwood; that
Sandilli was to proceed to King William's Town with not
more than ten of his chief councillors, who would be able
to give evidence on the grievances he wished to bring against
the Gaika Commissioner before being brought face to face
with him. Sandilli answered, " This is all I wanted and I
am ready to accompany you. I never received any message
from Mr. Calderwood making a Government demand upon
me, I was absent from home at the time the messenger
arrived from the Commissioner, and when I returned home,
I sent to know what the message was. But my men were sent
away and told I should be reported for having offered an
insult to the Government."
In accordance with the Governor's instruction, Sandilli
and his suite, escorted by twenty of the 7th Dragoon Guards
and twenty of the C.M.R., with two mule waggons, moved
off to King William'sTown, really en route to Grahamstown,
where they were to be imprisoned. Capt Bisset was in
charge and command. Before they started a somewhat
perplexing conversation took place between Capt. Bisset
and Capt. Maclean. The former asked that Mr. Shepstone
might be allowed to accompany the party as interpreter.
Capt. Maclean refused on the ground that an interpreter
could not be wanted. " Yes," said Capt. Bisset, " I want
to conciliate him (Sandilli)." " What," said Capt. Maclean,
" conciliate a rebel ? Has he not surrendered himself ? He
ought to be seized if he attempts to resist." Capt. Bisset

46 IN PRISON AT GRAHAMSTOWN
CHAP, then explained that Sandilli had surrendered on the promise
of being allowed to justify himself against Mr. Calderwood's
accusations and that so far it was concealed from him that
he was to go to Grahamstown. Capt. Maclean then asked,
" Would he not have given himself up but for that promise ? "
" No," said Capt. Bisset. " Well then," rejoined Capt.
Maclean, " I do not like the transaction at all, I look to the
result which will be injurious, for when the natives hear the
nature of Sandilli's surrender and that he is detained as a
prisoner, Pato will never give himself up, I refused Sandilli's
surrender on the same terms some time ago." On his
arrival in King William's Town, Sandilli, probably an
object of interest and curiosity, was entertained at luncheon
by the officers, when his behaviour seems to have given
considerable amusement. It is not clear, however, that
there was any investigation into his charge against Mr.
Calderwood. In due course the cavalcade moved on to
Grahamstown where it arrived on the 29th (October). The
prisoners, for such they were, were housed in a small building
then standing in the Drostdy grounds and a strong guard
was placed over them. Three days after their arrival they
were visited by Messrs Woosnam and Calderwood. Sandilli's
demeanour in their presence was not that of a suppliant for
mercy or consideration. There was no salute or any other
sign of respect made by the chief and his men when the
officers of the Government entered. In the ensuing conversa
tion Sandilli was asked whether he was aware that he was a
prisoner. He replied, he was not, that he " came out of
the bush " at Capt. Bisset's request. Taking into considera
tion the general character of this wily and worthless barbarian
as well as the conditions under which he gave himself up,
it is not possible to place the slightest reliance on anything
he said in connection with these matters. For the present
we must leave him in prison.
On October 23rd, while Capt. Bisset was with Sandilli
on the road to Grahamstown, a number of military officers
met socially at the quarters of a Lieut. Gregory in King
William's Town. The merry conversation turned on the
expensive luxuries which had been purchased on behalf of
Sandilli ; one of the officers gave a laughable description of

DISCUSSION ON THE TERMS OF SURRENDER 47
the chief's conduct at the luncheon, which seems to have CHAP.
been engineered by Capt. Bisset. Discussion then arose on L
the terms and circumstances connected with the surrender,
when Capt. Maclean, so it was reported, said, " the chief
had been cajoled to surrender and that on the same terms
he might have had his surrender some time previously,
that the surrender was not unconditional, that he (Maclean)
had formed this opinion on Capt. Bisset's own words." This
statement was resented, not only by Capt. Bisset, who
demanded an explanation from Capt. Maclean, but also by
Sir George Berkeley, the Commander of the Forces, as
well as other officers. It was regarded as a slur on the good
name of the Army and a reflection upon those who had been
in any way connected with Sandilli's arrest. Capt. Maclean
in answer denied that he used the word " cajoled " or men
tioned Capt. Bisset's name, though he admitted all else and
added, " I never knew repetitions of private conversation
tend to any good." Sir George Berkeley brought the
matter before the Governor. " I cannot refrain," he said,
" from saying, that on his own showing, the language held
by Capt. Maclean was, from a public officer in his position,
improper and unbecoming." Sir Henry Pottinger in answer,
November 22nd, said : "I am much surprised to find the
footing on which Sandilli was treated on his arrival in King
William's Town, as I think that treatment was calculated
to give an erroneous impression to the wily chief — and in
fact to the world — of the position in which he stood, that of
an unconditional prisoner. I feel it to be due to Capt.
Maclean to say that I perfectly concur in the sentiments he
has expressed as to private conversation having been
repeated, and as far as my judgment goes, I must
certainly exonerate him as having applied unjustifiable
expressions to the army." ..." I have strong reasons
for believing that Sandilli was, previous to his surrender,
encouraged to give himself up by a promise, to which
I never either directly or indirectly intimated my con
currence." That ended the matter. Whatever Capts.
Bisset and Maclean did or did not say, the colonists
had the satisfaction of knowing that by the joint action
of these officers, Sandilli was for the first time in his

48 MOVEMENT TO CAPTURE PATO
CHAP, career and for a period at least, a harmless and inoffensive
native. The surrender of Sandilli and his safe incarceration in
Grahamstown left but one more step to finish the war. This
was the capture of Pato and the subjugation of his people.
In modern parlance, Pato had been a sport from beginning
to end. He was really the first to egg on and enter the war,
he was most probably Sandilli's chief instigator in the first
instance ; and here now he was the very last to give in and
that not without exacting a heavy price in labour and suffering
from those who eventually obtained his surrender. Being
now the only hostile chief in the field — his brother Cobus
Congo, who was with him, was not of much account —
the whole attention of the forces could be turned against him.
Not, however, that he had been neglected while the operations
which had brought Sandilli to book were in progress, for
during September and October, Col. Somerset with his
mobile colonial force was moving about continually in the
country between the Buffalo and Kei rivers and rendering
any part of it, from Pato's point of view, a most undesirable
residence. Sir George Berkeley seems to have ignored all
this when he wrote to the Governor on October 21st and
said that as the hostilities against the Gaikas had been
brought to a successful termination by the surrender of
Sandilli, he was proceeding to organise the force under his
command for a movement against Pato and Kreli. Col.
Somerset's force, eminently suited to the guerilla warfare
which had to be carried on for some weeks, consisted of the
C.M.R., Capt. Hogge's Hottentot levies and about two
hundred burgher Volunteers. Although these last had
practically refused to enlist under Sir Henry Pottinger or
Sir George Berkeley, they did so under their well-known
commander and friend Col. Somerset. " The colonists are
not entitled from their conduct to the smallest consideration "
said the Governor in discussing the distribution of the cattle
which had been captured in connection with the actions
against Sandilli.
Col. Somerset scoured all the intricacies and likely
Kaffir hiding places along the Nahoon, Kabousie and
Gonubie rivers, while Sir George Berkeley operated in the

PATO EVADES CAPTURE

49

Buffalo mountains. But though at times large bodies of chap,
Kaffirs were seen in the distance they seemed indisposed to I-
fight and unresistingly allowed their cattle to be driven
away. In this manner, early in October, Col. Somerset
with three companies of the 73rd regiment and the Swellen-
dam Hottentot levy obtained over a thousand head of cattle
at the sources of the Kabousie. Pato and his followers were
no less mobile than Col. Somerset's force. It was no easy
matter to learn anything of the astute chief's whereabouts.
But at the end of October, Col. Somerset saw with delight
a probability — almost amounting to certainty — of seizing
the prize and having the honour of terminating the war.
With the C.M.R. the Hottentot Provisionals and ninety-five
Shiloh burghers, he hurried from a camp he had formed
near the Gonubie and halted for a time at a place near the
Komgha stream. Then a night march, a ride of twenty-
five miles brought the force at daylight into the vicinity of
Pato's kraal. With the utmost care and silence, so as not
to disturb the slumberers, the C.M.R., were stationed in
such positions around the place as to preclude the possibility
of the chief's escape. At a given signal the kraal was
stormed on all sides when it was expected that the rudely-
awakened natives would pour forth and find themselves
prisoners. But none did pour forth. The place was deserted
and Pato was nowhere to be found. He had moved nearer
to the Kei. He had yet to give the troops a further six weeks'
run before he was prepared to declare the game up.
Thus foiled, Col. Somerset moved Kei-wards in the hope
yet of catching Pato. Again circumstances appeared to be
promising. If the sight of Pato's people in large numbers
could be any gratification to Col. Somerset, he should have
been happy with what he saw on the hills at the head of the
Chechaba, a small river which runs into the Kei on the west
side and near its mouth. Exposing themselves to view more
daringly than they had done for some time, eight or nine
hundred Kaffirs — many on horseback — were assembled on
a distant height. That country in consequence of its hilly —
it might almost be said mountainous — character is a difficult
part in which to carry on hostile operations, and one in
which the advantage is with the Kaffirs. Col. Somerset at
vol. v 4 e

go PATO ESCAPES AGAltf
CHAP, first thought that the natives were merely watching the
I- movements of the troops and as the day was declining he
had determined to prepare to bivouac for the night. But
the enemy was soon seen to be in motion and evidently
advancing. They rushed down the hill which they were then
upon and quickly ascended another which gave them splendid
cover. It was a ridge along the top of which and upon its
slopes, rocky crags and large stones afforded protection
against gunfire. In a very short time, the enemy was in an
excellent position. Col. Somerset immediately placed his
force in extended order and was prepared to charge and
be charged. Strong flanking parties of the C.M.R. were
detached in order to protect his rear from surprise by
any enemy lurking and concealed in the dense kloofs on his
right and left. All so far ready, a burgher sounded the
charge. A solitary Kaffir was seen to come forward and
heard to shout, " Now is the day we fight and make an end
of the war." Despite the fire from behind the stones, which
fortunately was ineffective — and thanks to the inferiority
of the guns with which low-class traders had illicitly supplied
the natives, Col. Somerset's men were able to charge up to
within about eighty yards of the position. The enemy
commenced a retreat and within twenty minutes from the
opening of the fire, the crest of the hill was reached, and
Pato's people had disappeared into the adjacent thickets,
leaving karosses, arms and horses. But the chief object of
the expedition again failed — Pato was not caught. Of the
casualties, fourteen Kaffirs were seen lying dead, but how
many more were killed and how many wounded was un
known ; it was evident from the marks of blood that con
siderable damage had been done. Two of Col. Somerset's
men were wounded. The troops returned to their camp
and after due rest, the further expedition was made to
and over the Kei. While Col. Somerset and his force
were engaged in this Pato and cattle hunt, Sir George
Berkeley, in pursuance of his own plans, moved from his
camp at Port Buffalo and formed his headquarters at the
Komgha, probably in the vicinity of the present town of
that name. He soon found he was near the haunt of a large
number of warlike Gcalekas, the people of Kreli, and that

FIVE OFFICERS MURDERED BY KAFFIRS 51
he was called into the first really strenuous action he had CHAP.
yet seen in this war. L
On the afternoon of November 13th, five officers, Capt.
Baker, Lieut. Faunt, Ensign Burnop, Dr. Campbell and
Assistant Surgeon Loch set out from the camp to explore
the surrounding country. Night came on and they did not
return. In the consequent alarm for their safety, search
parties went out early the next morning. It was not long
before the five bodies in a naked state were found. Obviously,
they had been murdered by Kaffirs. The details attending
the murders were not known. It was surmised that they
had ridden about five or six miles along a ridge, leading to
the Kei, that they came to a very high hill, now known as
Mordenaar's Kop, and by the Kaffirs as Sihota,1 one side of
which is a precipice of several hundred feet, at the bottom
of which flows the Kei river, that they led their horses up
the bushy slope on the land side and that their retreat being
cut off by Kaffirs who had been hidden in the bush, they were
murdered on the return journey and stripped of all they had.
The bodies were taken back to the camp and, in the first
instance, buried at an old missionary station in the vicinity.
Eventually, they were disinterred and reburied in Trinity
Church, King William's Town. In the search for the bodies
of these five officers, the large quantity of cattle which was
seen made it clear that hostile Kaffirs, in large numbers,
were congregated in that secluded spot. It was, in fact, a
stronghold of the Gcalekas, the people of Kreli. Sir George
Berkeley therefore determined to attack it. To this end he
sought the co-operation of Col. Somerset. That officer
responded promptly to the call and arrived at the Komgha
camp with 100 of the C.M.R., 300 of Capt. Hogge's levy
and 170 burghers. These together with 30 of the 7th
Dragoon Guards and 200 of the 73rd regiment under the
command of Sir George himself arrived at the base of
Mordenaar's Kop at four in the morning of November 1 5th.
Two strong detachments, one moving to the right, the other
to the left, scoured the rugged and difficult lower lands, while
Sir George Berkeley with a part of the C.M.R. struggled to
the top of the mountain. From that place he had a magnifi-
1 Vide page 132, Volume III of this work.

52 AN ARDUOUS MARCH IN KRELI'S COUNTRV
CHAP, cent view of the bends of the Kei river below as well as
L of the distant Kaffirland. He saw also large numbers of
natives hurriedly endeavouring to swim cattle to the far
side of the river. To these he dispatched a strong body of
the C.M.R., which succeeded in intercepting many of the
animals. The combined effect of all these movements was
the clearance of the place of concealed Gcalekas, the killing
of twenty-five of them and the capture of three hundred
head of cattle. One corporal of Capt. Hogge's levy was
the only man killed on the side of the forces.
This, however, had but small bearing on the main object
of all these activities, namely, the capture of Pato. There
was no doubt that at this time he had crossed the Kei and
was in refuge in Kreli's country. But he was there as an
uninvited and undesirable guest. The turn of affairs in the
Colony had made Kreli mindful of his own safety, he there
fore saw it to his interest, not only to refuse to allow Pato
to enter his territory, but to be disposed to make some
attempt to capture him if he did so. But all the same Pato
was there. As soon as Col. Somerset got back to his camp
after the action at Mordenaar's Kop, he made preparations
for an expedition into the Transkeian territories, and on
the morning of November 19th, with his C.M.R. Hottentot
levies and burghers — about 900 strong — all in light marching
order and with five days' provisions, he crossed the Kei at
the lower drift. A northerly direction was then taken to a
high hill at the junction of the Gcua river with the Kei. From
the large numbers of cattle which could be seen in the sur
rounding parts as well as natives, it appeared that the im
mediate pursuit was likely to be profitable, both in booty
and honour. Without going into all the details of the move
ments of Col. Somerset and Capts. Hogge, Bisset and
Armstrong along the Kei and Tsomo rivers, capturing
cattle here and killing Kaffirs there, it will suffice to say
that for eleven days the force had a very arduous time in a
difficult country and during the worst possible weather. It
seems to have rained almost continuously, with the result that
the rivers, especially the Kei, being very full and dangerous,
became impassable. There were also dense mists, during
which it was almost impossible for the troops to move.

SURRENDER OF PATO 53
In spite of all this, however, two thousand cattle were CHAP.
captured and thirteen Kaffirs were killed. But Pato L
was not yet caught. In fact, he never was. For another
fortnight he made a kind of " will o' the wisp " of himself,
always being nearly caught but evading his pursuers and
leading them in some different direction. At length, having
found himself without a friend among the other chiefs and
probably in as much danger from Kreli as from Col. Somerset,
he sent messengers to the Colonel asking if his life would be
guaranteed in the event of his surrender. This was promised.
So on December 19th, he surrendered and became a prisoner
of war — and the war of 1846 practically came to an end.1
But there remained to be done much clearing up in the shape
of the abolition of all treaties, kissing the Governor's big toe
and new arrangements in British Kaffraria — matters which
will be dealt with in their proper places. These, however,
were left to the new Governor of the colony — the famous
Sir Harry Smith, who arrived during this eventful December,
while Sir Henry Pottinger and Sir George Berkeley were
leaving for India.
The conduct of the Kaffir police had been so satisfactory
and they had rendered such good service— albeit the colonists
looked upon them with suspicion and doubted the wisdom of
placing guns in their hands — that Sir Henry Pottinger, as
one of his last military acts, authorised the formation of a
second division of two hundred, making in all a force of four
hundred and forty-six. On the principle of setting a thief to
catch a thief, they were useful in connection with the cattle
thefts in the Colony, which, in spite of the formal termination
of war were almost as rife as ever. As far as the safety of
stock was concerned, a state of so-called peace was little
better than open war. The establishment of this Kaffir
police force was approved by the new Governor and also
by Earl Grey.
Another military act which signalised the reign of Sir
Henry Pottinger, though he had not much to do with it,
was the building of Fort Hare. It will be remembered
that the survey of the ground for this fort in January, 1846,
1 The cost of the war from April ist, 1846, to December 31st, 1847,
was £1,160,704 9s. iod., and to June 30th, 1848, a further £198,295 2s. 4d.

54 FORT HARE
CHAP, was one of the contributary causes of the outbreak of the war.
But in consequence of that outbreak nothing in the way of
building or construction could be done until the beginning
of 1847. On November 16th of that year, Sir George
Berkeley was able to report that the work was nearly com
pleted and that it was costing £8,632 5s. 3d., instead of
£9»S79 8s. 9|d. which had been estimated.
Fort Hare really was more of a large palisaded military
village than a fort in the ordinary sense of the term. The
outer walls were formed by poles about twelve inches in
diameter cut down the centre. These half poles were placed
with the flat surfaces inwards and " nailed to ribbands of
the same scantling notched into uprights seven feet six
inches apart," and sunk two feet into the ground and strutted.
Outside these, earth was banked up to within about a
foot of the top of the palisades. The enclosure thus formed,
was about 600 yards long and 266 wide. It came to a point
at each end as shown in the plan. At the end where the
magazine was situated, the walls seem to have been of
brick instead of palisade. The whole enclosure was flanked
and defended by ten circular bastions, seven feet six inches
high, on which large guns could be placed. The walls which
were two feet thick, were roughly built of large stones, set
in clay, and the whole space thus formed was filled in with
earth. One of these bastions was placed at each of the six
angles and four others at places equidistant along the pali
saded walls. Within this frail enclosure, there was accom
modation for a battalion of 560 infantry and a squadron of
100 cavalry. There were mess establishments, hospital,
stables, storerooms for 500 tons of supplies and. two magazines
to contain 2,000 quarter barrels of small arm ammunition,
besides numerous huts for the men, cells, and other necessary
buildings and offices. Its position from a military point of
view was declared to be excellent, situated on an open
plateau and commanding well the surrounding country.
Being near the left bank of the Tyumie river, there was a
plentiful supply of good water for man and horse. This was
pumped into large tanks within the fort. As the banks of
the river in the vicinity of the fort were high and steep, a
roadway was cut down to the water on either side, affording

END OF WAR OF 1846 55
to those who wished to cross the river, which usually was not CHAP.
deep, easy access to the lands on the left bank. x Little is now *'
left of the original Fort Hare. The Fort Hare Native College,
for the higher education of natives, now occupies part of the
site. When Sir Peregrine Maitland, who must be regarded
as the founder of Fort Hare, sanctioned its construction,
he expressed the desire that a fortified village should be
established on the opposite — the right side of the Tyumie.
He further instructed Lieut. Owen of the Royal Engineers
to place ground, on certain conditions, at the disposal of
settlers. But nothing was then done in consequence of the
war. In May, 1847, Sir George Berkeley received Sir
Henry Pottinger's approval of this scheme, and thus, in a
very small way, the town of Alice came into existence. The
place was known as iDekeni (at the pool) by the Kaffirs.
At this early date it seems to have been little more than
the headquarters of Lieut. Davies' police.
The Kaffir war of 1846 thus far ended, Sir Henry
Pottinger left the further peace developments to his successor
Sir Harry Smith.
1 This drift has been erroneously called Block Drift. The real
Block Drift was not on the Tyumie at all, but on the Gaga (vide the plan).

56 PLAN OF FORT HARE
CHAP. EXPLANATION OF PLAN OF FORT HARE
I. Artillery Square
(C) Artillery sergeant's hut and office. (M) Wheeler's shop. (N)
Forage store. (O) Battery store, (p.p.) Huts for 40 men. (q. q. q.)
Stabling for 60 horses. (R) Gun shed. (S) Harness room. (V) Privies.
(W) Guard room. (T.V.) Farrier's shop and cooking house.
Commissariat Square.
(A1 A1 A1 A1 A1) Stores, (B'B'B'B'B1) Stables for 100 mules,
(C>) Forage house, (D1) Harness room, (F1) Offices, (E1) Senior Com
missariat Officer, (C1) Storekeeper's Quarters, (H1.1.) Labourers and
issuers' huts. Ordnance Square.
(E1) Foreman of Works hut. (11) Engineer store, (K1) Storeman's
hut. (G1) Engineer workshop. (P) Labourers' huts. (H1) Engineer
Office. (O1) Shed for Fire engine. (Q) two magazines.
Infantry Square.
(A A A A) Hospital huts, (D) Dispensary, (B) Hospital sergeants'
huts. (E E E) Cooking houses. (C) Hospital Stores. (G) Guard-room.
(Mj School room. (F F F F) Soldiers' huts (20 men in each) 30ft. x 16ft.
(H) Regimental Stores (1, 4) Quartermaster-Sergeant and Sergeant
and Sergeant-Major. (J. J. 6) Colour Sergeants. (K) Sergeants' Mess-
room. (L L) Pay and Schoolmaster Sergeants. (N) Provost Sergeant.
(OO). Reg. and Garrison Orderly Room. (PPP) Single huts for 32
Officers, 15ft. x 15ft. (Q Q) 2 double huts for two field officers, (RRR)
17 double huts for officers' servants. (S S) Stables for horses of Infantry
Officers. (T) Mess room, pantry, and Store room. (V) Mess Kitchen.
(V) Mess servants' huts, (W) Officers' privies.
Cavalry Square.
(a) 2 Troop Sergt.-Majors. (b) Troop stores, (c.d.) Forage store,
(f f f f) Huts for troopers (20 in each). (G G G G) Stables for 100 horses
(H) Saddle room. (1.1) Farrier's shop and cooking house. (R) Guard
room.

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Q D D Q LJQ

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PD D D D D D
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dddddd:
Cavalry Square DO

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OD r
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Square

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Si r r ^ ° J" l°o no 200
cale of reet ——*. -^^ —
PLAN OF FORT HARE

PLAN of GROUND
IN NEIGHBOURHOOD OF
BLOCK DRIFT

1000  uoo^Vards Site proposed y% ;j
i -^—±.^-i for a. 3g

Military Post
in A330

CHAPTER II
EAST VERSUS WEST
So far, of Sir Henry Pottinger's reign only those matters CHAP.
which were directly or indirectly connected with the war, IIp
have been dealt with. It now remains to learn something
of the political events of that time and the continued fight
for redress of grievances which became so loud in 1847.
Long before this time, as well as long after, there had been
an ardent desire on the part of the East to be separated in all
government administrative matters from the West, in short,
to have a government of its own. Circumstances at this
time conspired to give prominence to this question and, in
connection with it, to stir the Eastern Province mind in a
manner which had never been the case before. An event
which gave rise to hopes for still better things was the arrival
in Grahamstown in April of a new Lieut.-Governor. It will
be remembered that in 1845, Mr. J. B. Ebden raised a storm
of indignation in the East by proposing in the Legislative
Council the abolition of the office of Lieut-Governor.1 Even
Sir Peregrine Maitland was in favour of this. He considered
that a Frontier Commissioner, who should see that the
treaties with the Kaffirs were observed in all particulars,
was all that was needed. Public meetings were held and
petitions were sent to England protesting against this
contemplated injury to the Eastern Province. No apparent
notice being taken of them, the signatories considered that
they had been pigeon-holed in Downing Street, and that
that was the end of them. Then when the news of the death
of Col. Hare in December, 1846, reached the Colony, it
might well have been expected that that would have been
the last there was to be said about a Lieut-Governor for the
1 Vide Volume IV of this work, page 403.
59

60 LIEUT.-GOVERNOR SIR HENRY YOUNG
CHAP. East. But, no ! to the surprise and joy of all, they found
that their prayers had been heard and that, on February 2nd,
1847, Mr. (shortly afterwards, Sir) Henry Edward Fox
Young, had been appointed to the vacant office.
Sir Henry Young, had been for twelve years secretary
to the Governor of British Guiana. He had proved himself
a hard-working, most capable and popular official and had
won the esteem and affection of all with whom he had come
in contact. His appointment and promotion met with general
approval. Even those who were prepared to carp at and
criticise unfavourably the actions of the then Government,
commended the selection of Sir H. Young for the Cape
vacancy. The London Times was of opinion that the
distribution of political favours had so seldom been made
with any regard to the best man, that it was with some sur
prise and gratification that they noticed an official appoint
ment made upon the simple ground of merit. Her Majesty's
Government had entitled themselves to credit for the new
appointment to the Lieut.-Governorship.
Sir Henry Young arrived in Table Bay on April 9th,
in the Peninsular and Oriental Company's iron paddle-wheel
steamer, Pottinger, 1,402 tons. The voyage had been com
pleted in the record time of thirty-four days from Southamp
ton, in spite of calls at Gibraltar, Ascension and St. Helena.
The Pottinger was believed to be at that time, the swiftest
vessel afloat and to be possessed of the most powerful marine
engines. Sir Henry Young was a very modest man, and seems
to have feared or disliked the pomp and ceremony with
which one in his high position was usually greeted. The
Secretary to Government on his behalf and at his request
communicated with the magistrates at Port Elizabeth and
Grahamstown, asking that Sir Henry Young might be
received as a private gentleman and be excused the receipt
of the customary public addresses. Unostentatiously, he
arrived in Port Elizabeth on April 20th, when he turned his
first attention to his Eastern Province duties by inspecting
the churches, schools, jail and other such public institutions.
His journey to Grahamstown, the seat of his government,
was made in an ox-waggon. He arrived there unexpectedly

HOW THE EAST WAS HANDICAPPED 6l
and unknown, so that by the time all were aware that the chap.
new Lieut.-Governor was among them, it was too late for IL
official welcome and eulogistic address. After a little time
for rest and recuperation, he set off to the Governor's camp
at Fort Peddie, where and when the necessary intercourses
in connection with the future government of the East took
place. He must very soon have been impressed by the generally
undeveloped state and poverty-stricken appearance of all
he saw in the East — by the squalid appearance of Port
Elizabeth, with its dilapidated buildings used for Government
purposes and the want of landing facilities.
The nature of the main road along which he travelled
to Grahamstown and all else indicated arrested development
and neglect. Within a fortnight after his arrival in Grahams
town, he came to the conclusion that this state of affairs was
due to the seat of government of the Colony being too far
distant and that the East was suffering from taxation,
without representation. Thus actuated he plunged forthwith
into the political vortex of East versus West. On May ioth,
thus early, he wrote to Sir Henry Pottinger and put his
views on record. According to these, the existing form of
Government, with the East totally unrepresented and situated
at so great a distance from Cape Town — apart from the
want of interest and sympathy which had always been shown
— was not conducive to the extensive development which was
so obviously needed ; he considered that, provided the
raising and appropriation of public funds were based on the
system of local representation and local taxation, money
for the establishment and maintenance of additional institu
tions of Religion, Justice and Police would be more amply
and cheerfully forthcoming. To this general statement,
Sir H. Pottinger agreed. Sir Benjamin D'Urban, as far
back as 1835, had felt that the East could not be efficiently
governed from the West. In a despatch to the Earl of
Aberdeen on June 26th of that year he said, " The seat of
the Colonial Government in Cape Town, is without doubt,
ill-placed with relation to the present extent and local
circumstances of the Colony. Cape Town is too far from
its Central, Northern and above all, its Eastern Province —

62 SIR H. YOUNG ASSERTS HIS AUTHORITY
chap, even without the addition of the Province of Queen Adelaide.
IL This was not the case in the original extent of the Colonial
territory, but it certainly is so now, and it sometimes occasions
great inconvenience and embarrassment to the public service.
It is 300 miles from the district town of the Province of
George, 600 from that of Uitenhage, 700 from those of
Graaf Reinet, Albany and Somerset."
This question of the separation of East from West seems
to have engrossed "almost entirely" the mind of Sir
Henry Young during the few months of his tenure of office.
A newcomer to the country and undoubtedly not too well
versed in its history, he was quite unfettered by any party
or personal considerations. Confident in the position and
authority, which, though perhaps somewhat mistakenly,
he felt were conferred upon him in virtue of the Royal Letters
Patent, which constituted his office and the Royal Instructions
to himself, he regarded himself as an independent Governor
in the East and immune from any consequences of the frowns
of the Legislative Council in Cape Town. Barely a week
had he been in office in Grahamstown, before he asserted his
supposed authority in connection with the judicature. The
great Mr. Justice Menzies, for refusing to acknowledge Sir
Henry Young's right to interfere in matters connected
with his procedure, would have been suspended — perhaps
dismissed — had the new Lieut.-Governor been free to act
and not hampered by the action of the Governor and
Executive Council.
The case was this. In 1844, one J. H. stabbed a man and
caused his death. He was tried before Mr. Justice Menzies
and, as there were extenuating circumstances, he was
sentenced to ten years penal servitude and sent to work with
the convicts on the Montagu pass road. By 1847, his conduct
had been so exemplary and as he had a wife and eight
children, a petition was framed, praying for the remission
of the remainder of the sentence. The petition came before
Sir Henry Young who sent it on to Mr. Justice Menzies,
asking to be furnished with a report of the case in order that
he might take into his consideration the granting, of the
prayer. On May 10th, Judge Menzies returned the memorial
but without the desired report. He told the Lieut.-

THE PREROGATIVE OF PARDON 63
Governor that, from the, first establishment of the office, it chap.
had been considered extremely doubtful whether the right IL
of commuting or remitting sentences pronounced by the
circuit courts had been a prerogative of the Lieut.-Governor,
and whether that right had not been excepted and reserved
from his power and authority and vested wholly and ex
clusively in the Governor of the Colony. He showed that
in the past all such memorials in connection with sentences
of courts in the Eastern Province had been invariably trans
mitted by the Lieut.-Governor to the Governor whose duty
it then was to send them to the judge for his report.
On receipt of this, Sir Henry Young forwarded the cor
respondence to the Governor. In virtue of the Royal
Commission constituting him the Queen's Representative
in the East, he claimed full power and authority of a Governor
in these parts, and therefore had the same right to pardon
offences and call on the judges for report as had the Governor
in the West. He added that had Mr. Justice Menzies
exercised his office entirely in the Eastern district and had
he persisted in his refusal to give the information which was
claimed, the good of the public service would preclude all
hesitation on his part in having recourse to suspending Mr.
Justice Menzies from his office.
Sir Henry Pottinger answered this from Peddie on
May 26th. Having given the matter his most careful con
sideration and reflection, he said, " The result of that reflec
tion is that I can by no means concur in the view which
your Honour takes of the expediency or necessity for sus
pending Mr. . Justice Menzies from the functions of his
high office, nor do I « consider myself competent to issue
orders to that judge to comply with your Honour's call for
the information you have required from him. I need not, I
am sure, point out to your Honour that the judicial character
and functions are of that sacred nature that they ought not
to be hastily interfered. with, or called into question, and
even had Mr. Justice Menzies' opinion been simply grounded
on the practice in such matters which has hitherto (obtained
throughout the Colony, I should have hesitated to overrule
that opinion by my individual authority. This sentiment
is greatly strengthened in my mind when I see that the

64 WHAT WERE THE POWERS OF A LIEUT-GOVERNOR?
CHAP, judge in his answer to your letters very distinctly expresses
his doubt of the legality of the privilege you claim." The
matter was brought before the Legislative Council on
June 9th. They were of opinion that the course taken by
the Governor was judicious, and that a compliance with
the recommendation of the Lieut.-Governor might have
been productive of serious inconvenience to the public
service as well as injustice to Mr. Justice Menzies.1
This settlement of the question of the Lieut.-Governor's
incompetence and the illegality of his interference with the
judicature gave rise to the still larger one as to what power and
authority he did possess. Up to this time circumstances had
precluded any serious consideration being given to this ques
tion. Sir Andries Stockenstrom, during his tenure of the office,
had had his mind too fully occupied by the continued turmoil
of his time to be concerned with it. And to Col. Hare, tired,
in ill health and anxious only to pass through his term of
office with the least trouble to himself, the question was of
little interest. But now that a younger man, enjoying for
the first time the delight of gubernatorial dignity and un
hampered by the worries which had oppressed his predeces
sors, arrived upon the scene, a definite understanding as to
the extent of his authority and prerogative became necessary.
And be it noted that it happened at the very time when Sir H.
Pottinger and Sir George Berkeley were in perplexity as to
their relative authoritative positions.
Sir Henry Young received a communication from Sir
H. Pottinger, dated June 23rd, which could not have given
him any great gratification. According to this, the perusal
of a large number of documents on the subject had led the
Governor to the conclusion that the office of Lieut.-Governor,
as then constituted, was incompatible with an efficient dis
charge of his, the Governor's, functions and that from a want
of clearness and a certain degree of contradiction in the
original instructions, the provision for a separate and distinct
Government in the Eastern Province was a dead letter and
left the Lieut.-Governor with only nominal power. He had
1 For all the lengthy documents in connection with this matter
vide Enclosures to Sir H. Pottinger's Despatches. Vol. 1,390, Cape
Archives.

•—'wvj t-ixum int. EASTERN PROVINCE 65
the privilege of submitting to the Governor and Executive CHAP.
Council his views with respect to the estimates before they n"
were laid on the table ; he might go so far as to recommend
new measures in the interest of the Eastern Province, but
all his proposals and proceedings were subject to the control
and revision of the Governor. It was quite clear therefore
that the position of a Lieut.-Governor in the East was
merely nominal and that there was no such thing as a separ
ate Government in those parts. By a coincidence, the
question of separate Government came up at this time in
quite another connection, but one in which Sir Henry Young
was undoubtedly willing to be involved.
In December 1845, there was forwarded to Her Majesty
in Council, a petition from the agriculturists, merchants and
landowners of Albany praying that more liberal institutions
might be conceded to the Eastern Province and that more
power and authority might be conferred upon the Lieut.-
Governor. Then in January 1846, another petition was
sent by the Uitenhage and Albany Agricultural Associa
tion, recommending the appointment of such an additional
number of functionaries in connection with a responsible
and independent head as would impart to the Eastern
Province the vigour, stability and efficiency of which it stood
in need. Unlike so very many other petitions which had
been sent to the Colonial Office and treated with but scant
consideration, these met with an attention and sympathy
which, most probably, was not expected. The Secretary of
State, Mr. W. E. Gladstone, however, was unable to take
any action on account of the vagueness of these petitions.
Replying as early as April 1 7th, 1 846, he said that in deliber
ating on the advice which it might be proper to tender to
the Queen, he had been impeded by a deficiency of informa
tion and the want of a more detailed knowledge of what
actually were the petitioners' desires. The question, for a
time, had then to be dropped as war broke out in March,
1 846, and all minds and attentions were otherwise engrossed.
In June 1847, Sir Henry Pottinger acted upon the
instructions which Mr. Gladstone had sent to Sir Peregrine
Maitland in April 1846. He recommended to Sir Henry
Young the expediency of consulting the most influential
vol. v 5 F

66 RESPONSE TO SIR H. YOUNG'S CIRCULAR
CHAP, and best informed of the petitioners and obtaining from
them the desired information. Accordingly on June 26th,
Sir Henry Young issued a circular inviting their views and
any evidence they could offer in support of them. The
whole of the Eastern Province inhabitants eagerly seized
the opportunities thus offered them of voicing their grievances,
and for the next few months, public meetings for the dis
cussion — or perhaps more correctly, for the decision of a
separate government for the East — became almost an
industry. Meetings were held in Grahamstown, Port
Elizabeth, Fort Beaufort, Cradock, Uitenhage, Graaff-
Reinet, Somerset East, Sidbury, Bathurst, Oliphants Hoek
and Bushman's River, in fact, in every town of the Eastern
Province of that date.
At some of these meetings, resolutions were passed
straight away, while in others, sub-committees were formed
which were deputed to collect information, statistical and
other, and to send in a report at a later date.
The previous history of the movement for separate
government for the East, dates as far back as 1823, when the
British Settlers complained in a petition to the Home
Government of the disadvantages of having the Executive
Council in Cape Town. The Commissioners of Inquiry in
1824 considered there was foundation for the grievance
and in their report of May ist, 1827, they recommended to
His Majesty the King the establishment of a separate
Executive Council for the East. As a result of this recom
mendation, a Commissioner-General for the East was
appointed. Captain Stockenstrom was the officer elected.
But his instructions seem to have been vague and when he
found that important matters were referred to Cape Town
without his knowledge he, refusing to be the fifth wheel to
a waggon, resigned the post in disgust and retired to Sweden.
Then, as has been shown, he returned to the Colony in
1836, after the Kaffir War, as Lieut.-Governor. The Royal
Deed, so he tells us, ordained that the Eastern Province should
constitute a separate and distinct government to be adminis
tered by the Lieut.-Governor, whose executive power within
the said district was to be to all intents and purposes, the
same as that of the Governor in the West. After barely

"i^ uiuii K-ttiVL/jCJ

u.p Jiiii EASTERN PROVINCE 67

two years of office, he was dismissed and his place was taken CHAP.
by Col. Hare to whom the question was of little interest or n'
concern. As time went on and the development of the East
increased — in spite of its disabilities — the necessity for some
independent authority became more and more urgent.
There was always danger on account of the Kaffirs — there
had been two Kaffir Wars — and the danger was enhanced
by the fact that nothing much could be done until information
had reached Cape Town and instructions from that place
received. A further justification for the East having some
considerable share in the management of its own affairs
was the great increase in trade and the rapid development of
the wool industry ; in addition there were the large customs
and other revenues in return for which there was to be seen
little more than the neglect of all public works.1 This then was
the state of affairs up to 1847, when Sir Henry Young invited
the leading inhabitants to furnish all they could in the way
of evidence and matured opinion in support of their petitions.
It is unnecessary to give a detailed account of the numer
ous — and some very lengthy — speeches made and the resolu
tions passed at the different meetings. As the ground
covered and the sentiments expressed were, in their essentials,
much the same in all, it will suffice to embody them in a
general epitome.2 The main themes were the neglect and
apathy with which all Eastern Province concerns were
treated by the Government in Cape Town ; the unfair
appropriation of revenues raised in the East for Western
Province developments and, on part of the Executive Council,
an ignorance of Eastern Province conditions which was, in
a large measure, responsible for the want of protection and
the outbreak of Kaffir Wars. The speeches of Messrs
Porter and Montagu on " comfortable relations," were
1 Vide Chapter V, Volume IV, of this work.
2 For a full account, vide the pamphlet, Documents Relative to the Ques
tion of a Separate Government for the Eastern Districts. Printed by God-
lonton and White, Grahamstown, 1847. A copy will be found in the Cape
Archives, " Enclosures to Despatches," Volume 1,393, for 1847.
Vide also the pamphlet Correspondence between Sir Henry Pottinger
and Sir Henry Young and Others on Separation of the Eastern and Western
Provinces. Printed by Saul Solomon, Cape Town, 1847. It deals chiefly
with the dissatisfaction of the actions of the Central Road Board. A
copy will be found in the Cape Archives, " Enclosures to Despatches,"
Nos. 209-214, for 1847, Volume 1,394.

68 APPROPRIATION OF THE ROAD RATES
CHAP, not forgotten.1 Considerable emphasis was laid on the
IL necessity for a Road Board in the East, which should be quite
separate from the one in the far west, inappropriately called
the Central Road Board. The greatest indignation and
anger were levelled at this organisation for its injustice in
the appropriation of the road rates which all landowners
were called upon to pay. It was shewn that the total
expenditure on roads by the Board during the years
1844, '45 and '46 was £117,416 5s. 7d. and of this only
£6,305 18s. 1 id. had been spent in the East. From
Somerset East came the complaint that during 1845 and
1846, £1,232 had been collected from that district, but
not a penny had been spent on any of its roads. Grahams
town and Port Elizabeth were up in arms against the Board
on account of the dangerous track between those two places
which was called a main road. Port Elizabeth had a special
grievance in connection with its toll. In 1824 a toll was
established at the entrance to the town on the north (Queen
St.). The object of it was to raise money to keep in repair
the approach to the town as well as the streets themselves.
It had been bringing in about £200 per annum, when the
Central Road Board in Cape Town took this revenue, added
it to its general funds and permitted Port Elizabeth to share
in the general neglect of which all were complaining. As
Sir Henry Pottinger acknowledged, when he came to know
of it, all this was in contravention of Section XXVI of the
Act No. 8 of November 22nd 1843, which reads : " And
be it enacted that the entire proceeds of any such rate (road
rate) as aforesaid which shall be assessed and levied in any
particular division of the Colony shall be applied wholly
and exclusively to the construction and improvements of
the main roads lying and being within that division and not
otherwise." Before passing condemnation on the Central
Road Board, it should be borne in mind that they seem to
have been actuated in using the funds at their disposal by
the desire to benefit the country as a whole, rather than to
bring about merely local improvements. The great and
costly Montagu Pass road was as much to the advantage of
the East as of the West, as the range of mountains over which
1 Vide Volume IV of this work, page 402.

j. sir. rum Ub.AU FORT REPORT 69
it was made was a terrible barrier between the two Provinces. CHAP.
The Zuurberg Pass road was another big work carried out
by this Board ; it gave better access to the Somerset and
more northern parts from the Eastern coastal regions.
Further,there was the Howison's Poort road leading from
the south over the high hills into Grahamstown. So that,
although the law had undoubtedly been violated in the letter
by the Board it may be considered to have been observed in
the spirit. Besides a special Road Board, special offices for a
Registrar of Deeds and a Surveyor-General were also de
manded. The former to obviate, not only the great delays,
but also the additional expense of agents in Cape Town ;
the latter as a protest against the gross neglect there had
been in the issue of title-deeds to many who had paid all
fees for surveys and diagrams. Further, there were endless
disputes over boundaries in consequence of the inaccurate,
in some cases fraudulent surveys; hence, some authority
was wanted in the East to settle all these matters. In conse
quence of the want of title-deeds, quit-rents were not paid
and property was sold and resold without any reference to
the Ordinances in connection with transfer dues. The
result was a considerable loss of revenue which might have
been utilized in the development of the Eastern Province.
Perhaps the Fort Beaufort report, as well as any other,
expressed succinctly the prevailing feelings of the whole
Province. " We object," it said, " to a government so
remote as to be incompetent to cope with the Kaffirs, or
prevent infraction of the treaties. We object to a govern
ment where the chief judicial court is 700 miles remote
from our mercantile transactions, by which magisterial
arrangements of our Province are regulated by those ignorant
of circumstances or locality. We object to a government
which has no interest in common with us to restrain vagrancy.
We object to a government which, although voting the large
sum of £8,803 r6s. 1 id., has misconducted the post-office
department. We object to a government which in its
Registry of Deeds and Surveyor's office, has deprived the
Eastern Province of a large amount of revenue. We object
to a government which has violated its own Ordinances, and
appropriated the funds collected in the Eastern Province to

70 EASTERN PROVINCE STATISTICS
CHAP, the roads in the Western Province. We object to a govern
ment which contemplated taking a loan of £300,000 to
construct a breakwater at Table Bay, but which would not
vote a farthing to the construction of a jetty at the then sole
port of the Eastern Province. We object to a government
which has on two occasions been taken by surprise by the
Kaffirs, and entailed upon the Mother Country enormous
useless expenditure. Lastly, we object to a government
which has betrayed the trust reposed in it, spending the
revenue of the country chiefly to support Cape Town."
All this undoubtedly made strongly for the theoretical or
ethical side of the question and showed that the East was
suffering injustice at the hands of the West. There was
however, the mundane side of pounds, shillings and pence.
Could the Eastern Province maintain a separate government
of its own ? Those whose words carried weight showed it
could. In the first place the policy was warranted by the
amount of commerce as indicated by the import and export
trade at Port Elizabeth. From the statistics which accom
pany the very lengthy report, we see that from Jan. ist, 1836,
to Jan ist, 1847, the number of vessels entered at Port
Elizabeth was 1,174 with a registered tonnage of 223,264
and the value of the freights at £7 per ton was £1,502,848.
For 1845 alone, the shipping returns for Port Elizabeth
were 19,626 tons inwards and 18,754 outwards. The value
of the imports for that year was £149,183 and the exports
£142,372. To show that the East had just as much right
to a separate government as the West, and to show further
that if there was not room for two such governments in the
country, " Cape Town " should be removed to Uitenhage or
Grahamstown, the following comparison of the exports of the
two Provinces was given. It shows that the three staple ex
ports of the East exceeded in value the four staple exports of
the West — and that during a period of war, namely 1846 :
Western. Eastern.
Wine . . . . 50,345 . . Nil.
Wool . . . . 59,688 . . 114,153
Hides . . . . 11,888 . . 21,092
Skins . . . . 13,940 . . 6,374
Totals .. ..£135,561 .. £141.619

i-^». x .-, X iilU JU^\ £~

cn/jjuiuKt!. ajsv REVENUE

7i

The customs returns for that year were £18,744, but these CHAP.
were only for goods imported direct to Port Elizabeth, IL
there had to be added to this the duties paid in Cape Town on
goods for the East which were landed there and re-shipped —
this was £ 20,944, making a total of the customs revenue for
Port Elizabeth of £39,718. The total revenue of the
Eastern Province including this and that from other sources
was £67,705 1 8s. o|d.
Now with regard to the expenditure which would have
to be incurred in the establishment and maintenance of the
various departments which should constitute an efficient
government and the extent to which this could be met by
means of the available revenue, the following estimate was
given. The first column shows the expense then existing ;
the second, the additional expense to promote the Lieut.-
Governor into a Governor as well as to make provision for
the new and necessary officer : —

Existing expenditure in the Eastern Province.
£ s. d.
Lieut.-Governor . . 1,500 o o
Do. Establishment . . 1,265 ° °
Judicial and Law Estab. 7,180 1 8
Customs Dept.,
Port Elizabeth. . . . 980 o o
Post Office Dept. . . 5,078 10 i\
Do., Port Elizabeth 413 10 o

Additional. £
500
43°
1,200

Civil Com.'s Offices
Ecclesiastical and Schools
Police, Prisoners, Jails . .
Pensions
Medical Department
Miscellaneous

6,834 5.7°47.3892,850 495
1.675

7
1010 7
o

oo
10 o

Additional Expenditure

Total Expenditure

41,365 16 o.\
9,180 o o

Governor
Secretary
Chief Justice .
Two Puisne
Judges . . 1,800
Attorney-Gen. 800
Treasurer and
Accountant-Gen. 700
Surveyor-Genl. 600
Registry transfers 600
Council Chamber 450
Master and
Guardian . . 400
Auditor-Genl. . . 500
High Sheriff . . 500
Medical Dept. 400
Ecclesiastical and Schools 300

£50,545 16 2J

Revenue of Eastern Province.
Official Returns of Civil Commissioners
Customs duties on goods exported from West
Brought forward
Total Expenditure in the East
Surplus Revenue  ^i7.I6° 1 10
From these figures, therefore, it would seem that the Eastern

£9,180
£ s. d.
42,735 18 o\
25,000 o o
67,705 18 o\
50,545 16 2j

72 DEPARTURE OF YOUNG AND POTTINGEK
CHAP. Province, as far as financial considerations were concerned,
11 ' could well have managed its own affairs independently of the
West. The freedom of speech which had been encouraged,
and the notice of their representations which had, at length,
been taken, gave seemingly, some promise that the consum
mation which had been so devoutly wished was to be
realised. The bright prospect, however, was short-lived
and disappointment was again in store for the Eastern
Province. It was something of a shock when, in August,
news reached the Colony that the very able and energetic
Sir Henry Young, the man who in so few months had inspired
such confidence and given hope for a better state of things,
was to leave the country and become Lieut.-Governor of
South Australia. Not only did the probability of a separate
government appear to vanish, but it was feared that the
office of Lieut.-Governor was to be abolished altogether.
This actually was the case. So that before the series of
public meetings which were being held to further separation
had ended, another series in connection with protests against
the removal of Sir Henry Young commenced. Probably, in
no part of the British Empire did public meetings form so
prominent a feature in the life of the people as in the Eastern
Province of Cape Colony. It had become almost a school of
grim debate, determined eloquence and the source of a
continual flow of petitions and memorials to the Government
in England. And yet all had but little effect. It required
another Kaffir War of over two years' duration and the
expenditure of a few more millions of the British taxpayers'
money before such changes were brought about as rendered
less necessary the separation of the East from the West.
Sir Henry Pottinger in answer to the request of Grahams
town that in transmitting the petition to England he would
himself support the prayer for the confirmation of Sir
Henry Young as Lieut.-Governor, said on September nth,
that officially he knew nothing about it, but nevertheless he
was perfectly willing to do as he was asked. Within a few
weeks, on November 3rd, Sir Henry Young left for England
on his way to Australia. And before the year was out, Sir
Henry Pottinger with his secretary, Mr. Woosnam and Sir
George Berkeley all left for India. So that there was a

o.i.rc n. fUl 1 1NGER " OVERWORKED " 73
clean sweep of these higher officials and a new page of CHAP.
Cape Colony history, so to speak, was turned in 1848. II-
Sir Henry Pottinger spent practically the whole time of
his Governorship in either Grahamstown or Fort Peddie.
He knew nothing, at first hand, of any other colonists than
those he met at those places. The inland Dutch people were
little more than a name to him, and of their history, vicissi
tudes and sufferings he seems to have known as little as he
cared.\ Had he been charged with neglect or dereliction of
duty in this connection, he most assuredly would have pleaded,
in his defence, his excessive overwork, his continuity of severe
mental labours, which would have been beyond the powers
and endurance of ordinary men. In nearly all his despatches
to Earl Grey, as well as to lesser lights, this whining about the
enormous amount of work he had to do and did, is a very
characteristic feature. Yet when it is compared with that
accomplished by other Governors, especially Sir Benjamin
D'Urban and Sir Peregrine Maitland, who besides giving
just as much attention to civil matters, had to be so long in
the field conducting military operations — and all without
grumbling about overwork — it would seem that Sir Henry
Pottinger was out of his element as a Governor of Cape
Colony, and that the sooner his term of office ended the
better. Had his vision extended beyond the walls of his
office in Grahamstown or of his tent at Fort Peddie, he might
perhaps have saved himself from the guilt of a heartless sin
of omission which did much to exacerbate the unfriendly
feeling between the Dutch Emigrant farmers and the
British Government and, indirectly, to lay the foundation
of much future trouble.
To make this point clear, but without at this stage going
into the details of the history of Natal at this time, it must
be premised that the enormous influx of natives into that
country threatened the safety of the person and property
of the comparatively few European inhabitants. Natives
in the adjacent countries looked upon Natal as a place of
refuge ; thousands swarmed from beyond the Tugela and
Umzinyate to be out of reach of Panda, while others in the
South fled from Faku in Pondoland ; added to these, there
were the thousands already in the country. The feeble

74 A DUTCH MISSION
CHAP, government — feeble because of the insufficiency of the
revenue to maintain a stronger one — endeavoured, as it could
not prevent this invasion of refugees, to concentrate them
in tracts of country or locations which were to be exclusively
assigned to them. There were seven of these locations,1
comprising, in all, an area of about one sixth of the whole of
Natal. But in these areas, there were Dutch farmers already
settled, and there seems to have been a difficulty, albeit
five-sixths of Natal was to be considered to belong to the
few Europeans, in finding other places of six thousand acres
which could be given to them in compensation. Moreover,
there being insufficient force to compel them, the natives
showed no disposition to confine themselves to their own
places, but to squat as heretofore on the lands of the Dutch
farmers. On the whole, the discontent and uncertainty of
tenure was so great that many of the Dutch commenced
preparations for abandoning Natal altogether and trekking
again to the north. But before doing so a meeting was held,
when it was decided to send one of their number as a delegate
to Sir Henry Pottinger in order to get from him that relief
which their own Lieut.-Governor, Martin West, could not
give them, not, however, because there was any lack of
sympathy for them on his part. The man chosen to speak
for them was their leader, Comdt. A. W. J. Pretorius, who
also was one of those who had been compelled to abandon
their farms on account of the natives. Pretorius left
Pietermaritzburg on August 24th, 1847. He crossed
the Drakensberg and made his way leisurely through
the present Free State, calling at farms here and there
until he reached Winburg. There he met M. C. du Plooy,
who had grievances in connection with those parts,
which he felt ought to be brought before the Governor
in a personal interview. The two then rode on to
Grahamstown, where they arrived on October 15th.
Pretorius therefore must have been about seven weeks on
this journey.
On his arrival he sent the following letter to Mr. Woosnam
for transmission to Sir Henry Pottinger.
' They were the Umzinyati, Impafana, Inanda, Umvoli, Zwartkops,
Umlazi and Kathlamba.

^KUTORIUS' LETTER 75
"Grahamstown, October 15th. chap. II.
Sir, — I have the honour to request that you will be pleased
to communicate to His Excellency the Governor and High
Commissioner that in consequence of the very disturbed
state of the country in the vicinity of Port Natal, I was
especially deputed by the inhabitants there (in public
meeting assembled) to proceed to Grahamstown for the
purpose of personally representing to His Excellency the
distracted state of the country in that portion of Her Majesty's
dominions. I left Pietermaritzburg on the 24th August last
on my overland journey to the Colony and arrived here
about an hour ago. On my way down, I visited the farms
on this side the Drakensberg, by whom also I have been
deputed to see His Excellency. M. C. du Plooy, a Dutch
farmer residing at Windburg (between 30 and 40 hours' ride
on the other side of the Orange River) accompanied me to
town, to represent the condition of the country in that part,
and to give His Excellency any information he may require,
knowing that His Excellency's time was so much occupied
by important matters on the Frontier, that a considerable
period might elapse before His Excellency could visit the
N.E. frontier, I was induced to accede to the wish of the
people by the urgency of the case. The great majority of
the Dutch burghers have already quitted their farms (my
own family amongst the number) and only await my return
to decide upon their future course. Our business it will be
seen is of the utmost importance. The future welfare and
tranquillity of the country between the Orange and Vaal
depends upon the result of our interview with His Excellency
and I therefore entreat His Excellency to grant us an inter
view at his earliest convenience and to give a patient attention
and consideration to the important communication we have
to make. A. W. J. Pretorius.
P.S. — Since my arrival in the Colony, I have seen in a
late newspaper that one of my houses was fired and destroyed
by the Bosjesmen after my departure from Maritzburg. My
residence is only 6 to 8 miles from that place. An answer
is respectfully requested at the residence of Mr. L. H.
Meurant."

76 POTTINGER REFUSES AN INTERVIEW
CHAP. Pretorius having waited very anxiously for an answer
I- to this, but not receiving it, called on Mr. Woosnam three
times during the next four days and urged his case. It
became clear, however, that Sir Henry Pottinger was
unwilling to meet him. So on the 19th he addressed the
following letter to the Governor's secretary :
"Grahamstown, October 19th, 1847.
Sir,— In reference to the interview I had the honour to
have with you this morning, at which, for the third time, I
earnestly but without success besought an audience with
Her Majesty's High Commissioner to which, as a British
subject and the representative of thousands of my suffering
fellow countrymen, I conceived myself entitled, to enable
me more fully to explain the intolerable grievances under
which we have been so long and are still suffering. I have
now earnestly to request that His Excellency Will allow me
to be the bearer of some written communication containing
His Excellency's reasons for refusing to grant me an inter
view and the steps which will be taken by His Excellency
to ensure such an inquiry into the circumstances as shall
lead the Emigrant farmers to expect that security for life
and property promised them by Her Majesty's then re
presentative in the Colony, Sir George Napier. The perilous
situation in which I left my wife, family and property,
arising out of the circumstances detailed in my written
representation this morning handed to you, compels me to
return with the least possible delay. I have however,
postponed my departure until 2 p.m. to-morrow, Thursday,
in the hope that His Excellency will favour me with such
written communication.
A. W. J. Pretorius."
In answer to this, Pretorius received the following : —
" Mr. Woosnam presents his compliments to Mr.
Pretorius and begs to inform him that the Governor considers
the subjects alluded to in his letter of the 15th instant, of
too much importance to admit, with any prospect of advan
tage, of verbal disquisition, but that His Excellency will
be happy to receive written representations from Mr.

a rusAL* AfPEAL

77

Pretorius and Mr. du Plooy to which he will give his best CHAP.
consideration. Should Mr. Pretorius and Mr. du Plooy n"
wish it, Mr. Woosnam has been desired by His Excellency
to receive this. . . ."
Pretorius replied : —
" Mr. Pretorius presents his compliments to Mr. Woosnam
and has the honour to acknowledge the receipt of his note
of this morning's date. Mr. Pretorius is indeed happy to
find that His Excellency admits the great importance of the
subjects referred to in Mr. P.'s letter of the 15th instant.
Mr. Pretorius has already prepared a written statement of
the matters alluded to, which with translations of the corres
pondence that passed on the subject between His Honour
the Lieut.-Governor of Natal and Mr. Pretorius, together
with other important documents, he will be happy to lay
before His Excellency. Mr. Pretorius feels, however, that he
would not be discharging his duty to those who have deputed
him, nor to the great interests which are at stake, involving
no less a calamity than the total abandonment of Natal by
the Dutch Emigrant farmers, did he not again most earnestly
request an interview with Her Majesty's High Commissioner,
in order not only to be prepared to answer any questions
which might arise out of the statements to be submitted to
His Excellency, but also to throw light upon and explain
many points which would occupy too much time in a letter.
Mr. Pretorius honestly believes that should he return to
Natal after so long and harassing a journey without having
obtained an interview with His Excellency and without
taking with him some satisfactory statement of the intention
or views of Her Majesty's High Commissioner, it will have
a most injurious effect upon the minds of the Dutch Emigrant
farmers, the result of which it is melancholy to contemplate.
October 19th, 1847."
In answer to all these representations and in justification
of his callous indifference to the misery of Pretorius and his
people, Sir Henry Pottinger, in spite of the perfectly miracu
lous amount of work he claimed to be doing continually,

78 A LOST OPPORTUNITY
CHAP, managed to find time, on October 23rd, to issue the following
IL public notice : —
" I have read Mr. Pretorius' letter with attention. The
perusal has only strengthened the resolution I had previously
formed of not attempting to investigate the matters to which
they relate. I am indeed surprised that Mr. Pretorius, who
is evidently a gentleman of great good sense and strong
reasoning powers, should have imagined that such a step
was possible in my present position. He, and everyone else,
who chooses to think about it, must know that my duties
as Governor of this Colony, and Her Majesty's High Com
missioner, are so onerous at the present time, that it is
only by exertions which few men either could or would make,
that I can get through them, and therefore to add to those
duties such an inquiry (admitting I saw ground for it), as
Mr. Pretorius' letter calls for, would be a perfect mockery.
Besides this primary, and in my eyes sufficient reason, it is
now understood that I am shortly to leave this Colony, and
therefore I should deem it to be only delicate and proper
to leave a matter of this serious nature to the discretion of
my successor." . . . He urged that the inquiry would be
ex parte, as Mr. West could not be present to give his views
and further, were he to give implicit belief to the statement
of Pretorius he would have to doubt those of the Lieut.-
Governor. ..." I see Mr. Pretorius complains of my
declining to see him. I think he will be convinced when he
reads this paper, that my doing so would have been of no use.
I cannot devote time to personal interviews, and besides, it
has been a rule with me through a long public life, that
written communications are to be preferred as utterly
obviating misunderstandings."
As in the case of Sir Andries Stockenstrom with Piet
Retief, so Sir Henry Pottinger now with Pretorius, threw
away the opportunity of gaining a large return of Boer
contentment with British rule by the smallest possible outlay
of tact and kindly feeling ; a handshake and a few non
committal words of sympathy on this occasion might have
modified considerably the subsequent history of Natal and
the Transvaal. In disappointment, anger and despairing

. ivuinn auiiuN OF SIR HARRY SMITH 79
of any other relief than migration from Natal into more CHAP.
northern parts, Pretorius left Grahamstown on his long IL
journey back to Pietermaritzburg. But he did not reach
that place. Before he had gone far into Natal, he met a
number of families fleeing from their homes and moving
towards the Drakensberg. Among them was his own family
in a sorry plight. - His wife was lying ill in one of the waggons
and his youngest daughter was suffering from a wound she
had received from one of the oxen while acting as voorlooper
— and all the milch cows had been stolen by the natives.
These people must have moved very slowly, for by Febru
ary, 1848, after two months travelling, they were only at
the Tugela river. This however was partly accounted for
by the fact that Sir Henry Pottinger had left the Colony
and a Governor of a very different stamp — the great and good
Sir Harry Smith — had taken his place. Without unduly
anticipating it may be said here that as soon as Sir Harry
heard of the state of affairs in Natal and the abandonment
of that country by the Boers, he sent off an express messenger
to Pretorius, whom he had known when he was in the
country before, asking him and the others to pause before
they went any further and expressed towards them that
humanity and sympathy which Sir Henry Pottinger had
considered incompatible with his sense of duty and dignity.
In February, 1848, Sir Harry Smith himself crossed the
Drakensberg and, reversing the order of things, went to
Pretorius. He allayed a good deal of the discontent, but
he did not wholly stop the migration from Natal.
Although Sir Henry Pottinger so tactlessly and unsym-
pathetically refused to hear what Pretorius had to say in
connection with Natal affairs, he, as his correspondence with
Lieut.-Governor West shows, was not ignorant of what
appeared to be the formation of a dangerous confederation
between the Zulu King Panda and the Boers who were
very thinly scattered over the country now made up of the
districts of Newcastle, Klip River and Umsinga. During
the regime of the Volksraad a number of Boer families took
large farms in those parts, presumably under the impression
that, in consequence of the suzerainty agreement which had
been made with Panda, they had a right to do so.

80 PANDA MOLESTS SPIES
CHAP. Trouble began in April, 1843, when one Andries Theo
doras Spies took lands near the Biggar's Berg, about fourteen
miles from the present Dundee. During the erection of his
homestead and cattle kraals, the natives who were working
for him told him that Panda was not satisfied with his
settlement at that place, in short, they made it clear that
Spies was trespassing. Panda claimed all the country as
far south as the Tugela river. Spies took no notice of this
but ordered the work to proceed. To assert his authority
and indicate his sense of proprietorship, Panda sent a
commando to Spies' place. The house was burnt and the
natives who had taken part in the work were killed and all
their cattle were seized. This created alarm throughout those
parts. For months, some of the people seem to have lived
in defensive laagers, fearing an onslaught from Panda,
while others left the country altogether and trekked over
the Drakensberg.
The doubt as to whether that country was part of Natal
or Zululand was settled in the following October (1843)
when Mr. Cloete visited Panda and the agreement was
made whereby the Umzinyati or Buffalo river became the
northern boundary of Natal and the southern of Zululand.1
Lieut.-Governor West visited those isolated people. In
answer to their request for protection, he told them he had
not sufficient military force in order to place a post there,
but that in the event of an attack by the Zulus he would
send assistance to them. " What is the use of that ? " asked
Spies, " we shall be murdered before that arrives." There
soon seemed to be need for this assistance, for Panda's
Zulus and cattle were gradually crossing the Umzinyati
to the south and, in 1845, Panda announced his intention of
occupying that territory himself. This raised, in the minds
of the Boers, the perplexing question as to whom the country
did belong. Was it still a part of Zululand or was there any
truth in the statement that Panda had signed a treaty whereby
he had made it over to the Government of Natal ? If the
former, then it might be possible to enter into negotiations
with Panda with a view to acquiring some kind of possession
of it. In order to determine this, an embassy consisting of
1 Vide Volume IV, page 187.

a j\nr K1VER GOVERNMENT ESTABLISHED 8l
A. T. Spies, Lodewijk de Jager, Gert and Isaac van Niekerk CHAP.
visited Panda. The result of the interview was that the IL
Zulu King gave them permission to continue to occupy
the lands they then held, and he promised to protect
them against the English, who were not to be allowed to
cross the Tugela — as he feared they would break up his
tribe. " But," said Spies, " you gave all the country as
far as the Umzinyati to Cloete." Panda swore by Chaka
(the most solemn oath a Zulu could take) that Cloete or
anyone else who said so, lied.
Thus matters stood until December, 1846, when the
Boers again visited Panda. This time the delegation
consisted of A. T. Spies, J. de Lange and Piet Uijs
(as interpreter). They succeeded, on January 7th, 1847,
in inducing Panda to sign the following agreement,
after, so we are told, it had been read and explained
to Panda, word by word, and he had declared that he
understood it.
" I, Umpanda, have ceded the country between 'the
Umzinyati and Tugela to the Burgers who are now to
occupy the said lands as their legal and perpetual property,
which have been parted with by me at my free will to the
African Burgers, the same to remain the unmolested property
of the above Burgers, without the interference of anyone
whomsoever, for the sum of one thousand rixdollars, payable
in six months from this date."
Armed with this document, the Boers now felt justified
in commencing the establishment of a " Klip River
Government." A. T. Spies became commandant, while
his brother Abraham was chosen the officer with whom
lands were to be registered. A marriage officer and a
number of heemraden were also elected.
In May, 1847, vague rumours of the proceedings at the
Klip River reached the ears of the Lieut.-Governor. In
order to learn something more definite as well as to warn
the people against sedition, he dispatched two native messen
gers to Spies with a letter and, for circulation among the
people generally, copies in English and Dutch of the Letters
Patent constituting the Colony of Natal and the Proclama-
vol. v 6 G

82 A WARNING TO PANDA
CHAP, tion defining the boundaries of the country. He demanded,
at the same time, any information Spies could furnish in
connection with the alleged negotiations with Panda. To
Panda also a message was sent demanding from him an
explanation of his repudiation of the boundary agreement
as well as anything he could impart concerning his com
munications with the Boers. Panda in reply, said he did
consider the boundary question still unsettled and that he
was looking to the Government to settle it. With reference
to the Boers, he stated that Spies and de Lange had con
stantly applied for the land, but he had refused it as he did
not know to whom it belonged ; they had insisted upon his
signing a paper, but, so he said, he did not know the contents
of it and was afraid they would show it to prove that he had
given that territory to them. The wily chief was loud in his
professions of loyalty to the British Government, but the
Lieut.-Governor very rightly placed but little confidence in
anything he said. He sent again to Panda and told him
that the boundary question had long been settled by the
treaty which he himself had signed in the presence of his
principal indunas and Mr. Cloete, a copy of which was
sent to him. The Lieut.-Governor reminded him (Panda)
that the continuance of the friendly understanding now
subsisting between Panda and the British Government
must always depend upon Panda adhering to his engage
ments ; the Lieut.-Governor was well aware of the position
in which Panda would be placed should the Lieut.-Governor
be compelled to declare that Panda was no longer a friend
of the British Government. This veiled threat, for such it
was, had a wonderfully stimulating effect upon Panda's
memory and loyalty. He regarded the English as his fathers
and admitted that he had agreed that the northern boundary
of Natal was the Tugela up to the point where the Umzinyati
joins it, and then up that river (the Umzinyati) to its sources
in the Drakensberg.
The negotiations with the Boers were less satisfactory —
or rather — they were satisfactory in the sense that they
made their attitude perfectly plain, and that attitude a
hostile one. It was clear that they were determined to have
what they wanted — or to trek from the country. When the

rnucLAMATIONS RETURNED UNOPENED 83
two native messengers, Latshuke and Nonzwenzwe, arrived CHAP.
at Spies' place at the Klip River, they found him from home. IL
A Boer who was in the house seeing that the documents
which were offered to him were from the Government,
refused at first to receive them. He immediately rode away
on horseback but soon returned with five other men and
then they met in conference. In the end they took the
papers and sent them on to Spies. The two native messen
gers were treated with scant kindness. According to them,
they asked for food, " Food, indeed," said the Boers, " we
would much rather tie you up and flog you, what business
have you to bring Englishman's letters to us?" . . . "Two
of them followed us to the kraal where we slept and
ordered us off the place, although it was dark, we replied :
' You may starve us, but you cannot make us walk,
we will not leave the Kaffirs until morning' " — and they did
not. Spies eventually received the communications from the
Lieut.-Governor, but he returned them unopened with the
following message : " Platberg, June 15th.
You herewith receive the Proclamations, because it is
out of my power to receive them, they came too late, the
answer to Panda, I communicated to you verbally,1 further
we hope to remain in peace and quiet."
As Spies had thus refused to circulate these Proclamations,
and as it was imperative that all in those parts should know
the relation in which their supposed country stood with
regard to Panda and Natal, the Lieut.-Governor sought and
found a willing messenger in one J. W. Archbell (the son
of a missionary of that name). An additional object of the
expedition was to seek out and gain all possible information
concerning the frame of mind of the people, their intentions
and anything else of a political nature. Archbell's mission
was a success. In the guise of one wishing to purchase a
farm in the Klip River district, he moved from place to
place, armed with hidden Proclamations. These, as oppor
tunity offered, he stuck in the walls of cattle kraals, behind
1 It is not clear what this communication was, or when it was made.

84 ARCHBELL'S RECEPTION
CHAP, furniture in houses and anywhere else where they might
IL be placed unseen, but found and read after his departure.
Speaking generally, he found the people very reserved and
suspicious. The sum total of the different statements was
that the people believed the country had been bought from
Panda, who, they thought, had a right to sell it and that
now they were established under a Klip River Government,
they could not allow themselves to live again under the
same conditions as had prevailed in Cape Colony ; two
courses only were open to them, namely, to live again under
British rule or under Panda. Of the former they had had
much experience and had learnt that there was not much
protection to be depended upon ; the latter, whom alone
they acknowledged, they could to some extent trust.
Abraham Spies, who admitted being one of those who had
approached Panda, said he would rather leave lands and
all he possessed and trek to the world's end than live
again under British rule. All quite approved of Spies'
action in refusing to receive the Proclamation and would
themselves refuse any paper which did not acknowledge the
Klip River Government.
At the homestead of Andries Spies, Archbell found a
number of young men congregated, but Spies himself was
absent. They received him very coldly, not only did they
refuse to shake hands with him, but suggested searching
him. Before they could carry this into effect, however, Spies
arrived and expressed his disapproval of the reception which
had been accorded to Archbell — as he (Spies) was well
acquainted with and respected the missionary's family. In
answer to the question about the purchase of a farm, Spies
advised him to remain on the other side of the Tugela, as
in the event of his occupying a farm at the Klip River and
there being war, he (Archbell) would have to fight for them.
" If the Government," said Spies " like to recognise us as
a free people, we will make a treaty of Peace and Commerce
with them, we will become their allies and defend their
border." With reference to the negotiations with Panda,
Spies stated that when Panda was asked about his having
given the country to the British, he said he gave it on condi
tion that Cloete would return Mawa and the cattle which she

I HE BRITISH GOVERNMENT DEFIED BY SPIES 85
had taken away with her,1 now he heard that Cloete was chap.
nobody and had no power to return either Mawa or cattle n-
and therefore, the agreement was cancelled — as the promise
to him was not fulfilled on the part of Cloete, he did not
see that he was bound to perform his part. On the strength
of this, Spies continued to agree to pay Panda Rds. 1,000
for the country, which sum, however, had not yet been paid .
Panda then conferred upon him a captaincy, giving him
authority over all, black and white, at the Klip River, and
as symbol of this authority, he presented him with a staff
of the following design. If therefore, it comes to war, said
Spies, we are bound to assist Panda. The Government
must not think that, if we do have to fight, it will be the same
as it was in Natal ; that was the first time and we were

DESIGN OF STAFF PRESENTED BY PANDA TO SPIES.
rather stupid, but now it will go differently, for we are pre
pared. Thus the interview ended, and Archbell had managed
to secrete some Proclamations between a box on which he
was sitting and the curtain which divided the living-room
from the bedroom. And so on, at other places, there was
the same account of the purchase from Panda and a defiance
to the British Government to take the country from them.
At the place of Martinus Prins, Archbell was very nearly
arrested and searched, but he managed to stave off the danger
and to leave some Proclamations in an adjacent uninhabited
house or hut. At F. de Jager's the defiance was even more
pronounced. De Jager's speech, according to Archbell, was
1 The deceit and falsehood of Panda could not be better demon
strated than by this statement. Cloete no less than Major Smith had
protected the old woman Mawa — had refused to send her back to Panda,
knowing that such a procedure meant her immediate murder. Vide
Volume IV, page 176.

86 THE RETURN OF MR. ARCHBELL
chap, as follows 1 : — " If we get hold of the Governor and there is
n* no other hangman, then I shall act as such. If the troops
come in here, we shall put a bullet through the head of
every officer and set the poor soldiers free. I wic h the Kaffirs
would attack the Government and drive all the members
thereof into the sea. Although the Kaffirs were cutting the
throats of the members of the Government and of all the
English, we would not trouble about it. The pretty girl,
Victoria, who is liked so much by everybody must not think
that we are afraid of her. We would attack her just as we
would attack the others. We wish that the Governor were
dead." With all the information he had collected, Archbell
arrived back in Pietermaritzburg on July 15th, having
started from that place on June 28th. The question of the
ownership of the Klip River district being now settled by
Panda's admission of the Umzinyati boundary, the Lieut.-
Governor sent the land-surveyor, Mr. J. Bird, to inspect the
farms and learn the extent of lands claimed by individual
Boers. Mr. Bird crossed the Tugela on August 24th. He
visited a few places, including those of the brothers Spies.
The answers and assistance he received in the execution of
this duty did not encourage him to proceed further.
All were emphatic in refusing to shew him their bound
aries or to permit any surveying. Apparently, they did not
know of the statement which Panda had made to the Lieut.-
Governor, for all declared that until the question of the
ownership was set at rest, they were unwilling to take any
such steps with regard to land, which was claimed by two
potentates, it was too dangerous, they said, to risk offending
Panda. Mr. Bird therefore returned to Pietermaritzburg
without having accomplished the object of his expedition.
In consequence of this action, or want of action, on the part
1 Als wy de Governeur in de handen kry en daar geen andere laxman
is, dan zal ik dat weeze. Als de troopen hierin komen, zullen wy de
officieren almaal de kogel voor de kop geven, en daarmen zoldaanen vry
maak. Ik wensche dat de Kafirs de Goewerment aanvaalen, en almaal
en de zee jagen. Al zou de Kafirs de Goewerment en al de Englis de
keel afsny, wy zullen ons niet daar aan stuuren. De Englis moey meisje
Victoria dat hulle zoo viel van howden, moet niet denken dat wy voor
haar bang zyn. Wy zou haar net zou anbanden als den anderen. Wy
wensche de Governeur in zyn moer was, etc., etc.

A NEW PROCLAMATION 87
of the Klip River people, the Lieut.-Governor issued, on CHAP.
September 3rd, the following notice, though it is not clear IL
whether many or any of them saw it, for there was wanting
on this occasion, the ingenuity of an Archbell to disseminate
Government notices among them. Somewhat shortened,
the notice was as follows :¦ — ¦" Whereas it having been
reported to me that several of the Inhabitants ol I hat portion
of this district which lies to the north of the Tugela river
and between that river and the Umzinyati or Buffalo river
professed to entertain a belief that the country they occupy
is not British Territory, but that it belongs to the Zoolah
King Panda, I deemed it expedient to instruct John Bird,
a Government Surveyor, to proceed to that part of the district
in order to inspect and survey for the several parties the
lands which they now occupy there. Whereas it has been
reported to me that all such claimants had declined to point
out the boundaries of the lands they claim, alleging that
they were doubtful whether the country was British Territory.
And whereas the Letters Patent declared Natal to be a
part of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope and the
Proclamation of August 22nd, 1845, defined the boundaries.
... In order that none might plead ignorance, the said
Letters Patent and Proclamations were republished in
English and Dutch on May 13th last, and circulated among
the people. Thereafter, I personally proceeded beyond the
Tugela, where I remained four days after I had made known
my readiness to attend to any representations that might
be made to me — but none were made. ... In consideration
of the possible ignorance of some of these Inhabitants, I
have seen fit to obtain from the said Zoolah King Panda —
who had as is well known, agreed to the existing boundary
in the year 1843 — a renewed and formal acknowledgment
that he admits the boundary as declared. . . . Now, there
fore, I do hereby proclaim and make known, that all claimants
to titles to lands who shall not, on or before October ist
next, renew their said claims by personal application at the
Colonial Office at this place (Pietermaritzburg) shall be
considered to have forfeited all their claims."
As mentioned in the above notice, the Lieut.-Governor
visited the Klip River district. He was accompanied by

88 PANDA ADMITS THE CLAIM OF NATAL
CHAP, the resident magistrate, the diplomatic agent, the com
manding engineer and six orderlies. The route passed
through Weenen and then on to the Tugela where opposition
to their further passage was expected, but none was offered.
The journey was then continued to a spot about eight miles
from the Klip River where the tent was pitched and where
the Lieut.-Governor waited four days for any who had
representations to make to him, but none came. The small
cavalcade therefore marched back to Pietermaritzburg,
where they arrived on August 19th. At the same time, a
Capt. H. D. Kyle of the 45th Regiment, accompanied by
Mr. Shepstone, went to Panda in order to interview him with
respect to his repudiation of the Natal boundary. The
interview took place at Nodwengu on August 1 ith. It was
quite satisfactory. Panda signed a paper admitting the
claim of Natal, though he endeavoured to make it contingent
on the recovery of cattle which had been driven from his
country by Zulus who wished to escape from him.
Undoubtedly, the Boers of the Klip River district, bona
fide, believed that Panda was the master of that country
when they entered into negotiations with him. People in
less isolated places and in more modern times do not study
Government proclamations and notices as they should. It
is quite possible that none of them knew anything about
Mr. Cloete's treaty until Archbell appeared among them —
and many most probably not then. And now that they found
themselves in the wrong and taken in by Panda, they took
steps to clear themselves of the charges which were being
brought against them. On September 2nd, J. J. Uys,
stepson of Andries Spies, waited upon the Lieut.-Governor
in Pietermaritzburg and asked on behalf of the people that
an officer of the Government might be sent to inquire into
their proceedings and also to accompany some of themselves
to Panda in order to learn whom he had been deceiving, the
Government or themselves. With this reasonable request
the Government complied. On September 14th, Mr.
Harding, the resident magistrate, started from Pietermaritz
burg for the purpose of instituting an inquiry into the conduct
of the people at the Klip River and, as far as possible, of
remedying any real grievances. He arrived at the place of

Ma.. tiAKDING REPORTS TO THE GOVERNMENT 89
Andries Spies on the 20th. As some days were necessary to CHAP.
bring together those who lived at a distance, the meeting
could not be held until the 27th. On that day, about forty
Boers met at Spies' homestead. One or two were chosen as
speakers for the rest. At great length all their reasons for
discontent with British rule, and also the history of theii
dealings with Panda, as have been related, were dwelt
upon. The chief immediate grievances which they brought
before Mr. Harding, were the indiscriminate wandering
and squatting of the natives, and the difficulty, it may be
said injustice, which arose in connection with the working
of the proclamation of May 12th, 1843. According to this,
they could not get title to their lands unless they could prove
twelve months' continuous residence on them before the
date of that document. That twelve months' residence had
been, in so many cases, an impossibility in consequence of
war and the danger from natives. There were not wanting
cases where individuals had bought and paid for farms, yet
could get no titles, because the seller could not prove the
twelve months' residence, while on the other hand, there
were cases where titles had been obtained by some who had
never been near their places. Mr. Harding listened patiently
to all they had to say while they, on their part, treated him
with openness and respect. On October 13th, he reported
to the Government. He considered that, in strict legality,
Spies, de Jager and the two Niekerks were criminally
indictable, but as there could be no doubt that Panda had
practised the grossest deceit towards the British Government
and deliberate fraud on the Boers, he advocated no action
being taken against them, as, after all, the mischief they
had done was small, and, moreover, the attempt to arrest
any one of them would lead to the abandonment of the
district by all the Boers — this was by no means to be desired.
Mr. Harding suggested a policy of segregation for the
natives and a resident magistrate for the Boers.
This report came before the Executive Council of Natal
on October the 1 8th and 20th. The Senior Officer Command
ing and the Secretary to Government recommended forgive
ness for their political offences on the ground that the
ignorant parties had invited inquiry and admitted their

90 MR. B0SH0F SENT TO KLIP RIVER
CHAP, error. As an inducement to them to remain in the district
and others to join them it was suggested that the provisions
of the Proclamation of May 12th, 1843, be relaxed and titles
to the farms be given ; further that the natives should be
segregated and a resident magistrate and marriage officer
appointed. The Surveyor-General was less sympathetic.
Though he was of opinion that Panda had acted deceitfully,
he was not sure that the wily chief had not been swayed
by the influence of the Boers ; he counselled the utmost
caution in granting a pardon as their sedition had been
proved. He was opposed to any relaxation of the law which
required the personal attendance in Pietermaritzburg of
those who claimed titles to land and he demanded in addition
that each claimant should take an oath of allegiance to the
British Crown.
The Lieut.-Governor was even more stiff-backed. He
felt that the Government had already placed itself in a
false position by sending Mr. Harding to the Klip River —
most unprecedented would it be on the part of Government
to grant a pardon to a guilty subject before he had surrendered
himself to justice. He now declared that he was not at all
satisfied that Panda had acted with duplicity — the accusation
that he had, rested entirely on the words of the Boers who
might be expected to give such an account as would best suit
their purpose. He agreed however that the presence of a
magistrate was called for at the Klip River. In the end the
Council decided (1) to appoint a resident magistrate, (2) to
station temporarily a military force at the Klip River, (3)
that all persons who shall fully submit themselves to Her
Majesty's authority and take the oath of allegiance before
the magistrate within fourteen days after his arrival, shall
be pardoned for any political criminal offence, (4) that the
Surveyor-General now carry out the surveys, (5) that steps
be now taken to place the natives in locations, (6) that
claimants of registered farms must make personal applica
tion at the Colonial Office in Pietermaritzburg to have the
claims renewed. And lastly, that Mr. J. N. Boshof be
appointed magistrate at the Klip River at £250 per annum.
To accomplish the object of the third of these decisions,
as well as to pave the way for Mr. Boshof, a proclamation

OFFER OF PARDON

91

was issued on October 25th, to the effect that the Lieut.- CHAP.
Governor, having taken into his consideration the best means XI'
of recalling to a sense of their duty, those misguided persons,
who, in disregard of their allegiance to their Queen, pro
jected a wild and insensate scheme to purchase a portion of
British Territory from the Zulu King Panda and to establish
themselves in a state of independence, he (the Lieut.-
Governor) was pleased to grant a pardon to those who de
clared their submission to Her Majesty within fourteen
days after the arrival of the magistrate who was to be sent
to them. Mr. Boshof arrived at his Klip River magistracy on
November 16th. He made, for a time, his headquarters
at the place of Abraham Spies and lost no time in acquainting
the people with the object of his visit. He appointed the
23rd as the first of the fourteen days during which he would
accept their Oaths of Allegiance. But the prospects were
not promising. From the general tenor of the remarks of
those whom he interviewed, it became clear that but very
few would avail themselves of the proffered pardon, rather
would they quit the district. He himself saw active prepara
tions to this end ; waggons were being hastily repaired and
packed ; the growing crops and all else immovable were
to be abandoned. The families of Spies were fully determined
to go. On the appointed day, not a single person came
forward to take the oath, albeit a numerous party with their
waggons was assembled. In fact, during the whole fourteen
days, only five availed themselves of the privilege — the
van Tonders and the Moolmans. Mr. Boshof gathered that
the reasons for refusing to take the oath were — the despair
of ever obtaining that protection from the natives which
should enable them to live in peace and in a sense of safety ;
the difficulty with the titles to lands and in this connection
they suspected that the object of requiring their personal
appearance in Pietermaritzburg to renew the registration of
their farms was to apprehend and punish them, notwith
standing the promise of pardon ; further, in some cases,
because they feared the taunts and ill-will of their country
men at a distance. The appearance of Mr. Boshof at the
Klip River and his offer of pardon seem to have been signals

92 PREPARING TO TREK
CHAP, for a general movement of the people towards the Drakens-
II- berg. Within a day or so he was alone. He therefore
moved back to the Bushman's river, where we find him on
December 3rd. Not only were these people on the move,
but those living south of the Tugela were commencing to
join in the general trek out of Natal. There were alarming
rumours to the effect that their quondam friend Panda was
sending a commando to prevent the exodus as well as to
murder all friendly Zulus, that is, those who had fled from
his country and were living in Boer territory. These rumours
were based partly on the statement of Gert Niekerk, who
visited Panda at this time. According to this, Niekerk told
Panda that the Boers were leaving the Klip River, the King
flew into a rage and said he would send to see what the
English wanted. He threatened to make a clean sweep of
them from the Klip River to the Umzimvubu (St. John's).
Niekerk, so he said, actually saw commandoes ready to
start. Whatever Niekerk may have seen, there was at this
time, most probably, no hostile intentions on the part of
Panda, against either English or Dutch. Spies were sent
out in all directions but they failed to find any commando
or warlike preparation. The theory of the Lieut.-Governor
was that the whole story was a fabrication and that A. T. Spies
was at the bottom of some plot, in which the people, having
been sufficiently alarmed, would be induced to join in the
general expatriation. It certainly had this effect, for not
only in the Klip River, but in the district of Pietermaritzburg,
Boers began to forsake their farms and congregate in camps
at the Tugela preparatory to moving to the north. At a
farm called Doornkop, a mysterious and anonymous letter
was received urging upon the people the necessity of assemb
ling and, if possible, proceeding at once to join the Klip
River people at the foot of the Drakensberg. On December
4th, A. T. Spies issued the following manifesto : —
" To the Emigrants and Countrymen over Tugela.
I am bound to make known to you and give you positive
warning, if you will come out, that it is time for you who take
side with us, that you may not be ignorant of it, for it appears
the whole country will be stained with blood, on account of

BOSHOF' S ADVICE

93

the menaces of Governor West, with respect to our lawful CHAP.
property, wherefore, I shall lay my complaint before country
and people as far as any power may be found, therefore,
friends and countrymen, do not allow yourselves to be
persuaded to feel at ease, for the time is short, those who wish
to come out, please to give notice thereof to me. I shall take
care for your safety, that is to say, for those who are willing
to share or suffer with us. Let this be forwarded from place
to place, as far as any emigrant may be residing,
Your sincere friend,
A. T. Spies."
Mr. Boshof was of opinion that Spies and his party were
at the bottom of all the mischief and that, by continually
alarming the people and endeavouring to persuade them to
leave, their object was the ruin of the country. He advocated
sending a party of soldiers with a field piece either to appre
hend these disturbers of the peace or to rout them. The
Spies party was encamped at the foot of the Drakensberg,
near the de Beers pass, while other camps were formed at
no great distances. On December 7th, the chief Zikali,
who lived in those parts and seems to have feared this invasion,
sent his messenger, Umhlaba, to the Lieut.-Governor in
Pietermaritzburg to say that the country was in a state of
war on account of the Boers. He (Zikali) said that one
D. Bezuidenhout had visited him and told him that Galonkulu
(the Zulu name for A. W. J. Pretorius) was approaching
with reinforcements and that Zikali had better now declare
on whose side he was. Zikali replied that he had already
given his adherence to the British Government and not having
two heads, he could not serve two masters. The truth of
Bezuidenhout's statement is doubtful, for Pretorius, at that
time, was on his return journey to his family after his visit
to Grahamstown. In Pietermaritzburg, on December 2nd, a public meeting
was convened by J. S. Maritz, " for the purpose of providing
for the general safety in the event of any sudden attack upon
the Colony," presumably by the Zulus. Judging from the
first resolution, which Maritz himself proposed and which
was carried by the meeting, he could not have had much

94 SIR H. SMITH MEETS THE TREKKERS
CHAP, hope of mending matters. It was, " that it is the opinion
of this meeting that it will be advisable to memorialise
H.H. the Lieut.-Governor to repeal the Proclamation of
October 25th, 1847, and having reference to the Klip River
farmers, if, under existing circumstances, it would be consis
tent with the views of the Executive to do so." As might
have been expected, the Lieut.-Governor, on December 10th,
gave it as his opinion that a compliance with this request
would be altogether inconsistent with the duties which he
owed to his Sovereign and to the district committed to his
charge. He did not see what more lenient course he could
have taken with the Klip River people than to offer them a
full pardon on condition of their declaring their allegiance
to the British Crown.1
A detachment of a hundred soldiers with a field piece
was stationed at the Bushman's river to maintain peace and
order, to be ready for any emergency as well as to provide a
safe retreat in case of the necessity of retiring upon Pieter
maritzburg. This had the effect of restoring considerable
confidence among the people encamped along the Tugela.
Many of these were soon returning to their farms. But the
plight of those who had fled from the Klip River and were
endeavouring to cross the mountains was distressing in the
extreme. Sir Harry Smith who, shortly after his arrival
in the Colony, rushed off to meet them and to dissuade
them from trekking further said : " On my arrival at the
foot of the Drakensberg mountains, I was almost paralysed
to witness the whole of the population, with few exceptions,
trekking . . . these families were exposed to a state of
misery which I never before saw equalled, except in Massena's
invasion of Portugal. The scene here was truly heart
rending. I assembled all the men near me, through the
means of a Mr. Pretorius, a shrewd, sensible man, who had
recently been into the Colony to lay the subject of dissatis
faction of his countrymen before the Governor, where he
was unfortunately refused an audience, and returned after
so long a journey, expressing himself as the feelings of a
proud and injured man would naturally prompt. The scene
exhibited by about 300 or 400 fathers of large families
1 Sir H. Smith repealed it by Proclamation of February 10th, 1848.

FAREWELL TO SIR H. POTTINGER 95
assembled and shedding tears when representing their CHAP.
position was more, I admit, than I could observe unmoved." x U"
This Klip River trouble was the chief feature of Natal
history during the Governorship of Sir Henry Pottinger.
As has been indicated, he took practically no part in it.
About the time when he refused to meet Pretorius, he received
intimation that before the end of the year he would be recalled
from Cape Colony and would be sent to India; he thought
proper, therefore, to leave the disentanglement of Natal to
his successor.
The state of affairs of the Eastern Province, during
1847, necessitated Sir Henry Pottinger spending very nearly
the whole year in Grahamstown and Fort Peddie. Hence,
most probably, no other Governor of Cape Colony was so
little seen by the general public or took so small a part in
social functions. Not however because he deliberately held
aloof, but either on account of the duties of his office which
kept him continually occupied or, as in the camp at Fort
Peddie, because he was too far removed from more civilised
and cultured parts. If the wording of the Grahamstown
farewell address, which was presented to him on his departure,
was not mere fulsome adulation — and there is no reason to
believe it was — Sir Henry Pottinger was held in high esteem,
notwithstanding his condemnation of the financial affairs of
the Province, of the Kat River settlement, of the Hottentot
levies and other matters needing reform.2 His year of
office is not remarkable for much in the way of constructive
policy. Apart from his actions in connection with what he
considered as abuses in financial matters, with the investiga
tion into the affairs of the Kat River Hottentot settlement
and with the conclusion of the war, he did little more than
carry on the work of his predecessors. Two most important
1 Despatch Sir H. G. Smith to Earl Grey, Feb. 10th, 1848.
a Dr. Theal, on page 56 of Volume III of his History of South Africa
since 1795, says : " No other governor of the Colony ever lived in such
open licentiousness as he. His amours would have been inexcusable in
a young man, in one approaching his sixtieth year, they were scandalous."
It would be interesting to know on what authority this statement is made.
Whatever may have been the conduct of Sir H. Pottinger in other
countries, it is difficult to believe that his constant application to work
and his residence in such quiet places as Grahamstown and Fort Peddie,
during practically the whole of his Governorship, could have permitted
of much gaiety.

96 TWO IMPORTANT ENACTMENTS
CHAP, enactments, however, were promulgated by the Legislative
IL Council, though it is not clear that the Governor had any
thing more to do with them than to give his assent. On?
was an Ordinance for relieving agricultural produce and
other articles from the necessity of passing through the
markets. Before the date of that Act, farmers and others
were not allowed to sell any of their produce privately, it
had to be taken to a market, sold by auction and dues paid.
These market dues had to be paid even when produce was
brought to town and not intended for sale. " By the enact
ment," says the Governor to Earl Grey, " colonial produce
of the annual value of upwards of £ 140,000, will be relieved
from an unjust and obnoxious impost on entering Cape
Town." As might be expected the Municipality of Cape
Town was very wroth at this loss of income. The other
important Ordinance was one for, " Improving the Ports,
Harbours and Roadsteads of the Colony." In virtue of
this a Board of Commissioners or Directors could be appoin
ted who would be empowered to take possession of necessary
public lands, to expropriate private ones and pay for them
on arbitration, to raise money on loan and to do all else
necessary in order to carry into effect the intentions of the
Government. The establishment of this Board was oppor
tune, as Port Kowie was struggling into existence and East
London was about to become a new port.
On December 8th, at Selwyn Castle, Grahamstown,1
the official residence of the Lieut.-Governor, Sir Henry
Pottinger received a deputation of Grahamstown citizens
and was then presented with the farewell address. In
reply, he assured them that in whatever part of the world
he should find himself, he would always watch with interest
the progress of the Colony, though he had differed in his
views from many of them and seen reason to condemn
and reform much which he found in operation, yet he
conscientiously believed he had acted for the public good.
Shortly afterwards with all due ceremony, he was escorted
out of Grahamstown and rode to the farm of Lieut. Daniells
at Sidbury, where he remained until the arrival of the new
1 Now a home for poor children in connection with the South African
Railways and Harbours.

Sir Henry Pottinger

DEPARTURE OF SIR H. POTTINGER 97
Governor, Sir Harry Smith, who was then on his way to CHAP.
make his final settlement with the Kaffir Chiefs. Having IL
imparted all necessary information, Sir Henry Pottinger
proceeded to Port Elizabeth and sailed in the Rosamond
to Cape Town, where he arrived on the 24th — under a
salute of guns from the Castle. Thence to Madras, of which
Province he became Governor.

vol. v 7 h

CHAPTER III
THE ESTABLISHMENT OF BRITISH KAFFRARIA
chap. Sir Henry George Wakelyn Smith, Bart., was the
IIL successor to Sir Henry Pottinger in the Governorship of
Cape Colony. As will be remembered, he had, twelve years
previously, been chief of the staff under Sir BenjaminD'Urban,
during the 1835 war and, near the end of that war, became
Commandant or Military Governor of the newly-established
Province of Queen Adelaide. He had founded King
William's Town, and, in his own peculiar theatrical manner,
had instituted and, for a time, maintained, those successful
measures which tended to the civilisation of the Kaffirs and
the security of the Frontier colonists. But, by the disastrous ;
Glenelg-Stockenstrom policy, all this was overturned ; the
cruel and barbarous customs of Kaffirland, such as witch
craft with its horrors, were again permitted unrestrainedly,
King William's Town was abandoned, the good Sir Benjamin
D'Urban was dismissed and Sir Harry (then Colonel) Smith,
deeply to the regret of all, except perhaps the small " pseudo-
philanthropic " party, left Cape Town for Calcutta in
June, 1840. Promoted to the rank of Adjutant-General, he
commenced, in India, that brilliant career which earned for
him, on his return to England, the thanks of Parliament,
academic honours from the Universities and from the public
generally, the title of the Hero of Aliwal. Undoubtedly,
as recognition of his services and his great abilities he was,
in October, 1847, appointed Governor and High Com
missioner to settle the affairs of South Eastern Africa, the
announcement of which appointment gave universal delight
throughout Cape Colony. His previous experience in South
Africa gave him an advantage which had not been possessed
by any Governor who had preceded — and probably by none
98

Sir Harry Smith

a iumuliuous WELCOME 99
who succeeded — him, namely, that of being well acquainted CHAP.
with the country as well as knowing, and being known to,
most of the inhabitants both British and Dutch and, more
important still, the turbulent Kaffir chiefs were no strangers
to him. By all it was felt that he was the one man who could
and would restore the Kaffirland policy, the interruption of
which in 1836, had had as its inevitable results the expatria
tion of so many of the worthy Dutch inhabitants of the
Eastern Province and the war of 1846, in short, that he would
reverse the reversal. The anticipation of the brighter and
happier era for Cape Colony which this appointment was
to inaugurate, begot an impatience to see the speedy arrival
of the new Governor, their old and revered friend. At
sunrise on December ist, 1847, signals on the Lion's Rump
announced that the Vernon with Sir Harry and Lady Smith
on board was standing in to Table Bay. Long before half-
past ten, when the vessel came to anchor, large crowds had
collected on the open space at the end of Bree Street, near
which was the rickety, old North Jetty, where the welcome
Governor was to land. It was a beautiful summer's day.
Business for a time seemed to have been forgotten, eager
and pleasurable anticipation animated all. At about noon
the booming of the guns at the castle and the tumultuous
cheering made known the fact that Sir Harry Smith was
once again on Cape Colony soil. Through lines of soldiers,
he made his way to the carriage and four magnificent grey
horses, which were in waiting and then, greeting one old
friend here and another there, he was driven through the
excited crowds along Bree Street into Wale Street and thence
to Government House. At one o'clock, he took the usual
oaths of office and was duly sworn in. Then commenced that
flood of addresses, memorials and petitions which, for one
reason or another, was to deluge him during his few eventful
years of Governorship. The first was an address of welcome
on behalf of the merchants of Cape Town, which was pre
sented by Mr. John Bardwell Ebden, a gentleman whose
better acquaintance Sir Harry was to make under less
pleasant circumstances. In answer to certain allusions to
Kaffirland in this address, Sir Harry, in his characteristically
theatrical manner and stentorian voice, exclaimed : " / am

loo THE HUMILIATION OF MAQOMO
CHAP. now Governor. I WILL Be GOVERNOR," prophetic probably,
of the iron-handed procedure with which he intended to
bring the Kaffir chiefs to heel and to settle the affairs of South
Eastern Africa.
In the evening, the main streets, such as the Heerengragt
(now Adderley Street) and St. George's Street, were illumi
nated in honour of the occasion. House vied with house, not
only in the number and brilliancy of its lights, but also in
the elaboration of transparencies representing the " Hero of
Aliwal," and words eulogistic of Sir Harry and Lady Smith.
One unfortunate house showed neither light nor trans
parency ; it was, therefore, the victim of the humour of the
crowd, which, emphasizing its disapproval of this want of
enthusiasm, smashed every one of the two hundred and
seventy-five panes of glass of its windows.
As in the cases of the Governors who had preceded him,
Sir Harry Smith soon found that his more pressing duties
called upon him to leave Cape Town almost immediately
and repair to the Eastern Province. Although the war was
practically at an end, it was not formally declared to be so.
Pato had not yet surrendered and there was much yet to
put in order before peace could be regarded as properly
established. Hence, on December nth — instead of riding
on horseback to Grahamstown in six days, as he did on the
last occasion when he visited the Eastern Province — he
embarked on the Rosamond at Simon's Town and sailed
to Port Elizabeth. There again he met many old friends
and acquaintances. Among them was the chief Maqomo,
who, though having been allowed to reside in Port Elizabeth
at his own request, was nevertheless a prisoner, as he found
when in the following January, he endeavoured to leave and
return to Kaffirland. Although he had taken little or no
part in the late war, Sir Harry Smith regarded him as a
rascal and treated him as such. After having stormed at
him and recalled his past delinquencies, he ordered the chief
to kneel and placing his foot upon his neck, said : " This is
to teach you that I have come hither to show Kaffirland
that I am chief and master here and in this manner I shall
treat the enemies of the Queen of England."
This public humiliation of Maqomo, as well, subse-

 „^iUli vr u^umud AT GRAHAMSTOWN 101
quently, as that of some of the other Kaffir chiefs gave rise CHAP.
to adverse criticism in England as well as ridicule in the IIL
Colony. From Port Elizabeth, Sir Harry rode on to Grahamstown.
On the way, he stopped for a time at the farm of Lieut.
Daniells at Sidbury, where Sir Henry Pottinger met him
and discussed with him the then general state of affairs.
When nearing Howison's Poort, about ten miles from
the town, the civil commissioner with several of the officials
and a crowd of the inhabitants — both on horseback and on
foot — were ready to escort him along the final stage of his
journey. The meeting was more that of the welcome of an
old and beloved friend than that of the public entry of the
Queen's Representative into one of Her dominions. As
at the public banquet in Cape Town, where Mr. Justice
Menzies preferred to propose the toast of " Harry Smith and
his wife," rather than " their Excellencies," so now the
personality of the Governor and High Commissioner was
lost in that of " good old Sir Harry." Among those he
recognised and greeted with warmth was a Hottentot who
had formerly been his servant : " Why, there is old Jeps,"
he shouted. " Old Jeps " was then brought forward to
shake hands with him. As the cavalcade drew nearer to the
town, it was continually increased by the addition of so
many enthusiastic admirers that eventually nearly all the
inhabitants of Grahamstown formed the escort. Through
elaborate and costly decorations in the form of triumphal
arches in the Grahamstown streets the procession made its
way. At the end of the High Street, in front of St. George's
Church, a triple arch extended from side to side of the street.
It was surmounted by a large bust of Sir Harry Smith,
and under it were the words : " Truth triumphant." " Do
Justice and fear not." Below was the raised platform from
which the municipal commissioners read the address of
welcome. In answer to this address, Sir Harry reminded
them of the last time he rode into the City, when he found
it in a state of siege and invested by a savage foe, but by
the valour of those with whom he was associated, he had
been able to relieve it. Then in allusion to the endeavours he
had made to introduce civilisation into Kaffirland, he said :

102 SANDILLI SET FREE
CHAP. "In my endeavours to accomplish the work which had been
IIL assigned to me, I was thwarted, but gentlemen, though
assailed, I ultimately triumphed, and again I appear upon
the scene to resume and carry out the very measures which
were rendered abortive. But the country has again been
overrun and devastated, and I am back again to repair, if
possible, the ruinous mischief. . . . The Kaffirs shall be
prostrated under our feet and the occurrence of war shall
be prevented. But there must be unanimity throughout the
Colony, all must make common cause in carrying out my
measures. Let it be understood, I Will Be Governor."
Sir Harry Smith could not know that almost within three
years from the time of making this brave speech his promise
of the non-recurrence of war was not to be fulfilled and that
before he left the Colony he was to take part in a Kaffir
war of far larger dimensions than any which had preceded
it, and that even at the end of that, the Kaffirs could not be
said to be prostrated.
After this ceremony, Sir Harry Smith was conducted to
Government House. The real business of settling the affairs
of South Eastern Africa now properly commenced. During
his short stay in Cape Town, he must have prepared those
instruments and proclamations which, on this day, the 17th
of December, 1847, he caused to be made public and thus
inaugurated changes in the general policy of the East, which,
in modified forms, remain to this day. His first action was
to liberate Sandilli, who was still a prisoner in Grahamstown.
The wily, cringing chief appeared before the presence and
received such an address as only Sir Harry could deliver.
He was then told to depart immediately to his people and
tell them that " Smith " would be among them in a day or
so. Having thanked his " Father," Sandilli was a free
man again.
On this same day, Sir Harry, in spite of the frowns he
knew he must expect from Downing Street, took the momen
tous step of increasing vastly the extent of Cape Colony.
Although by a proclamation bearing date the 21st of
February, 1805, a northern boundary to the Colony had
been set, yet the line of demarcation was so indefinite and
the northern parts so sparsely populated, that no one knew

** jviiir l^uaitiunN BOUNDARY 103
where it was. To obviate all doubt on this matter in the CHAP.
future, Sir Harry ordained a boundary concerning which, m'
there could be no mistake, namely, that of the Orange
River. The additions to the then Colony comprised roughly
the present district of Little Namaqualand, Kenhart,
Hopetown, Prieska, Britstown, Philipstown and parts of
Calvinia, Victoria West and also the districts of Albert and
Aliwal.1 In this same proclamation of December 17th, though
there does not seem to be much connection with the above,
there was the further momentous declaration that " all
treaties and conventions formerly subsisting between Her
Majesty's Government and the chiefs of the Gaika, Congo,
Tslambi (Ndhlambi) and Tambookie Kaffirs are wholly
abrogated and annulled," in other words, there were to be
no more treaties with the Kaffirs ; barbarians who, during so
many years, had shown themselves incapable of acting
honestly and respecting the obligations of their promises
were, in future, to be made answerable for their evil deeds
to an authority which would have the power to punish them.
Sir Harry Smith remained in Grahamstown three days,
and then on the 20th, he set out on his tour to the East and
the North. Information of his proposed route had preceded
him. He travelled via Fort Brown, Koonap, and Fort
Beaufort on to Fort Hare. Thence to Fort Cox and round
to Fort White and finally to King William's Town, or rather
the site of that place — for King William's Town then consisted
only of the ruins of Fort Hill, the remains of the missionary's
(Brownlee's) house — which Sir Harry himself had had
repaired in 1835 — some Kaffir huts and the tents of the
1 The official statement is " from the mouth of the Keiskamma
river, ascending along the Western bank of the same, up to its confluence
with the Chumie river ; thence up the western bank to its northernmost
source ; thence along the summit of the Katberg range to the centre of
the Luheri Mount or Gaika's Kop ; thence to the nearest source of the
Plaats river, and down the left bank of the same to its juncture with the
Zwart Kei ; thence ascending the right bank of the last-mentioned river
to where it reaches the waters of the Klaas Smit's river ; thence ascending
the Western bank of the last mentioned river to the source of the same
in the Stormberg ; thence crossing over the Stormberg to the source
of the Kraai river ; thence down the left bank of the last-mentioned river
to where it falls into the Orange river and thence following the course of the
last-mentioned river along its left bank to where it empties itself into the
South Atlantic Ocean.

104 A STRIKING CEREMONY
CHAP, soldiers. His object was to see the defensive (and perhaps
II1- offensive) military arrangements of the country as well as
to move through those parts which were most thickly
populated by Kaffirs. He arrived at King William's Town
on the 23rd. At all the military posts, he was received with
genuine enthusiasm ; all the more so, perhaps, because he
gave orders for rations of grog and probably none the less
because he read them lectures on the dire results of taking
too much. In very many places along his route, the Kaffirs
of the particular part congregated and waited to see him
ride past and in some cases came forward to kiss his booted
and spurred foot. Sutu, the mother of Sandilli, was waiting
at Fort Cox to renew an old acquaintanceship. On the
undulating ground of the embryo King William's Town,
many hundreds of natives were waiting to meet him. At the
appointed time, they formed themselves into a hollow circle.
In the centre were congregated the important or great chiefs,
Sandilli, Pato, who four days previously had finally sur
rendered, Umhala, Toise, Siwani and others. Maqomo
was absent. All the available soldiers having been effectively
placed, the drama commenced. Sir Harry and his officers
in showy uniforms rode into the circle. He carried in his
right hand a sergeant's halberd and in the left a long staff,
resembling a broom stick at the end of which was a brass
door knob, or something of the kind. The former was to
be regarded as a symbol of war, while the latter was that
of peace.1 With various comments, promises and threats,
he then addressed the crowd explaining to them the new
situation. He read the proclamation of December 17th,
abrogating all treaties and then by means of another bearing
this day's date, December 23rd, he took the further step of
declaring Kaffirland subject to British rule under the name
of British Kaffraria — in fact he restored the Province of
Queen Adelaide which had been proclaimed by Sir Benjamin
D'Urban, twelve years before. The boundaries of the new
district are defined as commencing " at the mouth of the
Keiskamma river, up to the Kaga range, to the source of
the Klip Plaats river, down its right bank to the junction
1 These " symbols " are now in the front hall of the South African
museum in Cape Town.

 „„^* ^ x^uort iriii DOOR-KNOB 105
with the Zwart Kei and down the bank of this river to the chap.
Kei river, thence down the bank of that river to the sea." IIL
The shape of the large district thus formed, was roughly
that of England — and the similarity was yet to be emphasized
further, by giving its subdivisions English county names.1
This new territory was not to be a part of Cape Colony, but
was to be held by the Kaffir chiefs and people under the
authority of Her Majesty's High Commissioner and under
such rules and regulations as should be best calculated to
promote Christianity and civilisation. At the end of the
harangue, Sir Harry called each chief forward singly, and
asked him to choose between war and peace, by touching
the appropriate staff. Naturally, in their state of semi-
starvation and fear of the Governor, all touched the door
knob ; each then had to kiss Sir Harry's foot and exclaim :
" Inkosi Inkulu" (great chief), after which the hand of each
was shaken and the assembly dismissed.
On this same day, a Government notice was issued,
inviting missionaries to resume their labours in Kaffirland.
Facilities to that end were offered to them and they were
to have the advantage of knowing that in future their lands
were to be held under the authority of the British Govern
ment and not under that of the Kaffir chiefs. Traders, also,
were encouraged to establish themselves near the missionary
stations ¦ and the villages of the great Kaffir families ; they
were to take out annual licences of £ 50 and were prohibited
from trading in gunpowder, arms and spirituous liquors
under a penalty of forfeiture of the licences. The revenue
derived from these was to be spent on the construction of
roads and other public works.
A further Government notice announced that the old
Ceded or Neutral Territory, that is, the country between the
Fish and Keiskamma rivers was to be part of the colony
and named Victoria. Its chief town and residence of the
Civil Commissioner was to be " Alice Town," then just
coming into existence. The Rev. H. Calderwood, who had
already done such good and tactful work among the Gaikas,
was appointed the first civil commissioner. There were
probably very few men so capable of undertaking this duty
' There were Bedford, Middlesex, York, Sussex, Northumberland.

106 THE BIRTH OF EAST LONDON
CHAP, as Mr. Calderwood. He had earned the greatest eulogy
IIL from both Sir P. Maitland and Sir Henry Pottinger — and
even from Earl Grey — for the ability and justice with which
he had ruled the great Gaika clan, and now Sir Harry
Smith was prepared to honour him. There were not wanting,
however, those who looked askance at a man sitting on the
bench during the week and occupying a pulpit on Sundays,
so that in some quarters he was not very popular. All the
same he justified the appointment.
The better to settle the division of Victoria as well as
to contribute to the protection of the Frontier from Kaffir
assault, it was decided to establish some semi-military
villages at sites to be chosen and to encourage discharged
soldiers and others to make their homes therein. And for
the general defence of the country, a further notice was
issued on December 24th, calling upon all able-bodied
inhabitants to enrol their names for the purpose of forming a
militia, a measure which gave the reverse of satisfaction
throughout the country. These matters will be dealt with
further on.
In British Kaffraria, the Royal Engineers were soon
busy, defining and mapping out subdivisions of the country
for the occupation of the different Kaffir tribes. To these,
the names of English counties were given — Bedfordshire,
Sussex, Yorkshire, for instance. King William's Town, in
the county of Sussex, was laid out in streets and squares
on both sides of the Buffalo, when a real commencement of
this town was made.
In the course of his travels during the next few days,
Sir Harry Smith discovered that traders, farmers, adven
turers and others were eager to acquire land in the new
district of Victoria and that there was the promise of future
commercial activity in those parts ; further, having inspected
the mouth of the Buffalo river and been impressed with the
facilities it offered for the landing of cargoes — and the loss
to the customs which was likely to be incurred thereby —
he decided to raise it to the dignity of a port. On January
14th, 1848, therefore, it was enacted that the mouth of the
Buffalo river should be a port named East London (in
Bedfordshire) ; thus commenced the large and flourishing

iv-cw lvni^llARY POSTS

toy

town of that name. It was however not in the Colony, so CHAP.
there was the curious anomaly of one country demanding IIL
and receiving the customs dues at a port in another. For
the protection of this landing place, Sir Harry authorised
the construction of a strong military post, called Fort
Glamorgan — still standing to-day. It provided accommoda
tion for one officer, twenty mounted men, one field officer,
five officers and a surgeon and two companies of infantry.
This, however, was only one of a number of military posts
in British Kaffraria which he sanctioned.1 Some were new,
while others were old ones rebuilt or enlarged. Necessary
barracks and offices, at a cost of £4,852, were built at
King William's Town, which then became the headquarters of
the territory and the residence of the Commandant and
Chief Commissioner, Col. G. Mackinnon.
The total expenditure on this and eight other posts
was £12,791.
This very necessary and modest expenditure on so
important a measure as the effective protection of the Frontier
somewhat alarmed the British Treasury. Earl Grey, though
grudgingly, sanctioned it. He was of opinion that the
expenses of the late war had been a sufficiently heavy
burden upon the British taxpayer. It certainly was. But
had Downing Street previously pursued a less penny-wise-
and-pound-foolish policy, listened to the plaints of the
colonists and the warnings they gave through so many
years, it might never have happened. " The enormous
expense of the military operations just concluded," he said,
" all contribute to impose on me the duty of directing you
distinctly to warn all those portions of the public whom it
may concern, not to expect that any new war of the same
kind can be carried on at the cost of this country." . . .
" These recent events must have given the colonists ample
warning of their danger and if they think fit to occupy lands
situated in the immediate vicinity of barbarous tribes without
due precaution, they must do so at their own risk."
1 The others were Forts Hare, Cox, White, Grey, Waterloo and
Wellington. Distributed among these were 569 of the Rifle Brigade,
575 of the 45th Regiment, 570 of the 73rd, 192 Artillery, and 192 of the
Cape Mounted Rifles — a total of 2,098 to deal with the Kaffirs of British
Kaffraria,

108 THE GOVERNOR'S ADDRESS TO THE KAFFIRS
CHAP. In further pursuance of his method of settling the affairs
1IL of South Eastern Africa, Sir Harry Smith in order to make
more fully known his Kaffirland policy, ordered another
great meeting of natives to be held at King William's Town
on January 7th, 1848. This meeting, of which previous notice
had been issued well beforehand, was on a much larger
and more elaborate scale than that held on December 23rd,
which, so to speak, had been convened at a moment's
notice. On the appointed day, a great concourse of people
assembled. There were all the Kaffir chiefs with their
councillors and some thousands of their followers, also, all
the missionaries and a large number of Europeans from the
Colony, and, of course, all the available troops were present.
The immense number of semi — or almost entirely — naked
Kaffirs, squatting on the ground, arranged themselves, as
before, in a circle leaving a large open space in the centre.
At the appointed time the Governor, in showy uniform,
with his brilliant staff, his interpreter and missionary, the
Rev. H. H. Dugmore, moved into the circle. It was just
eleven years to the day since Sir Harry held a similar meeting
on that same spot. During that time, many great events
and changes for the worse had taken place. He made it
now his duty to recount these and to show how much happier
they might have been, had they heeded and acted upon his
former admonitions. The meeting was opened with prayer
by the Rev. H. H. Dugmore. The Governor then began a
very long address, rendered the longer in consequence of all
having to be interpreted sentence by sentence. He addressed
them as : " My people, and, if good, my children," and
then reminded them of and emphasized the chief points of
the Proclamation of December 23rd, namely, that conquest
had deprived them of the land in which they were now per
mitted to build ; that their political independence was at
an end, that no more treaties would ever be made with them
and that in future there would be no paramount chief, but
the Inkosi Inkulu (himself or his successor). " No more
Kreli," he shouted, " no more Sandilli, no more Umhala.
Hear ! I am your Inkosi Inkulu." He held in his hand a
decorated rod of some kind, which he called a " Stick of
Office." Each chief had to go forward, touch it and swear

iir.ru Z.S OF THE CHIEFS 109
to an oath which was recited to him. It seemed somewhat CHAP.
strange and inconsistent that Sir Harry should expect those ni'
people whom he had already acknowledged as incapable of
observing a treaty, to keep an oath. They promised to obey —
undoubtedly, as after events showed, only so long as it was
unsafe to disobey — the commands of the Inkosi Inkulu, to
acknowledge no other paramount chief and to compel their
people to do the same ; to disbelieve in witchcraft ; to
punish murderers and the violators of women ; to prevent
robberies in the colony ; to listen to the missionaries and on
each anniversary of this day, to take to King William's Town,
a fat ox as acknowledgment that they held their land from
the Queen. All so far having been made clear, the chiefs
were invited to offer any observations and speak their minds.
Sandilli first spoke. He was, outwardly at least, very peni
tent. " I have no mouth," he said, " what chieftainship I
have, I have received at your hands." He thanked the
Governor for his life and begged that more land might be
allotted to him. Umhala " thanked " for being brought out
of the rocks, bushes and holes. Pato, who had been the first
to enter the late war and the last to give in, and who yet
was to prove that he could be to the Government a friend
in need, was probably the only honest chief present at that
meeting. " To-day," he said, " you have taken me from
among the monkeys, to-day we may come out and sit in the
sun, when we churn, we can now take all the butter. I am
your child now, I will never go into the bush again,"
euphemistically, that he would never render it necessary to
hide away in consequence of rebellion or any such misdeed.
In much the same strain, other chiefs expressed their satis
faction at being " out of the bush," and their respect for the
Governor. The chiefs then falling back a little distance, Sir Harry
moved further forward and the huge crowd maintained
an almost deathlike silence. He then commenced the
real part of his address in a voice which could be heard
by all. " Hear ! " he said, " you have done well, you are
once again my children, I will make you as I left you
years ago — making rapid strides towards civilisation."
He then expatiated on the virtues of industry and trade

110 A THRILLING EFFECT
CHAP, and pointed out the blessings derivable therefrom. " You
' shall all learn to speak English at the schools I will
establish for you and, that you may no longer be naked and
wicked barbarians, good people in England will help me
to provide for your wants. . . . Your people must work as
we do, none of us eat the bread of idleness, nor can, nor
shall you." He promised to supply them with ploughs,
seed and goats in order that they might make a start, and
to the idle and bad, he promised that they should have their
lands taken from them. " I will eat you up and drive you
out of British Kaffraria." He then dealt with the late war
and the miserable state in which all found themselves in
cqnsequence of it, he then worked himself up into a storm of
wrath — or pretended to do so — and shouted : " And you
even dared to make war, You DARE TO Make WAR, you
dare to attack our waggons ! See what I will do if you ever
dare to touch a waggon or the oxen belonging to it. Do you
see that waggon I say ? Now hear my word, FlRE."
Before the meeting, preparations had been made for a
thrilling theatrical effect which was to be introduced at this
part of the proceedings. At some little distance from the
assembly, stood an empty ox-waggon, which, though in the
sight of all, had most probably been unnoticed. Under it
was a considerable heap of gunpowder and a train was laid
to a convenient spot. When the word, " fire," was given a
spark was put to the train, and in a moment, there was a
deafening report. When the volume of smoke had cleared
and the shower of waggon fragments had ceased to fall —
it was seen that the waggon had disappeared. " Mawo ! "
and " Que ! " was all the remaining breath of the astonished
natives would permit them to say. It was a grand miracle.
" Ah ! do you see the waggon now ! " he continued. " And
you would and shall be blown up like it, if you ever again
attempt to touch another." Then like the calm after the
storm, he subsided into gentler tones and assumed the role
of loving shepherd of the flock. He admonished them to
cease upbraiding one another ; he offered £ 50 reward to
any who should succeed in arresting murderers ; he recom
mended them to the care of Col. Mackinnon and then,
having called each chief forward to touch the " Stick of

zik M. SMITH GOES NORTH III
Office," he ordered all to shout for joy for the Great Queen CHAP.
of England. All accordingly touched the magic wand. IIL
Messengers were then sent to Kreli and Buku over the Kei,
announcing that they were no longer great chiefs, but sub
ordinate to the Inkosi Inkulu. Then finally, lowering his
voice and almost in tones of grandmotherly love and sympathy
he bade them " Farewell " — but, he added significantly, in
case of need, he could reach them from Cape Town in six
days. All, as a parting salute, were ordered to shout,
Peace ! Peace ! This was done and with the last echo of the
tremendous roar, the historic scene ended.
The affairs of British Kaffraria having been thus far
satisfactorily settled, the disorder in the country beyond the
Orange river and the troubles in Natal next claimed, and
received the Governor's attention. " I was exhorted," he
says, " from within the Colony, to visit these deluded men
and invited by themselves to appear among them." He felt
confident that, even after an absence of twelve years, he
still lived in the affection and regard of those who had been
his friends during the 1835 war, but who were now outside
the pale of British jurisdiction and protection. Probably,
without realising the changes in feelings which had been
brought about by the mistaken Glenelg-Stockenstrom policy,
he imagined that his mere presence among those people
would be sufficient to induce them to acquiesce unreservedly
in all he was about to propose to them. He was yet to learn
that in this he was mistaken.
After the brilliancy, the pomp and other stage effects
which had been considered necessary to impress the Kaffirs
at King William's Town, the scene changes. Adapting them
selves to new circumstances in which pageantry was likely
to be at a discount, the characters in the persons of Sir Harry
Smith with two secretaries, an A.D.C., and presumably a
personal servant, are seen to be moving in a most unostenta
tious manner to the north. Leaving King William's Town, the
route was by Debe Nek and Middle Drift. At this place a
number of Kaffirs was waiting. One of them was sent to
Sandilli, who lived at no great distance, to convey to that
chief further friendly greetings. The journey was then con
tinued through the beautiful mountainous country in the

112 THE GOVERNOR REACHES BLOEMFONTEIN
CHAP, vicinity of Gaikas' Kop to the Kat River Hottentot settle
ment, the present Balfour and Philipton. There, again, Sir
Harry was among old friends and acquaintances. During
two days, he showed much interest in these war-worn and
poverty-stricken people. Thus encouraged, they ventured to
present to him an address in which they complained of their
magistrate, Mr. Biddulph, who, they considered, had dealt
harshly with them. It may be said, in passing, that Mr.
Biddulph, like many others, looked upon that settlement as a
nest of idleness and squalor and had reported it as such to
Sir Henry Pottinger. It is only fair to these Hottentots
(coloured people) to say that when they had had a fair chance
they had shown every sign of industry, but as they had been
called out for and had served in two Kaffir wars and been
poorly paid for their services, their own affairs had had to be
sacrificed with the result that their habitations and gardens
did present the appearance of neglect and squalor. With
such encouragement and sympathy as he could give them,
albeit with regret at their actions against their magistrate,
Sir Harry with his small staff left them, climbed the magnifi
cent Kat Berg and made his way to the mission station of
Shiloh. At no great distance from that place, and at a spot
near where the Ox- Kraal river joins the Klipplaats river he
selected the site for a town, which was to be named after his
own birthplace in England, WHITTLESEA. This place,
though small, was to acquire some notoriety in connection
with the Kaffir war, which was yet again to overwhelm the
Eastern Province.
Sir Harry Smith left Shiloh on the 14th (Jan.) and in
ten days, he reached Bloemfontein. When about three miles
from Colesberg, he. was met and escorted into the small village
by a commando of the burghers of the district headed by the
civil commissioner. The usual address of welcome was
presented to him. Of more importance, he received a petition
from one Jan Olivier on behalf of the inhabitants of the
Stormberg district, the result of which was the legal establish
ment of the district of Albert and the town of Aliwal North.1
Continuing his journey, he crossed the Orange river at
Botha's drift on the 21st and on the evening of that day was
1 Vide Volume IV of this work, page 407.

±m.j}jxvi£±w WITH ADAM KOK 113"
At Philippolis. On the 24th in a violent thunderstorm he CHAP.
reached Bloemfontein, then an insignificant place hardly
worthy of the name of a village.
Sir Harry Smith's attempt at the introduction of a better
state of affairs in trans-Orangia commenced on this day
with an interview with Adam Kok. That Griqua chief,
evidently swayed by a consciousness of his own importance,
ventured, in the first instance, to assume a somewhat insolent
and overbearing demeanour towards the Governor and to
meet him as an independent potentate. Disillusionment
soon followed. Sir Harry having, in no gentle tones, threat
ened to tie him up to one of the beams in the room in which
they met, Adam Kok's opinion of himself and his position
underwent such a change, that it became possible to induce
him to agree to certain terms which the Governor proposed
to him. They were, that in lieu of half the quit-rents which
he received in virtue of the treaty of February 5th, 1846, he
should receive £200 per annum ; and that his people, for
the lands they had let, should receive £100 per annum,
further in the case of British subjects, who then held land
in the inalienable territory, they should be obliged to quit
that territory on receiving payment for the value of all
buildings and improvements made by them on such lands.
But the more important business of this day was his
address to the large public meeting of Boers who had
assembled from the districts of the Riet, Modder and Caledon
rivers. There were also present Moroko, the chief of the Bara-
longs from Thaba Nchu and other natives. The kind-hearted,
yet impetuous, intrepid soldier, again found himself among old
friends and, as he told them, he met them as a friend and
not as a Governor. " He who had done wrong needs a
friend," he said, " and I have come to you as such, I have
received no instructions to come among you, but have been
prompted to do so entirely by my own feelings." Then
addressing them as a misguided, though loyal people, he
told them what he was prepared to do on their behalf and
for their welfare. " If all the Boers," said he, " come and
say that they wish to be under the British Government, I
will endeavour to aid them, but I will hear nothing from one
person here and from another there, I will have all or none.
vol. v 8 1

114 THE GOVERNOR MEETS MOSHESH
CHAP. I will then act thus, I will proclaim the Sovereignty of Her
Majesty over all the country on this side of the Orange river,
and although I have no intention whatever of taking actual
possession of the land, yet the Queen's authority shall be
paramount." He then explained to them that they would
have to contribute their share of the expenses of their govern
ment by the payment of quit-rents and traders' licences and
that money from such sources would be used in the establish
ment of churches and schools and for the construction of
roads and other public works ; he promised that none of this
money should pass into the Colony. In answer to this, the
Boers thanked him for his goodwill, and, certainly speaking
only for themselves and not for the whole of Boerdom, they
stated that they desired to come under British rule, that they
had always wished to belong to the Colony and regretted
that their friends and brethren had gone away and were not
of their mind. In reply to an address from the Caledon
people, Sir Harry expressed his disapproval at their having
left the Colony. " Had I been Governor," said he, " I do
not think you would have done so, for I would have talked
over your affairs with you."
Turning to Moroko, he adjured him to keep the peace,
for then his cattle would grow fat and he would go to Heaven.
Sir Harry made this meeting memorable by a character
istic act of kindness and consideration which he showed
by ordering his own chair to be taken to an old and venerable
Boer, who was standing in the crowd in a state of apparent
weariness and weakness. With every thing thus far satis
factorily settled in Bloemfontein, the Governor, accompanied
by Mr. (afterwards Sir Richard) Southey, his private
secretary, Major Garvock and that accomplished Boer
negotiator, Commandant Gideon Joubert, moved off in the
direction of the small village of Winburg. He arrived there
on the 27th, escorted on the last few miles of the journey
by a commando of mounted Boers who went forth to meet
him. There he met the great Basuto chief, Moshesh, with
the French missionary, the Rev. Casalis, also Moletsani,
Sikonyela and others. He was now face to face with one of
the most difficult and delicate problems of this expedition,
one, the solution of which was to be a determining factor

A FRIEND NOT A GOVERNOR 115
in the settlement of the affairs of South Eastern Africa, CHAP.
namely, the arrangement of the disputes between the Boers
and the Basutos. Many of the former, with, but some with
out, the permission of Moshesh had settled or squatted in
territory which he claimed as his country and thus there
was commencing that trouble which, in a few years hence,
was to lead to the Free State wars. Sir Harry had a long
conference with Moshesh, the result of which was an agree
ment which was signed the same day. This agreement, how
ever, went no further than that Moshesh was persuaded to
see that peace and tranquillity could only be established and
maintained while there was some great and paramount
authority over all, in other words, that the sovereignty of
Her Majesty must be declared over the whole country.
In that case, the Governor promised that the hereditary
rights of the chiefs should be maintained inviolate, the Boers
should be restrained within the limits they then possessed
and that then magistrates and land surveyors could be
appointed. The Boers in their address to the Governor, declared
that the lands they had occupied in those parts since 1837,
had been purchased from the native chiefs who had the
right to sell them ; they complained of the disabilities under
which they then suffered, the uncertainty of tenure and the
restlessness of certain evil-disposed persons who were urging
on the ignorant to violence. They asked the Governor to
acknowledge their legal rights to their lands, to establish
military posts in the country, especially at Winburg and
also to give them churches and magistrates. It must have
been a satisfaction to him to receive a petition signed by
forty-nine people asking that British jurisdiction might be
extended over the country.
In answer to all this and addressing them as a friend and
not as Governor, he endeavoured to show that the treaty
with Moshesh secured to them their rights to their lands and
that with regard to the proclamation of the sovereignty,
he would be willing to take that step only on condition
that four out of every five persons throughout the country
desired it. He referred to Sir Henry Pottinger's refusal to
see Pretorius. " Had Pretorius had an audience with the

116 SYMPATHY AND ENTHUSIASM
CHAP. Governor of the Colony," he said, " I should not have been
here among you, I would sooner have lost five thousand
pounds than not have come." He so far sympathised with
their desire to have a church that he himself, then and there,
gave twenty pounds towards the cost of the erection of one
at Winburg and promised to obtain a loan from the Colonial
Treasury on the pound for pound principle, in order that it
might be completed. That the enthusiasm for this good
object should not wane he actually laid the foundation stone
of the Winburg church, the first Dutch Reformed church
in the Orange Free State.1
While in trans-Orangia — the country had not yet acquired
the name of the Orange Free State — Sir Harry Smith learnt
that the Boers were trekking from and abandoning Natal.
Very anxious to stay this outward movement, he sent an
express messenger to A. W. J. Pretorius asking him to pause
until he (the Governor) could meet him.2 As soon as possible
1 Speaking of Sir Harry Smith's eccentricities, Dr. Theal (Vol. IV,
page 265) says : " At one moment he was pretending to snore to indicate
the state of peace that would follow the adoption of his measures, at
another he was illustrating the condition to which the Xosas (Kaffirs)
were reduced by browbeating a Kaffir from the eastern colonial frontier,
and again he was bathed in tears and speechless with emotion when laying
the foundation stone of a church."
2 The following letter had been sent by Pretorius to M. West, the
Lieut.-Governor of Natal a few days before. It is dated Dongela (Tugela),
Jan. 26th, 1848 :
" Sir, I have vainly during almost two years, by words, as well as by
letters, tried to dissuade you from the irrevocable evil which now
threatens this land ; when I saw that you gave no hearing and that the
evil was unavoidable ; I have not spared my body for a long journey,
leaving my family behind unprotected in order to get better redress,
but, alas ! alas ! here we are oppressed and hunted away. Sir Henry
Pottinger would neither see nor hear us. I came back with an equally
oppressed mind, but when I was still 50 or 60 hours on horseback from
my relations, I received a report from my family that they were all
flying — when I came nearer the village where my children were busy
harvesting, I found there was a great body of Kaffirs assembled together
who were to remain in readiness to afford quick assistance. When I
look back at the treaty of which there is now so much spoken — that
we were to be protected by savage murderers, by furious Kaffirs, whom
we evidently see and who are our enemies, are we then to be protected
by them — who have driven us from our valuable dwellings and oppressed
and hunted us ? If this is to be the gracious protection which was
promised to us, No ! rather the wilderness of South Africa. Sir, I
cannot describe to your Honour or to the world all the miseries and
privations in which you plunge us. I am only so free as to send your
Honour these couple of lines to inform you that my farms and properties
upon which you will not or cannot protect me, and for which I have
sacrificed property and blood for myself, or for my posterity, will remain

SCENES OF MISERY

117

therefore, he hurried from Winburg towards the Natal border. CHAP.
The journey to the Tugela river, the first objective, was long In'
and tedious. The rains had commenced and not a day
passed without a continuous downpour. In places the two
waggons sank almost up to the axles in mud. The descent
of the Drakensberg into Natal, at all times dangerous, was
still more so now in consequence of the slippery steeps. All
the same, however, the bottom was reached without mishap
and the journey was continued in a southerly direction.
When about three miles from the Tugela, the Governor was
met by Pretorius and a company of his followers. All then
went to the large camp of Boers who had awaited his arrival.
The scene he beheld in this camp, he admitted, was more
than he could observe unmoved. There were sickly women,
children of all ages cramped together in tents and waggons,
not more than half-sheltered from the wet and about three
or four hundred fathers of large families were assembled
and shedding tears, when representing the position they
were in : " These families," he said, " were exposed to a
state of misery which I never before saw equalled, except
in Massena's invasion of Portugal. The scene here was
truly heart-rending. I assembled all the men near me,
through the means of Mr. Pretorius, a shrewd, sensible man,
who had recently been into the Colony to lay the subject of
dissatisfaction of his countrymen before the Governor when
he was unfortunately refused an audience, and returned
after so long a journey, expressing himself as the feelings
of a proud and injured man would naturally prompt."
In the long consolatory talks and interviews with these
people, he endeavoured to persuade them to return to the
farms they had abandoned. But they were adamant in their
determination to refuse to live under British rule. All
desired to remain in Natal, but they considered it impossible
to hold land or live on farms in consequence of the dangers
to be apprehended from the vast numbers of Zulus who,
escaping from the cruelty and tyranny of Panda, flocked
lying without further expense, or till better days shall come for us poor
African Boers than the present which are much too hard and too gloomy
for us, but we can now wash our hands freely, for what can we now
do more. A. W. J. Pretorius."

118 A PROCLAMATION
CHAP, into the country and squatted on any place they pleased.
Their chief grievance, among others, was the old Eastern
Province story of want of protection and the insecurity of
person and property. The regard and affection which they
entertained for Sir Harry Smith himself did not extend to
the Government he represented ; and rather than live again
under that, they were prepared to encounter the dangers
and uncertainties of moving further into the interior and to
depend upon their own resources.
In the course of his interview with Pretorius, Sir Harry
brought up the question of British sovereignty over the
country between the Orange and Vaal rivers and he pro
duced the draft of a proclamation to that effect. This, he was
prepared to publish albeit he had no evidence that four out
of every five people were in favour of it. He was mistaken
in thinking that the opinions and desires of the few who
addressed him in Bloemfontein and Winburg were represen
tative of the majority. In fact, had he given himself time
and opportunity to realise clearly the change in the attitude
of the people which had been brought about by the great
events which had happened during his absence, he would
have seen that Pretorius was about the last person from
whom he might have expected encouragement in such a
policy. As will yet be seen, Pretorius had, some weeks before
this date, already commenced a movement in connection
with trans-Orangia, which was of a very different character
from that now proposed by the Governor. He assured the
Governor. that he was mistaken in thinking that the majority
of the people would be in favour of it and in order that
evidence in one direction or the other might be forthcoming,
he decided to visit the people living on the other side of the
mountains and to obtain their views. He seems to have
thought that the Governor promised to delay the publication
until this evidence was obtained and if adverse, that it would
not be published at all. Pretorius therefore commenced his
journey. His activities and their results will be dealt with
further on. He could not have gone very far when, on this
day, February 3rd, 1848, Sir Harry Smith published the
proclamation. " I do hereby proclaim, declare and make
known," it states, " the sovereignty of Her Majesty the

jlxiji UKANGE RIVER SOVEREIGNTY

119

Queen of England over the territories north of the Great CHAP.
Orange river, including the countries of Moshesh, Moroko, IIL
Molitsani, Sikonyela, Adam Kok, Gert Taaibosch and other
minor chiefs, so far north as the Vaal river and east of the
Drakensberg ; with no desire or inclination whatever on
the part of Her Majesty to extend or increase her dominions,
or to deprive the chiefs and their people of their hereditary
rights . . . but with the sole view of establishing an amicable
relationship with these chiefs, of upholding them in their
hereditary rights and protecting them from any future
aggressions. ... I hereby proclaim, that all the chiefs of
the territories aforesaid are under the sovereignty of Her
Majesty, as the paramount and exclusive authority in all
international disputes, but that their authority over their
own tribes shall be maintained as well as their own laws
according to their customs and usages. . . . All Her
Majesty's subjects within the territories aforesaid shall be
governed by the laws, ordinances and proclamations framed
for Her Majesty's Colony of the Cape of Good Hope." Then
followed the Governor's decisions in connection with quit-
rents, the appointment of officers to administer the govern
ment, traders' licences and statements concerning the trial
of criminals before judges in Colesberg and the establish
ment of a fund for the erection of churches, the maintenance
of clergy and the improvement of roads. The dominant tone
of this proclamation was protection of the " hereditary rights
of the chiefs." Had Sir Harry been pressed, he would
probably have found it difficult to prove that some at all
events, of the chiefs had more hereditary rights in the country
than the Boers. Thus came into existence the ORANGE
RIVER SOVEREIGNTY.1 This action did not meet with
' Earl Grey, having desired to be furnished with the opinions of the
Attorney-General of the Colony on the legality and validity of this annexa
tion — f or that in reality is what it was — received a long document from the
Hon. W. Porter, dated March 14th, 1849. The following are the essential
points in this connection : " His Excellency's commission, as High
Commissioner, does not, I conceive, refer to any such measures as estab
lishing Sovereignty. His commission as Governor of Cape Colony, con
ferred of course no authority for creating a distinct settlement. As
Commander-in-Chief, His Excellency might conquer British Kaffraria
and hold the conquest for the Crown ; but as Commander-in-Chief he
could exercise no such constructive authority in regard to the Orange
River Territory. . . . Suppose that Moshesh or Moroko, on hearing of
the Proclamation of February 3rd, had taken up arms to resist it, would

120 APPROVAL OF EARL GREY
CHAP, theunqualifiedapprovalof the Home Government. Although
Earl Grey, according to his despatch of June 2 ist, 1848,
rejoiced to hear that the emigrant Boers beyond the Orange
River were once more within the control of a regular govern
ment and recognised in this case, that local circumstances
necessitated a partial deviation from the policy of abstaining
from any enlargement of British dominions in South Africa.
He was ready to believe that the establishment of British
they and their followers have, in law, been Traitors ? liable to be dealt with
as such, by the common law of England ? I humbly conceive that they
would not. No subject of the Crown, as it strikes my mind, can without
the Queen's authority, expressed or implied, create by any act of his the
duty of allegiance on the one side and the duty of protection on the
other, between Her Majesty and any number of Aliens ... no British
subject, without a commission or some similar authority, can make
conquests for the Crown, or declare the Crown's Sovereignty over lands
occupied by any Foreign people, whether civilized or savage, so as to carry
even provisionally, the laws of England, or the legal character of English
subjects to parties alien born. . . . British Colonies seem, in law, to be
divisible into three classes, for Colonies by descent may be left out of the
list : (1) Colonies by conquest, (2) Colonies acquired by cession, (3) Colonies
acquired by settlement in unoccupied places. For Colonies acquired by
conquest or by cession, the Crown possesses the power of Legislation.
The Cape is one of these Colonies. For Colonies of the third class, Colonies
by occupation, or Plantations in the stricter sense of the term, the Crown,
as distinct from Parliament, cannot legislate. The Colonies are said
to carry with them, as their birthright, the law of England, or more properly
speaking, so much of it as may be deemed applicable to their state and
condition. What further legislation they may chance to need must be
done or delegated by Parliament ; and no law can be made for ruch
a Colony by the Crown unless under the Authority of a Statute. New
South Wales and its dependencies are colonies of this class. Is then the
Orange River Sovereignty a Colony by conquest, by cession or by occu
pation ? Conquest would appear to be out of the question. Cession
appears to me to be just as inadmissible. There was nothing that purported
to be a cession. There were no chiefs of such stamp and standing as it
would be worthy of the British name to take a cession from, and there
were no such chiefs, whom His Excellency could recognise as owning
collectively the entire territory. Is then the Orange River Sovereignty
a Colony by occupation ? At first sight, it scarcely seems to be so.
There are within it chiefs with whom we have entered into treaties, recog
nising, if not guaranteeing certain lands, and it seems absurd to say that
those lands have been acquired by the occupancy of the very Emigrants
whom we laboured to exclude from them. All this is true. But it is also
true that British subjects have settled down in a country where the feeble
natives, so far from being in a position to maintain their vague unsettled
claims to vast tracts, could not defend their very kraals against those who
have long ceased to view themselves as sojourners, and have for some time
been the real masters of the land. As real powers, the native chiefs exist
no longer. Everything that could be tried was tried by the British Govern
ment to preserve their theoretical supremacy. When under such circum
stances, and mainly foi the protection of those who cannot protect them
selves, Sovereignty is asserted over these extended regions, it appears
to me not to be unreasonable to call the Colony, so created, a Colony
by occupancy.

VIEWS OF PRIVY COUNCIL 121
authority in those parts had become indispensable, more CHAP.
especially as Sir P. Maitland had been compelled to adopt
a principle which tended in this direction. But he was
anxious that the expense of the system should fall on the
territory itself and not on the British Government.
The expression of opinion of the Committee of the Privy
Council in their report of July 13th, 1850, was much stronger.
They were convinced that very serious dangers were insepar
able from the recent extension of Her Majesty's dominions
in South Africa. They feared that such a measure would
indefinitely enlarge the demands on the revenue and the
military force of the kingdom without attaining any object
of national importance and at the same time hinder other
objects in which the welfare of the nation at large was
deeply involved. It was felt that unless an end were put
to this expansive and expensive policy, it would be impossible
to assign any limit to the growth of these unprofitable
acquisitions. In advising reluctantly that the Orange
River Sovereignty be added to Her Majesty's dominions in
South Africa, they recommended that in future all officers
who represent the Queen in South Africa be most explicitly
interdicted from making any further addition, however
small, to the existing dominions in the African continent or
making any promise to that effect, and that the interdict be
made so plain that Her Majesty's Government might be
able to override any act or disappoint any such expectation
without risking the imputation of any breach of public
faith. We must now return to Sir Harry Smith whom we left
in the Boer camp on the bank of the Tugela river in Natal.
In consequence of the rains, that river was greatly swollen,
the Governor therefore had to remain longer than he had
intended. But by travelling a distance towards the source
and with the aid of some of the farmers, " Government
House " as his waggons were called, was got safely through
the water and then the journey was continued to Pietermaritz
burg. Some miles from the town, in spite of inclement
weather, nearly all the inhabitants were on the road to
meet and escort him. In the town itself there was the usual
display of flags, emblems of welcome to the Hero of Aliwal,

122 ATTEMPTS TO SMOOTH DIFFICULTIES
CHAP, addresses and every other demonstration of joy. Here on
' the ioth, he issued another very important proclamation.
He had evidently been much impressed by what he had
heard at the Tugela camp and saw clearly the reason for the
Boer exodus from Natal. To stay this and as far as possible
to meet the desires of the people and remove their chief
grievance he proclaimed, on February ioth, that all who
could show the least right to any land as an original settler,
by purchase or otherwise, should be put in immediate
possession of those lands and that tide deeds, so long delayed,
should be issued at the earliest possible date. To effect
this he appointed a Land Commission, consisting of Col.
Boyes, D. Moodie, J. N. Boshof, A. W. J. Pretorius (who
refused to serve) and Capt. Kyle, of the 45th, as Secretary.
But still more important was his decision with regard to the
natives. Those who had squatted or taken up positions on
Boer lands were to be removed and distinct lines drawn
between the different races — the very thing the Boers had
asked for from the beginning — but now offered when it was
too late. The Governor hoped that all those who were
miserably located in the inhospitable Drakensberg, would
move more into Natal where he would see that lands on
the Tugela or Klip rivers were given to them. How different
things might have been had Sir Henry Pottinger done his
duty in adopting some such attitude as this when Pretorius
took so much trouble to visit him.
Remaining but a short time in Pietermaritzburg, he
rode on to Durban, where, permitting only three hours of
excitement and celebrations in his honour, he embarked
on the steamer, Geyser, for East London. He reached that
port the next evening and galloped straight away to King
William's Town where he arrived only seventy-four hours after
leaving Pietermaritzburg. He then moved on to Grahams
town, and having held military and civil levees and received
addresses in connection with the compensation for losses
incurred during the Kaffir wars, he commenced the long
overland journey back to Cape Town. His route was by
Sidbury, Uitenhage, the Montague Pass, George, Riversdale,
Swellendam, Caledon and P. L. Cloete's place at Sand Vlei.
He received everywhere affectionate addresses of welcome

WELCOME TO THE "GREAT PACIFICATOR" 123
and reached Government House on March ist. He is chap.
described as arriving in Cape Town in a small waggon drawn IIL
by six tired horses and sitting upon bag and baggage, looking
more like the post-contractor bringing in the mails than His
Excellency the Governor of the Colony. No one had ever
previously passed over such a vast extent of country in so
short a time. And in that meteoric flight, he had doubled
the area of Her Majesty's dominion in South Africa and
had done much, though not enough, to reconcile divergent
racial feelings.
The excitement in Cape Town on the return of the
" Great Pacificator," as he was now called, was even greater
than that on his arrival in December. Mr. John Fairbairn
started a movement for the purpose of erecting an equestrian
statue in his honour, but although appeals were made
throughout the country, it did not materialize, as events
soon happened which were to depose Sir Harry from the
eminence he then held in the affections of all.
Omnipotent and ubiquitous as was Sir Harry Smith, he
could not efface immediately the destitution and the scarcity
of food with its consequent stealing and other such after-
results of the war. True it was that British Kaffraria was
submissive and that virtue there was almost rampant. So
satisfactory, for a time at least, were matters in those parts
that the paramount chief Kreli voluntarily offered and
actually collected .cattle 1 from his people, for the purpose
of compensating the missionary and the British agent for
the losses they had sustained at the beginning of the war.
But it must be remembered that not only was that country
under a kind of martial law and administered by the iron-
heeled Col. Mackinnon, who had at his command adequate
military force, but virtue was further encouraged by the
periodical distribution of presents. Besides such useful
articles as ploughs, spades, axes, cooking pots and crowbars,
which were given to those who would use them, there were
gaudy, multi-buttoned jackets for chiefs, garments of less
beauty for the subordinates and attractive handkerchiefs and
other pleasing British textile fabrics for the womenfolk.
In the Colonial frontier districts, however, things were
1 These when sold at public auctions realized ^433 19s. od.

124 KAFFIR MARAUDERS AGAIN
CHAP, different. To relieve the distress in Kaffirland, numbers of
IIL Kaffirs were permitted to go into the Colony to seek employ
ment. Others, without permission, who obviously were
anxious to escape from the restraint of British Kaffraria —
and perhaps driven forth by want — also crossed the border.
Many quite soon found employment, but it was sheep and
cattle stealing. And that not always without violence. In
January, 1848, a British Settier farmer, John Stanley, who
lived at a place called Grobbelaar's Kloof, about ten miles
south-east of Grahamstown, was out with his waggon
collecting wood in a bushy part of his farm. Suddenly, he
was attacked with guns and assegais by ambushed Kaffirs,
who, having murdered him and mutilated his dead body,
decamped with the catfle.
Such marauders made it dangerous, even for a military
officer, to move about, unescorted, anywhere near the
boundary of the Colony. A few weeks after the murder of
Stanley, a Capt. Dawson, of the 45th, while riding alone
from Fort White to Fort Cox was attacked and knob-
kerried by Kaffirs. They spared his life, but robbed him of
all he had, including his clothes.
A few miles from Fort Beaufort there is a mountainous
district known as the Blinkwater. Ensconced among the
deep, bushy, and awesome glens of this wild part there was
collected together, at this time, a number of Kaffirs and
Hottentots of more than doubtful bad character. In a loose
kind of way they acknowledged the chieftainship of the
Kaffir named Hermanus (or Xogomesh),1 who had for
years been a scourge to the district and a thorn in the side
of the Government. In spite of the thunderings of Sir
Harry Smith at King William's Town, not many miles away,
and the martial control of Colonel Mackinnon, Hermanus
and his people continued to make forays on the farms far
and near and to carry on all the barbarous and immoral
customs of the Gaikas. Dangerous though it was for any
authority or official to approach this stronghold, yet Mr.
T. H. Bowker, the magistrate of the Kat River, with a small
party penetrated into it and made a complete inspection of
* Vide further about the life of Hermanus, Vol. II, page 453, of this
work.

BASUTOS ACQUIRING ARMS 125
the place. He found there quite a township of huts and a CHAP.
population consisting of 87 men, 122 women, and 208 IIL
children. They had in their possession, 468 cattle, 20 horses
and 187 sheep. It was quite clear that the place was a nest
of thieves. It was eventually something worse, for, as will
be seen further on, Hermanus concocted a conspiracy to
aid the Kaffirs in attacking the Colony and collected together
a band of rebel Hottentots, who undoubtedly would have
done much damage had not Hermanus himself been provi
dentially shot at the onset. In the meantime, however, he
is biding his time while Sir Harry Smith is confident, as
he told Earl Grey, that any further outbreak of war in Cape
Colony is out of the question.
Another indication that the conclusion of the late war
was not to be the end of strife in South Africa and that seeds
of further turmoil were, even at this early date, being sown
was the accidental discovery of a clandestine supply of guns
and ammunition to the Basutos. In May (1848) a Dutch
farmer, D. J. van Tonder while travelling from Wolvefontein
(in the Jansenville district) to Uitenhage met a party of about
fifty natives all of whom had guns. Some of them were
carrying upon their heads bundles of six or eight, wrapped
in a blanket or kaross. Van Tonder learnt from these people
that Moshesh was their chief and that they were on their
way back to Basutoland. This matter having been brought
to the notice of the civil commissioners of Uitenhage and
Somerset East, some kind of watch was kept upon the
movements of such natives. A party of Mantatees (Sikon-
yela's people) was detained at Somerset East. They had in
their possession, ten new guns, twelve pounds of gunpowder,
twenty pounds of lead, flints and caps. From enquiries it
was discovered that there was a regular system of natives
going from Basutoland into the Colony for employment and
having earned enough to buy a gun and as much ammunition
as they wanted, to return to their own country. Nothing
could be done, however, as the property had been honestly
acquired and there was no disarmament law. And it would
have been useless to point out to the shopkeepers of Uiten
hage and Somerset East, who, according to the natives had
supplied the guns, the nefarious character of the trade.

126 NEW "MILITIA LAW" A FAILURE
CHAP. Thus the Basutos were gradually becoming armed and
m' preparing themselves for the evil days they were to bring
upon the Orange Free State.
In this semi-settled state of the country, it was with some
concern that the colonists, especially those in the Eastern
Province, saw many of the regular troops being sent back
to England. The late war had cost the British taxpayer
well over a million and, so it was considered, the time for
retrenchment had arrived. Between January 27th and April
ist, 1848, 1,231 officers and men sailed from Cape Town.
There were then left in the Colony, at this date, 4.703.1
In order to throw the onus of protecting the country
more upon the inhabitants themselves, Sir Harry Smith
attempted a movement which his former experience in the
Colony must have told him would be a failure.2 It was
to organise the burghers into an armed force on the principle
of the Yeomanry of England. On December 24th, 1847, he
issued a proclamation calling upon all able-bodied men to
enrol themselves in their respective districts as defenders of
their country. In order to ascertain what strength could
be depended upon in case of need as well as for the purpose
of inspecting arms and appointments, they were to be required
to turn out annually for a period of four days, during which
they would receive pay. The civil commissioners and field
cornets certainly collected the names of their burghers,
but the very large majority would have nothing to do with
the militia movement. As in 1835, they refused to be drilled
and inspected as soldiers ; they were willing they said to
turn out in case of need, as they had always been, but they
saw no use in this " militia law." Nothing came of it.
There was, and had been, at that time, another scheme,
which had for its object, not only that of protecting the
Frontier and keeping the Kaffirs in check, but also that of
providing for many of the soldiers who were then entitled
to be discharged and taken back to England. On June 7th,
1 These were distributed as follows : Cape Town, 574 ; The Frontier,
1^158 ; British Kaffraria, 1,812 ; Bloemfontein, 54 ; Natal, 625.
Note. — Nearly half the total number of troops in all South Africa
were stationed in British Kaffraria. No wonder the Kaffirs in that part
behaved themselves.
' Vide Volume III, page 22.

OFFERS TO TIME-EXPIRED SOLDIERS 127
1847, that is before the war was ended, Sir G. Berkeley, on CHAP.
the strength of a despatch which Sir H. Pottinger had in<
received from Earl Grey, published an order authorising
the retention in the Colony of men belonging to the 27th and
ist battalion of the 91st regiments, who might prefer to
remain and be given facilities for settling down to a farming
life. The advantage to the British taxpayer would be the
saving of the cost of the transport in repatriating the men,
while the land which was to be allowed to them would cost
the Government nothing. This, however, was no new
scheme, for as far back as 1843 the Duke of Wellington
had suggested the placing of discharged soldiers on lands
or farms in distant British Colonies and enumerated the
countries to which they might be sent, but Cape Colony was
not mentioned.
On December 24th, 1 847, very shortiy after his arrival,
Sir Harry Smith, by a Government notice of this date,
went further with this matter, which, probably on account
of the continuance of the war, had been forgotten. He must
undoubtedly have had in his mind at the same time the
intention of establishing the Keiskamma-Tyumie boundary
for the Colony. These ideas combined evolved that of
military villages along the new and immediate frontier,
and by the notice aforesaid he invited applications from
retiring soldiers who might desire thus to establish them
selves. By a further notice, issued from King William's Town
on January ist, 1848, he detailed the tempting and alluring
conditions which were to attract a compact cordon of men
along a line to be for ever impervious to the thieving Kaffir.
The attractions were, twelve acres of land to each settler ;
the use of tents in the proportion of one to sixteen men until
dwelling huts had been constructed ; free rations for them
selves, wives and children for twelve months ; implements
for the construction of the huts as well as for husbandry ;
a plough with pair of oxen to each party of ten men and a
waggon and full span of oxen for every twenty ; also a
free supply of corn and garden seeds. To enable each
settler to provide furniture for his hut, a payment of five
pounds in two instalments was to be made. At the end of

128 MILITARY VILLAGES ON THE BORDER
CHAP, seven years the land was to be the private property of the
individual, who could then dispose of it as he chose.
In return for all this, the settlement was to be regarded
as strictly military, all men were to parade twelve days in
the year and at all times were to be ready to come out in
case of need, arms and ammunition were to be provided
for this purpose. On all these occasions, the men would
receive pay. And the first village, according to the notice,
" shall be formed near the mission station,1 on the banks of
the Tyumie, not far from Alice Town, and shall be called
Woburn." As the border to be protected was many miles in length
and some consideration was necessary in choosing the best
strategetical spots, the Rev. H. Calderwood, the magistrate
of Alice, made a tour of inspection through the newly-
acquired territory, namely, the country between the Great
Fish and Keiskamma rivers. Travelling from Fort Peddie
in the south to the Lushington mountain in the north, he
selected sixteen eligible spots.
As the Gaikas were the people from whom trouble was
most to be expected, it was finally decided to fix upon places
near the Tyumie river, a continuation northward of the
Keiskamma. In the early part of 1848, four military villages
came into existence. Woburn was situated on the present
main road from Alice to Seymour, then called Eland's Post,
and about eight miles from Lovedale. Auckland was about
twelve miles further on in the beautiful valley on the right
and near the foot of the luxuriantly-wooded Hogg's Back
mountain. Juanasberg (so named after Lady Juana Smith)
was situated more towards Eland's Post and near the
Lushington mountain, while Ely was about half-way, in a
direct line, from Alice to Fort Beaufort.
The natural features of these situations were all that
could be desired. The scenery, though wild, was beautiful.
The mountains were clothed with evergreen trees and foliage
and down them in many places ran streams and cascades
of cool, clear water. The soil in the lower land was fertile
and, though bushy in parts, was covered with abundance of
grass. In short, every natural prospect pleased and was
1 Obviously Lovedale.

EARLY DAYS OF WOBORN 129
calculated to infuse in the most unenterprising, a determina- CHAP.
tion to raise, in those wild parts, centres of industry and
civilisation. Apart from the full accounts of the terrible tragedy of
the extermination of these villages in 1850, there is but little
on record concerning the details of their first establishment
and subsequent history. That little has been handed down
to us by Capt. Godfrey Armytage 1 of the 6th regiment, who
was the first superintendent of Woburn. Most probably
the course of events at Auckland, J uanasberg and Ely was
much the same as at Woburn, so by learning what Capt.
Armytage has to tell us of this settlement, we may form an
opinion of all.
Desirous of availing himself of the offers contained in
the Government notices of December 24th and January ist,
Capt. (then Lieut.) Armytage visited King William's Town
on January 6th and had an interview with Sir Harry Smith.
The result was his immediate appointment as superintendent
of the Woburn to be. The next step was to select a site for
this Woburn. To this end, accompanied by the Rev. H.
Calderwood and Capt. Bates of the 45th regt., a land sur
veyor, he moved up the valley then known as the Tyumie
Hoek and at about eight miles from Lovedale, he became
enamoured with the spot on which the old chief Tyali had
had his Umzi or great place and where he died and
was buried in 1842. There, with the concurrence of his
companions, he decided upon the site for Woburn. It now
remained to find a population for the spot. This was not
far to seek. Those discharged soldiers who desired to become
settlers were ordered to march to Fort Hare and to remain
there until it was convenient to move them off to one or other
of the new locations. On January 12th, Capt. Armytage
went to that place and found 79 men ready to go forward
with him. With a waggon and a very inadequate supply of
spades and carpenter's tools and also a small supply of
1 The author has to express his indebtedness to Capt. Armytage,
now some years deceased, for his kindness in answering many letters
and affording information on the history of those times. Some accounts
of the early days of Woburn were written by him shortly after he resigned
his post — namely, in June or July of 1848. These were published by Mr.
Dewey, in his paper the Alice Times. The author begs also to acknowledge
the assistance he has received from this source.
VOL. V 9 K

130 THE FATE OF WOBURN
chap, seeds and potatoes for sowing, the body of men moved on
IIL and in a few hours were upon the site of their supposed
future homes. With light hearts and much enthusiasm,
all set to work. Some went off to the distant mountain
forests to cut poles, others cleared the bush from the site
of the village, others again commenced to make sun-dried
bricks and build houses while others cut tracks called roads*
But on account of the non-arrival of the implements and
seeds which had been promised, all this work was hampered
and progress retarded. During weeks, the expected ploughs,
oxen, waggons and other necessaries were looked for in vain.
The incomplete surveys caused men to make gardens in
the wrong places ; and, as was afterwards acknowledged,
the success of the scheme was rendered all the more problem
atical from the fact that unmarried soldiers were not the
men who could be expected to settle down to the hum-drum
life of farming. Enthusiasm commenced to wane. As if
there had not been sufficient discouragement, the settlement,
in common with all that part of the country, was visited by a
tremendous rainstorm. For three days it poured in such
torrents that the river rose thirty feet above its usual level
and washed away everything in the low-lying ground, the
primitive houses, stacks of sun-dried bricks and even the
loose soil from the gardens, leaving bare in places the under
lying rocks. The embryo town of Alice suffered in the same
way. After the great storm many of the military settlers
set to work to repair the damage which had been done ;
but some lost heart and became idle, while others looked to
the Colony for a more certain means of livelihood. Abandon
ment of the settlement commenced. After the payment of
the first instalment of five pounds, so Captain Armytage
tells us, thirty men went off to seek fortunes in more civilised
parts.1 By March, 1849, after the free rations were stopped,
the numbers in Woburn had dwindled to 24 and at the
time of the great tragedy, there were only 1 5, all of whom were
murdered. Woburn then ceased to be. Even in the first
few weeks of the settlement, coming events were casting
1 According to a Government return, the following are the numbers
of individuals in the different villages on June 13th, 1848 : Woburn,
71 men. Auckland, 63 men, 12 women, 42 children. Juanasberg, 71 men,
2 women, 2 children. Ely, 44 men, 3 women, and 11 children.

TYALFS GRAVE 131
their shadows before them. Notwithstanding that all Kaffirs CHAP.
were supposed to be in their own country and living peaceably
under the new regime, yet many hovered about Woburn
and were something more than a nuisance. They trespassed
with their cattle on the new gardens and stole anything they
could lay their hands upon, and, apparently with marked
disapproval, they viewed the work which was in progress.
That mischief was being meditated was clear to Capt.
Armytage during the time he was building a more sub
stantial house on higher ground. He had in his employ a
Kaffir, whom he named " Johnnie " who proved to be quite
a faithful servant and with whom he became quite friendly.
One day Johnnie, communicatively disposed, asked :
" Master, whatever are you going to build this house for,
are there not enough already for the Kaffirs to burn down ? "
Capt. Armytage in reply asked, " When will this burning
begin ? " Johnnie counted on his fingers the number of
moons which would pass and making the time three clear
harvests, said, " The Kaffirs will carry out what they in
tended when they made peace, they are filling their powder
horns already," euphemistic for the supply of guns and
ammunition they were probably getting from the Colony.
One very important matter must be noted here. The reason
which has often been given for the hostility of the Kaffirs
against the setders of Woburn was the desecration by them
of the grave of the chief Tyali. It has already been mentioned
that that chief was buried there in 1842. The grave was on
a piece of land which adjoined that allotted to Capt.
Armytage. The accusation fortunately was made during
the first six months of the settlement and when, Sir Harry
Smith having reported the alleged offence to Capt. Armytage,
an investigation could take place, Capt. Armytage reported
that the statement was absolutely untrue and that the settlers
were entirely innocent. He knew the grave ; it was merely
the remains of an old kraal partly grown over with the wild
castor oil plant and showed no further disturbance than
was to be expected by the frequent wandering over it of the
cattle — belonging to the Kaffirs themselves. Beyond that,
during his time, there was no change in the state of the grave.
It may, of course, have been interfered with after he left,

132 ENLISTMENT OF KAFFIR POLICE
CHAP, but the important point is that when the accusation was
L made there was not the slightest reason for believing that
there was any truth in it. After about six months, Capt.
Armytage had had enough of Woburn. He then resigned
and rejoined his regiment and a Capt. Stacey took his place.
The people of Auckland seem to have been more settled
than those of Woburn. This may have been accounted for
by the fact that there were, at that place, twelve women and
forty-two children ; and further being higher up the valley,
it did not suffer so badly from the overflow of the river.
Still, those who remained to be killed at the end of 1850,
formed but a small proportion of those who were there in
the first place. Taken as a whole, therefore, the establish
ment of the military villages as a defensive measure was a
failure, for, as the insolence and daring intrusion of the
Kaffirs increased, the numbers of the settlers decreased. The
uselessness of these villages for the purpose of frontier defence
and the suppression of Kaffir misdeeds was more than
counterbalanced by an adjunct to the military forces which
had arisen from quite an unexpected source. Perhaps on
the principle of setting a thief to catch a thief, there was
organised a most efficient police force from the Kaffirs
themselves. In January, 1847, when Sir Peregrine Maitland con
sidered the war had come to an end and when therefore, he
had allowed the burghers to return to their homes and had
withdrawn many of the troops from Kaffirland and the
frontier, he bethought him of substituting for these, in
some measure, the enrolment of a hundred trustworthy
Kaffirs as a permanent police force. Sir Henry Pottinger
who at this time succeeded Sir Peregrine, approved of the
scheme and instructed a Lieut. D. Davies of the 90th regt.
to commence the experiment by enlisting, equipping and
arming fifty Kaffirs. The headquarters were near Mr.
Calderwood's office in the embryo village of Alice. This
placing of arms and ammunition in the hands of natives was
looked upon by the Colonists with the gravest concern,
albeit some of themselves had carried on an illicit gun
traffic and put the guns into their hands. The Governor
himself must have shared in this concern, for in the instruc-

THEIR CONTINUED USEFULNESS 133
tions to Lieut. Davies, in March, he advised the greatest CHAP.
caution in the selection of the men. It had been reported
to him, so he said, that the most disaffected and hostile
chiefs were endeavouring to get some of their followers
enrolled so that they might be armed and then desert. The
first fifty natives behaved themselves so well and gave such
promise of usefulness that Sir Henry Pottinger increased
the number to two hundred. They were put into uniforms,
equipped and armed and then formed what was called the
ist division of the Kaffir police. Lieut. Davies taught them
everything and, without disgusting them or shocking their
prejudices, raised them from a state of barbarism unac
quainted with the simplest forms of good order and sub
ordination into disciplined and efficient servants. They
paraded, patrolled, scoured bush and kloof and, with their
activity, local knowledge and courage, they made themselves
a terror to the evildoers among their own kinsmen. The
complete success of the experiment induced Sir Henry
Pottinger to organise a further two hundred natives into
the 2nd division of the Kaffir police. It was placed under a
Capt. C. Mostyn Owen and had its headquarters at King
William's Town.
When Sir Harry Smith, shortly after his arrival, sent
away so many of the regular troops, he likewise found the
Kaffir police of much use. This they continued to be until
the great convulsion of 1850, when they all deserted and
rebelled. The account of this will appear in its proper place.

CHAPTER IV
THE SOVEREIGNTY REBELLION
CHAP. SIR HARRY SMITH greatly misunderstood the disposition of
IV- A. W. J. Pretorius, when he met him at the foot of the
Drakensberg in February. Undoubtedly with genuine
sympathy for the miserable plight in which he found those
homeless Boers, he desired to bring about such a change
in their affairs as should give them the security for life and
property and the peace which they so greatly desired. It
is evident that he regarded Pretorius as the man who might
be relied upon to assist him in bringing about this happier
state of affairs, and for that reason he nominated him to the
Land Commission which was to resettie these people in Natal.
As has been seen, Pretorius left the camp, ostensibly to
learn whether four-fifths of the people in the present Orange
Free State were in favour of British sovereignty being
declared over that country. Whether they were or not,
Pretorius's own real object in the expedition was of a very
different character. It was to urge on a movement which he
had already commenced and from which the suavity of the
Governor had in no measure turned him, but one which, in
the course of a few months, was to end in bloodshed.
Chagrined and angry at the repulse he had received from
Sir H. Pottinger and the injustice he alleged against Mr.
Shepstone and the Lieut.-Governor in Natal, he determined
to establish in extra-colonial territory a people who should
be free from the domination of the British Government.
On his return journey from Grahamstown, he must have
commenced his propaganda, for, in December, 1847, the
Baralong chief Moroko at Thaba-Nchu, reported to Major
Warden at Bloemfontein that Pretorius had created some
agitation in the country by holding seditious meetings and
that some pretended friendly Boers had told him that he
would soon have to declare openly whether he was on their
134

A. W. J. Pretorius

PRETORIOUS UNSUCCESSFUL WITH PANDA 135
side or on that of the English. In furtherance of his scheme, CHAP.
Pretorius had hoped to be assisted by the Zulus. He met, IV'
however, with but little encouragement from this source.
On December 17th, he called on a petty chief, Zikali, who
lived at the foot of the Drakensberg. According to the
chief's account, Galonkulu (the Zulu name for Pretorius),
having endeavoured to frighten him by telling him that
Panda was sending an army into Natal to arrest deserters,
said that the Boers were going to fight the English and
that he must decide on which side he would be. " I shall
stay at home," said Zikali. " I do not understand fighting
with white men." He seems to have kept his word.
No more successful was his interview with Panda. By
the aid of a friendly Zulu who managed to be present,
D. Toohey, one of the British settlers in Natal, elicited the
information that after Pretorius had put the usual question,
Panda answered that he " Konzered " the English as his
father Chaka had done before him — that is he acknowledged
fealty to the English. " I am the Englishman's friend,"
said he, " and the English are my friends."
All this took place before Sir Harry Smith met Pretorius
at the Tugela in February. Pretorius therefore was scarcely
the man to induce the Boers to accept the provisions of the
Proclamation of February 3rd. That he was not, was soon
evident. For on the 7th of February, barely a week after
leaving the Tugela, he addressed a meeting at the place of
one du Plessis near Winburg. There were present about
240 people, among whom were W. Jacobs, who was to
play an important part in the coming troubles, Jan Kock,
A. Spies and others of the Klip River people. The meeting
having been opened with prayer, Pretorius gave a long
address in which he detailed their sufferings and their
endeavours to find a country where they might rest in peace
and if need be, adopt their own measures for protecting
themselves against the damages always to be apprehended
from the proximity to depredatory native races.
According to G. H. Meyer, who was present at the
meeting and who wrote an account x of it to Sir Harry
1 Vide letter in Sovereignty papers. Volume CO. 1,119 in the Cape
Archives.

136 ATTEMPT TO FOUND A NEW STATE
CHAP. Smith on February 1 7th, Pretorius must have misrepresented,
somewhat, the state of affairs. He told the Assembly that
His Excellency had declared null and void all he had done
at Winburg and that if it should appear that there were more
people in the country than the Government desires to have,
they might become an independent state. Two resolutions
were put to the meeting and carried. The first was to the
effect that the country from the Orange river to Ohrigstad
shall be taken by them and declared to be a distinct state
and that in the event of the British Government interfering
to prevent this, that they oppose such interference by force
of arms, and that for this purpose A. W. J. Pretorius be
appointed Commandant-General and Jan Kock, second in
command. W. J. Jacobs then proposed, that all persons
favourable to the British Government should be brought
before his court1 and punished by fine, even with death and
confiscation of property if they refuse to give up their
adherence to the British Government and take the oath of
allegiance to their own ; that all who are called on in this
war and hesitate or decline to attend should be punished
with death.
It would appear, however, that the meeting was not
unanimous, in fact, all through these troublous times, as
well as others subsequently, there was a want of unanimity —
division of opinion and aim — which thinned their ranks
and led to failure.
W. Jacobs was appointed Landdrost of Winburg in
October, 1847. As the office had been vacant since June,
1846, the people from Lower Sand river met in Winburg
on August 5th, 1847, and elected G. H. Meyer. He, anxious
to avoid any appearance of rebellious conduct, as well as
to make the matter more generally known, postponed further
proceedings until September 17th, and in the meantime he
sent a memorial, signed by seventy people, to Sir Henry
Pottinger, asking him to approve of the appointment. It
is not clear whether he ever received any answer. But
certain it is, that before he did so, W. Jacobs, with a large
party of Jan Kock's people appeared at Winburg to oppose
the election of Meyer. In violent speeches all those who,
¦ He was Landdrost of Winburg at this time.

JEALOUSY AND DISTRUST 137
like Meyer, had shown themselves well affected towards the CHAP.
British Government were threatened with all sorts of dire IV'
calamities.1 " He who hath lent a hand under the cursed
arm of the British Government to drag it into this part of
the country," said Jacobs, " what is to be done with him ?
Apprehended and sent out of the country." From Winburg,
Pretorius moved on to the Mooi river (Potchefstroom),
where on the 21st, we find him holding another stirring
meeting. About seventy people were present. Among them
was J. McCabe, one of the early Ngami travellers, who, at
the request of Pretorius, translated into Dutch the proclama
tion of February 3rd, and from whose deposition before
Major Warden the account of this meeting is drawn.
According to this, Pretorius read a portion of the Proclama
tion, then stopped suddenly and gave a distorted version
of the remainder. The gist of his speech was, that he had
held meetings at the Drakensberg, in the vicinity of Winburg
and at the Valsch river and that now he had come to the
Mooi river (Potchefstroom) to see what he could do with
those people. He wished them all to be united in order that
the Government may be prevented from taking the country.
" I have not yet even given up Natal," he said. " I want
to know whether I can rely upon your assistance, if I wish
to retake it." Referring to the Militia proclamation, he
asked them whether they desired to become soldiers. From
every throat a loud " No " went forth. The unanimity of the
meeting however was somewhat disturbed when the Mooi
river people expressed their determination to refuse to ac
knowledge Pretorius as Commandant-General. They wished
Potgieter to occupy that position. In reply to their objection,
Pretorius said that he had been chosen at all other places
and that if they left the whole matter in his hands, he would
settle it with the British Government without fighting. Thus,
early in these proceedings, as in the days of the trek, jealousy
and distrust of their leaders made itself apparent and
militated against the end in view ; not that, in this case, had
there been among them the co-operation which was so
1 Die de hand geleend heef onder de vervloekte arm van het Brittishe
Gouvernment de die hier in te slepen wat met die gedaan, opvangen en de
land uit stuuren.

138 FAILURE OF THE SOVEREIGNTY SETTLEMENT
CHAP, needful, could the final result have been anything than what
IV' it was. Even Jan Kock, who for years had been so bitter
against the British Government, now refused to take arms
against it. Pretorius, in dudgeon at this treatment, retired
for a time to his farm at the Magaliesberg, but, as will be
seen, when circumstances called for his activities, he was
again in the open endeavouring to bend all to his will and,
in the end, resorting to the extreme of bloodshed.
Public opinion was divided on the matter of the declara
tion of the Sovereignty. There were many who approved
of it and saw in it the prospect of a more settled state of
affairs. But of these, some were swayed by the false repre
sentations or frightened by the threats of Pretorius and his
followers to oppose it, while many others defiantly refused
to do or say anything against the Government. The excite
ment and disorder increased. Some of the Boers living
between the Vet and Modder rivers were anxious to part
with their farms in those parts and to move over the Vaal
in order to be out of the control of the British Government.
Piet Erasmus, an influential man among them, told Major
Warden that he had read to his people the proclamation
of February 3rd, and that it had given great dissatisfaction.
They objected to the quit-rents, more especially as some of
the money had to be paid to Adam Kok. He (Erasmus)
was sure the people would never submit. Thus matters
were going from bad to worse.
It must have been something of a disappointment to
Sir Harry Smith when, on his arrival in Cape Town after
his long tour, he discovered that his supposed settlement
of Sovereignty matters was, to a large extent, a failure.
Before taking any drastic action against those who were
opposing him, he endeavoured to show his paternal solicitude
for these people, by issuing, on March 29th, his famous
manifesto. It was a lengthy and extraordinary document,
one dictated by the outpourings of the kindness of the heart
of the author, of whom it was so characteristic. " Whereas,"
it began, " some evil-minded persons, prone to wickedness,
to mischief and to evil ways, have been in the Territory
beyond the Orange River, over which I have proclaimed the
Sovereignty of Her Majesty, have been calling meetings to

A CHARACTERISTIC PROCLAMATION 139
pervert the true spirit and meaning of my Proclamations of CHAP.
the 3rd and ioth of February ; and have been assuming the I
characters of my Agents to gain the will of the people for
the purposes of wicked excitement and have been showing
my signature to the Proclamation of the 3rd of February,
professing it to be a document containing far different senti
ments from the reality ; — I deem it my duty to publish an
explanation of the motives which have induced me to establish
a Government over deluded, disappointed and dissatisfied
men, who have expatriated themselves from the Land of
their Fathers — from the homes which reared them — and
from their relations and friends." Then reminding them
of the bonds of affection which had long existed between
them and himself, and their combined action against the
common enemy in 1835, he proceeds : "I was invited from
within the Colony and from beyond the Orange River to
see the condition of these, my friends, and to devise some
measures to bring them back to social comforts, to harmony
and confidence in one another, to their church and to their
neglected God, who teaches us to gather together in prayer
and thankfulness to them." He then recapitulated his
doings on their behalf since his arrival in the Colony and
laid stress on the miserable plight in which he found " my
old friends who had invited Col. Smith to see their condition."
" I told one of the party," he continued, " a leading part of
what I proposed to do. He begged me to delay issuing the
Proclamation until some meetings in contemplation should
have taken place. I said : ' Very well, I shall not do it
until I have seen your great guide.' Upon my seeing him,
he urged upon me to issue it, promised to explain that he
recommended it, as it would strengthen his hands to induce
all to a system of rule ; the equity of the Land Question
was such, it carried conviction with it. If he did so, he has
acted up to his word ; if he did not, he has deceived both
you and me." Sir Harry Smith then compared their condi
tion as paupers receding from the Faith and the Holy
Gospel with that of those living under a free and just
Government, who could sell their wool, corn and valuable
cattle and go to church on Sundays " with their elegant spans
of horses and waggons." " I shall now proceed," he con-

140 WARNING TO THE DISAFFECTED
CHAP, tinued, " to lay before you and the world the motives which
IV' have actuated me, comprised in two words, your benefit.
You have called on me to assist you, I have done so, vide
my Proclamations of February 3rd and March 8th,1 in
which last, I have endeavoured, clearly, distinctly and un
equivocally, to set forth the Government calculated to render
you, what you are not now — happy. The ill-disposed have
endeavoured to pervert facts — to startle the credulous — to
alarm the timid — and to excite all to aid their own restless
and uncontrollable disposition." ..." Pause then, I pray
you, my friends, ere you allow wicked agitators to excite
you to permit your well-disposed minds to drive peace,
happiness and comforts, now within your grasp, from your
doors." ..." When at Winburg, on the presentation of
an address, I was asked for soldiers, I exclaimed, ' Soldiers !
You around me are my soldiers,' meaning that peaceable
citizens are their own soldiers and require no military aid
whatever. This expression has been perverted, and you
have been taught to believe, not thinking for the moment,
that I am to make you all soldiers." ..." Now, my friends,
my half-lost friends and wavering Christians, I have ad
dressed you as Colonel Smith, I have appealed to your feelings
as men, as fathers of families, as reasoning human beings
possessing immortal souls. I now turn from Colonel Smith
to the Governor of the Colony, and I PROCLAIM TO You,
that I will carry out, or die in the attempt, the provisions of
the Proclamations I have framed for your exclusive benefit
and by your desire, and the factious demagogue shall
tremble at that name which he even now respects. . . . Do
not suppose that I have stripped myself of the means by
sending home the troops. I tell you, and I tell you truly
and honestly, I hold in readiness a force of guns, cavalry and
tried British soldiers, who in fifteen days should be among
you, men capable of causing stouter hearts than yours to
quail. Do you talk of resistance and assemblages ? You
whom two years ago a few dragoons rode over like sheep.
Do you presume to imagine that you are able to do what no
mass of demagogues has ever yet done ? The undisciplined
to resist and successfully maintain a protracted resistance
1 Vide further on

EFFECT OF THE MANIFESTO 141
against the disciplined force of a regular Government ? CHAP.
But oh ! how I hate and detest the name of war and com- IV"
motion ! The many battle scenes I have witnessed arise
like phantoms to my imagination. But as I abhor war, so
will I terribly wield its power if you drive me from your
affection. If you compel me to wield the fatal sword, after
all I have attempted for you, the crime be upon your heads,
and while my troops shall exult in Victory, I will weep, as
you have seen me do, over the fallen — the defeated, the
deluded, and your faithful, your generous friend turned
into the Avenger of Evil. Aid me, as I desire you, to preserve
the most virtuous feelings in this worldly and uncertain trial
of Life. And as in generous and uncorrupted minds the
superiority of Religion carries us through the calamities of
this transient life, let us together pray." Here follows the
prayer he wrote for the occasion.
Hundreds of printed copies of this manifesto were
distributed all over the Sovereignty. Its effect upon the
people was twofold. It gave to those who were well disposed
to the British Government, greater confidence and courage
to oppose the faction led by Pretorius, as well as to the
wavering, all that was necessary to cause them to do like
wise. J. T. Snyman, for instance, wrote to Pretorius from
Nooit Gedacht on April 20th, telling him that six meetings
had been held in the Caledon River district and that about
two hundred people had instructed him to say that they were
satisfied with the Government and declared their unfeigned
allegiance to the Queen. " And those who have been led
away by your community (maatschappy) let you know that
they have been misled and deceived and now totally with
draw themselves from your maatschappy." To the Governor
himself, among others, Snyman and Jan Hendrik Cloete,
on behalf of the people of the Lower Reit river, wrote con
firming their adherence to the British Government. Even
Jan Kock and his party seem to have separated from
Pretorius. But those whose hatred of the British name was
too deep, seem to have been only hardened in their purpose
by the manifesto. The view of Pretorius was that Sir Harry
Smith had not kept his word — had in fact broken his faith
with him. The land surveyor, Mr. Rex, met Pretorius

142 ORGANISATION OF THE SOVEREIGNTY
CHAP, with about fifty people at the Sand River on April 20th.
IV" On receiving a copy of the manifesto, Pretorius said that he
was very surprised to see the proclamation of February 3rd,
as Sir Harry Smith had promised that in the event of four-
fifths of the Boers wishing to remain independent, British
jurisdiction would not be extended over them — yet the
Sovereignty had been proclaimed before there had been
any time or opportunity to make the necessary inquiries.
For a time, however, the ferment seems to have subsided
and the country to have become inordinately quiet. But
this was because Sovereignty was, so far, only a matter of
name. There was no other outward and visible sign of
British authority than the British Resident, Major Warden
at Bloemfontein, and he had been there long before any of
this trouble began. When, however, new magistrates from
the Colony made their appearance and when it was evident
that the new regime was about to commence the volcanic
eruption again burst forth. The outlines of the system of
the new Government for the Sovereignty, promulgated by
the proclamation of March 8th, 1848, were, as might be
expected from Sir Harry Smith, characterised by benevolence
and a desire to go to the last extreme to satisfy the people,
short of course, of permitting them to remain outside British
control. The management of the infant state was to be
as simple and as unshackled by legal technicalities and
subtleties as possible. Consistency, plain dealing, and
honesty of purpose were to guide those who were placed in
authority ; no man's opinion was to be treated with contempt
— perhaps in deference to Dutch sentiment, " No person of
colour was ever to be employed in conveying summonses
or in the execution of any point of law and, generally, a
policy of good order and conciliation was to be adopted."
To carry all this into effect, the country was divided into
three districts, Bloemfontein, Winburg and Caledon River,
each with its own magistrate and modest staff of one clerk
and two constables. Major Warden remained at Bloem
fontein and became chief magistrate, answerable only to
the Governor in Cape Town. For each of the three districts
a Land Commission was appointed, consisting of the Magis
trate, two land surveyors and one burgher chosen by the

Bloemfontein in 1851
From picture in Town Hall, Bloemfontein
By permission.

MAGISTRATES APPOINTED I43
people themselves. To these bodies were assigned such CHAP.
duties as the inspection and registration of farms, the assess- IV'
ment of the quit-rents, which varied from £2 to £8 per
annum, the taking of the census, and the investigation of
complaints which the natives made in connection with the
lands and similar matters. The burghers themselves were
given to understand that now they held the lands in perpetuity
from the Queen and not, as heretofore, on a tenure of forty
years from native chiefs. It was, however, a mild form of
military tenure, but no further than that all able-bodied men
were expected to turn out, equipped and armed, in defence
of the country in time of need or danger. This they had
always done, but ordering it by proclamation sounded in
their ears as being enlisted as regular soldiers. It was
estimated that the revenue from quit-rents would be any
thing from £5,000 to £10,000 per annum, and that the
cost of the Government would be £4,344, thus a good
balance would be left for the building and maintenance of
churches, schools and all else for the exclusive benefit of the
people. This simple administration however, was merely a
temporary expedient and a preliminary to the introduction
of a necessarily more complex system of government which
was inaugurated by a proclamation bearing date May 14th,
1849.1 The magistrates who were appointed to two of the new
districts were, for Winburg, Mr. T. J. Biddulph, who had
managed and reported so unfavourably on the Kat River
settlement, and for the Caledon River district, Mr. J.
O'Reilly, late magistrate of Somerset East. Mr. Biddulph
arrived in Winburg on May 22nd. It must at that time,
have been the tiniest of dorps, for Mr. Biddulph tells
us that besides himself and his clerk, Mr. George Dyason,
the only inhabitants were the families of a F. Schnehage,
Jury Wessels, Klaas Wessels and a schoolmaster who had
no school. It was however, the metropolis for a district
consisting of five hundred and sixty farms. Mr. O'Reilly
was even worse off, for there was no town or dorp of any
1 Vide Correspondence with the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope
relative to the assumption of Sovereignty over the territory between the
Orange and Vaal rivers. May 19, 1851.

144 THE BIRTH OF SMITHFIELD
CHAP, description in the Caledon River district. He had therefore,
IV' to select the site for one. At a place called Waterval, about
forty-five minutes' ride from the Caledon river and half-way
between the Bethulie and Bethesda mission stations, there
were some comparatively substantial buildings belonging
to Messrs. F. and H. Halse. The acquisition of these
together with the farm of 4,000 morgen seemed to Mr.
O'Reilly to be a solution of the problem of housing a magis
tracy and deciding upon the site for a township with com
monage. An agreement therefore was made with the Halses,
whereby they should surrender all this property to the
Government together with a sum of £500 towards the cost
of erecting a church. In return they were to have the right
to sell the erven (town building lots) and, of course, keep the
proceeds. The bargain was clinched and nothing more was
wanting to these preliminary arrangements than a name
for the embryo township. Smith's Town and Smith's Dorp
were proposed, but SMITHFIELD was eventually chosen.
Mr. O'Reilly's selection of this site did not meet with
the approval of either Mr. F. Rex, the land surveyor,
or Major Warden, nor with that of the surrounding farmers,
who refused to attend a church which should be built there.
In their estimation, there was a more eligible site at a place
called Riet Poort, about ten miles to the north-east, where
there was abundance of wood and water, a pretty part of
the country, a fertile soil and, in short, where every prospect
pleased. In May, 1849 the change was made, and there was
published the following notice : " To meet the wishes of
the Inhabitants of the Caledon River, His Excellency the
High Commissioner has been pleased to sanction the pur
chase of the farm Riet Poort, for the purpose of establishing
a New Town, and which will be the seat of the Magistrate
and church place of the district. The Government Surveyor,
F. Rex esquire will immediately proceed to Riet Poort and
lay out the town and the sale of erven will take place by
auction on August 15th." Thus the Smithfield of to-day
came into existence.
But Smithfield was not to be born without anguish and
apprehension for its infancy and growth. Even before the
lands were surveyed the right of its existence was disputed

MOSHESH INSULTS THE GOVERNMENT 145
by the natives — the Basutos of Moshesh. In June, 1849, CHAP.
when the surveyor with the Land Commission was engaged IV'
in marking off the boundary of its commonage and an
adjacent farm, a party of sixteen natives, mounted and
armed with knobkerries, galloped up and demanded to
know what they were doing. When told that the land was
being inspected and beaconed by the command of the High
Commissioner, they asked, most insolently, whether it was
also by the command of Moshesh. They stated that they
were Moshesh's mouthpiece and forbade the Land Com
mission to proceed with the work. In further demonstration
of their authority, they destroyed the beacons which had
already been set up and scattered the stones about the veld.
The civil commissioner asked whether this insult was directed
against him personally or whether it was in defiance of the
Government. They answered : " It is Moshesh who insults
the Government." The work was then stopped. This was
the beginning of the boundary troubles, the accounts of
which fill so many pages of the Basutoland Records, and
which were partly the cause, at later dates, of the wars
between the Orange Free State and the Basutos.
When Mr. Biddulph arrived at Winburg he found
public sentiment against him. It should be stated that
there was already at that place an official called the landdrost,
who had been appointed by the people before the Sovereignty
was proclaimed. It is scarcely surprising therefore that this
official, Mr. W. Jacobs, should have resented the intrusion
of Mr. Biddulph, ceremonious as it was, or that his friends
should have sympathised with him. Nor is it less surprising
that Mr. Jacobs, considering the support he knew he would
receive from Pretorius, not only defied the new magistrate,
but, as will be seen, actually drove him out. At the farm of
one Vermeulen about a hundred and twenty Boers under
the presidency of Mr. Jacobs met to consider the situation
and to determine upon the action to be taken. As it was
felt that the guiding hand and superior wisdom of Pretotius
was necessary to this end, Mr. Jacobs rode off to the Mooi
river, and having interviewed his great leader, was able to
return and to send to Mr. Biddulph the following letter,
signed by himself as landdrost and as heemraden, A. Cronje,
vol. v 10 L

146 FLIGHT OF MR. BIDDULPH
CHAP. G. P. Brits, P. M. Bester and F. J. Bezuidenhout : " To the
IV' magistrate who has arrived at Winburg, it is hereby made
known, in the name of the United public, according to a
memorial already forwarded to the Governor, that we shall
not acknowledge you as magistrate on any account whatever,
we remain in the name of the Public." Mr. Biddulph took
no notice of this, but he could not ignore the fact that there
was a general tendency to hold aloof from him and to show
a fixed determination to refuse to acknowledge the British
Government. Otherwise, for a time, all was quiet. But this
was only a calm that precedes a storm. Mr. Biddulph
came to hear that a large meeting of Boers had been held
at the place of one van Coller, near the Sand River, and that
it had been decided to remove him by force. At midnight
on the 23rd (June), he was awakened by a friendly messenger
informing him that a party of armed Boers was then on its
way to Winburg. In a very short time he was up on horse
back and galloping to Major Warden at Bloemfontein for
protection. In the early morning, the Boers rode into the
village with Jacobs at their head and off-saddled at the
small house which was used as Court House. They remained
there about two hours during which time Mr. Jacobs trans
acted the business which devolved on him as landdrost,
including the performance of some marriages ; they then
up-saddled and dispersed in three different directions. Mr.
G. Dyason, Mr. Biddulph's clerk was ignored. Probably
nothing worse than that would have happened to Mr.
Biddulph had he remained. Almost immediately on his
arrival in Bloemfontein, Major Warden sent him back,
accompanied by a small party of the Cape Corps for his
protection. The country was in a most unsettled state. Pretorius
was taking the lead of affairs and moving from place to
place, compelling all men to take arms, whether they would
or not. A great many of Potgieter's men from the Mooi
River were with him, thus he had at his command a large
force, one easily able to overcome any resistance which
might be offered by the Government authorities then in the
country. Under these circumstances, such matters as the
inspection of farms and the granting of land commission

MAJOR WARDEN'S ADVENTURE 147
certificates were out of the question. In connection with these, CHAP.
Mr. Biddulph issued a notice calling a meeting of farmers IV'
for July 1 2th. Pretorius in order to counteract this, called
a meeting of armed farmers for the nth, for he was
determined to resist by force any attempt by Government
either to interfere with the land or to exercise any magisterial
authority. Information concerning some of his movements
came to Mr. Biddulph through a certain Michael Quigley,
a deserter from the 45th regiment. It should be mentioned
that there were several deserters from the different regiments,
taking refuge in those northern regions. At this time a
free pardon was offered to any who would rejoin their
colours. Quigley, anxious to communicate the good news
to many of his companions at the Mooi River, was journeying
in that direction when he was commandeered by Pretorius
and compelled to join his force. He (Quigley) however, on
the back of his pardon certificate, managed to write some
account of what he was witnessing and gave the paper to a
comrade who succeeded in taking it to Winburg.
Major Warden, with Mr. Rex, was at that time away
from Bloemfontein, visiting the farms between the Modder
River and Winburg. Hearing rumours of the movements
of the hostile Boer patrols, he felt it expedient to return
and for his safety he had sent to him a party of the Cape
Corps to escort him back to Bloemfontein. Late in the
afternoon of July 1 3th, when about six miles from that place,
and riding some two miles ahead of his escort, accompanied
by Mr. Rex and Mr. Biddulph, who for a second time had
vacated Winburg, he saw in the distance a party of twenty-
five armed Boers galloping towards him, obviously with the
intention of intercepting him at the Rhenoster Spruit. The
major galloped back to his escort with the Boers in wild
pursuit. The soldiers, grasping the situation, stood at the
ready with guns cocked. The Boers halted and shouted
to the men not to fire. Major Warden shouted the same
order to the enemy and asked for a parley ; thus the parties
came to a standstill. Major Warden and Mr. Rex then rode
up to them to hear what they had to say. Their leader, one
Adriaan Stander, had from Pretorius a written statement to
the effect that the Major was to be taken prisoner and

148 AN INTERVIEW WITH PRETORIUS
CHAP, marched to the Boer camp. Major Warden declared that
he would rather die on the spot than permit it. As the inter
view was becoming more and more violent and each side was
anxious not to be the first to fire a shot, Mr. Rex, who must
have been interpreting, as Major Warden did not understand
Dutch, offered to go to the Dutch camp and meet Pretorius
on behalf of Major Warden, adding, by way of excuse for
the Major, that his military rank did not permit him to take
this course. To this Stander agreed. So the meeting ended
without bloodshed and with the freedom of Major Warden,
which would not have been the case had the Cape Corps not
been there.
At a spot on the Modder river, about twenty miles from
Bloemfontein, the Boers had their large camp. At that place,
in due course, Mr. Rex presented himself. He was placed
under a strong guard and kept a prisoner until the arrival
of Pretorius who was on his way from Winburg. After
thirty-six hours of durance vile, Mr. Rex saw the Comman
dant-General arrive with an escort of two hundred armed
men. A short and inane interview took place. Pretorius
asked whether Major Warden had sent any message to him.
In reply, Mr. Rex said no, that he had merely come in
accordance with his promise and that he was willing to act
as intermediary between the two parties. That business
concluded, Mr. Rex was conducted back to Bloemfontein.
He was provided with an ox-waggon and inside with the
companionship of a Boer who sat near him with a loaded
gun, and, outside, with the honour of an escort of twenty
others, mounted and armed. When on the outskirt of the
town — or village — part of the escort marched to the fort *
to interview Major Warden, but as there was a difficulty
in finding an interpreter, Mr. Rex gained his
liberty. Pretorius, with a force of five hundred men, entered
Winburg on July 12th, thus the second hasty retreat of Mr.
1 The mention of a fort at this date (July, 1848) is interesting as that
was before Sir Harry Smith commenced the Queen s Fort, which is still
standing. The fort referred to here is " Fort Drury, which was situated
on the hill at the end of Fountain Street, at the back of the Government
buildings and over the Bloem fontein — the spring which gives its name to
the town.

BOER CAMP NEAR BLOEMFONTEIN 149
Biddulph is accounted for. His first procedure seems to CHAP.
have been the issue of the following public notice. IV'
WINBURG, July 12th, 1848.
As the Emigrant Boers who crossed the Orange river
for their liberty have deserted their Motherland, and as we
perceive that the British Government grant privileges and
liberty to all other creatures, and we are constrained in
fetters, so this therefore is to notify to all and every one who
does not wish to take part in this just cause of Freedom,
that he must on receipt of this on or before the 30th instant,
cross the stream of the Orange river without selling any
ground or places, for all sales of places will after that date
be considered illegal, to prevent Courts Martial (Krygs
raad) from visiting with further punishment their person
and property. No person shall be allowed to keep himself
neutral, those who are not with us will be looked upon as
enemies. Every person who opposes this Maatschappy
(Association) whether with words or deeds, will be treated
as an Insurgent, and will be punished forthwith by Court
Martial. A. W. J. Pretorius, Comdt.-General.
Pretorius with a force of about a thousand — some say
twelve hundred — men moved out from Winburg and marched
or rode, to Bloemfontein, the citadel, such as it was, of the
Sovereignty. On the 17th, he formed a camp within two
miles of that place. With the large force at his command
and the obviously feeble means of resistance which could
be offered, it was clear that he was now master of the country
and able to dictate his will to all. He demonstrated this by
the following order which he sent to Major Warden :
Bloem Fontyn, July 17th, 1848.
To MAJOR Warden, British Resident. — As we have
been true and sworn friends to each other, and that for five
years. And whereas Sir H. Smith is obstinate as regards
the majority being on our side. I consider it my duty to
shed as little blood as possible. I shall therefore give you
one hour to consider whether you will give up this country
or whether I am to take it from you by force. Many parts

150 TERMS OF WARDEN'S WITHDRAWAL
CHAP, of the country have been purchased by the Emigrant Farmers
from natives and which natives do not feel at all disposed
to come under British Rule. I have for the accomplishment
of this object brought with me into the field, one thousand
of the many thousands of my ready and willing people.
A. W. J. Pretorius.
When Major Warden received this note, the total force
at his disposal was fifty-seven regular troops and forty-two
civilians, encumbered by about two hundred women and
children, some of whom had fled from the surrounding
districts of the village for protection. During the three days
previously he had endeavoured to throw up earth-works and
to take other defensive precautions, but before they were
anything like finished, Pretorius appeared. Considering
his small means of defence and the overwhelming numbers
brought against him, Major Warden had no course open
to him, but to surrender. He therefore, went out to meet
Pretorius, who by this time with four hundred men, had
come within a short distance of the old fort. Major Warden
had perforce to agree to the following terms : — That the
troops and inhabitants of Bloemfontein should vacate that
place by the 20th, that is within three days, but they were
to be allowed to take away all their property, both public
and private. To this end Pretorius was willing to provide as
many waggons as were necessary and procurable ; he even
went so far as to permit that, in the event of there not being
a sufficient number, property might be allowed to remain
unmolested until a more convenient time. It was further
agreed that the British Resident should inform the native
chiefs of the arrangements in order to obviate any collision
with them. These same terms were to apply to Mr. O'Reilly
at Smithfield. All this having been agreed to, Pretorius
withdrew from the vicinity of Bloemfontein, and Major
Warden withdrew from the village itself. On the 24th we
find him at Touwfontein on his way to the Orange river
which he crossed and formed a camp on the left bank at
Botha's drift on the 27th.
As soon as Mr. O'Reilly heard of the expulsion of Major
Warden, he likewise lost no time in vacating his Smithfield

PRETORIUS MASTER OF THE SOVEREIGNTY 151
magistracy. He crossed the Orange river at Sanddrift and CHAP.
took shelter at the farm of a Mr. Adam Gilfillan at Stormberg IV'
Spruit. Many of the people from that part also crossed the
Orange in order to escape being commandeered by Pretorius.
Thus Pretorius was master of the whole of the Sovereignty.
His moderation in the treatment of the vanquished — as such
for a time they may be called — in permitting them to remove
all their property when he might have confiscated all in an
unconditional surrender is worthy of remark.
Not less moderate was an answer to the manifesto of
March 29th, which Pretorius drafted and sent to Sir Harry
Smith. It was a pathetic document, one calculated more
to arouse our sympathies for the people who had suffered
the vicissitudes of the last ten years, rather than to induce us
to regard the protests which they made against the treatment
meted out to them as rebellion. The general tenor of this
long, rambling statement, as had been the case in so
many of the petitions from the Eastern Province, was want
of protection from native races and the hindrances which the
British Government opposed to the people in protecting
themselves. The British Government they claimed, for
Pretorius spoke in the name of many, permitted native
and coloured races to have the liberty of governing them
selves, but refused this privilege to white African, Boers.
With regard to the declaration of the Sovereignty, Pretorius
said : " Your Excellency stated that if the majority objected
to British rule, you would leave us unmolested, we say, we
white cattle farmers cannot with any feeling of security,
reside under Her Majesty's jurisdiction in a country inhabited
by so many coloured people, especially as they are left to
their own laws and we are placed under other laws." . . .
" How many years have not the inhabitants of the Old
Colony remained in a state of insecurity, and how many
irrecoverable losses and hardships have they not suffered
under British rule ? When we were all youths and children,
then there was Kaffir war, now we are men with grey hairs
and there is still Kaffir war . . . will that portion of Her
Majesty's subjects be enabled to reside in security ? Have the
houses which were burnt down been rebuilt ? " Pretorius
then proceeded to speak of Natal. He claimed that the

152 PROMPT ACTION OF SIR H. SMITH
CHAP. Dutch had obtained that country justly and honourably from
IV" a sovereign power which had the right to give it, that subse
quently they paid for it with the blood of their dearest
relatives, but it was no longer in the possession of the rightful
owners, who were wandering homeless in the wilderness of
South Africa. " When I, Pretorius, returned from my
long tour to Grahamstown, where the Great Governor would
not even allow himself to be seen or even spoken to, were
not my countrymen all fleeing, amongst whom was my
own family ? " Pretorius argued that the people could not
be expected to become better while they were oppressed
and their land taken from them. As testimony that they
had not forsaken their God, he instanced their building the
church at Pietermaritzburg. " No ! " said he. " You' will
not make us better by driving us further into the wilderness ;
you will never, by promises or threats, eradicate these
hardships from the minds of the African Boers."
Sir Harry Smith's answer to this as well as to the informa
tion from Major Warden, which reached him on the 22nd,
was to issue, immediately, a reward of £ 1 ,000 for the arrest
of Pretorius and, a week later, one of £500 for Jacobs.
Also, with his characteristic impetuosity, he sent off orders
to the military authorities in Albany and British Kaffraria
to dispatch to Colesberg, with the least possible delay,
four companies of the Cape Corps, two guns and two
companies each of the Rifle Brigade, the 45th and 91st
regiments, for the purpose of invading the Sovereignty.
Excitement at the news from the North Eastern border
prevailed throughout the Colony, and Grahamstown again
was all astir with the assembling of waggons and stores
and other preparations for the departure of the troops. Sir
Harry Smith, himself, left Cape Town on the 29th, accom
panied by Mr. R. (afterwards Sir Richard) Southey, Major
Garvock, his military secretary, Dr. Hall, principal medical
officer, and Lieut. Holdich. Their route to Colesberg was
through Worcester and Beaufort West. At the former place,
elaborate preparations were made and all turned out to
welcome the Governor in anticipating the great things he
was to accomplish. They reached Colesberg on August 9th.
Colesberg is about 26 miles south of Botha's drift on the

THE GOVERNOR REFUSES TO TREAT 153
Orange river, where all were to meet and where Major CHAP.
Warden then had his camp. IV-
The troops from the Eastern Province did not arrive at
Botha's drift simultaneously ; some were there a week or
ten days before others, so that the final preparations for
crossing the river could not be made until the 20th. In
the meantime, a large commando of Boers was stationed on
the opposite side of the river and in sight of Major Warden's
camp, probably with a view to disputing the passage of a
force which it was thought Major Warden was to bring
against them. On August ioth, Major Warden received a
letter from this camp signed by A. W. J. Pretorius, G. H.
Kruger, A. Spies, L. R. Botha, P. M. Bester, J. J. Jacobs,
J. J. Joubert and J. A. Enslin, commandants, expressing a
desire to have an interview with the Governor. Pretorius
stated that he had heard that a reward had been offered
for him, but he said he was quite happy and the chief of
the United Emigrant force ; he reiterated the desire of the
people to be left unmolested. This was sent to Sir Harry
Smith at Colesberg. He gave as his answer that he refused
to treat with rebels in arms, that he had come to protect
Her Majesty's loyal emigrant subjects from insult and to
suppress rebellion with Her Majesty's cannon and soldiers ;
he had neither the intention nor the desire he said, to fall
upon them, white people, with blacks. The bearing of this
last statement must be that Pretorius had heard rumours
that assistance from the natives was to be enlisted. There
may have been good reason for this, for on August 2nd,
Major Warden had actually sent messages to Moshesh,
Sikonyela, Gert Taaibosch, C. Baatje and Jan Bloem,
asking them to assemble and co-operate with His Excellency.
On receipt of the Governor's message in which, as
Pretorius put it, " He threatens to shoot us all dead, unheard,"
the commandant-general made another appeal to the
Governor to go over the river to their camp in order that
he might see for himself the number of people who objected
to British rule. He (Pretorius) was anxious to avoid blood
shed, but, he added, " We also have thousands of blacks who
are prepared to assist us," and " if joined by those from
Ohrigstad and the wilderness, we are determined on meeting

154 A FINAL WARNING
CHAP. Your Excellency," presumably on hostile terms. In reply,
IV" Pretorius was told : " The Governor will be in Major
Warden's camp on Tuesday, the 15th, at 12 o'clock, and if
Mijnheers Kruger and Paul Bester desire to speak to him
a boat will be sent to the opposite bank to bring them over,
and the Governor will meet these Mijnheers and hear what
they have to say." The " Mijnheers " did not make their
appearance. Oh August 1 7th, in the hope that he would not be com
pelled to proceed to extremities, Sir Harry Smith issued from
Colesberg, his final warning to the Sovereignty Boers.
" Know," he said, " all ye assembled in arms under Pretorius,
whom I have proscribed, that ye are British subjects, and
that the act of your thus assembling in this reckless manner
is illegal and in opposition to Her Majesty's sovereign will.
You are guilty of Rebellion. Remember before you force
me to fire upon you that I have already given you fair
warning in my manifesto of March 29th last. I now again
warn you to pause, ere you compel me to use the force now
assembled at my disposal and close at hand." Recapitulating
then, as set forth in the manifesto, the blessings he had
showered upon them, he proceeded : " Beyond Winburg,
there are many violent men who are opposed to rule and
government in any shape, but many whom I met in that
neighbourhood, although they told me in public, when
overawed by the turbulent, that they would rather remain
as they were, in private, sought me and assured me that they
were miserable and prayed me to send them a magistrate."
After referring to his lengthened tour, to the good he thought
he had done and to the appointment of Pretorius as a member
of the Land Commission in Natal, he said : " I gave him
my proclamation of February 3rd last to take among you
especially requesting him to explain to Jacobs that I had
issued it before the meeting proposed, because he (Pretorius)
recommended me to do so, saying that he would point out
to all of you how its contents were calculated for your good.
In place of doing this, he perverted its meaning, misled you
and deceived me. He requested me not to extend the
Sovereignty beyond the Vaal river, and to leave the Mooi
river for those who might disapprove of the order of things

PASSAGE OF THE TROOPS 155
proposed. I did so. I have always said that unless the CHAP.
majority of the burghers were in favour of the Govern- IV-
ment which I had in friendship framed for them, I would
not press it. To show that such was not the case, Pretorius
and Jacobs got 470 signatures to an address by every imagin
able fraud, deceit and lie. Subsequently, Snijman wrote to
Pretorius to say he would have nothing to do with him,
that he had deceived him as his people who had added their
names to the list, and who all withdrew them. ... No
armed party shall presume to seek what I cannot listen to.
Blood shall not cease to flow until peace and tranquillity
be established and Rebels driven out of the land. Choose
therefore, between War or Peace."
The negotiations having concluded thus unsatisfactorily,
nothing remained but the commencement of the preparations
for getting the army across the wide and swiftly-running
Orange river. In anticipation of some such contingency as
this, Sir Harry Smith had brought with him from Chatham
a caoutchouc pontoon, which had been invented only shortly
before. On the 20th, by means of this new invention the
passage of troops and impediments began. By the 26th,
when finally the headquarters staff crossed, there were on
the far side about 1,200 men, 3 guns, and no less than 177
waggons with commissariat stores for 30 days. A party of
the C.M.R. remained on the left bank in charge of a boat
and hawser to secure communication with the far side.
There was no opposition from the Boers, for before these
operations began, all had disappeared.
On the 27th, the march to Winburg was commenced. In
expectation of attack, the C.M.R. followed by two guns and
the Royal Artillery, led the very long cavalcade ; then came
one company of the Rifle Brigade with another gun ; then
the companies of the 45th and 91st regiments and the almost
interminable procession of waggons, with a rear guard of
the C.M.R. A halt for the night was called at a place near
Philippolis and the next day, the 28th, a bivouac was made
at a stream near " Visser's Hoek," when 250 Griquas under
Adam Kok joined the forces.
At 10 o'clock on the morning of August 29th, the memor
able day, the troops having started early and breakfasted

156 BOOMPLAATS
CHAP, at Touwfontein, the northern movement was re-commenced.
TV So far the march had been through an apparently uninhabited
country, not an individual had been seen until about an
hour after this last start, when a herdsman was met and
interrogated. He stated that on the previous evening he
had seen fires on some low hills or ridges ahead and that
during the morning he had seen about twenty Boers riding
along those same ridges ; he believed there were many more
behind them. With this information the column, in order
of battle, moved along cautiously and a Lieut. Warren of
the C.M.R., with four or five troopers was sent forward to
reconnoitre. The nature of the country through which this march was
made was level, or at most only slightly undulating, though
there were to be seen in the nearer and further distances,
isolated hills or small mountains, kopjes as they are called,
so characteristic of this part of South Africa. Three or four
hours' march from Touwfontein, on the main road to Bloem
fontein, there was an assemblage of these kopjes. Between
them there meandered, or stagnated, a small river called
the Kromme Elleboog Spruit, which ran northward into the
Riet river. A little distance on the further side of the spruit,
on the left of the track known as the road and at the foot
of one of the hills, there was a farm homestead with a fairly
large stone cattle kraal. This place was the homestead of
the farm called Boomplaats (tree place), at this time
abandoned. As a place of defence or offence against an
approaching enemy, the kopjes on this farm were well
chosen. The small reconnoitring party rode up one of the hills
immediately in front of them and when near the top, they
came suddenly face to face with forty or fifty armed
Boers. Each party seems to have been terrified at the
sight of the other. The Boers galloped away to the back of
an adjoining hill, while the troopers rushed and rejoined the
column. Realising that action was now inevitable, a party of the
C.M.R. was ordered to cover the front of the column in
skirmishing order, but not to fire unless fired upon first ;
the train of waggons was drawn up into such a disposition

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158 A FIERCE CONFLICT
CHAP, as was capable of being protected by the men of the 91st who
were detailed for that purpose, and with Sir Harry himself
in front accompanied by some of his most reliable men, the
force moved slowly forward. Suddenly, someone shouted :
" There they are." In a moment every height on the right,
centre and left was seen to be covered with the enemy,
springing from behind bushes, rocks and all else which
offered cover. From all points, a well directed and destructive
fire was opened upon the advancing column. Sir Harry
was one of the first to be hit, but fortunately the damage
was nothing more than a bullet cutting his stirrup leather.
But a Lieut. Salis was badly shot in the arm and three of
the coloured men of the C.M.R. were killed. The party of
the C.M.R. was ordered to retire and the three guns opened
a rapid fire on places where the enemy was congregated
thickest. The following is from Sir Harry Smith's report
upon the subsequent action. " The Rifle Brigade supported
by the two companies of the 45th were directed to attack their
left flank, so as to turn it, and the detachment of the 91st
was held in reserve in rear of the guns. A more rapid,
fierce and well-directed fire than that kept up by the rebels,
I have never seen maintained, and for some time, they man
fully held their ground, when a rush of the Rifle Brigade
upon their left flank, of the 45th upon their left centre, and
of the 91st, whom I now brought into action upon their
right centre, carried everything before it and gallantly dis
lodged the rebels. Meanwhile, a fierce determined conflict
was going on between the C.M.R. and the right of the
rebels who descended the hills for the double purpose of
turning my left and insulting our baggage and commissariat
stores, which were collected in the plain below. I have
seldom seen a sharper skirmish, the rebels advancing most
rapidly and successfully into the plain until their impetuosity
exposed their left to the fire of one of the guns, by which
they were checked, and the gallant Hottentots, nobly headed
by their officers, then drove them back pell-mell into the hills.
During this time the victory on our right hand had rapidly
progressed, the rebels in about three quarters of an hour,
having been driven from their position on our side of the
river, the higher ground upon the opposite bank of which

Photo : Dr. Coetzee, Edenburg, O.F.S.

Photo : Dr. Coetzee, Edenburg, O.F.S.
Views of Boomplaats showing the Nek and the Stream

VICTORY 159
they most obstinately endeavoured to hold. The gallant CHAP.
efforts of our Infantry along their centre and on their left were IV'
however soon crowned with success, and at the same moment
their right was driven by the Cape Corps across our front,
by passing which they could alone join the road leading over
the neck of a range of hills by which they must retire. They
were thus exposed to the fire of two of our guns posted on
the hill, first carried by the Rifle Brigade and 45th and from
which they suffered greatly." Driven from the first range
of hills, the Boers descended on the far side to the river, which
probably gave them no difficulty to cross. Some took shelter
behind such banks as the cutting afforded, while others fled
to the stone cattle kraal of the Boomplaats homestead.
From both places a constant fire was kept up on the forces
which were following and descending the hill. Col. Buller,
of the Rifle Brigade, was shot through the thigh, though not
mortally, but his horse was killed under him. From these
two positions, the Boers were soon driven by the guns which
by this time were got on to the top of the hill. They scattered
over the plain, but showed a disposition to collect at another
neck between two hills at a further distance. The C.M.R.
and Griquas, all mounted, galloped after them and after a
few shots they dispersed and were not seen again. Thus
ended the Boomplaats fight.1 The casualties on the British
1 The following account of Boomplaats, which may be of interest,
the author elicited from one who took part in the engagement. Old
James Darling, a coloured man, was a well-known character in Grahams
town some thirty years ago. He had been a private in the Cape Corps
and had taken part in many of the conflicts in which that regiment had
been engaged. He was a mine of information on the events of the forties
and fifties, but as fifty years had elapsed since many of the events which
he endeavoured to describe took place, it is not surprising that his memory
failed him in many particulars and that some of his statements do not
coincide with the official accounts of the time. The gist of the conversation
which the author had with him on the subject of Boomplaats is as follows :
" I was born in Cape Town, where I enlisted in the Cape Corps in 1846.
Col. Somerset was then our Commander. We came round from Cape
Town to Algoa Bay in one of the first steamers which went round the coast,
namely, the Phcenix. We remained for a time in the barracks at Port
Elizabeth. This building was where the Public Library now is. Our
uniform consisted of a green jacket with a tassel in the middle of the
back, grey woollen trousers and a hat with a peak and horse-hair plume.
Afterwards we had dark tunics and our hats were ' Shakos ' just like the
French." Mr. Darling then went into details connected with the 1846
war and his doings at Fort Peddie and King William's Town, which may
be passed over here. He then proceeds : " Orders came for the ' B '
troop, my troop, to go to the Orange Biver. We were a mounted corps.
We marched from Fort Beaufort to Sanddrift and encamped on the bank

160 THE CASUALTIES
CHAP, side were : one officer, Captain Murray, killed, and six
of that river, on this side. It took us almost a week to do that journey.
We saw the Boers encamped on the other side ; they were busy making
their fires and roasting mutton and 'carbonatjies.' I shouted to them.
They shouted in return, come over to us and we will show you. My answer
was, we will come through to-morrow. We Cape Corps were three com
panies, there was also at the bank of the river the Rifle Brigade and two
companies of the 45th. The next morning we crossed the river but all
the Boers had fled, there was not one left. They could not have gone long
as their fires were still smouldering. We marched on to a farm called Touw
fontein, where we had breakfast. From there we went on to Boomplaats,
a distance of about three or four hours. Boomplaats is the name of a
farm. The country is flat, with a few kopjes and a river. Sir Harry
Smith made us stop on this side of it. He went forward with the advance
guard to find the whereabouts of the enemy, and to see if there was any
white flag coming forward, but there was not. When the bugler began
to sound the advance, the Boers opened fire. The bugler was hit and killed.
Sir Harry was shot in the boot, but it did not hurt him. He then shouted,
' Get ready Papa's Kinders,' and then we extended right and left. The
middle column went up to where Sir Harry Smith was with the advanced
guard. We charged. We came into collision with the Boers at about
eleven o'clock on August 29th, and we continued firing until 7.45 in the
evening, when not a Boer was to be seen. During the fighting of that day,
twenty-five of the Cape Corps, of which I was one, got left behind. We
did not notice that the others had gone ahead. We were near a small
rocky hill on which many of the Boers were in hiding. I went up with an
officer to a small flat place on the hill, then the Boers fired at us from behind
the rocks. A bullet whizzed past me and hit the officer in the leg ; his
name was Mr. Steele. He shouted out, ' Oh Lord, Darling, I've got it.'
I ran down the place where we came up. I shouted out to the remainder
of our men who were below to bring up their blankets as an officer was
wounded. They rushed up immediately and took the officer down the
hill, put him in a waggon and drove him on to Boomplaats, where surgeon
Eddie attended to him. I think he died of this wound. Besides the
wounded, we left about sixty Boers killed on the battlefield that day.
When we left the mountain we met the waggons which were following up
the advanced guard. Serj. Major Mackenzie of No. 5 Cape Corps halted
us and went to the waggons to get us some spirits. We wanted it as our
mouths were very dry and full of gunpowder, as we had in those days to
bite our cartridges. Nowadays, it is a gentleman's job to be a soldier,
it wasn't then. We went on to Kalverfontein, where Sir Harry made his
camp. He came out of his tent when he heard we had arrived and said
to us, ' Here's all Papa's Kinderen. Papa has got lots of biscuits, tobacco,
shirts and all sorts of things for you.' When the advance column got to
Boomplaats, they captured a Boer named Dreyer and a deserter from the
45th named Michael Quigley. We all went on to Bloemfontein and saw
the Union Jack flying on the fort. The captured men were tried on
Saturday and shot on Monday morning at 5 o'clock. I was on parade
at the time. It took place more to the left of the Naval Hill. After
the shooting we commenced our march to Winburg. This took two
days. At Winburg we caught Pretorius' clerk, a man called Sneavel
(Schnehage). We made him a prisoner and put him in the tent. This
man had a large shop in Winburg, though the place consisted only of three
or four houses. His wife came down and begged Sir Harry to pardon
her husband. Sir Harry said she could have him for £300. She fetched
the money and having counted it out, the man was released. Sir Harry
Smith was a good general. But he was very fidgety. If we touched
the cords of his tent he would come and swear at us — and, Man ! how he
could swear ! "

THE GOVERNOR'S NEW PROCLAMATION 161
wounded ; rank and file, eight killed and thirty-nine wounded ; CHAP.
horses, eleven killed and thirteen wounded. On the Boer IV*
side, according to Sir Harry Smith, forty-nine were left
dead upon the field, twelve having been killed by one cannon
shot. This number has been disputed. Nine killed and
five wounded has been given as the correct number. The
troops moved on to Kalverfontein, which was reached at
half-past four and a halt was called for the night. At three
o'clock the next morning, the march was continued. A halt
was called for a time at Bethany, a mission station belonging
to the Berlin Society,1 which was found to be deserted.
About then, two men who had taken part in the Boomplaats
fight, a Boer named Dreyer and the deserter Michael
Quigley who had been press-ganged into Pretorius' force
when he was trying to escape, were caught and
taken on to Bloemfontein as prisoners. On Saturday
September 2nd, Sir Harry Smith with his force reached
Bloemfontein. In due course, the troops were drawn up and formed
three sides of a hollow square and Sir Harry standing where
all might hear him, promulgated his views and intentions
with regard to the after-war arrangements and consequences.
In the first place he re-read the proclamation of February 3rd,
and re-proclaimed the Sovereignty. Then followed his new
proclamation of this day's date (September 2nd). By means
of this, he made known that all Her Majesty's subjects
who should be proved to have been guilty of rebellion, would
have their landed property confiscated, and further that all
others who had aided and abetted them by furnishing horses,
provisions or transport would be subject to such fines as
should be imposed upon them after the investigation by a
Commission which was to be appointed for the purpose of
obtaining information and assessing such fines ; and as
soon as shall be raised sums sufficient to defray the expenses
incurred by Government in putting down the rebellion,2
then those who bad been losers by any acts of rebels should
receive the indemnification such funds will afford. He
doubled the reward (now £2,000) for the apprehension of
1 There is a Railway Station now at Bethany.
2 This sum was ^10,373 4s. od.
VOL. V II M

162 UNWISE SEVERITY
CHAP. Pretorius and declared his property confiscated.1 The
reward for the arrest of Jacobs was also doubled and sums
of £500 each were offered for A. Spies, Jan Krijmann
(Krijnauw) and Louw Pretorius of Caledon river. This was
followed by a list of others whose properties were to be
confiscated or who were to be fined in amounts varying from
fifty to two hundred pounds.
Then took place that part of the proceedings which,
more than any other, has left such an unhappy remembrance
of those times. The two prisoners were tried by court martial,
sentenced to death and shot early on the following Monday
morning. From Sir Harry's point of view, these men were
British subjects who had been taken in rebellion and were
guilty of firing on British troops, and, perhaps under the
circumstances, he felt bound to keep faith with himself in
not departing from the terrorising words of his manifesto.
His characteristically impetuous disposition to act on the
spur of the moment and to take all risks, undoubtedly, in
this case, caused his military ethos and profound reverence
for discipline to get the better of his humanity. There
does not seem to have been any counsel for defence for the
two men. Had there been, it is quite certain that in the
case of Quigley, at all events, mitigating circumstances could
have been pleaded which would have modified the dreadful
sentence. It must have been known that he had already been
pardoned for desertion, and further, Mr. Biddulph, who was
then in Bloemfontein, though wounded, knew that Quigley
had written from Pretorius' camp in the north, telling him
what was going on and his own failure to escape and, pre
sumably, to rejoin the British lines. Yet nothing of this
seems to have been urged in his defence, In the case of
Dreyer also, for all that seems to have been known, he may
have been one of the very many Boers who, at heart, refused
to take part with Pretorius, but were compelled to do so by
intimidation and fear. Whatever was to have been gained
from a military point of view by force of example to evil
1 On November 29th, 1848, two of the children of Pretorius made
application to be allowed to retain their father's property. This was
granted in September, 1849. One son — also A. W. J. Pretorius — was
allowed to have " Bosman s river, ' while to Christina Petronella Pretorius
" Welverdiend " was granted.

THE QUEEN'S FORT 163
doers, it is certain that more would have been gained by a CHAP
show of mercy on this occasion. IV'
For the establishment and maintenance of law and order
in the Sovereignty, Sir Harry, before he left Bloemfontein,
issued instructions for the construction of a large and strong
fort which should accommodate the garrison he intended to
station there. The primitive Fort Drury was totally inade
quate for this purpose. The new fort which was to be called
the Queen's Fort and which is still standing, was commenced
forthwith. Plenty of labour was at hand for there were
soldiers who could devote most of their time to cutting stone,
handling pick and shovel as well as others capable of carrying
out artisan's work, and all at no great expense. The diffi
culty however, was wood, there was little or none in the
vicinity, it had to be fetched from a considerable distance.
Both the material itself and its transport were costly.
Rapid progress was made, nevertheless, for within about
a month, namely on October 6th, it was reported that
the walls were finished. In a further short time all was
ready for its occupants, two companies of the 45th regiment,
two companies of the C.M.R. and twenty-five of the artillery.
The armament consisted of four nine-pounders which were
mounted on the walls and three six-pounders in charge of
the artillery. Thus the Queen's Fort came into existence.
With his force diminished by those who were to remain
at the Queen's fort, Sir Harry moved off, on the 5th, to
Winburg where he arrived on the 7th. On the 6th, he halted
at the Vet river, where he was joined by a large number of
Boers who not only had taken no part against the Govern
ment, but had formed themselves into laagers, defied
Pretorius and successfully maintained their position through
out. It was now clear that the people had been much divided
in their opinions with regard to the action of Pretorius.
G. H. Meyer had formed a camp hostile to him on the Vet
river and J. T. Snyman had, so it was said, no less than five
hundred people in a defensive camp at the Caledon river.
It seemed probable therefore that if the powerful intimidating
influence of Pretorius were removed, four-fifths of the
people would have been in favour of the establishment of
the Sovereignty. On his arrival at Winburg the troops were

i&4 MEETING AT WINBURG
CHAP, again drawn up in the formation of a hollow square, the
Sovereignty again re- proclaimed under a salute of twenty-one
guns and another proclamation read. According to this one,
a new district was created. As that of Winburg was so
large, that portion situated between the Sand and Vaal
rivers was cut off and formed the district of Vaal river, so
that the Sovereignty now consisted of four districts, Bloem
fontein, Winburg, Caledon river and Vaal river. He asked
the field cornets present to state in rough numbers how
many people in their respective parts were satisfied with the
Sovereignty conditions and might be relied upon to support
the authority of the magistrates he had appointed. The total
of the numbers they gave amounted to about fourteen
hundred. He took this as further justification for his pro
clamation of February 3rd and a refutation of the statements
of Pretorius. With reference to the rewards and fines, he
doubled that for the arrest of Jacobs, and announced £500
each for F. Bezuidenhout and Adriaan Stander. It need
hardly be said that none of these rewards was ever claimed.
" Mynheers " Krieger (Kruger) and P. M. Bester, though
rebels, in Sir Harry's parlance, were pardoned on the
ground that they had endeavoured to restrain Pretorius.
Bester was soon received into favour and was almost
immediately appointed on the commission for fixing and
levying the fines. He afterwards occupied important
magisterial positions. On September 9th, in order that a
greater number might hear from the Governor himself his
opinions and intentions as also to give all, both burghers
and natives, an opportunity of expressing their own feelings,
a large public meeting was convened in Winburg. Besides
very many burghers from the surrounding parts, there was
a numerous attendance of natives. Among the chiefs were
Moshesh, Moroko, Moletsani, Carolus Baatjie and others.
The Governor himself was the chief speaker. He reminded
them that they had, in the first place, invited him to come
among them and that he had done as they had asked him,
namely, to form a government for them. In spite of all, a
wicked rebellion had been fomented, but fortunately, this
had been put down by force of arms. Having then recounted
the affairs connected with Boomplaats, he called upon them

THE GOVERNOR WELCOMED AT SMITHFIELD 165
to open their minds to him and to express their desires. CHAP.
Were they willing, he asked, to protect the magistrate he had IV"
appointed, reminding them that there was at Bloemfontein
a strong fort with cannon, cavalry and infantry to support
his authority. Then asking all those who desired to have a
magistrate to hold up their hands, all did so. " Do you
desire to have churches and schools ? " All desired this.
" Are you satisfied with the measurement of lands, the
granting of certificates of ownership and the quit-rents ? "
All were satisfied. " What object have I in forming a govern
ment for you but your peace and happiness ? I will spare
no exertion for your good." He then asked them to elect a
field commandant and field cornets. This was done.
Moshesh, on behalf of the Basutos, expressed his satisfaction
with the Governor's procedure. Of the burghers, one F. C.
Erasmus said that he felt that everything mentioned in the
manifesto had been carried out, and P. M. Bester declared
that he would do all in his power to preserve order. Many
took the oath of allegiance and thus the happy meeting ended.
From Winburg, Sir Harry Smith proceeded to Smithfield,
that is, the old Smithfield at Waterval, where he arrived on
the 1 8th. The majority of Boers in the Caledon river district,
headed by J. T. Snyman, had, not only during all this dis
turbance but through the restlessness of the previous years,
shown an indisposition to throw in their lot with those who
were vociferous against British rule. It is not surprising
therefore that when they heard of the approach of the
Governor a large commando should have gone out to meet
him, given him an enthusiastic reception and presented him
with an address of welcome signed by 342 persons. They
congratulated him on his late success and expressed their
satisfaction with all his measures. Thanking them, he spoke
in much the same terms as he had done at Winburg, but
added that neither the Government nor the innocent could be
expected to defray the cost of the repressive expedition. It
must therefore fall on the guilty, hence the appointment in
each district of a commission to levy and collect such fines
as should be adequate and yet not beyond the abilities of
the individuals to pay. The people of the district were
unsettled in consequence of not knowing the extent and

166 ORIGIN OF ALIWAL NORTH
CHAP, boundaries of their farms, and as, in the ordinary course of
events, the land commission would not be able to give
attention to them for some time, they asked that a special
commission should be appointed for that district. The
Governor promised to meet them in this. The subsequent
attempt, however, to mark off boundaries gave offence to
the Basutos, who looked upon this as the last stage in
the alienation of part of their country. They argued that
even if Moshesh permitted, he had no right to do so, as he
held the land in trust for the people and could not grant
it to others without their permission. There was yet much
trouble in store in connection with boundary lines. Sir
Harry further gratified the Smithfield people by laying the
foundation stone of a church. It was never built, however, as
the site of the proposed town was moved to Riet Poort.
Instead of returning to Cape Town direct, Sir Harry Smith
decided to make another meteor-like tour, visiting this time
those parts of the Eastern Province which were, so far,
unknown to him. Accompanied by Major Garvock, Dr. Hall
and Lieut. Holdich and with an escort of twenty-three of
the Rifle Brigade, one horse and eight mule waggons, he
left Smithfield before daybreak on the 19th. The party
having crossed the Orange river at Buffels Vlei, Sir Harry
approved of the establishment at that place of a new town,
to be called, at the request of the neighbouring inhabitants,
"Aliwal." It is the present town of Aliwal North. " It is,"
he said in his despatch to Earl Grey, " on the direct line from
Port Elizabeth and East London, and ere long will become
an important resort for traders seeking to supply the natives
of Moshesh and the Boers of the Caledon river." From there
he pushed on to Burgersdorp, " the present seat of magis
tracy for the district of Albert," but " the removal of which
to Aliwal, at some future period, I have in contemplation."
'Twere needless to describe in detail the " illuminations,"
flag-wavings and other demonstrations of loyalty to the Queen
and respect and affection for himself which met him every
where. Nor is it necessary to epitomise the numerous
addresses which were presented to him ; they were all of a
similar character, namely, thankfulness for his own pre
servation from danger, satisfaction with his proceedings

THE EASTERN PROVINCE DISPLEASED 167
and the hope that peace and prosperity were then assured to CHAP.
the country. His mode of travelling was to be upon the IV"
road before daybreak and to ride in his waggon until he
approached a town when, as his dignity and official appear
ance demanded, he mounted his horse, formed up his escort
and appeared before the public in a style befitting the
Governor of the Colony.
From Burgersdorp he went to Cradock. Here there was a
slight and somewhat original innovation in the usual pro
ceedings. A party of enthusiastic admirers collected outside
his bedroom window at three o'clock in the morning and
serenaded him with "Auld Lang Syne." The Governor,
presumably in military undress, opened the window and
addressed them shortly. " But, gentlemen," said he, "I
have had a tiring day and I have to start very early in the
morning, I should like to have an hour's rest, thank you,
gentlemen. Good night."
From Cradock he went to Graaff-Reinet and thence to
Fort Beaufort. Here the first sign of any chilliness in the
welcomes made its appearance. He was now in a part of
the Eastern Province where there was, and had been for some
years, considerable feeling on the question of separation of
East from West. Sir Harry also had thought much about
this and had formed a most decided opinion against it. And
now, in no uncertain terms he denounced it, not only in
Fort Beaufort but also in Grahamstown and Port Elizabeth.
He maintained that Unity was Strength — ex unitate vires.
He instanced the advantages which were accruing to Ger
many and to the United States of America from their policies
of confederation and showed that the present action of the
Eastern Province was detrimental to the progress of the
country. When he had been asked by Earl Grey whether
he desired to have another Lieut.-Governor appointed, he
had answered in the negative ; he had regarded the appoint
ments made in the past as mistakes. As some measure of
compensation for the disappointment he was thus creating,
he made reference to the great change in the government of
the country which was then in contemplation. Especially
with respect to the Eastern Province, the Legislative Council
was a failure. There was now the immediate prospect of

1 168 THE GOVERNOR AT KING WILLIAM'S TOWN
CHAP, its abolition and its place to be taken by a Representative
Legislature, that is the government of the country was to be
almost entirely in the hands of the people themselves, some
of whom would be Easterners. With this policy Sir H. Smith
was in entire accord and he had much pleasure in telling these
people so. However, many years after this had to elapse
before the controversy of East and West was finally laid
to rest.
From Fort Beaufort the Governor wended his way through
the beautiful country in which the military villages were
situated. He visited Ely, Juanasberg, Woburn and Auckland,
speaking words of encouragement to this settler, spurring
that one on to greater exertion and dissuading all from
following the examples of those who had already abandoned
their places. Then he went on to the great Fort Hare and
saw with satisfaction the progress which had been made in
the adjacent town of Alice ; to Fort Cox, isolated amid the
dangerous fastnesses of the Amatola mountains ; to Fort
White, and finally he reached KingWilliam's Town on October
6th. As his arrival had been expected, Col. Mackinnon
sent messages to all the Kaffir chiefs inviting them to meet
the Governor again. The next day all, except Kreli,
appeared bringing with them large numbers of their followers.
A meeting similar to that of January 7th was held. Sir
Harry Smith made another of his characteristic speeches
and then called for the reports of the British agents on the
manner in which the chiefs and people had conducted them
selves since his last visit. All these were highly satisfactory,
British Kaffraria, in fact, had become quite a Utopia of
honesty and exemplary behaviour ; albeit the Grahamstown
Journal was still publishing lists of depredations and thefts
committed in the Colony. The Bishop of Cape Town, who
had ridden over from Grahamstown, having also addressed
the meeting, the chiefs were then invited to speak their
minds. They did so in an approved manner and the meeting
ended with satisfaction to all.
King William's Town had made some progress in its de
velopment. Streets and squares were laid out, water furrows
were being constructed and some substantial buildings were
in course of erection. The churches made a beginning. The

A TRIUMPHAL TOUR 169
Wesleyan community approached Sir Harry Smith with a CHAP.
view to getting a grant from the Public Treasury for the IV'
purpose of building a church and schoolroom. He told
them he had no power to use the Public money for this
purpose, but that the move might be encouraged, he gave
them £ 1 5 from his own pocket and £ 5 from Lady Smith's.
He gave further gratification by asking to be permitted to
lay the foundation stone. So on the afternoon of that day,
the semi-military-ecclesiastical ceremony was performed and
in due course the Wesleyan chapel in Berkeley Street was
opened for service. About the same time Bishop Gray
laid the foundation stone of Trinity Church.
The next stage in this triumphal tour was to Fort Peddie.
When the Governor was about six miles from King William's
Town, a party of Kaffirs was seen to be following him in
great haste. They turned out to be Kreli with some of his
people. He had endeavoured to reach King William's Town
in time to meet the Governor, but arriving too late, he rushed
after him and overtook him. Little of importance took place
at the interview beyond that Kreli was presented with a horse,
saddle and bridle and as he was clothed in nothing more
than a blanket, Sir Harry gave him one of his own overcoats.
Having touched at Fort Peddie and crossed the Great Fish
river at its mouth, Sir Harry reached the Kowie river —
afterwards Port Alfred. There he saw, as many others had
done, the prospects of a fine harbour and a flourishing
seaport town, one which should fear no competition from
Port Elizabeth on the one side or from East London on the
other. His visions have not materialised. Passing then
through Bathurst and the country of the 1820 Settlers'
location he reached Grahamstown again. There he was
received as enthusiastically as ever in spite of his own known
views on the question of separation. The city entertained
him at dinner and he, in return, entertained the city at a
soiree. Thus with undiminished respect and affection he
entered on the last stage of the long land journey to Port
Elizabeth, where he embarked in the steamer Phoenix and
landed in Cape Town on October 21st. Then with more
addresses, speeches, flag-waving, flaming tar-barrels and
fireworks, this triumphal tour ended.

170 UNREALISED EXPECTATIONS
CHAP. It will be well now to enquire whether the declaration of
the Sovereignty and the result of Boomplaats produced the
good order and everlasting peace which were the objects of
Sir Harry Smith's procedure. It may be wondered whether
Pretorius was subdued and contrite and determined never
again to interfere in Sovereignty matters ; whether the
Basuto chief, Moshesh, was the paragon of honour and
uprightness and entitled to be considered as the devoted
lover of peace Sir Harry Smith considered, or pretended
to consider him to be, and, in short, whether all, both Boer
and native, were to settle down in perfect satisfaction under
British rule.
It is not possible, in this place, to answer these questions
in detail or to go minutely into the history of this part of the
country during the ensuing five years. It may be said,
however, that these great expectations were not realised.
Sir Harry Smith had not calculated on the increasing power
and danger of the Basutos and the impossibility of inducing
or compelling the various tribes of the Sovereignty to respect
each other's cattle and lives. In the tribal quarrels, Major
Warden and Sir Harry Smith felt it incumbent upon them
selves to interfere, but the Boers for the most part were
disinclined to assist. The consequent continuous expense
and drain upon the British Treasury for the maintenance of
troops and punitive expeditions so disgusted the Secretary
of State that, in 1854, the British Government abandoned
the country and, in a state of disorder, left it to be governed
by anyone who desired to do so.1 After the departure of Sir
Harry Smith from the Sovereignty in September, 1848,
the work of reconstruction commenced. The greater number
of Boers who were determined not to remain under British
jurisdiction migrated over the Vaal and thus augmented
the number of pioneers of the Transvaal territory. Major
Warden was back in Bloemfontein under the protection of
the Queen's fort, Mr. O'Reilly returned to Smithfield,
though he was soon replaced by Mr. T. W. Vowe and Mr.
Biddulph was reinstated at Winburg.
The first business before the Sovereignty authorities was
the sale of the confiscated farms and the collection of the
1 For details on these matters, vide Volume I, Basutoland Records.

THE TRIBES OF BASUTOLAND 171
fines from those who had been implicated in the late dis- chap.
turbance. For this purpose a commission was appointed for IV'
each of the four districts and Mr. R. Southey, the Governor's
private secretary, was to act as the presiding commissioner
over all of them. In his report of February 2nd, 1849, at
the conclusion of this work, he tells us that in the imposition
of fines, he had been guided by the degree of guilt which had
been proved against each individual as well as by his ability
to pay and as the majority of the people were poor, the ,
greater number of fines were under ten pounds. Those who
had been actually in arms with Pretorius, besides being fined,
were, in the first place, deprived of their guns. But as it
was clear that they subsisted largely on the game they shot,
the guns, on their taking the oath of allegiance, were returned
to them. The grand total, including monies yet to be col
lected at this date, was £10,812 9s. Sd.1
The collection of this money, however, the reinstatement
of magistrates and, a little later, the establishment of a
Legislative Council and definite form of government for the
Sovereignty, were small matters in comparison with the
settlement of, and the maintenance of, peace among the
various tribes, as well as between these and the Boers. The
natives who gave most of, in fact, it may be said all, the
trouble were those occupying the present Basutoland and
parts of the northern Orange Free State. They were, partly,
the remnants of tribes which had long lived in the regions
contiguous to the northern Caledon river, but had been
killed off or scattered during the great sanguinary upheaval
which was brought about by Chaka some time in the early
twenties. These tribes spoke a language, had customs and
traditions in common and, with the exception of occasional
insignificant tribal quarrels, lived with one another in peace.
But when the savage hordes from Natal crossed the Drakens
berg on their crusade of blood and devastation, these peace
able tribes were almost annihilated. The only one of their
1 Made up as follows : Bloemfontein, £2,238 9s. 8d. ; Caledon,
£3.369 12s. 6d. ; Winburg and Vaal river, £2,131 17s. 6d. Still to be
collected : Bloemfontein, £1,002 7s. 6d. ; Caledon, £45 ; Winburg and
Vaal river, £475 2s. 6d. Sale of cattle, about £100. Property sold, £300.
To be paid by parties who have returned to Natal, £300. Pretorius*
property in Natal, £750. This, however, was restored to his children.

172 MOSHESH
CHAP, chiefs who survived was a young man named Moshesh.
When the storm of bloodshed and spoliation had passed,
Moshesh, in virtue of his chieftainship, small though it was,
and by his personal bravery became the leader of the deci
mated tribes. He collected these remnants and with them
as well as with refugees from other tribes established himself
on a great table-topped mountain, Thaba Bosigo, in the
present Basutoland. There, on account of its precipitous
sides and the inaccessibility of the summit, except at one
place, Moshesh, with his followers, was able to defy all
hostile comers. In this manner commenced the Basuto
nation. Having thus established himself, Moshesh then
claimed sovereignty or chieftainship over a very wide extent
of country. It was practically the whole of that extending
from the Drakensberg in the East to somewhere in the
vicinity of Bloemfontein in the west, and from the Orange
river in the south to the north indefinitely. Into this territory
other tribes from distant parts migrated, but with some sort
of acknowledgment of Moshesh as overlord. In 1833, a part
of a large tribe called the Baralongs was brought from the
northern interior by the missionary, the Rev. J. Archbell,
and settled down at Thaba Nchu, where their descendants"
are still to-day. They were under a peaceable and well
behaved chief called Moroko. The Baralongs, about ten
thousand in number, were, with the exception of the Basutos,
the largest of all these tribes. They occupied a territory
round about Thaba Nchu of, approximately, forty-five miles
long and thirty wide with its western border within about
twenty miles of Bloemfontein. Wedged between its eastern
boundary and the Caledon river there was a small territory
occupied by a tribe of half-breeds (the Bastards) under a
petty chief Carolus Baatjie. It now forms part of the
Ladybrand district. Its mission station was at Platberg.
Along the combined northern lines of these two territories,
there was a large tract of country which included roughly
the present districts of Clocolan and Ficksburg. Into it a
tribe called the Bataung had migrated from the Sand river
country. It was under a troublesome robber chief named
Moletsani, whose enterprises were the scourge of all around
him. The mission stations were at Mekuatling and Lishuani.

TROUBLES AMONG THE NATIVES 173
On the north of this there was a still larger territory in the CHAP.
possession of a smaller tribe of Korannas under Gert IV'
Taaibosch. The Korannas were a people allied to the
Hottentots and were inveterate horse and cattle thieves ;
they seem to have made very little progress in civilisation
in spite of their two mission stations at Merumetsu and
Umpukani. To the east of these and on the north of the present
Basutoland were the Batlokoa or Mantatees under the famous
or perhaps infamous, Sikonyela, the most turbulent chief
of all and a perpetual thorn in the side of the " peace living "
Moshesh. His mission station was at Imparani.
These tribes were continually at war with one another.
At this time, as part of the programme of Sovereignty
settlement, the Government felt it its duty to intervene and,
if possible, to remove causes of quarrel by defining more
clearly the boundaries of the territory of each tribe. It is
not possible in this place to give anything like a detailed
account of all the turmoil of these years. Suffice it to say
that the relations between the tribes were something like this :
The Basuto built huts and grazed cattle in Sikonyela's
territory ; Sikonyela burnt the huts, seized the cattle and in
doing so killed Basutos. Moshesh, or rather his sons Letsie
and Molapo retaliated, got back their own cattle as well as
Sikonyela's and caused more bloodshed on both sides.
Moletsani then recognising that this was not a private fight,
but open to the public so to speak, joined in on the side of
the Basutos, while the Korannas, Baralongs, half-breeds
and perhaps Fingoes joined with Sikonyela. Then would
come Major Warden from Bloemfontein with troops to restore
quiet and persuade Sikonyela and Moshesh to shake hands.
On one such friendly meeting Sikonyela took with him a
thousand armed men while Moshesh took sixteen hundred.
But peace was always evanescent and this state of things
lasted for years.1
These native troubles were further complicated by the
intrusion of Boers into that part of the country. As has been
1 For a further account of all this, as well as the History of the
Basutos, vide Vol. I, Basutoland Records, also History of the Basutos
by Ellenberger and Macgregor, and Sir Godfrey Langdon's Basutos, also
Blue Book on Sovereignty matters printed May 19th, 1851.

174 BOER v. BASUTO
CHAP, stated, Boers in the earlier years crossed the Orange river
in order to find pasture for their cattle in times of drought
in the Colony. At first the occupation was temporary, but
after a time the places seemed to suit them so well that they
remained. The parts into which they migrated being either
uninhabited or at most only sparsely occupied, there was but
little dispute between Boer and Basuto on land questions.
The fertile and almost vacant regions of the Caledon river
or Smithfield district attracted many. There they estab
lished themselves, it would seem, with the permission of
Moshesh. But that chief, some years afterwards, endeavoured
to make it clear that in thus permitting them to reside there,
he had not alienated the lands — that they were still his own.
When he discovered that one Boer was selling a farm to
another, he warned purchasers that the lands could not be
sold. For some years there was peace and quietness, but at
the time of the Great Trek and after, the number of Boers
in those parts increased, so also did the numbers of natives.
All established themselves wherever they chose, so that in
time there was a Boer farm surrounded by natives and a
native location surrounded by Boers. This gave rise to the
usual cattle-stealing and a call upon Sir Harry Smith for
some remedial measure. Besides cattle-stealing, however,
the natives seemed determined to expel the Boers altogether.
This was being done by crowding on to the farms, driving
their cattle over the cultivated fields and destroying the crops,
as well as by threatening behaviour. Mr. Vowe, the Civil
Commissioner of Smithfield, reported on April 12th, 1849,
that fifty-seven farms which had been granted uncon
ditionally by Moshesh and which had long been in occupation
were taken possession of by the Basutos and their occupiers
driven forth. The natives, when expostulated with, said the
lands had been merely lent, that Moshesh had no right to
give away land which he held in trust for the people. It
was thought that the panacea for all this anarchy was the
laying down of boundaries between the different tribes as
well as between the natives and Boers. As far back as March
ioth, 1846, all the native chiefs even including Moshesh,
unable to come to a mutual understanding on land boun
daries, petitioned Sir Peregrine Maitland to appoint a com-

THE NATIVES RESIST THE LAND COMMISSION 175
mission to investigate their respective rights ; they agreed CHAP.
to represss all disorder pending the inquiry and to abide by
the decision. But the Kaffir war of 1846 breaking out about
that time, nothing was done. Now in 1848, the settlement of
boundaries became the chief part of what was hoped to be
the Sovereignty settlement. Moshesh, however, in the mean
time, had altered his mind and had become determined to
put every obstacle in the way of any boundary whatever ;
he desired that the country should be one and that he should
be paramount over all.
Although so vague as to be not much better than no
boundaries at all, those between the tribes gave but little
trouble. It was the attempt to draw a line separating Boer
from Basuto which taxed the ingenuity and patience of
Major Warden, Mr. R. Southey and Sir Harry Smith.
The first opposition was met with when, quite apart from
the boundary between the two races, the land commission
of the Caledon river district commenced to mark off the
limits of the farms near Smithfield for the purpose of granting
certificates of possession and assessing quit-rents. This
measuring of farms, the setting up of beacons and the
attempted enumeration of the native inhabitants were
misunderstood by them. In their excitement they overthrew
the beacons, put a stop to the work and declared that where
Moshesh's skull lay the first beacon should be placed and
that any attempt to make a boundary would result in a river
of blood as wide as the Caledon. Their threats were not to
be contemned, for besides having increased largely in num
bers, they had become formidable in consequence of the
facility with which they obtained guns and ammunition.
The Basutos proved eventually that they could withstand
even the onslaught of disciplined British soldiery with field
guns and yet not come off second best.
It was only in this Caledon river district where there was
any difficulty in the inspection of farms. In the Winburg
district, farther removed from Moshesh and the Basutos,
Mr. Biddulph had carried on his land commission duties
without let or hindrance. By September 30th, 1849, he had
inspected 261 farms and assessed quit-rents to an annual
value of £755.

176 BOUNDARY AGREEMENT SIGNED
CHAP. In establishing a boundary line between the Boers and
Basutos, the problem was to devise one which should inter
fere as little as possible with those who were in possession
of lands prior to February 3rd, 1848, and also to cause the
removal of the least possible number of those who had taken
places after that date. The farms or places of both races,
however, were so intermingled that it was quite impossible
to do anything without giving much dissatisfaction, and
doing a certain amount of injustice, to many. The line
adopted was that proposed by Mr. R. Southey.1 By it a
large portion of country was cut off from the territory
claimed by Moshesh and added to the districts of Bloem
fontein and Smithfield. It is scarcely surprising, therefore,
that Moshesh should not have been well pleased and that,
on June 15th, he should have told Major Warden that
boundaries were bad things and that the Basutos did not
desire the Government to interfere in these matters. He
showed such determined disinclination to agree to the pro
posed line that Major Warden, considering there could be
no peace until there could be some such line, wrote to
Moshesh telling him the time had come when he was to
declare himself friend or foe to the British Government. At
this time, the Batlokoa under Sikonyela and the Korannas
under Gert Taaibosch were in combination against Moshesh.
It is said that Major Warden withheld the assistance he was
asked to afford the Basutos until Moshesh consented to the
proposed boundary and that it was under this pressure he
signed it on October 17th. The French missionaries resident
with Moshesh, having been appealed to by the chief before
signing the instrument, sent a protest to Sir Harry Smith
on his behalf. He had acted, so they said, under the intimi
dation of Major Warden, who had threatened them with
forfeiture of the good opinion of the British Government
and a refusal to assist him against the hostile chiefs. They
averred that in the event of the proposed line being adopted,
1 Roughly, the Southey line was from the junction of the Kornet
Spruit with the Orange River to Vecht Kop, thence in a straight line to
Jammerberg drift on the Caledon ; from there, past Kaffir Kop, to the
source of the Modder river, near Paul Smit's berg, and thence to about
where Sanah's post now is. All the country to the south and west of
this line became part of the districts of Bloemfontein and Smithfield.
Vide Basutoland Records, Vol. I, page 296.

THE COUNTRY SETTLES DOWN 177
the people of a hundred villages would have to move across it CHAP.
in order to be still under the rule of Moshesh. This was IV'
shown afterwards to be an exaggeration as a" village " in
some cases was no more than the huts of one family. The
Rev. J. J. Freeman, a delegate from the London Missionary
Society, who, in the course of fifteen months, had travelled
all through wild, as well as tame, South Africa, and therefore
felt competent to give his opinion on the intricate problems
which had baffled those who had been in intimate contact
with them for years, also protested against the boundary line.
He wrote directly to the Secretary of State in somewhat
scathing terms on the actions of Sir Harry Smith. He asked
the noble lord to suspend his final decision on the Governor's
policy with regard to the natives until there had been an
investigation. He considered the Governor's procedure in
the step he had taken to introduce order into Basutoland
as radically unjust, ungenerous, cruel, unpolitic and un
necessary. Circumstances necessitated that the Basutos,
in consequence of their misdeeds committed over a wide
expanse of country, should have the boundaries of their own
territory clearly defined and that they should be compelled
to remain within them. In course of time, these boundaries
became more and more contracted until Basutoland was
circumscribed by the limits in which we find it to-day.
With the signing, by Moshesh, of the boundary agree
ment of October 1 7th, the country settled down, for a time
at least, to a condition of comparative peace. The natives
who had occupied places within ten miles of Smithfield,
in spite of their threats migrated to other parts. Mr. Rex
was able therefore to set boundaries to the farms and to lay
out a township. On November ist, the town lots were sold
by public auction. The site for the township of Harrismith
had already been surveyed and the building plots there sold
by auction on the 3rd June previously. Thus the Sovereignty
— later the Orange Free State — made a start with the four
villages of Bloemfontein, Winburg, Harrismith and Smith-
field. And that the country should more completely emerge from
a state of chaos and be governed by some definite authori
tative body, it was decreed by Sir Harry Smith that a Legis-
vol. v 12 N

178 CONTINUED FEUDS AMONG NATIVES
CHAP, lative Council for the Sovereignty should come into existence.
According to a proclamation of March 14th, 1849, it was to
consist — as it thereafter did consist — of Major Warden as
president, the four1 magistrates and, as unofficial members,
two burghers from each of the four districts. This Council
was to meet, with open doors, once in each year in Bloem
fontein for the purpose of carrying out the usual duties of
a parliament, but the resolutions passed by the majority
were not to become law until they had been approved and
sanctioned by the High Commissioner. With regard to the
natives, the Council was to uphold the reasonable and rightful
authority of the chiefs and it was not to entertain any project
by which the exclusive jurisdiction of any chief over his own
people might be taken away or abridged. And to provide
further for the proper administration of the country, there
was also promulgated a long list of regulations connected
with the laws and courts of justice, land tenure, licences,
churches, schools, posts and roads. So that it would seem
that all that was now necessary to ensure the development
and prosperity of the country was peace and co-operation
among those for whom all this was intended.2 But it was
not to be. The native tribes were constantly at feud, robberies
and counter-robberies accompanied by murders and retal
iatory murders kept Basutoland in almost constant turmoil.
In these native quarrels the Government thought it right to
interfere and to protect one tribe against another, and in
doing so to expect the Dutch inhabitants to come out on
commando duty to assist. In this it was too often disap
pointed. The Dutch seemed more inclined to allow the
natives to settle their quarrels themselves without outside
interference — others besides the Dutch thought the same.
Added to this, the Dutch of the Sovereignty were not as
enamoured with British rule as Sir Harry Smith persuaded
himself that they were. Some even declared that they
preferred that of Moshesh. Further the spirit of Pretorius
was still rampant in the Sovereignty though Pretorius
1 As it was impossible for Major Warden to supervise the whole
country and attend to magisterial duties as well, a Mr. C. V. Stuart was
appointed to the office of magistrate of Bloemfontein.
' Vide Blue Book on Sovereignty matters, presented House of
Commons, May 19th, 1851.

THE SOVEREIGNTY ABANDONED 179
himself was far away over the Vaal and as far as we know, CHAP.
was not concerning himself with these matters. But his
signature forged by one Verwey and disavowed by Pretorius
himself, was attached to a letter which was widely dis
seminated among the people, urging them on to further
trouble. With all this want of co-operation and the prospect
of considerable expenditure of British money to maintain
the Sovereignty, the Secretary of State became disgusted,
and in 1854 it was abandoned and the country allowed to
become the Orange Free State. But the details of all this
as well as the intricate — and exciting — history of Basutoland
must be dealt with in another place. It forms no insignificant
part of the History of South Africa.

CHAPTER V
THE CONVICT AGITATION
CHAP. The year 1849 opened with every promise of peace and
v' prosperity for South Africa. Sovereignty affairs had
apparently been settled on a satisfactory basis ; British
Kaffraria seemed to have submitted to the new regime,
albeit the weekly reports of thefts of cattle both from the
colonists and among the Kaffirs themselves showed that there
was still considerable activity in this respect ; Natal was
endeavouring to start and develop a cotton industry and to
encourage the arrival of the necessary settlers, and, although
the East was still clamouring for separation from the West,
there was now the prospect of the whole country being
granted, at no distant date, the great privilege of its own
Representative Government. Sir Harry Smith, at the zenith
of his popularity, was the hero of South Africa as well as of
Aliwal, though the equestrian statue had not yet materialised.
He was a happy man, confident in the support and esteem
not only of the general public but also of Her Majesty's
Secretary of State. But amid all this serenity a dark cloud was
rising, portending a coming storm. By March, rumblings,
not so very distant, awakened general consternation and
long before the end of the year the storm burst and the whole
population, British, Dutch and coloured, was horror-stricken
and continued in perfect unanimity to resist the attempt on
the part of the British Government to turn their country into
a penal settlement and thus relieve themselves of the worst
undesirables from the United Kingdom. Such a calamity
had been foreshadowed a few years previously, but by the
prompt and strenuous opposition of the inhabitants, together
with second thoughts on the part of Lord Stanley, the
Secretary of State, the degradation of the Colony to that
180

THE CONVICT QUESTION 181
of an adjunct to the prisons of England was averted. It had CHAP.
been proposed, in 1841, that soldiers who had been sen- V'
tenced in India to long terms of imprisonment should be sent
to Robben Island and then having expiated their wicked
ness on that solitary spot, should be liberated on the mainland
in the hope that they would have become reformed characters
and good citizens. But petitions against this procedure
from the inhabitants of Cape Town to the Queen and both
Houses of Parliament had their due effect and the peccant
soldiers found homes elsewhere.
Again, in 1842, Lord Stanley, evidently still imbued with
the idea of the reformative influence of the Cape, proposed
to send out a number of juvenile offenders. These, it was
thought and perhaps correctly, would, when removed from
the sordid surroundings and evil companions, become worthy
and useful members of the community. But again, in no
uncertain voice, the inhabitants refused to consider the
proposition and pledged themselves neither to harbour them
not to employ them in any way. This scheme also there
fore was abandoned.
The third proposal to introduce convicts into the Colony
from overseas was in connection with the construction of the
Table Bay breakwater. The frequency of shipwrecks in
the bay had impressed Sir Peregrine Maitland, no less than
many others, with the necessity of proceeding with that
important work with the least possible delay. As at that
time all the available colonial convicts were engaged upon
the great work of constructing main roads over mountain
passes, the urgency of the matter induced Sir Peregrine
to suggest to the Home Government that three hundred
convicts should be sent out from England. Mr. Gladstone,
who was then Secretary of State, approved of this ; but very
considerately wished to know, before he sanctioned it,
whether the measures would be welcome to the inhabitants
of the Colony, as if such were not the case he would not
entertain it. The Governor, in reply, was able to say that
the matter had been brought before the Legislative Council
and that they agreed to receive this additional supply of
labour, provided there should be no intermingling of convicts
with the inhabitants and that none should eventually be set

182 NEW SCHEME FOR CONVICTS
CHAP, at liberty in the country. The old Amsterdam battery was
available for their accommodation while engaged on the
breakwater so that they could be kept within proper bounds.
All this fell through, however, as the outbreak of the '46 war
compelled attention to very different matters.
During 1848 the convict question had become one of
considerable difficulty in England ; all the more so as great
turmoil in Ireland had led to the punishment of very many
on charges of sedition and other offences against the State.
The jails seem to have been full and the distant penal settle
ments were revolting against the introduction of further
numbers of criminals. The outcry was having its due effect.
In 1840, the non-convict community of New South Wales
had the satisfaction of seeing transportation to that country
cease. In Van Diemen's Land, the evils produced by the
increasing felon population had reached such a magnitude
that, in June, 1846, the British Government found it time to
pause and to suspend for two years further transportation to
that place, and at the same time and for the same reason
to break up the convict establishment on Norfolk Island.
In 1847 the old form of conviction was entirely abandoned.
In its place, a new scheme was advised whereby, during part
of the " time," the prisoner was to undergo a process of
reformation, and then during the remainder, as a reformed
character, to be let loose among the inhabitants of some
distant colony and to take his place on a footing of equality
with them. More definitely, the first period consisted of
six to eighteen months of separate imprisonment, the second
term of from two to four years in associated labour on
public works in Bermuda or Gibraltar and then, finally, to
be removed as an " exile ' ' or ticket of leave man to one of the
colonies. During this last period the supposed reformed man
would be on full parole, though restricted to a particular part
and at liberty to earn his own livelihood, but forbidden to
return to England until the expiration of his sentence. In
accordance with this, one of the countries which was to be,
not only an asylum for convicts during the third stage of their
punishment, but also, if those chose, their permanent home,
was the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope. Earl Grey,
who was now Secretary of State, informed Sir Harry Smith

EARL GREY'S TWO LETTERS 183
of this intention in his despatch of August 7th, 1 848. But he CHAP.
(Earl Grey) seems to have had his doubts concerning the V-
success of this measure and to have acted in a most peculiar
manner in connection with it. By his public despatch, he
gave the colonists the option of receiving or refusing convicts.
" If the inhabitants of the Cape of Good Hope," he said,
" should be willing to receive men with tickets of leave,
they will obtain the advantage of a supply of labour together
with a probable addition to the funds applicable to general
emigration or some other public object of importance. I
should be glad, therefore, if you would ascertain, in the
manner which may appear to you best suited to the purpose,
how far this would be the prevailing opinion in the colony
under your government, and if I should learn from you that
the measure would be wished for, I would be prepared to take
the necessary steps for including the Cape in the places into
which convicts holding tickets of leave may be introduced."
From this it would seem that he intended to wait until he
received the Governor's answer before taking any further
step. But, most extraordinarily, on the same day, August
7th, he sent a private letter to Sir Harry Smith of a very
different tenor. Adverting to the difficulty of there being
such a large number of convicts — a difficulty enhanced by
the fact that no more could be sent to Bermuda or Van
Diemen's Land — Earl Grey said, " I believe that we shall
be compelled to make an Order in Council, declaring the
Cape to be a place to which convicts may be transported,
as by law we are enabled to do. I am very unwilling to
take this course, which I fear will be very unacceptable to
the colonists, but you must endeavour to reconcile them to
it as well as you can." Then on December 21st, he followed
this up by another private letter in which he announced
" a ship has accordingly been taken up and a set of convicts
are going to the Cape."
¦The " probable addition to the funds " mentioned in the
first despatch had reference to the sums of money which
convicts were to be expected to repay for their passages when
they were in positions to earn their own living and which sums,
instead of being remitted to England, were to be utilised
in the Colony.

184 THE CONVICT SHIP " NEPTUNE "
CHAP. " As by law we are enabled to do" an Order in Council
v was promulgated on September 4th, 1848, in virtue of which,
after the ensuing November 25th, New South Wales, Van
Diemen's Land, Norfolk Island and the Cape of Good Hope
were declared to be places to which convicts under the new
system might legally be sent.
As further justification for his action, Earl Grey told the
House of Lords on February 15th, 1849, that the Cape of
Good Hope, from the dispersion of the population over an
immense district of territory, afforded peculiar facilities for
the disposal of convicts, and as the demand for labour in
that Colony was very great, he had little doubt that convicts
might be sent there with advantage. He had lately received
from the Governor, he said, an intimation that the announce
ment that the Government intended to send convicts to that
place had excited very general dissatisfaction among the
colonists. But it appeared to him (Earl Grey) that this was
a service which the colonists could render to the mother
country without any real injury to themselves and which
considering what this country had done for them, she was
entitled to require. The colonists must bear in mind that
during the last session upwards of £1,000,000 was voted by
the British Government as an extraordinary grant for the
expenses of the Kaffir War, in addition to the regular charges
of that war, and he thought after making such sacrifices, that
this country was entitled to require from the Colony a service
which might be rendered without injury to its interests. As
there had been great difficulty in finding means for disposing
of the large number of persons sentenced to transportation,
orders had been given for sending to the Cape from Bermuda
250 convicts, who had undergone a preliminary punishment
and who were recommended for removal in consequence of
their good conduct.
Earl Grey was evidently not prepared to be baulked in
his determination to send convicts to the Cape, for on
February 8th, just a week before his speech in the Lords, the
Neptune, a vessel of 643 tons register, sailed from Woolwich
with 300 convicts on board. These were under orders to go
to Bermuda and there to be replaced by others who were to
be taken to the Cape. The Neptune arrived at Bermuda

THE GOVERNOR'S ANNOUNCEMENTS 185
on April 5th, 1849, then, on the 22nd, with 286 of those who CHAP.
were supposed to have been benefited morally as well as v*
socially by their sojourn and industry in that distant island —
among whom was the famous Irish political agitator, John
Mitchel1 — the further five months' voyage to Simon's Bay
was commenced.
While this ship is at sea, and thus for a time lost to sight,
it will be well to consider what was happening at the Cape
in this connection. When, in November, 1848, Earl Grey's
despatch of August 7th reached Cape Town, Sir Harry
Smith immediately brought it before the Legislative Council
and published it for general information in the Government
gazette. At the same time he issued a Government Notice,
according to which he (the Governor) desired to remove " an
erroneous impression upon the subject of the introduction of
offenders sentenced to transportation." His Excellency
wished it to be understood that Earl Grey's communications
related to two distinct points — separate in their nature and
taken into consideration at separate times." A recent un
official (private) communication of Earl Grey apprised the
Governor " that it had been decided to send to the Colony
a class of persons who, it was supposed, would speedily be
sentenced in Ireland for political offences and that the
necessary steps would be taken without delay. Being of
opinion that the course of procedure indicated by Earl Grey
in regard to this class of persons may have already been
carried into effect, His Excellency deemed it right to inform
the Legislative Council of the intimation he had received.
He (the Governor) was profoundly opposed to the Cape of
Good Hope being made a Penal Colony for ordinary felons,
or for any beyond a temporary measure like the present."
The excitement and resentment against the Colonial Office
were not at this stage very violent. Most probably it was
considered that the few, though numerously signed petitions
1 John Mitchel was the editor of a violently anti-British newspaper
in Dublin called the United Irishman. He took a leading part in the
Agrarian riots of 1848, when Ireland was suffering great distress in conse
quence of the potato famine. The policy he advocated and which led to
his being tried and sentenced to fourteen years penal servitude was that
of holding the harvest for the Irish, of paying no rent or poor rate, of
boycotting all those who did, of resisting distraint and eviction, and of
arming the people against evictors and " harvest snatchers."

186 PETITIONS AGAINST CONVICTS
CHAP, against the importation of convicts which were sent to
England were sufficient answer to the question which Earl
Grey was understood to ask and that there the matter ended.
On November 18th the " inhabitants of the Cape of Good
Hope " sent to the Queen a petition signed with 414 names
and another to Earl Grey with 502 signatures. The Muni
cipality of Grahamstown also sent a protest to Earl Grey.
The tenor of all of them was much the same, namely, that
petitioners had heard with pain and alarm the intention of
Her Majesty's Government to send convicts to the Colony
without first consulting the inhabitants ; they regarded with
horror the importation of every description of convict, but
especially criminals who had been convicted of treason and
felony in Ireland — desperate men who had instigated the
lower orders of their countrymen to acts of unparalleled
wickedness and who, having shown that their presence was
inconsistent with the welfare of their own country, should be
let loose and dispersed in this. It was pointed out that
in view of the vast extent of the country, the sparseness of
its population and the impossibility of maintaining an
efficient police force, convicts — men familiar with the vices
and crimes of the dangerous classes of European cities —
could commit every kind of villainy with impunity, destroy
all sense of security and comfort and stamp disgrace and
degradation on the Colony. As in 1842, the petitioners
pledged themselves to have nothing to do with the convicts,
neither to employ them nor give them any assistance. In
transmitting these to England on December 19th, 1848, Sir
Harry Smith said : " I shall not conceal from your Lordship
that the opposition of the population of this Colony against
criminals with tickets of leave will most likely be very strong
as was the case when a similar proposition, but to a much
more limited extent, was made by Lord Stanley in 1842."
During the next four months nothing was heard of the
transportation of convicts to the Colony. The late alarm
was as the passing over of a threatening storm-cloud which
had failed to burst and left the sky clear and serene. But
the peaceful lull was not to last. A black cloud again
darkened the horizon, but this time the storm thundered
forth suddenly without warning. Towards the end of March,

The Anti-Convict Meeting

RUMOURS OF CONVICT SHIP 187
having their source in some English newspapers, rumours CHAP.
of an approaching convict ship peopled by criminals
spread with rapidity. And as rapidly did all the inhabitants
of Cape Town rise and prepare themselves for a coming
struggle. Li order to learn what truth there was in many of
these reports, the commissioners of the Municipality of
Cape Town wrote, March 28th, to Mr. Montagu, the Secre
tary to the Government, asking him to give them any
information in this regard which he had received from
England. On April 4th they received for answer, that there
had been no official information from England, but the
Governor certainly had received an instruction from London
which left no doubt on his mind that a number of exiles
might shortly be expected to arrive in the Colony. This was
enough. In an instant all business and other concerns of
everyday life were, for a time, forgotten and the minds of all
were filled with anger and indignation at what seemed to be
the perfidy of Earl Grey ; that while pretending to wait for
an answer to his despatch of August 7th, 1848, he had
deliberately and knowingly played false with the Colony
by sending out clandestinely the convicts then on the water.
The next day, April 5th, there was a large public meeting
and all were asked to sign the following pledge : " That
having learned in violation of the pledge given by Earl Grey,
he has resolved to convert this Colony into a Penal Settle
ment, we declare we will not employ in any capacity or receive
on any terms into our establishments any one of the convicted
felons who are to be transported to our shores and turned
loose among us. And we call upon the Government to protect
the Colony against this sudden and unforeseen danger, to
prohibit and prevent the landing at any port within the
Colony of any such convicted felons and to convey to Her
Majesty the expression of grief, shame and indignation with
which this breach of faith on the part of the Secretary of
State has filled every loyal heart." In justice to Earl Grey,
it should be stated that it is by no means clear that he ever
made any such pledge as he is accused of violating.
Messrs. Ebden, Ross and Hendrik Cloete, unofficial
members of the Legislative Council, besought the Governor
to call an extraordinary meeting of that Council for the

188 EXCITEMENT THROUGHOUT THE COLONY
CHAP, purpose of arming the Executive with power to prevent the
V' landing of any convicts. The Governor, in reply, was happy
to inform them that the power then invested in the Executive
was fully competent to carry on the Government.
The excitement and alarm of Cape Town spread imme
diately and rapidly throughout the whole Colony. In every
town and other place where a number of people could con
gregate, public meetings were held and resolutions, some
sympathetically suppliant, others defiant, were unanimously
adopted. In some towns, e.g. Grahamstown and Fort
Beaufort, elaborate platforms draped in funeral black were
erected in the public square or market places, from which
the crowds were addressed. The results of all these many
meetings were numerous petitions which were sent to Sir
Harry Smith for transmission to Earl Grey, the two Houses
of Parliament, and to the Queen herself. During April
and May no less than forty-four1 reached Cape Town from
different communities — British, Dutch and Coloured —
signed by thousands of people.
As the sentiments expressed and topics discussed in all
these speeches and petitions were much the same in character,
it will suffice to give a comprehensive precis of them. It was
maintained that the British Government had acknowledged
the right of the people to be consulted before sending con-
1 Cape Town Municipality, Churchwardens of the Lutheran Church,
Wesleyan Congregation, Cape Town ; Scotch Church, Cape Town ; In
habitants of Grahamstown ; Ministers of Religion of Cape Town and its
vicinity ; Dutch Reformed Church, Cape Town ; Congregation of the
South African Missionary Society, Cape Town ; Lutheran Congregation
of St. Stephen's Church, Cape Town ; Inhabitants of Port Elizabeth ;
Dutch Reformed Church, Wynberg ; Congregational Church, Cape Town ;
Native Independent Congregation, Kat River ; Inhabitants of Fort
Beaufort ; Inhabitants of Sidbury ; St. Paul's Church, Wynberg ; Munici
pality of Swellendam ; Churchwardens of Colesberg ; Congregation of
Orphan House, Cape Town, Malay priests and their congregations ; Church
wardens of St. Stephen's Church ; Inhabitants of Stellenbosch ; Congre
gation of Trinity Church, Cape Town ; Municipality of Beaufort (West) ;
Congregation of Union Chapel, Port Elizabeth ; St. Francis Church,
Simon's Town ; Bishop of Cape Town and Clergy ; Wesleyan Church,
Somerset West ; Inhabitants of Wellington ; St. George's Church, Cape
Town ; Dutch Reformed Church, Paarl ; Inhabitants of Uitenhage ;
Roman Catholic Bishops and Clergy ; Inhabitants of Worcester ; Inhabi
tants of George ; Inhabitants of Cape Town ; Dutch Reformed Church,
Swellendam ; Dutch Reformed Church, Mossel Bay ; St. Mary's Church,
Port Elizabeth; Missionaries of Pacaltsdorp ; 158 Hottentots signed;
English Church, Graaff-Reinet ; Wesleyan Missionary Station, Peddie ;
Inhabitants of Cradock ; Missionaries of Elim.

DANGER AND INSECURITY 189
Victs to the Colony, as the protests against the introduction CHAP.
of juvenile offenders in 1842 had been heeded and the pro- Y'
posed infliction stayed. After the refusal to accept Earl
Grey's offer of August 7th, 1848, it was not doubted but
that, as on this occasion, the scheme to send undesirables
to this country would be dropped ; but now to their astonish
ment and indignation, they learned that Earl Grey, with a
perfect knowledge that it had been rejected by the people,
had ordered such a measure to be enforced ; they were horror-
stricken to find that under the specious name of " Exiles,"
the British Government had actually purposed to thrust a
mass of moral corruption upon the people of this Colony,
and to turn a free country of two hundred years' standing
into a penal settlement, a refuse heap for the crime of England.
This infringement of the rights and privileges of the colonists
was fatal to peace and tranquillity and calculated to arouse
disaffection to Her Majesty's Government and authority.
" There was a time," said Mr. Godlonton in Grahamstown,
" when submission ended and resistance began ; if anything
could warrant recourse to physical resistance, it would be
where an attempt was made to inflict upon them a moral
injury of the character in question."
According to many of these petitions, from the release
of convicts who had been trained in European schools of
vice and crime, the worst influences upon the less enlightened
and insecurity and danger to persons and property were to
be apprehended ; in place of the hitherto unlocked doors
and unfastened windows, bolts and bars would be every
where necessary, some houses (Cradock) were so slenderly
built that even had they these so-called safeguards, the very
walls would not keep out the professional burglar ; on
isolated farms, husband would be afraid to leave wife and
child. The petitioners were quite sure that when these people
were again in circumstances where opportunities and
temptations to the commission of crimes abound and especi
ally where wines and spirits were so cheap, they would return
to the practices which caused their banishment, and the
mountains and bush of the wilder parts of the country would
afford concealment to them and make arrests extremely
difficult, even if there were an efficient police force in the

190 AGITATION AT PORT ELIZABETH
CHAP, country. With regard to Earl Grey's plea that the colonists
were in duty bound to receive convicts as a sel-off against
the £1,100,000 voted by Parliament for the expenses of the
Kaffir War, the petitioners maintained that this was unwar
ranted by the facts inasmuch as the line of policy pursued by
Her Majesty's Government towards the Kaffirs was in direct
violation of the repeated remonstrances of the inhabitants of
the Colony who, as they had no voice in the measures pursued
and whose only share in it was protracted misery and loss of
relatives and property, could not be held answerable for the
results of such policy. Englishmen, in the event of the Cape
becoming a penal settlement, would be in a peculiarly
unfortunate situation. As the names of the convicts would
be known only to the Government and as there would be
nothing outwardly to distinguish them from the non-convict
Englishman, all, unless well known, would be looked upon
with suspicion, and even, so it was averred, when an English
man returned to his own country and was known to have
come from the penal settlement of the Cape, he would most
probably meet with a chilliness arising from surmises as to
why he ever went there.
Everywhere and with perfect unanimity the procedure
of Cape Town was applauded. It is interesting to note that
in this early stage of the great convict agitation, Port Elizabeth
forestalled Cape Town in an important particular. Besides
agreeing not to employ or harbour convicts it was decided
to hold up to public odium any captain or owner of transport
who should be concerned in conveying ticket of leave men
as well as any butcher or baker who should supply them with
rations, thus foreshadowing by a week or so the advent of
the Anti-Convict Association of Cape Town. But of all the
speeches at public meetings, those made by the Hottentots
of the Kat River Settlement were among the most interesting
and certainly, unintentionally, the most amusing. A very
large meeting of these coloured people, under the chair
manship of the Rev. J. Read, junr., was held on the open
veld at the Lower Blinkwater, about seven miles from Fort
Beaufort. The proceedings were in Dutch and very lengthy.
The following, however, is the gist of their views and senti
ments :

The kat river speeches 191
V. JACOBS knew nothing about this sort of people (con- CHAP.
victs), but he could form some idea of what they must be like
as he could remember the characters of both officers and men
of the old Royal African Corps ; the conduct of these
rooibaatjies (red coated soldiers) was so bad as to astonish
even the savages of Kaffirland ; it was not so with the old
Scotch regiment, the 93rd and 72nd, who were at the taking
of the Cape ; they had the fear of God before their eyes and
so were invincible in battle, but these people will destroy
all morals and religious feeling ; we are hospitable and give
shelter without pay, but when these people come we shall
suspect every poor traveller and shut our doors to all
Englishmen. VAN ROOYEN was of opinion that Lord Grey had not the
welfare of this country at heart, is he a very young man who
does not yet know how to govern ? he asked. The Quakers,
Messrs. Backhouse and Walker, who had visited South
Africa some time previously, had told them dreadful stories
about the convicts of New South Wales. " I feel I cannot
better describe their Satanic conduct," said van Rooyen,
" than by referring you to what St. Paul says in Romans
chap, i, verses 24 to 32, about the sinfulness of the heathen."
ISAACS said that on the previous day he had spoken to
an Englishman about convicts, he (the Englishman) was
not a friend to the Kaffirs, yet he considered that convicts
were ten times worse. " You may depend upon it," he
said, " as the English are so fond of each other and would
not feel so strongly against convicts if they were not so bad."
CUIPIDO KLAAS deplored the loss of their church and
the undoing of all the good which had been done. All this
would result from the introduction of this poisonous fountains
JOHN FLORIS asked, is Lord Grey a friend to the Colony ?
is this looking after the Queen's Colony and her subjects ?
Has Lord Grey ever tried any of these convicts as servants
or grooms for his horses ?
PANTSIE thanked the people of Cape Town for what they
have done. God's word has made them (i.e. the Hottentots,
not the people of Cape Town) free from sin. " We were wild
like other Kaffirs, but God's word has made us meek as
lambs. Lord Grey wants to make us like wolves and liars

192 RESOLUTION AGAINST THE CONVICTS
CHAP, by the words and example of bad men, who are being sent
v' to us because they are feared in their own country ; from
what I hear of these men they are servants of the devil ; we
shall speak to the heart of the Queen, she is a kind lady and a
good mistress. No ! she will not force this thing on the
country." BOSIE says : "I wish to speak two words ; no one must
laugh ; you did not laugh when the Kaffirs broke out ; I
stood by some of you and you looked very pale — full of care
and thought — and the knees of many beat against one
another. From what the English say, these men are worse
than Kaffirs. The whole Colony must be like the links of
the chain of a reim, acting as the Kaffirs do when they go
into deep water — we must join hands for the water is deep.
William Brass had been told that convicts were like
dogs and some shades worse than the devil ; they were quite
unserviceable (onbruikbaar). We pay taxes to keep our own
bad people in prison and cannot take others ; we don't want
old and ripe sin, it is like old wine which gains strength by
being sealed up. Lord Grey says he gave plenty of money
for the Kaffir War and that we must take back plenty of
sin and crime ! Whoever heard of such trading ? The
burghers did not use the money ; why did they send so many
colonels and young officers to tumble over each other in
Kaffirland ? Sir Andries Stockenstroom with the burghers
and Col. Somerset with the Cape Corps would have finished
the War in no time and at very little expense."
The result of all these speeches was the following resolu
tion : " That while the natives gratefully acknowledge their-
indebtedness to the English for their civil liberties, the light
of the Gospel and the blessings of civilisation, they cannot
but look upon the arrival of convicts as detrimental to their
morals, religion and loyalty."
With this general rising of the people, a most awkward
and unpleasant situation was being created for the Governor.
His sympathy was with the people ; no less than they he
abhorred the idea of turning his country into a penal settle
ment. " I cling to the hope, bordering on conviction,"
he said in answer to the Grahamstown petition, " that a
Minister like Earl Grey who has heretofore upon every

GOVERNOR'S REPLY TO EARL GREY 193
point paid most devoted attention to whatever measures I CHAP.
have laid before him for the benefit of the Colony, will
upon this occasion when he receives my representations,
accompanied by petitions, addresses and memorials with 8,000
signatures, no longer contemplate to degrade this Colony
by rendering it a penal one." On the other hand, there was
the Order in Council, which to disobey was tantamount to
rebellion. Acting in good faith on the word of Lord Grey,
that the transportation of convicts should be left to the option
of the people, and having made public statements to that
effect, he had now the mortification of discovering that one
of the dreaded vessels was on the way to give the lie to this
announcement and that he himself was becoming as much
an object of public odium as Earl Grey.
In a despatch, dated May 24th, 1849, covering a bulky
consignment of signed petitions to Earl Grey, he said.
" Adverting to your Lordship's despatch of the 7th of
August, 1848, in which you tender as a boon to the Colony,
Exiles with tickets of leave from Bermuda, and desire me
to ascertain the feeling of the Inhabitants upon the subject,
I have the honour to state, that I laid that despatch before
the Legislative Council in the month of November last, as
has already been reported in my despatch No. 211 of the
19th of December, 1848. I at the same time and nearly in
the following words made it publicly known, ' That the
measure was not to be forced upon the Colonists if they did
not require this species of labour, that I should be open
to receive suggestions from the public on the subject — that
it was distinctly to be understood that it was a matter of
profound free agency with the Colonists whether they would
receive the men or not — -and that I had it in my power to
consent to the arrangement, or to state the objections which
might be entertained by the Inhabitants, which I have pre
viously submitted to your Lordship.' The Colonists were
violently opposed to the introduction of these convicts,
having ever been most strongly hostile to the Cape becoming
a Penal Settlement in any shape, a measure which they
strenuously resisted in the time of Lord Stanley and again in
that of Lord John Russell, who both conceded the point to
them. They relied with confidence after your Lordship's
vol. v 13 °

194 THE GOVERNOR'S DIFFICULT POSITION
CHAP, offer to send out these men as a boon, that it was a step which
would never, without their consent, be resorted to. Your
Lordship, however, without waiting for a reply to this
despatch proceeded to carry out the proposition, and, although
almost immediately afterwards the adverse opinion of myself
and of the Colonists reached your Lordship, various ad
dresses to Her Majesty, to your Lordship, is still resolved
on enforcing this obnoxious measure, and that the Neptune
transport may shortly be expected to arrive in this Colony.
This, my Lord, places me in a most delicate and painful
position, having pledged myself in the Legislative Council
to the Colonists upon the base of your Lordship's despatch
of the 7th of August, 1848. They naturally look up to
me to fulfil that pledge, which it is now out of my
power to do, and they have consequently got up numerous
memorials, and addresses from every part of the Colony
— from the Lord Bishop of Cape Town — from the various
ministers and congregations of the Dutch Reformed
Church and indeed from every religious persuasion. In
fact, my Lord, the inhabitants of the whole Colony are so
irritated and excited upon the subject, that they have resisted
and are resisting this measure by every constitutional means
within their power. They argue that although a ticketed
exile may be a superior man among felons when he is neither
at liberty to commit error, nor placed in a situation to resist
temptation, the ordeal of his reformation is a very negative
one, and although well conducted among the ill disposed
that he would, when let loose upon an orderly and religious
society, become a miserable member of it. . . . They also
comment most particularly upon your Lordship's remark in
the House of Lords that, ' As the Mother country had so
liberally bestowed £1,000,000 upon the Cape for the ex
penses of the Kaffir War, she was entitled to require from
it a service which might be rendered without injury to its
interests.' The Colonists observe that the enormous expendi
ture during the war was neither judiciously nor economically
incurred — that thousands of the inhabitants from every
part of the Colony, even from its Capital were called out to
the field of action, or rather inactivity as regards us, but of
exultation to the barbarians. ... In your Lordship's seat

A CASE IN POINT 195
in the House of Lords it is reported that you declared that CHAP.
although you had lately received from the Governor of the
Cape of Good Hope an intimation that the announcement
that the Government intended to send convicts to that place
had excited very general dissatisfaction, your Lordship still
intended to carry it out. ... I am now, my Lord, placed
in the painful position which I did not anticipate, consequent
upon your Lordship's despatch of August 7th, 1848, I hope
therefore, with some confidence, that your Lordship will,
upon the receipt of this despatch and its numerous accom
panying memorials and addresses, revoke a decision, which
renders the Colony a penal one." Adverting then to the
geographical features of the vast country, to the lack of
magistrates and other facilities for the commission of crime
by those evilly inclined, he mentioned that " some months
ago, two convicts made their escape from New South Wales
in a small trader, were landed in Cape Town without refer
ence to the authorities, for which the Captain was fined in
due course of law £50 and, being enterprising and daring
villains, have with great cunning and acuteness, committed
some of the most incredibly enormous excesses — some in
Cape Town, some in the increasing village of Rondebosch —
only five miles from it, where no one previously ever thought
of fastening his door or window.
" Up to this date, these two villains have evaded appre
hension although they would be readily recognised by many
whom they have robbed — they never took anything but
money, of which they must have amassed a considerable
sum. I am therefore induced to believe that they have
escaped from the Colony. I record this to show the evils
to which the scattered population of this Colony would be
exposed were numbers of men of doubtful character let
loose among them. I cannot close this despatch without
expressing the firm reliance which I place upon your Lord
ship's support. I again venture, with every degree of
confidence, to hope that your Lordship's decision of rendering
this Colony a penal settlement, so objectionable to myself
and obnoxious to the inhabitants, may be revoked."
In order to give effect to the perfect unanimity of opinion
and to the determination not to permit the Cape to become

196 THE ANTI-CONVICT ASSOCIATION
chap, a penal settlement, a most powerful combination called the
Anti-Convict Association, came into being. It originated at
a meeting of some prominent men in Cape Town,1 which
was held in the Commercial Exchange on May 31st, 1849.
Perhaps never in the whole history of the British Empire,
has an association of unofficial and unauthorised people
wielded so much power, so browbeaten the Governor of
a Colony, so defied the British Government and, in the
end, without loss of life gained that for which they
fought as did the famous Anti-Convict Association of
Cape Town. Its influence in the first instance at all events,
extended without a dissentient voice, throughout the length
and breadth of the land ; and contempt of its dictates or
non-obedience to commands meant very severe loss if not
actual ruin. As a commencement, every man was urged to
join the Association, and to sign the following pledge :
" That we hereby solemnly declare and pledge our faith
to each other that we will not employ or knowingly admit
into our establishments or houses, work with or for, or
associate with any convicted felons sent into this Colony
under sentence of transportation and that we will dis
countenance and drop connection with any person who may
assist in landing, supporting or employing such convicted
felons." Everyone who thus became a member of the Association
was to receive a certificate to show that he had been a
resident before convicts arrived and therefore was not one
of them. To those who came to the country after the arrival
of convicts, certificates would not be granted until the captain
of the ship which brought them out, certified that they had
arrived as free persons, that is, not as convicts or ticket of
leave men. These measures met with popular and general
approval ; in every town and village in the colony the pledge
was signed practically by all and branch committees of the
Association were formed. The activities of the Anti-
1 Among the names of the thirty-eight gentlemen who took part in
this first meeting of this Association and who afterwards played prominent
parts in the subsequent proceedings were J. B. Ebden, H. Ross, J. Stein,
E. Jerram, J. Fairbairn, H. Jarvis, H. E. Rutherfoord, T. Sutherland,
W. Gadney, Rev. Dr. Adamson, and Prof. Chanquion of the South African
College, and T. Ansdell.

A MOTION IN THE COMMONS

197

Convict Association, however, were not restricted to the CHAP.
colony. There was formed a sub-committee called the V'
" correspondence committee," the function of which was to
communicate with sympathisers in Great Britain, where a
London committee was formed ; in Ireland, Holland, France
and America, and to send accounts of all the Cape proceed
ings to members of the British Parliament, especially to
C. B. Adderley, Esq., M.P. for North Stafford, who had
already espoused the cause of the colonists ; to Lord Stanley,
to the Morning Chronicle, Spectator and Morning Herald.
Thus Anti-Convictism became, for a time, a feature of the
English press. Mr. Adderley, evidently much impressed
by the appeals and remonstrances which he saw in the first
batch of petitions and addresses, made the cause his own,
thus he became a champion of the colonists. When he
found that Earl Grey had gone so far as to order the Neptune
to sail with convicts to the Cape, he moved the following
resolution in the House of Commons : " That a humble
address be presented to Her Majesty, praying that Her
Majesty will be graciously pleased, out of consideration for
the honourable pride and moral welfare of her subjects, the
people of South Africa, to order that this hitherto un
polluted colony may be spared the disgrace and affliction of
being made a receptacle for the convicted criminals of the
Mother Country, whether as prisoners, free exiles or holders
of ticket of leave." He considered that Earl Grey was trying
the patience of the people of the Cape in the same manner
as England had done in the case of the American colonies
and thus lost them ; he was convinced that the expenditure
of British money on the war of 1846 founded no claim on
the part of England to degrade the colony in the manner
intended. In the end Mr. Adderley withdrew his motion.
As he understood that if Earl Grey had not actually
given a pledge that no more convicts should be sent to the
Cape, he had at least said that any remonstrance from the
colonists would be considered by the Government, he (Mr.
Adderley) was satisfied.
The phrase in the pledge, " That we will discountenance
and drop connection with any person who may assist in
landing or supporting convicted felons," was capable of a

198 "COMING UNDER THE PLEDGE'
chap, wide interpretation ; and much to the disorganisation of
the country and loss to individuals, a very wide interpretation
was given to it. To supply anything to the military, naval
or civil departments was interpreted as assisting the Govern
ment in landing or supporting convicts ; hence contractors
to the Government for supplies found themselves in the
awkward dilemma of having either to suffer the penalties
for breach of contract or to lose the support of the general
public. To offend the Anti-Convict Association and thus
" come under the pledge," as it was called, was a procedure
which but few dared ; it meant that their names would be
held up to public odium and no one then would venture to
buy from, or to sell to, them ; in short, to be treated as if they
themselves were convicts. This intimidation extended even
to the Governor himself, who eventually came under the
pledge and was threatened with starvation. While all this
ferment was becoming more and more violent, there was still
no definite official announcement that the Cape had been
made a penal settlement by the Order in Council of Sep
tember 4th, 1848, or that convicts had been sent. It
came however. On June 15th, the Legislative Council was
sitting and warmly discussing Earl Grey's policy, when the
military secretary entered the Council Chamber and handed
to the Secretary to the Government, a minute from the
Governor in which it was stated that the long expected Order
in Council had arrived and that Her Majesty had commanded
that three hundred ticketed exiles were to be received in the
Colony. At the reading of this, Mr. J. B. Ebden, one of the
unofficial members, horror-stricken and mad with anger,
started up and declaimed with all the vehemence of which he
was capable. Matters were not improved by the Attorney-
General giving as his authoritative opinion that no course
was open to the Governor but to obey these commands.
As soon as this became public, as it did almost instantly,
the excitement, consternation and anger was very greatly
increased. The pledge was now everything. The banks
(viz. the South African, the Union, the Colonial and the
Savings Bank) published notices refusing to do business
with anyone who had not signed it. The Anti-Convict
Association, supported as it now was by public opinion, had

THE COLONISTS STIFFEN THEIR BACKS 199
the temerity to send a delegation to the Governor to tell him chap.
that he must take upon himself the responsibility of sus- V'
pending the publication of the Order in Council ; in short,
that he was to do as he was bid by these irresponsible gentle
men and to ignore the Order of Her Majesty in Council.
Probably in all his Peninsular, Indian and other battles, Sir
Harry Smith never found himself in so difficult and delicate
a situation as he did when confronted by this Anti-Convict
Association ; all the more so as, in his heart, he sympathised
with them ; it might almost be said he was one of them ;
while on the other hand, as he told the delegation, he had
had forty-four years of experience in obeying orders and that
now to do as he was asked was to disclaim the authority of
the British Government, in fact to go into rebellion ; this, of
course, he could never do.
A fund was started to indemnify the Governor for any
expense he might incur in sending, on its arrival, the convict
ship to some other part. Up to June 30th, the subscriptions
in Cape Town alone amounted to £3,550, and in Port
Elizabeth £503. All uncertainty regarding Earl Grey's
intentions was now at an end ; the colonists therefore
realised their position and stiffened their backs to resist to
the utmost the carrying of these orders into effect. A
monster public meeting was held in Cape Town on July 4th,
1849. It took place outside the Commercial Exchange in
the Heerengracht (now Adderley Street). Notwithstanding
the cold and rainy day, some thousands of people, many of
them from distances, stood for over six hours listening to the
twenty-three speakers. All the ten resolutions were passed
unanimously. The sentiments contained in them were
chiefly variations of those which had been expressed in the
many petitions. That proposed by Mr. Adv. Watermeyer
and seconded by Mr. J. Stein was unfortunate, considering
the disposition and sentiments of the Governor ; it was,
"That the conduct of Sir Harry Smith in refusing to take
upon himself the responsibility of suspending the publication
of this injurious and degrading measure when he found the
universal dissatisfaction which the proposal excited at the
Cape . . . and his determination to carry out the measure
in violation of a pledge to the colonists and in contempt of

200 A PETITION TO THE GOVERNOR
CHAP, an opposition on the part of an injured and insulted people,
proves that the Government of the Colony as at present ad
ministered is wholly at variance with the just and inalienable
rights of British subjects." Mr. Fairbairn proposed a most
cordial vote of thanks to Mr. C. B. Adderley for his advocacy
of the case of the colonists in the House of Commons. In
this connection, the commissioners and wardmasters of
the Municipality voted £ ioo for the purpose of presenting
to him a piece of plate. And later, in honour of him, Cape
Town's chief street, the Heerengracht, was renamed
Adderley Street.
The result of the great public meeting was the following
petition to the Governor, dated July 9th and signed by
292 people. " We desire in the most respectful and dutiful
manner to represent to your Excellency the perilous state
into which Her Majesty's present ministers have plunged
this hitherto tranquil and confiding community by pro
claiming their beloved country a Penal Settlement, and
by the measures now in progress for carrying out this
injurious and degrading decree in opposition to the universal
prayers and protests of all ranks and classes of the people.
Your Excellency is now in full possession of their wishes
and opinions on this subject and need not be reminded that
they were induced by the most solemn assurances that those
wishes and opinions would be decisive. Your Excellency
issued those solemn assurances in the name of Her Majesty's
Government, and by these they were for a time lulled into
a false security and prevented from adopting those energetic
measures in self-defence which would beyond all doubt have
secured for them the interference of the Imperial Parliament
and the shield of Royal Justice and Benignity. And now
by the sudden promulgation of the Order in Council of the
4th September last and the announced approach of a cargo
of felons from the polluted and polluting dungeons of
Bermuda, they discover with astonishment that they have
been deliberately deceived, that their wishes and opinions
have been asked but not waited for, and when known
utterly despised. They feel that they have been not only
injured but insulted and disgraced before the eyes of all the
world. Your Excellency need not be told what sentiments,

DREAD OF DEFILEMENT 201
under such treatment, must spring up in the hearts of a CHAP.
people who inherited freedom from their ancestors, and V'
are determined to transmit it to their posterity. But they
have a still deeper wrong to exasperate their feelings.
Papers published by the Authority of Parliament reveal
the hideous and revolting pretext for this hasty and tumul
tuous discharge of criminals upon the Cape from the jails,
hulks, convict transports, penal settlements and other dens
and caves of moral death. The bare name of it robs the
youthful mind of its privilege. But it has been blazoned
to the world, and it has drawn the shuddering regard of
mankind upon the very spot within the British Dominions
which a blind and preposterous policy has converted into a
penal settlement. And the wretched beings among whom this
crime, not to be named, is declared to be ' prevalent, fearfully
prevalent,' are to be received into this Colony and dispersed
among families of the inhabitants. Official reports respecting
the reformation and good conduct of these felons, ignorantly
or intentionally false, have been issued from time to time,
to delude the public and to reconcile the devoted colonists
to their doom. But the truth, though it may be confidently
affirmed not a hundredth part of it, has at last been dragged
to light — and this is the truth. The people of this land
know it, and therefore it is no longer possible to disperse
those masses of defilement throughout the districts of this
Colony, unless military violence first convert them into
deserts. But it is reported that your Excellency proposes to
make public a formal offer of these felons' services to the
people of this country and that it is your Excellency's in
tention to keep them, if not applied for, in a vessel or hulk
in Simon's Bay for some indefinite period, until Her Majesty's
pleasure — that is, the pleasure of Her Majesty's ministers
who have wronged us so deeply — shall be known ! From long
residence here and by familiar intercourse with our fellow
colonists, we know enough of them to view such experimental
trifling with the natural affections and best feelings of a
peace-loving, simple-hearted but brave and resolute people
with intense alarm. They cannot know what villains may not
exist in their neighbourhood, by whom such offers will be
accepted. They cannot know that the ' Experiment of

202 THE GOVERNOR'S REPLY
CHAP, dispersion ' is not every day in progress. It is impossible
v' for them to ascertain the truth. Under the threat of so
horrible an injury, they will therefore believe the worst;
under all the circumstances of the case it is impossible for
the isolated families of the interior to relieve their minds from
this fear, or should it be possible to believe that the festering
mass of sin is still confined to the floating den, is it not an
unpardonable injury to keep for months before the minds
and imaginations of the colonists of all ages, a daily and
hourly remembrance of what ought never to be known, it
is as unpardonable an injury as if an obscene print were
ordered to be suspended in every school or exhibited on every
playground. We therefore once more, as men, as Christians,
as British subjects, implore your Excellency to spare this
people. Do not drive them to despair. Do not inflict upon
them injuries which time cannot redress. They cannot
submit, the blood from which they spring forbids it. Our
humble prayer is that your Excellency will be pleased to
decline to receive or to take charge of the ship Neptune with
her freight of crime — that you will send her away." To this
the Governor sent the following answer : —
" GENTLEMEN, — I received your letter of the 9th instant,
yesterday evening, the ioth signed by 292 gentlemen of this
city and its neighbourhood. You are aware of my sentiments
upon the Convict question, and I assert that no individual
has done so much as I have done, and will continue to do,
to retrieve the Colony from the odium of being a Penal
Settlement. Although you have given forth to the world that •
I stand pledged to the Colony that no convicts shall enter
it, this is a most determined misrepresentation of my remark
in Council when I laid before it the first letter from Earl
Grey, desiring me to ascertain the feelings of the people,
whether they would receive, as a boon, men whose period of
punishment was nearly completed. My observation on that
occasion was to the following effect : ' That the proposed
extension of the arrangement to this Colony was not to be
forced upon the inhabitants, if they did not require this
species of labour, and that it was to be distinctly understood
that it was a matter of profound free agency with the colonists

A GOVERNMENT NOTICE 203
whether they received the men or not.' Upon this you CHAP.
ground your expression, ' Deceive the Local Government.'
How ? I was at that time as ignorant of the existence of
any Order in Council, a Law (requiring no local publication
to make it so) which at once rendered this Colony a Penal
Settlement, as you were. I have now fully ascertained the
weight of opinion of the people throughout the Colony, which
centres in the Petition that I would not land these convicts,
and I am acordingly preparing to keep them afloat in
Simon's Bay until I receive from Earl Grey further instruc
tions as to their final disposal, for which I have some time
ago applied. Your request, Gentlemen, however desirable
may be its object, that I would send the Neptune away on
her arrival, naturally induces the question, where to ? A
little cool reflection will indicate that such a proceeding is
totally out of my power. I may observe that a system of
intimidation has been employed, threatening, the unofficial
members of the Council thereby evincing a desire to thwart
the measures of Government on subjects totally unconnected
with the convict question."
Besides this answer to the Anti-Convict Association, the
following Government Notice, dated July 9th, was issued
for general information :¦ —
" It having come to the knowledge of the Governor, that
a combination has been formed among certain persons
residing in Cape Town, for the purpose of preventing con
tractors supplying the Government with food and other
necessaries for the convicts who are shortly expected to
arrive in the Colony, and that the same combination has
been employed to prevent gentlemen from accepting the
vacant seats in the Legislative Council, whereby the necessary
business and legislation of the Colony will be seriously
impeded, the action of the Colonial Government obstructed,
and many private persons injured in their lawful trades and
occupations ; and it having been further represented that
some of the Banks in Cape Town have likewise combined
for the purpose of refusing the usual accommodation and
assistance to such contractors, and to any gentlemen who
may accept seats in the Legislative Council, with a view to

204 DISSATISFACTION
chap, embarrass, distress and injure such persons ; His Excellency
feels, though with great regret and reluctance, that the time
has arrived when it becomes incumbent upon him to step
forward and assist these persons who are likely to suffer
from such combinations." Then follows as a temporary
measure, an offer to lend to such persons money from the
Colonial Treasury at five per cent.
As might be expected, the Governor's letter and public
notice gave no satisfaction to the Anti-Convict Association.
In answer to both he received the following, dated July 16th,
signed by no less than 682 individuals : —
" Sir, — We have received your Excellency's reply to
our address of the 9th and have let some days pass before
acknowledging it, partly from pressure of events and partly
from the hope that your Excellency would have been advised
to withdraw some expressions in it that are felt to be uncour-
teous and not to be excused by anything contained in the
address itself. Your Excellency's words are these : ' You
have given forth to the world that I stand pledged to the
Colony that no convicts should enter it — this is a most
determined misrepresentation of my remark in Council,
when I laid before it the first letter from Earl Grey.' The
only passages in the address to which your Excellency can
be supposed to allude will be found on examination to charge
Her Majesty's present Ministers with the grave offence of
having ' deliberately ' deceived the people of this country
by ' solemn assurances ' issued by your Excellency in the
name of Her Majesty's Government, that the wishes and
opinions of the Colonists would be decisive on the question
of using this Colony as a Penal Settlement, and that such
assurances were issued, your Excellency has stated in your
letter to Earl Grey on May 24th last in these words : ' having
pledged myself in the Legislative Council to the colonists,
upon the base of your Lordship's despatch of August fth,
1 848, they naturally look to me to fulfil that pledge, which
it is now out of my power to do.' Trusting that the courtesies
of official intercourse have in this instance been overlooked
only through inadvertence, we proceed to observe that your
Excellency's intimation that you are ' preparing to keep

STRONG PROTESTS

205

the convicts expected by the Neptune afloat in Simon's CHAP.
Bay until you receive from Earl Grey further instructions as v'
to their final disposal,' has given us intense pain and in our
opinion cannot fail to increase the just alarm now universal
throughout the Colony. Sir ! Earl Grey has deceived us. He
has made you, a gentleman, a soldier of spotless honour —
and the Representative of the Queen — the unconscious
instrument of deceiving a whole people. He has led you to
make pledges before the world, which he deliberately puts
it out of your power to redeem. We therefore say that we
will not trust him. To keep these convicts, holding tickets of
leave, afloat in a bay within the Colony, as close prisoners in
a hulk, is impracticable, as your Excellency's legal advisers
ought to know ; and were it practicable, it would be perni
cious both to local and Imperial interests — to the peace, good
order and welfare of this community, which with our gracious
Sovereign, when properly advised, will ever be esteemed of
paramount consideration. And what at the end of many
months may be Earl Grey's instructions as to the future
disposal of these men holding tickets of leave or conditional
pardons ? Should his Lordship order you to land and disperse
them according to his original instructions — or should he
issue to them free pardons, and direct you at once to set
them at large, as he has done in the case of Port Philip and
New Zealand, has not your Excellency taught us to expect
that you would obey him ? Sir ! the colonists cannot endure
this in silence. They protest against it. They certainly
will not tamely submit to it. To our earnest request that
you would send the Neptune away, your Excellency replies
by the question, Where to ? intimating that such a proceeding
is totally out of your power. We believe that your Excellency
will, upon reflection, perceive that to send the vessel away
is as much in your power as to detain in close confinement
in a hulk, men entitled to the ' privileges ' and ' freedom '
included in ' tickets of leave ' or ' conditional pardons.' The
one is as clearly beyond the letter of Earl Grey's instructions
as the other is clearly implied in the spirit of your commission.
As to the destination of the ship when sent away, we would
not have obtruded an opinion unless your Excellency had
asked for it. We see but one proper destination for her.

206 SEND THE "NEPTUNE" BACK TO ENGLAND
CHAP. Earl Grey has deceived you. He has offered you the gross
V- indignity of making you the instrument of deceiving the
people among whom you represent the person of the
Sovereign. He has instructed you to insult a loyal and
unoffending people, and to injure and degrade a country
which you are bound by your allegiance and the most
solemn oaths to protect and elevate. Under these circum
stances your course is perfectly clear, and it is one which
will for a certainty obtain Her Majesty's approval, when
duly informed of its necessity, as a contrary course will
give Her unmingled pain and regret. It is to send back
the Neptune to England, with such reasons for your deter
mination as the peaceful but invincible repugnance of the
colonists to receive her cargo upon these shores or within
the waters of this country, as they have already supplied
you with, and will continue to supply till the danger is past —
and which will satisfy Her Majesty and every member of
the Government that you have acted in a manner worthy
of your own character, and with a due regard to the dignity
of the Sovereign whom you have the honour to serve and
whom we all love and revere. Your Excellency further
observes that a system of intimidation has been employed
threatening the unofficial members of the Council thereby
evincing a desire to thwart the measures of the Government
on subjects totally unconnected with the convict question.
To this we would respectfully reply, that the convict question
is connected with every question that can come before the
Council — with the Public Money, the Public Works, the
Education, Religion and liberties of the country, and we
would not conceal from your Excellency our apprehension
founded on our knowledge of the quick perception and
high spirit of the people that if any person accepts or retains
an unofficial seat in the Council as at present constituted,
without doubt, he will be starved." This was no idle threat.
On July 9th, the Association resolved that any person accept
ing or retaining a seat in the Legislative Council as an
unofficial member is indirectly assisting in the introduction
of convicts and, consequently, will come within the scope
of the pledge. There were, at this time, three vacancies in
the Legislative Council due to the resignations of Messrs.

MR. LETTERSTEDT ASSAULTED 207
Ross and Harries and the death of Mr. van der Bijl. To chap.
fill these distinguished and honourable places, a Mr. J.
Letterstedt — a wealthy merchant in Cape Town — and
Messrs. P. L. Cloete and A. de Smidt were appointed and
were formally sworn in when the Council met on the ioth.
They did not enjoy the honour for many hours however, for
had they been unaware of the above resolution of the Anti-
Convict Association on the morning of the day when they
were sworn in they became fully convinced of its existence
before the evening of it. At the end of their first day's
sitting, they discovered that there was a large crowd of
people outside the Council Chamber waiting to give them
some sort of reception and that, apparently, not a very
friendly one. Mr. Letterstedt has left us the best account of
the kind of public recognition which was accorded to these
three would-be legislators.
He tells us that at the close of the meeting he was waiting
in the chamber, while some papers were being fetched for
him, when a messenger rushed up the stairs and told him
there was a hostile mob outside waiting for him. Proof of
this statement was the noise of many feet ascending the
staircase and making for the Chamber ; their further pro
gress, however, was barred by the closed and fastened door.
As the Attorney- General entered the Chamber, Mr.
Letterstedt, trusting to the awe such a high and legal
official might be calculated to inspire among the crowd,
decided to emerge into the street under the protection of
that great man's wig, so to speak. In this, however, Mr.
Letterstedt miscalculated. When, in company with the
Attorney-General, he reached the doorway of the Judges'
Chambers in the courtyard, he received, from some person
unknown and unidentified, a blow on the side of the head.
Two gentlemen then did their best to protect him, but could
not save him from the next blow which he received in the
neck by a large stone. Amid the hooting, hissing and mud-
throwing, he eventually reached, as a haven of refuge, the
South African Club House in Plein Street, where he remained
until some mounted police scattered the crowd. Having
reported the matter to the Governor at Government House,
Mr. Letterstedt was driven to his home at Rondebosch.

208 COUNCILLORS " UNDER THE PLEDGE "
CHAP. This was only the beginning of his troubles. During the
V' evening, a large crowd collected on the parade when, amid
yelling and execration, effigies of the three new members of
Council were burnt. This apparently not appeasing, but
rather increasing, Anti- Convict anger, attention was directed
to the destruction of the property of the unpopular men. Mr.
Letterstedt had machinery, general stores, wheat, house and
other property in Cape Town itself to the extent of £25,000 —
also a large brewery at Rondebosch. All the doors and
windows of three houses and a store belonging to him and
also those of two houses belonging to Mr. de Smidt were
smashed. Expecting that damage would also be done to
his property at Rondebosch, Mr. Letterstedt appealed to
Mr. Montagu, the Secretary to Government, for protection.
In answer to this, an officer and thirty men were sent to
that distant place to guard him as well as his property.
The next day, he endeavoured to get some carpenters and
glaziers to repair the damage done to the Cape Town
property, but none dared to have anything to do with him
as he was " under the pledge," nor, for the same reason,
could he get any labourers to assist in unloading coal from
a ship which was then at anchor in the Bay.
The municipal authorities also ostracised him ; they
cancelled a contract which they had made with him, to pave
one of the Cape Town streets. Mr. Letterstedt suffered
much at the hands of the Anti-Convict Association. He
brought a legal action against them and claimed £5,000
damages, but, for reasons which will yet appear, he got no
satisfaction. On the ioth July before the meeting took place,
Mr. J. B. Ebden resigned, and was able now to throw all his
energies into his duties of Chairman of the Anti-Convict
Association. During the following week on the nth, 12th
and 17th July respectively, Messrs. Cloete, Letterstedt and
de Smidt found it expedient to resign their seats in the
Legislative Council. There was, however, one unofficial
member who refused to resign his seat, in spite of all the
brow-beating of the Anti-Convict Association. This was
Mr. William Cock, the Eastern Province member. He defied
and laughed at the Association as a body of a few men who,
intoxicated with a little temporary popularity, was endeavour-

GOVERNMENT AT A STANDSTILL 209
ing to cast odium upon the Governor at the very time when he chap.
was exerting himself to his utmost in their interest.1 From v-
the first he came under the pledge, but the consequent threat
of starvation caused him but little concern as he had his own
well-stocked farm and other property, at the Kowie.2 As
will be seen, the extremes to which the Anti-Convict Asso
ciation went gave rise to a more moderate and reasonable
party, which may be called the Anti-Anti- Convict Association.
Under the circumstances, Sir Harry Smith decided to
make no further attempt to fill the vacant seats in the Council
until the convict question was settled. Hence, as matters
stood, he was unable to get passed any important ordinance
or the estimates for 1850. The Government, in fact, was at a
standstill and the Anti-Convict Association was victorious.
At the end of July the Association expressed its dissatis
faction with the communications which had been received
from the Governor. It was felt that if he received the
necessary instructions from Earl Grey he would cause the
convicts to be landed. Mr. Ebden therefore urged on the
agitation. The matter was in their own hands, he said, and
they must rely upon themselves for protection and safety.
From his own personal knowledge he could say that the
country people were with them and therefore they had it in
their power to starve anyone who infringed the pledge.
Opinion on the starvation policy was divided. Mr. Prince
did not consider it practicable to starve the guilty without
inflicting injustice on the innocent ; for his own part he was
prepared to live on fish and rice. Mr. Robertson disagreed.
Fish and rice might be all very well for Mr. Prince, who was
more corpulent than he (Robertson), but it would not suit
him ; moreover, when the snoek came to know that 30,000
people were going to subsist upon them, they would forsake
1 In answer to one of the petitions from Grahamstown, Sir Harry
Smith said : " You very justly remark upon my known aversion to
see this Colony constituted a Penal Settlement. I have already exhausted
every argument I can adduce tending to show the evils which must arise
if men of immoral habits are dispersed throughout this Colony."
* He had his own coasting vessel which plied between Cape Town
and the Kowie. During this excited time, he had been refused provisions,
as he was " under the pledge." However, to show his independence
and that he was not so badly provided as many thought and hoped,
he sailed away from Cape Town, with legs of mutton dangling from his
masts. VOL. V 14 P

210 THE MODERATES
CHAP, the Bay ! In the end it was agreed that the pledge must be
enforced to the last extreme of its meaning and intention
and that the names of all individuals who acted in opposition
to the vital interests of the Colony by violating it shall be
published in all Colonial newspapers, except the Grahams
town Journal and Sam Sly's Journal.
This slight to the Grahamstown Journal is accounted for
by the fact that Mr. Godlonton was the leader of the more
moderate party in this agitation. He, and those with him,
disapproved of the drastic measures of the Cape Town party.
The moderate policy was to wait and see what would be the
result of the numerous petitions of the inhabitants and the
appeals of the Governor to Earl Grey and in the meantime
to refrain from any embarrassment of the Governor by
starvation of the services, intimidation of members of Council
or — in short — creating anarchy ; such courses, they con
sidered, could only be prejudicial to the cause all had at heart.
But should it become clear that Earl Grey continued to
insist upon a convict invasion, then they, the moderates,
would be prepared to join the others and resist to the last.
Continuing their headlong course, the Anti-Convict
Association, on September 4th, resolved that no contract of
any description should be entered into for the supply of
anything to the military, naval or civil departments until the
Order in Council was rescinded. Mr. J. B. Ebden, the
Chairman, thus became an autocrat to whom practically all
commerce, or at least, all that in the Western Province,
had to bow. Many individuals had already signed and were
fulfilling contracts, but now they had to stop all supplies,
and found themselves in serious difficulties.
Mr. de Wet of Simon's Town, for instance, had contracted
to supply the naval department with meat and vegetables.
In view of the fiat of the Association he applied to Mr. Ebden
to know what his position was. He was told that he must
break his contract and that the Association would hold itself
responsible for any fine he might thereby incur.
Morkel and de Villiers were cattle dealers who supplied
cattle to de Wet and other butchers. De Wet applied to them
for cattle but was told that he could not have any unless he
gave an undoubted assurance that none of the meat would be

THE "NEPTUNE" AT SIMON'S TOWN 211
supplied to convicts. They feared that should they themselves CHAP.
come under any suspicion of having sold cattle to a non-
pledged person, or to a pledge-breaker, the farmers, also
fearing the pledge, would refuse to sell to them. This plan
evidently did meet with trouble for they had to apply to the
Association for some indemnification for loss of business
and impending ruin. They had made large purchases from
the farmers and given bills which had been discounted by the
banks ; when these became due they were unable to meet
them in consequence of the partial stoppage of trade.
An individual in Worcester, ardently in favour of the
pledge, had lived chiefly by supplying commodities to the
navy, now finds his business at an end and his creditors
rampant ; he appeals for assistance in support of a wife and
family. And so on in other cases.
During the first half of September there was an appreci
able lull in anti-convict activities, in fact, in some quarters,
in default of any more definite information, it began to be
doubted whether the Neptune was really bound for the Cape.
All the same, however, the Association appointed a sub
committee, called the " Vigilance Committee," the duty of
which was to be stationed at Simon's Town, to spy and keep
watch on all suspected of infringing the pledge and to report,
as occasion arose, to the main body. Affairs generally were
approaching the normal and excitement was waning when,
as if suddenly overwhelmed by a shock of earthquake, the
whole of the Cape Town — or rather Peninsula — community
was, on September 19th, thrown into the wildest consternation
by the news that the Neptune was actually beating up into
False Bay and approaching Simon's Town. She came to
anchor at ten o'clock that night. Before midnight a depu
tation from the Association was on its way to Simon's Town.
The next morning at daybreak, the fire alarm in Cape Town
heralded forth the terrible news and then the bells of the
Dutch Reformed, Anglican and Lutheran churches added
to the gloom by tolling dismally. All business was at a
standstill — a death-dealing plague seemed to have smitten
the place. The commissioners of the Municipality held a
special meeting at ten o'clock. They sent the following
letter to the Governor :

212 A PUBLIC MEETING AT CAPE TOWN
chap. " Town Hall. September 20th, 1849.
SIR, — The Neptune, with her cargo of convicted felons
having arrived in Simon's Bay, the commissioners and
wardmasters for the Municipality of Cape Town, now in the
Town Hall assembled, once more address your Excellency,
praying, as the people have determined that the convicts
must not, cannot and shall not be landed or kept in any of
the ports of this Colony, and, as the Board rely upon your
Excellency's often expressed desire to promote the well-being
of the colonists, that the Neptune may be ordered, after
revictualling, to leave our shores — thus to remove the cause
of anxiety now prevailing and to obviate the evil consequences
which may result therefrom, and for which your Excellency
would be held responsible ; and as the people are anxiously
waiting for a decision, your Excellency is respectfully
requested to communicate the same as early as possible."
To this the Governor answered the same day as follows :
" His Excellency has already apprised you and all
interested in the subject that it is his intention, in the exercise
of the discretion which His Excellency finds, as he antici
pated, is by law reposed in him, not to relieve the Surgeon
Superintendent of his charge of the Neptune, pending the
receipt of the replies to the several despatches upon the
subject which have been addressed to the Secretary of State
and which may be reasonably expected in a month or six
weeks ; in the meantime the Neptune will ride at anchor in
Simon's Bay as in the case of any other ship. His Excellency
desires me to express his deep regret at the tone and style
of your communication, which circumstances may in some
degree excuse, but which they certainly do not justify."
On the next day, September 21st, a public meeting of the
inhabitants of Cape Town was held in the Town Hall when
this letter, although addressed to the commissioners of the
Municipality, was answered by Mr. Ebden, as chairman of
the Anti-Convict Association. After expressing regret at
the Governor's decision to keep the Neptune for a time in
Colonial waters, Mr. Ebden said that the inhabitants felt
compelled by a sense of duty to themselves and their country

THE GOVERNOR'S REPLY 213
and justified in the sight of God to put into immediate CHAP.
operation those means of self-protection which were ex-
pressed in the pledge, one of which was that they will drop
communication with any person who should assist in sup
porting convicted felons — and that these words included all
departments of Government . . . until supplies were re
quired to enable her to prosecute her voyage. " Your
Excellency must be assumed to be perfectly aware that the
present Secretary of State has justly forfeited the confidence
of the people of this Colony and that want of confidence
makes it totally impossible for them to wait patiently for his
determination as to the final disposal of the convicts. What
ever his determination or future instructions may be, the
inhabitants have resolved that the convicts shall not be
admitted into this community. The result of waiting for
such instructions will be that the prisoners will be sent away
after a lapse of months passed on board the ship, which must
be added to the months they have already been afloat and the
months required for their future voyage." Hence in justice
and mercy to these unhappy men, those exposed to lingering
misery by the neglect and bad faith of the Secretary of State
as well as in justice to an insulted, injured but unoffending
and loyal people, Mr. Ebden asked the Governor to give
relief to all by sending away the convicts with the least
possible delay. The Governor answered this promptly by
a long printed notice, bearing date September 22nd, which
was distributed to all concerned. The following is an
epitome of it : His Excellency said that he found nothing
in Mr. Ebden's letter which materially altered what he
had so repeatedly urged and declared his inability to carry
out. It pained him to perceive that the common cause was
being endangered by demands which no Government could
concede and supported by threats to which no Govern- -
ment could submit. He reminded them of all the legal
steps which he had taken to meet their wishes and that they
had responded by continued attempts to force him into
illegal measures. He pointed out that, while in Simon's Bay,
the convicts are legally confined. But once outside the con
fines of the Colony without proper authority they are illegally
confined, and men illegally confined may, by law, if they

214 THE GOVERNOR WILL DO HIS DUTY
CHAP, cannot otherwise regain their liberty, take the lives of those
V' who unlawfully confine them. Any soldier or sailor who, in
repressing convicts illegally confined, should kill one of them
would be guilty of murder. His Excellency had no " ample
power," " warrant " or " instructions," such as the Anti-
Convicts ascribed to him, to move the Neptune one cable's
length out of Colonial waters. He could not recognise the
novel, unconstitutional and most dangerous doctrine that
the Secretary of State is to be considered as an individual,
exercising independent action and not as the organ of the
Sovereign. To ask His Excellency to attempt to put it out
of Her Majesty's power to exercise her pleasure with regard
to these convicts in one particular is to ask the Queen's
Representative to disobey and affront her authority. Were
the course proposed ever so well calculated to serve the end
in view, every sound principle and every solemn duty would
withhold him from adopting it. With reference to the pledge
and its accompanying threat, the Governor was of opinion
that no right-minded man would deny that the recognition
of such a principle might tend hereafter to arm for purposes
of social tyranny and oppression the hands of any majority
which has an end to gain ; the originators of this pledge are
going beyond what at first was contemplated, and may in
the end find they have gone too far ; the subscribers thought
it no violation of good feeling and good taste, deliberately
to tell His Excellency that if any gentleman should take office
as a Legislative Councillor without doubt he would be starved.
It is now contemplated to starve a number of Her Majesty's
subjects because Her ' Majesty's Representative will not go
beyond what his conscience and duty dictate ; should an
attempt be made by means of combination and intimidation
to deprive of necessary food a portion of the public guilty
of no other crime than that of obeying their lawful orders
and peacefully performing their allotted service, it will
become His Excellency's imperative duty to employ the
means at his disposal for the purpose of counteracting a
course of proceeding, so discreditable, illegal and inhuman.
The Neptune now actually in False Bay, the Cape Town
Anti- Convict Association was face to face with the evil
which all dreaded. The time for the predetermined action

THE "MODERATES" AND "ULTRAS" 215
had arrived. A meeting of the Association was held this CHAP.
same day, September 22nd, when, in consequence of a wide
difference of opinion as to the interpretation which was put
upon the intention of the pledge, a want of unanimity and
an indication of the disintegration of the Association became
manifest. A party, known as the " moderates," considered
that they were called upon to refuse to assist or to employ
convicts after they were landed as well as to make times
bad for the Government departments or any who were
instrumental in their landing ; but until the final decision
of Earl Grey was received and while the convicts were afloat,
they considered it would only be right and just to supply
them with all that was needful. The " ultra " or violent
party advocated immediate starvation for all who were either
directly or indirectly connected with the Government — the
Naval and Military departments as well as the whole of the
Civil Service, from the Governor down to the lowest clerk.
The chairman, Mr. J. B. Ebden, Mr. H. E. Rutherfoord,
the Rev. Dr. Adamson (of the South African College) con
sidered such procedure as highly immoral and unjust, it
was imposing evils as a punishment upon people who were
as determined to do everything in their power to promote
the objects of the Association as were the more violent.
Why for instance, they asked, should the Registrar of Deeds,
the Civil Commissioners of far away Cradock and Colesberg
and every gaoler, messenger and other poorly paid civil
servant be starved ? Many who had signed the pledge
declared that they would not have done so had they known
this to have been the original intention. The " ultras,"
however, had the majority of support and prevailed.
At another meeting, held a few days afterwards, namely
on the 28th, Dr. Adamson proposed and Mr. H. E.
Rutherfoord seconded " that the evidence now before the
public is such as ought to satisfy the people that the Governor,
Sir Harry Smith, will never be instrumental in the landing of
convicts in this Colony ; that the peace and welfare of the
Colony imperatively demand that the operation of the pledge
should now be confined to such persons only as at present
or any future time should be found to aid in landing, em
ploying and maintaining any convict if landed ; that the

2T6 EXTREME MEASURES PROPOSED
CHAP. Association should use its influence to induce the people to
V' suspend all further agitation and peaceably to resume their
respective occupations ; that the Governor having stated or
pledged himself not to land any of the convicts until he
receives the despatch from England and it being wholly
out of his power to send them away, the Anti-Convict
Association is therefore of opinion that a great object has
been obtained in being relieved from the apprehension of
having any convicts landed here until the case has been
brought before the British Parliament and people ; that all
further local opposition should at present be suspended,
since to force the Governor to act illegally has never been
the object of this Association and would only imperil the
cause they have at heart." On this being put to the vote,
thirty-two were in favour while forty-three were against it,
that is, there was a majority of eleven who insisted upon
the Governor acting illegally and advocated starvation of
the many. Mr. Ebden, the hitherto great anti-convict
champion, now resigned from the Association, so also did
Mr. Rutherfoord and some other prominent members.
Mr. John Fairbairn, the editor of the Commercial Advertiser,
then became the leader of the ultra party and wielded the
power of a dictator whose word was law. On October nth
he increased the very grave evil of the situation by a resolution
which was not only carried but promptly acted upon. It was
" that it is the duty of all good and loyal subjects at once,
from this day, to suspend all business transactions with the
Government in any shape, or on any terms, until it is officially
declared that the Neptune with the convicts on board shall
go away as soon as all necessary supplies for her voyage
can be put on board and that all intercourse and connection
between private individuals and His Excellency and heads of
the Victualling departments shall be dropped from this day,
the merchants, auctioneers, bakers, butchers, shopkeepers
and all other good and loyal people dealing only with such
private individuals as they know and clearly understand to
be unconnected with these departments. That the measures
already taken being too slow for the urgency of the case,
it is recommended that from this moment all shops and
stores be closed as for a solemn fast, except for the accom-

STOPPAGE OF TRADE

217

modation of ordinary and well known customers." This was CHAP.
carried out. For some time all shops were closed, all business V'
was at a standstill and a sabbath quietness without the services
in the churches pervaded Cape Town. Many of the poorer
classes were thrown out of work ; some of them soon became
ripe for mischief and hooliganism — the concomitants of
political upheavals. These contributed to the danger and
confusion of the time. On October 15th, the houses of
Mr. John Fairbairn at Green Point, and Mr. Benjamin
Norden, one of those who defied the dictators of the
Anti-Convict Association, were attacked. In the former
case, eighteen negroes, said to have been instigated by
two white men, met at about nine o'clock at night in
the garden of Mr. Fairbairn's house. According to a pre
concerted plan they went to the front door and demanded
to see "the master." On the appearance of the " master "
they said they were hungry and could not get food as all
the shops were shut. Mr. Fairbairn apparently sympathis
ing with them, gave each half a crown as far as the
cash then upon him permitted, the others who could not then
receive anything he told to call upon him at his office the
next day when they also would receive money. One of these
then seized Mr. Fairbairn and a struggle ensued in which
those who had already received his bounty joined in the
attack upon him. They smashed the windows and, having
effected an entrance into the house, wantonly destroyed
what furniture they could and took away some of their
benefactor's property. When the magistrate tried the case,
during which one of the negroes turned Queen's evidence,
it did not appear that these men were out of work or had in
any way suffered by Mr. Fairbairn's action and there was
little or no clue to the identity of the two white men who were
said to have instigated them. In view of such occurrences,
as might be expected under the circumstances of the time,
and as long as the labouring classes were kept in idleness
and exposed to privation by the stoppage of trade, the
Governor by proclamation on October 16th, the next day,
prohibited all crowds and assemblies congregating in public
places and enjoined all to maintain public order without
compelling him to use the force which he had at his command.

2l8 A KINDLY DESPATCH FROM LORD GREY
CHAP. While the Anti-Convict excitement and anger was driving
all else from the public mind of the Colony and while curses
were being heaped upon the head of Earl Grey and petitions
for his dismissal from office were being formulated, the noble
Earl seems to have been, in a large measure, ignorant of the
consternation he had caused and ready to make amends as
soon as he realised and saw the matter from the point of
view of the Cape colonists. Sir Harry Smith's forcible
despatch of May 24th, together with the huge batch of peti
tions which accompanied it, could not have reached Downing
Street before the middle of July at the earliest, possibly not
before the 18th. On that date Earl Grey sent a despatch to
Cape Town in which it was stated that the British Govern
ment had granted a sum of money for the purpose of sending
out free emigrants to those colonies which would receive
convicts from England — a free emigrant for each convict
received. He hoped in this way to conciliate the willing
assent of the colonists as he acknowledged that without
their co-operation the system of convict discipline then being
adopted could hardly be expected to succeed. He hoped
to furnish the country with useful labour as well as to adopt
such steps as should conduce to the reformation of the convicts
themselves. This proposal was received with very bad grace
and was unconditionally refused. Public meetings were held
for the purpose of discussing it, when all were determined to
refuse to receive convicts on any consideration ; the present
offer was regarded merely as a bribe. What kind of emigrants,
they asked, would be willing to come out as the associates
of convicts ? It was maintained that as Earl Grey had
already deceived them, they were not prepared to place the
least trust or confidence in the willing assent of which he
spoke. Before the ill feeling consequent upon this despatch had
subsided, another was received from Earl Grey bearing date
July 23rd. It was of a very different character, one calculated
to put at rest the minds of any but those who, one would
almost say, must have had some ulterior motive in keeping
alive the agitation. Earl Grey, in a most kindly spirit,
intimated his desire at all times to meet the views of Sir
Harry Smith and to be guided by his better knowledge of

THE SYSTEM ABANDONED 219
local circumstances ; he regretted the determined opposition CHAP.
of the colonists to receive convicts — a fact of which he became Y'
aware only after the Neptune had sailed, but now he could
say that THE SYSTEM WAS ABANDONED, in other words,
Cape Colony was not to be a penal settlement.
There were, however, no orders for the removal of the
Neptune, in fact, he hoped that the inhabitants would be
willing to receive just this one cargo. On receipt of this
despatch, Sir Harry Smith invited Mr. Rutherfoord, Mr.
Jerram and some other moderates, who had resigned from
the Anti-Convict Association to meet him at Government
House. He read this despatch to them. Now, said he,
there can be no further need for agitation to continue, it
becomes no longer Anti-Convictism but rebellion. Mr.
Fairbairn and those with him saw in it further dishonesty
on the part of Earl Grey and determined to relax none of
their pledge restrictions until the final disappearance of the
Neptune. But how fared the convicts on the Neptune all this time ?
Were they and all those belonging to the naval and military
services languishing for want of food ? Had the endeavour
and intimidation of the Anti-Convict Association succeeded
in closing every source from which provisions might be
obtained ? By no means. Meat, vegetables and all else
were almost as plentiful as if there had been no Anti-Convict
Association. As had been stated, the Neptune came to anchor on the
evening of September 19th. There were on board 282
convicts together with the soldiers who formed their guard
and, of course, the crew. For the greater comfort of these
people and in view of the fact that they were likely to have
to remain in Simon's Bay some months, a hundred of the
convicts were removed to a dismantled hulk, called the
Seringapatam, which was then at anchor at no great distance.
But no one, not even the officers, was allowed to land. A
sad case was that of the ship's doctor, Dr. Deas. The heavy
responsibilities of the duties which he had carried out so
conscientiously during the five months' voyage had told upon
his health, and when he arrived at Simon's Bay and found
that not only was he not to be relieved of this pressure but

220 NAVAL SUPPLIES FOR THE "NEPTUNE"
CHAP, that matters were made worse by the refusal to provide the
Neptune with necessaries, he fell into an epileptic fit from
which he never recovered. He was taken to the naval hos
pital on shore and died on the 28th.
All on board the Neptune were in need of fresh meat
and vegetables as scurvy, of which seven had died at sea,
had broken out badly. Mr. Fairbairn, with his Anti-Convict
Association, however, was inexorable and would not permit
these necessaries to be provided. Commodore Wyvill of
the Castor, the naval commander at Simon's Town, told
some members of the Association who interviewed him just
after the arrival of the Neptune that although the convict ship
did not belong to his department, yet from motives of
humanity he intended, as far as he could, to relieve the wants
of the unhappy people. Such a declaration, of course,
placed him and his department " under the pledge " imme
diately. In pursuance of this humane intention, on Septem
ber 2 ist, he ordered and received two days' supply of beef
for his own ship ; half of this he slipped into a boat which was
moored on the side of his ship furthest from the shore and
thus got it to the Neptune ; but with the message that he
could not hope to supply them for more than a day or two
as should he be discovered his own supplies would be stopped.
This conveyance of meat to the Neptune was discovered.
According to John Mitchel, the Irish political convict,
the Vigilance Committee, or Committee of Observation,
supplied with telescopes was stationed at a place on the shore
from which the convict ship could be well seen and a watch was
kept on all who ventured to approach it. Thus the humane
proceeding of Commodore Wyvill was soon known. The next
day he received a letter from Mr. Breaks, the agent victualler
to the navy, stating that Mr. de Wet, the contractor to the
navy, had refused to supply any more meat, vegetables,
bread or milk in accordance with his contract. Besides
watching the ship it was the duty of the Vigilance Committee
to spy on the Simon's Town shopkeepers or anyone else
likely to be guilty of infractions of the pledge. They were
powerless, however, to do anything more than report to the
Association in Cape Town. There was, after a time, no
lack of matter to report, for there were some who treated the

A FRIEND IN NEED 221
dictates and threats of the Association with contempt and were CHAP.
unconcerned when they found the Vigilance Committee V'
witnessing their collection and transmission of supplies to
the forbidden quarters.
By the second week in October the military department
commenced to feel the stress of circumstances. The supplies
of fresh meat were practically at an end. The remedy for
this state of affairs which at first presented itself to Sir Harry
Smith was to declare martial law and then to commandeer
what was necessary at the point of the bayonet. But he was
very disinclined to go to this extreme until every other
expedient had failed. Fortunately there was one who, at
this distressing moment, came to his assistance and, as he
afterwards acknowledged, saved the country from martial
law, which, but for this, would have been proclaimed on
the 1 2th.
Captain Robert Stanford was a wealthy farmer living at a
place called Klein River, in the district of Caledon, about
forty miles from Cape Town. At midnight of October ioth
two messengers1 arrived at the homestead and besought
Capt. Stanford to aid the Government in its extremities
with supplies of food. He readily consented. Before long,
droves of cattle and sheep were on their way to Cape Town
and then during the ensuing months a continuous supply,
though at times with some difficulty, was maintained. By
this means Captain Stanford rendered himself more obnox
ious to the Anti-Convict Association than anyone else. In
the end this procedure ruined him although he did receive a
knighthood for his services and a sum of £5,000 from the
British Government as some compensation for his losses.
In many instances, in order to maintain supplies to the
Government, Capt. Stanford had to purchase from other
people. But this had to be done by stratagem, as anyone
found having any transactions with him, or others who were
known to be acting similarly, were sure to come under the
dreaded pledge. Hence farmers had to be very careful in
selling stock or produce to make sure that the purchasers
1 These were none other than the Attorney-General, Mr. Porter and
the Collector of Customs, Mr. Field. Vide Loyalty and its Reward, by
Sir Robert Stanford, page 6.

222 SUPPLIES MAINTAINED
CHAP, were not acting on behalf of the Government. A farmer,
W. P. Laubser, for instance, sold three waggon loads of forage
to a coloured man on the Cape Town market. It was
delivered at the place of one Adriaan Beck, who was under
the pledge. Laubser found himself under the pledge. He
pleaded innocence of intention to the Association and begged
for forgiveness as now no one would buy from him or sell him
anything, and his creditors were pressing him. E. H anbury
was found guilty of supplying the officers' mess with wine.
On receipt of a warning from the Association, he sent back a
very impolite reply and continued the supply.
From the reports of the Committee of Observation at
Simon's Town, it would appear that the naval department
and the Neptune were no worse off than the military, in
other words, that all were being cared for as well as they
would have been had there been no Anti-Convict Association.
On October 9th, the spies reported that nineteen head of
cattle from the country had been received by the naval
authorities and that Messrs. Hablutzel and Hugo were
slaughtering animals in the dockyard. It appeared that these
people owned a farm called Fortuintjes Hoek situated on
the opposite side of False Bay and that between that place
and Simon's Town naval boats were often seen passing to
and fro. Further the Vigilance Committee saw collected
large quantities of vegetables supplied by a Mr. Benjamin
Norden, bags of flour from J. Letterstedt of " Ronderbush"
and much else. And far from the presence of this Committee
striking any fear in the minds of these pledge-breakers,1
these supplies were loaded into boats and taken to the for
bidden ships in the coolest manner imaginable. Thus during
the ensuing few months, until the Neptune sailed for Van
Diemen's Land, all the services obtained the provisions they
needed. So far, then, the Anti-Convict Association, with its
democratic despotism, had been a failure. It had not suc
ceeded in stopping supplies to the Government services and
1 The following are the names of those pilloried at this time by the
Anti-Convict Association as deliberate pledge-breakers : Capt. Stanford,
Messrs. Hugo and Hablutzel, B. Norden, A. Beck, P. Bester, J. Letterstedt,
J. Thysma, B. Alexander, E. and J. Hanbury, R. Clearence, E. Harrington,
and at Simon's Town, L. Osier and C. Stadler.

ACTION AGAINST THE ASSOCIATION 223
it had not compelled the Governor to act in the illegal manner CHAP.
it advocated ; but it had caused the ruin, partial or complete,
of some whqse livelihood depended upon the markets which
it closed to them. Although many were becoming disgusted
with its proceedings and dropping all connection with it,
yet Mr. John Fairbairn and a few others as pig-headed as
himself continued the agitation long after it was clear that
all that had been fought for had been gained. Even the
great J. B. Ebden, the erstwhile chairman, leader and hero
of the Anti-Convict Association, had not only ceased his con
nection with it but actually came under its pledge, and had
to threaten his former colleagues with legal proceedings. It
appears that he sold some wheat to one Leaky, who had resold
it at a profit to the Government. In due course the Asso
ciation demanded an explanation. Mr. Ebden admitted
the transaction had taken place and offered no apology, but
added that he with other merchants had openly reprobated
the non-intercourse with the Government as certain to injure
the cause all had at heart. He added further that in the
event of his firm suffering any injury from the action of the
Association, he would commence legal action forthwith.
Towards the end of the year 1849 the Anti-Convict
Association found itself faced with the difficulties arising
from the demands of those who had been fined for breaches
of contract and also of those whose businesses had suffered
in consequence of having been put under the pledge. Mr.
Jacob Letterstedt brought an action against the Rev. G.
Morgan, J. Fairbairn, T. Sutherland, J. H. van Renen and
Olof M. Bergh, the five leading members of the Anti-Convict
Association, for £5,000 for damage done to his property
and injury to his trade. The case came before Sir John
Wylde, the chief justice, and Messrs. Menzies and Musgrave
in the Supreme Court on December 14th. But an unexpected
and extraordinary state of affairs terminated the hearing
before Mr. Letterstedt's action could be dealt with. At the
commencement of the proceedings, the defendants, by their
counsel, protested against the case being tried by Sir John
Wylde and Mr. Justice Menzies on the ground that these
two judges had already given extra-judicial opinions and
advice on the question of law raised by the plaintiff's

224 THE CASE WITHDRAWN
CHAP, declaration. The point seems to have been that those two
judges, some time previously, had advised the Governor on
the question of the illegality of sending away the Neptune
as was clamoured for by the Anti-Convict party ; a matter
which had little or no connection with the destruction of
Mr. Letterstedt's property. Considerable time was spent
in arguing the " Exception of recusation," counsel for the
defence maintaining the " recused " judges were incom
petent to try the merits of this exception. Sir John Wylde
and Mr. Justice Menzies, on the other hand, dissented and
expressed their determination to retain their seats on the
bench. In consequence of this determination, the defendants,
through their counsel, protested against any further pro
ceedings pending the result of an appeal to the Queen in
Council and, then, in a body left the court. In the absence
of the defendants the case was about to be proceeded with
when Mr. Justice Musgrave rose from his seat, and as further
protest, retired from the bench. This unprecedented action
and one described as full of danger to the administration of
justice, gave rise to a wordy warfare and correspondence
between Mr. Justice Musgrave and the other judges, which
eventually was transmitted to the Secretary of State. But
what about the case ? Now that the defendants had gone
and one judge had retired, the Court proceeded to the excep
tion and pronounced against it. The plaintiff's counsel, who
was none other than the Attorney-General, Mr. Porter, was
called upon to open the case. To the further surprise of
the Court, instead of doing so, he announced that under all
the circumstances, he had determined to withdraw it ; it
was withdrawn accordingly and Mr. Letterstedt saw nothing
of any compensation for the injuries he had sustained.1
Mr. Benjamin Norden, in a similar action against Messrs.
Fairbairn and Sutherland, was more successful. He obtained
£200 damages with costs. Mr. J. B. Ebden, who also had
reason to complain of the action of the Anti-Convict Asso
ciation, did not press his case.
It was clear then that, not only on account of the law
cases, but also in consequence of the responsibility which
1 For a full account of this trial and all the documents connected
therewith, vide Vol. 45, Duplicate Despatches, Cape Town Archives.

THE DESPATCHES ARRIVE AT LAST 225
the Association took upon itself to reimburse those who had chap.
incurred fines for breaches of contract, that considerable V"
financial support was necessary.1 It is some testimony to
the popularity of the Association that subscriptions, both in
quality and quantity, were readily forthcoming, though
even then not sufficient in total amount to meet all its
obligations. Roughly, £2,400 had been subscribed in Cape
Town and the vicinity and £800 in the country districts,
of which sum £500 was from Port Elizabeth and Graaff-
Reinet. But in March, 1850, when attempts were made to
settle all accounts it was found that, at least, a further £ 1 ,000
was necessary.2
So the weeks rolled on, and all men were still waiting
wearily for the despatch from Downing Street which was to
announce the further fate of the Neptune and her cargo of
convicts. The decision incidentally would have the effect of
either restoring tranquillity or of combining moderates and
ultras to bring about worse evils upon the country. As each
ship was seen to arrive, the uppermost question was, has she
brought the despatch ? On February 13th, the Glentanner
answered this question in the affirmative. Two despatches
were received from Earl Grey, one dated November 30th and
the other December 5th. These the Governor lost no time in
making public. The information contained in these des
patches must have convinced any unprejudiced mind that
there had been a mutual misunderstanding between Earl Grey
and the colonists — a misunderstanding which might never
have occurred had not communication between the Cape and
England taken so many weeks. Sir Harry Smith's despatch
1 In November, the Association resolved that every individual who
had been prevented by the pledge from fulfilling any contract with
Government departments is entitled to be indemnified for all consequences
of such failure in the way of fines or damages, and that it is the duty of
the public to afford the means for such indemnification.
¦ Some of the larger disbursements were : To Mr. de Wet, who had
been fined £500 by the naval department for breach of meat contract,
and who, in consequence of the ruin of his business, was in great financial
difficulties, £915 8s. id. was paid, and it was acknowledged that a further
£1,000 was his due. Mr. P. J. Truter had been fined £400 for breach of
bread contract to the military and in addition as bread had then to be made
by the soldiers at a greater cost than the contract price, he was called
upon to pay this excess in cost. He received from the Association
£429 19s. 3d. Mr. T. Sutherland was paid £361 14s. 6d. to cover the
damages and legal costs in the case which Mr. Norden brought against
him. VOL. V 15 Q

226 THE ORDER IN COUNCIL REVOKED
CHAP, of May 24th, with its grave warnings of impending trouble,
V' did not reach London until August 13th. And not until
September 14th was it that Earl Grey had the first intimation
of the violent opposition which his action had created. Then
almost immediately, acknowledging that this opposition
was founded on feelings which were entitled to respect, he
set about to retrace his steps and to undo the evil he had
unwittingly committed. So that while the Anti-Convict
Association was stirring up an agitation little short of
rebellion and Earl Grey himself was being attacked in public
meetings with angry and vituperative language, the noble
earl was exerting himself to give them all they were asking
for, namely, the removal of the Neptune and her convicts
from Cape waters and the revocation of the Order in Council
of September 4th, 1848. Had he been aware, he said, how
strong was the feeling which existed at the Cape on the
subject of convicts, he would never have advised the measure,
and, now, with the information which was before him, he
greatly lamented having taken the step. As soon, therefore,
as the position was fully realized, no time was lost by Her
Majesty's Government in making a public announcement
in the House of Commons that no more convicts should be
sent to the Cape. As something of an apology for the present
consignment on the Neptune, he explained that those men
were not convicts or criminals in the ordinary sense of the
word. They were Irish peasants who, under the extreme
pressure of the results of the famine in Ireland, had com
mitted depredations, had, in fact, been betrayed by special
circumstances into crimes which they had not been in the
habit of committing and which out of Ireland there would
be no temptation to repeat, crimes which implied little moral
degradation.1 It was therefore undesirable to place them
where they would be forced to mix with ordinary criminals,
but rather to send them to some colony to which convicts
were not usually sent and where there was a demand for
labour. It was, he said, acting under this impression that
he sent these Irish peasants to the Cape without waiting
1 John Mitchel in his Jail Journal, page 214, speaks of them as
" these three hundred choice miscreants, who have graduated in burglary
and thievery in the finest schools on earth."

EARL GREY MAKES AMENDS

227

for an answer to his despatch of August 7th, 1848. Then CHAP.
followed the momentous statement which was taken as the Y-
signal for the end of the struggle, namely, that he, Earl Grey,
had given instructions for the Neptune to go to Van Diemen's
Land and that Her Majesty would be advised immediately
to revoke the Order in Council by which the sending of
convicts to the Cape was rendered legal.
The kindly tone of this despatch, however, was somewhat
marred by his censure, it might almost be called, on Sir Harry
Smith, the man who had suffered such mental pain in main
taining his position between duty to his Sovereign and, on
the other hand, the clamour of an angry public who tried to
compel him to act in contravention to it. Earl Grey con
sidered that the Governor had acted inadvisedly in an
nouncing publicly his determination not to permit the con
victs to land and to detain the vessel until further orders were
received from England, thus inflicting further hardship
upon the unfortunate men. It was a course which did not
occur to him. " I forbear to express my opinion either on
the extraordinary proceedings of the inhabitants of the Cape
or upon your own conduct, on the former because I am un
willing to use the terms which would alone adequately describe
what I think of their proceedings, on your own conduct
because I have not yet received your explanation of the
grounds upon which you acted." But in his despatch of
December 5th, he made some amends for his expressions of
dissatisfaction with the Governor. He was able to tell him
that, having received his despatch of September 30th, he
was then perfectly satisfied with his explanation and that,
sensible of the trying and anxious nature of the position in
which the violent proceedings had placed him, he (Earl Grey)
quite approved of the course of action which he had found it
necessary to adopt. On the day following the receipt of
these despatches, the Anti-Convict Association met to con
sider the new situation which they created. After some
mutual back-patting and congratulations on the victory
they claimed to have gained, it was decided that as the objects
for which the Association was formed had been attained and
that as the safety of the Colony had been secured, the usual
intercourse with the Government might be resumed and that

228 END OF THE AGITATION
CHAP, from that day all inhabitants were free to discontinue their
signs of mourning. With reference to the offensive expression
used by Earl Grey in connection with their proceedings,
they did not think it necessary to offer any further remark
than that they were quite prepared to follow the same course
again should his Lordship or any of his successors in office
threaten them with similar insult and injury.
With matters thus far satisfactorily settled, preparations
for the departure of the Neptune commenced forthwith.
The Naval Department was busily engaged during the en
suing few days in putting on board the necessary provisions
for her further long voyage. And £ ioo was subscribed by
the Cape Town public for distribution among the convicts.
On February 21st1 after just over five months' detention,
the Neptune moved from her moorings and, towed for some
distance out of False Bay by the steamer Geyser, she dis
appeared in the direction of Van Diemen's Land. The
Anti-Convict agitation was thus at an end.
1 Mitchel says the 19th, vide Jail Journal, page 221 : " 19. We sail
this day : the wind full against us, blowing straight up the bay : no
matter, — the commodore has sent the Geyser war steamer to tow us out.
We have the hawser fixed and are moving slowly out of Simon's Bay
and down the broad expanse of False Bay."

The following have been used in writing this chapter : —
Duplicate despatches of Sir Harry Smith, CO. Vol. 45.
Enclosures to above despatches. CO. Vol. 1402.
The two volumes of the original minutes of the Anti-Convict Association.
All the above are in the Cape Town Archives.
Also The Price of Loyalty, by Sir R. Stanford ; Jail Journal, by the
convict John Mitchel, published by M. H. Gill, Dublin ; and for the
proceedings of public meetings, speeches, etc. : —
The Commercial Advertiser,
The Cape Town Mail, and
The Grahamstown Journal.

CHAPTER VI
REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT FOR CAPE COLONY
AFTER the departure of the Neptune with her cargo of con- CHAP.
victs from South African waters, the public mind could turn
again to the problem which had long been in agitation, but
which, during 1849, had been overshadowed by the events
narrated in the last chapter, namely, that of obtaining a
Representative Government for Cape Colony. Before the
cessation of activities in this direction, consequent upon the
Anti-Convict agitation, some considerable progress to that
end had been made. The beginning of the movement may
be traced back to the investigation into the state of the country
by the Commissioners of Inquiry in the years 1823 and 1825.1
Up to that time the government of the country was in the
hands of one man, the Governor, who, if he were so inclined,
might without let or hindrance, rule tyrannically in his own
personal interests or act in any other way detrimental to
the inhabitants at large. Such was the case of Adriaan
van der Stel under the Dutch Government and Lord Charles
Somerset under the British. The first step in the breakdown
of this personal centralisation, so to speak, as well as the first
step upwards towards a real democratic government was that
initiated by these Commissioners in 1825, when on their
recommendation a Council of Advice was created. It con
sisted of one or two of the chief government officials such as
the Secretary to Government, the Attorney-General and
Treasurer-General. These were to act with and advise the
Governor and, presumably, to warn and curb him, if need be,
in the exercise of any wanton extravagance, illegal acts or
other contraventions of right and proper government. These
advisers were appointed by the Crown ; the people had no
1 Vide Volume II of this work, pp. 155 et seq.
229

230 PERSEVERANCE REWARDED
CHAP, say in their election. However, it was the thin edge of the
wedge. Their turn was yet to come. They made their first
bid for some share in the government of their country by a
petition to the House of Commons in 1827, praying for a
Representative Assembly. Little or no consideration was
accorded to it. In 1830 a further appeal was made when
another petition to the same effect was transmitted. This
one did attract some attention, but the result was not a satis
faction to the petitioners. The main point of the argument
against it had been that the gift of a free legislature to Cape
¦ Colony would have the effect of setting British against Dutch,
besides leading to the oppression of slaves and Hottentots.
This adverse argument carried the day and thus disappoint
ment again met the petitioners. However, nothing daunted
by this action, or want of action, on the part of the House of
Commons, it was decided to approach the King himself.
Pursuant, therefore, to a very large public meeting held in
Cape Town, a petition was sent to His Majesty praying that
the country might be governed by a Governor and Executive
Council elected by the Crown and a Legislative Council
elected by the people.
Pari passu with the increase in population, wealth, intelli
gence and other developments of the Colony, there was the
increasing dissatisfaction of living under a system of govern
ment in which the people themselves had no share. In the
early 'thirties the expressions of this dissatisfaction became
louder and louder. And when the matter was thrust upon
the consideration of the higher officials, all agreed that it was
expedient to grant to the Colony some liberal form of govern
ment such as had been prayed for. Sir Harry Smith, in
1848, said : "I have ever been a convert to the opinion that
so soon as it is practicable our colonies should be placed
upon a footing of equality with the parent country as tending
to render them far sooner and to a much greater degree
useful to Her Majesty's dominions generally by adding to
their power and mutually cementing their union."
The perseverance of the numerous petitioners was re
warded in 1834 when Sir Benjamin D'Urban arrived in the
Colony as its Governor. He was authorised by the Royal
Commission to create a Legislative Council which was to

FURTHER PETITIONS 231
consist of official members, that is, officers holding Govern- c^p-
ment appointments and, for the first time, some members
of the general public — unofficial members as they were called
— were to have places and the right to have a voice in the
great affairs of the country. These, however, were to be
nominated by the Governor and not elected by the people.
This was an advance. True, this Legislative Council turned
out to be a failure, nevertheless its creation as well as its
failure were important steps on the road to a Representative
— and eventually Responsible — government.
The actual business of the Government was carried on
by a small Executive Council, consisting entirely of official
members. The new Legislative Council did not meet with
the approval of the public. It consisted of ten members,
five official and five unofficial with the Governor having a
casting as well as a deliberative vote, so that as the officials
were bound to support the government, the casting vote of
the Governor ensured a majority against the unofficials.
And as these unofficials were elected by the Governor himself
and not by the people, the representation which was desired
was not yet obtained. For seven years this state of things
existed, during which agitation against it was in abeyance.
It was the time when men's minds were engrossed with the
Kaffir War of 1835, matters connected with the reversal of
the " Durban policy " and the trek of the Dutch farmers
from the Colony. But also during this period a step forward
was made; for in 1837 municipal boards for the manage
ment of local affairs by local people had been established
and had worked satisfactorily. Thus there was some indi
cation that on a much larger scale the affairs of the whole
country could be with safety and advantage entrusted to the
people themselves. When the pain, so to speak, which had
been temporarily benumbed by these affairs returned, relief
was sought in the drafting of further petitions to the Queen
for representative government. For this purpose a large
public meeting of the inhabitants of Cape Town and its
vicinity was held in the Commercial Hall on August 24th,
1 84 1. The result of the meeting was two petitions to the
Queen, one from the inhabitants of Cape Town generally
and one from the wardmasters and commissioners of the

232 DIFFICULTIES IN THE WAY
CHAP. Municipality. This body was destined to play a very im
portant, and not always pacific, part in the real struggle
which at this time was commencing. The essential points
of the petitions were that the present system of colonial govern
ment was ill adapted to the wants of the country and that a
free representation by constituents from all parts of the
country was best calculated fully to develop its commerce
and agricultural resources. As before they asked that the
Government should consist of a Governor and Executive
Council appointed by the Crown and a Legislative Council
composed entirely of representatives freely elected by the
people. Sir George Napier transmitted these petitions to Lord
Stanley, the Secretary of State. He had now been Governor
of the Colony over three years and had made himself well
acquainted with the conditions and needs of the country.
He agreed entirely with the sentiments expressed by the
petitioners and in a despatch dated December 20th, 1841,
he warmly recommended the prayers to the consideration
of Her Majesty the Queen.
This recommendation was received coldly by Lord
Stanley. In his despatch of April 1 5th, 1 842, he informed Sir
George Napier that he did not think it his duty to advise the
Queen to refer the petitions to the Privy Council. Though
he would be gratified by calling upon the colonists to par
ticipate in the management of their own local affairs, yet the
physical and moral obstacles which he saw would forbid him
entertaining any hope of accomplishing that end within any
period which could be defined. He was of opinion that but
a very superficial consideration had been given to the subject.
The physical obstacles were those connected with the size
of the country and the difficulty of moving about in it. Cape
Town must be the seat of legislature, but it is the residence
of only a comparatively small part of the whole population
of the country, and almost inaccessible from the northern and
eastern regions. It could not well be expected that men from
those distant parts would voluntarily leave their business
affairs, their homes unprotected, and endure the expense and
fatigue of travelling to the west, besides incurring the
additional expense of remaining there during a parliamentary

EARL GREY READY TO TAKE THE RISK 233
session. All this would mean that those on the spot chap.
would be called upon to represent those who lived at great VI'
distances, whose interests and aspirations might be entirely
different. He noticed that all the agitation came from Cape
Town itself. Among the moral difficulties were those
arising from diversity of origin and race. There were Dutch,
British, free Aborigines and Fingoes. How were these to
obtain their due share of influence in a representative
gathering ? Then there was the danger of throwing down
barriers which had hitherto afforded protection to the great
mass of the natives and leaving them to the mercy of an
authority which might work a great amount of irremediable
injustice. There for a time the matter remained. Neither
Sir George Napier nor his successors, Sir Peregrine Maitland
and Sir Henry Pottinger attempted to combat these adverse
opinions of Lord Stanley. But in 1 846, Earl Grey, who had
taken over the seals of the Colonial Office, stood forth as
the champion of the colony. The noble Earl's attitude
towards the alleged physical and moral obstacles was one
of dash and of a contempt for the fears of his illustrious pre
decessor. He was convinced that every society of British
birth and origin could always rise superior to dangers,
" incident to measures resting on any broad and solid
principles of truth and justice." With such a confidence in
his countrymen, he felt that difficulties might be encountered
and risks incurred. In his despatch of November 2nd,
1 846, to Sir Henry Pottinger, he was able to say that Her
Majesty's Government entertained the strongest preposses
sions in favour of granting what had been asked for in the
various petitions which had been transmitted from the Colony
and that there would be a promptness to avail themselves
of any opportunity of extending a more liberal government
to the British possessions in Southern Africa.
When Sir Henry Pottinger received this despatch early
in 1847, he was upon the frontier overworking himself,
according to his own accounts, in connection with the " '46 "
war. And as he remained in the East until the end of the
year — until the arrival of his successor Sir Harry Smith —
nothing further during that time was done. But as soon as
the new Governor returned to Cape Town after his "sorting

234 THE ATTORNEY -GENERAL'S MEMORANDUM
CHAP, out " of matters in Kaffirland and his meteor-like journey
' through Trans-Orangia and Natal he turned his attention
to the despatch of November 2nd, 1846, and the answers
required to that of Lord Stanley of April 15 th, 1842. Very
wisely, although he himself felt that satisfactory answers in
support of the requests for a Representative Government
could be given, he did not presume to give the Secretary of
State his own unsupported opinion. He referred the matter,
in the first place, to the exceedingly able Attorney-General,
Mr. William Porter, and desired him to furnish his opinion
in the form of a memorandum on the subject. A very long
document resulted. But even with this authoritative state
ment he did not yet feel justified in answering Earl Grey. He
referred it to others of the Government advisers and the
three judges. The opinions of these great people having
been received and sent to Mr. Porter, that able gentleman
drafted a scheme, on the basis of these opinions, for a
Representative Government. All these documents were
transmitted to London under cover of a despatch bearing
date July 29th, 1848. So that not until that date were the
questions of 1842 answered.
Mr. Porter's memorandum is dated March 17th, 1848.
In the first place, he expressed himself as opposed to two
separate and distinct legislatures in the country. It will be
remembered that there had long been a call from the East
for either a separate government or for the removal of the
seat of government from Cape Town to Grahamstown or
Uitenhage. Mr. Porter had never been over-solicitous for
the welfare of the East, in fact, judging from some of his
public statements he seems to have been as ignorant of its
conditions as many of the great ones of Downing Street.
The cry from the East was not because there was any desire
to compete with Cape Town or to acquire any of those advan
tages which must accrue to a town or district which is or
contains the capital of the country. The desire for govern
ment in the East arose almost entirely out of the need there
was for protection against barbarous and predatory neigh
bours. The history of the Eastern Province of the previous
twenty-five years had shewn how suddenly emergencies had
arisen and with what rapidity they had gained force and

Attorney-General William Porter

TWO CHAMBERS PROPOSED 235
magnitude before they could be met and put down by a CHAP.
distant government. All through, this was the motive for VI"
the prayers and petitions for a seat of government in the
East. Both Sir Henry Pottinger and Sir H. Young who
knew the East from experience regarded this as a necessity,
but the Western Mr. Porter was against it and advocated one
seat of government and that in Cape Town. He con
sidered that a separate legislature in the East would entail
separate revenues and separate administrations, all which
would render this policy a continual source of irritation in
some quarter or another. Further, the improved communica
tion in the form of steam navigation between Cape Town
and the ports at Algoa Bay and the Buffalo mouth, as well
as the now great connecting inland road, along which a
bi-weekly post travelled to the East in carts or coaches
instead of horseback, now brought the East within hailing
distance from the West. All this left no alternative opinion
to that of Cape Town and Cape Town only as the centre of
all administrative and legislative activities for the whole
country. And now concerning the constitution of the new
form of government. Mr. Porter was of opinion that it
should consist of two chambers. The Legislative Council
which he proposed was practically a continuation of that then
in existence. There were to be thirteen members, some of
whom were to be official and some unofficial ; all were to
be appointed for life and to be invested with some badge of
social precedence, such as the title " Honourable." He was
emphatic about the inclusion of unofficial members as he
was convinced that a Legislative Council composed entirely
of officers of the Government would be sure to be exposed to
odium if it ventured to oppose the decision of the House of
Assembly. The House of Assembly, according to Mr. Porter, should
consist of the minimum number of members which could
fully represent all parts of the country. This number was
thirty-six made up as follows : — two each to the Cape
Division, Stellenbosch, Caledon, Swellendam, George,
Worcester, Clanwilliam, Beaufort and the Municipality of
Cape Town, Uitenhage, Albany, Somerset, Graaff-Reinet,
Colesburg, Cradock, one member each for Port Elizabeth,

236 THE QUALIFICATION OF VOTERS
CHAP. Victoria and Albert, and two for the district of Natal. The
VI' qualification which should give title to sit in the Assembly
was to be defined by the ownership of fixed property to the
value of £ 1,000 or movable to the value of £2,000. Further
a professional education such as that possessed by doctors of
medicine and advocates should be acceptable as a qualifica
tion. All members except those living within 25 miles of
Cape Town should receive pay at the rate of one pound per
day — a sum which would obviate the danger of people
seeking a seat as a matter of gain. In view of the unavoidable
trouble and upset which would be suffered by a widely-
dispersed population at the time of elections, the duration
of the Assembly was to be five years.
With regard to the qualification of voters. Mr. Porter
was of opinion that it should be confined to the ownership
of immovable property, but to show that no man's station
in a free country is determined by the accident of colour and
that it was but just to place the suffrage within the reach
of intelligent and industrious men of colour, it was to be
as low as the ownership of land or building of the annual
value of £ 10. This then, in short, was Mr. Porter's suggested
outline for a Representative government for Cape Colony.
It was sent separately to the Secretary to Government, the
Treasurer-General, the • Collector of Customs, the Chief
Justice and two puisne Judges for their opinions and remarks.
Mr. MONTAGU, the Secretary to Government, in a
very long memorandum, agreed for the most part with all
which had been said by the Attorney-General. He approved
of Cape Town as the legislative metropolis on the grounds
that one fifth of the entire population of the country resided
there and the vicinity and that the value of its fixed property
was £1,740,592, while that of the whole country was not
more than £5,666,561. Cape Town would not, however,
on that account exercise an undue influence on other less
fortunate parts. With regard to the alleged difficulties of
communication with the northern and eastern regions,
Mr. Montagu pointed out that of the ten distant fiscal
divisions, four of them, Albany, Port Elizabeth, Uitenhage
and George were actually on the coast and accessible by
steamship, while three others, Somerset, Cradock and Fort

MR. MONTAGU'S VIEWS 237
Beaufort were at no very great distances from the coast, chap.
But he agreed that whatever route was taken, travelling VL
from Beaufort (West), Graaff-Reinet and Colesberg did
entail difficulties and expense. Still, the predikants of the
Dutch Reformed Church went from all parts to Synod in
Cape Town and their congregations journeyed long distances
to nachmal. So presumably, men might be expected to be
able to attend Parliament in Cape Town and voters to go
to polling stations. So much then for the physical obstacles.
The moral were no less easily disposed of. Though it was
true that colour formed a barrier to social intercourse and
intimate relations, yet it was no badge of civil disabilities.
In the municipalities, coloured men voted for commissioners
and ward-masters and appreciated the privilege. Many of
them had, by their industry, accumulated property and proved
themselves worthy citizens. Why not then give them a
parliamentary vote and make the proprietary qualification
sufficiently low to enable them to secure this ? Then with
regard to the alleged want of unity between British and
Dutch, Mr. Montagu was convinced that, with the exception
of the law of inheritance to which the Dutch were exceedingly
attached but to which the English were equally averse,
there was not a single subject within the legitimate province
of legislative interference, on which national prejudices or
the conflicting interest of race were likely to be engendered.
There was no prejudice on the part of the Dutch to the general
diffusion of the English language. In the schools, both
private and those supported at the public expense, English
and Dutch were taught simultaneously. In short there was
a harmony between the two peoples of different origins which
would have been a surprise to Lord Stanley.
Descending then to practical politics, Mr. Montagu
agreed that there must be one legislative body consisting
of two chambers as suggested. The Legislative Council,
however, according to his view, ought not to be mixed, that
is, it ought to be entirely nominated by the Crown or be
purely elective. He preferred the former as a check to
democratic preponderance. In the latter case the Executive
Council would become a mere tool or passive agent in the
hands of the popular assembly. It should consist of men

238 OPINIONS OF MR. H. RIVERS AND MR. W. FIELD
CHAP, whose wealth, intelligence and social status gave weight to
their opinions and proceedings among the more intelligent
and influential ranks of the people. The property qualifica
tion should be high and the position held for life. With
regard to the franchise. It should be given to all regardless
of diversity of origin and race ; the qualification should be
the same as that for voters in the municipalities. In other
electoral districts — non-municipal — the qualification should
be that already possessed by those who, under the Road
Ordinance of 1843, have their property assessed for the
construction and maintenance of roads. All members should
be paid and the duration of the Assembly should be for
four years.
Mr. HARRY RIVERS, the Treasurer-General, in his
memorandum, contributed but little towards the solution of
the problem. He agreed practically with all that had been
said by Messrs. Porter and Montagu. His solution of the
franchise question, however, smacked of originality and was
quite worthy of an enthusiastic Treasurer-General whose
interest centred chiefly on the public money bags. It was —
in order to test the appetite for Representative Government,
as he put it — that any one might be an elector who,had had
a fixed residence for twelve months preceding the day of
election, and that ten shillings should be paid for the privilege
of being registered as a voter. In this manner he hoped to
raise eight or ten thousand pounds at each election, a sum
which would increase as population became greater and
appetites keener. He hoped thus to make the institution
pay for itself. According to this, any Kaffir who had had
his hut on the same spot, or even Bushmen who had occupied
the same cave, for that period would have a voice in the
election of a member of Parliament.
Mr. W. FIELD, the Collector of Customs, concurred in
the general plan proposed by the Attorney-General. In
the interest of his own department he was emphatically
opposed to a separate government in the East.
Mr. Justice Menzies contributed a long and learned
memorandum, dated March 21st, 1848, which in itself was
almost a draft of the new constitution. He considered that
the obstacles which had appeared to Lord Stanley either

OPINION OF MR. JUSTICE MENZIES 239
had no substantial existence or admitted of being easily chap.
overcome. The people of Dutch, French, German and VL
British origins which made up the population of the Colony
had become so united and amalgamated by intermarriage
and commercial connections that there was such a perfect
identity of interests in everything connected with internal
legislation as would render any collision among them unlikely.
He was quite sure that the time had come for the abolition
of the Legislative Council and its supersession by something
more liberal and popular. He himself was not a member of
this Council as were those whose opinions have been re
corded ; hence he could afford to be outspoken in connection
with it. " The Legislative Council " he said, " has neither
worked well nor produced any benefits or advantages which
could make its abolition a matter of regret. It was at all
times obnoxious in that in consequence of a majority of its
members being official and every official member being
obliged to vote with the Government, its existence enabled
those for a time administering the powers of the Executive
government to free themselves in the eyes of the British
Parliament and nation from the responsibility for measures
which they could represent as having been passed by and
with the advice and consent of the Legislative Council,
although they were as purely and absolutely the acts of the
Executive alone as if no Legislative Council had existed.
During the last four years, it has been day by day declining
in public estimation and had at length fallen as an institution
into such disrepute that if one or two unpopular measures
of importance had been forced and hurried through it by
the weight of the Executive, it is almost certain that the
machinery of legislation would have been brought to a
standstill by the resignation or absence of the unofficial
members and a universal refusal to take their places by
every man who was qualified to succeed them." In place
of this he was in favour of one legislative body consisting
of twenty members chosen by the different districts and ten
to be nominated by the Governor ; this Legislative Council
or Assembly to be presided over by the Governor or a
Speaker chosen by the Council.
Generally speaking, the views of the judge were in

240 VIEWS OF CHIEF JUSTICE WYLDE
CHAP, accordance with those of the Attorney-General. He was
sure the country did contain people competent, and in
necessary numbers, to represent fairly the different interests
of the community ; though it might be that in any one district
a fit and proper person might not be found, or it he were, he
might not, on account of travelling difficulties and dangers,
be willing to serve. In such cases he suggested that that
particular party should be represented by a member living
in or near Cape Town. But this was not to be recommended
for, though the member elected might in all respects be
able and fair minded, yet a Legislative Assembly formed
by a majority of Cape Town people would not give satis
faction, especially in view of the jealousy existing between
East and West ; moreover it would not be a " representative "
body in the sense intended. These are the chief points in a
memorandum of great length.
Mr. Justice Musgrave sent in a memorandum of
pleasurable conciseness. He was so little at variance with
all which had been expressed in the clear and comprehensive
memorandum of the Attorney-General that — in short — he
agreed with him. He hoped the Eastern Province would
see the error of its way in seeking for separate government and
that it would finally realise that one government situated in
Cape Town was the panacea for all its troubles. As to the
boon of Representative Government, it should then be
freely offered instead of its being too tardily and reluctantly
conceded to popular outcry at a further period when it could
not longer be withheld.
Chief Justice Wylde saw that a change in the local
legislation had become unavoidable. Mere numbers and
mere amount of local wealth in land and its products, taken
in the entire, supported the popular claim for an extended
popular share in the local administration. Distant indeed
would be the time if the Colonists had to wait until Aborigines,
Fingoes and emancipated negroes were sufficiently advanced
to have weight and influence in the constitution of any
assembly of the people. With reference to separation or
removal of the seat of Government, he concurred in the
opinion that no advantage to either province would accrue.
And as to the difficulties and inconveniences in travelling,

MR. PORTER'S DRAFT CONSTITUTION 241
these will exist wherever the seat of Government may be chap.
formed. According to the Chief Justice, the Council should VL
consist of thirteen members. The popular element should
mingle in its constitution ; there should therefore be official
and unofficial members. Four or five officers of the Govern
ment should be appointed by the Crown and two or three
others should be nominated and seven should become
members by popular election. He agreed that the members
of the Assembly should be paid one pound each per diem,
so that allowing forty days for a session a sum of two thousand
pounds would be expended. " I cannot perceive," he said,
" how the colonial revenue could be more justly applied than
in the relief of those who have to counsel its best general
appropriation for the public good and welfare. On the
whole the eminent judge was in agreement with the Attorney-
General. Fortified with all these opinions, Mr. Porter framed a
suggested constitution for the Colony. This together with
the several memoranda was sent to London by Sir Harry
Smith, under cover of his despatch, bearing date July 29th,
1848. Mr. Porter's draft constitution, a document of con
siderable length, provided for a Legislative Council and
House of Assembly. The former was to consist of fourteen
natural-born subjects of the Queen, who were over twenty-
one years of age ; not more than half of whom were to hold
office of emolument under government, but all were to be
nominated by the Crown. Their term of office was to
be during the administration of the Governor who held
office at the time of their appointment. For the House of
Assembly the number and distribution of members was that
suggested in the first place by himself. Their qualification
was to be that of immovable property to the value of £ 500
or movable to £1,000. Any doctor or advocate earning
£200 per annum was also eligible. The qualification for a
voter was that of occupier and owner of immovable property
of the value of £ 10 or occupier to the value of £ 1 5. He had
to be a natural-born subject of the Queen ; if of alien birth,
then he must have been naturalised, but all persons born in
Hanover before the accession of Queen Victoria were not
to be regarded as alien. He was withal to be of sound mind,
vol. v 16 R

242 EARL GREY'S WARNING
CHAP, unconvicted of crime and free from insolvency. The
VI Governor was to be at liberty to fix the time and place for
the holding of Parliament and to change the latter as the
general welfare of the public should dictate. The duration
of the Assembly was to be four years and one session was to
be held in each year. Members whose places of residence
were beyond ten miles from the place of meeting were to be
paid twenty-five shillings per day during the time they were
travelling to and fro and the time during which they remained
attending the session. Mr. Porter entered into considerable
detail concerning the procedure of voting at the polls and
other matters connected with general elections.
With his despatch of July 29th, Sir H. Smith transmitted
a petition from the ever-active municipality of Cape Town.
A short time previously Earl Grey, in connection with the
large sums which had been expended by the British Govern
ment on account of the war of '46, stated that in future
contests with the native tribes, no further pecuniary assistance
would be allowed from the British Treasury, that the Colony
would have to look to its resources for the necessary expense
and to provide for its own defence.1 Little did he think that
before the lapse of many months, the British Treasury
would find itself compelled to finance a greater Kaffir war
than had yet been. This statement of Earl Grey called
forth a still louder cry for some share in the government of
the country, for some public control of the finances and
expenditure and for the final abolition of the Council
" called Legislative." With reference to this last, they said
that fourteen years' experience had shown the utter inutility
and worthlessness of the character of this Council. The
petitions of the people against many grievances had not
1 Earl Grey to Sir Harry Smith, March 20th, 1849 : " I must repeat,
that the people of the Cape of Good Hope are distinctly to understand
that a British force will not be maintained in the Colony for the purpose
of defending them against incursions from the native tribes on the
Frontier. The Seat of Government and one or two principal posts will
continue to be garrisoned by the troops, and in the event of an attack
from a civilized power, the protection of Her Majesty's Naval and Military
forces will not be withheld. But it will be incumbent on thejcolonists
to provide in some way or other for their own security against their
barbarous neighbours, and they must consider themselves as warned,
that if they should suffer loss of lives or property from the want of adequate
precaution, the responsibility will rest with themselves alone.

RECOMMENDATIONS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL 243
only been wholly disregarded but had been received with CHAP.
marked contumely and insult, the petitioners disparaged, VI"
their arguments ridiculed and their facts so distorted and
misrepresented as clearly to indicate the utter hopelessness
of expecting redress from such a quarter. "As at present
constituted, Government had the power of passing any
arbitrary and obnoxious enactment under the semblance of
the same being with the advice and approval of the Council."
Shortly after this, namely, September 16th, 1848, the in
habitants of Sidbury and Oliphant's Hoek, in the Eastern
Province, alarmed at the prospect of unaided defence and
having learnt from the late war that the seat of power ought
to be nearer the scene of trouble and action, set up, in a
petition to the Queen in Council, the old cry of " separation "
or " removal." But that cry, though long heard and heeded,
never produced the desired result.
Earl Grey took time to consider Sir H. Smith's despatch
of July 29th. Not until February 12th, 1849, did he answer
it, but the nature of that answer was hopeful. He was
clearly prepared to encounter dangers and incur risks in his
reliance upon the enterprising characteristics possessed by
those of British birth and origin, who, within themselves
he felt assured, could always discover the means of circum
venting difficulties.
On the previous January 31st (1849), the draft constitu
tion with its accompanying documents was referred to the
Lords of the Council for Trade and Foreign Plantations for
their consideration and report. That Right Honourable
body was just a year in dealing with it ; they read their
report in Her Majesty's Council at the Court in Windsor on
January 30th, 1850. Without going into all the details of
this long document and traversing again all the matters
contained in the memoranda, it will suffice to say that the
Right Honourable Lords made general and outlined recom
mendations, leaving the details to be determined at the Cape
where more accurate knowledge of all the circumstances
and conditions was attainable. Though recognising the
necessity for a change in the existing form of government,
they saw serious obstacles in the establishment of any new
form. They were impressed with the difficulties arising from

244 LETTERS PATENT ISSUED
CHAP, the great distances. In connection with this, they perhaps
unwittingly, supported the argument for separation of East
from West by quoting the case of Port Philip, which was
at such a distance from, yet under the government at Sydney,
that the great disadvantages of this arrangement had
necessitated the establishment of a new seat of government
and the founding of the new Province of Victoria. They
agreed to the three estates of Governor, Legislative Council
and House of Assembly. They considered that the Legis
lative Council should consist of ten members elected for a
term of ten years ; they should be elected by the Field
Cornets, Wardmasters or others who held positions which
had been conferred upon them in consequence of the confi
dence the public had shown in them by placing them in such
positions. The Council was to have no official members
except the Chief Justice who was to be the ex officio Speaker.
And generally it was to consist of men of better social stand
ing, who should be less swayed by the popular feeling of the
moment and capable of acting as a check on the House of
Assembly. Finally they recommended Her Majesty to
issue Letters Patent authorising the Governor to summon
" a Legislature of the kind we have endeavoured to describe
so soon as Ordinances for regulating all the details of the
arrangements should have been passed by the existing
Legislative Council " . . . " the main or leading provisions
of the constitution to be granted to the Colony should alone
be laid down, and the power should be given to the existing
Legislative Council to pass Ordinances for regulating all
the subordinate arrangements."
In accordance with this, Letters Patent were issued on
May 23rd, 1850. On receipt of the Letters Patent, Sir Harry
Smith was confronted with the first of his many difficulties
in connection with this important and far-reaching measure.
He was instructed to bring the matter before the " existing
Legislative Council." As has been narrated in the last
chapter, there was no Legislative Council, it was broken
up by the resignation of all the unofficial members, except
Mr. Cock, and the violence of the " Anti- Convicts," in
preventing others from taking their places. At least four
unofficial members were now required to put the Council on

THE FIRST GENERAL ELECTION 245
a legal footing. How were these to be obtained ? The anti- chap.
convict feeling was by no means dead and the problem was, VL
in spite of the general public dislike of, and contempt for,
the Council to prevail upon some to take seats in it. The
Governor felt that if he chose " moderates " for the vacant
seats, the " violents," considering they had been purposely
excluded from the government, might again exercise the
pledge and thus put a stop to all further proceedings ; if,
on the other hand, he chose " violents," the " moderates "
would complain that they had been victimised on account of
not carrying their hostility to the convict scheme to excess
and that the preference was given to those whose violence
had coerced the Government. By the advice of and with the
assistance of the Executive, he left the preliminary choice
to the people themselves. Thus took place the first general
election in South Africa. The idea was to get the different
municipalities and road boards throughout the country to
choose members and from these to choose five, but the
Governor did not bind himself to take the five highest on
the list.
On May 6th, 1850, a notice which had been drafted by
Mr. Montagu was published. In view of the trouble yet
to be detailed, it is important to emphasize two statements
in this notice ; one is "it is his (the Governor's) intention
in selecting them (the five) to take care, as far as in him lies,
that the sentiments of the Colony at large be ascertained and
represented," the other is " from the names submitted to
fill up the vacancies in such a manner as shall seem most
calculated to secure the appointment of the five gentlemen
willing to serve, who shall appear best entitled to the confi
dence of the several classes and districts comprising the
entire Colony." The following also must be added, " that
the different electing bodies will avoid naming any persons
except such as they have reason to believe will serve, if
appointed, as members of the present Legislative Council,
pending the establishment of those Representative Institu
tions which are now in preparation." Coupling this notice
with the statements in the documents received from London
and the Letters Patent, namely, that the details in the estab
lishment of a Representative Government were to be left

246 A TROUBLOUS FIRST MEETING
CHAP, to the " existing Legislative Council," there would seem
to be some excuse for the impression on the minds of some
of those who were elected that the sole object of their appoint
ments was to work out the required details and not to perform
any of the duties of ordinary Legislative Councillors.
In the course of two months a list of twenty-three candi
dates was completed. Mr. C. J. Brand was returned for
23 places, Sir A. Stockenstrom for 21, Mr. F. W. Reitz for
19, Mr. Fairbairn for 16 and Mr. Wicht for 7. These were
the five at the head of the list. Mr. Godlonton was twelfth
with 3 places. In the spirit of the Notice of May 6th, and
in justice to the Eastern Province, the Governor selected
Mr. Godlonton for the fifth place instead of Mr. Wicht who
with Messrs. Brand, Reitz and Fairbairn belonged to the
Western Province. These five then completed the Legis
lative Council and gave it, again a legal status. The first
meeting was held on September 6th. Its proceedings were
not a happy augury for the success of establishing Represen
tative Government. Not only were there, from the com
mencement, the signs of want of unanimity, but there was
a deliberate hostility of some members against others. The
Governor presided. After the swearing-in ceremony and
the admission of a crowd of the general public, he opened
the proceedings by reading a long minute, dealing with the
information and instructions he had received from Earl Grey.
Mr. Fairbairn then rose and asked to be permitted to lay
before the Council some resolutions which had been sent
to him from Graaff-Reinet. They were to the effect that the
Governor had not acted in accordance with the notice of
May 6th, that he had not kept his word in selecting the five
men whose names were at the top of the list, and that even
if Mr. Wicht were ineligible, Mr. J. J. Meintjes of Graaff-
Reinet came next with six places and had therefore more right
to a place in the Council than Mr. Godlonton. The Attorney-
General supported by the Secretary to Government objected
to these being received on the grounds of the procedure
being informal and irregular. Mr. Fairbairn then withdrew
his request, quite satisfied that his object had been attained
by reading it. The unamiable Sir Andries Stockenstrom
then informed the Council that, on making inquiries from

ACTION OF SIR A. STOCKENSTROM 247
the Governor, he had been assured that he was one of the five CHAP.
at the top of the list, " because " said he, " I do not intend to VI'
sit here in any other capacity than as a representative of
the people. If I am sixth on that list, I shall forthwith walk
out at that door." Apparently still unsatisfied and, as was
his custom, suspecting some intrigue or conspiracy in all the
high officials he had ever worked with, he moved that there
be laid on the table a return of the numbers of votes which
had been sent in by the municipalities and road boards.1
This very important step towards gaining Representative
Government for the country disposed of, the Governor pro
posed that the Council go into committee and then mentioned
fourteen different subjects which it would be his duty to
bring before them. They were such matters as the estimates
for 1850 and '51 ; masters and servants ; trial by jury ; the
South African College and others disconnected with the
formation of the new government. The Governor then left
the chair which was taken by the Secretary to Government.
After some preliminary conversation in connection with their
procedure, the Council adjourned and the first day's work
was done. The next meeting of the Council was held on
September ioth. The Governor opened the proceedings
by reading minutes on Finance, Legislation and other
matters which he intended to introduce during the session.
Sir A. Stockenstrom then rose and again called for the
returns of the numbers of votes which had been given for
the new members. He abhorred the idea of being a
Governor's nominee. " If I am not one of the five at the
head of the poll " said he, " I shall not remain in this place."
The returns were laid upon the table. He then moved for a
special committee to examine them and to report whether
the five members who had been appointed had the majority
of votes. He considered the advertisement of May 6th was
the best act of the Governor's life and now it was desirable
to be assured that he had acted strictly up to it. It must,
1 In fairness to Sir Andries, it should be stated that as far back as
May 23rd, when asked by the people of Somerset East to allow himself
to be nominated, he consented only reluctantly, because, he said, the
Governor has not explicitly pledged himself to the appointment of the
five with the greatest number of votes ; should he not do so, it will in
principle, still leave the members the nominees of the Executive and thus
the election by popular representation will not have been achieved.

248 THE EASTERN PROVINCE AGAIN
CHAP, at first, have been something of a surprise to all to hear the
Attorney-General second this hostile motion. The surprise,
however, must have vanished when, as a kind of antidote,
he gave notice of motion that the five gentlemen, including
Mr. Godlonton, had been appointed in conformity with the
notice of May 6th, and that all were entitled to act with equal
independence. Mr. Fairbairn objected to the Attorney-
General supporting one motion and anticipating a decision
by giving notice of a totally different one. A warm discussion
ensued. After being called to order, he appealed to the
Governor and was told that the Attorney-General was the
proper person to decide the legal question. The Attorney-
General then put the question to the Governor. His answer
was that it was the practice in Parliament in England and
would be adhered to. The committee to examine the returns
consisted of : Sir A. Stockenstrom, Mr. Brand and the
Auditor-General .
As the motion of the honourable baronet was obviously
aimed at himself, Mr. Godlonton resented the remarks which
had been made and declared that he had reluctantly consen
ted to take a place in the Council, but duty compelled him
to comply with the wishes of the large numbers who had
voted for him, as well as to see that the English inhabitants
of Albany were duly represented. The Council then went
into committee with the Secretary to Government in the
chair. Mr. Cock, thus early, considered it expedient to state
that the population of the Eastern Province would not submit
to one central government in which they would have no
control of their own affairs ; in such a government, he said,
they would always be in a minority ; it would be far better
to be subject to the tyranny of one man than of an assembly
composed of Western people. It was decided however, to
leave the question of separation until a later stage of the
proceedings. Attention, at length, was turned to the real
business of the meeting. The discussions turned on the pay
ment of members, the status of municipal bodies and the
powers they were to have under the Letters Patent.
September nth. — The Council, in committee, sat for
seven hours on this day. The proceedings seem to have been

DEBATE ON THE QUALIFICATIONS 249
harmonious and good work was done. A number of the CHAP.
clauses of the draft constitution were discussed and it was VL
finally agreed that the qualification for the electoral franchise
for the Lower House was to be the possession of landed
property to the value of £25 with residence in an electoral
district for twelve months.
September 13th. — This day, consideration was devoted
to the qualifications for a member of the Upper House.
Opinion was divided between personal worth and personal
possessions. It was argued that the qualification to sit
with that august body should be not so much what a man
had but what he was. Sir A. Stockenstrom considered that
the imposition of a high property qualification would result
in the Upper House becoming an oligarchy of the worst type.
The Attorney-General on the other hand, was not prepared
to trust too much to the sovereign people ; unless there was
a high qualification the Colony would be in danger of
communism, socialism and red republicanism. Mr. Brand
objected to this allusion to socialism and red republicanism
and argued in favour of what had fallen from Sir A.
Stockenstrom, with whom, he said, he intended to vote.
The Collector of Customs could not see the use of an Upper
House if it was to consist of the same kind of men as the
Lower ; a high property qualification was usually associated
with intelligence, industry and perseverance, he therefore
was in favour of a prospective candidate possessing £2,000.
With this Mr. Godlonton agreed. Mr. Fairbairn took a
very lofty view of the question. He also desired a high
qualification, but it was not to be that of wealth but of
integrity, character and ability. When the Queen appointed
Sir H. Smith to be Governor of the Colony, did she demand
a pecuniary qualification ? When a Secretary to Government
was wanted, did the amount of Mr. Montagu's personal
wealth enter the question ? No ! it was ability and special
fitness for the situation which determined the appointments.
A £2,000 qualification for the Upper House would limit
the number from which the elections could be made and
thus a privileged class would be instituted, perhaps, to the
injury of all other classes. The members of the Assembly
would be elected by particular districts, but the members of

250 MR MONTAGU'S VIEWS
CHAP, the Council should be elected by the colony taken as a
' whole — the multitude might be depended upon to pick out
the best men, the men of good repute, of blameless character
and in independent positions. The Auditor-General felt
that a large property qualification was necessary, though
he was well aware that there were three degrees of aristocracy,
that of birth which was worthy of respect, that of character
and ability which was more worthy and the aristocracy of
wealth, which was worth none at all. He thought the best
way of creating the difference that was wanted would be to
adopt the plan of the Privy Council report and leave the
members of the Upper House to be elected by a different
class of electors who were of a better-informed class and
of a higher station in society such as justices of the peace,
field cornets and district road boards. The Secretary to
Government, in a very long and exceedingly able address,
expressed a hope to see the most intelligent and active
members in the Assembly, but he looked upon the Upper
House as the great bulwark against popular indiscretion.
If both houses were elected on the same principle and with
the same qualifications, the members of one House could
be no check upon the other, they might just as well have one
house of 60 members instead of an Upper one of 1 5 and a
Lower one of 45. Though he had the greatest respect for
Mr. Fairbairn's ideals and high opinions of human nature,
it was no rule to guide them. Practical wisdom had taught
him that human nature begins with self and ends with pelf ;
men's own interests take precedence of their patriotism,
however full they may be of professions to the contrary
and if you trust too much to such professions of high principles
without any checks for the probable absence of them you will
find yourselves lamentably deceived. In times of great
political agitation, Mr. Fairbairn's beautiful theories would
be scattered to the winds, there must be something more
tangible than good intentions. There will always be found
talented editors who command an immense influence over
popular movements, and unscrupulous newspapers which
insert everything but the truth. If the Upper House was
to be open to the working of the same influences as the Lower,
to the schemes of unscrupulous political pauper agitators,

PROPERTY QUALIFICATIONS AGAIN 251
and no property qualifications established for the security CHAP.
and guarantee of the landed interests, all that he could say VI'
was , " God protect the country." He was therefore still of
opinion that a £2,000 qualification was necessary. The
meeting was adjourned before the question was put to the
vote. After Mr. Montagu (the Secretary to Government) had
left the room, he was accosted by several gentlemen with
whom he was unacquainted and who had listened to his
arguments with much concern. They thanked him for the
sentiments he had expressed and — as they put it — for pro
tecting their property from destruction. One said : " I hope
Sir, you will stick to your proposition. I have a large
property and if your property qualification is not carried, I
will sell at any sacrifice and leave the Colony." During
the evening of that day, a petition signed by thirty landowners
within the municipality of Cape Town praying that the
Honourable Committee would adopt a property qualification
for the members of the Legislative Council of not less than
£1,000, was prepared for presentation to the committee
the next morning.
September 14th. — At the commencement of this sitting,
the Attorney-General read the petition which had been
drawn up on the previous evening. Mr. Fairbairn read two
of an opposite tenor. The debate then continued on the
qualification question. It was of great length and was
chiefly a verbal tourney between the two doughty champions,
Mr. Porter the Attorney-General, and Mr. Fairbairn. Mr.
Porter considered that Mr. Fairbairn's quixotic theories
were the workings of an ingenious imagination aided by
reason but innocent of practical wisdom. Though backed
up by arguments regularly put and beautifully arranged, as
they would be by so good a logician, they were fraught with
ruin to the country. Mr. Fairbairn was unmoved. Suppose,
he said, a man secured a seat in the Council on the strength
of £2,000 unencumbered property and suppose he should
get into debt, lose money on account of the death of his
wife or perhaps raise money on mortgage, he would be
instantly disqualified to retain his seat. No ! character
and ability must be the qualification. He (Mr. F.) must be

252 DEBATE ON VOTING RETURNS
CHAP, quixotic, he confessed, but Quixote died in his bed and spoke
' more wisdom than Plato or Aristotle. The Attorney-
General agreed that Don Quixote was, in speech, one of the
wisest of men who ever lived, but when it came to action he
attacked windmills and flocks of sheep, which showed that
he lacked practical wisdom. Mr. Fairbairn then moved the
amendment : " That no landed property be required for a
qualification for the Upper House." This was put to the
vote and lost. Sir A. Stockenstrom, Messrs. Fairbairn, Brand
and Reitz voting for it and the five official members with
Messrs. Cock and Godlonton against it. It might be men
tioned here that this was the nature of all the voting on
these matters. The four appeared to act as a party.
September iSth. — To the detriment and entire hindrance
of the important business before the Council, the whole of
this day was wasted in a fruitless discussion on the voting
returns, the report of which was presented by Sir Andries
Stockenstrom. The Attorney-General then in anticipation
of the opposition to the appointment of Mr. Godlonton,
instead of Mr. Wicht, which was expected from the Stocken
strom party, moved the resolution of which he had given
notice, viz. : " That the appointments of Sir A. Stockenstrom,
Messrs. Fairbairn, Brand, Reitz and Godlonton have in
the opinion of this Council been made in conformity with the
notice of May 6th." In a long address, he hoped, he said,
that they would have been relieved from the necessity of
discussing and dissipating unworthy suppositions and sus
picions of violated pledges on the part of the Government
and that they would have proceeded with the important
duties which devolved upon them. The intention conveyed
by the notice of May 6th, was that from the list of names
supplied to the Governor, he would select those gentlemen
who appeared best entitled to the confidence of the several
classes and districts comprising the Colony. It did not mean
that the Governor had pledged himself to choose the five
at the top of the list, as, in that case, only one district might
be represented and the wishes of the rest of the community
ignored. Had Mr. Wicht been elected, then four out of the
five would have represented the West. Sir A. Stockenstrom,
nominally the Eastern member, could not be said to represent

VICTORY OF THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL 253
the public opinion of the East, as in Grahamstown he had CHAP.
one vote against Mr. Godlonton's three hundred and in the VI"
district of Albany he did not have one. Mr. Cock seconded
the motion. He was the Government nominee of the old
Legislative Council, who, in spite of the troubles of 1 849,
had retained his seat. It was then argued that the five at the
top of the list had not been elected by the spontaneous voice of
the electors, but by an influence which was exercised by,
and emanated from, electioneering Cape Town politicians.
Tickets with the five names, which led voters to believe
that they were those of the five best men, had been circulated
throughout the country. In the case of Mr. Godlonton this
had not been done, hence his election was considered more
in accordance with the spirit of the notice than that of the
others. Mr BRAND took up the cudgels on behalf of his
party. Avowing no personal animus against Mr. Godlonton,
though unmistakably showing it, he questioned that gentle
man's competence to sit in the Council as he was Government
contractor for printing the Bloemfontein Gazette. Then
almost with contempt he looked upon Mr. Godlonton as
being nothing better than a Government nominee instead of
a noble being elected by the voice of the people. It was
essential that the public should know who was who in the
Council so that all might see who really represented the people.
Had it been made clear that the five at the top of the list
would not be taken, they would not have gone through the
humbug of the election ; as it was, the Governor had destroyed
public confidence. Mr. FAIRBAIRN very honestly would not
disclaim personal feelings. As editor of the Commercial
Advertiser he had long been at feud with Mr. Godlonton, the
editor of the Grahamstown Journal. He also was under the
impression that the five gentlemen at the top of the list would
be elected. Then followed a heated disputation arising from
the remark of the Secretary to Government that the ticket
system had not resulted in spontaneous voting. As a man
of honour, Mr. Fairbairn said he would not retain his seat
for one moment if there was any imputation of mala fides.
In the end the Attorney-General's motion was put to the
vote and carried by the majority of three, the four voting
against it.

254 DISCUSSION ON BUSINESS OF THE COUNCIL
CHAP. September 20th. — Sir A. Stockenstrom commenced the
proceedings by announcing that he held in his hand a
petition signed by 225 residents of Cape Town, praying the
Council to confine itself to the task of framing a Representa
tive Government for the Colony and to enter upon no other
business whatever until that object was attained. The
Secretary to Government immediately presented one of an
exactly opposite tenor. Possibly in consequence of some
information respecting the former having got abroad,
32 persons, chiefly the heads of the most important mercantile
houses, within an hour, prepared the latter. It prayed the
Council to proceed with the legislative business which His
Excellency had signified his intention of bringing before
them. He then moved the first reading of a Bill in connection
with the Dutch Reformed Church. Sir Andries moved an
amendment in terms of the petition which had been entrusted
to him. Speaking to this, he said that had he known that
he was to be called upon to deal with any other matters than
the framing of a constitution he would not have consented to
become a member of this Council. Interests connected with
the Church, agriculture, commerce and other matters were
not represented as they would be when a Parliament met,
and as it would not be long before this was to be the case,
there could be no necessity for hurry in these matters.
Generally he protested against any legislation being under
taken by this Council.
Mr. Reitz seconded. He considered it was better to
live a few months longer without any legislation at all than
that they should sanction by any acts of theirs the existence
of the Council as at present constituted. This was greeted
with applause by the crowd of the public which filled the
hall. Discussion then turned on the interpretation which was
to be put on the notice of May 6th. The Secretary to Govern
ment maintained that no such condition as that mentioned
by the honourable baronet was expressed or implied in the
notice ; it was understood that those who were elected would
be willing to carry on the business of the country ; if they
were not, they should not have accepted nomination. Mr.
Godlonton agreed with this. He (Mr. Reitz) was not so
certain that it would be some considerable time before a

THE ESTIMATES TO BE CONSIDERED 255
Parliament was fully established. He considered, therefore, chap.
that no harm was likely to come to the country in consequence VI'
of their refusing to proceed with the ordinary legislation. As,
in consequence of the mutilated condition of the old Council,
the business of the country had been greatly hindered, the
Governor had, for many months, taken upon himself the
responsibility of sanctioning measures which required
legislative authority — especially the expenditure of the public
money. He now wished to be relieved from being compelled
to commit these illegal acts. It was urged that whatever
excuse there might be for postponing other measures until
the formation of a new parliament, it was of the utmost
importance that the estimates should be taken into considera
tion. The Attorney- General spoke eloquently and at great
length on this. He eulogised the Governor on the careful
and very satisfactory manner in which, unaided, he had man
aged the finances of the Colony, but all the same, his acts in
this connection were illegal. Was it fair, he asked, to compel
him to continue acting thus ? He (the Attorney-General)
feared that when Her Majesty's Government found men
shrinking from their duty and abandoning the public works
of the Colony, as Sir Andries and his party were doing, they
might be doubtful of the wisdom of conferring upon the
Colony the powers which were intended and which all were
so anxious to obtain. Almost pathetically, he appealed for
consideration for the question of supplies and begged the
malcontents to abstain from forcing the Government to spend
money without authority.
Mr. BRAND was unmoved by the Attorney-General's
eloquence. Why listen to all this declamation about the
danger of the course we are pursuing ? he asked. Here was
a petition asking them not to proceed with the estimates.
Are we to leave the public expenditure in the hands of the
Governor ? Certainly. He has done so well since 1 849,
why force us to take it out of his hands ? the delay of a few
months more cannot be material. It is for the future parlia
ment to approve of what has been done, and, if they see
fit, to pass an Act of Indemnity. He was not prepared to
consent to matters which had been begun and carried on
without his knowledge. He agreed that he was sent to the

256 THE COUNCIL AGAIN INCOMPLETE
CHAP. Council to assist in framing the constitution ; his contract
' was with the people, not with the Government. Had he been
told that he was expected to take part in the ordinary business
of the Council, he would, when he was asked, have refused
to accept a seat.
Mr. Fairbairn in support of his contention which
sounded like an accusation of being got into the Council
under false pretences, said, that they were to be called in
reference to the " subjoined documents." What were the
subjoined documents ? Why, the Report of the Privy Council,
the Letters Patent and Lord Grey's letter relative to the
institution of a Representative Government, nothing what
ever to do with the estimates or other matters which the
Governor was bringing before them. He did not trust Earl
Grey or his office. If they pass the estimates they will be
put off for years before anything more is heard of Represen
tative Government. No ! there is a determination to let the
Colonial Office know that there can be no Legislative Council
at the Cape until we are given free institutions.
Sir A. Stockenstrom's amendment was then put to the
vote. It was lost ; the usual four voting for it and eight,
including the Governor, voting against it.
The Attorney-General then rose and moved as a second
amendment that the consideration of the annual estimates be
proceeded with. This was carried by the usual majority.
As this result had been expected by the Stockenstrom party,
Sir Andries had come to the meeting armed with a document
containing eleven reasons for dissent and signed by the four
of his party. The eleven paragraphs were practically a
succinct recapitulation of the arguments which they had
urged during the many debates. He then tendered his
resignation as a member of the Council and left the room. He
was followed by Messrs. Fairbairn, Brand and Reitz. Thus
the Council was again rendered incomplete and legally in
capable of functioning.
Messrs. Cock and Godlonton must have been aware of
the intention of Sir Andries to read his eleven " Reasons for
Dissent," for they also went to the Council armed with a
document, but it was twelve " Reasons for Assent." It bears
the date September 19th. It does not seem however to have

SEPARATE GOVERNMENT AGAIN 257
been read at the meeting, but to have been given to the CHAP.
Governor afterwards. They assented because " we came
hither in good faith to assist as legislative councillors in
carrying out the public business of the country and because
we conceive that the resignation of our trust would be the
abandonment of a solemn duty," " because we have been
charged to bring under the consideration of the Legislative
Council matters of the highest moment to the Eastern
Province," " because the non-consideration of the Estimates
will necessarily prevent the resumption of all public works,
especially the harbour improvements at Port Elizabeth, and
throw out of employment numerous people who are dependent
upon these for their livelihood ; because we are deeply
impressed with the conviction that even the semblance of a
factious opposition to the local government will make an
impression on the mind of Her Majesty's Government most
inimical to the Colony, and especially to the Eastern frontier " ;
and " because it is quite possible to consider the Estimates
concurrently with the consideration of the formation of the
new Parliament."
" The matters of highest moment to the Eastern Pro
vince," which would have been brought before the Council
had there been an opportunity, found expression in a docu
ment dated September 27th, which these two gentlemen
afterwards handed to the Governor. They took exception
to the form of Representative Government suggested in the
Report of the Committee of the Privy Council of January
19th, 1850, because it did not provide for the separate and
independent control and administration by the inhabitants
of the Eastern Province of their own local affairs, as has been
so often prayed for. They gave a resume of the history of
the continued agitation for separate government, showing
that the Kaffir Wars and vast expenditure of the British
taxpayers' money were the results of being governed by the
far West. Cape Town had ever refused to listen to their
prayers and had treated their apprehensions as groundless
and their statements as exaggerations ; there would never
be security from these attacks until the eastern people them
selves had the power to control and regulate their own affairs,
no Government having its seat in Cape Town, 600 miles
VOL. v 17 s

258 A NEW DRAFT CONSTITUTION
CHAP, away, will ever do justice to the Eastern Province. The
Committee of the Privy Council, they said, had acknowledged
that it was an intolerable grievance that that province should
be placed under the authority of a Legislature sitting at such
a distance and Sir B. D' Urban had recommended the removal
of the seat of Government from Cape Town to Uitenhage.
All this however was one more attempt which was doomed
to failure. In consequence of the four resignations, the Governor
was face to face with a painful difficulty. It was necessary
that the instructions and provisions of the Report of the
Privy Council and Letters Patent should be observed and
obeyed by the Legislative Council. But now the Legislative
Council was not ; and any attempt to re-establish it by the
nomination of other members was felt to be doomed to failure
and perhaps attended with scenes similar to those which
disgraced the Anti-Convict movement. The course the
Governor adopted therefore was to authorise the remaining
seven members to form a Commission for the purpose of
continuing the work and reporting in due course. To this
end, on Monday, September 23rd (the Legislative Council
having been broken up on the Friday), the Government notice
was issued. It stated that the report having been received
it would be published and then it would be open to discussion
throughout the whole country ; petitions and resolutions
concerning it might be sent in and these would be trans
mitted to the Secretary of State.
The four seceders were by no means idle. Their resigna
tions met with the active sympathy and approval of the com
missioners and wardmasters of the Cape Town Municipality,
a body which did not entertain any cordial feelings towards
the Government. They learned with satisfaction the refusal
of the four to consider the Estimates. At their request the
four together with the unsuccessful candidate, Mr. Wicht,
formulated a draft constitution which was to be taken to
England by Sir A. Stockenstrom and Mr. Fairbairn as
delegates of the people, the necessary expenses to be defrayed
by public subscription. The draft was a short document
consisting of sixteen sections and containing nothing to
which anyone could have any objection. It is clear that the

A CIRCULAR LETTER AND THE REPLY TO IT 259
thought and time spent upon it was small compared with CHAP.
what the Attorney-General gave to one of ninety-four VL
sections, which was transmitted to the Colonial Office a few
weeks later and which contained practically all that was
asked for by the malcontents. They agreed to admit the
Secretary to Government, the Treasurer and the Attorney-
General to both Houses, but without votes and in spite of
Mr. Fairbairn's demand for propertyless paragons of virtue
for the Upper Chamber, a qualification of at least £1,000
was demanded.
The coterie also drafted a circular letter which was to
be, and was, sent to all municipalities and road boards
giving the reasons for their resignations. The chief burden
of this was what was called the immoral and impolitic
doctrine which was alleged to have been annunciated by the
Secretary to Government, namely, that all official members
of the Council were bound to support and vote for any
measure proposed by the Government, whether they approved
of it or not, and thus to act contrary to the dictates of their
consciences. The four, so they maintained, were therefore
nothing but an impotent minority packed together to com
plete an otherwise defective machinery and having only
sufficient influence to legalise measures of a fixed majority
whether good or bad.
To counteract the evil effect which was likely to be pro
duced by this letter, the five official members published a
reply in the Gazette. They denied that every member of
the Council was bound to vote with the Government and
quoted cases where some of the official members had voted
with the four against the others.1 The actual " immoral "
statement of the Secretary to Government, of which so much
fuss was made and which, on the principle of " any port
in a storm," was seized upon as a reason for resigning was
" when any question has been discussed and decided in a
Cabinet or Executive Council, the minority is bound to
yield to the majority. On no other principle can any govern
ment be carried on, and if any official's conscience will not
1 e.g., on September 14th the Collector of Customs and Attorney-
General voted with the four against the Secretary to Government,
Treasurer-General, Auditor-General, and Messrs. Cock and Godlonton.

.260 NEW SIGNATURES WERE OBTAINED
CHAP, allow him to adopt this course, he has only one alternative —
' to resign his office." The circular Stockenstrom-Fairbairn
letter had its due effect. Public meetings, though, from all
accounts, sparsely attended, were held in many places 1
and resolutions were sent to Mr. Fairbairn to be taken to
England. The movement was certainly a triumph of organ
isation on the part of those who had formerly led and engin
eered the late Anti-Convict agitation. The tactics seem to
have been those of the old orthodox electioneering type.
According to Sir Harry Smith, the hundreds of signatures
to the petitions of Cape Town and the vicinity had been
obtained by the street-keepers who had hawked round the
documents, many of the names being undiscoverable in the
Cape Town directory or by the inquiries of the police, those
therefore were probably fictitious. At nachmals or other
public gatherings documents were ready for signatures.
The petitions from the Cape Town Municipality and Green
Point and Beaufort (West) were so similar in their wording
that one cannot help thinking that they must have emanated
from the same head and hand. However, whether the meet
ings were packed or not, the names of the chairmen who
presided, seem to have been those of men of respectability
and station. Perhaps as was to have been expected there
was a similarity of sentiments in the resolutions. Epitomised,
they were, unqualified satisfaction with the " Reasons for
Dissent " ; repudiation of the charge of undue influence in the
election of the five — Paarl showed that none of the five names at
the top of the list was on their ticket — disgust with what they
called the rudeness of the official members ; objection to
the remaining seven forming a Commission, as unlawful as
uncalled for ; approval of the draft constitution and its
transmission to England by Messrs. Fairbairn and Stocken
strom and a willingness to subscribe the necessary funds.
At Uitenhage, the sentiments were mixed, the majority was
in agreement with the Western centres, while a minority with
Mr. J. C. Chase at its head maintained that the behaviour
of the four seceders was a perverse and factious opposition
1 Cape Town and Green Point, Paarl, Worcester, Beaufort (West),
Swellendam, Tulbagh, George, Riversdale, Graaff-Reinet, Colesberg,
Uitenhage, Port Elizabeth and Grahamstown.

AN ACRID LETTER 26r
brought about for no other purpose than that of embarrassing CHAP.
the Government. Mr. Chase determined to protest against VI'
the action of the meeting as it was packed with those who
had not paid their road rates and whose sentiments could
not be taken as indicative of the wealth and intelligence
of the district. Port Elizabeth declined to offer any
opinion and Grahamstown whole-heartedly condemned the
resignations. On October 27th, Mr. Fairbairn left for England. Sir
Andries, who should have accompanied him, postponed his
voyage to a later date. He was, however, represented in
London by a characteristically acrid and vindictive letter
which he wrote to Earl Grey, apparently with the hope of
its being read before the House of Commons. It purported
to give an account of what had happened at the meetings of
the Council, but he would " not disgust his Lordship with
the painful details of the scene " . . . " the Hon Secretary
to the Government on that day had received a lesson which
must have convinced him that the day was for ever gone
when the Colony could any longer be ruled by such flights and
dicta." According to this letter the country was in a dreadful
state due to the mismanagement of the Government. This
letter, of course, had to go through the usual channel of the
Governor's office, so to the Governor personally, Sir Andries
sent the following delectable missive :
" Cape Town, October 28th, 1850,
" SlR, — The laws of honour and morality view the
cowardly midnight assassin as not more base than the man
who sends to such a place as Downing Street any document,
statement or representation in the remotest degree involving,
questioning or calculated to injure the character, reputation,
words or deeds of his neighbour, without due notice to the
party thus assailed, to be there underhand and secretly
deposited until the same can conveniently be made available
against the unconscious victim of such treachery, or
against his memory and his posterity, when these shall trust
that his bones are mouldering in honour. With the most
perfect faith in the above doctrine, I must reluctantly trouble
your Excellency with the annexed copy of a letter which I

262 REPORT OF COMMISSION OF SEVEN
CHAP, have on the 25th instant addressed to the Secretary of
State for the Colonies. I have, etc.
A. Stockenstrom."
At this time the Governor was on the frontier as there
were threatenings of the Kaffir War which broke out at
the end of the year. In his absence on November 7th, Mr.
Montagu wrote to the Secretary of State, warning him to
be on his guard against being misled by any of the state
ments and documents carried by Mr. Fairbairn and asking
Earl Grey to suspend judgment upon them until he (the
Governor) had time and opportunity to make his own report
and send the counter-petitions. Mr. Fairbairn reached
London ; there for the present we must leave him. On
September 30th, the Commission of the seven was ready
with the report, consisting of twenty-five sections, a copy
of which, without comment, was sent to Downing Street
on October 4th. It included an account of the work which
had been done by the Council up to the time of its dissolution
and then having taken the report of the Committee of Trade
and Plantations paragraph by paragraph, they gave opinions
here and made recommendations there. The noteworthy
points were that they objected to the Chief Justice being the
President of the Upper House, it was felt to be extremely
inexpedient that so high a functionary should descend from
the bench of justice into the arena of Colonial politics ;
there would be a loss of that public confidence and respect
which so high a magistrate ought at all times to command.
They disapproved of the Legislative Council and House of
Assembly being dissolved at the same time and considered,
to commence with at all events, that Government officers
should not take part in the discussions of either house, they
should not become involved in party contests as, in that case,
they could scarcely fail to do. And they advocated that the
reasonable rights of the civil servants then in office should
be safeguarded. In accordance with the Governor's invita
tion to the general public, petitions, the results of numerous
public meetings, poured in from all sides. Space will
permit of little more than the mere mention of them. Port
Elizabeth considered the £25 franchise dangerously low,

A MASTERLY DOCUMENT 263
very many natives, mere hut-holders, would thus be qualified, CHAP.
it would mean admitting to the voters' roll a vast amount of VI"
the unenlightened and the exclusion of many of the intelli
gent, such as salaried clerks, lodgers and others. They
recommended a rental value of £10 or an annual income of
£40. Uitenhage agreed with this and characteristically
insisted that the seat of the Government must be moved
more towards the East. They condemned the seceders and
regretted that the welfare of the country should have been
sacrificed to an ambitious party spirit and expressed their
want of confidence in the delegates who had been appointed to
go to England. Much the same were the views expressed from
Grahamstown, Graaff-Reinet, George, Knysna and Pletten-
berg Bay, Swellendam and Caledon. The coloured people and
Hottentots of the Kat River rejoiced in the £25 franchise and
viewed with alarm the opposition to it on the frontier. They
could not without forebodings look forward to the work of a
South African parliament. The Moravian missionaries and
their followers at the mission station of Genadendal also
regarded with apprehension power getting into the hands of
the farmers, they feared the loss of that protection which
they had under the British Government, they visualised
stringent masters and servants acts, vagrant laws, compulsory
labour of long periods, pass laws, the general restriction of
their liberty and a state not much better than slavery. The
Governor himself was of opinion that if the Legislature were
purely elective all the above might come about, hence he
was very strong for a purely nominated Legislative Council.
The Commissioners' report was referred to the Executive
Council when each member wrote a long memorandum em
bodying his views. Based on all this, the Attorney-General
drafted a suggested constitution — a very long document
consisting of ninety-four sections. It included all the seceders
asked for in their own. It dealt in great detail with all the
procedure of elections, qualifications, and all else in the most
complete manner. It was a masterly document as might
have been expected from so able a man as Mr. Porter. In
due course, this was sent to the Colonial Office together with
the numerous petitions which had then come in. As time
went on, shoals of these petitions, for and against the Govern-

.264 EARL GREY'S ".ADDITION-AL. INSTRUCTIONS "
CHAP, ment, arrived and all were transmitted to England. Sir
Harry Smith's conciliation and tact in endeavouring to re
establish the Legislative Council did not meet with the
approval of Earl Grey. The noble earl considered that,
in asking the people to nominate the five members,
the Governor had acted in a manner no less unusual than
unauthorised ; he ought on his own judgment, to have made
a selection without consulting the public at all. Speaking of
the four seceders, he said, that if the result of this proceeding
should be to postpone the time when the colonists should
enter upon the enjoyment of the privileges which had been
offered to them, the responsibility for the delay will rest
with those who have met the offer in a spirit so different
from that in which it was tendered — with those who have
misused the confidence placed in them. He could not
understand why the sittings of the Council should have been
interrupted because four of its members had resigned ;
there still remained the five official members together with
Messrs. Cock and Godlonton and only six were required to
form a quorum. Why did he not elect four new members
straight away ? and if there had been any intimidation on
the part of the Cape Town party as there had been in
connection with the convict business, what was there to
prevent the sitting being held in Grahamstown ? He entirely
disapproved of the invitation to the public to express their
views in petitions, it was calculated to keep up a most mis
chievous agitation. Generally, he disagreed with most of
the findings of the Commissioners, the Chief Justice should
still be President and no alterations should be made in the
Letters Patent. A few months later, when he was in posses
sion of more information and perhaps had had time to digest
that which he had already received, he modified his opinion
and statements. The Attorney-General put the legal view
before him and showed that legally the Legislative Council
ceased to exist after the resignation of the four because the
Council then consisted of less than ten members — the
minimum required by the Royal Commission. Earl Grey
therefore issued fresh instructions, the famous "Additional
Instructions " (May 13th, 185 1) to the Governor to the effect
that the Legislative Council was legally constituted so long

STOCKENSTROM AND FAIRBAIRN IN LONDON 265
as six members remain, whether official or unofficial. But CHAP.
what was more important and more serious, he stated that, VL
at present, it was inexpedient to go on further with the
question of Representative Government ; a war was raging
in Kaffirland, so many were in the field against the enemy
that the choice of members for the new parliament would be
in the hands of those who were least ready to come forward
for the defence of the country.
Sir Andries Stockenstrom joined Mr. Fairbairn in
London early in 1851. From the tone of their previous
communications with the Colonial Office as well as their
well-known attitude towards Cape political affairs, they could
not have expected to receive any very warm reception.1
Moreover, Earl Grey was in possession of the warning letter
of November 7th from Sir H. Smith. All this, however, was
of small consequence to the delegates as their appeal was to
be to Lord John Russell and, they hoped, to the British
Parliament. Their champion and intermediary was Mr.
C. B. Adderley, of Anti-Convict fame, through whom now
the correspondence between themselves and Lord John
Russell was conducted. On May 23rd, Mr. Adderley, of
course influenced by his proteges, assured Lord John that
they were authorised to speak on behalf of nine-tenths of the
proposed electoral body at the Cape. He added his own
appeal that they should be enabled to return to the Cape
with such an answer as should encourage them to hope for
the immediate enjoyment of the constitution they desired.
Unless it was pure personal hatred towards the members of
the Legislative Council, it is difficult to see what their
grievance was and why they were on this visit to London.
" Nothing can be more fixed than the determination of Her
1 On presenting himself at the Colonial Office, Mr. Fairbairn was
received by Earl Grey as a private individual, but was distinctly informed
that he could not he acknowledged in a representative character. — Theal,
Vol. Ill, p. 125. Earl Grey, writing to Sir H. Smith, on March 29th,
1851, stated that he had received a letter from Sir Andries Stockenstrom,
on January 18th : " The tone in which that letter is written will probably
prevent my replying to it. I must, however, observe that while he has
condemned in such unmeasured terms the whole proceedings of the local
Government, the grounds of his censure are so vaguely stated that I have
found myself entirely at a loss to understand in what respects he considers
the measures of the local government to have been erroneous and what is
the different policy which he would himself recommend.

266 LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S REPLY
CHAP. Majesty's Government to establish representative institutions
at the Cape," said Lord John Russell, on June 5th. And
Sir A. Stockenstrom and Mr. Fairbairn acknowledged there
were but few essential differences between the " Draft Order
in Council " drawn up by the Attorney-General and the
sixteen articles formulated by themselves. All they could
desire now, was the immediate enjoyment of the boon which
was offered to them ; but this enjoyment was being delayed
through their own stupidity and ill-natured behaviour. Their
grievance seems to have been that they had no grievance.
But whatever slender reason they could have urged for leaving
the Cape when they did, they found, in May, an outlet for
their pent-up eagerness for fight and a reason for maintaining,
if not increasing their " unconquerable repugnance to the
continuance of the present constitution or any attempt to
use it for permanent purposes." On May 13th, was issued
the " Additional Instructions," authorising the remaining
seven members of the Legislative Council to continue the
work which had been commenced. They looked upon this
as a virtual revocation of the Letters Patent of 1850 and as a
final refusal to accede to the earnest prayers of the people for
a Representative Government. This made, they said, the
despotism more complete and avowed than that of the constitu
tion which it superseded. They described, in certainly
exaggerated language, the state of disorganisation of the
country and the dangers of delay and they left the responsi
bility for this delay, or a refusal, to His Lordship and his
colleagues. Lord John Russell in a courteous reply, through Mr.
Adderley, assured the delegates that they were in error in
believing that there was any desire to revoke the Letters
Patent. All they desired would in time be granted, but as
the Governor was on the frontier, he would not be able to
attend to these matters until the termination of the Kaffir
War. In any case, some time would have to elapse before the
measure could come into force. Sir A. Stockenstrom and Mr.
Fairbairn were dissatisfied with these answers. As they
believed, or said they did, that the object of the " Additional
Instructions " was to keep the diminished Legislative Council
in power and to prevent the establishment of Representative

PARTING SHOTS 267
Government, they determined to test the legality and validity chap.
of those instructions. They submitted their case to " three VL
eminent lawyers " for their opinion. The opinion, shorn of
all its verbiage, was that the instructions of May 13th were
altogether invalid and void, " a legislative constitution once
granted is irrevocable, except by the authority of the Imperial
Parliament or by an act of the local legislature with the
consent of the Crown." The documents were sent to Lord
John for his information. He, in reply, told them that
" the Government conceived themselves entitled if not bound,
to act in conformity with the legal opinions of the Lord
Chancellor and the Law Officers of the Crown." Still
undaunted, they again approached the noble lord, and having
given their opinion that the question was at least doubtful,
they pleaded for the intervention of the Imperial Parliament.
An act passed by that august body would give immediate
relief, it would be both complete and final. Lord John was
adamant. He refused, pointing out that even in that case,
the procedure would take considerable time.
Finding further negotiations useless the delegates, as
parting shots, transmitted to Lord John Russell two long
letters. One was signed conjointly, while the other was
from Sir A. Stockenstrom on his own behalf. In the former,
Lord John was thanked for the courteous tone of his corres
pondence, which, he was told, contrasted sadly with the
asperity and rancour with which Earl Grey in a debate in
the House of Lords " hurled the most unfounded aspersions,
not only at us, but at the most respectable and loyal portion
of Her Majesty's subjects at the Cape," they (the delegates)
" nevertheless abstain from that retaliation which Earl Grey
seemed almost intent on provoking." They dealt at length
with the worn-out questions of their election to the Council,
on the alleged false pretences and the attempt to make them
break faith with their constituents by passing estimates and
considering other matters disconnected with the formation of
the new constitution.
Obviously to justify themselves in the eyes of those in
the colony who had provided the funds for their journey,
they claimed that, although they had failed to obtain the
speedy enactment of a constitution by an act of Imperial

268 FRESH INSTRUCTIONS TO SIR H. SMITH
chap. Parliament, they had secured the declaration that it would
be a breach of faith to withhold a liberal constitution from
the Cape. Considering that this had not been threatened
but it had already been declared that the Cape was to have a
Representative Government, it is difficult to see that their
visit to London had been productive of the least good.
Indirectly however, they accomplished something which will
be referred to later.
Sir Andries Stockenstrom's letter was characteristic.
He complained of the misrepresentation and calumniation
which, he alleged, were in the documents laid before Parlia
ment by Downing Street. He repudiated the statements
concerning himself which had appeared in the Blue Books.
He put the responsibility for the tone and temper of his letters
upon the Governor, whom he pilloried for his, alleged, mis-
government and many misdeeds, such as putting his foot on
the neck of one Kaffir, dashing a stick at the head of another
and making a third kiss his foot. He (Sir A. S.) defended
himself against certain remarks which had been made about
his pension of £700 per annum and assured Lord John
Russell that " he had never been guilty of what is unofficially
known as a job, he had not cost the widow or orphan a sigh
or tear, he had had no secret or underhand dealings." With
these farewells Sir A. Stockenstrom and Mr. Fairbairn left
London and arrived back in the colony in November, 1851.
The action of the two delegates in putting their case
before the " three eminent lawyers" seems to have had the
effect of causing Her Majesty's Government to review, and
that speedily, the position and to consider whether, after
all, the opinion of those learned gentlemen against the legality
of any action of the reduced Legislative Council — in short
against the " Additional Instructions " — was not the right
one. Lord John Russell received this opinion on June
28th. Two days afterwards Earl Grey wrote to Sir Harry
Smith instructing him, with the least possible delay, to
complete the Legislative Council to the number necessary
for passing the Ordinances for giving effect to the Letters
Patent. According to the terms of that instrument, the
task of framing the constitution was entrusted to the
"present council," and by "present council" was meant

THE RECONSTRUCTED COUNCIL 269
that as constituted in accordance with the instructions given chap.
to the Governor when he was appointed in 1847. Moreover, VL
it was feared that much evil might be wrought in the minds
of the colonists, already too prone to hostility against the
Government, when they heard of the difference of opinion
concerning the validity of the Additional Instructions. On
September 9th, therefore, Sir H.Smith at King William' sTown
received the despatch containing this information and instruc
tions to offer, without delay, the four vacant seats to gentlemen
of position and character in Cape Town. This was done.
There was now no friendly advance to the public by offering
them a choice of candidates, Sir Harry Smith used his own
discretion entirely. His choice fell on Messrs. Hawkins,
Arkcoll, Moodie and Ewen Christian. On October ioth,
the reconstructed Council met for the first time and was soon
in full swing, passing estimates and doing all else necessary
for the better government of the country, but omitting until
the termination of the Kaffir War the further consideration
of the proposed new Parliament.
When the ever active and hostile Cape Town Municipality
saw in the Government Gazette the announcement of the
Additional Instructions, they determined at once to oppose
them. The customary public meeting was convened. The
result was a petition to the Queen. It stated that the petition
ers had seen with dismay the intention to confer legislative
powers on the eight individuals who by virtue of their official
appointments under the Crown or by nomination ot His
Excellency the Governor, yet held office as members of the
Legislative Council, a measure so utterly opposed to their
just hopes and expectations, one which will utterly subvert
the peace of the Colony, will cause universal discontent and
will raise throughout the colony the most extreme anxiety,
lest yet greater injustice be committed upon Her Majesty's
faithful subjects ; they prayed that the measure might not
be carried into effect, but that a Representative Government,
which had so often been asked for, might be granted without
delay. In exactly the same wording came petitions from
Koeberg, Paarl and Beaufort (West), good testimony to the
activity of the then renowned Municipality. A petition also
came from Worcester which, though obviously inspired, was

270 THE GOVERNOR CHANGES HIS OPINION
CHAP, original in its wording. Beyond the Western Province and
" probably not outside the Municipal party, the above mentioned
evils do not appear to have been apprehended.
The petitions which came from the East were of a very
different character. The people of those parts had something
far more serious to contend with than Additional Instructions,
something more distressing and urgent to occupy their minds
than personal spite against the members of the Executive
Council. A Kaffir war, and now a Hottentot rebellion,
were raging. This, the third in sixteen years, the petitioners
averred, would not have happened had there been — as
there should have been — a Government resident in the
East. It was the old cry for protection and for the prevention
of those oft-recurring ills which were not to be cured by
appeals to Cape Town, six hundred miles away. It was
therefore, a matter of no small satisfaction to these sufferers
when they heard that Earl Grey in writing to Sir H. Smith
on March 5th, 1851, had stated : " The recent occurrences
in British Kaffraria and the effect which they had produced
on the inhabitants within the frontier tend to show that the
almost constant presence of the Governor at no great distance
from the frontier is required for the maintenance of peace and
good government. When I consider, at the same time,
the growing importance of Natal, of British Kaffraria and
the Orange River Territory, it appears to me that the time
may come when the seat of government can no longer be
kept in a position so far from control as Cape Town without
extreme inconvenience. I should wish you to state whether
you see any objection to its being removed to Grahamstown."
The opinion of Sir H. Smith, who, as has been stated, had
been entirely opposed to any such step, had by this time
undergone a great change. " Recent occurrences," he
said, " coupled with this continued rebellion of the Kaffirs,
and which is of far more importance, that of a large portion
of the Hottentots and of the coloured classes within the
Eastern Frontier, many more of whom are wavering in their
allegiance, induce me at once and decidedly to change my
opinion and to recommend a separate and distinct govern
ment for the Eastern Province. There should be a represen
tative form of legislature founded upon the plan which I

ELATION IN THE EASTERN PROVINCE 2ft
have recommended for the Colony as a whole and the seat CHAP.
of government should be at Grahamstown. Under this VL
arrangement I, of course, anticipate that a representative
form of legislature framed upon the principles I have advo
cated would be granted to the Western Province, in which
the seat of government should remain as at present in Cape
Town, and I advise that the officer administering the affairs
of that portion of the Cape should be the Governor-General
of South Africa. In conveying in the strongest manner my
conviction that it is desirable that the Eastern Province should
have the direction of its own affairs, while sound policy should
urge us to hold together under one government, I trust I
shall not be regarded as having hastily and unadvisedly
changed my views in regard to a subject upon which my
opinions were formerly so opposed. The inhabitants of the
Eastern and Western Provinces are constantly advocating
opposite views and these can be best provided for by
separation." Encouraged by such sentiments expressed in high official
quarters, the Eastern people were elated ; they seemed to be
more concerned about their separation from the West than
the larger question of Representative Government for the
Colony as a whole.1 A large public meeting was held in
Grahamstown on May 22nd. It resulted in a petition to the
Queen signed by 896 names. The petitioners learned with
satisfaction that there was in contemplation a project to
remove the seat of government from its present inconvenient
position, a change which circumstances now called for louder
than ever. They took the opportunity of repudiating em
phatically the Stockenstrom-Fairbairn mission to London
and denied that those men had any grounds for representing
themselves as delegated by the whole Colony. Port Elizabeth,
in its petition, likewise expressed its gratification at Earl
Grey's announcement, but wanted Uitenhage as the seat
1 They seemed to have been encouraged further by the happenings
in Australia at this time. The district of Port Philip was growing in
importance. Melbourne, which began with a few huts on the banks of
the Yarra-Yarra in 1835, had become a large and thriving town. But it
was under the jurisdiction of Sydney in New South Wales. A " separation
movement " resulted in 1851 in the formation of a new Province or Colony,
that of Victoria, with its own Executive Council appointed by the Crown,
and a Legislative Council, partly nominated and partly elective.

272 ' MEMORANDA ON . SEPARA TION
GHAP. of the Eastern Province government. Uitenhage entirely
agreed with Port Elizabeth. Somerset East and Burghers-
dorp also saw the panacea for all their ills in separation from
the West. Graaff-Reinet, in deep humility, echoed the same
sentiment ; " we feel shame and deep humility," they said,
" that such kindness and consideration (as the promise of
Representative Government) has not been deserved by us as
a community, owing to the factious conduct of a large
number of our fellow subjects in this colony." Cradock
spoke of its deplorable state, eighty miles of frontier to
defend against the enemy which was attacking it and no
help to be obtained from outside. A crisis had now arrived
when some fundamental change in the Government . was
imperatively demanded, it was therefore with no ordinary
satisfaction that they saw symptoms of sympathy on the part
of Her Majesty's Government, and they hailed with joy the
words of the Secretary of State, that nothing short of separa
tion and independence for the Eastern Province could meet
the case. They concluded with a few — now customary —
words of anger against Messrs. Fairbairn and Stockenstrom.
On September 24th, Sir Harry Smith brought the question
of separation before the Executive Council. In accordance
with his request each member sent in, in memorandum
form, his independent opinion.
The Collector of Customs was decidedly opposed to
separation. It would not be fair to the West where, in value,
was the greater amount of property. He doubted whether
the East would ever be able to pay for its own government.
But suppose it could, there would certainly be no surplus
for defence against the inroads of the border tribes, and
once a separation of East from West takes place, it is clear
that no money for any such purpose would ever be voted by
the separate legislation of the West ; once the bond of
union is severed, all sympathy and support from the Western
Province will cease.
The Attorney-General was opposed to the removal of
the supreme government from Cape Town, though, in view of
the fact that there have been two harassing and costly Kaffir
wars within four years and in view of the affairs of British
Kaffraria and the Orange River Territory, he was prepared to

THE ATTORNEY-GENERAL'S VIEWS 273
admit that the time for establishing some resident government chap.
upon the frontier had fully come. But this would not justify VI"
the removal of the Supreme Court, the Deeds Registry Office,
the Orphan Chamber and similar important offices, where
so much work was done. Moreover, it would be a doubtful
policy to make Grahamstown the seat of Government as in
the time of war it could be surrounded by the enemy and
all communication cut off with the outside. Cape Town was
even more convenient in this respect, as there was easy
steam navigation with East London and no fear of being
isolated. The Treasurer-General thought there ought to be a
local government on the frontier and that it should be placed
at Uitenhage. The Secretary to Government stated that whenever
there has been difficulty on the border, the Governor had
always had to spend a lot of time there, leaving the admini
stration of the Western Province to the Executive Council.
" I am of opinion that the best interests of the Colony as
well as those of England now require the Governor and the
seat of Government to be placed on the frontier.
The Auditor-General was of opinion that " this
Colony cannot be properly governed from selfish Cape Town,
that either the seat of Government should be removed to a
more central position nearer to Kaffraria, or that the Colony
should be divided into two distinct governments. He thought
the Government had been too long in Cape Town and had
in consequence become callous to the rest of the country.
If it has been so easy to govern the East and Kaffraria from
Cape Town, it ought, he said, to be easy to govern Cape
Town from Grahamstown, and so throughout the ages the
fight continued. The poor Eastern Province, in spite of its
strenuous endeavours, never succeeded in removing the
seat of Government from Cape Town or in raising itself
into an independent colony.
On September 15th, for the purpose of being amended
by the Legislative Council in matters which could only be
decided by those who, on the spot, possessed more minute
local knowledge, Earl Grey transmitted to Sir H. Smith the
draft Ordinance, the object of which was to determine, as
vol. v 18 t

274 FEARS OF THE {2$ FRANCHISE
CHAP, required by the Letters Patent of May 23rd, 1850, the mode
of constituting the Legislative Council and House of
Assembly, which, with the Governor, was to form the future
Parliament of the Cape. This draft Ordinance was little
more than a slightly modified form of that, consisting of ninety
sections, which had been drafted by the Attorney-General.
It was received at the Cape on November 21st and read for
the first time before the Legislative Council on the 28th.
The second reading was put down for January 28th, 1852 —
two months hence — apparently in order that Mr. Godlonton
might have an opportunity of ascertaining the views of the
East. The result of this was one of the largest public meetings
ever held in Grahamstown and the decision that it was
expedient to postpone further consideration of the establish
ment of Representative Government until after the termina
tion of the war. Not until February the ioth, was it that the
Ordinance came before the Legislative Council and the
Secretary to Government moved the second reading. Mr.
Godlonton then, in accordance with the views of his constitu
ents, moved as an amendment, the postponement of further
action. A very long and animated debate ensued, Mr.
Montagu and Mr. Porter, as usual, making speeches of
great length. The all-important matter of contention was
the £25 franchise. It was feared that this low qualification
would not only place undue power in the hands of the farmer's
servants and former slaves, but that it would give the vote
to coloured people, many of whom were at that time in open
rebellion and fighting on the side of the Kaffirs against the
colony. At this time the industrious white man with his
family was a fugitive from his home, while hundreds of
Hottentots were in the kloofs and mountains committing
robbery and murder whenever opportunity presented. The
coloured people on their side, so it was said, feared coercive
measures such as Vagrant Acts and oppression by the
farmers, they therefore looked with no friendly eye on a
higher property qualification which would exclude them from
the vote.
Perhaps because so many coloured people were in arms
against the colony, they loomed large in the minds of the
Government and there was the fear of making bad worse.

ALARM AMONG THE WESTERN FARMERS 275
The Government had attempted to bring forward a most CHAP.
necessary Bill for the prevention of squatting on farms, but VI"
in the end thought better to drop it. The object of this
Bill was to prevent worthless and idle Hottentots with their
families from settling down in the out-of-the-way nooks on
the farms and living on the sheep and cattle which they
stole from the farmer. This was a severe scourge from which
the Eastern Province had suffered for many years and on
account of which there had been such a loud cry for a Vagrant
Act. The Western Province had had little or no reason to
grieve on this account, squatting was almost unknown in
those parts. Another serious matter which intimidated the
Government in discussing the £25 franchise was a violent
alarm which broke out among the Western farmers, especially
in the districts of Riversdale and Malmesbury, but which on
proper investigation was found to be groundless. The
Hottentot recruits, who had returned to their homes after
having served their six months in Kaffirland, behaved in a
somewhat insolent manner and used some irresponsible and
boastful language which was interpreted by the farmers as a
conspiracy to combine and murder them. The farmers flew
to arms and congregated in places for defence. The Hotten
tots misunderstanding this, and thinking this arming and
combination was against themselves for the purpose of
making them slaves or something of the kind, also pre
pared for further fight. Fortunately, however, the excite
ment died down without any more serious result than this
mutual fear.
The final result of the debate was that the Secretary to
Government moved as a second amendment the adjournment
of the Council. He did this with all the more confidence as
the Home Government had expressed its intention of suspend
ing operations in any case until the close of the war. Put
to the vote, it was carried by 8 to 2— hence for a time the
matter slept. The Governor, who was still detained on the
frontier by the Kaffir war, was opposed to any postponement in
bringing the draft Ordinance before the Legislative Council.
Writing from King William's Town on February 18th,
1852, he said that there had already been unnecessary delay,
that in delay he apprehended far greater embarrassment to

276 SATISFACTION IN THE COLONY
CHAP, the Government than in procedure and that he saw no cause
for apprehension of any public disturbance or any excuse
for deferring the grant of Representative Government on
account of the war. He was destined however to take but
little more part in these matters. For reasons yet to be
dealt with, he was recalled and on March 31st, 1852, Lieut.-
General Sir George Cathcart arrived in the Colony, to assume
the Governorship and to bring to an end the Kaffir war. To
take charge of the civil administration of the country and
to remain in Cape Town, C. H. Darling, Esq., who arrived
a week previously, was appointed Lieut.-Governor. About
this time also, there were great changes in Downing Street.
Earl Grey, who had figured so prominently in these troublous
times of Cape Colony, handed the seals of his office to Sir
John Pakington and the Earl of Derby took the place of Lord
John Russell.
The draft Ordinance of September 15th, which had been
returned to the colony for the completion of the details,
gave general satisfaction throughout the country. To bring
it into force, therefore, needed only the further considera
tion of the Legislative Council, its re-transmission to England
and its final ratification by Her Majesty the Queen. Even
the Cape Town Municipality was almost contented. They
now, as expressed in their petition to the Queen in December,
1 85 1, prayed that the same might be passed without any
alteration or delay and without any reference to the despised
Legislative Council. Earl Grey in his despatch to the
Governor, desired them to be told that he was glad to hear
of their satisfaction and that, but for the ill-advised resigna
tions of the four members, it might have been in operation
some months previously. Anxious as he was that a Represen
tative Government should be established as soon as possible,
Earl Grey expressed his surprise, which really meant his
displeasure, that so long a period as two months between
the first and second readings should have been decided
upon. This, however, was not all. It was not until March
4th, a postponement of over three months, that the question
was at length dealt with. Sir John Pakington seems to have
been no less anxious than Earl Grey, for in a despatch, dated
March 15th, 1852, in answer to one of the many protests

MAMY petitions tO The governor 277
from the Cape Town Municipality, he intimated his desire C^.AP-
to be made acquainted with the reasons for this continued
delay and could only believe that there must have been
necessity for it. It would seem therefore, that there was
some ground for the agitation which was engineered from
the Town House. Mr. Montagu, the Secretary to Govern
ment, was considered, in the Colony, to have been responsible
for all this ; against him much wrath was directed and in
many of the petitions which were sent to England, his entire
removal from office was prayed for.
The first three months of 1852 was a season of petitions.
They were sent to the Governor from all parts of the Colony
and were, in tenor, of all kinds. In some cases, two of entirely
different tenor went from the same place. Many of them,
most probably instigated by the " Town House party "
prayed that there might be no alteration or delay in passing
the draft of September 15th and further that there should
be no interference on the part of the Legislative Council.1
It was curious further, that they nearly always reached the
Governor (i.e. the Secretary to Government) only a few
hours before the sailing of the mail packet, so that there was
no time to scrutinise the signatures. Some of these petitions
were against the £25 franchise,2 others were for the postpone
ment of the new regime until after the termination of the
war.3 Port Elizabeth wanted the immediate introduction
of the new Constitution with removal of the seat of Govern
ment to the East. Caledon asked for the repeal of the
Letters Patent of 1850. Zuurbrak and other mission stations
wanted either the £25 franchise, or no change whatever,
preferring to remain under the protection of the Home
Government. Mr. Montagu, in transmitting a batch of these petitions to
Downing Street, thought it his duty to submit some observa
tions respecting them for Earl Grey's information. He
said, " From the number of these petitions now transmitted,
and similar petitions transmitted by previous mails, and
1 Paarl, Tulbagh, Worcester, Malmesbury, George, Swellendam,
Hautam, Onder Roggeveld, and of course Cape Town Municipality.
• Grahamstown, Uitenhage, Swellendam, Caledon, Palmiet River.
• Graaff-Reinet, Fort Beaufort, Wynberg, Swellendam, Stellenbosch,
George.

278 HOW SIGNATURES ARE OBTAINED
CHAP, from the number of the signatures attached to them, Lord
Grey may, perhaps, be impressed with the belief that very
great anxiety and excitement for the success of the prayer
contained in these petitions, pervades the minds of the
community, and that this prayer is the result of full delibera
tions and judgment ; but this is not the case. These
petitions, with scarcely an exception, emanate from the
Town House in Cape Town, under the direction of their
leader Mr. Fairbairn. The object of this party in accumu
lating so many petitions, with so many names, which are
sent to this office at the very latest moment before the mail
departs, and which generally are published in the organs of
the Town House party, at the same time, is to make parade
of a feeling which does not actually exist, in order that readers
at a distance in England may be misled by them as to the
real wishes of the inhabitants. Their usual mode of pro
ceeding is as follows : A party meeting is held at the Town
Hall in Cape Town, and resolutions passed there. The object
of the meeting is speedily circulated to the country, and
small imitation meetings are held in several of the country
towns and villages by active agents in connection with the
Cape Town Municipality ; these being the remains of the
machinery of the late Anti-Convict agitation. Few persons
attend, but they bring their resolutions, move, second and
pass them, as being the expression of public feeling ; and
these are then formed into a petition and carried about for
signatures ; in some instances I have been assured that
blank sheets only are sent out, the names of the farmers and
others being obtained, not infrequently, by misrepresentation
as to the object of the petitions ; these sheets are then re
turned and affixed to the petitions. At one public meeting
only six people were present, yet their names were varied
so as to appear to make a large number. Mr. Smit became
Mr. Smith then G. Smit ; Mr. Adriaan van Zijl became
afterwards A. van Zijl." *
1 In the case of a petition from Cape Town and Green Point, there
was an opportunity of examining the signatures. The investigation
was placed in the hands of the Superintendent of Police. He reported
as follows : — There was a total of 1,050 signatures. Of these 241 were
of proprietors, 339 occupiers and shopkeepers, 79 lodgers, 84 non-residents,
and 307, about one-third of the total number, were of persons unknown

8 ' III \ i \ I

Photo : A Elliott.

The Old Town House, Cape Town

THE COUNCIL PASSES THE ORDINANCE 279
In consequence of what may perhaps be called the CHAP.
" colour bar " delay of the Legislative Council, the Town VL
House party, more than ever confirmed in its want of confi
dence in that Council, determined to arrogate to itself its
functions and to carry out the duty which it was believed
to be neglecting. At a public meeting, the Commissioners
of the Municipality were requested and " authorised " to
supply the details and modifications in the draft Constitution
which were asked for by Earl Grey. In accordance with
this, during February, the ninety sections were considered
and completed. In an accompanying petition the Commis
sioners prayed that it might be passed by an Act of the
Imperial Parliament as soon as possible and thus confer
upon the colony the boon granted by the Letters Patent of
1850. Neither petition nor draft appear to have produced
much convulsion in London. On March 4th, the day after
this petition left Cape Town, though undoubtedly uninflu
enced by it, the Legislative Council, at length, commenced
the work which had been so long postponed. On April 3rd,
the task was finished and on that day the Ordinance passed
its second and third readings. On the 25th, it was trans
mitted to England by Lieut.-Governor Darling, who, in a
very long covering despatch gave his own views — ripened
by a whole month's sojourn in the country — on the points
which had been debated.1
In connection with these matters, there was nothing
during the ensuing few months to employ the Town House
in keeping the country in agitation. All had to wait patiently
until Downing Street returned the draft Constitution, for
better or for worse. Mr. Montagu shortly after, May ist,
followed this great instrument to England. He was in bad
and probably fictitious. The Municipal street keeper carried round a list.
In a letter from Mr. Montagu to the Colonial Office, March 3rd, 1852,
he says : "In a petition sent home within the last few months from
Cape Town, and which is now in Earl Grey's office, three sheets with
400 names written in Arabic were added to swell the numbers, probably
by the Malay priest, whose name is written in pencil at the top, doubtless
as a memorandum that it should be sent to him for signatures by his
congregation. 1 It is not possible to afford space for even a resume of the very long
speeches at the Council meetings or some of the long despatches. They
will be found in the Blue Books, " Further papers relative to the estab
lishment of a Representative Assembly at the Cape of Good Hope."
Feb. 3rd, 1852, and Dec. 23rd, 1853.

2§o DEPARTURE AND DEATH OP MR. MONTAGU
CHAP, health. After the strenuous labours in connection with the
financial difficulties of the country, the roads over impassable
mountains, bridges over rivers, and the improved convict
system, he obtained leave of absence for fifteen months. Mr.
R. (afterwards Sir Richard) Southey, the civil commissioner
of Swellendam, took his place. Numerously signed vale
dictory addresses were presented to him on his departure,
those from the Town House being conspicuous by their
absence. One of the last duties Mr. Montagu had to perform
was to write a long defence of his conduct in answer to the
petitions which went to Downing Street praying for his
removal from office. He never returned to the Colony. He
died a few months after his arrival in England. He deserves
to be held in memory in Cape Colony.
The quietness which supervened upon the transmission
of the draft Ordinance to England in April showed after five
months' duration, signs of coming to an end. The Cape
Town Municipality, in consequence of the absence of any
information from Downing Street, became restive. On
October 6th, a public meeting was convened. They viewed
with alarm the conduct of Her Majesty's ministers in delaying
the fulfilment of the promise of 1850; they condemned,
with what justice is not clear, the then present head of the
Colonial department for listening only to official representa
tions and ignoring the voice of the colonists and they believed
so they said, that it was the intention of the Secretary of
State to bring a Bill into Parliament to annul the Letters
Patent of 1850 and to substitute something which would be
repugnant to the wishes of the colonists. Thus again,
agitation was rife. The Governor then had his headquarters
in Grahamstown. In anticipation of a repetition of the
disgraceful proceedings of 1849, he was prepared to order
troops to embark on the Styx at East London, and having
himself joined at Port Elizabeth, to proceed to Cape Town
in order to use the argument of military force. There was
no excitement or impatience of delay in the East.
On October 30th, in answer to that of April 25th, Sir
George Cathcart received a momentous despatch dated
September 4th, 1852, one eminently calculated to increase
largely the renewed excitement in the West. It was to the

POSTPONEMENT OF THE GRANT 28t
effect that, though Her Majesty's Government were of CHAP.
opinion that the grant of a Representative Government VL
ought to be granted to the Cape at the earliest possible period
consistent with a due consideration of the various difficulties
with which the progress of events had surrounded the subject,
yet in consideration of the difficulties which had arisen in
connection with the continued Kaffir war, the difference of
opinion on the question of the £25 franchise, the absence of
statistical information and the Governor at the seat of war
being prevented from giving that attention and superinten-
dance which were required at the commencement of so great
a change, it was the opinion of the Government that the
ratification of the Ordinances should be postponed for the
present. It is no matter for wonder that after two and a half years
of struggle, anxiety and hope that such a statement as this
should have re-aroused the bitter feelings which, for a short
space, had lain dormant. With the draft Constitution
practically completed and needing only its ratification to
reward those who had fought so strenuously for Representa
tive Government, the postponement of this last step was a
bitter disappointment. As has been shewn, the language of
the malcontents in their utterances and petitions had not
erred on the side of gentleness and want of outspokenness.
Now, with still less respect for person or position, free vent
was given to sentiments and opinions in words which lacked
nothing in emphasis and distinctness of meaning. At a
public meeting held at Worcester on December 24th, a
number of resolutions which were passed unanimously were
sent to Lieut.-Governor Darling for transmission to the Secret
ary of State. It was stated in these that words sufficiently
strong could not be found to express the indignation at the
frivolous despatch of September 4th. It was clear, it was
averred, that the Minister had no other object in view than that
of postponing indefinitely the operation of the Letters Patent
of 1850 ; his conduct was an insult to the Board of Trade
and Plantations and reflected dishonour on Her Majesty's
Government ; he was held responsible for the consequences.
The Legislative Council, it was maintained, was an illegal
body and was not justified in disbursing the public revenues.

282 VIEWS ON THE POSTPONEMENT
CHAP. Lieut.-Governor Darling, in answer to this on January 30th,
1853, declined to be the medium of conveying to Her
Majesty's Government any petition or resolution couched in
such disrespectful and personally offensive terms. And as
they had affirmed that the disbursement of the public revenues
by the Legislative Council was illegal, he would give instruc
tions that when payments had to be made from the public
Treasury to any of those to whom they were due and held
such opinions, they would be required to sign a receipt fully
acknowledging the legality of such payment and of the
authority under which it was made. The chairman of the
Worcester meeting was a Mr. Kuys. He was at that time
in receipt of a pension from the Government and before he
could draw the next instalment due to him he signed such a
declaration. CALEDON, on this matter, was divided into two parties.
A meeting was called and a strongly-worded petition was
sent to the Lieut.-Governor. But this meeting was entirely
Dutch and was accused by the British of the district of not
being a proper public meeting, but a private one, which did
not represent the general feeling of the community. They
(the British) sent in a counter-petition approving of the
postponement. RlVERSDALE viewed with disgust the factious attempts
made by certain low and irresponsible persons who were
endeavouring to prevent the establishment of a free Constitu
tion, they saw with deep regret the attempts made at public
meetings in the East to keep up division and dissension by
calling for the removal of the seat of Government. They
prayed that Mr. Montagu might never again be allowed to
return to the Colony.
STELLENBOSCH regarded the postponement as a political
grievance and an act of great injustice, the alleged reasons
for doing so were most groundless and had been furnished
by a small party which was thoroughly adverse to Represen
tative Government.
The South African College Council, even, in
November, 1852, passed by a majority of seven, the resolu
tion : " That in the opinion of this Council, it is inexpedient
to apply to the present Legislative Council for any grant of

POSTPONEMENT NOT FOR LONG 283
the public money towards the maintenance of the College CHAP.
establishment." The Lieut.-Governor, however, exonerated VL
them from any defiance of the Government.1 The prevailing
opinion in the Eastern Province was diametrically opposite
to the foregoing. At a public meeting held in Grahamstown
on November 22nd, it was resolved unanimously that the
meeting hailed with unalloyed satisfaction the postponement
by Her Majesty's Government of the Constitution Ordinance
on the following grounds : (1) the importance of not intro
ducing the proposed change until after the Kaffir War and
Hottentot rebellion had been put down, (2) from the impor
tance of not confirming a Constitution giving numerical
superiority to the Western Province until provision had been
made either for the removal of the seat of Government to this
Province or for a separation of the Province into two distinct
and separate Governments ; and further, that the thanks of
of the meeting were due to Sir John Pakington for his
despatch of September 4th. All this was embodied in a
petition signed by 730 names. Somerset East and Burghers-
dorp and Fort Beaufort approved of these sentiments and
sent in similar petitions.
The postponement of the ratification, however, was not
for long. At the end of 1852, further changes took place in
the Colonial Office, the most important of which, as far as
South Africa was concerned, was the appointment of the
Duke of Newcastle as Secretary of State. There was now
an activity in Downing Street which must have been — and
indeed was — a satisfaction to the Cape Town Municipal
party. As early as February 14th, Newcastle, in a despatch
to Sir George Cathcart, said that immediate steps should
be taken to remove the impediments which had hitherto
stood in the way of Representative Government ; the
Ordinance had already engaged his careful attention and,
from the progress which had been made in settling many
controversial points, he felt justified in anticipating its
submission to Her Majesty the Queen in Council before the
departure of the next monthly mail to the Cape. On March
1 Those present were the following : Sir John Wylde, in the chair,
Advocates Denyssen, Hofmeyr, de Wet, Rev. Geo. Morgan, Dr. Aber-
crombie, and Messrs. Borcherds, Frere, Brand, Jarvis, and Fairbairn.

284 THE ORDINANCE RATIFIED
CHAP, nth, at Buckingham Palace, it was ratified, confirmed,
finally enacted and authorised to come into force on the
ensuing July ist. Everywhere, in the West at least, there
was joy and thanksgiving, when in April, the news reached
the Cape. x Nothing now stood in the way of the first general
election and the first stage of the independence which was
so much desired. After the many changes, modifications
and amendments which had been made by conflicting
authorities and parties, the following were the chief provisions
in the final draft of the Constitution. Governor, Legislative
Council and House of Assembly formed the Government.
The Legislative Council consisted of fifteen members elected
for a period of ten years, the Chief Justice was the President
and five formed a quorum. A member of this august body
had to be thirty years of age and be in possession of £2,000,
in landed property or of £4,000 in general property. Eight
members were chosen to represent the West and seven for
the East, the whole country being divided into two constitu
encies for this purpose. The House of Assembly was com
posed of forty-six members elected by twenty-two constitu
encies 2 for five years. They could choose their own speaker
and twelve formed a quorum. Parliament had to meet once
every year. The Governor had the power of dissolving both
Houses at the same time or the Assembly only, but not the
Legislative Council alone. The debates were to be in
English. The qualifications for a voter were twenty-one
years of age and the much-debated occupation for one year
of premises worth £25 or receipt of an annual salary of
£ 50 ; voting was to be by word of mouth, so that the
absence of even so little education as would enable a man
to write his own name was excused. Provisions were made
for the conduct of the elections and many other details
demanded by good and efficient government.
On the receipt of the final draft Ordinance, little time
1 On May 13th the Cape Town Municipality recorded its high admira
tion of the talents, character and the principles of C. B. Adderley, Esq.,
for his valuable and disinterested services in this connection.
• Cape Town had four members and all of the following had two
each : The Cape division, Stellenbosch, Paarl, Malmesbury, Caledon,
Clanwilliam, George, Worcester, Beaufort West, Swellendam, Grahamstown,
Uitenhage, Port Elizabeth, Somerset East, Graaff-Reinet, Fort Beaufort,
Victoria East, Albert, Cradock, Colesberg, Albany.

PROCLAMATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 285
was lost in commencing the activities which were to result CHAP.
in a finished Parliament. The first step necessary was that *'
of determining who, in accordance with the Ordinance, had
a right to vote ; in other words, the important preliminary of
forming a register of voters. To this end and in order to
save time, on May 12th, circulars were sent to all civil
commissioners instructing them to warn the several field
cornets in their districts of the duties which would be re
quired of them, when after the publication of the Proclama
tion of July ist, they would be directed to commence this
register. On July ist, 1853, a great day in the annals of South
Africa, Sir George Cathcart in his Proclamation, declared
the Ordinance which had been ratified and confirmed by Her
Majesty the Queen " to be henceforth from that day in full
force and effect."
The work of the registration of voters commenced forth
with. In consequence of the vast extent of the country and
the sparseness of the population, this work took nearly five
months. Not until November 17th, was it that Sir George
Cathcart could proclaim that " Lists of persons qualified to
vote in the several Electoral divisions of this Colony are
completed and it is therefore fitting to proceed with the
Election of the members of the (new) Legislative Council."
While this registration was in progress, on October 14th,
an interesting historical event happened. The old and
much-abused Legislative Council, which had been in exist
ence since 1834, met for the last time. The Lieut.-Governor
in dismissing them, said in his valedictory address : " How
ever justly it may now be regarded as unsuited to the Colony
or incompatible with the advanced state of public opinion, a
reference to the Statute Book and a consideration of its
deliberations will show that it has neither been an unattentive
guardian of the interests committed to its charge, nor un
fruitful in practical measures," he therefore could not permit
this last meeting to pass without explicit acknowledgment
on the part of the Imperial as well as the Colonial Govern
ment of the value of the services which have been rendered.
Thus ended the first stage on the road to — eventually — the
Responsible Government of South Africa. But now a curious

286 A GENERAL ELECTION HELD
CHAP, state of things ensued. As there was no Legislative Council
' and the new Parliament was not yet formed, there was there
fore no government in the country and no power competent
to make laws but that of the Imperial Government. This,
however, always happens between the dissolution of one
Parliament and the formation of another. Long before
the voters' rolls were completed requisitions commenced to
be presented to those who were regarded by one party or
another as the coming South Africa statesmen ; grateful and
modest acceptances were returned. Soon, committees
formed to ensure the election of chosen candidates were in
full activity and election topics became the chief feature
of the different newspapers. The election of members
for the Legislative Council, which took place before that
for those of the House of Assembly was completed by
March 14th, 1854.1 This having been accomplished, the
country was again called to the polls ; this time to vote for
the members of the House of Assembly. In the course of
about six weeks, this also was completed.2 Thus the Lieut.-
Governor, on June 19th, was enabled to issue a proclamation
to the effect that " whereas all and singular, the several
Electoral divisions have now elected their respective Repre
sentatives in the House of Assembly, and whereas it has now
become lawful to summon a meeting of the Legislative
1 The numbers of votes accorded to some of the candidates are of
interest. As unpopular and disliked as Sir Andries Stockenstrom was by
many in high places, it would seem that this unpopularity did not extend
to the majority of the general public. For in the Eastern Province he polled
the greatest number of votes, viz., 6,315 ; Mr. Godlonton was far behind
with 4,534 ; Mr. G. Wood received 4,427. In the Western Province
Mr. H. E. Rutherfoord received 8,894 votes, Mr. F. W. Reitz 8,600, Mr. J.
Wicht 8,184, Mr. J. B. Ebden 7,558, and Adv. de Wet 6,607.
' The elected members were H. C. Jarvis, Dr. Abercrombie, Saul
Solomon and Dr. Biccard (Cape Town), J. M. Maynard and T. Watson
(Cape division), P. J. Bosman and C. J. Brand (Stellenbosch), B. H. Darrell
and C. A. Fan-bridge (Caledon), the so-called " doctor " Tancred and J. H.
Brand (Clanwilliam) , J. Barry and J. Fairbairn (Swellendam), J. C.
Molteno and D. Christie (Beaufort), E. B. Watermeyer and J. P. Wigging
(Worcester), T. H. Bowker and W. Cock (Albany), J. P. Voester and J. J.
Meintjes (Albert), J. G. Sieberhagen and J. P. F. von Maltitz (Colesberg),
J. Collett and W. T. Gilfillan (Cradock), C. L. Stretch and R. J. Painter
(Fort Beaufort), H. W. Law and F. A. Swemmer (George), J. F. Ziervogel
and T. N. G. Muller (Graaff-Reinet), J. Thackeray and C. Pote (Grahams
town), F. Duckett and H. H. Loedolff (Malmesbury), J. Paterson and
H. F. White (Port Elizabeth), R. M. Bowker and J. G. Franklin (Somerset),
J. C. Krog and S. J. Hartman (Uitenhage), J. G. Franklin and J. Stewart
(Victoria).

BOTH HOUSES ASSEMBLE 287
Council and House of Assembly," he commanded both to CHAP.
meet in Cape Town on June 30th, at 1 1 a.m., the Legislative VI"
Council to assemble in the place where the disbanded council
used to meet and the House of Assembly in the banqueting
hall of the Masonic Lodge de Goede Hoop.1
On June 30th, both houses assembled in their respective
places. The business of this day was the preliminary cere
mony of the administration of the oath to each member. In
both cases, by a preconcerted arrangement, deputations
were sent to the Lieut.-Governor, who was seated in the
Executive Council in Government House, to announce that,
in accordance with his command of June 19th, they had met.
In the case of the Legislative Council, the deputation con
sisted of Messrs. Ebden, Reitz and Wicht and in that of the
Assembly, Messrs. Fairbairn, Brand and Cock. Each
deputation having made its announcement and received
the gracious thanks of the great man, returned to its respec
tive chamber. Shortly after the return of the members of the
Legislative Council, three loud knocks on the outside of the
door were heard and then in walked the Hon. R. W. Rawson,
the Secretary to Government, " in full Windsor uniform,"
accompanied by the Hon. W. Field. They were the heralds
of Mr. Justice Musgrave, the senior puisne judge, who
followed closely upon their heels and had been deputed by
the Lieut.-Governor to administer the oath to each. This
ceremony, in full view of some two hundred of the privileged
general public, was performed with all due dignity and
solemnity. Much the same took place in the Assembly in
the Goede Hoop Lodge. Mr. Justice Bell, the second
puisne judge, there performed the ceremony. After the
administration of the oath in the Assembly and the departure
of the judge, the members proceeded to elect their Speaker.
Messrs. Fairbairn and Brand were nominated. Mr. Adv.
C. J. Brand was elected by 24 votes against 19, which were
given for Mr. Fairbairn. All was now in order for the still
greater ceremony of the opening of Parliament on the
morrow. ' Vide excellent illustrations of these places in The Old Cape House,
by Ralph Kilpin, Esq., Clerk-Assistant of the present House of Assembly,
and an authority on Cape Parliamentary matters.

288 OPENING OF THE FIRST PARLIAMENT
CHAP. On July ist, 1854, was opened the first Parliament in
South Africa. The spectacular ceremony, which in its
details seems to have been very like that which we see in these
times, took place in the state room of Government House.
The Governor, Sir George Cathcart, had been called from
the colony in May, to take a command in the war with
Russia which had broken out shortly before, hence his duties
in connection with the opening of the first Parliament at
the Cape devolved upon Lieut.-Governor Darling, who for
the time was Acting Governor. The opening speech was
an able and encouraging document. The Eastern Province
especially had reason for satisfaction with it. In general, it
promised a new and happier era in the history of the country.
The long Kaffir War having come to an end, a military
occupation was promised for British Kaffraria, which was
to be under a separate government, though still subordinate
to Cape Town. And as some approach to the demand for
separation or removal of the seat of Government, the Eastern
Province was again to be raised into a Lieut. -Governorship,
with two additional judges and a law officer of the Crown
to be styled " Solicitor General." Grahamstown was to
be the military headquarters and along the frontier in the
country from which the predatory Kaffirs had been expelled,
there was to be a settlement of energetic and gallant farmers
on military tenure — the establishment of the Queenstown
district ; in fact, so pleased were all with this speech, that
it was afterwards printed and issued in pamphlet form.
The ceremony ended, Cape Colony, at length, had gained
its own representative Government. " And so, two hundred
and two years after the foundation of the Cape Colony, its
destiny was to a large extent in the hands of its own people.
The country was not yet indeed self-governing, for the
principal officials were still appointed in England, and their
salaries were secured by a reserved civil list, so that parlia
ment had no authority over them ; but henceforth no policy
could be carried out against the wishes of those to whom it
was home." — Theal.

AUTHORITIES FOR THIS CHAPTER 289
The duplicate despatches and enclosures in despatches for the period CHAP.
in the Cape Town Archives. VI.
The Blue Books — " Papers relating to a Representative Government for
the Cape of Good Hope, 1853 and 1854."
The Government Gazette for the period.
The Commercial Advertiser and Cape Town Mail, as well as the GYahamstowrt
Journal. And the Old Cape House, by Ralph Kilpin, Esq., Clerk-
Assistant in the present House of Assembly, Cape Town.
Romance of a Colonial Parliament, by Ralph Kilpin. This book deals
with the history of the Cape Parliament from the date to which
matters have been brought in this chapter.
Mr. Kilpin is an expert on all matters connected with Cape Parliamentary
history and procedure. The author therefore has much pleasure in
acknowledging here, with gratitude, the advice, criticism, and approval
he has received from Mr. R. Kilpin on the matters dealt with in this
chapter.

VOL. V 19

CHAPTER VII
OUTBREAK OF THE KAFFIR WAR OF 1850-53
CHAP. As has been seen in the last chapter, the progress of the
¦ establishment of a Representative Government was hindered,
not only by the actions of the four malcontents, but also
by a Kaffir war which broke out at the end of 1850 and which
was to last during the ensuing two and a half years. Up
to about the middle of that year Sir Harry Smith's Kaffir
land policy seemed to have been productive of all the
satisfaction that could well have been expected or desired.
A permanent foundation of moral and industrial improve
ment seemed to have been laid. The burnt down mission
stations had been rebuilt 1 ; those of Lovedale and Mount
Coke were receiving grants of £100 per annum for the
purpose of training Kaffir teachers, while those Kaffirs
who qualified were to receive subsidies of £12 per annum.
Other signs of advancement were the breaking up of virgin
soil by the plough, the decreasing rarity of European clothes
and the increase in trade. By January ist, 1849, 43 licences
of £50 each had been issued to traders who sold goods of
British manufacture on which five per cent, ad valorem
duty had been paid, as well as twelve per cent, on beads,
buttons and other gew-gaws. Thus it had been possible to
spend £1,220 on roads and bridges. King William's Town,
which at the beginning of the year had consisted of only a
few huts, was now blossoming out into a respectable township.
A commendable desire on the part of the native to go into
the colony for honest work was evident ; during 1849, 619
1 There were now 15 mission stations in British Kaffraria. The
Wesleyans had three, the Free Church of Scotland three, the London
Missionary Society three, the Berlin Society two, the U.P. Church of Scot
land three, the Moravians one. The total number of natives attending
divine service was 1,492, and attending school 833.
290

APPARENT PEACE 291
asked and obtained permission to leave Kaffirland for this CHAP. VTT
purpose. The Kaffir police force had so far proved itself a
most reliable and valuable body of men and though it had
been said that they could not be trusted to act against their
own people, they always did when . called upon to do so.
In short, apparent peace and contentment had replaced the
anarchy and tyranny of their own government and way of
living. Annually, as near as possible to January 7th, the able
Colonel Mackinnon, who, under Sir Harry Smith, was the
ruler of British Kaffraria, held a great meeting of all the
chiefs and people at King William's Town for the purpose of
distributing presents to the well conducted and of speaking
plain words of reprobation to the evil-doers. It was an
interesting sight. Many hundreds, perhaps thousands of
natives in their semi-nakedness squatted on the open veld,
while officers in bright uniforms occupied a prominent place
from which they could address the crowd. Col. Mackinnon
opened the proceedings by a general talk on the advantages
of civilisation over barbarism with special reference to the
good and bad acts of his audience during the preceding year.
Then, at his request, there followed the reports of the com
missioners, Mr. Brownlee for the Gaikas and Capt. Maclean
for the Ndhlambis, on the conduct of the tribes for which
they were respectively responsible, and finally there were
the replies which were called for from the chiefs, who were
present, each of whom had brought a fat ox as token of his
allegiance to the British Crown. The ceremony concluded
with the distribution of about £1,000 worth of presents.
These consisted of jackets, corduroy trousers, shirts, glengarry
caps for the men ; dresses and shawls for the women, and
for all, blankets, spades, picks, hoes, cooking pots, axes and
such-like articles, all conducive to industry and civilisation ;
but no beads, buttons or other rubbish.
This happy, or apparently happy, state of affairs in
Kaffirland reacted upon the colony. There was an unprece
dented freedom from marauding and annoyance by Kaffir
thieves. Never in the history of the country had there been
so quiet a time in this respect ; there was a security for
life and property hitherto unexampled on the frontier.

292 VAGUE MISGIVINGS
CHAP. Addresses, in their nature wholly without precedent, were
' sent to the Governor from Albany, Salem and Fort Beaufort,
places which usually felt the first brunt of a Kaffir inroad.
" We, the undersigned landed proprietors and inhabitants
of farms in the district of Albany," said the address from that
part, " consider the present to be a fitting time to express
to Your Excellency our very high sense of the unexampled
quiet and security which we, in common with all the inhabi
tants of this district have enjoyed since Your Excellency
first assumed the management of the affairs of the frontier
of this colony."
Thus, this happy state of affairs continued through a
part of 1850. But towards the end of that year, there gradu
ally arose vague misgivings that all was not right. Unknown
to any but those who were concerned or implicated there
was, among the Kaffir chiefs, an undercurrent of discontent
at the loss of influence and profit which the new conditions
entailed upon them. The sweets of civilisation ceased to be
as attractive as the advantages which they gained under
their own system. They could no longer " eat up " their
people, that is, they could no longer trump up some charge
of witchcraft — or get the witch doctor to do so — against
wealthy individuals and rob them of their cattle, and they
had lost their freedom to practise their immoralities and
other horrors of unadulterated Kaffir life. All this they had
had to endure while they were recovering from the effects
of the last war ; but now that that was long past, and
they had regained their spirits, there was a disposition to
regain also their prestige and power among the tribes.
Cautiously at first, but with a decreasing regard for conse
quences and an increasing boldness, they showed themselves
prepared to endeavour to put an end to these restraints and
to defy the Government. Towards the end of 1850, this
had so developed as to become patent to all.
The first indication or evidence of something sinister
commencing in Kaffirland, was a vague rumour that there
had arisen a " prophet " who, by means of supernatural
agencies, was predicting great forthcoming events and was
attracting crowds of Kaffirs to hear " the news." This first
came to the notice of Capt. Maclean, the Government

A NEW "PROPHET" 293
Resident with the Ndhlambis at Fort Murray, on August 1 8th, CHAP.
1850. The name of the "prophet" was Umlanjeni, of
Umkye's tribe. Capt. Maclean summoned to his presence
Umkye, Umlanjeni and his father Kala. Umkye alone
obeyed the summons. He stated that there was such a
person as Umlanjeni, and that he was doing much good by
preaching against witchcraft, the abolition of which was so
strongly inculcated by the English. Capt. Maclean was not
satisfied with this. Again he summoned Umlanjeni and
Kala and again the order was disobeyed. He therefore
then sent a company of the 2nd division of the Kaffir police.
Kala was arrested and taken to Fort Murray, but Umlanjeni
who was quite a young man, was found to be so ill and
emaciated that he could not be moved. Kala and Umlanjeni
were given five days to remove to near the kraal of the chief
Umkye, in the vicinity of the Mount Coke mission station.
It was felt that as Umkye had kept clear of the last war
and had shewn himself loyal, he might have a restraining
and healthy influence over the " prophet." This order also
was ignored. The Kaffir police therefore again visited
Kala's place. Umlanjeni had disappeared and could not
be found. It appeared that he had no definite place of
abode, that at night he concealed himself in the bush and
that he had many spies who warned him of the approach of
unwelcome visitors. Although Capt. Maclean was anxious
to seize Umlanjeni and keep him in safe custody, there
was no very tangible reason for doing so ; there was nothing
definite against him ; there was no evidence that he had
excited the people to war, though it was clear he had so
unsettled their minds as to prepare them for it. Nothing
was known about what transpired at the meetings beyond —
extraordinary as it may sound — that Umlanjeni was directing
all bewitching material to be destroyed. Moreover, protected
as he was by spies, it would have been no easy matter to
seize him and failure in the attempt would have increased
the belief in his power, while success would certainly have
produced great irritation among the tribes. He was therefore
left alone. His influence travelled far. Mr. Fynn, the
resident agent with Kreli at Butterworth beyond the Kei,
reported that the excitement had extended into those regions

204 DESERTION OF KAFFIR SERVANTS
CHAP, and that Umlanjeni was believed to be a supernatural
being ; some said he was really Makanna, who had never
died.1 All Kreli's people, Mr. Fynn said, were dispossessing
themselves of poisonous roots and charms of all kinds which
were considered to be " white " or bewitching matter.
Baboons also were banned. It is not clear that natives
ever harboured or made pets of these repulsive creatures,
though they seem to have been accused of doing so for evil
purposes. Mr. Fynn reported a case of a native who was
accused of this and knowing that his denial would not be
believed, went and put his case before the omniscient
Umlanjeni ; he declared him innocent and thus saved his life.
The vague rumours in connection with Umlanjeni spread
to the colony. The long and sad experience which had
been the lot of the frontier inhabitants did not permit these
rumours to be regarded with anything but apprehension of
the worst. Further to dispel the sense of security into which
all had been lulled and to indicate that the short lived peace
was at an end, there was an extraordinary and general
desertion of employment by the Kaffir servants. In such a
hurry were they to leave their services that they did not even
wait to receive their wages. Farmers, in the early morning,
wondering to find the cattle kraals unopened, the milking
not in progress and other farm duties being unattended to,
visited the huts in which the natives lived, only to find them
empty and the occupants gone from the place. Kaffir
domestic servants, in like manner, failed to appear when
their household work should have begun. Some who were
known to be leaving when asked the reason would give no
other answer than that they were going to Kaffirland. In
some few cases, faithful servants warned their masters of
coming danger. Such a case was that of C. Coetzee, who
lived in the wild region of Double Drift on the Fish River.2
He was told by two of his Kaffir men that war was coming.
They reminded him that they had given him a similar warning
at the outbreak of the '46 war, but that he had not heeded
1 The witch doctor who, having egged on the natives to attack
Grahamstown in 1819, was captured, sent as a prisoner to Robben Island,
and was drowned in trying to escape to the mainland. Vide Vol. I of
this work. ¦ Vide illustration, Vol. Ill, page 192, of this work.

SIGNS OF DISAFFECTION 295
it, and the result of this neglect was the loss of all his property. CHAP.
Alarm spread throughout the frontier. Farmers commenced
to drive their stock more towards the west, homes were
abandoned and again, for mutual defence, the miserable
laager life commenced. Further signs of impending danger
were forthcoming from other quarters. Mr. Cyrus, the
Government interpreter, had made it his business to institute,
in all directions, inquiries concerning the attitude of the
Kaffirs. Though many of his statements were merely hear
say evidence, they were yet of importance as being, so to
speak, floating straws which indicated the direction of the
current. He learnt that some Kaffirs (Gaikas) had visited
the Fingoes who were living on the lands in the Victoria
district, near the town of Alice, and had told them, in a
threatening manner, that though the Government had placed
them there, the Gaikas would see to it that they did not
remain there very long. From another native he gathered
that a messenger from Sandilli had arrived at the place of
the chief Pato and had delivered a message to the following
effect : " Arise, clans of Kaffirs, the white man has worried
us, he is taking away from us the rights which we inherited
from our forefathers, we are deprived of our chieftainships,
there are so many boundaries and himself and his people
are continually being made to pay trespass, the whole country
is dotted with white men's houses and white flags x ; let us
fight for our country, it shall be known all over the world
that Sandilli died fighting for the Rarabes." Pato replied
that he had been instigated by Sandilli to fight in the last
war, but it was the last time, never again should it be said
that Pato has joined in war against the Government. It
will be seen in the sequel that Pato was as good as his word.
To Mapassa, the chief of Tambookieland (the present
Queenstown district) a similar message was sent. In view
of subsequent events a very important statement was obtained
from one Mani, a corporal in the Kaffir police. He acknow
ledged that he was only performing his present duties on
account of the famine — the result of the prolonged drought —
but that when the time came he and others would leave the
police and join the Kaffirs. 1 Land surveyors' flags.

296 THE COMMISSIONERS MEET CHIEFS
CHAP. To Colonel Mackinnon and all those most conversant
' with the state of affairs it was clear that the prime mover in
all this disturbance, if not the only one, was the half-fool
and half-knave x Sandilli, further it was clear that Umlanjeni
was merely a tool in his hands and that until he was removed
from the control of his tribe there could be no permanent
peace. His cabals and intrigues must have been going on
for some time before they became known in the colony and
while Sir Harry Smith was congratulating himself that all
was so quiet and promising. Colonel Mackinnon, however,
was of opinion that there would not be war or not then at
all events, as there were wanting the signs which could not
have been absent had an outbreak been intended. The
Kaffirs, for instance, were continuing to bring their cases
before the commissioners ; neither the Kaffir police nor
the military were resisted in their performance of their
duties and cattle were not being driven into places of hiding
in the mountains.
But all the same, Col. Mackinnon felt it expedient to
instruct the commissioners, Mr. C. Brownlee for the Gaikas
and Capt. Maclean for the Ndhlambis, to assemble their
respective chiefs and to warn them against paying any
attention to the fanatical outpourings of Umlanjeni. He
did not think it advisable to attempt to have a general
meeting of all the chiefs at King William's Town as it seemed
clear that, in their excited state, they would not have attended
at any garrison towns, moreover he did not wish it to appear
that, in so doing, he attached any importance to Umlanjeni's
actions. The meetings with the commissioners took place
on October 1 ith. At Fort Murray, Capt. Maclean met Pato,
Cobus, Toise and Jan Tzatzoe, Umhala, Seyolo, Siwani
and Umkye ; other chiefs not above suspicion, were according
to their own words, unaccountably taken ill and could not
attend. After hearing Capt. Maclean, the former chiefs
expressed their entire disapproval of Umlanjeni and their
unshaken fidelity in the Government. Ever since the " eating
up " system had been done away with, they said, there had
been talk among the chiefs about it ; the great chiefs were
* Col. Sir Walter Stanford, LL.D., who knew him well, does not agree
with this description of Sandilli.

THE GOVERNOR LEAVES FOR THE FRONTIER 297
against the Government, but nearly all the petty ones and CHAP.
the common people were loyal as they could now live in
peace, without fear of being " eaten up."
The more important meeting was that of Mr. Brownlee
with the Gaikas — the real sinners in all this upset. There
were present, Sandilli with his brother Anta, Maqomo, Xoxo,
Tola and Namba, unquestionably the worst characters in
Kaffirland, with about 1 50 of their councillors. Mr. Brownlee
who spoke in Kaffir, did not mince matters. Assuming a
fearless and authoritative manner, he told them very plainly
what would happen to them if they attempted any hostile
action against the Government. He accused them of having
sent messages to the servants in the colony inducing them
to desert their employers and he ridiculed their faith in the
impostor Umlanjeni. He pointed out to them the disastrous
consequences there would be to them if they again entered
upon war, they had already lost much territory in former
wars and now, he assured them, another war would strip
them of their remaining country and authority. He disabused
their minds of the belief that Colonel Somerset was going to
make war upon them and seize all the chiefs. This idea had
become spread among the Kaffirs because they saw and
misinterpreted the preparations which the colonists were
making for defence against attack. The substance of
Sandilli's reply to Mr. Brownlee was that it was believed that
the soldiers were to come to seize the chiefs, but they them
selves did not intend to make war, they could not fight if
they wanted to, they said, as at the present time they had
neither corn in their pits nor seed in the ground — men who
fight must eat. In these sentiments he was supported by
those who were present.
When news of the state of affairs in the East reached the
West, the Executive Council met, on October 14th, and
decided that Sir Harry Smith should leave for the frontier
immediately. Accordingly on the 17th 1 he left Simon's
Town in the Hermes and reached East London on Sunday
the 20th, and by the evening of that day, he was in King
William's Town, a quickness of travel which we do not ordin-
1 He tried to leave on the 15th, but a gale compelled the vessel to
put back to Simon's Town.

298 THE GOVERNOR MEETS THE CHIEFS
c^p- arily beat nowadays. Passing through the territories of
Pato and Umhala on the way to King William's Town, he
found everything quiet and no indication of war, and not
less satisfactory seemed to be matters in King William's Town
itself. In fact, for a time at least, there was a lull in the
storm. It may be that, as had been the case before, his
presence inspired confidence in those who feared and fear in
those who threatened. Arrived in King William's Town and
having learnt at first hand all that had been happening, Sir
Harry Smith's first object was to summon all the Kaffir
chiefs before him. To this end, messengers were sent to
them far and near, ordering them to meet him at King
William's Town on Thursday, October 26th. On that day,
there came all the important Ndhlambi and Gqunukwebi
chiefs with concourses of hundreds of their followers. But
of the Gaikas, only the big chiefs Xoxo and Tola appeared ;
the two most wanted, Sandilli and Anta, refused to obey the
summons. The usual ceremony took place, namely, the
great and motley crowd of natives in karosses, old European
costume and their next-to-nothingness sitting in a large
circle and the Governor with Col. Mackinnon and staff
standing in the centre. The gist of the Governor's somewhat
theatrical speech was a warning against the disastrous conse
quences which would surely overtake them if they listened to
the madman Umlanjeni and made use of his utterances for the
purpose of exciting the people to war. In severe terms he
reprobated Sandilli for his absence from the meeting and
concluded by telling the chiefs that he was willing to listen
to anything they had to say, so long as it was not any excuse
or extenuation of Sandilli's conduct. They all repudiated
the idea of making war, they still regarded, they averred,
the Governor as their father ; they were his dogs and they
thanked their father for giving them peace. In spite of the
above injunction, Xoxo appealed on behalf of Sandilli. The
excuse was that he (Sandilli) had fallen from his horse and
injured himself. This statement was suspected to be a lie ,
it was afterwards found to have been one. As Sandilli had
not attended the meeting and as Sir Harry Smith was most
anxious that the chief should be unable to urge as an excuse
his ignorance of the views and intentions regarding him,

Sandilli's Counsellors

Chief Sandilli

Four of Sandilli's Wives

SANDILLI'S REPLY TO MR. BROWNLEE 299
the Governor instructed Mr. Brownlee to use every exertion CHAP.
to go and find Sandilli and deliver a message. After some
search, Mr. Brownlee found the chief at the Quilly Quilly.
He then read, or rather, translated into Kaffir, the message
which the Governor must have committed to writing.
It was to this effect. " Oh, Sandilli, many years ago when
you were a child with your good mother, Sutu, I clothed you
and treated you as a father and loaded you with presents, I
left you happy ; I hoped you would continue to be good,
but No ! you made war upon the colony." All the good
things the Governor had done for the Gaikas were recapitu
lated ; how he had given presents to the people and en
deavoured to promote their happiness in every way ; how he
had released Sandilli from prison in Grahamstown instead
of sending him to Robben Island as he had deserved. And
now what had been the return ? the happy state of affairs
had been interrupted by Sandilli listening to the madness of
a boy and encouraging war. " You or some of your people
have called in all the servants from the colony." ..." I
sent for all the chiefs, I expected you, but you came not, you
sent your half-brother Xoxo to tell me a falsehood that
you had fallen from your horse." ..." I came nearly a
thousand miles in four days to see you — to hear your wants —
I have been patient with you. Now I send Brownlee with
my word that unless you come here, or show Brownlee the
wound which prevents you — I will throw you away — will not
know you — you shall not be a chief, but an outcast, your
conduct is that of a guilty man, else why are you afraid ? "
Sandilli in reply, outwardly at all events, was most
contrite and assumed an air of injured innocence. He prayed
the Governor would deal mercifully with him, he denied
that he was desiring war and generally he represented him
self as a loyal, loving subject who could not be guilty of such
an act. He feared to meet the Governor as he felt there was
a plan to seize him on account of the late excitement ; more
over, he remembered that on a former occasion, he had been
induced to go to Col. Buller's camp as a free man, but on
arriving there he had been detained as a prisoner and sent
to Grahamstown. In the end he refused to go to see the
Governor.

300 SANDILLI DEPOSED
CHAP. Sandilli therefore was " thrown away." On October 30th,
the Governor proclaimed : " Now be it known that I hereby
depose the said Sandilli from his rank as chief and that I
appoint Charles Brownlee to assume the direct control of
Sandilli's tribe, whose loyalty I have no reason to doubt
under the instructions of the Chief Commissioner of British
Kaffraria." There can be no doubt that this extreme
penalty and dreadful fate had not the slightest effect upon
Sandilli or a single Gaika. A great and hereditary Kaffir
chief could not, in the minds of those people, be deposed by
the stroke of a British pen. Sandilli was in his own country
and among his own people and, though he does not seem
to have been held in very high esteem by them, he was the
son of the great Gaika and the chief who held his position in
virtue of the conservatism and traditions of the tribe. His
deposition therefore under the circumstances, by a foreign
power, so to speak, was a trifle hardly worth his notice. With
his people, he was still their chief. In order that this bold
and revolutionary step might not create misunderstanding
and concern in the minds of other chiefs, the Governor
instructed the commissioners to assemble them again and
make them acquainted with the reason for his action. This
was done. On November 2nd, Capt. Maclean reported the
result of his meeting. In answer to his statement, the senti
ments expressed by the chiefs were that they were astonished
at Sandilli refusing to appear before his father ; if he was
such a fool as not to attend when summoned, he must suffer
for his conduct ; they approved of his deposition ; he was a
child and afraid of his father ; he was the chief who ought
to have led them on; " we hold by Smith's word."
Mr. Brownlee met the Gaikas at Fort Cox for the same
purpose. There again the same approval — or pretended
approval — of the Governor's action was expressed. Within a
few weeks, however, the true value of all these amicable
speeches and protestations became apparent ; it became
clear how, consciously or unconsciously, Sir Harry Smith
had allowed himself to be led away by these crafty natives
and how while there was all this show of loyalty and peace
able intentions they were making their preparations for war.
It is doubtful whether there was not, at the back of Sir

Mr. Brownlee meets the Gaika Chief near Fort Cox
Specially drawn for this work by Mr. G. Porte from material supplied by the author.

NO EVIDENCE OF WARLIKE DESIGNS 301
Harry Smith's mind, some consciousness that everything was CHAP.
not as satisfactory as he professed to believe it to be. He
well knew that the Home Government was very decidedly
averse to incurring any additional expense on account of
the colony ; he must have hoped therefore, that his sudden
re-appearance among the tribes and his " hail fellow well
met " attitude towards them, would have staved off, if not
entirely avoided, the evil day. Satisfied, outwardly at al
events, that tranquillity reigned in British Kaffraria, he left
King William's Town the next day. His object, now, was to
allay the alarms which the conduct of the Kaffirs had created
as well as to inspire all with confidence in his measures for
the general protection of the country. He quite realised that
the misery which the farmers had suffered in the two former
wars was still fresh in their memories, he therefore was able
to sympathise with them in the present alarm which had
driven them from their homes and caused them further dis
tress. He received addresses from Uitenhage, Peddie, Port
Elizabeth, Sidbury, King William's Town, and East London.
A rigid enquiry into the conduct of the Kaffir chiefs who
were believed to be plotting to attack the colony was asked
for ; it was felt that as long as they were permitted to exercise
any independent authority over their people, such authority
would be exercised to the prejudice of the colony. In
answer to these, the Governor stated that as far as he had
been able to obtain any direct evidence, he did not see that
the chiefs were plotting against the colony or that they
intended war ; but he saw that the Kaffirs felt that the pre
parations which the colonists themselves were making for
defence, the abandonment of their homes and the driving
away of their cattle were interpreted as an intended attack
upon them. As a practical measure, he approved of the
formation and establishment of a body of police to be called
the Rural Police. It was to consist of fifty Europeans whose
duty would be to watch the frontier on the colonial side.
There were to be four posts between the Winterberg and
the sea at which some men would be stationed while others
were on patrol. It never materialised however, as circum
stances soon necessitated the calling out of a much larger
force than this. On November 18th, he left Grahamstown,

302 GAIKAS DEFY THE GOVERNMENT
CHAP, and returned to Cape Town. Grateful as the frontier
inhabitants were for the concern which the Government
had shown in their affairs and much as they endeavoured
to place confidence in his assurances, they could not divest
themselves of vague apprehensions of coming disaster.
Beyond the mysterious disappearance of the servants there
was nothing definite or tangible upon which to base any
opinion or to take any action. Shortly after the departure of
the Governor, however, there was an unmistakable indica
tion of the disposition of the Gaikas to defy the Government.
It appeared that an ox had been stolen from a place near
Fort Hare and the spoor traced to the kraal of one Tsolekeli.
Superintendent Davies with nine of the Kaffir police went to
Tsolekeli's kraal and took four oxen as punishment for the
theft. On the return journey they were shadowed by thirty-
five men belonging to the kraal until circumstances offered
a good opportunity for attack. This was made and the
four oxen were recaptured. Six of the attacking party had
guns and all had assegais. The matter having been reported
to Mr. Brownlee at Fort Cox, he sent a civil policeman to
summon the Gaikas with their headman to appear before
him. Only Qwarana, the headman, obeyed the summons.
After some explanations on the part of Qwarana in which he
established his own personal innocence, Mr. Brownlee
demanded (i) the return of the four head of cattle, (2) the
surrender of the six guns and assegais and (3) a fine of
twenty head of cattle for the rescue. Qwarana returned to
the kraal with this information. The rescue met with the con
siderable approval of many of the Kaffirs ; hence the demands
of Mr. Brownlee were not greatly respected. Qwarana
continually asked for extensions of time and in the end only
the four head of cattle were given up. Ten oxen at another
time were offered as part payment of the fine, but these were
refused and the natives were told that unless the whole number
together with the six guns were brought within ten days the
fine would be doubled. In the end nothing further was done.
The reports concerning Kaffirland which were received by
Col. Mackinnon and Capt. Maclean from private and confi
dential sources indicated that matters were reaching a
climax and demanded the utmost caution in insisting upon

FERMENT AMONG THE KAFFIRS 303
the observance of the law. They feared precipitating an CHAP.
outbreak which nevertheless seemed inevitable. The chief
Toise of the Ndhlambis seemingly disapproved of the action
of Sandilli and the Gaikas and showed himself disposed to
assist the Government. He reported to Capt. Maclean that
he sent two of his councillors to Anta's kraal on pretence of
getting some cattle, but really to " hear the news." Anta told
them to fill Toise's ears with " the news " that, in consequence
of " Smith " taking away Sandilli's chieftainship, the Gaikas
had held a meeting to consider what he (Smith) meant by
putting councillors over Sandilli. Before he does that he must
fight Sandilli and seize him ; the Gaikas were ready for war.
Anta was further reported to have said that he would drive
his cattle on to the colonial side of the Chumie river and
that if they were seized he would make that a case for war.
From another source there came the very important infor
mation — important in the light of subsequent events — that
there was considerable ill-feeling among the natives who
were living in the vicinity of the military villages of Woburn
and Auckland. They were incensed at the settlers seizing
and impounding their trespassing cattle and this too in a
country which they regarded as their own. They refused
to pay the fines incurred, and Col. Mackinnon thought it
prudent not to exact them.
It was known further that many of the natives were
killing their cattle and feasting on the meat, a very unusual
procedure except in times of preparation for war, their food
ordinarily being mealies and milk. In short, there was a
general ferment throughout Kaffirland. There seemed how
ever, to be considerable division of opinion on the subject
of war ; even the Gaikas were divided among themselves
on the subject. The Gqunukwebi chief Pato was determined
to side with the Government. He said, " I deceived the
Government during the last war, I gave out that I would
not join in the war, but I was overcome by Sandilli and I
gave way, I joined the Gaikas and I have ever regretted it.
I have sworn I will never take up arms against the Govern
ment again ; to prove this I offer to protect all Government
and other waggons travelling up and down the East London
road."

304 FRONTIER INHABITANTS CALLED OUT
CHAP. Sir Harry Smith had been in Cape Town barely three
weeks when the disquieting news from British Kaffraria
decided him to leave again for the East. All doubt concerning
the rebellious intention of the Gaikas had vanished. On
December 5th, he embarked on the Hermes, but this time
he took with him four companies of the 73rd regiment and
thirty men of the Royal Artillery. He arrived at the
mouth of the Buffalo on the 9th. It was something of an
encouragement to him to meet Delima, the son of Pato,
who offered to place 1,400 of the Amagqunukwebi at his
service. The acceptance of this co-operation required very
cautious consideration. In the end the Governor availed
himself of their assistance in keeping open the road from
East London to King William's Town.
His first proceeding after arriving in King William's Town
was to issue a proclamation calling upon all the frontier
inhabitants, who were capable of bearing arms, to enrol
themselves for self-defence as the greater part of all the troops
in the colony was to be called into British Kaffraria. And
his second was to interview the Kaffir chiefs again. On the
14th, at King William's Town, all the Ndhlambi chiefs with
a great number of their followers assembled. His speech
was of the usual theatrical character, adverting to the
benefits the Government had ever endeavoured to confer
upon the natives and the small gratitude many of them had
shewn in return. He told them he had now brought soldiers
to punish the rebels among the Gaikas and that all who
obeyed him would be marked out for their loyalty while
those who did not would inevitably lose their country. The
chiefs in reply, spoke in terms of loyalty and determination
to assist him if occasion arose. Before proceeding to meet
the Gaikas, he seems to have desired to overawe them by
stationing a considerable military force in their country.
To the Kabousie Nek he sent 389 men and 4 officers under
the command of Col. Eyre of the 73rd ; at Fort Cox 571
men and 7 officers were stationed under the command of
Col. Mackinnon and 457 men and 7 officers at Fort Hare
under Col. Somerset.1
1 The force consisted of drafts from the 73rd, 91st, and 6th Regiments
and the Cape Mounted Rifles.

REWARDS FOR SANDILLI AND AMTA 305
He further offered on the 16th (Dec.) a reward of CHAP'.
£500 or 250 head of cattle for the capture of Sandilli and
£200 or loo head of cattle for Anta. On the 18th, he moved
from King William's Town to Fort Cox. Travelling by way of
the Green river (Umdizini), Debe flats and Fort White he
Saw little which indicated an impending war. Cattle were
grazing near the native kraals and the people themselves
gave him kindly and respectful greeting. All seemed tranquil.
On the 19th, a crowd of some three thousand Gaikas as
sembled on an open space near the fort to be addressed by
him. All the important chiefs were there except the two
most wanted, namely, Sandilli and Anta. In a mannner
conciliatory, yet very firmly, he put the state of affairs before
them. " Gaikas," said he, " there is the spot on which I
made peace with you fourteen years ago," then pointing to
the lands beyond the Burn's Hill mission station, " there is
the grave of Gaika — Gaika, whose dying word was ever to
keep peace with the English." ..." Now the man (his
son) who was your chief has been exciting you to rebel
against Her Majesty's authority. ... I come now not to
punish the good, but the rebels." He then recounted the
evils of which Sandilli had been guilty in spite of the benefits
which had been conferred upon him and he assured his
listeners that he could bring great numbers of troops to
drive rebels out of the land. He concluded with an appeal
to them to " sit still " and to permit him to bring the evil
doers to book in his own way ; he demanded that Sandilli
and Anta be given up and that every fine which had been
incurred in consequence of resistance to Mr. Brownlee's
demands be paid.
It would appear that some of the great men were not as
overawed by the address as was desired. One asked the
Governor why he had brought so many troops with him if he
placed such faith in them. To this he answered that that
was to show that he was resolved to put down rebellious
subjects and that if they resisted the civil authority, they
would soon learn what the troops were for. Another on
hearing that many big ships could come over the sea and bring
still greater numbers of troops, asked whether the great
Queen had ships which would go up the Amatola mountains!'
vol. v 20 x

3o6 A FATEFUL EXPEDITION
CHAP. In the interests of peace it cannot be said that much was
VII gained by this meeting. In fact, but a very short time was to
elapse before it became evident that peace — at this time at
all events — was the last thing the Gaikas desired. Believing
that a big military demonstration in the woody fastnesses
of the Amatola mountains would cause Sandilli either to
surrender or fly the country, the Governor ordered Col.
Mackinnon to take command of a very large patrol and move
off in the direction of Keiskamma Hoek. It is quite clear
that nothing more was expected than that there was to be a
long and toilsome march with, at most, the dangers and
difficulties inseparable from krantz and kloof. At daybreak
on the morning of the 24th, there set out from Fort Cox a
force consisting of 8 officers and 236 rank and file of the 6th
regiment, 2 officers and 75 rank and file of the 73rd, 7
officers and 167 rank and file of the Cape Mounted Rifles
(Hottentots) and 2 officers and 90 of the Rifle Brigade, in all
19 officers and 568 rank and file.
The detailed account of this fateful expedition is perhaps
best told in the words of one who took part in it, namely, Col.
(then Lieut.) Armytage of the 6th regiment.1 " On the night
of the 23rd (December, 1850) " says Col. Armytage, " a
patrol consisting of about 500 infantry, 150 cavalry (CM.
Rifles) and Kaffir police was sent out with provisions for
three days. We were ordered to be most civil to all Kaffirs ;
we were not to load our muskets and were not to fire a
shot unless we were first fired upon. Those orders were
strictly obeyed. I believe it was the Governor's intention
that we should march through a part of the Amatola moun
tains and return by another route to Fort Cox. The Governor
himself remained in Mr. Brownlee's house which lay at
some distance from the fort. It was a most exposed position,
not far from Burn's Hill where the waggons were attacked
and taken from the 7th Dragoon Guards in 1846. We were
told that the object of the expedition was the capture of
Sandilli and his brother Anta.
" At two o'clock on the morning of the 24th, we started.
1 With Col. Armytage, after he had returned to England, the
author of this work had considerable correspondence and is indebted
to the gallant soldier for this account as well as other valuable information
concerning those times.

Photo : Rev. Canon Wyche.
Boomah Pass

Specially photographed for this work.

Post Retief

THE BOOMAH PASS 307
We entered the Keiskamma about daylight and at about CHAP.
seven o'clock we had marched 8 to 10 miles through a very IL
bad country — close bush all the way — I noticed heaps of
freshly-thrown stones (luck stones ?) to which I drew the
attention of my brother officers. We halted about two hours
for breakfast. It was noticeable that scarcely a Kaffir came
to sell us anything or to look at us as was usually the case.
In due course, we continued our march. The cavalry was
right in front followed by the Kaffir police ; then came the
pack mules carrying the ammunition and the men who
formed its guard, while the infantry of the 6th and 73rd
were in the rear. Before entering the pass, I noticed, on a
large and conspicuous rock, half-way up the hill on the right
hand side of the river, some Kaffirs who were alternately
rising and hiding again. Through my spy glass, I saw
clearly many half-hidden Kaffirs and among them I recog
nised Sandilli. I pointed them out to Lieut. Norris of the
6th. We wanted to report this to Col. Mackinnon, but we
could not as he with his staff and the cavalry were so far away
in front. I was remarking to one of my brother officers how
easy it would be for an enemy to prevent any force going
through this dangerous pass, when we heard an unusually
loud single shot fired a good way ahead of us. I myself was
on the alert as I felt sure it was a signal ; others thought it
might have been one of the cavalry shooting game. About
ten seconds later, a shot came whizzing past my head, but
I could not say whether it came from the right or the left.
Being some distance in advance of the soldiers we ran back
to them and took shelter among the trees and stones in the
narrow path. Our Officer Commanding (Capt. Robertson)
was, at this time, some distance behind, so we directed our own
companies. As we heard a heavy volley being fired we pushed
on and soon came upon the dead bodies of the ammunition
guard, all had been killed or wounded except one man and
some of the animals and ammunition had been cut off and
taken away. We advanced and engaged the enemy at close
quarters when firing commenced all along the pass. The
enemy's fire came from our right and none from the left
where the krantz was so steep, but we could not see those
who fired at us, as there was so much smoke. At this time

308 THE RESULT OF THE ACTION
CHAP, a man of the grenadiers was shot. I lifted him on to my
' horse with the intention of carrying him out as I saw he was
dead. But he fell off on the other side and, as it was impera
tive that I should command the men about me and endeavour
to clear a way through the bush, I had to leave both man
and horse. At one place I was kept at a very large rock
where Kaffirs were in position. I myself shot two of them.
We got out of that part of the pass however by keeping up
a steady fire towards the right, wherever a Kaffir showed
himself. After considerable difficulty we came to a path
which turned off to the right and led down to the river. On
the other side, there was a very steep hill which, I soon
perceived, was covered with Kaffirs. It could not have been
far from the place where I had seen Sandilli perched before
the action began. We officers discussed the question of
following this path as it was obviously a very dangerous
one. From my study of my military maps which I had
made during the breakfast hour, I felt justified in advising
that we did not follow that path but should break through a
belt of bush and make straight to the open Hoek. I expected
to have found it about a quarter of a mile through, but it was
only about three hundred yards. We pushed through this
belt and formed up on the open plain. We were soon joined
by the cavalry and Kaffir police. Major Bissett was brought
out badly wounded. This must have happened on the path
which we had rejected, as he had not been seen by any of
the infantry. We marched a further three miles on to
Niven's mission station.1 There we halted and were to
remain for the night. We could now attend to our wounded
and prepare new stretchers as the proper ones had been
lost during the action in the pass. We had to make them
from any bush wood we could find, but as the bush did not
furnish poles long enough, our extemporary stretchers were
very unsatisfactory and in the subsequent march gave very
great discomfort to the wounded as well as exhausted the
bearers. We rested well during the night as no further attack
was made on us. The result of the day's action to us was,
Surgeon Stewart, C.M.R., killed, Major Bissett, C.M.R., and
Lieut. Catty of the 6th, wounded, twelve men killed and
1 This was near the present village of Keiskamma Hoek.

THE FORCE REACHES FORT WHITE 309
twelve wounded and all the spare ammunition and officers' CHAP.
horses, except Lieut Catty's, taken or killed. VIL
" Reflecting on what had happened during the day, the
behaviour of the Cape Corps and Kaffir police struck me
as somewhat peculiar and suspicious. It was afterwards
discovered that there had been some consultation between
the hostile Kaffirs and our Kaffir police as to whether the
latter should not join in the attack of the enemy upon us.
They decided not to do so, as their wives and families were
at Fort Cox. The time for desertion was not yet, though
it was not far off. The next day, Christmas Day, we left
our camp at four in the morning and, encumbered with our
wounded, commenced our march to Fort White, via the
Quilly Quilly and Bailie's grave. On all the hills adjacent
to our route there were many hundreds of Kaffirs who poured
volleys into us as opportunity offered. This commenced at
five in the morning and lasted until about three in the after
noon. Sandilli accompanied by a great crowd of his followers,
was mounted on the horse which I had left on the Boomah
Pass and was wearing my military blue cloak with the red
lining. During this march I noticed many packages of
ammunition either strewed in the way or placed on conspicu
ous stones. This must have been done either intentionally
or unintentionally by the C.M.R. and Kaffir police, who
were in front. I ordered my men to secure all they saw, as
we could ill afford to lose more than the 3,500 rounds which
fell into the hands of the enemy on the previous day. Without
further casualties we reached the Debe flats where we took
a secure position and having rested a while we pushed on
to Debe Nek. On arriving there we were horrified at finding
the dead and mutilated bodies of fifteen men of the 45th
regiment. It appeared that three men had been sent out on
duty from Fort White and had been murdered. The report
of this reaching the fort, twelve others with a waggon were
sent to recover the bodies. These also must have been over
powered by the hostile Kaffirs who were hovering in the
mountain bush, for their bodies were stripped of all clothing
and mutilated in a horrible manner.
" We reached Fort White at four in the afternoon. We
then learned that that place had been attacked earlier in

310 FORT COX BLOCKADED
CHAP, the day. A party of forty or fifty Kaffirs attempted to seize
' the cattle belonging to the fort which were grazing at some
little distance. But by the prompt action of those who were
in charge of them, they were saved and driven to the fort
kraal ; the Kaffirs however, managed to secure thirty-five
sheep, a horse and some goats. Then having been reinforced
by a large number of others, a determined attack was made
on the kraal. Some attempted to scale the walls. After the
murders of the soldiers in the morning, there remained only
seventeen of the 45th and five civilians to defend the place.
These however, kept two hundred of the enemy at bay. As
each Kaffir head showed itself above the wall a bullet was
put through it. After a time the enemy moved off carrying
away their dead and wounded and squatted down at a
place about two miles distant. There they remained until
Col. Mackinnon's force appeared in the afternoon, when they
disappeared. " We were at Fort White two days. During that time
we had very little rest, for besides putting the place in such
defensible order as the materials at hand permitted, we
were continually at arms. On the third night we were moved
suddenly to Fort Cox, where the Kaffirs were keeping Sir
Harry Smith a prisoner. The Kaffir police had now deserted
from that place and taken away all the cattle as well as their
arms and burnt their station. The Governor with the C.M.R.
made his escape and reached King William's Town on Decem
ber 31st. Fort Cox was blockaded. The supply of water
was a difficult question as every day it had to be fetched from
the Keiskamma river which flowed at the bottom of the
hill on which the fort stood. Nearly the whole garrison
had to be on duty every night as the buildings were
covered with thatch and attempts were made to set them
on fire. Moreover, there was the danger from the possible
treachery of the natives within. We were completely
hemmed in and not until January 31st, 1851, when we were
in a very weak state, were we released."
There could now be no doubt that the signs of the times
had been correctiy read by those who had felt and, in spite
of the .Governor's assurances to the contrary, had expressed
their opinions that war was imminent. From its suddenness

DANGER OF THE MILITARY VILLAGES 311
and the simultaneous outrages at different parts it was clear, c **AP-
as had been suspected, that war had been in the minds of
the Gaikas for some time. It was clear that the reprobation
of Sandilli by the other chiefs, the seeming friendliness of
the natives, the loyalty of the Kaffir police and other signs
of peace and good order were so much camouflage of their
real intentions and a plan for maintaining a freedom from
alarm among the colonists until their preparations were
made and they were prepared to strike. None at this date
realised how general the outbreak was or had any idea that
it was to last as long as it did.
The Boomah Pass disaster and the massacre of the men
of the 45th in the Debe flats were not the only incidents
which heralded the war at this fateful Christmastide of
1850. The Gaikas being, at this stage, masters of the situa
tion, it could not but go hardly with the small, isolated and
indefensible military villages of Juanasberg, Woburn and
Auckland in the Chumie valley — in the heart of the Gaika
country, and on lands which had been wrested from them and
near which very many of them were still living. In conse
quence of dissatisfaction with the conditions of settlement,
the numbers of the original settlers had greatly diminished,
so that on this Christmas Day there were only sixteen men
at Woburn, twenty-two men and thirty women and children
at Auckland and eight men at Juanasberg. These people
were living, so to speak, in the placid crater of a volcano,
but were not altogether unconscious of the rumblings
beneath. They also, for months, had shared the misgivings
of the colonists with regard to the attitude of the Kaffirs,
though those who lived in the vicinity were friendly and
worked for the military settlers in different capacities. About
a month before the outbreak, in consequence of their dis
quietude, twenty rounds of ammunition were served out to
each. But long before this, the people of Auckland, in view
of the numbers of natives who lived at no great distances,
built, as a precautionary measure, a large stone house with
loop-holed walls — a stronghold to which they might take
refuge in the event of danger.
At about nine o'clock on this peaceful Christmas morning,
when the attentions of all were being turned to the festivities

312 WOBURN WIPED OUT
CHAP, of the day and when even the Kaffir servants seemed imbued
VII with no other sentiments than those of peace on earth and
Good Will towards all men, Mr. T. Shaw was sitting in his
garden quietly smoking. A gun shot was heard and Mr.
Shaw fell lifeless to the ground. As if this were a signal for
action, great numbers of Kaffirs were seen suddenly to
surround the village. Shouts of " the Kaffirs," " the Kaffirs,"
awakened all instantly to the terrible danger of their situation.
The attack was first turned to the hastily-vacated dwellings
which were plundered and then set on fire. In the mean
while, the fifteen men (Mr. Shaw being dead) with their guns
and scanty supply of ammunition fled to a large stone
unfinished house, which seems to have been meant for a
church ; it was still roofless. Mr. J. M. Stevenson, the
superintendent of the Juanasberg village, who had gone to
Woburn to spend Christmas with Lieut. Stacey, the superin
tendent of Woburn, fled on horseback towards his own place
as hard as his horse could carry him. Large stones were
first thrown by the Kaffirs into the roofless house and then
the guns came into action on both sides. Lieut. Stacey was
shot through the shoulder at the start. The unequal contest
was kept up until about noon, when having fought against
hopeless odds every one of the fifteen settlers was dead.
Woburn then ceased to be. Having laid waste this place,
the murderous band seems to have divided into two parties,
one making for Juanasberg, while the other went to Auck
land, about ten miles further on at the foot of the Hog's
Back mountain. Auckland remained in happy ignorance of
all that had happened in the Boomah Pass and at Woburn
until about two o'clock in the afternoon. True, three Cape
Corps men had been sent from Fort Hare before daybreak
with news of the outbreak of war and a warning to the
military settlers to concentrate for safety or to fall back on
Alice, but these messengers, through no fault of their own,
arrived too late.
Living at no great distance from Auckland was the
Gaika sub-chief Xaimpi with his clan. All these people
were on friendly terms with the Auckland settlers, it was
therefore no matter of surprise that many of them should
have congregated in the village on this day and still less

THE FATE OF AUCKLAND 313
surprising that the settlers should have offered them such CHAP.
good cheer as they were able. Mr. Munro, the superintendent VIL
of the place, with his son and a Mr. Gibson took some coffee
and bread to Xaimpi, who with a few men was squatting
on the ground. The gift having been received, Xaimpi
jumped up, gave a shrill whistle and instantly a shocking
tale of bloodshed began. The three who had taken the
refreshment to Xaimpi were immediately killed, pierced by
assegais. The alarm spread, when thirty panic-stricken
women and children rushed to the stone house for refuge.
These were followed by the remaining nineteen men who,
with their guns and small supply of ammunition were
determined to defend the place to the last. Xaimpi's men
were soon reinforced by the murderers from Woburn, so
that the case from the first was hopeless. From the loop
holes of the house, bullets flew among the bloodthirsty
assailants and undoubtedly laid many low, but those inside
were also falling. After a time, the enemy offered to allow
the women and children to come out and, unmolested, to
leave the place. It is noticeable that in all these wars, the
Kaffirs always respected the lives of women and children.
The offer was at first refused, but as some had already hus
bands, brothers or sons lying dead in the house and as they
themselves could be of little use, they availed themselves of
the offer. They made their way to the Chumie mission
station, some seven miles distant. All through that day and
night, the men fought on as their numbers were diminishing
by the bullets from outside. Not until the next day was well
advanced and the ammunition was expended did the last
man lay down his life. In all twenty-two were killed. As
at Woburn the houses were pillaged and burnt, and Auck
land ceased to be.
At Juanasberg, the smallest of the military villages, the
settlers had some timely warning of their danger as they saw
the smoke rising from the burning Woburn. Moreover, it
was at this place that the three Cape Corps men first called
with the warning of danger. A young boy, H. McCabe, on
receipt of this, undertook to ride over to Woburn. Before he
had gone very far he saw a large party of armed Kaffirs
approaching who, he thought, were chasing him. He there-

314 ALARM AT CHUMIE
CHAP, fore turned off in another direction and, dismounting his
VI1' horse which had become restive, continued on foot. He
ran to a river and among the reeds sat in water up to his
shoulders for two hours. By a circuitous route over the
mountains he reached Alice. Three men were killed at
Juanasberg and five including McCabe escaped. The rendez
vous or haven of refuge to which all fled who could escape from
any of these or other places was the Chumie (or Gwali)
mission station. This mission station was situated in very
beautiful and fertile country at the base of a high and densely-
wooded mountain — the Chumie mountain. The resident
missionary was the Rev. J. Cumming. With him at this
time were the Revs. Brown and Renton — the latter a special
commissioner of the United Presbyterian Church.
Mr. Cumming tells us that early on this Christmas morn
he was awakened by someone tapping at his bedroom
window and announcing the arrival of three Cape Corps men
who brought news of an outbreak of war. The alarm spread
among the native Christian converts in their huts and their
teachers. It does not appear however, that this warning led
to the adoption of any defensive measures ; probably be
cause, according to the dying wish of the late Gaika, the
Chumie was declared a place of sanctuary and was to remain
unmolested by the Gaikas under all circumstances.
This alarm was scarcely a surprise to Mr. Cumming. In
expectation of it he had made arrangements for the removal
of his people to a place in the colony. He had approached
Sir Harry Smith on the subject but had been assured of the
groundlessness of the apprehensions and promised due
warning in the event of danger. That warning came too
late, all were entrapped. Later in the morning a white man
was seen to be galloping up to the station at the utmost
speed. He arrived in a state of the greatest terror, shouting :
" Oh, Mr. Cumming, save me, save me, the Kaffirs are
after me." This man turned out to be Stevenson, who had
fled from Woburn. He was making for his village of
Juanasberg when a friendly Kaffir, Festiri (the brother of the
famous Tiyo Soga),1 whom he met, warned him of the great
danger of going in that direction. Almost immediately, a
1 Vide the Life of Tiyo Soga, by the Rev. J. A. Chalmers.

REFUGEES AT CHUMIE 315
warlike party came in view and gave chase. Stevenson C**£P"
instantly turned his horse in the direction of the mission
station and fled for his life which the missionary saved. The
hostile Kaffirs rushed up to the hedges which surrounded
the missionary's garden, and meeting Dukwana, one of the
native converts of the station, demanded first the person
of Stevenson and being refused, demanded his horse.
" No," said Dukwana. " This station was pronounced by
Gaika as a sanctuary, a city of refuge, the white man you
have pursued is now within the ramparts and no person
dare give him up or molest him ; according to the laws of
our chief you are now doing a thing which will bring you
into trouble." The answer was : " Then know that you
have this day joined league with our enemies and you will
suffer for it." Some time afterwards, another white man was
seen to be approaching the station. With the exception of
his socks he was quite naked. Finding that he had been
seen by those at the mission station, he hid in some convenient
place until Mr. Cumming sent out some clothes to him and
offered him the safe refuge of his house. He was a Mr.
Snodgrass. He with his son had left Auckland early that
morning before there was any suspicion of the impending
doom. His object was to go to spend Christmas Day with
his wife who was in Alice. He was soon overtaken by a
party of warlike Kaffirs, who stripped him of his horse and
clothes and would undoubtedly have killed him but for the
stratagem of Mr. Snodgrass reserving some sovereigns in
his mouth and throwing them at a distance on to the veld.
This gave him an opportunity of running for his life while
the Kaffirs hunted for the money. His son disappeared. His
body was afterwards found in the bush. According to one
accused, there were no signs of wounds upon it, hence the
boy must have died of fright. According to another, the
body was mutilated and a foot was picked up by a patrol,
which afterwards visited the place. These two refugees,
however, were but a very small proportion of the numbers
who were yet to find safety, assistance and every kindness
from Mr. Cumming. The thirty women and children who
had left Auckland under such terrible circumstances arrived
later in the day. Everything possible was done for them

316 REFUGEES FROM UNIONDALE
CHAP, until the next day when under no other protection than an
' escort of some Christian Kaffir women, they made their way
in safety to Alice.
A further addition to the Chumie mission station on this
day was a party which arrived in a terrible plight from the
Uniondale mission station at Keiskamma Hoek. It con
sisted of the missionary himself, the Rev. J. Niven, his wife,
his four young sons, a Miss Ogilvie (Mrs N.'s niece), Mr.
Ball, an English carpenter, and Tause, a native female
Christian, a sister of Tiyo Soga. The Uniondale mission
station had been commenced in the previous year by Mr.
Niven in what might then be regarded as the heart of the
Gaika country, and therefore, at this time, it was in a situa
tion of the greatest danger. It was at this place where Col.
Mackinnon and his troops halted after their disaster in the
Boomah Pass and where the extempore stretchers were
made — a work in which the mission people had assisted.
It was said that it was this action on the part of the missionary
which drew down upon him the wrath of Anta and the
consequent destruction of the station.
At seven o'clock on Christmas morn, the above party
with five horses and two native attendants to carry provisions
and clothes left Uniondale for the Chumie, a distance of
22 miles. Their route was via the Wolf and Amatola rivers
and then down into the Chumie basin where Auckland, or
what remained of it, was passed in the distance. For the
first few miles, the party travelled in peace and without
concern. The Kaffir kraals which they passed gave no indica
tion that there was war in the land, the cattle were seen to
be quietly grazing in their vicinity and all else appeared as
usual in such communities. It was noticed, however, that
women were the only occupants of these places. On Mr.
Niven remarking on these peaceful appearances to Nkenye,
one of the native attendants, the latter replied that he had
heard the " hlaba umkosi " or war cry passed from kraal to
kraal and that he had seen men assembling. The journey
having been continued down the long and difficult descent
to the Amatola river and as it was full noon, a shady thicket
was chosen under which the travellers off-saddled and com
menced preparations for a midday meal. They had not been

THE FAITHFUL CHRISTIAN GIRL 317
there long, when Mr. Niven, walking at a short distance to CHAP;
see that the horses were not straying too far away, saw with
apprehension a party of about a dozen armed Kaffirs
approaching the resting place. Their demeanour left no
doubt as to their hostile intentions. Nkenye endeavoured to
explain to them that Mr. Niven was a teacher (umfundisi)
and the good missionary attempted to draw the attention of
the chief interrogator to himself, but they were not satisfied.
Mr. Niven was rudely repulsed and Nkenye was asked why
he was helping the enemy. " This is a white man," he said,
" and you are our enemy in helping him against our nation."
An assegai being held in a threatening manner, Nkenye
as well as Yedwa the other attendant fled. Some of the
unwelcome intruders then seized the horses while others
helped themselves to the saddles and other property which
had been placed on the ground in the shade. The children
screamed with fright and plunged into the thicket. Mr.
Niven begged the robbers to allow him to keep one horse for
Mrs. Niven, who was in a delicate state of health and
apparently quite unable to complete the long journey on
foot, but it was refused. All appeals to their reason, con
science and humanity failed. Two of them however, were
persuaded, for a reward, to escort the party on their further
journey. With these guides they started off laboriously on
foot. But their supposed protectors pulled off Mr. Niven's
neck-cloth, rifled his pockets, though apparently not finding
the money upon him, and endeavoured, unsuccessfully, to
rob him of his coat. At this juncture there arrived Xaimpi,
who must then have been on his errand of murder to Auck
land with several armed men. To the appeals for help
which were made to them, they listened without emotion
and refused to give protection or assistance in getting the
sufferers out of that sequestered Amatola glen, now a den of
thieves. The salvation of the party on this as well as on other
occasions in this terrible journey was the faithfulness and
influence of the Christian girl Tause, the daughter of Soga,
one of the late Gaika's chief councillors. She was well
known in Gaikaland. Left now to themselves they moved on
slowly for some distance, Mrs. Niven being supported on
one side by her husband and on the other by Tause. More

318 A DESPERATE PLIGHT
CHAP, natives came in view. There were two unarmed men driving
VTT . .
' four cows and some women carrying long sticks, a sure sign
of a state of war. As one of the men was known to Mr. Niven
while both were known to Tause, the refugees met with some
small show of kindness and sympathy. They accompanied
the party for some distance as escort, while two of the women
assisted the children up the long hill which now confronted
them. Two of those who had been concerned in the first
attack, probably feeling that they had not possessed them
selves of all that was to be obtained, had followed the party
on the horses they had stolen and now overtook them. Mr.
Niven, on seeing their approach, gave the £ 50 he had with
him into the keeping of his wife as she was less likely to be
interfered with, but he kept some loose silver in his own
pocket. One of the assailants roughly handled Mr. Niven.
He took from him his coat and the silver money from his
pockets. The other turned his attention to Mr. Ball, who
was relieved of his hat and coat. The escort gave no assist
ance but joined the thieves on their departure. Matters
might have been worse had not Tause, seconded by the
women, upbraided the men for thus treating a missionary.
With no more hurt than this small loss, the painfully exhaust
ing journey was continued until the smoke of the burning
Woburn and Juanasberg came in sight. But their hearts
sank within them when it became clear that it would be
impossible to avoid encountering many armed natives who
were seen in the distance and in the route they would have
to take. For a time in their exhausted state, they sat down
under a bush which afforded some shelter from the burning
sun. While there, Mrs. Niven was heard to say in a faint
voice : " There they are," and immediately in front of
them, there appeared a number of Kaffirs with assegais.
Again there was the disposition to kill Mr. Ball. " You are
a teacher," Mr. Niven was told, " but this white man is not,
he must die like the white men who are killing us." During
this pleading for their lives, Mrs. Niven fell backward
unconscious. With heartrending appeals, Mr. Niven be
sought the Kaffir women to procure water. Not a very hope
ful request as there was none to be seen in the immediate
vicinity and moreover the women feared the anger of

SAFETY AT LAST 319
the men if they saw them thus helping a white woman. CHAP.
After a time, however, some was obtained. The miserable
plight of the party seems to have gained for them some
sympathy from the natives, for two old men offered to
act as escort to the Chumie, which they did. When
Mrs. Niven was sufficiently recovered, all toiled on again
slowly until towards evening when the Chumie mission
station came in view. The approach of the famished,
exhausted and half-clad party was seen. Messrs. Cumming
and Renton with many friends went forth to meet them.
They were then assisted to the haven of refuge and
treated with all the kindness they so badly needed. Thus
ended this dreadful Christmas Day of 1850. And thus,
with the disasters in the Boomah Pass and Debe Nek, the
attack on Fort White, the annihilation of the military villages
and the imprisonment of the Governor at Fort Cox, began,
with no uncertainty, the war of 1850.

CHAPTER VIII
THE HOTTENTOT REBELLION
chap. The Governor, Sir Harry Smith, after his somewhat
' bombastic treatment of the Gaikas, found, to his mortifica
tion, that they held him a prisoner in Fort Cox. It must
have been an elation to them to realise that they had the
great " Inkosi Inkulu " almost in their hands. Escape
with his life seemed for a time to be impossible.
This fort was situated on an eminence which was encircled
on three sides by a horse-shoe bend of the Keiskamma river.
Above it there towered very high and steep hills, which
perhaps might be called mountains. These were covered with
a dense bush which gave cover, at this time, to the thousands
of natives who infested it and invested the fort. The greatest
danger was incurred in venturing outside the gates. There
was still within it a very considerable force in spite of the
desertions of the Kaffir police, but it was not provisioned
sufficiently for a siege of any great length of time. In this
predicament, Sir Harry had to govern, so to speak, with
his hands tied. With difficulty, on Christmas Day, the first
day of his imprisonment, a friendly native was persuaded to
run the risk of carrying despatches to Col. Somerset at Fort
Hare. Hence the Governor was able to take his first steps
in the prosecution of the war. These consisted in the declara
tion of martial law in the districts of Albany, Uitenhage,
Somerset, Fort Beaufort, Cradock, Graaff-Reinet, Victoria
and Albert and the calling upon all the male inhabitants
between the ages of 18 and 50, in those districts, to enrol
themselves for the defence of the country ; in ordering up
from Cape Town all the available regular troops, amounting
only to about three or four hundred ; in authorising the
organisation of Hottentot levies who were to take service for
320

ATTEMPT TO REACH PORT COX 321
six months, to receive a bounty of £2, to be clothed, armed CHAP.
and accoutred, to receive sixpence per day and the usual l '
rations, to receive a liberal share of the cattle captured and
their families to be rationed in their absence ; and finally,
in sending a message to the Lieut.-Governor of Natal asking
him to send forward three or four thousand Zulus to attack
the Gaikas in the rear.
During his enforced inactivity, Sir Harry delegated to
Col. Somerset authority to act in all these matters as Com
mander-in-Chief. But Col. Somerset, as he soon discovered,
was scarcely in a better situation than the Governor. On
the night of the 28th he endeavoured to get some despatches
through to Fort Cox by means of a small party of the C.M.R.
At a distance of a few miles from Fort Hare, the messengers
became aware of a great number of the enemy ahead of
them. They therefore hastily returned to the fort. The next
day, 150 of the 91st regiment and 70 of the C.M.R., with a
three-pounder gun — a force which Col. Somerset, in his
ignorance of the true state of affairs, considered more than
sufficient to overawe any opposition — went forth with the
despatches. Their route lay round the base of Sandilli's
Kop in the direction of Middle Drift. When they had
marched about six miles, they beheld vast numbers of Kaffirs
assembled on the ridges in the vicinity of the Yellow Woods
river. The military party came to a halt and opened the
guns upon them. But though it did good execution, the
enemy was in such overwhelming numbers that the troops
found it expedient to commence a retreat. Encouraged by
this the Kaffirs followed. Their already large numbers were
reinforced by others who seemed to pour out from every
wooded glen and valley. After about three miles of this
retreat the gun became disabled and the time spent in trying
to put it in order enabled the enemy to approach within a
dangerous distance. The gun had to be abandoned. Now
took place a fierce hand-to-hand battle, lasting four hours,
during which the retreat was continued. With 22 killed and
20 wounded the force came in sight of Fort Hare, when a
hundred men went forth to their assistance. So after all
this trouble and loss of life, the despatches were taken back
to Fort Hare. But that night, one friendly Kaffir accom-
vol. v 21 Y

322 RAPID SPREAD OF HOSTILITIES
CHAP, plished the feat. Over 1 8^ miles in the darkness and through
difficult country, he made his way as only a Kaffir could and
delivered the documents at Fort Cox.
While this great horde of Kaffirs was then, undoubtedly,
on its way to attack Fort Hare and the town of Alice — as
they eventually did — and while others were investing Fort
Cox, five hundred of Seyolo's tribe turned their attention to
the Line Drift military post on the Keiskamma river. This
isolated post was situated in the wild, and in times of Kaffir
hostility, dangerous country of the Keiskamma bush. The
loop-holed stone walls, which were the outside walls of the
rooms, stores and stables within, formed a hollow square.
The place was held by a small party of the C.M.R. under
Sergeant Kelly. About eight o'clock in the morning of the
28th, a large body of Kaffirs was seen to be approaching the
place. They left no doubt as to their hostile intentions by
commencing forthwith to plunder the place. Sergeant
Kelly, having mustered his men (coloured men) in the barrack
square, ordered them to fire upon the enemy, but they refused
to do that or to march to Fort Peddie. It soon became
clear that if they were not actually in league with the Kaffirs,
there was a friendliness between them which boded no good.
Every room was entered and everything movable was
plundered. Sergeant Kelly and the issuer of the stores
(a white man) then saw no course open to them but to flee
for their lives. On reaching the top of the hill over which
runs the road to Peddie and taking a last look at the fort,
they saw it in flames. They reached Peddie in safety and
reported. The sequence of events during the first ten days of the
outbreak was rapid. Hostilities broke out simultaneously in
parts widely removed from one another and by others than
the Gaikas. It became known that the Kaffir freebooter
chief, Hermanus, who had his location only a few miles from
Fort Beaufort, had decided to act in conjunction with Sandilli.
On the 26th, some of his people attacked a waggon which
was being driven from Fort Beaufort to the Winterberg.
Two of those who had been in charge of it left it and pursued
their way towards Post Retief. On passing near Hermanus'
place they were killed and, according to the missionary,

ALARM ON THE FRONTIER 323
J. Read, their heads were cut off and sent to Umlanjeni as CHAP.
token of Hermanus' fidelity to the cause. The next day VIH'
another farmer, T. Eastland, was killed and his house de
stroyed by fire. At this same time, thirty-five of the Kaffir
police who were stationed at Whittlesea, some few miles
further to the north, deserted to Sandilli. Besides this
alarming intelligence concerning Hermanus, of which more
anon, Mr. Wienand, the magistrate of the Kat River Settle
ment, reported, on December 31st, that the people of the
Mancazana and Upper Blinkwater had joined him (Her
manus) and that loyal people in other parts of the settlement,
having no guns or ammunition, were in great danger and
leaving their homes and crops to take protection in Fort
Armstrong. He appealed for assistance.
What was the effect of all this upon the Frontier districts ?
As has been indicated, the inhabitants had, for some months
previously, been expecting war and their apprehensions had
not been lulled by the assurances of the Governor and other
military authorities to the contrary. Hence on the first report
of actual hostilities all was panic and rush from the dangerous
Kaffirland proximity. Stock was hastily driven to the west
ward and, with all that could be loaded on to waggons,
farmers and their families fled from their isolated homes
either to defensive laagers or into the towns. The civil
commissioner of Uitenhage said that every day cattle and
sheep in great droves passed through his town to the west
and that the roads, on this account, were almost impassable.
Homeless fugitives in hundreds congregated at Grahamstown
with everything which, in their hurry, they had been able to
save, their famished cattle finding but little pasture on the
dry hills which surrounded the place. To make matters
worse, it was a time of drought and locusts were ravaging
the land. On the part of the regular inhabitants of Grahams
town all was bustle and preparations for defence. The
Drostdy barracks, churches and chapels were appropriated
as places of refuge. All men were formed into sentry piquets
and maintained nightly guard in the different wards, while
two hundred Fingoes, who were living on municipal lands
and who volunteered for active service against the inveterate
enemy, the Kaffir, were armed and given outpost duty.

324 THE ESCAPE FROM FORT COX
CHAP. On December 3 ist, Sir Harry Smith and Col. Mackinnon
VIII ' succeeded in escaping from Fort Cox. It was the Governor's
intention to go to Fort Hare, but the danger of the intervening
country preventing him, he made for King William's Town.
Wearing the uniform and forage cap of one of the privates
of the C.M.R. and accompanied by 250 of that body he made
a bold dash over the Debe flats, where some opposition — less
formidable than it at first seemed — was overcome without loss
of any of his men, and arrived in safety. He was however
not much better off in King William's Town than he had been
in Fort Cox, for he was still cut off from all communications
with the colony other than what could be effected by means
of an occasional friendly Kaffir or the people of the loyal
chief Pato. Col. Somerset had therefore to continue to act
for him in a military capacity. On January 2nd, the Governor
promoted him to the rank of Major-General, pending of
course, the approval of the Duke of Wellington. Mr.
Montagu, the colonial secretary in Cape Town, carried on
the correspondence with Downing Street during the Gover
nor's isolated detention. In pursuance of his instructions and
the authority conferred upon him, Col. Somerset, on
December 31st, sent circular letters to all the civil commis
sioners asking them to urge the burghers of their respective
districts to enrol themselves for active service. They were
to come armed, mounted and equipped for burgher duty,
provisions and, as far as possible, forage would be provided
for them at certain specified places. Nothing was said
about pay. But on January 5th, the Governor issued a
proclamation promising that in the prosecution of the war,
all cattle taken by those who were not in Government pay,
should be the property of the captors. This appeal, for a time
at least, met with little response and charges of apathy and
want of public spirit were brought against the burghers.
But it had to be borne in mind that so many had been driven
from their homes and had to defend their families then in
laagers, while others, in consequence of the desertion of
their Kaffir servants, had themselves to drive their cattle
and sheep into safety in distant parts, to remain with them
and protect them. Mr. Gilfillan, the civil commissioner of
Cradock, said he could not possibly comply with the request.

RECRUITS FOR THE FRONTIER 325
His district had eighty miles of frontier and there were none CHAP. VTTT
to defend it but its own inhabitants. He had already had
an appeal for assistance from the missionary station of
Shiloh, which was in danger, and he had heard unpleasant
rumours of disaffection and disloyalty on the part of the
coloured people of the Kat River Settiement. He therefore
could not send any burghers from his district.
Mr. Montagu, in a despatch to B. Hawes, Esq., Under-
Secretary of State, commented upon " the determined and
dogged inactivity of the farmers, principally the Dutch, who
notwithstanding the Proclamation of martial law in the
Eastern Districts, cannot be induced to move to the frontier.
When I heard from General Somerset, on 24th January, not
one had joined him." The recruiting in the Western Province
was most satisfactory. Mr. Montagu, in accordance with
the Governor's instructions of December 26th, issued circulars
to the civil commissioners and sent agents into the different
districts for the purpose of collecting Hottentot levies. The
call was responded to promptly and by large numbers,
moreover, none were open to suspicion of disloyalty which
was becoming more and more apparent in the case of the
Eastern Province coloured people. The Moravian mission
aries of Genadendal had been most active in swelling the
ranks of recruits. As drafts arrived in Cape Town, they were
sent by sea to East London in the steamers Dee, Phoenix
and Hermes. By January 31st, 185 1, Mr. Montagu was
able to report that he had, by that communication, sent off
a total of 2,650 volunteers, 600 were on their way overland
from George and there was a promise of 400 more. The
total force available for all offensive and defensive purposes,
patrols, holding forts, etc., was (at the beginning of the war)
547 officers and non-commissioned officers and 7,627 rank
and file.1
In the Kaffir war thus commenced, a very serious develop
ment of a new and entirely unexpected character soon pre
sented itself. In former wars the Hottentots had not only
remained faithful to the Government, but, either as regular
1 Made up as follows : — Royal Artillery 89, Sappers and Miners 192,
6th Regiment 560, 45th Regiment 452, 73rd Regiment, 530, 91st Regiment
521, C.M.R. 901, Seamen and Mariners 115, Native levies 4,410, Fingoes
408.

326 DEFECTION OF THE HOTTENTOTS
CHAP, corps or volunteer levies, had most efficiently taken the field
' against the Kaffirs and thereby earned their deadly hatred.
Now we are to find the Hottentot combining with his former
enemy and turning his arms against the Colony. And an
extraordinary feature of this revolt was that many, perhaps
the greater number of those who took part in it, were the
educated or semi-educated members of certain missionary
institutions — even deacons and lay-preachers — people for
whose welfare and benefit so much had been done and from
whom continued loyalty to the Government might, at least,
have been expected. Before bringing charges of base
ingratitude against these people, however, it will be well
to consider some matters which may, in a measure, account
for their action. The defection of the Hottentots commenced
in the Kat River Settlement. This settlement consisted of
a number of small Hottentot villages placed at distances of
about six or seven miles from each other and situated in
one of the most beautiful and picturesque parts of the
Eastern Province of Cape Colony. From this well-favoured
territory Maqomo and his tribe had had to be expelled in
1 829. The lands thus vacated were given to a large number
of the more respectable Hottentots in order that it might be
seen whether under favourable circumstances they could
become an industrious and thriving people. During the
first few years of the existence of the Kat River Settlement,
as it was called, the expectations and hopes of its philan
thropic promoters were more than fulfilled. Lands were
soon under cultivation, twenty-four miles of furrows to lead
out water from the Kat River were made, small but decent
houses of unburnt brick, each with its garden, were built,
churches and mission schools were soon in operation and,
in short, all which the circumstances permitted was done.
The Settlement commanded the admiration of all who
visited it. Governor Sir Lowry Cole, Chief Justice Wylde,
Judge Menzies, Dr. Rose Innes, the Superintendent-General
of Education, and others spoke in the most eulogistic terms
on what they had seen. Sir George Napier when he visited
it with Capt. Stockenstrom, its founder, in 1838, said :
" Well, Captain Stockenstrom, if I were the creator of this
settlement, I should fancy that I had done enough for one

Topographical Sketch
KAT RIVER" SETTLEMENT
AND ADJACENT COUNTRY

Gaika s
Head

O I 2 3 4-5

Scale of Miles

From the map compiled from the best authorities by M. Woodifield, C.E., Sworn Government Surveyor, May, 1852.

DISCONTENT OF HOTTENTOTS 327
man's life." When the war of 1835 broke out, the men from CHAP. VTTT
the settlement gave their services, fought bravely and earned
the encomiums of Sir Benjamin D'Urban and Col. Smith.
They returned to the Kat River lands only to find their
houses destroyed and their plantations ruined. Undeterred
by this, they went to work and repaired the damage. During
the war of 1846, they were again called into the field and
again they responded. One of them, Andries Botha — a
name of which much was yet to be heard in connection with
a trial for high treason — took command of 250 of the people.
They did excellent service in the Amatola mountains. It
was this party which rescued the ammunition waggons when
the Kaffirs attacked the troops at Burn's Hill in April, 1846.
At the end of this war, they seem to have felt aggrieved and
become discontented at the treatment they had received
from Sir Henry Pottinger. Having served many months for
no other pay than rations for themselves and their families,
they considered they had been treated unfairly in the distribu
tion of the captured cattle and in being kept in the field
away from their homes, long after the burghers had been
disbanded. Not only did they receive no thanks for their
services, but even the blankets which had been issued to
them were taken from them, threadbare though they were,
and returned to the Government stores. Thus again,
poverty-stricken, they returned to their ruined homesteads.
Their combined loss was estimated at £3,000 — a very
serious matter for people in their condition of life. While
this settlement was in its war-disorganised state, Sir Henry
Pottinger was conducting his campaign against the financial
and other irregularities connected with the war. Up to
this time, there had been no magistrate in the Kat River
Settlement. Its management had been in the hands of the
missionaries, the Revs. James Read, senior and junior, of the
London Missionary Society and the Rev. W. R. Thompson
of the Glasgow Society. Now, Mr. T. J. Biddulph, who was
not very sympathetic towards the people, was sent as their
magistrate and with instructions in the first place to report
generally on what he found there. His report was unfavour
able in the extreme. He described the place, in short, as
nothing but the most transparent bit of humbug which had

328 CAUSES OF REBELLIOUS SPIRIT
CHAP, ever been practised upon the public, " a large assemblage
' of able-bodied paupers living partly on the credulity of the
public " ..." it was the abode of idleness and imposture."
According to the report, there were upwards of 5,000 souls
in the settlement, Bastards and Hottentots. The former,
having been brought up with the Dutch farmers, had ac
quired habits of industry and thrift and were now the satis
factory people of the settlement, while the Hottentots were
incorrigibly lazy, worthless and made little use of their
allotments, of which altogether there were 640. In drafting
his condemnatory report, there was a very serious and
important matter which Mr. Biddulph seems entirely to
have overlooked, the one which may be regarded as the
chief cause of the failure of the settlement. This was its
contiguity to Kaffirland along the most dangerous and
vulnerable part of the frontier, passage into it and through
it to the colony being perfectly easy. The accumulation of
stock and produce by the more industrious as well as the
fine grazing lands tempted Kaffirs and vagabond Hottentots,
for whom the place was not intended, to invade it. And as
there was no authority to prevent it, these undesirables
took up their abode — not necessarily in sequestered nooks —
wherever the results of the industry of the others could best
be obtained. Hence as evil communications corrupt good
manners, the general character of the settlement, in spite of
the missionaries, deteriorated and all connected with it
came into disrepute. Could the people for whom the place
was intended have been protected and preserved from con
tamination with these worthless characters, the Kat River
Settlement might have been all that had been hoped for it.
But, as will be seen it was soon broken up and abandoned and
to-day it is in the hands of the white man and forms one of
the most beautiful and prolific orange districts of South
Africa. A predisposing cause of the rebellion of the heretofore
loyal people of the Kat River Settlement was attributed,
though with what justice is not altogether clear, to the
political preaching and teaching of the London Missionary
Society's missionaries, the Revs. Read, senior and junior.
On this account there was among the Eastern Province

ONLY WAITING FOR A LEADER 329
inhabitants, a widespread and hostile feeling against them CHAP.
and for similar reasons, against some other Kaffirland
missionaries. It was said that the Hottentots were being
continually told that they were an oppressed race and that
the colonists were their enemies. When the whole country
was absorbed in the question of the granting of a Represen
tative Government, in common with other coloured com
munities, they had indistinct ideas that the Queen's protection
was to be taken from them and that all they could expect
from a colonial legislature would be Vagrant Acts and other
repressive measures. But it is not clear that any actions of
the missionaries precipitated the rebellion, and it is un
thinkable that they should have deliberately done so. It is
quite clear however, that as soon as they became aware of
the state of affairs, they did all in their power — and took
great risks — to stop it.1
In this unsatisfactory state of affairs and before the Kat
River people had had time to recover from the losses incurred
on account of the last war — barely three years previously —
they were called upon to enrol themselves again for service
in the field. Instead of their old alacrity, they now met the
demand with excuses and pleas to be allowed to remain and
protect their families and homes. But at this date there
was no sign or suspicion of rebellion in the settlement. The
disposition, however, was there. It but needed some leader
to come forward and develop this disposition into action.
In the intricate and densely-wooded kloofs of the mountains
in the lower part of the settlement, the wily and daring
scoundrel Hermanus 2 with his numerous thieving associates
still had his haunt. Although the part had been given to
him on condition that he did not harbour there any but his
own relatives and a few immediate followers, he had by this
1 The Rev. J. Read, jun., in his defence said : " I am not aware that we
have acted the politician more than other men and other missionaries.
In the four principal discussions which have been brought on the tapis
within the last sixteen years, viz.. The abrogation of the old frontier or
patrol system ; (2) The introduction of the Glenelg policy ; (3) The dis
cussions of Col. Wade's Vagrant Act ; (4) The convict question, and lastly
the late question of the Constitution — we took a part. But show me the
men — the ministers — who have not in some of these taken an active
share. What we have done at Kat River is, I think, what any ministers
might have done in similar circumstances."
•¦ Vide Vol. II, page 453.

330 HERMANUS THROWS DOWN THE GAUNTLET
CHAP, time allowed some hundreds of Kaffirs to congregate upon
his location — an area of 15,000 acres. The farmers of the
Winterberg and Upper Blinkwater districts had much reason
to complain of the thefts of their stock and felt convinced
that their losses were due to these intruders. Two years
previously, namely in 1848, it had been necessary to send a
commission to that secluded place in order to learn the state
of affairs there. According to the report, there were 87 men,
122 women and 208 children. The locality was eminently
suited to the pursuits of a gang of robbers. In the lofty and
precipitous mountains, the deep and intricate kloofs and
valleys, encumbered with indigenous trees and shrubs, offered
the most secure concealment for stolen animals and at the
same time presented the most dangerous places to those in
pursuit of stolen property or robbers. At the end of 1850
the number of Hermanus' followers had largely increased —
and pari passu the annoyance they created. In November
1850, while Sir Harry Smith was in Grahamstown, in answer
to complaints which were brought before him, he sanctioned
another commission to visit the place and report. It con
sisted of Messrs. Godlonton, Bovey, Gilbert and Blakeway.
Dangerous as it must have been to venture into those parts
at a time when Sandilli had just been deposed and Hermanus
was in communication with Umlanjeni, the commission
nevertheless went. Most curiously, Hermanus made no
objection. He was even submissive and put no difficulty in
the way of the investigation when he might so easily have
massacred all four. He probably felt that his time was not
yet, though not very far off. According to the report of this
commission there were now 1,400 people in the location, of
whom 300 were men capable of bearing arms. With this
support and his own natural enterprise and daring, Hermanus
was prepared at the end of December, to throw down the
gauntlet. This he did, as has been stated, by the murders of
the men on the Winterberg road.
In the more level country at the Lower Blinkwater, and
at no great distance from Hermanus was the Hottentot
mission station of Tidmanton, under the superintendence of
the Rev. A. van Rooyen. Hermanus' first step was to compel
the people of this station to join his force. As very few of

THE TIME IS RIPE 331
them had arms and as an ineffectual appeal for assistance to SSA-?'
escape had been made to Fort Beaufort and Fort Armstrong,
they perforce had to throw in their lot with the rebel band.
Mr. van Rooyen did all he could to dissuade his people
from taking this course — and many were reluctant to join
the rebel — but he was warned that it was no longer safe for
him to stay. He therefore repaired to Fort Armstrong, where
he met many others who were taking refuge in that place.
Together with the Hottentots of the Mancazana valley and
Upper Blinkwater, who were reported by Mr. Wienand, the
Kat River magistrate, on December 31st, as having joined
Hermanus and together also with many of the Kaffir servants
who had absconded from the colony, the force which the
rebel chief now had at his command was said to be about
nine hundred.
As soon as the news of the Boomah Pass affair and the
massacres of the military villages reached him, Hermanus
considered the time ripe for the commencement of his pre
datory exploits in the Fort Beaufort district. The cattle of
the town itself as well as those of the Fingoes who lived in a
location at some little distance were the first objects of his
attention. A sudden and unexpected attack was made on
these and all were captured and driven to the Blinkwater in
spite of the fact that both the townspeople and Fingoes
fought bravely in the attempt to save their property. Her
manus had a narrow escape. His horse was shot under him —
a foretaste of what was in store for him the next time he
visited the place.
The isolated farms fared badly at the hands of these mis
creants. Not only was all the stock driven off, but the home
steads were pillaged. Everything which could be removed,
even personal clothing, was either taken away or wantonly
destroyed. And the Hottentot servants in the employ of
the farmers not only refused to assist in protecting their
masters' property, but openly joined the marauders in its
robbery and destruction. Some of the farmers on hearing
the first rumour of war, took the precaution of sending their
families and loads of household property into Fort Beaufort,
trusting that what could not be removed would remain safe
in the protection of their servants. In this, they were griev-

332 PLAN TO ATTACK FORT BEAUFORT
chap, ously disappointed. Some had the mortification of seeing
their laden waggons driven by their own servants in the
direction of Blinkwater, while most afterwards discovered
that their houses had been burnt. Mrs. Booth, who lived
about six miles from Fort Beaufort, now had her eyes opened
to the questionable character of her servants. " Who would
have thought," she said, " of our own people joining the
Kaffirs — old Jan, the waggon driver, that we have known
for so many years, and Piet, that we have brought up from
a child ? When I left, he had a child of his own, and while
I was at home, I attended his wife (a Blinkwater Hottentot)
and child, as often as I could." It dawned upon Mrs.
Booth that the continued loss of stock of which she had so
long complained must have been due to the connivance of
her Hottentot servants. Among others, the beautiful home
stead of Mr. Gilbert, about five miles from Fort Beaufort,
was in like manner devastated, the occupants having fled
with but a small portion of their belongings. This place
was enclosed by a high, stone, loop-holed wall and surmoun
ted by a tower ; it might easily have been defended had the
servants remained loyal. As it was, everything which could
not be taken away was committed to the flames by the enemy.1
As an opinion prevailed that many of the rebel Hottentots
had, in the first place, been coerced into their wicked ways
by Hermanus and that having so far committed themselves
they remained rebels for fear of the consequences, General
Somerset, on January 3rd, issued a proclamation, offering a
free pardon to all who should surrender themselves and
return to their allegiance by the 14th. It had little effect,
however ; for only eleven took advantage of the offer. This
indicated that the rebels were not so reluctant to join the
Kaffirs as was represented.
Elated by their success and encouraged by the little
resistance with which so far, they had been met, the more
ambitious enterprise of attacking Fort Beaufort itself was
determined upon. Fortunately, information of this intention
had reached the supposed-doomed town a day or so prev
iously. All therefore were on the qui vive and prepared to
defend it. The total military force in the place was only
1 It is now the military-looking farm building called Septon Manor.

HERMANUS KILLED 333
50 men of the 91st regiment, under Col. Sutton. But these CHAP.
were to be held in reserve to protect the Government stores
and the women and children, while the actual defence and
fighting were to be left to the civilian inhabitants and the
Fingoes of the adjacent location.
This force was organised under officers of its own choosing
and every precaution against surprise was taken. In this
state of preparedness, at daybreak on the morning of
January 7th, 185 1, the sentries along the river banks saw
vast hordes approaching from the direction of Blinkwater.
It should be mentioned that the town of Fort Beaufort is
almost encircled by a horseshoe bend of the Kat river. This
river, for the most part, runs between high and steep banks
and therefore, is not easily crossed anywhere, except at
drifts which are approached by cuttings down to them through
these banks. To enter the town from the Blinkwater direction,
it was necessary to cross the river by one of these drifts.
These at this time were carefully guarded. The alarm was
given and the firing of muskets brought all the defenders,
many of whom were resting in the English church as a
citadel, to the places where they were wanted. Hermanus
was soon seen riding at the head of his regiment and wearing,
in bravado, a lady's black bonnet. It was part of the spoil
which had been taken from the homestead of Major Blake-
way. Their first attempt was to burst through into the lower
part of the town by Stanton's drift, through which the main
road to the north passes. Twice, amid a hail of bullets
from both sides, the attempt was made and twice it was
prevented. Hermanus then went a little way up the far
bank of the river to the next drift, Johnson's drift, and there
he succeeded in getting through into the street, Church
Street, in the immediate vicinity. The fighting was now
severe. Scarcely had Hermanus got two hundred yards
from the drift, when a bullet struck him. He fell from his
horse and lay on the ground — dead. His body was put
across a horse and taken to the market square where it was
placed on a table under the market bell and left exposed to
public view, as a warning to all traitors. After about six or
seven hours' fighting, during which the Fingoes distinguished
themselves by their bravery — and savagery, the enemy com-

334 THE NEW REBEL LEADER
CHAP, menced to retreat, leaving forty of their number killed.1
' But the Fort Beaufort people had not yet finished with
them. They chased them for eight or ten miles up to their
Blinkwater haunts. There they captured a large number of
cattle which were given to the Fingoes and also seized
quantities of the spoil which had been taken from the farm
houses. Thus ended the Hottentots' attack on Fort Beaufort.
It might have been thought that after the death of their
intrepid leader and the repulse they had sustained, the
Hottentots would have seen the error of their ways and re
frained from further violence. By no means was this the
case ; in fact, it may be said that this reverse seemed rather
to increase the desire and determination to plunge more
deeply into rebellion. A new leader was not wanting. One
Willem Uithaalder, " General of the Hottentots," as he was
called, an old pensioner of the Cape Corps, stepped into the
breach and pursued the evil course in a manner and for a
length of time which would have been worthy of Hermanus
himself. It was hoped that after the death of Hermanus
and the supposed end of his influence, more than the eleven
rebels would surrender themselves and ask for pardon in
accordance with General Somerset's proclamation. But
none did. Far from this, the disaffection, infection perhaps
it might be called, spread beyond the boundaries of the
Kat River Settiement and among people for whose disloyalty
the London Society's missionaries could in no way be held
accountable, supposing that is, that it was just to have
charged them with having brought about the deplorable
state of affairs in the Kat River by tampering politically with
their own people.
As Hermanus had abused the kindness which had been
shown him by the Government, a proclamation was issued
on January ioth, enacting that the large grant of land in the
Blinkwater, which had been made to him, reverted to the
Crown, as also did the lands which had been granted to all
who had joined him. Further, the accomplices were to be
expelled from the colony, unless within ten days they
appeared before the nearest magistrate and took the oath
of allegiance. It is not clear that any did so. In justice to
1 One Fingo was killed and four wounded.

UITHAALDER'S CAMP VISITED 335
the Hottentots, generally, it should be stated that many chap.
remained perfectly loyal and condemned the actions of the
others. The numbers, both of Hottentots and Kaffirs, who
joined Uithaalder at his camp at the Lower Blinkwater,
increased rapidly. The revolt now extended to Upper
Blinkwater, involving especially the missionary village of
Philipton, a place afterwards described as " the focus of the
rebellion." Andries Botha, the field cornet of Buxton, de
plored the fact that all his people including his sons, had
joined Uithaalder. As the whole of the available military
force was required in Kaffraria or to hold the widely-separ
ated forts and as the burgher forces had their duties on other
parts of the frontier, the Kat River rebels were free to act as
they pleased. The situation of the few English inhabitants
and loyal Hottentots was most anxious, for no one knew
who was to be trusted.
In this state of affairs, the missionaries, the Revs. Read,
senior and junior, A. van Rooyen together with field cornet
Andries Botha and commandant C. Fourie, visited the rebel
camps and used all their influence in endeavouring to dissuade
the people from their downward course. At the Lower
Blinkwater, they found Uithaalder in command of some six
or seven hundred men, Hottentots and Kaffirs. With a
sword dangling at his side and with the air of a field-marshal,
he rode about and drilled his Hottentots as he himself must
have been drilled in the Cape Corps. The Kaffirs, in the
manner peculiar to them, prepared themselves for contest,
by whistling, dancing and beating their shields with their
assegais and knobkerries. On the whole, Uithaalder's
force must have appeared something of a formidable body.
The missionaries held religious services, prayed with and
preached to them as well as talked with them in private
and collectively. But it availed nothing. Many were ready
with arguments in favour of fighting. They mistrusted the
offer of pardon ; they feared the proposed change of govern
ment whereby they considered they were to be removed from
the protection of the Queen and were to be at the mercy of a
supposed cruel and unjust colonial legislature ; they alleged
complaints of oppression against the magistrates who had
been put over them, which complaints, with one exception,

336 ATTACK ON FORT HARE
CHAP, were quite groundless. In short, they were not to be moved
VI11, by any such reasoning as the missionaries could urge.
General Somerset, in a letter to these missionaries, dated
January 17th, expressed his appreciation of " the loyalty and
zeal you have evinced in endeavouring to induce these mis
guided men to return to that allegiance."
Day by day, the situation of the loyalists in the Kat
River became rapidly worse. Sandilli, apparently assured
of, if not the support of the rebels, their disinclination to
fight on the side of the Government, sent a message, on the
1 8th, to L. Peffer, who was in command of Eland's Post,
asking how far he might depend upon them. It was his
intention to attack either the Kat River or Fort Hare. In
the former case, it was quite certain that Uithaalder would
join him and fairly certain that many who were wavering
would declare on the side of the rebels. Fortunately for the
Kat River, Sandilli turned his attention to Fort Hare. At
about nine o'clock in the morning of the 21st, the piquets
on the hills near Fort Hare descried an enormous body of
Kaffirs approaching the place from the direction of Fort
Cox. Instantly the bugles sounded the order to gather into
a place of safety the cattle which were grazing in the vicinity.
Onward came the advancing army. It was estimated that
it numbered five thousand warriors. And apparently it was
not altogether a disorganised rabble, for those on foot were
divided into three columns which deployed to the right and
left with celerity and in a manner almost worthy of regular
soldiers. In advance came a large body of mounted men.
As soon as they were within range the guns on the bastions
of the fort opened upon them and greatly discomfited the
columns. In spite of this, however, they continued to advance.
Their objective seemed to be the cattle belonging to the
Fingoes, many of which were at first taken. The Fingoes
with the C.M.R., now made a most spirited charge and a
fierce hand-to-hand fight took place, while the guns continued
to belch forth death-dealing shells. The scene is described as
being more like an irregular Kaffir war dance on a large
scale. Overwhelming as the numbers of the enemy already
were, they were reinforced by others who appeared from
behind the adjacent hills. A large body came from the

UITHAALDER BEFORE FORT ARMSTRONG 337
Chumie mission station region under the command of CHAP.
Soga, the chief of that part. They came up the small river,
the Gaga, and entered the town or village of Alice in the
direction opposite to Fort Hare. The townspeople had now
to do their share in driving back the enemy. In this, they
were assisted by the Fingoes — the Alice Fingo levy — and the
C.M.R. Firing took place from the roofs and insides of the
houses, thus accounting for some of the eighty-five dead,
which were counted after the conflict. Among those killed,
was Soga — -the leader — and Manana, his brother. On the
side of the defenders the loss was six Fingoes killed and
eleven wounded. The loss in the Fort Hare fight must
have been great, no estimate of any value has been given.
The duration of the fight is stated variously as from two and
a half to five hours. Some of the cattle for which they
struggled they obtained ; the Soga party is said to have got
off with two hundred head ; but on the whole, the action
was a defeat for the Kaffirs.
On January 22nd, the day after the attack on Fort
Hare, Uithaalder with all his force appeared before Fort
Armstrong. He had shifted his camp from the Lower
Blinkwater and established it within a short distance of
that fort. Fort Armstrong was situated on a high piece
of ground which was partly encircled by the Kat River
and about 26 miles from Fort Beaufort in the direction
of the Katberg. It consisted of a square enclosure of
stone walls, at one corner of which there was (and still is)
a strong loopholed square tower, also of stone.1 Inside the
square, there was a powder magazine and the usual offices
found in such forts. A wide area of country and distant
mountains were visible in all directions from the fort. To
this place the English and other loyal inhabitants of the
settlement, by order of the magistrate, Mr. Wienand, assem
bled for safety on December 26th, when the first news of the
outbreak of war reached them. There they had been for
nearly a month. On the morning of this day, January
22nd, Andries Botha, with the knowledge and sanction of
the magistrate, went to visit this new camp of Uithaalder,
extremely probably for the purpose of trying once more to
1 Vide Vol. Ill of this work, page 188.
VOL. V 22 Z

338 THE REBELS WITHDRAW
CHAP, reason with the people. He was, however, accused of going
' for a very different purpose. In a short time, he galloped
breathlessly back to the fort, shouting : " They are coming,
they are coming."
Uithaalder's horde of Hottentots and Kaffirs were
then seen to be moving towards the fort. In number, they
were about four hundred. It would seem therefore, that
many — since the attack on Fort Beaufort — must have found
diversion elsewhere or joined some other chief. They halted
at a short distance, when Uithaalder sent a message to
commandant Groepe, requesting a parley before proceeding
further. In answer to this, a deputation consisting of
the Rev. J. Read, jun., W. R. Thompson, commandant
Groepe and Fourie and field-cornet Andries Botha went to
Uithaalder. The interview was unsatisfactory. The people,
leaning upon their guns or assegais, were morose and dis
posed to be insolent if not something worse. " This is not
your day, it is ours," said one. " The writings and the work
of the missionaries are no good ; we are still an oppressed
race," said another. The terms dictated by Uithaalder were,
that two hours would be given for the removal of the women
and children, then all must lay down their arms and sur
render or the place would be attacked. These terms were
rejected and the deputation made a second visit. Five days
now were given during which all who were not on the side
of the rebels were to leave, but were to take nothing of their
property with them. Both sides seemed to be afraid to come
to blows. Some of the rebels crossed the river to the fort
and made a commencement of the pillage by taking away
the horses, saddles and bridles of one individual. But
what was more serious was that many of the supposed
loyal Hottentots in the fort were seen to be very friendly
with the intruders and apparently more disposed to join
in with them than to defend the place against them.
Greatly to the disgust of the English, of whom there
were only thirty-six, commandant Groepe had forbidden
fire to be opened upon the people at their approach. It
was perhaps as well he did so. In the end the rebels
drew off without doing further damage and were soon out
of sight.

THE MEN ESCAPE TO WHITTLESEA 339
If the English in the fort still retained any lingering chap.
doubt as to the disposition of the Hottentots in their vicinity,
it was dispelled on the evening of this day, when wholesale
pillage of all their property commenced. On the next day,
therefore, the men fled to Philipton, five miles away, leaving
their wives and children in the belief that they were not in the
same danger as themselves. But they found themselves
no better off in Philipton, for that place was no less " a
focus of rebellion " than Fort Armstrong. Their only
hope seemed to be escape over the mountains to the
small village of Whittlesea. "*We did not abandon our
wives and children of our own accord," said one of the
refugees, " but we escaped in consequence of our wives
imploring us to fly, as upon our escaping from the hands
of the rebels depended, in all probability, the lives of
the whole of the European inhabitants then among the
rebels." The way to Whittlesea from Philipton was via
the dangerous and precipitous Readsdale bridlepath and
through forests. This had to be negotiated on a dark and
rainy night. With difficulty, Mr. Read persuaded eight
young Hottentots to join him in guiding and escorting the
party over the worst of the journey. They reached Whittlesea
without mishap.
The fury which the Fort Armstrong Hottentots wreaked
upon the property of the English, on the 23rd, was said to be
due to an exaggerated report, received on that day, of a
massacre of Hottentots by the English in the adjacent district
of the Mancazana. The following appears to have been the
sequence of events which happened in those parts. One
Casper Olivier, a Hottentot, a reputed respectable member of
the Dutch Reformed Church in the Kat River Settlement,
and a loyal and industrious man, had hired a farm in the
Mancazana from an English farmer, named Lennox Bennett.
To this place, when news of war reached the Kat River,
several Hottentots drove their cattle and sheep as a place of
safety and they themselves remained there. In view of
possible danger in the then state of war, the refugees,
about 85 in number, formed themselves into a camp and
elected Casper Olivier as their commandant. But soon they
were suspected of being in sympathy with the Blinkwater

340 THE CLAN PRINGLE
CHAP, people, parties of whom as well as Kaffirs hovered in the
' vicinity. On Sunday, the 19th, probably on account of a
large body of Blinkwater rebels who were devastating the
district, Casper went to Fort Armstrong to see the magistrate,
Mr. Wienand, leaving his camp in the care of and under
the authority of David Fortuyn, another Hottentot. Fortuyn
was soon to find that he had undertaken a difficult responsi
bility. In the Baviaan's River district, at no great distance
to the west, dwelt the clan Pringle, the Scotch party of
settlers who came to South Africa in 1820. In that district
also the rebel Hottentots were making themselves felt. But
the Pringles, having lived so long in those wild regions, were
equal to the occasion. On the farm Eildon, of R. Pringle, a
camp was formed, the members of which were ready at any
urgent call for offence as well as defence. Dods Pringle was
a leader of men who was always to the front when the country
was in danger. There was now need for the services of all
these people. On this Sunday, the 19th, Dods Pringle,
received an appeal for assistance from a farmer named
Ainslie, whose place was being attacked. Early the next
morning, having joined his brother Robert with his people
and others of the district, he found himself in command of
thirty-five well armed men. They were to have been joined
by a party of Fingoes, who were hiding in the Kloofs — but
who did not appear until later.
On their way to the Ainslies' farm, they met the family
fleeing from the place, having on two ox-waggons all they
could save of their home. Arrived at the homestead, the
commando found the place ransacked and furniture, pictures,
books and all else wantonly destroyed. Much the same
had happened at John Pringle's Glenthorn and T. Nourse's
Rockwood.1 To return to Fortuyn's camp. According to a deposition
made by him before the magistrate at Philipton, and wit
nessed by the missionaries, a large body of rebel Hottentots
and Kaffirs approached the camp. Four men were sent to
them to seek the reason for their hostile demonstration.
1 The total number of buildings destroyed up to this time by combined
rebel Hottentots and Kaffirs was 25 dwelling-houses, 2 shops, 1 school,
1 shearing-house, 1 waggon-house, besides small out-houses.

HOTTENTOTS DISARMED 341
They received in reply from the leader, du Preez, the state- CHAP
ment that their object was the murder and plunder of all the VIIL
English. That this was no idle boast was evident from the
fact that they had in their possession, cattle, sheep, coffee,
sugar and merchandise, some of which they acknowledged
had been stolen from John Pringle's place. Moreover, the
friendly feeling between the two parties led to some of this
property being handed over to some of Fortuyn's people.
Finding himself in this dangerous situation and Casper still
absent, Fortuyn with a number of the people whom he
thought he could trust, decided to leave for Fort Armstrong —
thus to shake off, as it were, the association of those who had
involved themselves in the receipt of stolen property. In
this he was disappointed, for the undesirables insisted upon
accompanying them. Thus was formed a straggling caval
cade accompanied by fourteen waggons and a large number
of cattle and sheep. While on this journey they came into the
view of Dods Pringle's commando. The commando galloped
up to them and having been divided into two parties, one
went to the rear of the train of waggons and met with no
resistance. The other went to the front where the Hottentots
showed some inclination of fight. However, on Dods
Pringle pointing out to them in a fatherly manner that each
of his men possessing a double-barrelled gun could be de
pended upon for two dead Hottentots, while he himself was
prepared to guarantee three, the rebels — for such they were —
surrendered their guns (or some of them), and the powder, as
they were ordered. The former were taken and so broken
and damaged as to be unfit for further use, while the powder
was scattered on the ground. Further, the Hottentots were
ordered to return to their camp, which they did. Thus there
was no firing on either side. This then, was all the foundation
there was for the rumour at Fort Armstrong that the Hotten
tots at the Mancazana were massacred by the Pringles.
After this disarmament the commando retired. The next
morning at daybreak, Casper Olivier arrived back at his
house in the camp. While resting, he was suddenly awakened
by the rattle of bullets being fired upon his house. Going to
see what was happening, he found that a party of Fingoes
was attacking the place. They were most probably those

342 FINGO MESSENGERS ATTACKED
CHAP, who should have joined the Pringle commando. A desultory
VIIL firing ensued from both sides, during which three Hottentots
were killed and some were wounded, among whom was Olivier
himself, and his house was set on fire. After this, the camp
seems to have dispersed. Olivier and one or two of his friends
went to Philipton and made certain depositions, which,
when published, gave great offence as being exaggerated
and untruthful. R. Pringle was said to have been among the
Fingo assailants and to have given orders for all inside
Olivier's house to be stabbed. These depositions will be
referred to later.
After the departure of the English from Fort Armstrong
on the 23rd, the rebel Hottentots were in full possession
of that place, in fact of the whole district. The immunity
from punishment for their ill-deeds had given them such
confidence that they seemed prepared to go to any
length in defying the Government. This was obvious on
the morning of Thursday, the 24th, when seven Fingoes, who
arrived at Fort Armstrong on Government business, were
attacked and despoiled of their horses, saddles and all else.
These men had been sent by Mr. Wienand, on the 22nd, to
General Somerset at Fort Hare to ask for some military pro
tection for the settlement. Unable to comply with this
request, the General sent the messengers on to Col. Sutton,
at Fort Beaufort, in the hope that he would be able to spare a
few men. But he also could not. The messengers therefore
had to return to Fort Armstrong with the disappointing
intelligence. They travelled through the dark and rainy
night and reached the fort at daybreak. On entering they
were immediately surrounded by a hostile crowd and were
for a time in fear of losing their lives, as orders were given
(or said to have been given) to take them to the krantz and
shoot them. It is difficult to arrive at the truth of what
actually happened on this occasion, though it is a matter of
some importance. The independent and consistent evidence,
given by these Fingoes, during the great trial of Reg. v.
Andries Botha for High Treason, which took place in Cape
Town, in 1852, shows that Botha was the leading spirit in
molesting these people, that he, with his own hands, took
from the messengers some of their property and that it was

Andries Botha
Mendelsohn Collection. Houses of Parliament, Cape Town.

M

mr*
(f
m
Kaffir Chief Maqomo
Mendelsohn Collection. Houses of Parliament, Cape Town.
ANDRIES BOTHA THE REBEL 343
he who gave orders for the shooting at the krantz. Other CHAP.
witnesses swear that Botha could not have acted thus, as at
the time of the alleged offence he was at Philipton, six miles
away, drinking coffee with commandant Cobus Fourie.
Without undue anticipation, a word may be said here about
the " notorious rebel, Andries Botha." This man, on account
of his previous good character, had been placed in authority
by Sir Andries Stockenstrom in 1829 when the Kat River
Settlement was first started. He had proved himself in
every way worthy of the trust which had been placed upon
him. Not only had he exercised a good influence among his
people during peace, but in war he had been distinguished
by his bravery and power of leadership, as for instance his
action in the Amatolas during the war of 1846. He was
" a rude, unlettered functionary, but Her Majesty had not
in her dominions, a more loyal subject, nor brave soldier,
and by his services during the wars of 1836 and 1846 he has
conferred a lasting obligation on the colony and its Govern
ment." 1 And now at this time when the term Hottentot
became almost synonymous with rebel, his actions, some of
which have yet to be detailed, brought upon him a charge
of High Treason of which he was convicted by a jury in
Cape Town and for which he was sentenced to death by Sir
John Wylde.
On this day, the 24th, the women and children who
had been left at Fort Armstrong, managed to escape to
Philipton. There had also arrived at that place the mission
aries from the Chumie, the Revs. Cumming, Niven and
Renton. Their object had been to reach Fort Hare or Fort
Beaufort, but considering it too dangerous to attempt to
reach either of those places, they had to seek and remain re
luctantly for a time at that " focus of rebellion," Philipton.
Together with the Revs. Read and van Rooyen, these men
established a short-lived " Kat River Loyal Burgher
Association," the object of which was to combine for mutual
defence against all disloyalty and anarchy, and as far as in
them lay, to arrest the spread of these evils. This was
necessary, they argued, as the civil authority had no means of
enforcing the ordinary laws for the protection of persons and
1 Sir Andries Stockenstrom.

344 KAT RIVER LOYAL BURGHER ASSOCIATION
CHAP, property, the civil authority, Mr. Wienand, at that time
' being at Philipton, shorn of all magisterial power and prac
tically a prisoner. It is not clear that this association had
any power to protect the loyal or to suppress rebellion. But
it certainly had the power to raise against itself a storm of
excitement and indignation among the frontier colonists. It
was accused of collecting " one-sided information " and
taking from the Hottentots depositions which palliated their
own crimes and blackened the characters of the colonists.
This was all the more serious as it was known that Mr.
Renton was leaving shortly for England and intended to
make use of the stories he was collecting. The depositions
of Casper Olivier and his party, in particular, gave offence,
as the Pringles, the accused, were not heard in their defence
and, so it was averred, the missionaries had put such questions
as suited their own purpose. When, a few weeks later, all
this and more became known, public meetings were called
(at Somerset East and Grahamstown) to protest against these
proceedings and to petition the Governor to institute an
enquiry, not only into the cause of the rebellion, but into
the reputations and characters of the missionaries themselves.
And further, that as some were about to leave the colony,
they be detained until the important evidence which they are
in a position to give be obtained. Although not specifically
stated, it was clear that this was levelled only at " certain
missionaries," the London Society's missionaries. " Certain
missionaries stand charged by public opinion with having
influenced the minds of the Hottentots against the colonists
by unwarrantable political preachings and attempts to trump
up grievances on the part of those people which have no
foundation in fact, but in their own jaundiced imagination.
Their weak minds have been led step by step until declama
tion against the English has become part and parcel of their
religious creed — the end rebellion." A memorial for the in
vestigation was sent to the Governor at King William's Town.
On March 28th, he acknowledged it sympathetically and
said a copy would be sent to the Secretary of State. This
was not what was wanted as it most likely meant no investiga
tion at all.
But to return to Philipton. On the 28th (January), the

HOTTENTOT DISLOYALTY 345
place was honoured by a state visit from the sword-bearing CHAP.
" general " Uithaalder. He demanded all the property which YIIL
had been taken from the English at Fort Armstrong. He
claimed it as his own, as he maintained that it was upon the
understanding that he should have it that he did not attack
the place. His success in this expedition is not recorded.
The magistrate, Mr. Wienand, now finding himself bereft
of all authority and power, determined to leave Philipton for
Fort Beaufort. To this end, he managed to persuade thirty
loyal men, among whom was Andries Botha — to escort him
thither. They left on the 29th. Col. Sutton, at Mr. Wienand's
request, having given the party permission to cross the drift
of the Kat River, it entered the town. No sooner was their
presence known, than the whole place was up in arms against
them. The memory of the attack on the 7th was too fresh
to enable them to endure, with equanimity, the sight of
anyone from the Kat River. The Fingoes were with difficulty
restrained from using their assegais and many Europeans
were more than ready to shoot. Col. Sutton, seeing this
demonstration, persuaded the visitors to leave the place with
all possible speed. This was done and an escort from Fort
Beaufort accompanied the Hottentot party for a distance of
about an hour from the place. One gun was fired at the
receding party. Andries Botha considered it was intended
for himself. This treatment, according to his apologists,
embittered him against the colony and weakened the loyalty
for which he had so long been conspicuous. Mr. Wienand
did not return with the party, but went on to Fort Hare.
It is not clear whether, as many believed, the Hottentot
rebellion commenced at the Kat River Settlement and spread,
like an infection, to the other parts or whether, influenza like,
it broke out unaccountably in different and distant parts at
about the same time. Certain it is, however, that at mission
stations and in the disciplined ranks of the Cape Corps,
disloyalty became rampant and Hottentots showed a dis
position to join their former enemies, the Kaffirs, against the
Government. Apart from the conflict at Fort Beaufort on
the 7th, the first serious and continued Hottentot fighting
took place towards the end of January in a region which is
now a part of the Queenstown district, but which at that

346 SHILOH
CHAP, time was Tambookieland. The chief Mapassa, to whom
reference has already been made, had always, as far as
circumstances permitted, welcomed active hostility against the
colony. For some months before war broke out in December,
his people had been ravaging the north-eastern parts and
had necessitated the constant patrols of burghers from
Cradock. In an actual state of warfare, therefore, between
the colony and the more southern Kaffir tribes, Mapassa
and his people were more than ready to add to the turmoil.
To the north of the Kat River Settlement, beyond the Katberg
mountains and in Mapassa's country, there was the mission
ary village of Shiloh. It belonged to the Moravian Society
and was guided and managed by the Rev. A. Bonatz, a pious,
hardworking and self-sacrificing man. It was not exclusively
a Hottentot mission ; there were also many Tambookies
and Fingoes. It says much, therefore, for the influence
exercised by Mr. Bonatz, that he should have been able to
induce members of such mutually hostile tribes to dwell
together in unity as they seem to have done — to have per
suaded the lion to lie down so peaceably with the lamb.
These people had combined and worked for the common
good. Shiloh was in many respects a model missionary
village. It had about 200 neat houses or huts with their
gardens, a well built and substantial chapel, schoolhouse
and missionaries' houses. Industry and discipline were the
characteristics of the place and apparently, there was a
complete ignorance of the political questions of the time.
About two miles distant was the embryo village of
Whittlesea, founded by Sir Harry Smith, and named after
his birthplace. The population consisted of about fifty
Europeans and a number of Fingoes. It was in no way con
nected with Shiloh. From the beginning of the year, there
had been a vague uneasiness in connection with the natives
at Shiloh. On January 3rd, Mr. Gilfillan, the magistrate
of Cradock, said that he felt there was some understanding
between them and the Kaffirs. The missionaries on the
other hand were of opinion that their people would remain
loyal and would die in defence of the place. Some did
eventually, but not in the manner which the missionaries
expected. The enemy to be feared was the Tambookies. As

THE FIRST BATTLE OF WHITTLESEA 347
a precautionary measure, the church was turned into a de- chap.
fensive citadel ; the windows were blocked up, leaving holes
through which guns could be fired, the thatched roof was
covered with clay as a precaution against fire and a parapet
was built on the walls from behind which, it was hoped,
musket fire would keep an enemy at bay. Whittlesea in like
manner made all possible defensive preparations. All large
openings were blocked up and loopholed and all flat roofs
were parapeted. Captain Tylden, R.E., was in command.
In this state of preparedness, suspense and little know
ledge of what was happening at a distance, these two places
remained for about three weeks, though there was little
doubt that the Shiloh Hottentots were in communication
with those of the Kat River. Whittlesea realised the true
state of affairs when, on the 24th, the Philipton refugees
arrived. A few days previously, the Cradock levy reached
the place and on the 25 th, a number of Fingoes from kraals
in the vicinity also congregated there. So that for purposes of
defence and offence, there were about 300 of these people
and 50 Europeans, but there was no artillery. On this day,
the 25th, their trouble began. About 1,500 Tambookies,
principally cavalry, marched to within two miles of Whittlesea.
The greater number, however, were hidden behind a hill,
while a small party was sent out to capture the Fingo cattle.
The Fingoes followed them and soon discovered the force
in hiding ; they had to retreat, but fired at the enemy in
doing so. These poor Fingoes seem to have been left for
a time to fight their own battle, while Capt. Tylden and his
men looked on from a distance. The Shiloh Hottentots were
seen to go out and join in the affair — to help the Fingoes ?
No ! to join the Tambookies in the attack upon them. The
Whittlesea people then moved to the rescue, when the com
bined fire drove the enemy to the adjacent heights. But
seeing the assailants retiring they came out of their rocky
stronghold and followed. The Whittlesea people then turned
and again attacked. Many of the enemy were killed, as
they were so crowded together that one shot in some cases
killed two or killed one and wounded another. The Tam
bookies then returned to Shiloh, where they remained during
the night. This was the first of the " twelve battles of

348 WHITTLESEA ON THE OFFENSIVE
CHAP. Whittlesea." On the 30th, the Shiloh missionaries, five in
V ' number, saw that no good purpose could be served by re
maining any longer, they therefore, with all they could load
on to five waggons and accompanied by very few of their
" faithful " people, abandoned that place and went to
Whittlesea. Mr. Bonatz said : "I have taken a farewell of
my mission after a residence of nineteen years, I find my
labour lost, not above four Kaffirs and three Fingoes go
with me, the rest of my congregation have taken their
portion deliberately with the rebels, and Hhave no hope of
the conversion of these people." With the removal of such
restraint upon the Shiloh Hottentots as their missionaries
had exercised, the spirit of rebellion could have full sway,
and there could be, as there certainly was, unfettered alliance
with the Tambookies. On the 31st, Whittlesea, fortunately,
was reinforced by a large party of natives, the people of the
Christian chief Kama, who had their location at Kamastone,
at no great distance. These people rendered great assistance
in the struggle of this day. A commando of Tambookies
and Hottentots, about seven hundred in number, marched to
within about five miles of Whittlesea. The forces of the
place however were ready for them. A severe action lasting
one and a half hours ensued, when the enemy was driven
back to Shiloh and beyond. So far the initiative in all these
actions had been on the part of the enemy. On February ist,
Whittlesea acted on the offensive. All the force which could
be mustered marched into Shiloh. The resistance offered
seems to have been small, as within ten minutes after their
arrival, they were in possession of all in the place except the
church and the school house. The church, being so sub
stantially built and so well fortified, formed a refuge for all
of the enemy who could manage to crowd into it. Some of
the Europeans succeeded in getting into a house which was
opposite the church, upon which they kept up a fire for over
four hours. During the whole day, the casualties on the
side of the assailants were five of Kama's people, five Fingoes
and one European killed and eight wounded ; on the side
of the enemy it was estimated that between forty and fifty
fell, many being shot in endeavouring to get into the church.
The force seems to have returned to Whittlesea well satisfied

A "SURREPTITIOUS ARMISTICE" 349
with the day's work. On February 3rd, Shiloh, having been CHAP.
reinforced by a number of Kat River rebels, endeavoured to
turn the tables on Whittlesea, but with little success. All
places were so well protected, parapets on all the flat-roofed
houses, the defenders, both in numbers and skill, so well
able to meet such an onslaught, that the affair became little
more than a musketry contest at long range. One Fingo
was killed on the side of the defenders. The casualties on
the side of the enemy were unknown. These almost daily
skirmishes in one direction or the other continued until they
were terminated by what was called a "surreptitious armis
tice." It appears that four of the Shiloh Hottentots made
their way to the Kat River Settlement, interviewed the
" Council " of the Kat River Loyal Burgher Association
and gave their version of what had been happening. The
Revs. W. R. Thompson and J. Read immediately sent to
General Somerset a letter dated February 4th, in which they
drew his attention to the " deplorable havoc of life and pro
perty at Shiloh. The fulness and distinctness of the testi
monies transmitted and the views entertained here, expressed
in resolutions which accompany them, render it unnecessary
for us to add a word beyond expressing the most earnest
hope that not a moment will be lost in taking steps to prevent
the growth of the mischief." In answer to this, on February
7th, General Somerset replied : "I have heard with deep
grief and sorrow all that is said to have befallen the Moravian
mission station at Shiloh. In the absence of all report from
commandant Tylden, I cannot at present give an opinion.
But I direct that no further hostile attack or movement be
made by any force against Shiloh or the inhabitants of that
station so long as they themselves remain passive. Captain
Tylden will take charge of all property that has been seized
at Shiloh. I desire that Captain Tylden will make an im
mediate report of the unaccountable proceedings and that
he will afford every protection and assistance to the respected
missionaries who have been thus forcibly driven from their
homes." In accordance with this notice, all fighting with the
Shiloh Hottentots ceased, though, as will be seen, it con
tinued with the Tambookies. When this correspondence
became known beyond the confines of the Kat River Settle-

350 POST RETIEF
3HAP. ment, there arose such a strong feeling of indignation, that
' the whole case was put before Sir Harry Smith. The result
was his issue of a proclamation, dated February 22nd, in
which he said : "Whereas certain representations have been
made as to how far the Hottentots of the Shiloh Missionary
institution have been implicated in combining with the
Kaffir enemy Mapassa, I hereby proclaim, declare and make
known, however deeply I regret to record it, that no doubt
exists on my mind of the melancholy part those misguided and
heretofore loyal men have taken. And whereas in a letter,
under date Feb. 3rd, 185 1, addressed to me by the Rev. A.
Bonatz, who most assuredly must have had the best opportu
nities of observing the conduct of the people under his charge,
he has in no way endeavoured to extenuate their conduct, but,
on the contrary, expresses grief thereat, and at the great
shame and disgrace brought thereby upon themselves and the
Society ; and whereas in the attacks upon Whittlesea several
men of the Shiloh Institution were found killed and lying
with the dead Kaffirs of Mapassa, I hereby Proclaim, Declare
and Make Known that the Shiloh Hottentots are thus
proved to have been guilty of Rebellion ; and the punish
ment inflicted upon them has been of their own seeking."
The immunity from attack which the declaration of the
armistice gave the Shiloh people enabled them to gather their
belongings and to quit the place. A patrol visited it on Feb.
26th, and found it quite deserted. Shiloh as a missionary
station for a time ceased to exist. During these weeks the
whole of the Winterberg district was in a sad plight. Very
shortly after the first news of the outbreak became known
many of the European inhabitants fled to the abandoned
fort, Post Retief, taking with them sheep and cattle and
whatever they could save from their homes. A few, instead
of going to the fort, seem to have congregated at some farm,
as a central place, in the hope of being able to defend it.
In one such case, thirty-six people were cooped up for two
days in a building, measuring forty feet by sixteen feet, the
remainder of the buildings of the farm having been burnt.
The place was so surrounded by the enemy that none dare
venture outside.
Post Retief was a substantially built stone fort. Where the

FORT ARMSTRONG TO BE ATTACKED 351
stone buildings themselves did not form part of a large CHAP.
square enclosure, there were strong loop-holed walls, so VI11'
that, once within, refugees were comparatively safe. On
February 6th, a large body of Hottentots was seen to be
approaching the place. The grazing cattle were quickly
collected and driven within the walls and then preparations
for defence were made. On reaching the fort, the enemy
commenced a musket fire, which was kept up for two days,
but there seems to have been no loss of life on either side.
The Hottentot horde, however, hovered about the place for
four days — from the 6th until the ioth, during which time the
imprisoned were cut off from all supplies of food and water.
Commandant W. M. Bowker, Dods Pringle and Capt.
Ayliff, hearing of this state of affairs, immediately set off with
130 burghers and 140 Fingoes to the rescue. This was
easily effected, for on their appearance the Hottentots dis
appeared. It was this party whch rescued the 36 persons
imprisoned on the farm.
In the large districts of Somerset East, Cradock and
even far away Colesberg, there were the same stories of
abandoned farms, burning homesteads and general desola
tion. All this however, must not be put down to the rebe
Hottentots. Still the share they had in the mischief, their
growing daring and the widening extent of their operations
rendered it necessary for General Somerset, at length, to
make something more than a demonstration against the
Kat River Settlement. Perhaps all the more necessary, as
at this time, the Hottentots of the London Missionary
Society's station at Theopolis in Lower Albany, were giving
indications of their disposition to commit the atrocities which
afterwards rendered the name of Theopolis infamous. These
will be dealt with later.
As Fort Armstrong was the rebel citadel, the stronghold
of Uithaalder and the place in which so much ill-gotten
gain was stored, that place was to be the objective.
That there should be no doubt as to the ultimate success
of the movement, it was decided to employ what was
considered an overwhelming force and to attack the
fort from two opposite directions simultaneously. Com
mandants W. M. Bowker, Dods Pringle and Capt. W.

352 ARRIVAL OF ATTACKING FORCE
CHAP. Ayliff, were ordered to assemble a large party of burghers and
Fingoes at Post Retief and with these to move over the moun
tain to Fort Armstrong, via Balfour. The General himself
was to move from Fort Hare with a force of 1,800, consisting
of C.M.R. and burghers with artillery. None of the regular
soldiery could be spared for this service. The Post Retief
force consisted of 200 English, 400 Dutch, 200 Fingoes and
a party of volunteers from Grahamstown under commandant
Currie. These met at Post Retief on February 21st. On
this day, Sandilli with a large following, invaded Philipton
and demanded as his own, all the property which had been
stolen from the English. He does not seem to have obtained
it. He did, however, drive off all the Fingo cattle while
the owners fled in terror to the forests on the adjacent moun
tains. Had this visit been postponed until the next day the
taking of Fort Armstrong might have been a more serious
and bloody conflict than it was, bad as it was.
As soon as the moon rose, about midnight, on February
2 1 st, the commando left Post Retief and, making its way
over the distant Didima mountain, found itself, at day
break, descending on the far side and looking down upon
Balfour and the camp, if it may be so called, of large numbers
of the enemy, who were unaware of their approach. Very
soon the muskets of both sides were busy and a continuous
fight was maintained until about half-past ten. The burghers
were then becoming disheartened and showed a disposition
to retreat as the expected assistance from General Somerset
did not appear to be forthcoming. However, at that time,
the movement of a cloud of dust in the direction of the village
of Hertzog indicated the approach of the General. In a
short time, the two bodies were in communication and the
real business of the day commenced. The General was late in
consequence of having been attacked by Kaffirs on the
Chumie ridge. Continuing his march he arrived within
sight of Fort Armstrong and within hearing of the distant
firing of musketry, when a white flag was seen being waved
from the fort. Major Somerset, son of the General, with an
escort, having gone forward to learn what it meant, was
asked that the women and children might be allowed time
to move out of danger. This, of course, was granted and the

Attack on Fort Armstrong
Mendelsohn Collection. Houses of Parliament, Cape Town.

CAPTURE OF THE FORT 353
same privilege was extended to any loyals who still remained CHAP.
in the fort. By far the greater number, however, refused to I#
surrender and their numbers were being augmented by many
others, who realising their dangerous situation, fled to the
fort and adjacent buildings. Great difficulty was experienced
in separating the women from the men, a problem rendered
none the easier by the fire which was kept up from the loop-
holed tower. The two howitzers were opened upon the
fort. The walls were soon seen to crumble. Under the cover
of these guns, the regiment galloped up the slope on top of
which the fort stood ; the men instantly dismounted, rushed
upon the medley of Kaffirs and Hottentots and made sad
havoc among them. The survivors fled in all directions.
But some in the tower held out obstinately for some time,
in fact, until all of them were killed. In a memorandum of
General Somerset to Major Burnaby in Grahamstown, dated
February 23rd, he says : " The men in the tower would not
surrender ; but kept firing upon us out of the loopholes ; we
could not take it. I was obliged to blow it up x with shells."
He gave the casualties as 27 Kaffirs and Hottentots killed
in the fort and 9 in the tower. They took 160 prisoners and
had upon their hands 400 women and children. On the
side of the assailants, two burghers and 4 Fingoes were
killed; 5 C.M.R., 15 burghers and 5 Fingoes wounded.
By about two o'clock, the conflict was over and the sounds of
musketry ceased. The burghers who had been fighting or
had been on the march since midnight, were in need of rest ;
a very large camp, therefore, was formed on the flat on the
other side of the river and remained there until the next day,
Sunday, the 23rd. Numbers of Hottentots visited the
general and assured him of their loyalty — so many indeed,
1 That the tower was not blown up with shells, as stated in this
memorandum, is very clear, for to-day it is standing in almost as good
order as when it was first built (vide illustration from a photograph, taken
only a few years ago. Vol. Ill, page 188). There is a curious discrepancy
between this memorandum and his report to Sir Harry Smith, dated the
next day, the 24th. He says : " Meantime the rebels in the detached
tower continued firing from the loopholes and refused to surrender. I
then ordered the gun to be brought up and blow open the door ; still they
kept up a fire. Several of the enemy were lying dead on the lower floor,
the remainder climbed to the top of the fort, and remained concealed
under the parapet, where they remained for some time, but were at length
brought out with their arms and ammunition. ... 46 of the enemy lay
dead in and around the fort."
VOL. V 23 2A

354 G£iV. SOMERSET VISITS PHILIPTON
chap, that he must have wondered whether there were any dis-
' loyal. On this Sunday, the Revs. W. R. Thompson and J.
Read, senior, and the loyal field commandant, Cobus
Fourie, with a considerable escort of Philipton people visited
the camp. The near approach of these people was the signal
for a storm of hostile shouts from the camp Fingoes and
hoots and hisses from the Europeans. There nearly was a
serious fracas. The assembled force being an irregular one
and not altogether amenable to the discipline characteristic
of the regular soldiery, the general found some difficulty in
preventing a serious assault on the visitors. A number of
the C.M.R. were told off to protect Mr. Read. The object
of the mission seems to have been a request that, in the
event of the general visiting Philipton, as they much hoped
he would, he would go accompanied by the Cape Corps only
and not by burghers and Fingoes. The next day considerable
anxiety reigned in Philipton as the loyal people of that place,
fearing their rebellious brethren and the chastised Kaffirs
who had escaped from Fort Armstrong, and desiring some
protective measures for their safety, heard that the general
had marched his force on to the Lushington valley and
apparently did not intend to visit them. The Council of the Kat
River Loyal Burgher Association therefore sent a messenger
to him to state their case. The next day they received the
assuring answer that the general was then on his way to
Philipton. In due course, he arrived, but with the dreaded
burghers and Fingoes. Pursuant to a notice which he had
issued, all the people had to assemble to meet him, any who
were absent were to be regarded as rebels. The meeting
consisted of about 230 Hottentots and 72 Fingoes, but there
were undoubtedly many rebels among them. The general
addressed them in most uncompromising terms, making no
discrimination between loyal and disloyal. He told them, in
emphatic language, what he thought of their conduct and
that under the circumstances he could pursue no other course
than that of breaking up such a nest of traitors. In his report
to the Governor, he said he was perfectly satisfied that
Philipton had been the focus of almost all the disaffected
in the settiement and that " the most disgraceful deception
had been carried on to an incredible extent." " I found the

Philipton in 1850
From Freeman's South Africa.

Photo : C. G. A. Cory. Philipton of to-day showing Read's Grave

THE END OF PHILIPTON 355
field cornet Andries Botha absent with the rebels." This is CHAP.
one of the charges which led to Botha being tried for high VIIL
treason. In justice to him, it should be stated that as
soon as he heard that the burghers and Fingoes were to be
taken to Philipton, he told the loyal field commandant,
Cobus Fourie, that, in remembrance and in consequence of the
treatment he had received at Fort Beaufort when he formed
one of Mr. Wienand's escort, he would not trust himself to
the general's commando, but would go into hiding in the
bush until it was safe to surrender himself. After four days
he did present himself to Major Fisher at Eland's Post. It
is very probable therefore, that General Somerset was wrong
in saying that " Andries Botha was absent with the rebels."
As was expected, the commando took matters somewhat
into its own hands. Unceremoniously, houses and waggons
were searched. Seventeen of the latter were said to belong to
rebels ; in them was found property which was unmistak
ably loot from the farmers' homesteads. Patrols went forth
to the small outlying Hottentot hamlets of Readsdale,
Bruceton and Wilsonton and destroyed chapels, mission and
school houses and a printing press with all its types and
papers. It was alleged that these places were perfectly loyal
and innocent of any rebellion or spoliation.
On the 27th, General Somerset carried out his intentions
of putting an end to Philipton. All, including the mission
aries, were ordered to pack up their belongings and move off
to Eland's Post (now the town of Seymour) five miles distant.
Mr. Read says, " Of all the valuable mission and private
property, my father and myself only got each one and a
half loads away and had to leave most of our furniture and
crockery and a great portion of my father's library behind."
In addition to the crowd from Philipton, many families
from other parts flocked into Eland's Post, panic stricken.
One hundred and sixty men were disarmed and forty-eight
waggons were confiscated. But many of these, on good proof
of their belonging to innocent people, were restored. Option
was given to all either to remain at Eland's Post or to go on
to Fort Hare. The greater number chose the latter. The
general now with his very large cavalcade moved on to the
temporary camp which he had formed in the Lushington

356 A COURT-MARTIAL At FORT HARM
CHAP, valley ; to which place the prisoners, wounded and cattle from
' Fort Armstrong had been sent and placed under the charge
of Major Blakeway with 400 men. With 370 prisoners
and between four and five hundred women and children,
the commando reached Fort Hare. A few days afterwards,
fifty- two more prisoners were marched in. Among these
was Andries Botha. He was kept in prison during a few
weeks on account of his suspicious conduct in connection
with the Balfour fight on the 22nd. He was present, but
there was no clear evidence on which side he had fought. He
was seen to return to Philipton with a yellow horse, which he
said he had obtained from a Kaffir.
The large number of prisoners with their women and
children pressed severely on the commissariat as well as
employed, in guarding them, many of the force who were
wanted for more important duties. Perhaps to obviate
these difficulties, a court-martial of a most perfunctory
character was held. It sat from March 18th until April 30th.
In its leniency it does not appear to have been over-anxious
to prove the guilt of the many. Of this large number of
prisoners only fifty-four were selected for trial. Forty-seven
were sentenced to death, three to periods of transportation of
from three to ten years and four were acquitted. Many,
according to the general orders of March 20th, who had
placed themselves at the general's disposal and against
whom no specific charge had been made were given passes
to return to their homes or to seek work in the colony,
while many others were drafted into levies, re-armed and
called upon to fight against those with whom they had been —
and still were — so friendly. But it was clear that many of
these were as guilty as those who had received the severe
sentences. On May 8th, the sentences were sent to the
Executive Council for review. The opinion of that august
body was that " to put these men to death would, under the
circumstances, not merely fail in producing any of the bene
ficial results which can alone justify the infliction of death
punishment, but would on the contrary, be attended with
circumstances so anomalous as to render the infliction of
death punishment highly impolitic and inexpedient." The
conflicting circumstances were that some (who most probably

HOTTENTOT DESERTERS 357
were guilty) had been given their freedom, and further, so CHAP.
long a time had been allowed to elapse since their appre
hension. So in the end all the death sentences were trans
muted to imprisonment for life with hard labour. Hence we
find them as convicts working on the road in Bain's Kloof
then in course of construction.
When the imprisonment of so many of the Kat River
people at Fort Hare became known in King William's Town,
and when this was exaggerated by the rumour that every
third man was to be shot, there was something more than a
disposition to rebel on the part of the Cape Corps regiment
which was stationed at that place. Their action took the
authorities quite unprepared for any desertions. Between
eleven and twelve o'clock on the night of March 13th, when
all ought to have been asleep in their quarters, the sentries
discovered some of the Hottentot corps leaving the place. The
alarm was given and in a very short time the bugles sounded
the assembly. The company rolls were called, when it was
found that forty-six men were missing. It was obvious that
many more were on the move but were prevented by this
prompt action. The next day Sir Harry Smith held a review
of the whole garrison. The remainder of the Cape Corps
was placed between the 6th regiment on one side, the 73rd
on the other and the artillery behind. He then harangued
them in his characteristic blustering manner and had them
disarmed. It is not clear that they were dismissed, for shortiy
afterwards their arms were returned to them and they were
again on good and active service. Most, if not all, of these
people were connected in some way or other with the Kat
River people and were therefore influenced by the happenings
in those parts. The question then was, were the Hottentot
levies from the West, from Swellendam, Genadendal and
Riversdale imbued with the same sentiments ? These men
were paraded separately and asked to state plainly their
feelings and told that if they did not still feel loyal to the
Queen, they were to say so, when they would be permitted
to return to their homes. All declared themselves loyal
and determined to fight on the side of the Government. No
attempt was made to recapture those who had gone. They
had taken with them their wives, guns and all else except

358 A COURT OF INQUIRY
CHAP, their horses, so that they might easily have been overtaken
' had there been any desire or intention to do so.
On this same day a Court of Inquiry was held in order to
discover the reason for this behaviour on the part of these
Hottentots. It was found that among these deserters were
the oldest, the most steady and the most worthy men of the
regiment. Up to this time no soldiers could have done better
duty than these men ; upon patrols they had been the admi
ration of all ; they were happy in their quarters and in the
quality and quantity of their rations. One of them, a servant
of Major Napier, had waited at table that evening and gave
no sign of discontent, another had been groom to Major
Armstrong for five years and seemed quite content and happy.
But it was known that these people were religious, perhaps
more correctly, fanatical, and had attended the prayer
meetings and preachings of a Hottentot named Lovelot.
It is not clear what was the tenor of his prayers and dis
courses, but it is certain that, not only in King William's
Town, but in Grahamstown, desertions from the Cape Corps
followed his exhortations. The verdict of the Court of Inquiry
was " That the causes which have led to this desertion are
not of recent origin and are connected with the spirit of
disaffection that has shown itself among the rebellious
Hottentots in the Kat River Settlement and other settle
ments of the Colony." In Grahamstown there was a similar
affair. Men of the Cape Corps deserted from their quarters
at night time and escaped. Among them were General
Somerset's servants, to whom he had shown every kindness.
Inquiry into this case seemed to show that Lovelot had been
at work also in this place. Earl Grey on receipt of Sir Harry
Smith's despatch in which he reported the defection of the
Cape Corps and the finding of the court of inquiry, said, in his
despatch, bearing date May 13th, that the intelligence of the
defection had given him great concern and had created in
his mind a very painful anxiety ; " there must be something
in this unfortunate affair," he continued, " which I as yet
very imperfectly understand ; the fact that this affair is not
yet fully understood and that there must be some hidden
cause for what has occurred, requires to be very carefully
investigated." With reference to the opinion of the court,

COLONISTS CALL FOR INQUIRY 359
" it is absolutely necessary," he said, " to ascertain what are chap.
the causes, not of recent origin, of the unrest which has
shewn itself among the rebellious Hottentots." Before
this despatch reached the colony, the Governor also had
decided that an inquiry was necessary. Accordingly
on May 31st he proclaimed that a Commission of
Inquiry consisting of Mr. Porter, the Attorney-General,
Mr. Hope, the Auditor- General, Mr. Surtees, a Barrister-
at-Law, and Mr. H. E. Rutherfoord, was constituted.
For a time hostilities prevented these commissioners
from proceeding to the frontier. But some weeks before
either of these announcements was made, the colonists
themselves had taken up the matter and were clamorous
for investigation. Not only holding themselves guiltless of
any of the injustice and oppression of the natives of which
they were accused, but feeling that they themselves were the
oppressed and sufferers, they gave expression to their views
and demands at public meetings. Somerset East, on March
ioth, demanded not only an inquiry into the cause of the
rebellion but also an investigation into the conduct of the
ministers of the Kat River Settlement who were suspected of
preaching sermons of a political character, and of having
been largely responsible for the state of affairs. Beaufort
West, on the 12th in a memorial, prayed for an inquiry on
the ground that endeavours had been made, by partial and
false representations, to prejudice their case with that portion
of the public who, being remote from the centre of action,
were extremely liable to be misled by erroneous and plausible
statements professedly founded upon the principles of justice
and humanity. Grahamstown, on the 19th, demanded that the
missionaries,who were believed to be leaving the colony, should
be detained until the important evidence respecting theHotten-
tot rebels, which they were in a position to give, be obtained.
The Rev. H. Renton, who figured so prominently at this
time, was on a short visit to South Africa for the purpose of
inspecting and reporting upon the missions of the Glasgow
Missionary Society. He was the minister of a congregation
of the United Presbyterian Church at Kelso. Like others
who have made hurried visits to South Africa, who have
travelled rapidly through the country and then considered

360 ANGER AGAINST MR. RENTON
chap, themselves competent to speak with authority on its conditions
' and troubles, Mr. Renton was at length prepared to leave
and to enlighten the interested in his native land. The
exception in his case, however, was that he had not travelled
widely but had restricted himself to only a small part of the
frontier and, for a part of the time, he had been compelled,
much against his will, to reside in the Kat River Settlement.
But there he had the advantage, or disadvantage, of the
tuition of the Reads, senior and junior. Some of this tuition
and material for his report was overheard by a Mr. John
Green, who had fled from danger, was hiding in the loft of
Mr. Read's house and listening to the conversations of the
missionaries in the room below.1 Among other reasons for
the anger of the colonists against Mr. Renton was that,
with other missionaries, he had added his name to one-sided
depositions of Hottentots taken before the magistrate,
more especially those of Casper Olivier and the four Shiloh
emissaries. The signatures may have been intended as
nothing more than those of witnesses who guaranteed that
the words of the depositions were those actually uttered. On
the other hand, at a distance and among people who knew
little or nothing of the circumstances, these signatures could
only be taken as a guarantee that the statements were true.
Another incident which gave great offence was Mr. Renton's
statement that General Somerset had told him that unless he
(the general) had arrived at Fort Armstrong when he did,
the burghers would have massacred all the women and chil
dren. The general denied having made this statement.
With these feelings against him, Mr. Renton appeared in
Grahamstown on April 3rd, on his way back to Scotland.
On the 4th, though it was nothing to do with Mr. Renton,
two Europeans, Ashley and Radford, were in charge of an
ox-waggon and bringing it up the Queen's Road from Fort
Brown to Grahamstown. They were ahead of the escort,
without which no waggon at that time could with safety pass
along that road. When they had reached the ten-mile stone,
where the road is carved out of the rocky side of the moun-
1 Vide Green's Kat River Settlement. This book must be read with
caution, as Mr. Green, having been despoiled of all his property by the
Hottentots, uses vehement language against them and their missionaries.

MR. RENTON DEFENDS HIMSELF 361
tain and where the heights on one side and the depths on the CHAP.
other are covered with trees and bush, a volley was fired and
four Hottentots emerged from the bush and pillaged the
waggons. Ashley was killed instantly, while Radford
lingered on for some hours. The arrival of the escort pre
vented the loss of the oxen. The news of the affair and the
dead bodies reached Grahamstown towards evening. The
inhabitants were furious, and therefore in no frame of mind
to welcome Mr. Renton, whom they regarded as the apologist
for the Hottentots. His presence in the town was regarded
as an insult, more especially when it was rumoured that he
intended to occupy one of the pulpits on the forthcoming
Sunday. He was staying at McKenzie's hotel,1 to which
hostelry all eyes now were turned. Mr. McKenzie found an
anonymous note on one of his tables, informing him that
Renton was in his house and that unless he desired trouble he
had better get rid of him. On the Saturday night, there was
a torchlight and tar-barrel procession with banners or trans
parencies proclaiming such sentiments as : " Renton the
Traitor." " Extermination to the Rebels." " Renton, thou
shalt not bear false witness." After burning Mr. Renton in
effigy, the mob assembled outside the hotel, smashed some of
the windows and called for the hated missionary to appear
before them. Commandant Stubbs, who with some of his
rangers did much to quell the riot, entered the hotel and
persuaded Mr. Renton to promise to attend a public meeting
and give some explanation of his actions. This he did on
condition that his safety was guaranteed.
On April ioth, a public meeting was held in the Court
House. The place was packed to suffocation. As advocated
by the chairman and in view of possible hostile action on the
part of distant unsympathisers, the meeting was most
restrained and orderly. Mr. Renton was present. But as
he had not been furnished with any definite allegations
against himself, he was at a loss to know what to tell the
meeting. He assured them that he lamented and condemned
the rebellion of the Hottentots as much as any man ; not
only had he not countenanced it, but he had done all in his
power to oppose it. He showed that he went to Philipton
1 Now Webb's Goodwood Hotel in Bathurst Street.

362 MR. RENTON RETURNS TO SCOTLAND
CHAP, from the Chumie against his will as all other roads were
' closed to him, and for the same reason he had to remain an
unwilling prisoner in the Kat River Settlement. He thus
answered the accusation that he had remained among and
sympathised with the rebels when he might have escaped.
He had been cut off from all communication with the colony
and it was only when he reached Fort Hare, that he dis
covered he had been calumniated in the Grahamstown
Journal (by correspondence, not by the Editor). And when
he arrived in Grahamstown, he was surprised to find himself
an object of suspicion. He resented the treatment he had
received and did not hold himself or his actions accountable
to the inhabitants of that place. He said nothing about his
signing the Hottentot depositions and the probable use he
would make of them in Scotland. To learn something about
these was really the chief object of the meeting.
The Hon. W. Cock, in a somewhat lengthy reply, said :
" It was the misrepresentations in the Mother Country, which
have emanated principally from the friends of the London
Missionary Society, that this community has most to com
plain of. It is to their misrepresentations that we have to
attribute all our troubles — their injudicious meddling having
done most serious injury to the colony." After the meeting
a string of forty questions in writing was sent to Mr. Renton,
he took no notice of them, but continued his journey to Cape
Town, where at a soiree he had a more sympathetic hearing.
In due course he arrived in Scotland. Perhaps some idea
of the impression he created in his native land may be gauged
by an article in the Kelso Chronicle. " These Grahamstown
gentry," it is said, " are alarmed at the idea of a cessation
of hostilities. They thrive on the ruin of others, and seem
to be supported by a soldiery as despicable and immoral as
themselves. War and extermination are the means by which
they hope to eke out a miserable fortune, hence the wild
outcry against Mr. Renton. Firing on a mission station
would be looked upon as quite harmless and the butcheries of
a Capt. Tylden would be congenial to their own ferocious
nature. When the deeds of Godlontonian treachery are laid
bare, Mr. Renton will be found as spotless in character as
he has shown himself resolute in action."

END OF THE KAT RIVER SETTLEMENT 363
After the breaking up of the missionary station of Philip- CHAP.
ton and the dispersion of all the people, General Somerset
considered, and said, that the Hottentot rebellion was at an
end. But not yet. Many Hottentots had gone into Kreli's
country, in the Transkeian territories, while others were
among the Ciskeian tribes and prepared to assist them in
the struggle which so far had only just commenced.
The lands in the Kat River Settlement occupied or owned
by those who had rebelled were forfeited. They were sought
after by those, most probably Europeans, who were eager to
purchase them ; though on what grounds they could have
expected or hoped to get transfer is not clear. In fact, by a
Government Notice, dated March 19th, 1852, all doubt on
the question must have been dispelled, as, even in the cases
of those who had not rebelled, it was stated that grantees of
land in that settlement were required to obtain the consent
of the Government before they could sell, and that this
permission would not be given. In the cases of rebels, the
lands were no longer in their possession. But previously to
this, Earl Grey, in a despatch, dated September 15th, 185 1,
expressed other intentions in connection with these Kat River
lands. There was trouble, as there always had been, in the
Orange River Sovereignty. The majority of the inhabitants
were not disposed to support the authority of the British
Resident, Major Warden ; the British Government therefore
contemplated withdrawing the troops and abandoning the
country. As this might create a want of protection and other
unhappy circumstances for those who remained loyal to the
Crown, it was suggested that the fertile lands of the Kat River
territory should afford provision for such. It was not clear,
however, whether only the lands forfeited by rebels were to
be used for this purpose or whether the whole of the Settle
ment was to be confiscated. In the latter case, manifest
injustice would be done, as many of the Hottentots were not
only innocent of rebellion, but had fought long and bravely
on the side of the Government. In any case, the Kat River
Settlement, as originally established, came to an end. And
with it there came to an end the life of the man who had, for
better or for worse, worked in it since the beginning. The
Rev. James Read, senior, died on May 8th, 1851.

364 BIBLIOGRAPHY
CHAP. Authorities and Books to be Read in Connection with this Chapter.
VIII. The volumes of Governor's despatches and enclosures in despatches,
in the Cape Town Archives.
Narrative of the Kaffir War of 1850-51, by Godlonton and Irving.
The Kat River Settlement in 1851, by John Green.
Letters on the Kat River Settlement, by Rev. J. Read, junior. Published
in book form by the " Commercial Advertiser."
The Trial of Andries Botha for High Treason, 1852.
Light and Shade. Substance of a speech by Sir Andries Stockenstrom,
delivered before the first meeting of Parliament in 1854.
Blue Books on the Kaffir War of 1850-53.
The voluminous correspondence in the " Commercial Advertiser,"
" Cape Monitor," and " Grahamstown Journal."

CHAPTER IX
CONTINUATION OF THE WAR IN 1 85 1
WHILE all this conflict with the Hottentots was in progress CHAP.
the Kaffirs, besides taking some share in it, were, as has been
indicated, very active on their own account. They were com
mencing the longest and with regard to the area concerned,
the most extensive war which had yet been inflicted upon the
colony. Experience gained in recent wars, a more abundant
supply of guns and ammunition and, to them, the advantage
of association with those better trained in the use of fire
arms, namely the rebel Hottentots of the C.M.R., made them
a more formidable enemy. As the months passed on the
situation became increasingly difficult in consequence of
other tribes, the Tambookies, the Gcalekas and, though
somewhat indirectly, the Basutos of Moshesh becoming in
volved. All this, in conjunction with the absence of the
farming community of the Eastern Province from their homes,
either in defensive laagers or on commando, further political
trouble in the Sovereignty and the Fairbairn-Stockenstrom
agitation in connection with the New Constitution, made the
year 185 1 as unhappy as any the colony had yet seen.
The struggle with the Kaffirs was of the usual kind,
typical bush warfare of the most desultory character.
Seldom was the enemy caught in the open. Often after the
troops had performed very long and fatiguing marches,
Kaffirs had to be followed into mountain fastnesses, necessi
tating the scaling of almost inaccessible heights and then
only to find that the enemy had decamped and, in full view,
but out of gunshot, was holding some other position attainable
only with difficulty. The only really effective tactics it was
possible to adopt against him were to burn his huts and
kraals, to drive off his cattle — more probably those he had
stolen from someone else — and to destroy his corn and other
365

366 ESCORTING CONVOYS
CHAP, food — in short, to devastate his country. The depots of
' supplies for the forces operating in Kaffirland were at King
William's Town and Fort Hare. To the former there was
fairly easy access. Cargoes could be landed at the Buffalo
mouth (East London) and thence there was a good road of
forty miles to King William's Town along which the laden
waggons, besides being guarded by their own escort, had the
protection of the loyal chiefs Pato, Toise and Siwani. To Fort
Hare it was a different matter. For that place, supplies had
to be landed at Port Elizabeth and then carried via Grahams
town and Fort Beaufort, a distance of about 130 miles. And
then there was the further disadvantage of having to pass
through parts such as the Ecca Pass (Queen's Road), Koonap
Heights and the like, where the enemy was on the watch for
convoys and where, unfortunately, they were too often
successful in seizing oxen and waggons and killing some of
those in charge of them. Although Fort Hare was only about
forty miles from King William's Town, all possible routes
were through the enemy's country which was, comparatively
speaking, thickly populated.
In recognition of the danger incurred in conveying
supplies through these parts from King William's Town to,
even, Fort White — only about twenty miles distant — escorts
of several hundreds of men were necessary. It was of the
utmost importance that the Kaffirland military posts should
be maintained — any abandonment of them meant a general
inrush of the natives into the colony. Even as it was, a
gradual invasion did take place and, for a time, the Kaffirs
were almost masters of the situation. By the end of January,
Forts White and Cox had been beleaguered for nearly six
weeks, so that at this time the men were on short commons
and with but a very limited supply of ammunition. At
daybreak on the 30th of that month, therefore, the first of
the supply expeditions left King William's Town. It consisted
of fourteen heavily-laden ox-waggons, escorted by a force
of no less than two thousand two hundred men, consisting
of the 73rd regiment, Hottentot levies and Fingoes with a six-
pounder gun, all under the command of Col. Mackinnon.
Their way lay over the open Debe flats ; but at some distance
on their right, there was a range of high hills covered with

ACTING ON THE OFFENSIVE 367
bush and forest. As was expected, from these, vast hordes of CHAP.
natives poured forth and commenced a rush towards the
waggons, perhaps anticipating the same success as had
been achieved when, not far from this place, the men of
the 45th had been cut to pieces on the previous Christmas
Day. But now the six-pounder was brought into action and
two shells having dropped among them, their venturesome
spirit was damped and the onward rush was stayed. Without
further molestation from the enemy who moved in a direction
parallel to that taken by the line of waggons, but at a safe
distance, Fort White was reached in the afternoon. When
the supplies for that place had been off-loaded, the journey
to Fort Cox, some eight miles distant, was continued.
Arrived in that dangerous vicinity, they saw vastly reinforced
numbers of Kaffirs endeavouring to hem them in — as they
had done on a previous occasion. But again the six-pounder
cleared the way and in due course, the empty waggons with
their huge escort returned to King William's Town.
The second of these expeditions was on a still larger
scale and met with rougher treatment. On this occasion there
were 13 ox- waggons and 24 mule-waggons, with an escort
of 2,500 men and two six-pounders. They left King William's
Town on March 5th, got through to the two forts without
interruption and delivered the supplies. At Fort Cox, how
ever, there were unmistakable indications that the return
journey would be disputed. Myriads of natives were seen
to be assembling on the adjacent hills. All went well until
the convoy came to a road — or that which passed for such —
which went through a densely-bushy part, a place most
favourable to the Kaffir mode of warfare. Here an attack
was attempted. Col. Mackinnon, however, so disposed his
long lines of men that the enemy being kept at bay, the
waggons passed through to an open space beyond. Then
detaching two companies of the 6th regiment and a troop
of the C.M.R. to take them on to Fort White, he turned with
the remainder of his force and acted on the offensive. A
large body of Kaffirs had posted themselves in a strong
position among rocks and bush while others harassed the
rear of the force. The two guns having been placed in
advantageous positions and a brisk fire opened, a charge was

368 A CHALLENGE ACCEPTED
CHAP, made upon the rocky stronghold. A sharp engagement
1 lasting about an hour ensued. " The number seen to fall
exceeded a hundred, besides those who were killed and
wounded at a distance." The casualties on the side of the
force were three men killed and two wounded. Col Mac
kinnon then reformed his column, marched on to Fort White,
where the three men were buried with military honours, and
in due course arrived back at the headquarters in King
William' s Town. As a commencement of the offensive opera
tions in Kaffirland which were to consist of the systematic
and continued patrols for the purpose of harassing the Kaffirs
in their own country, attention was first turned to the chief
Seyolo and his people. A wild and venturesome man,
Seyolo was well fitted to further the schemes of Sandilli. He
occupied the country to the immediate east of the Keiskamma
river in the direction of Line Drift. He was therefore in a
position to cut off all communications between the colony
and King William's Town. The prophet, Umlanjeni, also had
his place in this territory, a few miles below Line Drift.
Seyolo was thirsting for war. On January 24th, he thrcvC
down the gauntlet by sending ten armed messengers to
King William's Town to bid defiance to the military force
there. These messengers, afraid to go too near, shouted to the
cattle-guards, words to the effect that Seyolo wanted to fight
white men, not men of his own colour, but they (the white
men) were afraid to come out.
The challenge was immediately accepted, but not quite
in accordance with the demands of Seyolo ; for a hundred men
of the C.M.R. (chiefly Hottentots) and a hundred and fifty
Fingoes under competent officers (who certainly were white)
marched forth. This force was barely three miles from
King William's Town when it was surrounded by six hundred
of Seyolo's and Anta's men. A furious fight ensued. A
message was sent back to headquarters asking for assistance.
Col. Mackinnon with drafts of the 73rd regiment, C.M.R.
and two battalions of the newly-joined Hottentot levies from
the Western Province — and a magic six-pounder — went to
the scene of battle. The enemy was soon routed.
As this behaviour of Seyolo called for further action
against him, it was decided to make the first punitive demon-

EXPEDITIONS AGAINST SEYOLO 369
stration in his territory. On February 3rd, Lt.-Col. Napier CHAP.
with a portion of a force of 2,000 men, deputed for this service,
marched from King William's Town in the direction of Fort
White, in order to intercept Seyolo, should he attempt to
escape into the Gaika territory. The next day Col. Mac
kinnon, with the remainder and two six-pounders, marched
direct to Line Drift. There, both detachments met. It
was hoped by this manoeuvre to surround Seyolo. But the
wily chief was too clever for them. Probably by means of
spies he had discovered what was intended ; in any case
when the chagrined force arrived, he was gone with all his
people and cattle, though a great many were seen in the
far distance, where it was impossible to get into conflict
with them. Umlanjeni, another prize which it was hoped
to win, had also left his place. There was therefore nothing
more to be done than to burn huts and destroy gardens.
Eight hundred cattle were seized, but these, being found to
belong to loyal chief Siwani, were returned. With no greater
success than this, the patrol reached King William'sTown after
a three days' march. Another attempt was made about three
weeks later, when 2,100 men scoured Seyolo's country and
went as far as the Igqibiga mission station, in the chief
Stock's territory. But nothing was gained other than finding
the country deserted. Expeditions of patrols, however, were
by no means always as bloodless as these were. During this
February, Col. Mackinnon, with a twofold object, extended
his operations into the country of the Gaikas. A force of
2,750 men, with two guns, marched in the first place to Fort
Hare in order to add to General Somerset's force — the first
division — a necessary reinforcement of four hundred Euro
peans. In consequence of the disaffection among the Hotten
tots, it was felt to be expedient to keep those who were
enrolled for military service as far as possible from their
brethren who had revolted and especially from the vicinity
of the Kat River. Doubtful advantage was to be gained
by calling upon them to act against their own race. But in
Kaffirland, it was thought, though mistakenly, that this
employment of Hottentots would not be fraught with the
same danger. Hence the large numbers serving with Col.
Mackinnon's, the second, division.
vol. v 24 2B

370 DISORDERS IN TAMBOOKIELAND
CHAp. The march to Fort Hare was uneventful, beyond seeing
' large numbers of Kaffirs watching them at a distance and
the now customary burning of huts and cattle kraals.
Arrived there, Col. Mackinnon's column joined that of
General Somerset and the combined force scoured the Chumie
valley. But nothing much was effected there. The second
division then commenced the return march to headquarters.
On the way to Fort White, a detour was made in order to
visit the haunts of Botman and the renowned cattle thief
Tola — most difficult and dangerous fastnesses. Among the
high rocks and in the deep kloofs, many hundreds of Gaikas
were ensconced. They opened fire upon the invaders and
then a furious action commenced. " After a spirited contest
the Kaffirs were driven out of 'their lurking places at all
parts and a considerable number were killed." But the
contest was not at an end. On the force continuing the
return march, the Kaffirs followed them almost as far as Fort
White and kept up a desultory fire. At headquarters, Col.
Mackinnon had to report his casualties as eight killed and
seventeen wounded. During the six days, the force had
marched a hundred and ten miles through the heart of the
enemy's country.
While General Somerset and Col. Mackinnon with their
thousands of men were thus, during many months, harassing
the southern regions, the vast north-eastern territory, known
vaguely as Tambookieland, roughly the present districts of
Queenstown, Colesberg, Steynsburg and Albert, were in a
lawless and most unprotected state. The plunder of the
farmers' cattle was extensive and continuous, the vastness of
the country, the distances between the farm homesteads and
the very small military or other protection which could be
afforded encouraged the Tambookies to render the lives of
all Europeans — or cattle-owners — most precarious. For the
protection of life and property the Boers had to depend upon
themselves or such assistance as could be obtained from
Kama's Kaffirs, Fingoes and Hottentots of doubtful loyalty.
When this war broke out the Boers, or the greater number of
them, acted in concert and carried on their hostilities almost
entirely independent of the military authorities in the south.
The great leader of those Boers at that time was Gideon

GIDEON JOUBERT'S COMMANDO 371
Joubert of Colesberg. He had been of great use to the CHAP.
Government for many years ; he it was who was sent by IX-
Governor Napier to Natal in connection with the return of
the slaves which had been taken away by the Voortrekkers,
and he was chosen by Sir Harry Smith to accompany him
to that country when he made the memorable expedition of
January and February of 1848.
Early in January, 185 1, when Joubert saw that trouble
was brewing, on his own authority and by force of his own
personality, he mustered a commando of 350 Boers and
others. He thus, indirectly, did much towards saving Whitde-
sea ; for while the rebel Hottentots and Mapassa's people
were attacking that place, Joubert's commando was drawing
off the Tambookies by making raids on their people at a
distance. On February 2nd, his commando came up with a
very large party of Tambookies in possession of an immense
number of cattle. A furious fight ensued. According to the
account, 70 Tambookies were killed and 2,340 cattle were
taken. Not a single Boer was harmed. The enemy was
then chased for nine days when, on the nth, another furious
fight took place and a hundred more Tambookies are said
to have been killed and a further large number of cattle, the
plunder of the Albert farmers, was obtained. On the side of
the attacking party two loyal Hottentots and one Boer were
killed. Until the fall of Shiloh the enemy had had matters
practically all his own way. But after that event, the tables
were turned. All, Boers, Fingoes, Kama's Kaffirs and some
loyal Hottentots, without waiting for orders, authority or
sanction from headquarters in far away King William's Town,
acted on the offensive. On March 3rd, Major Tylden, the
commander at Whittlesea, assembled a force in " the square "
of that place. It consisted of 1 76 of Kama's Kaffirs, 200 Ox-
Kraal Fingoes and 23 European volunteers. All the natives
had white bands tied round their heads so as to distinguish
them from enemy natives during a fight. At three o'clock on
the morning of the 4th, the force set out in the direction of the
Klaas Smit's river and was soon joined by a large commando
of Colesberg burghers. After a march of some miles, the
enemy in large numbers, both mounted and on foot, was
descried holding a strong position on a mountain and

372 TAMBOOKIES RAIDING IN THE SOVEREIGNTY
CHAP, shortly a further horde was observed to come from near its
IX' base. All showed a disposition to stand and fight. They
were attacked at four different points, both sides opened fire
and soon the atmosphere was thick with the smoke from
near two thousand muskets. A charge was made upon the
position and the Tambookies were driven over the Klaas
Smit's river, where, in their exposed position, eleven of them
were shot. The force following the enemy, however, soon
found it expedient to recross the river and retire, for the
fugitives were soon joined by a great body of others who came
to their assistance and further, it was all important that a
narrow pass on the return march should be secured or the
retreat to Whittlesea would be cut off. The retreat therefore
was commenced. The Tambookies followed and a running
fight was maintained. The narrow pass was gained by
Kama's Kaffirs thus enabling the force to get through
safely. But as it was dark and there was much firing the
Fingoes became panic stricken and threatened confusion.
The Cradock volunteers, however, placed themselves between
them and the enemy and maintained some order. With some
difficulty Whittlesea was reached after twenty-three hours'
marching and fighting. The casualties were five killed and
six wounded. On the side of the enemy, forty-three dead
bodies were counted, but the total number killed was not
known. The Tambookies did not limit their enterprises to the
colony. In 185 1, we find them on the other side of the
Orange river in the southern part of the Sovereignty. There
also they were raiding farms and adding to the troubles which
the Sovereignty Boers were suffering at the hands of the
Basutos. In February, Mr. Vowe, the magistrate of Smith-
field endeavoured to capture a band of these plunderers, but
finding them too strong for all the force he could muster, he
appealed to Major Warden at Bloemfontein. In response to
this, 1 50 of the 45th regiment, with two six-pounders under
the command of Major Donovan were sent. These, joined
by a number of Boers and Griquas under Adam Kok,
attacked some hundreds of Tambookies who had made their
stronghold in a mountain called Hanglip. The fight lasted
ten hours. It resulted in seventy of the enemy being killed,

A VISIT TO MOROSI 373
the capture of two hundred cattle and the loss on the side of CHAP.
the assailants of two English, two Boers and two Griquas.
Scarcely was this affair ended, when Major Warden was
implored to cross the Orange River and to bring his force
into the colony. Mr. Bertram, the missionary at a station in
the Wittebergen, wrote, on February 4th, saying that the
place was surrounded by seven hundred Tambookies. Also
Mr. E. M. Cole, the civil commissioner at Burghersdorp,
and, at this time, a commandant of burghers, sought the
assistance of the troops. Although Major Warden must have
known that he was acting ultra vires, he acceded to the
request. Two days (some say three) were spent in getting
the men and two guns across the Orange River and a camp
was formed near the mission station. Adam Kok would not
permit his Griquas to cross for fear it might be used as a
precedent for calling his people into the colony for military
service at some future date. To make matters on those
North Eastern parts worse, a petty Basuto chief, Morosi, a
dependant of Moshesh, had taken up a position with a large
number of followers on a mountain in what was known as
the Government Native Reserve. His attitude towards the
colony was something more than suspicious. There was
little doubt that he was accessory to the Tambookie thefts
and certainly no doubt that he had refused to pay the hut
tax to which all were liable who dwelt in that Reserve and
that he had incited his followers to do likewise. To determine
therefore, whether Morosi was to be regarded as friend or
foe, Mr. Cole decided to visit him. Assuming an air of
confidence, in him, but at the same time taking precautions
against possible treachery, Mr. Cole with 78 Boers, 40
English and a few Hottentots, in all about 140 men, marched
from Sterk Spruit on February 22nd. When about a mile
and a half from Morosi's mountain, the force halted at a
spot near the bank of the river. At the same time a com
mando of 400 Fingoes and 40 of a Hottentot levy under Mr.
James Ayliff were sent round to the back of the mountain.
Mr. Cole sent a messenger to Morosi asking him to go to see
him. Morosi declined on the ground that he feared the
Tambookies and that it was a time of war ; but he suggested
that Mr. Cole should go to him. The burgher patrol,

374 VICTORY AND DEFEAT OF THE TAMBOOKIES
CHAP, trusting in the good faith of Morosi and resting in supposed
IX' security, suddenly discovered themselves being entrapped
on one side by hundreds of natives who were pouring out
from unsuspected kloofs, and on the other side by the river.
The force fled firing at the enemy as best they could. This
firing, fortunately, was heard at Major Donovan's camp.
The 45th, with the two guns, immediately went to the rescue,
when some shells distributed among the oncoming hordes
caused them to pause and then retreat. Nine of the English
and eight Fingoes were killed, and sixteen Fingoes were
wounded. Mr. Ayliff's commando suffered even worse. As
soon as they showed themselves they were routed with great
slaughter. On the whole, all this was a victory which elated
the Tambookies and errant Basutos. Morosi having thus
settled the question as to whether he was friend or foe, now
openly joined the Tambookies in all their villainies. On
March 28th, a combined horde of a thousand strong, attacked
a Fingo village, which was situated near the mission station.
They killed six and wounded five and drove off all the cattle.
Some of the Fingo women managed to escape and take the
news to Major Donovan's camp. And from that place
messengers were sent to the camp of the Boers about two
miles distant. All turned out immediately and soon were
in full pursuit of the enemy. They were caught with the spoil,
after they had proceeded about three miles. The two guns,
as usual, routed them and they were chased for about fifteen
miles. All the cattle were recaptured and, it is said, two
hundred of the natives were killed without a single casualty
among those who attacked them.
When Sir Harry Smith heard of these affairs, he con
sidered that Major Warden had imposed upon himself a very
great responsibility in thus interfering in the matters of
the colony. He expressed his disapproval in no uncertain
terms and ordered the immediate return of the 45th to
Bloemfontein. Thus that vast country, Tambookieland, was
left to such feeble protection as could be afforded by its
own scattered inhabitants, who would have been so greatly
relieved by the assistance of one tenth of the military force
which was operating in the south under Somerset and
Mackinnon. On the other hand, the great disparity between

EXPEDITION AGAINST THE TAMBOOKIES 375
the numbers of natives killed in the engagements as com- CHAP.
pared with the number of Europeans, shows that when once
in the field, the latter could hold their own against them —
even in flight.
The increased daring of the Tambookies, which became
so evident towards the end of March, called for all the com
bination and energy which could be exercised by the farmers
and more peaceable natives to stem the tide of robbery and
incendiarism. Both on the side of these and on that of the
enemy preparations for a great struggle were in progress.
Early in April, eight hundred volunteers from the districts of
Cradock and Albert were concentrated by the respective
civil commissioners, Messrs. Gilfillan and Cole, at a place
called Andries Nek. An express was sent to Capt. Tylden
at Whittlesea, asking for his co-operation. On the ioth of
April, he set out with a body of about four hundred of
Kama's Kaffirs and Fingoes and thus, with the others, a
commando of about twelve hundred men was formed. The
45th with their two six-pounders were conspicuous by their
absence. The other side was no less active.
A new character now appears upon the stage, but one
who was no novice on this kind of stage and one who was
well versed in the appropriate acting, namely, the Gcaleka
chief Kreli. The object of the expedition was, if possible,
to come to a final settlement of matters with Mapassa.
The force marched forward and, on the nth, a camp was
formed at a drift on the Klaas Smits river, near the Wesleyan
mission station of Lesseyton, not far from the present site
of Queenstown. This station was found in a ruined condi
tion, its broken furniture, bits of school books in Kaffir and
other things which had been used in the attempted better
ment of the natives were scattered about the place. The
force then moved southward to the Imvani river, a small
tributary of the Zwart Kei. There the camp was pitched
in what was felt to be the enemy's country. At sunrise on
the 14th, it became clear that the desire for a strenuous
fight with the natives would be gratified, for a force of the
enemy, estimated at four thousand strong was to be seen
assembling on the tops of the rugged mountains of the part.
About a thousand men, in two divisions, marched forward

376 THE ATTITUDE OF KRELI
CHAP, to the attack, the remainder being left in charge of the camp.
' They toiled up the mountains, climbing in places so steep
that each had to help the other in some of the ascents. But
all, so far, was in vain, for though they pursued the natives
from height to height, they could not get near them. Then
was tried the usual ruse of retiring and pretending to retreat,
whereby the enemy might be drawn into the open plain.
The plan succeeded. A combined charge was made upon
them, which dispersed them in all directions. Pursuit of the
fugitives followed in which those who were guarding the
camp and could not be restrained, joined. The fight lasted
until dark. The casualties on the part of the enemy were
considerable for their dead bodies were found lying about
in all directions on the hills. We are told that a few days
afterwards, 216 were counted. On the side of the attacking
party, not one was killed and only two were wounded. It
was plainly a case of gun versus assegai.
Beyond having killed a number of hostile natives, it
cannot be said that much was gained in this fight, no treaty
of peace of any kind was made with Mapassa and there is
no reason to believe that the Tambookies had been taught
the error of their ways or had been induced in any measure
to mend them. But what was of value was the demonstra
tion of the attitude of the crafty Kreli towards the colony.
Great numbers of his people were among the fugitives and
Kreli himself is said to have been seen. By this act it was
clear that he had thrown in his lot with the war party
although he was at such pains to appear to the Government
as a friend.
This behaviour of Kreli determined the Governor to take
severe measures against him. But not yet, in due course
his turn was to come. He however, said to him, in a letter
from King William's Town, dated April 24th : " Chief Kreli !
What is this I hear of you ? that you have fallen, that after
having sent me the dun ox of peace, you have joined the
enemies of the Queen and fought in person against Her
Majesty's subjects, engaged in putting down Her enemies
and that twenty of your leading men and many others have
been killed. Now Kreli, I had ordered a powerful commando
to march to-morrow, the 25th inst., under myself ; but your

KRELI'S EXCUSE 377
friend Conway begs me to delay. Kreli ! your time will CHAP.
come. Look to yourself or I will go and look at you. The
friendly desire of your people alone restrains me for the
present." The reference to Conway, in the above, was in connection
with a correspondence which had taken place between the
Governor and a trader of that name living in Kreli's country.
He seems to have had some influence with Kreli and to have
been well acquainted with all that was taking place in his
country. Conway counselled against any hostile action
against Kreli. He considered that should any such be then
commenced, a great many who were not disposed to fight
would then be compelled to do so, and, further, Kreli himself
was showing some disposition for peace. The threat of the
commando on the part of the Governor was a piece of pure
bluff. For in writing to Earl Grey, he pointed out that with
the inadequate forces at his command and the demands upon
their services in nearer Kaffirland, it would have been almost
impossible to have taken, so far away from his base, the
large number which would have been necessary in any
punitive expedition against Kreli. In the meantime, there
fore, it was convenient to accept and consider sincere a
sort of apology for, or an explanation of, his conduct in
Tambookieland. He never wished, he said, to join the
hostile party, and added that he was only anxious for peace
and that when he heard that some of his people had taken the
field against the Boers who were approaching his country
and fighting the Tambookie tribe of Mapassa, he at once
proceeded in person to bring them back. This, said Sir Harry
Smith to Earl Grey, was quite in accordance with the charac
ter of the Kaffir for subtlety and cunning.
The worthlessness of Kreli's excuse or defence and the
hollowness of his professed amity were not lost upon the
Governor. It was well known that he was harbouring many
of the rebel Hottentots of the Kat River and that, if he had
not actually aided and abetted them in their robberies on
the trading stations and in their interference with the trans
port waggons, he certainly had not taken any steps to prevent
them from committing their atrocities or punishing them
for their evil deeds. On March 20th, a party of thirty

378 ACTIVE HOSTILITY OF KRELI
CHAP, of these Hottentots attacked the trading station of a Mr.
Crouch, situated about six miles from Butterworth. In
about twenty minutes the work of pillage and destruction
left but little plunder for Kreli's men, who came afterwards
and completed the ruin. In another case, not only were the
goods taken from the shop, but the trader and his wife were
stripped naked and their clothes taken away. A trader's
waggon in making its way from the Kei to Butterworth was
seized and the three Englishmen in charge of it were killed.
For this, however, Kreli's people alone were responsible. If
there had been nothing more than all this against Kreli, it
might have been possible to plead, in extenuation of his
conduct, a passive inability to control his people. But Kreli
was active. At this time, he was endeavouring to egg on to
hostilities the loyal Gqunukwebi chief, Pato, and the wavering
Umhala of the Ndhlambis. " Why," he asked, " are
Umhala and Pato sitting still while Sandilli and the
Tambookies are being destroyed by the English without a
cause ? " He sent three of his chief councillors to interview
these two chiefs and to induce them to take up arms against
the Government. They did not meet with much success.
Umhala with characteristic Kaffir diplomacy answered that
he was sick and could not give an answer, but referred
them to Pato. So often it has happened that a Kaffir chief
was afflicted with a convenient sickness when called upon to
commit himself in some difficult situation such as this. In
Umhala's case it was euphemistic for sitting on the fence
until he saw it safe to join in with the more powerful party.
With Pato, it was very different. The message to him, accord
ing to Pato himself, was : "I, Kreli, the great chief of the
Amaxosa, order you, Pato and the Amagqunukwebi, also
all the Amandhlambi, to rise and assist Sandilli. Do you not
see that the English are destroying his people ? yet Sandilli
has committed no sin." This message Pato declined to
receive until he had assembled all his Amapakati and great
men in order that they also might hear it and an answer in
the name of the tribe be returned. After two days, the people
met when the messengers were sent into a house at some
distance so that they might not hear the discussion. When
admitted to the Assembly, they gave what they purported to

PATOS LOYAL REPLY 379
be a history of the war since the deposition of Sandilli and chap.
made their appeal on his behalf. The answer, apparently
given by the councillors, was : " This is the last message
Kreli must send to the Gqunukwebi ; our chief is ill, but
even if he were well, our word is peace. Pato has sworn to
be faithful to the Government and he will remain so."
Pato, in his report to Col. Maclean, remarked that, in the
history which the messengers gave, they made no reference
to the massacres of the military villages, or the Hottentot
rebellion. " I, Pato," he said, " will never listen to any
words from the mouth of a black chief. I will never leave the
English unless they drive me from them. I sent to Kreli to
say, that if he does drive the English into the sea, I will go
into the sea with them. Tell Smith, I have given my people
particular orders to take more care of the East London
road." Sir Harry Smith, on receipt of this, thanked Pato
for his loyal expressions and assured him that the Great
Queen of England would do likewise.
British Kaffraria, during these four or five months, was
being continually patrolled by large commandos. As the
enemy could never be brought to open battle, the only warfare
possible was that of repeated hostile inroads into his country,
of destroying his habitations and supplies of food, of seizing
his cattle and keeping him in continued fear of attack. It
was a course as inglorious as it was wearing. " No war
fare," said Sir Harry Smith, " requires so much activity,
long marches, individual as well as collective gallantry, a
knowledge of the country and cheerfulness under fatigue as
that of savage warfare, especially in a mountainous country.
The savage assembles with peculiar rapidity and disperses
equally so, the character of such war demands continued and
well commanded patrols." It were useless to describe in
detail, and no less tedious to read, the accounts of the different
expeditions which were made at this time. Suffice it to say,
that Col. Mackinnon, in conjunction with Col. Eyre and a
force of usually about two thousand men, consisting of
regular Hottentots, levies and Fingoes, operated, for the
most part, in the mountainous regions of Keiskamma Hoek,
the Buffalo Poorts and Amatola mountains, again demon
strating to the Kaffirs that their high and rugged fastnesses

380 REINFORCEMENTS FROM ENGLAND
CHAP, were not inaccessible to British soldiery. Between April 8th
and May 16th, four such expeditions were made in these
difficult parts, every place being searched for the enemy and
his cattle. Always, some natives were killed, but how many
it was always difficult to estimate in consequence of the bushy
nature of the country and, as usual, only a few of the assail
ants were wounded. In the country of the chiefs, Seyolo,
Stock, Sonto, Tola and Botman, more to the west of King
William' sTown, Major EardleyWilmot, with about a thousand
men, pursued his course of devastation, acting simultaneously
with Col. Mackinnon so as to keep engaged the attention of
the people of the above chiefs while the operations in the
Amatola mountains proceeded. And, for a time at least,
General Somerset with a force consisting entirely of levies
and Fingoes was acting against rebel Hottentots and Kaffirs
under the chief Maqomo in the Kat River mountains, extend
ing from those above Philipton to the Didima mountain.
Taking into consideration all this in conjunction with the
Tambookie trouble, the suspicious attitudes of Kreli and the
Basuto chief Moshesh, it will be seen that by June, the war
had become more and more serious and demanded all the
energy of a greater number of troops than were then engaged.
The total force of all kinds in the colony on May ist, 1851,
was 9,809. Of this number, 3,593 were regular soldiers,
919 of whom were required for Cape Town, Natal and the
Queen's Fort at Bloemfontein. Thus, 2,674 were left f°r
service on the Frontier. The remaining 6,216 were irregular
forces, made up of Hottentots, chiefly from the Western
Province, Fingoes and Burghers. Of the last, there was
only the small number of 450.
The news of the massacre of the military villages must
have impressed Earl Grey with the seriousness of the situation
at the Cape and induced him to lose no time in strengthening
the military establishment. Very soon drafts of the 6th, 45th,
73rd and 91st regiments, in all, eleven officers and 296 rank
and file, were dispatched from England and arrived in Table
Bay on April 25th. They were sent on immediately to East
London. These were followed very shortly by 24 officers and
602 rank and file of the 74th regiment, under the command
of the ill-fated Lt.-Col Fordyce. They arrived in Table

NO ASSISTANCE FROM THE ZULUS 381
Bay, in the Vulcan, on May nth. By October 16th, the chap.
total of regulars had risen to 7,689 made up by Royal Artillery, IX"
Royal Engineers, the 2nd, 6th, 12th, 45th, 60th rifles, 73rd,
74th, 91st and C.M.R. At the end of December by the
addition of the 12th foot and 43rd, the number of regular
soldiers reached 8,660.
The Zulu force which had been asked for by Sir Harry
Smith at the beginning of the war, and which the Lieut.-
Governor of Natal had promised, did not materialise.
Undoubtedly, it was as well it did not. Mr. Shepstone who
was to have been in command saw the danger of such a move.
He felt that the Zulus would drive and follow the Gaikas
into neutral and friendly parts and then themselves become a
worse scourge than the enemy they came to conquer. The
Rev. J. Gladwin, the Wesleyan missionary at Butterworth, a
man whose opinion and judgment were greatly valued by the
Governor, advised strongly against it. He said the procedure
had been tried in the last war, but with disastrous results.
The Zulus got only as far as Clarkebury. There they mur
dered twenty-nine innocent people, took all the cattle and
then returned to their own country. Moved by these con
siderations the Governor ordered the disbandment of the
Zulus already assembled and, on account of the expense so
far incurred, sanctioned the payment of £2,000 from the
Imperial Chest to the Lieut.-Governor of Natal.
A worse disappointment than the failure of assistance
from the Zulus was the apparent refusal of the expected
support from the Eastern Province burghers. The pro
clamation of martial law and the calling out of the inhabi
tants, on December 25th, had been of little effect. Hence,
on February 3rd, the Governor in consequence of the apathy
which had been manifested, proclaimed that all able-bodied
men between the ages of 18 and 55 were to enrol themselves
and be prepared to do their share in the defence of the
country. Curiously, he did not threaten any penalties for
disobedience under this martial law, but merely deplored
the want of public spirit which had been shown and pointed
out that unless they responded willingly, the horrors which
must overtake them would be upon their own heads. " Where
are the many," he asked, " who so gallantiy fought with me

382 APATHY OF DUTCH BURGHERS
CHAP, in 1835 ? Where are the van Wyks, the Greylings, the Nels,
IX' the Rademeyers and Rynevelds ? " The spirit he sought,
however, was not quite dead. There was still some of the
old stock left, as was evident in the actions which had already
taken place. A field commandant, P. Kruger, with forty
of his field cornets and burghers of Somerset, who had been
in the fight at Fort Armstrong and were still in the field,
felt that the Governor ought to have been more rigorous in
this matter and thought it right to tell him so. They sent
a memorial to him dated from Fort Hare on March 26th,
asking that, as the burghers would not enrol unless they
were threatened with punishment, the Governor would call
them out under the old commando law, when there was no
option but to obey. The Governor in thanking them for
their earnestness and co-operation (April nth) said there
were so many conflicting opinions regarding the calling
out of the burghers that he could not look for better results
in adopting their suggestion. The old commando law there
fore was not re-enforced.
The apathy or perhaps opposition on the part of the
Dutch burghers to go forward was believed to be due, in
some considerable measure, to an underhand influence which
was not entirely disconnected with the political feeling of the
time. In January, just after the commencement of the war,
one hundred and twenty gentlemen of Port Elizabeth signed
and addressed a letter to Sir Andries Stockenstrom asking
him to take the leadership of the burghers as he had done in
the former war. He did not respond to the call. In fact, he
could not have done so, as his health was so bad that he
was unable, at this time, to make the voyage to England in
connection with the new Constitution, much less could he then
have endured, even for a week the hardships of the field in a
Kaffir war. When it was known shortly afterwards that this
address had been sent by Sir Andries to the Secretary of
State, conveying the idea that it was a unanimous feeling in
Port Elizabeth and to make it appear that he possessed the
confidence of all the frontier colonists, sixty-six of the signa
tories, perceiving that it was a political move, asked to have
their names withdrawn. They desired " hereby most un
equivocally to disclaim any political object whatever in

INFLUENCE OF SIR A. STOCKENSTROM 383
signing that paper." As Sir Andries possessed considerable CHAP.
influence with the Dutch farmers, they said, " it was believed
that his patriotism would have induced him to use that power
for good, but in this they had been disappointed." Sir
Harry Smith's opinion, as expressed to Earl Grey, was that
Sir Andries had fallen so low in the public estimation that
this Port Elizabeth address was merely a ruse on the part of
some of his friends to persuade the Secretary of State that he
still enjoyed his aforetime popularity. If one might judge
from the voting for members of the new Parliament, he
did to a large extent. As an example of the baronet's
influence, one du Toit who had been endeavouring to persuade
burghers to enrol said that he felt that if they had been left
to themselves and not dissuaded by some disaffected people,
they would have done so ; further that Sir Andries had told
one David Naude (an elder of the church) that the inhabitants
were not obliged to proceed to the interior to defend the
frontier when called upon.
Mr. Montagu in replying to the Governor on February
27th said : " The information you gave me respecting the
effect Sir Andries Stockenstrom's proceedings have had on
the district does not surprise me, all that you tell me he has
said and the effect produced by expressing those opinions
tallies with what I have heard from many other quarters. I
fear that he has done much harm and has been the cause
of many persons otherwise well-disposed not coming forward
to assist their country in the present emergency." On
March 12th, 1851, a numerously signed address was sent
from Port Elizabeth to the Governor. " We have seen with
much surprise," it said, " an assertion made by Sir Andries
Stockenstrom, in a certain letter addressed by him to the
Secretary of State for the Colonies, purporting that the
inhabitants of this town had, by an address in January last,
unanimously called upon him to come forward to their
aid. We feel it incumbent upon us hereby to disavow any
participation in that address. We regret to be compelled
to acknowledge that we did not share in that unbounded
confidence in the patriotism of Sir Andries Stockenstrom
which has been alleged by our fellow townsmen who signed
the address, and we cordially agree with the majority of them

384 SOME GOOD WORK BY BURGHERS
CHAP, in deprecating the unintended and unwarrantable use to
which the document has been perverted. We further take
this opportunity to express our strongest reprehension of
those acts and writings emanating from Sir Andries Stocken
strom and his party, tending to sow dissension in our colonial
community and to palliate disaffection and rebellion at a time
when the political existence of the colony depends upon
unanimity of feeling and unmistakable loyalty." In view
of the limited burgher assistance which was rendered by the
East, an appeal was made to the men of the West. On March
17th, a proclamation was issued calling for the service of
300 men to enrol as a mounted force for six months. Each
was to provide his own horse, saddle and bridle, gun and
powder horn and warm and sufficient clothing. For the
hire of these things, so to speak, an allowance of £23 was
made. And the pay was one shilling and three pence per
diem with rations for man and forage for horse. The magis
trates of the different districts seem to have had but little
difficulty in raising the required number.
In justice to the Eastern Province burghers, it should be
said that though they did not muster at King William's Town
and Fort Hare in the numbers which were desired, yet very
many nevertheless had done, and were doing, good work in
other parts. The repulse of Hermanus and the defence of
Fort Beaufort was the work of burghers and Fingoes ; the
attack on Fort Armstrong was entirely a burgher action ;
General Somerset acknowledged that the whole colony was
indebted to the conduct of these burghers ; Stubbs' Rangers
of Grahamstown were continually out on patrol and in Lower
Albany and Bathurst the farmers were almost always away
from their homes, doing what they could to keep those parts —
not always successfully — clear of the enemy. The Board
of Defence in Grahamstown, in answer to the Governor's
complaint, said that the burghers of the Frontier have been
quite unable to protect their own property, which has been
carried off to the extent of several thousands of pounds, and
therefore could not afford Your Excellency that personal
co-operation in the field which seemed so desirable and which
was so urgently prayed for.
As has been indicated, the Hottentot rebellion in the Kat

THEOPOLIS 385
River Settlement was only the beginning of things. The CHAP.
infection from that place spread far and wide. In Lower
Albany, about twenty-five miles from Grahamstown there
was the London Society's Hottentot Mission station of
Theopolis. x It was situated in one of the most beautiful parts
of Albany and at no great distance from the sea. The
valuable and productive farm it had become at this time
shows what opportunities its Hottentot occupants lost in the
early days in consequence of their want of enterprise and their
idleness. In 1851, it was at its lowest ebb and, as a mission
station, about to disappear altogether. It then consisted of
two dilapidated houses, the church and the mission house
and a number of the usual squalid dried-mud houses and
some Kaffir huts, occupied by Fingoes. In all about seventy
families lived there. They were under no supervision but
were left to manage or mismanage, the place themselves.
The Rev. Mr. Smit of Grahamstown visited them occasionally,
but as in the case of the Kat River Settlement in the early
days, there was no magistrate, justice of the peace or anyone
exercising judicial authority. The few mealies which they
grew and the milk from their cows sufficed to maintain them
in a condition almost independent of labour outside the
settlement. Early in the year, disquieting rumours concern
ing the attitude of these Hottentots were afloat. The farmers
in the vicinity looked upon the place with suspicion and
throughout the district there was a feeling of uneasiness in
connection with it as well as a vague consciousness that there
was going on some treasonable communication between that
place and the Kat River.
In January, it became known that a Hottentot named
Lynx, in Grahamstown, had written a letter of a supposed
seditious character to one Kievet Piquer, a Hottentot of
Theopolis. Under ordinary circumstances the letter might
have commanded little attention, but in view of the general
suspicion against the Eastern Province Hottentots, it was
thought of sufficient importance to base a reason for action.
The letter conveyed the idea that the present war was merely
between the " settlers " and the Kaffirs. Lynx had read
the newspapers, he said, and had seen in them nothing about
1 For the early history of this place, vide Vol. I of this work, page 283.
VOL. V 25 2C

386 HOTTENTOT REVOLT AT THEOPOLIS
CHAP, the Queen, but he had seen that the Hottentots were to be
TV ' called out as levies to fight the Kaffirs on behalf of the
" settlers " ; the people of Theopolis, therefore, were
advised, on their own account, to accumulate guns, powder
and lead. When this became known to the authorities,
commandant Walter Currie was sent with a hundred picked
burghers to disarm the Theopolis people. He arrived there
on January 26th and ordered all to appear before him. But
only the Fingoes and a few Hottentots did so, the greater
number fled to the bush. The houses of these were searched
when only nine guns were found. After events proved that
there were very many more than these in their possession.
Five Hottentot ringleaders were captured and lodged in the
gaol at Grahamstown ; among them were Lynx and Piquer.
For some months after this, little was heard of Theopolis ;
though there can be no doubt that during that time, prepara
tions for the final revolt were proceeding.
At dawn on the morning of May 31st, field cornet
W. Gray, living at the small village of Southwell, situated
about a mile or so from Theopolis, was taken by surprise
by a naked Fingo rushing up to his house, and in a state of
great panic, shouting : " Master ! Master ! we are being
killed by the Hottentots." When able to speak more con
nectedly, he said he was awakened by the firing of guns and
going out to see what was happening, saw parties of Hotten
tots standing at the entrances to the huts and shooting the
terrified inmates as they emerged. " I saw my father,
brother and another man killed and then I ran for my life."
In this manner, nine helpless and unarmed Fingoes were
murdered. Mr. Gray went a short distance towards Theo
polis and saw the Hottentots hurriedly abandoning the place,
taking with them their waggons, wives and children. They
went to a place called the Gorah or Karraa,1 situated be
tween the Kareiga and Bushman's rivers. The Karraa is
a grassy, open space about three quarters of a mile in each
direction, surrounded by thick bush of some considerable
depth. Two paths led out of it in opposite directions. It was
a secluded spot, well adapted for the camping or hiding of
banditti. Field Cornet Gray, without loss of time, sent the
1 Karraa is said to be a Hottentot word which describes such a place.

FIGHT WITH HOTTENTOTS 387
startling information to Grahamstown. Immediately, com- C}*£P
mandant Stubbs with thirty of his Rangers and a hundred
Fingoes left that place for Southwell where they were joined
by Mr. Gray and others, some from Oliphant's Hoek and
others from the Kowie. Fortunately, on that day, May 31st,
the 74th regiment arrived in Grahamstown, and further
fortunately, General Somerset also arrived for the purpose
of making the necessary arrangement for sending them on
to Fort Hare. In view of the serious state of affairs at
Theopolis, they were detained and almost before they had
had any time to rest after their weary march from Port
Elizabeth, two companies were on their way to Lower
Albany to co-operate with commandant Stubbs. The
Hottentots in their hurried departure from Theopolis left
behind all their grain and then finding the necessity of
saving all they could, they returned with eleven waggons ;
these were loaded and were on the return journey to the camp
when Stubbs' party came upon them. Neither the soldiers
nor the Fingoes seem to have arrived at that part so that
the Rangers had the ensuing action all to themselves. The
Hottentots, about seventy in number and well armed, finding
they were being pursued, abandoned the waggons and took
refuge in a rocky kloof near the Kareiga river. Firing opened
on both sides and was kept up for about two hours. Mr.
Stubbs tells us : "I saw J. Woest being carried away by
some Dutchmen, he had received a bullet through his knee ;
shortly after E. Dell came up to me and said he had ' got
one,' in his body, it was however, only a slight wound. W.
Gray was next. He was shot in the stomach and was being
carried out by two men, when he received another shot which
killed him then and there. Then 1 saw my brother lying upon
the ground on his back with his face covered with his hat ;
he had received a shot which completely shattered his right
arm. Three others also were wounded." As it was getting
late and as his men were falling in this manner and further,
having received no assistance from the soldiery, Stubbs
commenced his return to Grahamstown. His force captured
eight of the waggons with their loads. One of these was of
great service in the transport of the wounded. By this time,
the Theopolis Hottentots had been joined by a number of

388 THE END OF THEOPOLIS
CHAP, deserters from the C.M.R. One of these deserters was Hans
Brander, who, with his sword and papers of orders, assumed
all the airs and importance of a Field-Marshal. He consti
tuted himself leader of the Hottentots and second in
command to " General " Uithaalder.
General Somerset on receipt of the news of this disaster
dispatched two more companies of the 74th to join those
already in the part. These together with a detachment of the
C.M.R., Stubbs' Rangers, burghers and Fingoes and some
artillery with a six-pounder, made up a force of over six
hundred. There would seem therefore to have been a bad
time in store for these Hottentots. This expedition however,
from the assailants' point of view, was not a great success.
The object was to take the rebel camp by surprise at dawn of
day. But the country through which they had to march
was very difficult, there were bush, hills, and deep holes in
the ground — obstacles which in daylight might have been in
significant, but in a dark night march, such as these men had to
perform, were sources of delay and danger. On this account,
the forces got separated, one company of the 74th was
completely lost in the bush and never found its way to the
Karraa ; the Fingoes also, who took a bush route and were
to have pounced out upon the enemy at a given signal, failed.
And lastly, the rebels were not taken by surprise, some
warning had been received and they were on the qui vive.
The result was that when the force burst into the open space,
a show of fight was made by some of the Hottentots, but
practically all disappeared into the bush. The force then
could only console itself by the capture of 632 head of cattle,
a number of waggons and other proceeds of Hottentot
plunder and the burning of all the huts. The march back
to Grahamstown was then made when the 74th left for Fort
Hare, where they were overdue. Theopolis as a mission
station ceased to exist.
In pursuance of Sir Harry Smith's tactics of giving the
Kaffirs no rest and keeping them on the move by the con
tinued fear of patrols and further, in pursuance of his
conviction that the only means of bringing the war to an
end was to seize their cattle and destroy all the grain and
other food of the enemy, he ordered another clearance of

A BIG AMATOLA SWEEP 389
the Amatola mountain forests and fastnesses. So many c^*-p;
times in the course of these wars had attempts been made to
drive the enemy completely out of these strongholds, that
the operations were becoming easier in consequence of more
intimate acquaintance with the parts, terribly exhausting to
both man and horse as they always were. In June, a very
comprehensive patrol or big push was made. As a pre
liminary it was necessary to prevent the rebel Hottentots
and Kaffirs in the colony from passing into the Amatola.
To this end, on June 6th, two very large commandos under
Col. Mackinnon and Major Wilmot, left King William's
Town and worked down the bush country on both sides of the
Keiskamma river from Fort Cox to Line Drift. The patrol
lasted six days. But very few Kaffirs and no Hottentots were
encountered. They evidently preferred to remain in the
colony where there was more to steal. The only action was
that between Col. Mackinnon's force and a small party of
Kaffirs at the ruins of old Fort Wiltshire. The combined
forces collected 280 cattle and then returned to headquarters.
This preliminary effected, preparations for the big Amatola
sweeps were made. By June 24th, four columns, consisting
altogether of about two thousand men, were ready for the
march. They were under the separate commands of General
Somerset, Col. Mackinnon, Col. Eyre and Capt. Tylden with
his mixed, though useful company from Whittlesea. All
these were to enter the mountains at four different points and
to converge to some point on the heights. For this mountain
climbing, the men were encumbered with their rations,
blankets, great coats, firelocks and sixty rounds of ammuni
tion. Capt. King x tells us that this force of artillery, cavalry,
infantry — regulars and irregulars — preceded by the band
of the 74th Highlanders, marched out from Fort Hare
on the morning of the 24th, to the inspiriting strains of
the " Hieland Laddie." Their way was past the base of
Sandilli's Kop 2 on the grassy undulating country in the
direction of Middle Drift. The mountains were on their
left. On the heights and ridges of these hundreds of Kaffirs
were seen, evidently more than curious in the movements of
1 Vide Campaigning in Kaffirland, by Capt. W. R. King, of the 74th.
* Vide Frontispiece.

390 THE CLEARANCE NOT COMPLETE
CHAP, this military array. Before dawn on the 26th, as noiselessly
as possible, the ascents of the mountains were commenced.
At best, even with no load, it was an arduous undertaking.
The way was up precipitous places and through thick bush
and not altogether unmolested by the enemy above, as was
evident from the bullets which flew about in different direc
tions. The cavalry had to make long detours in order to
avoid the more difficult places. Without going into the
details of the operations of each division, it may be said that
during four days the detached columns scoured much of the
very difficult parts of these mountains, working from dawn of
day until exhausted at night after twelve or fifteen hours'
severe toil. As in all this Kaffir warfare, the difficulty was
to get into open battle with the enemy. Except when an
occasional charge could be made, a black head appearing
momentarily from behind a rock or bush, or a big body of
Kaffirs out of range on a distant height, was all that could
be seen of the enemy. In this affair however, they seem to
have shown more open fight. In one charge upon them,
three Highlanders were killed outright, and one officer
and nine men were wounded. In another, three men were
killed and five Fingoes wounded. Dead Kaffirs were after
wards found here and there and much blood spoor indicated
that many a bullet had found a billet ; but the number of
their casualties was always difficult to estimate. That this
invasion drove numbers of Kaffirs from the Amatola, there
can be no doubt, for many soon made their appearance in
the colony ; some went to Umhala's country, while numbers
were known to have joined Kreli on the other side of the
Kei. At the same time there was little doubt that the
clearance from those mountains was not complete. As a
precaution, a great many of the cattle had been driven into
Kreli's country where they were afterwards found. The
forces however captured 2,200, but they were very poor and
half starved. Poor cattle ! Never a word of commiseration
is heard on behalf of the patient and innocent animals which
between the actions of their thieves and their despoiled
owners, were continually overdriven, half starved, or killed
in the conflicts consequent upon their capture and recapture.
Not a feeling of gratitude — or it is never expressed or

KRELI 'AND SANDILLI REPENTANT 391
" mentioned in despatches" — to the willing oxen which, CHAP.
having exerted the last ounce of their strength in pulling
laden waggons, fall exhausted and are left to die by the
wayside or in the bush.
As the provisions and ammunition in the various divi
sions were getting short and as there was no grass for the
horses and the wounded were suffering badly, it was found
expedient to leave matters as they were and to return to
division headquarters.
As a step towards the close of the war, all this was
negligible. But this demonstration of such a large force in
their supposed impregnable fastnesses had a good effect,
though only transient, upon the great Kaffir chiefs. A great
change appeared in the deportment of Kreli. The arrival in
his country of so many refugees with their cattle from the
Amatolas and the previous defeat at the Imvani caused him
to pause and, for a time, to become contrite for his sins.
He sought the Rev. P. F. Gladwin, the Wesleyan missionary,
and expressed himself anxious to make his people pay for
the damage which had been done to the trading stations
and, in short, to follow implicitly the advice of that good
man. Sir Harry Smith entirely approved of Mr. Gladwin's
communications to Kreli. However, as will be seen in the
sequel, Kreli's case needed something more drastic than
mere wordy advice.
Almost more important than the change in Kreli was
that in Sandilli. He, the great instigator of all the trouble,
sent two messengers to Pato to ask him to intercede for
him to the Governor in order to obtain peace. Pato, with
his usual caution, would not, until all his councillors were
present, listen to the message. It was to the effect that as
the soldiers had killed so many of his people and taken so
much cattle, he now desired pardon and peace, in support
of his own innocence in all these matters ; he authorised
the messengers to say he had consented to his deposition as
chief and that he had been compelled to kill the soldiers
(in the Boomah Pass) as they went to where he was in
refuge in the bush. Pato refused to intercede. " Suppose
I do," he said, " and the Governor sends for Sandilli and he
does not go, what will the Governor think of Pato ? " All

392 UMHALA TOO REPENTS
^HAP. the same, Pato did send the message to Sir Harry Smith.
He approved of Pato's action and communicated with
Sutu, Sandilli's mother, then the head of the tribe. He said
he did not " know " Sandilli, who was a rebel and so were
all those who were with him, that upon his head were all
the blood which had been shed and all the devastation which
had been brought upon the country. It was significant too,
that at this time, Sandilli became dissatisfied with Umlanjeni.
The predictions and promises of the great prophet, after six
months of war, were not being realised. Sandilli even sug
gested that Umlanjeni should be arrested and either killed
or handed over to the Governor as an atonement for his
sins., But the meeting at which this was to be discussed
was prevented by the movements of the ubiquitous patrols.
The wily and wavering Umhala too, who, a short time
previously, had been compelled to give hostages for. his good
behaviour, became a staunch supporter of the Government ;
in token whereof he sent to King William's Town 120 head of
Gaika cattle which had been sent to his country for safety.
It is curious that Sir Harry Smith did not take advantage of
this change of sentiment to found some basis of terms of
peace. In all these Kaffir wars, termination of them was the
determination of the chiefs — without consulting their people
— to submit to British Rule. Here then were the three most
powerful of them acknowledging, practically, that they were
beaten and in a frame of mind wherein they would gladly
have come to terms. Earl Grey in writing to Sir Harry
Smith on this matter said, " I cannot too strongly express
my opinion that you ought on no account to accept from the
rebel tribes any imperfect submission and that you should
not allow hostilities to be concluded by anything but their
complete subjection and unconditional surrender. It is
thus only that a real peace and not a short and hollow truce
can be obtained." With this the Governor was in perfect
agreement. However satisfactory the clearance of the Amatolas may
have been and however completely the Kaffir chiefs had been
overawed and humbled, the ruin which was being brought
upon the colony was disastrous. Sir Harry Smith
was quite mistaken when he assumed that the maintenance

THE WAR SPREADS. TO THE WEST 393
of the Kaffirland forts and military posts would save the CHAP.
frontierfrom invasion. Driven from his fastnesses, the enemy
was too often able to evade the patrols and, taking advantage
of the vastness of the country, its bushy and mountainous
character, to cross the border. The affairs of the colony
had gone from bad to worse. Kaffirs, in hundreds, poured
in and were joined by the rebel Hottentots. The numbers of
these at this time were augmented by those who, having so
far remained faithful in their service, now deserted and threw
in their lot with their evil brethren. All became increasingly
desperate and daring. Remaining cattle and sheep were
stolen in open day and the abandoned homesteads were
burnt. Every farm on the immediate frontier was desolate.
The enemy took advantage of this, by extending the area of
the war more to the west, thus the towns of Somerset East,
Fort Beaufort and Grahamstown practically became out
posts. On July 1 6th, General Somerset reported that the
Kaffirs had established themselves in the Kroomie mountains
— in the vicinity of the present towns of Adelaide and
Bedford. They were also in the wild regions of the Koonap
river and before long they were in Lower Albany as far
west as the Bushman's river. It was reported that in six
weeks of June and July the ravages in the Winterberg and
North Eastern regions were to the extent of 5,000 cattle,
20,000 sheep and 300 horses and the burning of 200 farm
houses. It was dangerous in the extreme for even large
parties of Europeans to travel along any main road which
passed through bush or by rocky cliffs or crags which could
afford a hiding place for the enemy. In July, a party of
men, some of them carriers of the post, others accompanying
them for supposed safety, was travelling from Fort Beaufort
to Grahamstown. When descending the Koonap Hill, they
were fired upon from the bush and five of them were killed.
About the same time, a convoy of fourteen waggons laden
with bales of wool and ivory was on its way to Grahamstown
from Cradock. There were nine men in charge. When about
to descend the road to the Fish River, they were attacked by
a large body of Kaffirs and Hottentots armed with guns and
assegais. The Hottentot leaders and drivers fled. Ninety
of the oxen were cut loose and driven off and in the ensuing

394

HOTTENTOT OUTRAGES

CHAP, fight, G. Dyason, the son of the Bathurst magistrate, was
' killed. With the bales of wool and the waggons, a rude
breastwork was formed which served as a protection until —
a messenger having been sent on to Grahamstown —
commandant Walter Currie with a party of burghers arrived
and rescued men and waggons from their danger.
In March, a party of twenty Hottentots who had escaped
from the fight at Fort Armstrong set out on an expedition of
pillage into the Zuurberg. Approaching the dangerous De
Bruins Poort, they saw three men on horseback advancing ;
they were Messrs. Castings, Trollip and Booth. Hiding in
the bush until the three men were sufficiently near, the
Hottentots fired a volley at them. Castings was killed on
the spot. Booth was badly wounded in both arms. With
the utmost difficulty and bleeding, almost to death, he
managed to reach the farmhouse of Mr. Goldswain at Burnt
Kraal, about seven miles from Grahamstown, where assist
ance was rendered. Trollip managed to escape. As soon
as the news reached Grahamstown, commandant Stubbs
with his indefatigable rangers went in pursuit. But though
they came upon their halting place which must have been
only just abandoned, they did not secure the murderers.
But about a month afterwards, three suspicious Hottentots
were arrested in the George district. These turned out to be
three of the right men, one Kievet Brander was the actual
murderer of Castings. They were taken to Grahamstown
and in due course were brought to trial, when Brander was
sentenced to death. Without multiplying these cases
unnecessarily, mention may again be made of the dangers
of the Queen's road, ten miles from Grahamstown. The
thickly bush-clad heights on one side and the deep valley
on the other, made it a secure place from which rebels might
murder escorts and rob waggons. It was haunted by a
Hottentot named Jan Pockbaas, who seems to have led a
charmed life. The many attempts to catch or shoot him
failed. Eventually a reward of £50 was offered to anyone
who would bring him in, dead or alive. But no one seems
to have claimed it.
In July, a party of six of the European Levy, marching
from Fort Brown to Grahamstown, were passing the ten

UITHAALDER'S APPROVAL 395
mile stone on this road, when they were fired upon from the CHAP.
bush on their right, that is, from the valley. Three of them
were hit, two were killed on the spot, while the third was
badly wounded and lay until the next morning when a
party of Stubbs' Rangers went to the spot. The two dead
bodies were carried on an ammunition waggon through the
main street in Grahamstown. The sight drove the spec
tators to frenzy ; especially as in the crowd there was seen
a Grahamstown Hottentot who was suspected of having
being concerned in the deaths of the two men. This man
lived in a hut on the outskirts of the town. A rush was
made to this hut for the purpose of searching it. Three
guns and a quantity of ammunition and lead were
found. This led to a search in all the other huts. The
search was well repaid, for there were found sixty-two
guns, powder horns full of powder, bags containing bullets,
melting ladles, bullet moulds and bayonets tied on to the
end of rods. The huts were set on fire. The explosions
which then took place showed that there was much powder
hidden away which had not been found. The police and
Stubbs' rangers had all their work to quell the disturbance.
Shortly after this, there was a rumour that it was the intention
of the Kaffirs and Hottentots to combine in an attack upon
Grahamstown. All the men in the town, therefore, in obed
ience to a call, paraded ostentatiously and in martial order
on the flats above the town. It was however, merely a demon
stration. It was believed that this show of strength would
be sure to be noised abroad among the enemy who would
thus be intimidated and would ensure the safety of
Grahamstown. There could be no doubt that all these Hottentot outrages
— if not by the express order — they certainly were with the
approval of their great " general " Uithaalder. It was he
who ordered into the Zuurberg the patrol which killed
Castings. In his hope of combining the Hottentots in
hostile array, he endeavoured to enlist the support of Adam
Kok and his Griquas. But he met with a very emphatic
refusal. Writing from the Amatolas on June nth he said,
" We poor oppressed Hottentots have been oppressed for
a considerable time by the unrighteous English settlers,

396 ADAM KOK'S REPLY TO UITHAALDER
CHAP, who have petitioned the Government for a vagrant law,
which tends to the oppression and complete ruin of the
coloured and poor of this land — a land which we claim
as our motherland." Then declaring that the war was
against them because they were defending themselves against
the enacting of such " unjust laws " he ended, " Beloved !
rise manfully and unanimously as a nation to engage your
selves in this important work. We exclude the English
Government, they have abstained from lending aid to the
settlers." Adam Kok in reply (Aug. 27th) regretted the
step Uithaalder had taken. " I have not the slightest
sympathy with the rebellion of the Hottentots," he said.
" Instead of regarding you as brave defenders of the Hotten
tots, I cannot but consider you as the enemies of all the
coloured people of South Africa. ... I am convinced you
had no sufficient grounds to take up arms against your
Government, you must not expect the least assistance from
us, we consider ourselves injured by your rebellion. I
recommend you to lay down your arms and seek forgiveness
from your Government for the great evil you have done. I
cannot forward your letter to Waterboer, I know his feelings
are like mine."
The terrible state of affairs on the frontier, more especially
in the districts of Somerset and Albany, compelled the
Board of Defence in Grahamstown — a body of prominent
citizens organised.for the purpose of securing the safety of
Grahamstown in particular and the district generally — to
send a memorial dated July 19th to Sir Harry Smith.
In a tone of mild remonstrance they conveyed the idea that
the deplorable condition then obtaining, the enemy being
in almost complete possession of the country, was due to
the want of adequate protection which should have been
afforded them. They emphasized the point that the in
habitants on the immediate frontier had been barely able to
protect themselves and their property and therefore could
not have rendered the personal co-operation which had
been asked for. They were of opinion that the time had
arrived when every able-bodied man throughout the colony
should be compelled by law to enrol himself in the common
defence.

GRAHAMSTOWN REPLIES TO THE GOVERNOR 397.
The Governor, in reply, dated July 22nd, while sympathis- CHAP.
ing with them in their distress and comforting them to the
extent of telling them that Col. Eyre had been detached
with a force from Kaffirland and ordered to Bathurst as head
quarters, nevertheless told them that had all responded to
his call in accordance with his proclamations of December
25th and February 3rd, the country would not have been
in the state it then was ; that the time for all the able-bodied
men to turn out had arrived seven months previously.
He did not think the inhabitants of Grahamstown had done
as much as they should, certainly not as much as had been the
case in 1835.
This brought forth from the Board of Relief a very long
answer, dated August 22nd. They reiterated the causes
which had prevented the frontier farmers from joining the
forces in greater numbers and showed that they had no reason
to be ashamed of what they had done at Forts Beaufort
and Armstrong and in Tambookieland. They pointed out
that had all gone into Kaffirland as desired and left their
homes unprotected, the bloodshed and disaster would have
been much worse, bad as it was ; so that in a large measure
they had rendered good assistance by remaining and pro
tecting the colony. They repudiated the charge that
Grahamstown had not borne its share of the burden and they
showed that the conditions then prevailing were very
different from those in 1835. They could not conceal from
His Excellency their opinion that in consequence of the
internal defence of the frontier having been left to themselves
and their Kaffir servants and Hottentots having deserted
and gone into Kaffirland, there was little to prevent their
cattle from forming the commissariat for the enemy and thus
protracting the war. They saw with much satisfaction that
His Excellency had at length sanctioned the issue of rations,
which formerly he had refused, to the isolated camps and
laagers in the colony.
Sir Harry Smith, at this time, certainly realised that the
wild parts of Albany and more especially the difficult and
intricate fastnesses of the extensive Fish River bush de
manded more of his attention. In August, Col. Eyre
with half of the 73rd Regiment, a hundred cavalry and two

398 RENEWED DARING OF KAFFIRS
CHAP, hundred Fingoes, were detached for service in those parts.
During five days, a force of 900 men scoured the bush along
the Fish River from Trompetter's drift to Committees.
With the exception of burning huts, however, and driving
Kaffirs from place to place, this party seems to have done
little. But in September, Col. Eyre was withdrawn from
his temporary headquarters at Bathurst and ordered to
co-operate with Col. Mackinnon, who, with a force of
1,250 men, was to make a much greater demonstration in
the Fish River bush. From the 7th to the 16th a terribly
exhausting, continuous and, withal, dangerous duty was
performed in the precipitous and densely wooded regions
of Funah's Kloof up to Breakfast Vlei. There were thou
sands of the enemy ensconced in those parts, who fought with
all the bravery and determination which those wild parts
must have inspired. Undoubtedly great numbers of them
were killed. But the casualty list on the side of the troops
was not small. Twenty-nine were killed, forty-one were
wounded and a party of eight of the 6th Regiment were lost
and never found. They were most certainly killed. All
this was of little effect in bringing the war one step nearer
to its end. In fact, at this time, the Kaffirs seemed to be
showing renewed vigour and daring. And, as will yet be
seen, Kreli was repenting of repenting.
Maqomo, for the nonce, must have forsworn brandy,
and have been enduring a bout of sobriety, for he was
haunting the Kroomie and Waterkloof mountains and, in
those almost inaccessible fastnesses, was marshalling his
forces for both defence and offence. Hence it became
necessary for the military authorities to direct the activities
of the forces in that direction, all the more so as the robberies
and murders in the surrounding districts were traceable to
those parts. On the night of September 7th, a force of
653 men of the 74th Highlanders, C.M.R., and levies
marched out of Fort Beaufort. At Septon Manor, Mr.
Gilbert's ruined homestead, seven miles distant, they halted
until two o'clock in the morning. Another seven miles'
march brought them to the foot of the part of the Kroomie
mountain, where it was decided to ascend. Up a steep
and difficult ridge, called the Wolf's head, the long line

PANIC OF FINGOES 399
gradually and laboriously wended its way. Not until mid- CHAP.
day, when the sun was scorchingly hot, did they arrive at
a large open space on the summit. This space was about
two miles in each direction. It was clear of bush, though
it was crossed by gentle ridges and valleys, but it was shut
in by very dense bush — it was in fact a Karraa. In a large
hollow, where there was a small stream of good water, the
men were allowed to rest and prepare their food. Shortly
after three o'clock the distant pickets shouted the alarm
that hundreds of Kaffirs were approaching at a great rate
from all directions. Instantly all flew to their arms and
were so disposed as best to take advantage of the protecting
ridges. Soon both sides were in a range when a furious
fusillade commenced and lasted twenty-five minutes. Finally
the Highlanders made a bayonet charge and the enemy
disappeared into the bush. As usual, it was impossible to
say how many of the Kaffirs were killed on the side of the
forces ; not one European was injured, but three Fingoes
were killed. As both ammunition and provisions were
running short, it was decided to retreat by the path by which
the ascent had been made. The enemy endeavoured to
cut them off from this path, but was not successful. But
they held the bush on both sides of the downward path and
kept up a continual fire. When the force was about half-way
down, the Fingoes who were in the rear became panic-
stricken and rushed pell-mell on to the soldiers. The
confusion was terrible. The Kaffirs took advantage of this
and poured volleys into the disorganised mass. Fourteen
were killed and fourteen were wounded. With the greatest
difficulty the remainder of the descent was made, rendered
none the easier by the burdens of the dead and wounded.
In due course the march back to Fort Beaufort was com
pleted. In spite of their proneness to panic, as in this instance,
the Fingoes all through this long war behaved well. There
was never any doubt concerning their loyalty and, more
often than not, they were in the forefront of the battle
and the first to receive hostile shock. In the case of the
Hottentots, there was too often the uncertainty as to which
side they would ally themselves, and, as has been shown,

4P0, ALARMING RUMOURS
CHAP., there was the certainty that, in some cases at least, they
would range themselves on the side of the enemy. In the
case of the Western Province Hottentots, however, nothing
on the ground of want of loyalty or devotion to duty could
be urged. The worst that could be said of them was that
they did not stay long enough, though they did as long as
they had promised. In July, 1851, the six months for which
they had enrolled themselves expired and their movement
towards their homes began. This homeward trek continued
until October, as there were eighteen hundred of them,
and the vessels which took them round the coast could
accommodate only a small number at one time. Then it was
that when they reached the Western districts a most extra
ordinary and violent panic arose among the Dutch farmers
— a panic for which the returned Hottentots could hardly
be held responsible. The most vague and alarming rumours
originated from unknown sources and spread like a veld
fire. They were to the effect that the returned Hottentots,
and coloured people generally, had been infected with the
rebellious spirit of the Kat River and were prepared to make
a simultaneous attack on the Europeans, murder them
and assume the ownership of the country for themselves.
All this was to take place on the coming December the
first. The only slight foundation on which this superstruc
ture of romance and fear was based was the, perhaps ex
cusable, behaviour of some of the returned soldiers, who,
elated by their late prowess, released from the restraints
of military discipline and often more or less completely
intoxicated, talked largely on matters connected with the
war, using expressions which the fearful construed as an
inclination of the coloured people of the West to follow
the example of their kith and kin in the East. Whatever
the cause the panic was very real. The first rumours came
from. Napier (Caledon district) on July 24th. They were
to the effect that there was a spirit of disaffection among
the Hottentots of the mission stations of Genadendal
and Elim, that they were endeavouring to buy quantities of
gunpowder, and that being refused they had used
threatening language. In other parts, rumours and reports
increased to exaggeration by travelling until very many

A COMMISSION OF INQUIRY 40!
thought that war was actually upon them. To Durban CHAP.
(now Durbanville, near Cape Town) many families from
distant farms fled for safety. One house was crammed with
frightened women and children, while twenty-five men
patrolled the land around it. At the place of one, Lochner
in the Malmesbury district, about one hundred and fifty
families congregated. And so in other places. All farmers
went about armed and ready for any emergency, and coloured
labourers were dismissed in the middle of their work and
Europeans taken on at higher wages. In short there was
complete stagnation in all harvest business.
The chief propagator, if not the originator of much of
the mischief, was a Mr. A. J. Louw, a prominent man and
resident for over forty years in the Koeberg district ; he
was withal its field cornet and justice of the peace. The
rumours and alarms of supposed pending disaster seem so to
have affected his mind that, after an investigation into these
matters, doubts of his complete sanity were entertained.
He collected all the idle rumours which were afloat and took
no little trouble to disseminate them further. He sent out
a circular letter dated October 24th, 1851, informing all of
the supposed intention of the coloured people to exterminate
the whites and reminding them of the unexpected rising of
the slaves under Louis in 1 809 ; enjoined all to keep a watch
on their places during the night and to deprive all coloured
people of any arms they might possess ; he gave such a
lurid account of the dreadful things which were to happen
that it is scarcely surprising that those who received his
letter shared in his terror.
The increasing intensity of the excitement compelled
the Government to authorise a Commission of Inquiry to
go into the different districts to collect evidence. Apart
from the immediate cause of the panic, it was felt to be
important, in view of public confidence having been shaken
by the Hottentot rebellion in the East, to know, if possible,
what was the Hottentot mind. All the more so as there
was reason to believe that the returned Hottentots had in
some measure, while on the frontier, imbibed a feeling that
the Kaffirs and Hottentots had been taught to consider
themselves an oppressed race which was, in reality, the
vol. v 26 2D

402 NO FOUNDATION FOR THE RUMOURS
CHAP, inheritor of all the lands in the colony. The Commissioners
' of Inquiry were the Resident Magistrates of Cape Town,
Simon's Town and Tulbagh.
Before dealing further with this Commission it is neces
sary to refer to what was taking place in the Legislative
Council at this time. For many years, especially from the
Eastern Province, there had been loud complaints of the
evils arising from Hottentots squatting on Government and
other lands. Left to congregate in idleness and under no
supervision they were a scourge to honest and industrious
farmers far and near. In order to remedy this state of things,
Sir Harry Smith, in the new Legislative Council, proposed
an Ordinance " For facilitating the removal of squatters
from Government lands." But on account of the confusion
which resulted on the resignation of the four unofficial
members nothing could then be done. After the recon
struction of the Council, a Bill to the above effect was intro
duced and the second reading put down for November ioth.
Petitions against it were sent in by the missionaries of the
London Society, while others in favour of it were sent in
by merchants and people in the Eastern Province. It was
while this matter was thus pending that the Hottentots
were returning from the East. As it was a matter of
importance to discover whether the introduction of the Bill
had any connection with the panic, the Council resolved
itself into a Committee of Inquiry and authorised the
Commission mentioned above to investigate in the disturbed
areas. This Commission moved about the country during
fifteen days. The sum total of the evidence which was
collected was, that a panic of no ordinary description ex
isted, especially in the districts of Koeberg and Malmesbury ;
that there was no foundation whatever for any belief in a
conspiracy on the part of the coloured people or any of the
rumours which had so alarmed the farmers, it was all hear
say founded on conjecture ; that the alarm had nothing
to do with the Squatters Bill. It was curious that in the
Koeberg and Malmesbury districts where the panic was
worst, there were no squatters, while in Worcester and
Tulbagh, where there were squatters, all had been and
still were quiet. Very few of the farmers knew anything

SQUATTERS BILL WITHDRAWN 403
about the Bill. The chief element of disturbance had been CHAP
Louw's letter. His own evidence when examined was vague
and contradictory in the extreme.
According to Sir Harry Smith, on account of the action
of the anti-Government party, the introduction of the
Squatters Bill was contributory to the restlessness. That
party was making capital out of the opposition to the Bill
by getting farmers, who most likely had never heard of it,
to go to Cape Town to sign against it. The whole attitude
of the Europeans was misinterpreted by the coloured people.
Knowing nothing about this Bill, they considered the
object of the farmers in going to Cape Town was to sign
away their independence and to make slaves of them, and
observing the congregation of so many at different spots
in Warlike array for no assignable reason, they themselves pre
pared for self-defence ; hence many were seen going about
with scythe blades attached to sticks and other weapons,
and hence their desire to obtain gunpowder. The result
of all this and the evidence which had been collected was the
total withdrawal of the Bill. The reasons given for this
course were, that though the proposal to introduce it had not
in any way alarmed the people or originated the panic,
yet there was such an alarming state of distrust between
master and servant that no question connected with the
relations of one to the other could safely be left open to
discussion ; it was hoped to tranquillize the minds of both
and to give no pretext to designing parties for continuing
an agitation ; moreover, should the Government succeed
in passing the Bill, it would surely be looked upon by the
coloured people as oppression and by the agitators as a
triumph. The Bill was therefore withdrawn, on December
19th. This, however, did not restore quietness and con
fidence. The panic continued during January, 1852,
especially in Riversdale. The Resident Magistrate of that
place, in writing to the Secretary to Government on the
situation, said that the panic was absolutely without cause ;
that the coloured people had done nothing whatever to bring
it about. He could not deny, however, that there was
distrust and apprehension among them in regard to the
supposed effect of the new Constitution. He believed

404 THE CAUSE 6P THE TROUBLE
CHAP, that the prevalent opinion among the farmers was that a
labouring man ought not to look to get higher than a
labourer ; it had been notorious, he said, that many farmers
had injudiciously begun to exult over the prospect of making
their own laws, and boasted that they would establish
vagrant laws and bring the coloured classes into the required
subjection. It was these threats, he was of opinion, which
had operated injuriously on the coloured people — this fear
of repressive treatment which was to be expected from the
coming Parliament — which accounted for the rising and the
Hottentot disloyalty of the East. Matters in this con
nection had quietened down and were becoming lost sight
of when, under the aegis of the Cape Town Municipality
and the organ of the democratic party opposed to the
Legislature, agitators engineered farmer deputations to
visit the metropolis and sign protests. The fears of the
coloured people were thus re-awakened and they saw the
Queen's protection being withdrawn from them. But they
do not seem on this account to have given any ground for
the panic.

CHAPTER X
THE year 1851 was drawing to a close, yet, far from there CHAP.
being any indication of the war coming to an end, and in
spite of the additional troops which had been poured into
the country, the Kaffirs, probably in consequence of having
been reinforced by increasing numbers of rebel Hottentots
and their obtaining supplies of ammunition from sources
unknown to the Government, had become more daring and
were extending their enterprises over a larger area, north
and east. In the colonial frontier districts robberies of cattle
and horses were of daily occurrence and took place in
broad daylight without fear of consequences. Stubbs'
Rangers and other burghers, together with such of the regular
force as could be spared were continually on the spoor,
but more often without success as the districts were so large,
the farms so isolated and withal both Kaffirs and Hottentots
had become such expert thieves. Seyolo was no less
intractable in spite of the continual patrols in his country,
and the influence of Umlanjeni had recovered largely from
the setback it had suffered and now was as great as ever.
But the more serious and real fighting, that with less of
" Smithfield market cattle driving " and more of actual
conflict, was taking place in those dangerous and intricate
fastnesses of the mountains of the Blinkwater, Waterkloof
and Fuller's Hoek in the district of Fort Beaufort. That
country, of about twenty square miles, on those high lands,
was difficult and dangerous in the extreme. Intersected
by almost impassable ravines of great depth, the sides of
which were not sheer precipices, it was .clothed with forest
trees and tangled undergrowth. These awesome regions
offered every possible obstacle to ordinary military move
ments while they favoured the baboon-like activity of the
bushranging natives, giving them at once protection and
405

406 AN ARDUOUS MARCH
CHAP, vantage points frdm which to attack their pursuers. Although
punitive invasions into those preserves had been made with
varying success, it had been found impossible to prevent
them from being reoccupied by the despoilers of the country.
But now, in October, 185 1, a much more comprehensive
and thorough sweep of these mountains was determined
upon ; Maqomo was to be expelled finally and without any
possibility of return and farmers were no longer to fear
the robberies and devastations which were so often traced
to miscreants who were known to make these parts the refuge
for themselves and their plunder.
To effect this great end all the possible available force
was requisitioned, even to the extent of withdrawing from
the district of Albany the soldiery which was co-operating
with the inhabitants for the protection of these parts. Two
strong columns, one under the command of General Somerset
and the other commanded by Lt.-Col. Fordyce, made a
combined and lengthened attack on the mountain haunts
of the enemy. The force under Col. Fordyce consisted of
detachments of the 1 2th and 74th Regiments, 240 Fingoes,
and some mounted burghers, in all 1,150 men. At two
o'clock on the cold and dark morning of October 13th, with
orders to occupy a position on the western range of the
Kroomie mountain, this column marched down the silent
street of Fort Beaufort. Passing by Gilbert's ruined home
stead at Klu-Klu, they moved on to the Yellow Wood river,
where they halted in the cold and drizzling rain until near
midnight. Continuing the march, the foot of the dark and
frowning Kroomie mountain was reached and then in the
blackness of that night the difficult and dangerous ascent
was commenced. The way up was very steep and, in conse
quence of the rain, very slippery. Yet without mishap the
top was reached, when they found themselves enveloped in
the fog which then covered the mountain tops. Cautiously
they moved over the flat country on those heights and
encamped, without tents and, of course, without waggons,
on the Waterkloof plain at half-past five on the morning
of the 14th, there to await the arrival of General Somerset.
General Somerset, with the 2nd Queen's, the C.M.R., and
290 of the 91st under Col. Michel, who had been ordered in

A STRENUOUS DAY 407
from Albany, marched at three o'clock on the morning of CHAP.
the 1 2th from Fort Hare. This force was encumbered by
a long train of waggons and field-guns. It must have taken
a long route, for we are told they marched via Buxton
and the Blinkwater Hill.1 On reaching the more level
country at the top of that hill, the General sent the waggons
on to Post Retief and then, turning off to the left, formed his
camp at Kaal Hoek. On the morning of the 14th he joined
Col. Fordyce on the Waterkloof plain.
There was not to be much respite after all this marching.
Before long the clouds partly lifted when the enemy was
seen in considerable numbers on a distant ridge. Firing on
both sides commenced ; the field guns commenced to speak
and the Fingoes were soon active in scouring the adjacent
bush and burning all the huts they found. Detached
parties of the regulars were sent in different directions,
and thus commenced a very arduous day of chasing the
enemy through forest and bush, scrambling up and down
rocky eminences and killing Kaffirs and Hottentots as oppor
tunity offered. After the men, including the marching, had
been in action eighteen hours and that without food, orders
were given to retire to a deserted farm belonging to a Mr.
Mundell. The enemy viewing this as a retreat followed
to attack. When they were fairly in the open, Lt. Carey,
of the 74th, turned and charged into them. He killed
many in scattering them. In fact this was the most whole
sale bloodshed of the day. The force then retired to
Mundell's. The casualties of the day were Capt. Addison,
Lt. Norris of the 6th, and Ensign Rickards of the 91st
mortally wounded, and one private of the 12th killed. Of
the enemy many fell, as was evident afterwards when many
dead bodies were found. On the 15th the forces remained
resting in camp. Lt. Norris died during the night. The
wounded were sent down the mountain and on to Post
Retief, where a rough and ready and very comfortless
hospital was formed.
On the 1 6th the forces were again on the move and had
1 The route must have been via Woburn, Peffer's Kop, . Seymour
(then Eland's Post), Hertzog, Fort Armstrong, Buxton, thence by the
Fort Beaufort road as far as where it meets, on the right, the road which
leads to the Blinkwater.

408 A BRIEF CESSATION
CHAP, another very strenuous day. The enemy appeared in all
" directions and seemed to pour from every dense thicket ;
black heads were seen to bob up from behind rocks and even
trees afforded them temporary vantage posts. Among these
difficult parts they were continually chased, now down into
deep and thickly-wooded ravines and then up acclivitous
places, where the agile Kaffir with his small or no encum
brance easily out-distanced the more heavily-laden soldier.
It was difficult to estimate how many of the enemy fell,
as there was so little open fighting. But eighteen dead
bodies of those who had been killed on the 14th were found,
and from the dreadful smell in other parts, it was evident
that others were lying unburied.
The casualties among the troops on this day were four
killed and seven badly wounded. It were needless to give
the details of the numerous actions which took place during
this mountain visitation of seventeen days, they were all
like those already mentioned. But, so far, the clearance of
the Waterkloof had not been effected. The troops suffered
much in consequence of the continual bad weather. Without
tents or shelter of any kind and provided with only one
blanket, which was always wet, the men were exposed to
biting cold winds and torrents of rain which turned to sleet
at night. For want of any dry spot they had to sleep on the
sloping ground. Withal, there was a lack of food and, in
spite of the rain, an insufficiency of drinking water.
The total casualties during this time were two officers
and twelve men killed and two officers and thirty-two men
wounded. On October 31st, there was a cessation of hostilities when
the troops were permitted, for a day or so, to go to Fort
Beaufort to recruit and, what was equally necessary, to
refit. In consequence of the rock climbing and the attention
of the " Wacht-een-bietje " in scrabbling through the bush,
their clothes were in a dreadful state ; red coats were patched
with leather, canvas and bits of cloth of all colours ; stocking-
less feet showed through tattered boots and some of the
warriors seem to have been as trouserless as Highlanders.
In this state, bearded and unwashed, they marched into
Fort Beaufort on Sunday, November 2nd. This period of

Col. Fordyce's Action in the Kroomie Mountains
Mendelsohn Collection. Houses of Parliament, Cape Toion.

THE GOVERNOR'S APPRECIATION 409
rest and refitting must have been of short duration, for on the CHAP.
5th, we find the different divisions of the force assembling at
different points for further combined and simultaneous action.
At half-past four on the morning of the 6th, the column under
Col. Fordyce was ordered quietly, by word of mouth and
without the blowing of bugles, to move across the flats to
the head of the Waterkloof pass. In the thick mist the men
marched off until further progress was arrested by a rocky
height. Col. Fordyce, ever in the front where there was
danger, was placing his men, four companies of the 74th
and two of the 12th, on a bush-covered ridge, when the
enemy, who was concealed in force in those parts, opened
fire. The first to fall was the leader himself. Col. Fordyce
was shot and died within fifteen minutes. Also Lt. Carey
of the 74th, " fell pierced through the body at the head of
his company and immediately afterwards Lt. Gordon of the
91st was mortally wounded. . . . One was cut down after
another until maddened by the fall of their officers and
comrades, the regiment rushed to the fatal barricade with
such infuriated and irresistible determination as to clear
all before them. We maintained the position until the troops
were withdrawn in the afternoon." 1 For nearly three weeks
more the hide-and-seek tactics continued in these mountains.
And then only with the result that the enemy was not driven
out, or if he had been, he was soon back again. There is
yet more to be heard of the Waterkloof. The forces which
had been acting in those parts were now required for the
" big push " which was to be made into Kreli's country and
to that end they were under orders to assemble at the Imvani
on December 2nd.
After an engagement of any kind, Sir Harry Smith, in
the General Orders which he published always used most
eulogistic — it might be said fulsome — language in his
appreciation of the work of officers and men. He acted, so
he told Earl Grey, on the principle that human nature
renders even the soldier's intrepid heart sensible to the
appreciation of his superiors, which he is proud to know
may reach the eye of his parents and friends. So in the
General Orders of October 31st, in connection with the
1 Campaigning in Kaffirland, by Capt. W. R. King, 74th Highlanders.

410 EARL GREY NOT IMPRESSED
CHAP, affairs of the Waterkloof, he said it was with infinite satis-
faction he recorded his opinion, that, in the long experience of
his military life, he had never observed greater ability dis
played in desultory warfare on the part of the General Com
manding (General Somerset) or more conspicuous gallantry
and enterprise on the part of the commanders of columns,
officers, soldiers and irregular forces than in this mountain
engagement. Earl Grey, however, was not impressed. Like the British
taxpayer, he was becoming restive at the continuance of the
war, which had now lasted a year and to which no end was
yet in view. In his despatch of December 15th, 185 1, he
lamented to find that not only was there no change for the
better, but that the enemy was, day by day, becoming bolder.
"It is some relief," he said, " to the anxiety which this
intelligence is calculated to create, to find that you are so
highly satisfied with the conduct of the officers and men under
your orders, and that you regard the operations under
Major-General Somerset on the 14th and 16th of October as
having been attended with important success. I confess,
that from that officer's own report, inclosed in your despatch,
this is not the light in which I should have regarded these
affairs ; the very serious amount of our losses, and the fact,
that at the conclusion of the operations of the last day to
which your intelligence reaches, it was the rear, not the van,
of the British force which was engaged with the enemy, and
that the latter must therefore have been the assailants,
would appear to me scarcely to justify the tone of satisfaction
with which you relate these occurrences." In answer to this,
Sir Harry Smith, in his despatch of February 5th, 1852, said :
" This Kaffir war is of the most completely guerilla and
desultory nature, in which neither front, flank, nor rear is
acknowledged, and where the disciplined few have to contend
with the undisciplined, but most daring and intrepid many,
in the midst of the holds and fastnesses of the latter. In
such warfare you drive the enemy before you, it is true, but
not in the spirit of strategy, observing front and rear. In
no affair during this war have our troops returned to their
camps and bivouacs without their rearguard being assailed,
often most fiercely, by the enemy, although on no previous

THE GOVERNOR'S REPLY 4X1
occasion, I admit, so ably as on the one in question. The CHAP.
country in which the operations were carried on is far more
difficult to ascend and penetrate than even the Amatolas ;
hence the gallant and enterprising exertions of the troops
became the more conspicuous, and called forth that expres
sion of my satisfaction dictated by experience in war, which
enables a commander to estimate justly the success he has
obtained, and to commend as it deserves, the conduct of
his officers and soldiers." In the different encounters from
December 24th, 1850, until October 21st, 1 851, the insurgents
had been defeated on forty different occasions ; 12 officers
had been killed and 18 wounded, 195 soldiers had been
killed and 364 wounded, making a total of 589 casualties on
our side. As further difficulties which he claimed he had
had to contend with were the apathy of the burghers in not
cOming out to his assistance ; on which account the colonial
frontier had been ravaged as he predicted it would be ; and
" certain traitorous traders were endeavouring to supply the
insurgents with munitions of war."
The following extract from the London Times of August
14th, 1850, probably reflects the public opinion of England
concerning the war and Sir Harry Smith's procedure. " In
the first place, Sir Harry Smith, though he has met with
no reverses, has not yet ventured upon any movement in
advance and this circumstance will appear more forcibly
significant if we recollect the measures he originally pro
jected on taking the field. In December the Governor had
every confidence in the prospect before him early in January.
He had little doubt but that the next despatch would show
an improvement in the aspect of affairs ; in February he
mentioned the 1 5th of March as the day on which decisive
operations might possibly be commenced and yet on most
recent advices reported that up to the end of June he had
made no change in his tactics or position. . . . We are
far from insinuating that this inactive policy has been unwise
or ill-considered ; on the contrary, we have no doubt that
Sir Harry has exercised some judgment in his military
proceedings, but it is impossible to avoid the conclusion that
the work before him must have assumed an aspect more
serious than was originally perceived. Sir Harry continues to

412 TRADING IN POWDER
CHAP, maintain himself at King William's Town with no diversion
X" beyond an occasional fray. If the Gaikas had had a reporter
of their own, some of these affrays might have been presented
in different colours. . . . The Colonists are thinking more
about their Constitution than the war while the Colonial
Minister is thinking more about the war than the Con
stitution." With reference to the Governor's remark that
certain traitorous traders were endeavouring to supply
the enemy with the munitions of war, it should be said that
there was a general suspicion that this was the case. In
June, 185 1, the Governor received information that twelve
to fourteen tons of gunpowder had been landed at Port
Elizabeth which, there was reason to believe, was intended
for traffic with the Kaffirs and rebel Hottentots. The civil
commissioner of Port Elizabeth was instructed to make a
searching inquiry. The result of this was his report that
the importers were men of such respectability that there
could be no question of the powder being used for improper
purposes.1 On October 14th, over three hundred inhabitants
of Grahamstown and the district signed and sent to the
Governor a petition asking that the sale of gunpowder,
percussion caps and cheap guns might be prohibited through
out South Africa. The petitioners received for answer the
assurance that a committee of the Legislative Council would
be formed to inquire and report upon the subject. Most
probably arising out of this, Ordinance No. 5 of 185 1 " for
the regulation for one year of the trade in gunpowder and
firearms " was published on November 22nd. Its provisions
were most stringent and its penalties severe — seven years'
imprisonment or a fine of £ 500 being enacted for breach of
its commands.2 As Sir Harry Smith had taken every precaution in this
connection, it must have been something of a shock to him
to receive a despatch from Earl Grey, dated January 14th,
1852, saying that he (Grey) had heard that large shipments of
1 According to the report of the Chief Collector of Customs, between
January 5th and June 12th, 1851, there had been imported into Port
Elizabeth 123,050 lbs. of gunpowder, which with the quantity then in
stock amounted to 138,925 lbs.
' As lead had not been included among the prohibited articles of
trade in this Ordinance, Sir George Cathcart amended it by another.
No. 7 of 1852, in which the omission was rectified.

REPLY TO EARL GREY'S DESPATCH 413
gunpowder had been made from England to the Cape of CHAP.
Good Hope and that he had heard with a degree of surprise,
which he was at a loss to describe, that it was a matter of
general notoriety and common conversation that there had
been shipped coastwise, large quantities of gunpowder which
could have been intended for no other purpose than to supply
the Kaffirs ; in- particular he had heard that a hundred
barrels of powder had been sent up the west coast to be landed
at the mouth of the Orange River, whence with the utmost
facility it could be conveyed to Kaffirland ; he was, he said,
wholly unable to understand why a trade of this nature had
been allowed to go on while the Governor had such legal
power to stop it ; he desired an explanation why neither
the Governor nor Mr. Montagu had informed him of it.
In reply to this, Mr. Montagu, on March 3rd, 1852,
endeavoured to disabuse the mind of the noble Lord by
showing that he had been misinformed and that every step
had been taken to prevent gunpowder getting into the hands
of the enemy. He pointed out that the hundred barrels
which were alleged to have been taken up the West Coast,
had not even gone in that direction, but had been landed
at Montevideo. With regard to transport from the Orange
River mouth to Kaffirland, a better knowledge of the geo
graphy of the country would show that absence of roads,
desert country and lack of water would make such a journey
almost impossible.
As however, there might have been something in Earl
Grey's surmise that a clandestine traffic in gunpowder was
being carried on along the West Coast, it was decided to
cause a proper and searching investigation to be made. To
this end, in February, 185 1, Commander G. D. Keane in
H.M. Sloop Grecian cruised along the coast as far as Walvish
Bay and examined all places which were likely to be con
cerned in the traffic. But no criminatory evidence was
obtained. Again in April, shortly after the arrival of the
new Governor, Sir George Cathcart, a customs officer, on
board the Rhadamanthus , was sent to examine carefully all
places as far as Espiegle Bay. Again nothing was found
incriminating any trader in those parts. It was shown, how
ever, that any quantity of powder could be landed direct

.414 DISSATISFACTION OF EARL GREY
CHAP, from England without the authorities knowing anything
X' about it, though there was no evidence that such had been
the case.1
So far then, there was nothing to account for the plentiful
supplies of ammunition which seemed to be in the possession
" of the enemy. It was fairly certain that traders had not
supplied them during the war, but there could be little doubt
that before its outbreak, both Kaffirs and Hottentots, in
view of prospective war, had well supplied themselves from
trading stations, and in some instances apparently farmers
had paid their native servants in guns and ammunition.2
This then, was one of the many circumstances which was
rendering the life and work of Sir Harry Smith so arduous
and thankless.
But this, together with the growing impatience and dis
satisfaction of Earl Grey at the slow progress of the war in
Kaffirland, the rebellion of the Hottentots and the inadequate
force he had at his command were not the sum total of the
anxieties which were almost overwhelming the Governor
during this eventful 1851. There was yet to be added the
turmoil and impending war in the country now known as
the Orange Free State. Here again Earl Grey found reason
for dissatisfaction with Sir Harry Smith's proceedings. He
(Earl Grey) had reluctantly acquiesced in the annexation —
or assumption of sovereignty — of that country3 on the under
standing that the inhabitants themselves desired it and that
by so doing peace and quietness would reign among factions
which had long been contending with one another. The
proclamation of February 3rd, 1 848, had not been productive
of the happy results which had been anticipated. In the
first place, Sir Harry Smith must have been mistaken in
thinking that the majority of the Dutch of the Free State
desired to come under British rule, 4 and in the second, nominal
1 For details of these expeditions, vide Blue Book of May 31st, 1853,
pages 42-62.
* Vide the Beaufort West case, evidence of William Hall, Dec. 4th,
1851, in Blue Book, May 31st, 1853, page 50.
• Vide despatch Earl Grey to Sir Harry Smith. September 15th,
1851. * On December ioth, 1851, when these questions became matters of
investigation, Martinus Hendrik Wessels, field commandant of Winburg,
a man well disposed to the British Government, thus answered the following
questions : " Is it your opinion that the majority of the people desire the

ASSISTANT COMMISSIONERS SENT 415
British rule — for it was only nominal though very expensive—1- CHAP.
was found to be no panacea for the mutual jealousies and
bloodthirsty hatreds which existed among the different native
tribes. Earl Grey, therefore, in a despatch, dated October
2 1 st, 1 85 1, told the Governor that the ultimate abandonment
of that country was to be a settled point in Imperial policy.
Undoubtedly realising the difficulties under which the
Governor was labouring in being obliged to remain at the
seat of war and at the same time to direct the civil Govern
ment of the country, and further, being impressed by the
necessity for an investigation into the causes of the Kaffir
rising and the defection among the Hottentots, Earl Grey,
on May 31st, appointed two gentlemen to go to the Cape as
Assistant Commissioners " for settling and adjusting the
affairs of the territories of South Africa." x They were
Major W. Hogge, who had already been in the country and
had some influence with the natives and Mr. Charles Mostyn
Owen, who also knew the country and understood the Kaffir
language.2 They arrived in East London in July.
The most pressing South African matters which then
called for their attention were those of the Sovereignty.
Hence we find them arriving in Bloemfontein on Novem
ber 27th, and commencing those labours which resulted
in the birth of a new era in the history of that country. They
were received with enthusiasm and presented with the in
evitable address of welcome and a statement of grievances
and causes of the disorganised state of the Sovereignty.
British Government to be continued over them ? " Answer : " In my
opinion they do not." " In the event of war in the Sovereignty would
they turn out to assist ? " Answer : " I should be afraid to send a man
among them to ask such a thing, for fear that he should be ill-treated;
I have left my place as much in fear of the white men as the black."
" Did you think that in 1848 the majority wished for British Rule to be
extended over them ? " Answer : "I told the Governor that not above
thirty men in my district desired it." " How many men could turn out
in your district ? " Answer : " Five hundred. They reproach me and
laugh at me for the losses I have incurred from my friendship to the
Government. They say the Kaffirs are the masters and I may go and
fight them if I like."
1 By a curious coincidence, it was on the same day. May 31st, when
Sir Harry Smith at the Cape issued his proclamation authorising a Com
mission of Inquiry for the same purpose. It was revoked on the arrival
of the Commissioners.
• For instructions to these two gentlemen, vide Vol. 1,343 0I des
patches. Archives, Cape Town.

416 A STATEMENT OF GRIEVANCES
CHAP. " In our opinion," they said, " the misfortunes which have
befallen the Sovereignty are clearly attributable to our
uncalled for interference in the quarrels of the numerous
and powerful native tribes which surround us. Our attempt
to control these tribes in their relations with one another
might in our opinion be, under any circumstances, liable
to question as a measure of sound policy. To make such an
attempt and to assume towards these tribes an overbearing
tone and threatening attitude, while we have scarcely a
sufficiency of troops to protect the fort and town of Bloem
fontein, we deem peculiarly impolitic and unfortunate . . .
our Government cannot command a force sufficient either
to put its threats into execution or protect its own subjects
and allies. We would further beg to state that the servitude
said to attach to the holding of land in the Sovereignty, in
virtue of which farmers are called out to render personal aid
in supporting the above mentioned system of military inter
ference in the quarrels of the native tribes is extremely dis
tasteful, inconvenient and harassing to the burghers. . . .
This is the more peculiarly galling to him because he cannot
comprehend or appreciate the motives which should induce
the Government of so powerful a nation as Great Britain is
represented to be, to call out farmers from their homes and
lawful employment at such a sacrifice, on the occasion of
every petty squabble among native tribes. . . . They further
object to the state of the Law and Judicature as a century
behind the intelligence and standing of the country."
Judging from the names appended to this, the signatories
appear to have been chiefly English.
To elucidate this statement concerning the farmers
having to abandon their own concerns in order to take part
in petty native squabbles, it is necessary to glance generally
at the state of affairs which had continued during some time
previously. Moshesh, the most astute and crafty — perhaps
it should be said, the most diplomatic — among the South
African chiefs, ruled over the vast territory which then con
stituted Basutoland. In words, he was a man of profound
peace, but in his actions he was almost always at war with
one or another of the tribes which lived in the adjoining
territories. Even Briton and Boer were not to escape the

MOLETSANI, THE EVIL GENIUS 417
misfortunes it was in the power of the Basutos to inflict. CHAP
It was quite possible that Moshesh was ruled by his people
who were little better than a community of thieves, and that
he was the victim of their public opinion. He had not
behind him that prestige of descent and tradition which
attached to the great hereditary chiefs, such as Sandilli or
Kreli. For his position and maintenance, therefore, he was
dependent upon the good will and support of his people,
and there being continual disturbances of the peace, Moshesh,
whatever may have been his own pacific disposition, was
practically always at war.
Bordering on the west of Moshesh's country, there was a
large territory occupied by the Baralong, a very large tribe
under their chief Moroko. Moroko was a most exemplary
character. On no occasion had the Government ever had any
cause for dissatisfaction with him. The peaceable character
of both himself and of his people was their undoing, for
they were continually robbed by the Basuto and other
tribes, especially by a tribe called the Bataung under a
murdering and thieving rascal named Moletsani. Moroko
had his own place at Thaba Nchu, about thirty miles from
Bloemfontein, where descendants of the tribe still live. On
the north of Basutoland, in the present district of Ficksburg
in the Orange Free State, dwelt Sikonyela, the chief of the
Batlokwa, a wild and lawless character, who for years had
been no whit better than the worst of the others. He now
found himself in continual danger from Moshesh and Molet
sani and so decided upon a course of righteousness in order to
secure the protection of the British Government. Moletsani,
the chief of the Bataung, lived in a smaller territory adjoining
Basutoland in the north west. He was the evil genius of the
whole country. Enterprising, restless, fearless, regardless of
human life, he possessed all those grand virtues which
constitute the character of the successful robber and accom
plished villain. Smaller fry such as Gert Taaibosch with
his Korannas, a small horde of half castes under Carolus
Baatjie, and some others under Gert Lynx need only be
mentioned. It is not possible, in this place, to give an account of all
the feuds, cattle liftings and bloody conflicts among these
vol. v 27 2E

4i8 SIKONYELA'S ESCORT
CHAP, tribes x ; the following, however, will give some idea of the
X' state of things which went on continually in those parts
and in which the Sovereignty people were expected to involve
themselves. Going back no further than 1848, in February of that
year, the Bataung (Moletsani's people) seized five hundred
head of Sikonyela's cattle. In September, Sikonyela drove
away some Basutos from their kraals and burnt their huts ;
Molapo, the son of Moshesh, then burnt the Batlokwa huts,
seized the cattle and killed several of the people. In one
engagement, the Basutos killed the wife of Mota, Sikonyela's
brother. Sikonyela then demanded war in order that he
might kill one of Moshesh's daughters as a set-off for his
brother's wife. On August 30th, 1851, the Bataung de
stroyed the mission station of Umpukani, seized all the cattle
and killed twenty of the people. And so this retaliation and
counter-retaliation, often with much loss of life on both
sides, would continue until the British Resident (Major
Warden) with some of his soldiers and burghers visited the
disturbed areas, and, perhaps, under the threat of the
Governor sending a larger force from the colony, brought
about a temporary peace and promise of mutual restoration
of cattle. He would also convene meetings of the belligerent
chiefs which all would attend except those most wanted.
Moshesh, the man of peace, with plausible excuses studiously
refrained from attending these meetings.
Of matters of this kind, one of the most serious was that
which took place in June, 185 1. In consequence of the
increasing violence among the belligerent chiefs, Major
Warden endeavoured to convene a meeting of them in
Bloemfontein, but he was unsuccessful. Sikonyela was
present. As, apparently, he was the aggrieved party and the
object of hostility on the part of the Basuto and Bataung, he,
with some eighty followers who were with him, were pro
vided with an escort to conduct him from Bloemfontein to
his own territory. At first sight the escort seemed inordinately
large for such a purpose. It consisted of three officers and
159 regular soldiers, 120 burghers (out of the 350 who had
1 For a full and detailed account of all these, vide the three volumes
of the Basutoland Records.

A SHORT-LIVED VICTORY 419
been called out) and two six-pounders. Arrived at Thaba CHAP.
Nchu, they were joined by seven hundred of the Baralong of
Moroko. Marching thence to Platberg, a little to the south
of the present Ladybrand, they were still further reinforced
by the Bastards of that place and a number of Fingoes. At
that place an open air meeting was held for the purpose of
discussing the situation. Several of the chiefs were present,
but Moshesh who was most wanted and for whom a messenger
had been sent, refused to attend.1 After Major Warden
had addressed them, the chiefs themselves were invited to
speak. Moroko said he was a dead man on account of the
robberies committed by the peoples of Moshesh and
Moletsani ; his people were dying of hunger. All agreed
that Moletsani was the pest of the country and asked for
his expulsion.
On the 29th (June), the large and motley force moved
from Platberg and encamped, or squatted down, at the foot
of a long table-topped mountain called Viervoet, about
sixteen miles north north-west of the present town of
Ladybrand. The enemy was seen to be in strong force on
the lands on the mountain. Early in the morning of the
30th, under cover of the two six-pounders, a somewhat
disorderly scramble up the heights was made, but it was
quite successful, albeit there was furious fighting between the
native forces. The enemy was driven entirely off the moun
tain and some thousands of his cattle were captured. But
not only this, the assailants plundered the numerous huts and,
unfortunately for themselves, they found large quantities of
inviting Kaffir beer. Flushed with their success so far and
this means of celebrating the occasion being at hand, they
regaled themselves and for the nonce forgot all their
troubles. But this happiness was short lived. Three large
1 He afterwards, October 13th, sent a message to the Governor
denying that he was an enemy of the Queen or her Government ; peace
was ever dear to him. He said he was prepared to give any explanation
the Resident required, but he protested doing so in the presence of the
armed force which was collected at Platberg, as it was clear that he was
to be intimidated and not given a fair hearing. In answer to Moshesh's
avowal of peace and amity, the Governor told him that he regretted that
in his recent conduct he should not have acted up to his amicable pro
fessions — and assured him that it was well known throughout Kaffirland
that weekly messages had passed between him and Kreli and Sandilli,
and that by his advice they continued enemies of the Queen.

420 THREATENED WAR WlTti THE BASUTOS
CHAP, commandos of Basuto, Bataung and Korannas under Gert
Lynx were seen to be approaching the mountain. Whatever
steps were taken or tactics employed to maintain their position,
the advancing and overwhelming host seems to have found but
little difficulty in regaining the heights. Terrific fighting and
slaughter, which was confined to the natives, took place. In
a short time, no less than 1 59 on the side of the Baralongs
were killed, either by the assegai and knobkerrie or by being
hurled or falling over the precipices. All the cattle were
recaptured, in short, the tables were completely turned and
the enemy were the ultimate victors. With the utmost diffi
culty, the Europeans and surviving natives retreated down the
mountain and fled, for that is really what it came to, to
Thaba Nchu. There the troops were stationed for some
time for the protection of the Baralong. This affair opened
the eyes of Major Warden, which so far seemed to have been
closed to the strength of the enemy. He estimated that there
were ten thousand fighting men in Basutoland and adjacent
territories. And now he became of opinion that the course
which had been pursued by Moshesh during the previous
six months had been such as plainly to warn the Government
of the approach of an open rupture with the Basuto. It was
therefore necessary to take stock of the situation and to
calculate the difficulties and chances of success in such a
conflict. Major Donovan, commanding the troops at the
Queen's Fort, was greatly impressed by the situation. It
would be no easy matter, he said, to attack the overwhelming
number of Basutos and allies, reinforced as they would be
by a great number of armed Tambookies, in a country
parts of which were almost impenetrable and at such a
distance from the Queen's Fort. He considered that the
time to make an aggressive movement of this nature would
be when Sir Harry Smith could spare a large force from
Kaffirland. He (Donovan) lamented that the burghers of
the Sovereignty were showing the same apathy in the defence
of their country as were their brethren in the colony.
Sir Harry Smith, when these matters were brought before
him, regretted that " Moshesh whom I formerly respected,
should have been led away by his restless sons. Moletsani
is a mere savage, both must be taught that British authority

MOSHESH PLAYING A DOUBLE GAME 421
is paramount." For the time, the Governor advocated the CHAP.
keeping the Queen's Fort abundantly supplied and for the
rest, unless matters became much worse, to remain on the
defensive until he could visit the Sovereignty in force and
demand recompense for the losses of Her Majesty's subjects
by the enemy.
Moshesh was undoubtedly playing a double game. While
pretending to support the Government and to act in the
interest of peace and good order, he was at the same time
coquetting with the disaffected Boers and endeavouring to
persuade them to refuse to take up arms on the side of the
Government. It is strange that the Boers should have been
willing to pay heed to the advice and importunities of a
native chief, however great, yet it seems to have been so in
this case. According to Major Warden, many of them made
no secret of the fact that they preferred the rule of Moshesh
to that of the British Government. To this, most probably,
was due the many refusals to go on commando duty when
called upon by Major Warden. All this conspired to make
very unfortunate the lot of those who did go. They became
people marked by the hostile natives ; they were continually
despoiled of their cattle and horses while those who disobeyed
the order of the Resident were immune from such attacks.
A Kaffir who had been sent from Winburg to Mekuatling
saw there in the possession of Moletsani some of his master's
horses which had been stolen by natives. The messenger
was told that if his master would come as a " Pretorius man "
he would regain his horses, but not if he was a " Warden's
man." Winburg and its districts suffered severely on account of
the disunion among the Dutch. The greater number of
the Boers of that part seem to have been " Warden's men "
and to have supported the Government. The result was
they suffered great loss and consequent privation. On
July 31st, a petition signed by sixty-four persons asking for
military protection was sent to the Governor. On three
occasions they had been called out by Major Warden
to take the field against Moshesh and Moletsani and
had in consequence been robbed of 362 cattle and
100 horses, while those who refused had not lost a

422 UNHAPPY POSITION OF MR. BIDDULPH
CHAP, single animal. On August 16th, Commandant Wessels
X' wrote to the Governor from Winburg : " For the second
time," he said, " I and my children have lost everything ;
three months ago I requested the magistrate of Winburg to
acquaint the British Resident with the unwillingness of the
inhabitants ; their feelings I well knew and they have now
confessed to me that they will not fight against the Basutos.
Your Excellency now sees that my words have come true.
I told Your Excellency when here on the ioth of September,
1848, that there were scarcely thirty who were for the
Government, and that the well disposed to the Government
were nearly ruined. Of this there is now proof and because
I with my family proceeded against the Basutos, we are
quite ruined. So also are Roelof van Rooyen, Jan Kock and
Cornelius Villiers." In answer to this, Sir Harry Smith
could only express his sympathy and promise to send assist
ance as soon as the reinforcements, which he was expecting
from England, arrived. This however, was poor consolation
and did little to quieten the Winburg people.
Mr. Biddulph, the magistrate of Winburg, was placed
in a very unhappy situation. In spite of his official position,
his sympathies were with the despoiled people and, apparently
as openly as he dared, he spoke his mind to Major Warden.
The occasion of the following letter was that sixty burghers
of Winburg had responded to the call of duty and were ready
to go forward when, on August 3rd, Major Warden wrote to
say that the intended operations against Moletsani were
frustrated by the refusal of so many of the Bloemfontein
burghers to turn out. " Notwithstanding the sympathy
and regret," wrote Mr. Biddulph on August 7th, " which
you express at this unavoidable change of plan, I am sorry
to apprise you that its announcement has caused the greatest
consternation and dismay, not only to the inhabitants of
the town and neighbourhood, but also to the burghers
assembled on commando. These loyal men of Winburg
have thrice responded to your call, and in fact may be said
to have been under arms for two months, and they and
their families have been ever since the indecisive action with
the enemy on the 30th of June (Viervoet) in the greatest state
of alarm, exposed as they have been within three hours of

AN ILLEGAL MEETING 423
an exasperated savage enemy, and they now express in CHAP.
undisguised language their astonishment and indignation
that their lives and properties should be placed in such
imminent peril." Mr. Biddulph then dwelt on the anger of
the burghers at troops having been left at Thaba Nchu
for the protection of the Baralong while they, in an equally
perilous plight, were neglected. Winburg was practically
in a state of siege. Those living at a distance, encamped in
the village and for six weeks, a nightly guard was kept.
" In addition to their losses, the commandant, field cornets
and all the well-disposed burghers are daily subjected to the
most rancorous abuse from their disaffected countrymen. . . .
Finding the excitement increasing and amounting to personal
invective against a powerless magistrate, I thought it the
best step to hold a public meeting for the purpose of consider
ing what was to be done for the preservation of life and
property. . . . The meeting resulted in the unanimous
determination that ' seeing the Government could not
support them in their hour of need, there was no other course
left than to take the matter into their own hands and en
deavour to open a conciliatory negotiation with the chief
Moletsani.'" This meeting was held on August 6th. Major
Warden on hearing about this, issued a memorandum to the
Winburg burghers telling them that their action was illegal
being nothing more or less than an attempt to overthrow
British Authority in the Sovereignty ; he entirely condemned
the course pursued by them. To Mr. Biddulph himself, he
regretted that not only did he not protest against the meeting,
but he actually presided. And Sir Harry Smith described
Mr. Biddulph's action as one of the most extraordinary
procedures of an officer of the Crown, which had ever come
under his notice.
Major Warden was no more popular in Bloemfontein,
than he was in Winburg. In that place also a public meeting
hostile to him was held. One cause of dissatisfaction was
that in order to save the remnant of the cattle belonging to
the people of Moroko, he permitted them to graze on the
lands nearer to Bloemfontein and to hold in abeyance the
ordinary law of trespass until measures could be taken to
subdue the unruly chiefs. According to the Major, the

424 MAJOR WARDEN'S DIFFICULT POSITION
CHAP, meeting, which took place on August the 16th, was convened
X" by five or six shopkeepers of Bloemfontein, presumably
Englishmen, who for the occasion, unceremoniously turned
the schoolmaster and pupils out of the building used as the
Government school. Forty Boers who had just arrived in
the town were inveigled to attend the meeting. The speeches
were said to have been so disloyal and disreputable that men
who had gone in out of curiosity felt it expedient to retire.
The following resolutions were passed : — (i) That Major
Warden's proceedings were not based on principles of truth
and equity and that he had embroiled the country in con
fusion. (2) That his strong prejudices against Moshesh
and Moletsani had induced him to issue letters for a com
mando against those tribes before their explanations had
baen heard ; that Moshesh had been called upon to deliver
8,000 head of cattle in ten days, which could not be done.
(3) That the disturbed state of the country was due to the
injustice of Major Warden taking proceedings against those
two chiefs before their case had been fully investigated.
After the meeting the Boers went to the Major's house
to see him upon the business which had brought them to
town. In reference to the meeting which they had just left,
Commandant Erasmus said he thought it was only Boers
who could be rebellious, but to-day he had heard Englishmen
express themselves in terms not a whit behind the greatest
rebel Boer.
Major Warden's position was an extremely difficult one.
Almost all in the Sovereignty, both British and Dutch, were
against him ; he was finding the native trouble becoming
more and more serious, the soldiery at his command was
inadequate to cope with the increasing disorder and there
was little probability of any immediate assistance coming
from the colony. Under these circumstances, one resource
was left, that was to appeal for help to the Lieut.-Governor
of Natal. Accordingly, at the beginning of August he
made this appeal. Sir Benjamin Pine responded promptly
and within a few days a force consisting of 172 of the 45th
regiment, 17 of the C.M.R. and 590 Zulus with 16 waggons
of provisions and ammunition was on the march and crossing
the mountain into the Sovereignty. The European soldiers

MOSHESH APPEALS TO PRETORIUS 425
were stationed at Winburg and thus, for a time at least, the CHAP.
people there had the protection for which they had pleaded.
The Zulus were sent to Thaba Nchu to guard Moroko's
people. This movement had some moral effect, for stealing,
for a time, entirely ceased. But beyond this, nothing profit
able was effected. Major Warden seems to have had no
clear idea of what he was to do with this reinforcement,
thus they remained idle and incurred considerable expense.
The Zulus tiring of their inactivity, became restless, if not
something worse, and wished to return to Natal. Not
altogether to the dissatisfaction of Moroko, they were
allowed to do so and, as might have been expected, created
some havoc among the tribes through which they passed.
Earl Grey, while applauding the willingness and promptitude
of Sir Benj amine Pine in rendering the assistance he was
asked for, doubted whether Major Warden had acted with
judgment in making the application ; he regarded his con
duct in calling for this force without having clearly ascer
tained that it would be in his power to use it as evincing a
great want of foresight and discretion. This and other
matters led him to infer that this officer was unequal to the
difficulties of his situation. In all these seemingly inextricable
difficulties, a ray of hope, nay even more, a solution of the
tangled problem, came from a most unexpected quarter ;
so unexpected that the overtures for peace were regarded
with the greatest anxiety and suspicion of evil. On Sep
tember 28th, Major Warden received a letter from the outlaw,
A. W. J. Pretorius, dated Magaliesberg, September 9th.
It was to the effect that Moshesh had appealed to him to
use his influence in bringing about peace in the Sovereignty
and to mediate between him (Moshesh) and the British
Resident. Pretorius, having brought the matter before his
Kriegsraad (war council), had been instructed, he said, to
comply with this request. He told Major Warden that he
had no other object in view than that of restoring peace in
the Sovereignty and that he hoped the Major would not
allow himself to be misled by any false reports to the contrary.
It was the wish of the emigrants in those parts of the country,
beyond the Vaal, he continued, to open a good understanding
with the British Government, and to that end he intended

426 A FRIENDLY LETTER FROM PRETORIUS
CHAP, to enter the Sovereignty to negotiate further with the British
X' Resident. That such a letter as this had been sent to Major
Warden became generally known, but for want of fuller and
more correct information, it was misunderstood or misinter
preted. The result was consternation and the belief that
Pretorius was already in the Sovereignty with an over
whelming commando. Major Warden himself entertained
the greatest distrust in the bona fides of Pretorius and placed
no confidence, he said, in anything which came from such a
source ; he declared that his interference in Sovereignty
matters could not, under any pretence whatever, but be
pregnant with evil to the country, in short he regarded this
overture as some act of treachery. And believing that
Pretorius could have at his command 1,500 armed Boers
together with reinforcements of Basutos and other natives,
he placed himself all the more on the defensive by calling
into Bloemfontein all the troops which were stationed at
Winburg. Considering himself precluded from having any
communication with a proscribed rebel, Major Warden sent
no answer to the letter.
Shortly afterwards, another letter was received from
Pretorius, dated from Potchefstroom, October 4th, and
couched, as Major Warden acknowledged, in respectful
terms. It appears that the matter of friendly intervention
had been considered by the Court of Landdrost and Heem-
raden of Potchefstroom and that it had been decided to send
as delegates to the British Resident, Pretorius himself,
F. G. Wolmarans and I. H. Grobbelaar, two amicably-
disposed men. Thus they expressed the object of the delega
tion : " Whereas we emigrants have long been desirous to
be able to conclude a lasting treaty of peace between ourselves
and the British Government, to set aside, once and for all,
all disturbances and false reports, which are constantly spread
abroad, inviting suspicions of us here, while our wish is
nothing else than to have a lasting peace with all." To this
Major Warden replied guardedly that it was out of his power
to interfere in the political matters of territories beyond the
limits of the Sovereignty, but that he would send their
communication on to the Governor. This he did. Major
Warden had yet to learn, as most probably he did eventually,

By permission.

Major Warden

HONOURABLE INTENTIONS OF PRETORIUS 427
that his estimate of Pretorius was wrong. Those who knew CHAP.
him better spoke differently. Mr. Biddulph of Winburg,
who had come into closer touch with the Boers, stated that
every effort had been made by the disaffected to induce
Pretorius to join them in their case against the Government,
but he had refused and to Moshesh, he had sent advice to
desist from murder and robbery. A better witness, however,
was the Rev. Andrew Murray (junior). This good man went
on a mission to Mooi river for the express purpose of inter
viewing Pretorius and the leading men among the emigrants.
He seems to have been there on October 4th, when the
meeting was held. On his return to Bloemfontein he handed
to Major Warden a report of the conference and the opinions
he had formed. He was able to say that he was convinced
that Pretorius entertained none but peaceable and honourable
intentions. Positive injunctions to do nothing which might
tend to disturb the friendly relations with the British Govern
ment were given to Pretorius by the leaders of the emigrants;
and it was Pretorius' own intention, on his arrival at the
Vaalsch river, to write to Major Warden for permission to
approach Bloemfontein before going any further, as well
as to ask him to point out the best way for them to act so as
to come to a distinct understanding with the British Govern
ment. Further, Pretorius had said that he was anxious to
vindicate his character from the suspicion which might rest
upon him on account of the use made of his name by van der
Kolf 1 and others. On the whole Mr. Andrew Murray
was very favourably impressed with all he saw and heard ;
1 Van der Kolf was a notorious rascal who was " wanted " on both
sides of the Vaal. He had been in prison in Potchefstroom and had
broken loose. The reference to him here is in connection with his forgery
of Pretorius' signature in a threatening letter which he (van der Kolf)
wrote to Sikonyela on June 22nd, 1851 : " I am this moment come out
with 800 men," he said, " and I have heard that you intend to assist
the British Resident against Moshesh and Moletsani. I warn you to
remain quiet within your town, if you do not I shall come against you.
I will spare neither woman nor child if you dare to assist the British
Resident. Signed, A. W. J. Pretorius." Then, in connection with the
Viervoet affair, he wrote to the Boer leaders in Winburg, M. Wessels,
J. Wessels, A. Greyling, R. van Rooyen, J. Fick and W. Venter, signing
himself " General and ruler of the Basutos " that they had " made them
selves guilty with the British Resident in the territories of Moshesh and
Moletsani, and that the demand of the chiefs was the payment of two
thousand pounds, which payment shall prevent and fend off all plunder
and insecurity in the district of Winburg."

428 OUTLAWRY OF PRETORIUS REVOKED
CHAP, a happy state of affairs which he found did not exist among
the Boers south of the Vaal, that is, in the Sovereignty.
Nothing, he said, would be more likely to frustrate the hopes
of these people than to see their brethren over the Vaal
living in peace and contentment.
When the Governor, in King William's Town, came to
know all about this, he felt that these letters ought not to be
slighted and saw in them, presuming Pretorius to be acting
honestly, a path leading to the termination of barbarous war
fare. He therefore instructed the Assistant Commissioners to
proceed to Bloemfontein without delay ; and as Pretorius
was still an outlaw in virtue of the proclamation of July 22nd,
1848, and could not be communicated with by Major Warden,
he suggested that if the Commissioners should conclude that
Pretorius was sincere, a document might be sent to Major
Warden anulling the outlawry and thus paving the way for
future negotiations.
Earl Grey welcomed this revocation of Pretorius' out
lawry and, eventually, officially approved of it. He was
anxious to be rid of, not only Pretorius, but the Sovereignty
and all connected with it. " If the inhabitants will not
support British authority," he told the Governor, " but
on the contrary desire to be relieved from it, there is no
British interest to be served by endeavouring to maintain it,"
he would see with satisfaction that it was in the Governor's
power to make all arrangements whereby, without compro
mising the honour of the British Crown, British authority
and the forces could be withdrawn from that remote region ;
and then " any wars, however sanguinary, which may after
wards occur between different tribes and communities which
will be left in a state of independence beyond the colonial
boundary are to be considered as affording no ground for
your interference." With regard to Major Warden, Earl
Grey was of opinion that he had interfered too much in the
Government of the country. Instead of assisting the inhabi
tants to govern themselves, he had gradually taken upon
himself too much of the administration of affairs, and to
uphold his authority he had worked himself into greater and
greater difficulties ; he had miscalculated his means for
attaining his ends. The Governor therefore was instructed

A MEETING AT BLOEMFONTEIN 429
to lose no time in placing in other hands the authority which CHAP.
had hitherto been entrusted to Major Warden, as he (Grey)
was not justified in permitting it to be left in the hands of
an officer on whose judgment and prudence he had not reason
to be fully satisfied.
Sir Harry Smith regarded this threatened abandonment
of the Sovereignty with great regret and disappointment.
" No measure during my administration of this Government,"
he wrote to the Commissioners on November nth, "has
caused me so much consideration as that relating to the
Sovereignty. I am confident that if any change were made
in the present state of it in the theoretical hope of gaining
over a discontented party by yielding to their demands, such
a procedure would evince weakness on our part, fraught as
I have before stated with every evil and perpetuate the belief
that persevering resistance to Her Majesty's authority
would ultimately ensure success." The Commissioners
seemed to have agreed with the Governor in this matter, for
in writing to him on December •gth, they said that they were
making the greatest efforts to bring matters to such an issue
as may render the evacuation of the Sovereignty undesirable ;
they were of opinion that this might be brought about by
giving the people more the management of their own concerns
and drawing within narrower limits the power hitherto
exercised by the British Resident and by interfering less in
native matters, that is — if the tribes chose to endeavour to
exterminate one another — well, let them. In the sequel
however, it will be seen that the Sovereignty was abandoned
and became the Orange Free State.
Affairs had reached this stage in their development when,
at the end of November, the Assistant Commissioners
reached Bloemfontein. Shortly after their arrival, they were
visited by two of the Boers from beyond the Vaal, whose
errand was that of opening negotiations of peace. A very
amicable meeting seems to have taken place, the important
result of which was that on December 23rd, the Commis
sioners issued a public notice, stating that " they had received
through accredited agents, a communication from the
Transvaal emigrants, requesting permission to send dele
gates for the purpose of making certain friendly proposals

430 THE MEETING NEAR THE SAND RIVER
CHAP, to the Government, and, at the same time and through the
same channel, Mr. Pretorius having expressed his sorrow
for what had passed, expressing the hope that his outlawry
might be reversed." The Commissioners consented, not
only to receive the deputation, but being satisfied that on
late and other occasions, the name of Mr. Pretorius, without
his sanction, had been made use of by the evil disposed, in
order to create disturbances, availed themselves of an
authoritative instrument which had been drafted for the
purpose and reversed the outlawry.
In compliance with the desire of Pretorius that the
meeting should be held at some place nearer to the Vaal
than Bloemfontein, the choice fell upon the farm of one Piet
Venter, situated about six miles to the east of the Sand
River, most probably on the site of the present town of
Ventersburg, about half-way between Winburg and
Kroonstad. On January 15th and 16th, Boers arrived from all
directions. About 400 forced one camp, arranging their
fifty waggons in a circle ; while about 300 more, consisting
of the Transvaal people who accompanied Pretorius and
the 1 5 delegates, formed another. On the 16th, the Commis
sioners, escorted by a small party of Lancers reached the
scene. There was great excitement, and for a time, there
seemed to be the prospect of the meeting being anything
but amicable and orderly, for the disaffected of the Sove
reignty were there in strong force. The notorius horse-thief,
van der Kolf, was in the camp of Pretorius. About a fort
night before, he had made his way over the Vaal with about
a hundred stolen horses and was followed by a horde of
Korannas and Kaffirs with a large number of cattle, presum
ably stolen. They had passed through the Sovereignty
unmolested, all seeming afraid to interfere with them.
Major Hogge refused to take part in the proceedings until
van der Kolf was taken and placed under arrest. No one
seemed to care to undertake this. Pretorius, with Mr.
Owen and two lancers, went to the camp, but the excitement
and anger became so violent that the two Jancers had to
retire. In the meantime, a Boer lent van der Kolf a horse,
which he mounted, and defiantly placing caps on his gun,

THE SAND RIVER CONVENTION 431
galloped away. Some of the lancers were ordered to pursue CHAP.
him, which they did, and a party of Boers followed them.
In the end van der Kolf got away. Pretorius seemed
quite unable to control the unruly crowd.
According to the report of the Commissioners to the
Governor, on January 25th, 1852, " The meeting with the
deputation of the Transvaal emigrants took place on the
16th inst., near the Sand River. With them everything
was arranged in the most satisfactory manner. They were
merely assured of the non-interference in the management
of their affairs and non-encroachment on the part of the
Government. The emigrants engaged voluntarily to dis
countenance slavery, allow a free passage and protection to
travellers and to give up criminals and other less important
arrangements were entered into, which when drawn up will
be submitted to Your Excellency." Thus came into being
the famous SAND RIVER CONVENTION.1 And thus came
1 Full text of this important document. — " The Assistant Commissioners
guarantee in the fullest manner, on the part of the British Government,
to the emigrant farmers beyond the Vaal River, the right to manage their
own affairs, and to govern themselves, according to their own laws, without
any interference on the part of the British Government, and that no en
croachments shall be made by the said Government on the territory
beyond to the north of the Vaal River, with the further assurance that the
warmest wish of the British Government is to promote peace, free trade
and friendly intercourse with the emigrant farmers now inhabiting,
or who hereafter may inhabit that country, it being understood that this
system of non-interference is binding on both parties.
"It is agreed that no slavery is or shall be permitted or practised
in the country to the north of the Vaal River by the emigrant farmers.
" Mutual facilities and liberty shall be afforded to traders and trav
ellers on both sides of the Vaal ; it being understood that every waggon
containing ammunition and fire-arms, coming from the south side of
the Vaal River, shall produce a certificate, signed by a British magistrate
or other functionary duly authorised to grant such, and which shall state
the quantities of such articles contained in said waggon, to the nearest
magistrate north of the Vaal River, who shall act in the case as the regula
tions of the emigrant farmers direct.
" It is agreed, that so far as possible all criminals and other guilty
parties who may fly from justice, either way across the Vaal River, shall
be mutually delivered up, if such should be required, and that the British
courts, as well as those of the emigrant farmers, shall be mutually open to
each other for all legitimate processes, and that summonses for witnesses
sent either way across the Vaal River, shall be backed by the magistrates
on each side of the same respectively, to compel the attendance of such
witnesses when required.
"It is agreed that certificates of marriage issued by the proper
authorities of the emigrant farmers shall be held valid and sufficient to
entitle children of such marriages to receive portions accruing to them
in any British colony or possession in South Africa.
" It is agreed that any and every person now in possession of land,

432 TEXT OF THE CONVENTION
Cjj ^p. and residing in British territory, shall have free right and power to sell his
X ' said property, and remove unmolested across the Vaal River, and vice
versa ; it being distinctly understood that this arrangement does not
comprehend criminals or debtors without providing for the payment of
their just and lawful debts.
" Signed by A. W. J. Pretorius and fifteen others on the one part,
and W. I. Hogge and C. M. Owen on the other. Sand River, January 17th,
1852." A seemingly insignificant condition in this treaty, namely, that of
mutual facilities for traders and travellers had become of considerable
importance in consequence of certain incidents which had happened
shortly before. In August, 1849, Dr. Livingstone, with Messrs. Murray
and Oswell, discovered the great Lake Ngami. They left the mission
station of Kolobeng on June ist, 1849, and on July 4th arrived at a large
river. Following this along its bank for about three hundred miles,
they reached and discovered the " great lake." In connection with his
discovery it should be mentioned that at the mission station of Eberfield
in the Damara country, the missionary there had collected much in
formation from the natives relative to the geography of the country and
thus had been enabled to make a map of those little-known regions. On
this map he showed the position of the lake where it was afterwards found
to be. This discovery gave a new incentive to traders, and also to those
enthusiastic in geographical research ; a thoroughfare through the country
occupied by the Transvaal Boers was therefore of the first importance.
Thus there was trouble with these people. Early in 1 850, the much-travelled
African trader, Mr. McCabe, and a Mr. Baines, an artist who had for years
interested himself in African geographical research and the painting of
African scenery, set out from Grahamstown on a journey to Lake Ngami,
Mr. McCabe, to his undoing, had written in a Grahamstown newspaper,
The Grensblad, a description of the way to the lake. On April ist, 1850,
they arrived at Mooi River Dorp (Potchefstroom) and then proceeded
fourteen miles further to a farm which Mr. McCabe owned. On this part
of the journey they discovered that all the field cornets had been in
structed to prevent them from going further into the interior. And then
Mr. McCabe received a summons to appear before Mr. Lombard, the
Landdrost of Potchefstroom, charging him with having made known to
the British, by writing to The Grensblad, the way through their country,
and inviting a Government expedition to follow. He was tried before a
jury of twelve, found guilty, and condemned to pay a fine of Rds. 500
or go to prison for six months, and further to remain in the Transvaal
under surveillance for twelve months. He paid the fine and Rds. 36 costs.
" We have thrown off the yoke of the British Government," they said,
"and if we do not stop these proceedings, we shall have it again upon us ;
you are a traitor, we have allowed you to live and grow rich among us,
and now you wish to open the path through the Republic to your
countrymen." About the same time three other explorers, Shelly,
Ewart and Bushe, were caught by the Boers on their northward journey
and brought before Landdrost Lombard. They were sent back over the
Vaal. Sir Harry Smith, on hearing of this, brought the matter before
the Legislative Council, as he considered that the progress of geographical
research in Africa, " which had recently received such a stimulus from
the discovery of the great lake in the interior by Messrs. Oswell, Murray
and Livingstone," was a matter of imperial concern, and one in which
all nations were more or less interested ; this, he said, would be checked
if the Boers persisted in preventing travellers from passing through the
country. The Council did not see how it could interfere in Mr. McCabe's
case, as he owned a farm in the country occupied by the Boers, and he
could not therefore be viewed as an ordinary traveller. A very strong
case of hardship had to be made out in order to justify the Council in taking
action on behalf of one who had knowingly placed himself in such a
position and at such a distance from British protection. "If he has

ABANDONMENT OF THE SOVEREIGNTY 433
about the recognition by the British Government of the first CHAP.
Boer Republic in South Africa. But in a large measure
a virtue was made of necessity. As has been indicated,
the British Government was at this time very decidedly
opposed to the extension of its dominion and rule in South
Africa, and as there was the fixed determination to abandon
the Sovereignty, the recognition of the independence of a
people who were already independent, except in so far as in
criminal cases they were amenable to the Act 6 and 7 of
Will. IV, cap. 57, could not have been associated with any
very profound feeling of self-sacrifice. The Commissioners
in their report to the Governor said, " This boon has been
virtually granted by Lord Grey's explicit direction that the
colony shall not be extended, and a favour has been made
of what must have been, if that line of policy were adhered
to, an inevitable concession."
The Commissioners foresaw, or thought they did, that
this " boon " would secure for all time the friendship of the
Transvaal Boer, the detachment of the disaffected in the
Sovereignty, and the prevention of an alliance with Moshesh.
And even more, in view of the general disaffection of the
coloured races, it was hoped that there would be such a
reconciliation of the Boers to the Government that they
would again take their part in the defence of the country
as they had done in the earlier years and thus bring this
tedious and enormously expensive war to a close. The
Sand River Convention was to have an important bearing
on the events of after years.
While these affairs were giving promise of stability
and peace in the north-east, in Kaffirland and the south
the dawn of such happy prospects was not yet breaking.
Before that blessing was to be attained there was yet
to be solved the difficult problem in connection with
Kreli. As there had been in the case of his father Hintsa,
so now with him was there the perplexing question, was he
friend or foe ? Outwardly and professedly he was a man
of peace and well disposed towards the Government ; but
land there," they said, " his action does look a little like treachery."
So, in the end, the Council did nothing, and such difficulties were removed
by the Sand River Convention.
VOL. V 28 2F

434 KRELI THROWS DOWN THE GAUNTLET
CHAP, crafty as he was, he was unable to keep out of view of the
authorities the fact that he was one of the chief promoters
of the war ; that his warriors as well as he himself had taken
an active part in the hostilities ; that he had connived at the
attacks on the traders and the plunder of their waggons,
and that he had harboured in his country rebel Hottentots
and thousands of colonial cattle which had been stolen by
the Gaikas. At this time, that is, towards the end of the
year 1851, his cloak of friendship, if ever it existed, had
worn so thin that it could no longer conceal his treachery
or hide his eagerness to enter openly into the war.
On September 26th, four ox waggons belonging to Mr.
Crouch, the trader, were returning from King William's Town.
They had crossed the Kei river and were ascending the steep
hill which leads to the Toleni flats, when suddenly, from
the thick bush through which the road passed, a volley was
fired at those who were in charge of the convoy ; two of
them, natives, were badly wounded, while the remainder
fled into the bush. The robbers, seven in number, plundered
the waggons, cut loose the oxen and drove them off. Mr.
Fynn, the diplomatic agent with the Gcalekas, brought
the matter before Kreli and demanded compensation for
Mr. Crouch and punishment of the robbers. But worse
than no satisfaction was obtained. In answer to this, as
well as to the advice of the Rev. Mr. Gladwin, that Kreli
should send his great men as messengers to the Governor,
the wily chief refused, in emphatic terms, to do anything
of the kind. He told Mr. Fynn that his people had been
killed at the Imvani and that their blood was worth more
than traders' blankets. As to giving up the Hottentots in
his country. "No!" said he, "when Smith came here in
1835 he took away Hintsa's Fingoes into the colony and
now Kreli takes Smith's Hottentots. What is the difference ?
And if the Governor wants great men to be sent to him to talk,
let Fynn go, that is what he is paid for. What has Kreli
to send about ? Crouch's cattle and other property can be
paid for when the general settlement takes place. I am only
waiting," said he, " until the troops cross the Kei, then I
will fight and when I am beaten, as very likely I shall be,
then will be the time to talk about payment. Further,

EXPEDITION AGAINST KRELI 435
what right has Smith to point out boundaries in my country ? " CHAP.
Thus Kreli threw down the gauntlet.
Sir Harry Smith, on receipt of this intelligence, instructed
Mr. Fynn to have no further communication with Kreli.
The situation in Kreli's country, especially in Butterworth
and its vicinity, had become most alarming, as theEuropeans
were entirely at the mercy of the hostile Gcalekas. Mr.
Fynn appealed ardently for a strong force to be sent to Butter
worth, but this could not be done, as, at that time, the
Waterkloof campaign was in progress. But in December,
those mountain fastnesses having been cleared or believed
to have been so, the Transkeian territories became the chief
objective of the troops. The expedition was to be one
which should admit of no doubt of its success. The three
great officers, General Somerset, Col. Mackinnon, and
Lt.-Col. Eyre were to command separate divisions and attack
from three different directions.
The conditions on which peace was to be granted to
Kreli were : all plundered colonial cattle as well as cattle
belonging to the Gaikas to be surrendered ; Kreli to pay
a fine of ten thousand cattle for his treachery at the Imvani
and his urging Umhala to join the war party ; indemni
fication for damage done to the property of the traders
and the surrender of the rebel Hottentot leaders, Uithaalder
and Hans Brander, who were known to be taking refuge
in his country.
This Transkeian expedition, which lasted about six
weeks, proved to be the most extensive " Smithfield market
cattle driving " action which had yet been. According to
the Governor's despatch of January 13th, 1852, no less than
thirty thousand cattle were captured and driven out of
Kreli's country. The total loss of life among the Kaffirs
was comparatively small and among the troops very small.
But the hardships were great. The weather was inclement
in the extreme. Torrents of rain fell continuously, and the
men had no shelter or protection but one blanket ; the
rivers were swollen, necessitating difficult and dangerous
passages — in one case the force waded through the Tsomo
with the water nearly up to their necks and running swiftly
— and the long marches, or rather, the more often ascending

436 COL. EYRE'S DIFFICULT MARCH
CHAP, and descending the acclivitous places in search of hidden
cattle wore out horses and man. Col. Eyre with 956 men
(of the 1 2th Lancers, 73rd Regiment, 60th Rifles, C.M.R.
and Levies) and 22 waggons with supplies for 30 days
marched out of King William's Town on December ist, 185 1.
Via the Gonubie, old Fort Wellington and Komgha they
reached the old Fort Warden, where they halted for the
night of the 3rd. At daylight the next morning they again
started off, and pushing their way through the bush, they
reached the top of the high and steep hill at the foot of
which flows the Great Kei River. Before they commenced
the descent they fortunately discovered that the Kaffirs
had made an attempt to waylay them, for three or four
hundred made their appearance and opened fire upon them.
A counter attack was made which drove the enemy back
into the bush. Also on the far hill, which with the one they
were on formed the Kei valley, large numbers of Kaffirs
were seen. It was clear therefore that the passage through
the river was to be disputed. To protect the force in its
descent through the entangled intricacies of the bush,
Col. Eyre stationed, or rather concealed, three companies
of the 73 rd and one of the 60th Rifles under the crest of the
heights. With considerable difficulty the long line of
waggons was got down to the water's edge. Then it was
found that the Kaffirs had rolled into the water in the drift
very large stones in order to hamper the passage of the
waggons. And on the side of the other hill which had to
be ascended they had built schantzes, that is stone breast
works, which were impregnable to the musket fire of the
troops, but from which they themselves would be able to
hold back an oncoming force, or at least to commit great
havoc amongst it while advancing. Thus they were in
strong force. Before the attempt to cross the river was
made, the grenadier company of the 73rd marched some
distance up to the right bank of the river, crossed unseen,
descended along the left bank and took the defenders of
the schantzes in the rear and drove them out. It was then
safe for the rest to cross, to move the impediments and to
get the waggons through.
The hill on the left bank of the river was ascended and

GENERAL SOMERSET'S MARCH 437
*
then a march of about twenty-four miles to the tiny village CHAP.
of Butterworth — situated near one of the " great places "
of Kreli — was made, but not without opposition. The
column was attacked as opportunity offered. The casualties
on the side of the forces were five men of the 73 rd and
one of the 60th killed, ten of the 73rd, one of the 60th and
one of the levies wounded. Forty Kaffirs were said to
have been killed. Col. Eyre's first act on his arrival at
Butterworth was to come to a clear understanding with
the Fingoes who were still resident there. It was felt that
they were wavering and uncertain in their attachment to
the Government. The truth probably was that they felt
themselves in the power of the Gcalekas, their old enemies,
and for safety and peace made some show of loyalty to
Kreli. But now that the presence of Col. Eyre with the
force at his command made it safe for them to open their
minds freely, there was no hesitation in declaring their
attachment to the British. Thus seven hundred of them
joined the forces and assisted in capturing and holding the
cattle of their quondam masters — the second time they had
done this. No wonder the Fingoes were hated by thr
Kaffirs generally.
Col. Eyre's next enterprise was a cattle-hunting expedi
tion in the country towards the Bashee. He had heard
that ten or twelve thousand animals were to be obtained
for the asking, so to speak. With his now Fingo augmented
force, a march was made to the supposed hiding-place,
but either the rumour was false or the cattle must have been
removed, for but few were obtained there. Nothing
daunted, however, and in spite of the rain storms, the whole
region for some miles around was scoured during three
days, when they were enabled to return to Butterworth
with 4,325 cattle. So it was not so bad after all. Col.
Eyre then left Butterworth and moved his force in the direc
tion of the Tsomo river in order to co-operate with General
Somerset, who, with Col. Mackinnon, was scouring the
country through which flowed that river as well as the Cacadu
and the White Kei. General Somerset with his large force
left King William's Town on November 27th, and took a more
circuitous route through Shiloh, where he was joined by

438 SLIGHT RESISTANCE OF THE ENEMY
CHAP. Captain Tylden and seven hundred of the people of Whittle
sea. These large forces were broken up into detachments
of sufficient strength and each followed spoor and explored
mountain height, kloof or any other place where it was
thought cattle might be in hiding. And these expeditions
extended as far as the upper reaches of the Kei and Bashee
rivers. The enemy generally seems to have offered extraordinarily
little resistance and to have fled and left their cattle on the
approach of troops. Captain Tylden, however, on one
occasion found his detachment surrounded, when a furious
hand to hand fight ensued and thirty-eight of the Kaffirs
were left dead ; nothing is said about the loss on the side
of the attacking party ; most probably there was none.
In all these skirmishes, hundreds, in some cases thousands,
of cattle were obtained. They were all driven, in the first
place, to Butterworth, where a depot under a strong guard
was formed. It is curious that no attempt to pursue and
capture Kreli was made ; the tactics in the Transkei, as
well as in the colony seem to have been those of bringing the
enemy to heel by the devastation of his country — a horrible
procedure, as Sir Harry Smith acknowledged it to be.
Having obtained a prize of thirty thousand cattle,
General Somerset considered it time to move back to
King William's Town. He arrived there on January I ith,
1852. The problem of the distribution of the immense
number of cattle was easily solved ; they were to be the
property of all who had taken part in the war, namely, the
forces which had acted beyond the Kei, as well as those in
British Kaffraria and on the colonial border, but any branded
cattle claimed by the undoubted owners were to be restored.
The Fingoes who had accompanied the troops were also
well treated, and eight hundred were distributed among
loyal Ndhlambis, but their chief, Umhala, for his suspicious
behaviour, was to receive, at a later date, a reward of another
kind. General Somerset marched to Fort Hare on the 13th
with seven thousand cattle for distribution among the people
there. It was significant that in this march not only would
the Kaffirs occupying those parts not fight, but made it
known that they were desirous of peace.

THE KAFFIRS HA VE ENOUGH OF FIGHTING 439
Col. Eyre remained in Butterworth for a week after the CHAP.
departure of General Somerset, and on the 14th he moved
out with his large force. He was accompanied by the British
Resident, the Rev. Mr. Gladwin, the traders and seven
thousand Fingoes who had lived there some time and were
anxious to get into the colony. These took with them thirty
thousand cattle1 which belonged to Kreli and his people.
These had been placed in their supposed safe keeping when
the invasion of the country by the troops was expected.
The Fingoes were marched on to the Fort Peddie district.
Thus ended the Transkeian expedition.
Its great success, measured by the number of cattle
which were obtained, evidently had an alarming influence
on the rebel chiefs and the people west of the Kei. The first
indication of this was the pacific disposition of the people
observed by General Somerset on his way from King
William's Town to Fort Hare. They had had enough of
fighting and wanted peace. Even Sandilli, Seyolo, Tola and
others, the worst offenders and those most active in promoting
the war, appeared anxious that hostilities should cease and
made a show of willingness to surrender. A great meeting
of these chiefs, including Maqomo, Stock, Botman, Anta,
Oba and Suta, met at Sandilli's kraal, near Burn's Hill
mission station, and discussed the situation. The result
of the meeting was that, on January 15th, two delegates
were sent to Mr. Brownlee at King William's Town to ask him
to intercede for them with the Governor. This Mr. Brownlee
did. In answer the Governor, in the manner characteristic
of him, sent a message in which he recounted the history
of all the bad actions of which they had been guilty in return
for all the good ones he had done for them ; he pointed to
the punishment which had fallen upon Kreli as a warning
to them, and though he could not treat with rebels, he told
them, their unconditional surrender would lead to acts of
clemency on his part. As a preliminary they would have to
throw themselves at the feet of Her Majesty's High Com
missioner and seek his pardon. Several days elapsed before
the chiefs seemed to take any notice of this. In the mean-
» That is 60,000 cattle were driven out of Kreli's country, vide
despatches of Sir H- G. Smith to Earl Grey, Jan. 13th and 20th, 1852.

440 FRUITLESS OVERTURES
CHAP, time the troops were raiding the country, destroying crops
and burning huts. At length they again approached Mr.
Brownlee, who had now taken up his quarters at Fort Cox
for the purpose of being near them and dealing with them
upon the spot. They then asked for an armistice in order to
discuss the matter. Mr. Brownlee advised the Governor
against this as, already, they had had time to come to a
conclusion and were now, obviously, only scheming to gain
time ; he was of opinion that they would make a show of
submission and humility in order to obtain peace and retain
all the property they had taken but without the least intention
of conceding a single point. The Governor, however,
feeling that the destruction of crops and the firing of guns
was not conducive to quiet, calm deliberation, called a halt
for the 1 2th, 13th and 14th of February, 1852. On the
second night of this truce a party of Kaffirs attacked a convoy
of waggons which had bivouacked during the darkness.
They killed Dr. Davidson, the surgeon of the 43rd Regiment,
and three of the men and wounded one other. The chief
condition of peace which the Governor imposed upon them
was one to which they would not be in the least likely to
agree, namely, that all the Gaikas should vacate that country
and migrate over the Kei, and until they did that they would
be harassed from mountain to mountain and their country
would be devastated. The chiefs Pato and Kama entirely
agreed to this.
As was expected, nothing whatever came of these
overtures and within three weeks the Waterkloof, Blinkwater
and Fuller's Hoek were again the arena of fierce conflict.
Sir Harry Smith, after many months' sojourn in King
William's Town, left that place and made his headquarters
first at Fort Beaufort and then nearer to the enemy at
the Lower Blinkwater. Practically the whole military
force on the frontier was concentrated on those intricate
mountains. For the different spheres of operation and
points of attack the force consisted of the 74th High
landers, the 6th, 73rd, 43rd, 45th, 91st Regiments, and
Royal Artillery with four guns and rockets. There were
also hundreds of Hottentots and Fingoe levies. It were
as useless as tedious to give details of all the actions

THE WRECK OF THE "BIRKENHEAD" 441
in which the different detachments took part. Maqomo CHAP.
and his people fought with great fury in " Maqomo's den,"
a wild, secluded and almost inaccessible place in the Fuller's
Hoek mountains. The guns and rockets, however, made
it, for a time, a very unhealthy place. After about a month
of scouring these fastnesses, Col. Michel reported that
those parts were cleared of the enemy and that there was a
decided tendency on the part of the Gaikas to move towards
and over the Kei ; he considered that the war was prac
tically at an end, but, as will be seen, he was greatly mis
taken. The Kaffirs were not yet beaten and further drafts
of troops were being poured into the country. Earl Grey,
all through, did not wait for any requisition for reinforce
ments from Sir Harry Smith, but realising the magnitude
of the struggle acted in this matter on his own initiative.
It was one of these additions of strength which arrived
in February, 1852, that met with the very great disaster
which constituted, measured in terms of loss of life, the most
terrible case of shipwreck which ever happened on our
dangerous South African coast, very bad as many others had '
been. Drafts of the 74th Highlanders, 60th Rifles, 12th
Lancers, the 2nd, 6th or Queen's, the 12th, 43rd, 45th and
91st Regiments left Cape Town in the paddle-wheel steamer
Birkenhead on February 25th. The weather was fine and
calm and there was every promise of a pleasant voyage
round to East London. At two o'clock in the morning
of the 26th, when about two or three miles off the coast
of Danger Point, and the vessel making 8£ knots, she
came to a sudden stop with a most terrific jolt. She had
struck a sunken rock. So great was the damage done
to the bottom of the ship that the water rushed in in such
violence as to preclude the possibility of the escape of those
soldiers who were sleeping on the lower troop deck. In
stantly, all who a moment before were asleep in bunk or
hammock were on deck. The officer in command, Major
Seton, who was to have succeeded Col. Fordyce, called upon
his men, in this terrible state of affairs, to preserve the utmost
order and silence. This was responded to, so Capt. Wright
of the 91st tells us, in a manner which was scarcely believ
able : " The order and regularity that prevailed on board

442 DESCRIPTION OF THE DISASTER
CHAP, from the time the ship struck till she totally disappeared
far exceeded anything that I thought could be effected by
the best discipline ; everyone did as he was directed, and
there was not a murmur or cry amongst them ; it was as
if they were embarking instead of going to the bottom, with
the exception that there was less noise than in the case of
embarkation." All the women and children, without
confusion, were got into one of the boats and were soon
picked up by the schooner Lioness, which was on her way
to Cape Town from Algoa Bay. The horses were driven
overboard, five of them reached the shore. The Birkenhead
very soon went to pieces. Within a quarter of an hour
after striking the rock the fore part of the ship broke away.
and went down ; then in a few minutes the funnel fell and
carried away the starboard paddle-box and boat, and the
breaking of the remainder of the vessel crosswise just abaft
the engine-room, when both parts filled with water and went
to the bottom, completed the disaster. At that last moment
the men, who had all this time been standing orderly and
apparently wearing a minimum of clothing, for they had
had to leave their sleeping places hurriedly, were told to
jump into the sea and do their best to save themselves.
Fortunately there were pieces of wreckage to which struggling
men could cling and which gave them some support during
the hours they had to remain in the water. The schooner
Lioness, already mentioned, picked up 116 of these. The
steamer Rhadamanthus appeared upon the scene and ren
dered all possible assistance and towed the Lioness into
Simon's Town. One of the small boats with nine men
landed on the coast about 15 miles from the wreck. Of
those who remained in the water and reached the shore at
Danger Point was Captain Wright of the 91st, who has left
us the best survivor's account of the affair. He with five
others clung to some wooden wreckage and were drifted
slowly towards the land. When they reached the outer edge
of the seaweed, which at that part is very abundant, they
abandoned the wreckage and struck out for the shore,
about 400 yards distant. The surf, fortunately, does not
seem to have been very violent. These men landed at noon,
having been in the water about nine hours. Others in the .

The Wreck of the " Birkenhead," 1852

THE LOSS OF LIFE 443
same manner must have saved themselves, as eventually CHAP.
there were 68, including 18 sailors, who mustered in those
parts and were sent on to Simon's Town. The spot where
Captain Wright landed was desolate, there was no sign of
human habitation anywhere. He with his companions
started off in search of such, and, at about 3 o'clock, met
with an outspanned waggon. The driver directed them
to a fisherman's hut situated in a small bay called Stanford's
Cove ; they reached that at sundown. But there was no
food obtainable. They therefore pushed on to the farm
of a Captain Smail about eight miles distant, where also
there was a trading store. All who reached the shore seem
to have congregated there. Mr. MacKay, the civil com
missioner of Caledon, visited them and authorised articles
of clothing to be furnished to forty of the soldiers, who had
next to nothing. Captain Smail returned to the coast to
seek any other survivors. The crew of a whaling boat,
which was employed in sealing at Dyer's Island, recon
noitred the outside of the seaweed, while Captain Wright
went along the shore. Two more, who had been in the
water 38 hours, were found in a very exhausted condition.
AH having been supplied as far as Captain Smail's store
was capable, the survivors were sent on to Simon's Town,
which they reached on March ist and were accommodated
on board the Castor and Rhadamanthus. The total loss
of life was 1 5 officers and 476 men, soldiers and crew.
At the time of this wreck, Sir Harry Smith's connection
with South Africa was drawing very near to its end. The
despatch which was to acquaint him with Earl Grey's final
decision to dismiss, or recall, him was then on the water.
It could have been no great surprise to him, as the dis
paraging and disappointed tone in which the noble lord had
already addressed him on more than one occasion must have
prepared him for this climax. In this despatch, bearing
date January 14th, 1852, Earl Grey said : " I learn from
these despatches (i.e., those of November, 185 1) that another
month of this distressing warfare has passed away, and
though the force at your disposal had been increased to a
very considerable amount, no advantage of any real import
ance has been gained over the enemy, while the loss of Her

444 SIR HARRY SMITH RECALLED
CHAP. Majesty's troops has been exceedingly heavy. I have said
that no real advantage has been gained, because while you
state that positions of extraordinary strength have been
stormed, and it is clear that the most determined courage
has been shown by Her Majesty's troops, these successes
(if they can be so called) have been entirely barren of useful
results ; and it appears from the reports of Major-General
Somerset, and particularly from his despatch dated Novem
ber 9th, that the ground thus hardly won could not be
retained, and that the position which was carried at the price
of such heavy loss to the 74th Regiment on the 6th November
was only held until the Major-General ' withdrew the troops
in the afternoon,' when it would seem that there was no
obstacle to its being reoccupied by the enemy, and that in
fact it was so. For several months your despatches have
been of a similar character. You have described to me
operations which I have constantly been assured had been
attended with success, and had inflicted heavy loss upon the
enemy ; but at the same time I was quite unable to discover
that any ground had really been gained, while it was obvious
that the enemy, far from being discouraged by their sup
posed defeats, were from month to month increasing in
boldness and determination. It was impossible that I
should continue to receive intelligence of this description
by the many successive mails without being led to entertain
very serious doubts whether the war had been conducted
with the energy and the judgment which were necessary
to bring it to an early and successful issue. But the informa
tion I have now received has converted what was before only
a very serious doubt into conviction ; and it is my painful
duty to inform you that having consulted my colleagues
on the subject, they have concurred with me in coming to the
conclusion that upon a careful review of the events of the
war and those which preceded its breaking out, there is
evidence, which it is impossible to resist, that you have
failed in showing that foresight, energy and judgment which
your very difficult position required, and that therefore we
should not be justified in shrinking from tendering to the
Queen our humble advice that the Government of the Cape
of Good Hope and the conduct of the war should be placed

SIR HARRY SMITH'S REPLY 445
in other hands. It has accordingly been my duty to submit CHAP.
to Her Majesty my advice that Major-General Cathcart
should be appointed to relieve you, of which Her Majesty
has been pleased to approve, and that officer will very
shortly proceed to the Cape for that purpose." Earl Grey
then proceeds to enumerate, at length, the various matters
in which he considered the Governor had failed. And
" lastly, I must regard it as a grievous error that you have
allowed the administration of the Orange River Territory
to remain too long in the hands of an officer in your own
opinion unequal to the task, and that by this and other
mistakes in your management of the Dutch inhabitants
of the frontier districts, you have failed to conciliate that
important class by whose cordial co-operation there can be
no doubt that you would have been enabled to bring the
war to a much earlier termination than there is now prospect
of." Sir Harry Smith answered this on April 7th. After
dealing at length with the progress of events up to the date
of his relinquishment of the command of the forces and the
Government of the country, he defended himself against the
charge of want of foresight, energy and judgment and the
censure for not having brought the war to a termination
sooner. It was a war, he maintained, of unavoidable
gradual progress, one which could not have been conducted
differently. " I speak," he said, " with some experience in
war on a large scale as well as of a desultory character.
When regular armies are opposed to each other, a signal
victory may decide the fate of a nation. Iri a war with
barbarians, who fight only when it so pleases them, avoiding
concentration, but who are still determined to resist, the
contest is necessarily of long duration." He could transfer
the civil Government to his successor, he told Earl Grey,
without a single particle of business in arrear, and a treasury
without debt. " The impending war in the Orange River
Territory has been averted and an amicable relationship
has been established with the Trans- Vaal emigrant Boers."
And with an optimism which after events scarcely justified,
he spoke of the then prospect of the immediate termination
of the war and the restoration of the country to a condition

446 ARRIVAL OF THE NEW GOVERNOR
CHAP, of peace and prosperity. And finally, in recognition of the
arduous toil, determination and the suffering of the officers
and men who had served under him and in spite of having
been " accused during the progress of this war of using
the language of hyperbole in describing the numerous ren
contres which have occurred and in giving (presumably
undue) praise to the gallant officers and troops," he
"mentioned in despatches" once again their meritorious
services. The new Governor, Sir George Cathcart, arrived in
Cape Town on March 31st, and like his three predecessors
left almost immediately for the East. On April 5th he
embarked in Her Majesty's ship Styx, and, having arrived
at East London on the night of the 8th, he reached King
William's Town the next day. The whole of the ioth was
spent with Sir Harry Smith, who then gave him a complete
insight into the affairs of the frontier and left him in
command. Then commenced what might almost be called a trium
phal journey back to England. In King William's Town both
troops and civil inhabitants went wild in their demonstra
tions of respect, gratitude and sorrow at the great Sir Harry's
departure. Many accompanied him on a part of the road
to East London. In Cape Town the enthusiasm and ex
citement were as great as when he arrived in December,
1847. A triumphal arch bearing the names of Waterloo,
Aliwal, Sutlej and others was erected, and suspended from
house to house across the streets through which he would
have to pass were festoons of flowers. The ships at anchor
in the Bay were gaily decorated. Great crowds assembled
at and near the landing-place when the Styx with the great
soldier arrived and then, horses not being considered worthy
of the dignity of drawing the great Sir Harry's carriage
to the Castle, where Lady Smith awaited him, men vied
with each other for the honour. Addresses expressing
affection and admiration for him as a soldier and citizen
and as a friend of rich and poor alike, were presented to
him. On August 7th, Sir Harry and Lady Smith embarked
in the Gladiator for England. Thus ended the career of
one of the most distinguished soldiers of that time. Arrived

iat. hj\L> UP A GREAT CAREER 447
in South Africa with a most brilliant reputation, he left it CHAP.
in ignominy and the disapprobation of the British Govern
ment. South Africa has more than once been called the
grave of great men's reputations.

CHAPTER XI
THE END OF THE '50 WAR
CHAP. Lieut.-General the Hon. Sir George Cathcart, the new
' Governor and High Commissioner, was the son of the first
Earl of Cathcart and was born in London on May 12th,
1794. In 1 8 10, he entered the army and took part in the
campaigns of 1813 in Germany and 18 14 in France. He
was gazetted Lieut.-Colonel of the 57th Foot in 1828 and
in 1838, he was sent to Canada where he commanded the
ist (King's) Dragoon Guards. Having returned to England
with that regiment in 1 844, he retired on half-pay, but soon,
in 1 846, on the recommendation of the Duke of Wellington,
he was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of the Tower of London.
While he held that office he wrote a commentary on the
war of 1 813 and '14, which was published in 1850. Un
doubtedly again by the influence of the Great Duke, Sir
George Cathcart received further promotion ; this time he
was appointed to succeed Sir Harry Smith at the Cape.
Except for some reputation which he gained in connection
with this commentary, his name, certainly with the general
public, was almost unknown ; hence his appointment to
the Cape created some surprise and gave rise to questions
in both Houses. In person he is described as tall and slim
and one of the kindest and gentlest of men.
This appointment was associated with a new feature in
the government of Cape Colony. Earl Grey in his first
despatch to Sir George Cathcart, dated February 2nd, 1852,
said that the correspondence with previous Governors had
shewn that, circumstances in the East having necessitated
their prolonged absence from the seat of Government in the
West, there was the necessity for the residence of some high
officer at Cape Town with authority to carry on the civil
government. It was therefore decided to appoint a Lieut.-
448

THE NEW LIEUT.-GOVERNOR 449
Governor for the whole Colony and not merely for the CHAP.
Eastern Province as previously. The Letters Patent of
February, 1836, for erecting the Eastern districts into a
separate and distinct government were therefore revoked.
The new Lieut.-Governor was to be a member of the Legis
lative and Executive Councils in place of the senior military
officer. Legally, however, he could be the substitute for the
Governor only while the latter was absent from the colony,
that is, in British Kaffraria or the Sovereignty when they
were not parts of the colony. Further his office would
terminate when the regulations were superseded by the
new Constitution which was in course of formation. The
gentleman appointed to this new office was Charles Henry
Darling, Esq. If experience in distant colonies were a
qualification for this position, Mr. Darling was the right
man. He was born in Nova Scotia in 1809 and entered
the army through Sandhurst in 1825. In 1827, he became
assistant private secretary to his uncle, the Governor of
New South Wales and then having, from 1833 to 1839,
served in secretarial capacities in the West Indies, he was
appointed Governor of St. Lucia in 1847. This post he
held until he assumed the Lieut. -Governorship of the
Cape.1 '
As has been stated, Sir George Cathcart arrived in Cape
Town on March 31st. His military secretary was Col.
C. F. Seymour, after whom the small town at Eland's Post
in the Kat River district is named. Mr. Darling had landed
a few days previously from the Harbinger, which vessel
had made, for that time, the quick passage from Plymouth
of thirty-eight days. He was accompanied by Major-
General Yorke, who was to be second in command in the
East. Almost simultaneously with these arrivals was that
of a further draftof685of the Rifle Brigade . Without having
time to do much more than learn in Cape Town that there
was much controversy in the country in connection with the
proposed new Government, Sir George Cathcart hurried off
1 After he left the Cape, he inaugurated responsible government in
Newfoundland, of which colony he became the Governor and Commander-
in-Chief. He held the same position in Jamaica, and finally in Victoria.
In this country he does not seem to have been a success, and was recalled
in 1866. He was created K.C.B. in 1865, and died in 1870,
VOL. V 29 2G

45o THE BACK OF TELE WAR BROKEN
CHAP, to King William's Town as already mentioned in the last
XI- chapter. The state of affairs which the new Governor found
awaiting him was much as follows. The prime mover of
all the mischief, Sandilli with his associated chieftains,
though undoubtedly somewhat disheartened by the results
of the many active operations, were still unsubdued and
determined to defy the forces which were sent against them ;
Maqomo with the great number of his followers arid rebel
Hottentots continued to present the unsolved problem of
their expulsion from the Waterkloof and Fuller's Hoek
mountains ; Seyolo, Stock and Botman were yet lurking
in the Keiskamma forests and Fish River bush and cutting
off all communication with Grahamstown ; rebel Hottentots,
besides acting with the Kaffirs, were on their own account
marauding and maintaining terror on the colonial side of
the boundary ; Kreli had not only contumaciously refused
to pay the fine which had been inflicted upon him by Sir
Harry Smith, but was still aiding and abetting the Gaikas
and harbouring numerous rebel Hottentots and the Tam
bookies had not ceased their spoliation and violence in the
districts of Cradock, Albert and Victoria North. But the
backbone of the war was broken. For fifteen months, the-
Kaffirs had been harassed and driven from place to place ;
semi-starvation was rampant in consequence of the system
atic destruction of the crops by the invading forces and,
withal, the enemy was finding his supplies of ammunition
less plentiful. The worst of the fighting was over. The
activities and continued labours of Sir Harry Smith and
Major-General Somerset had greatly lightened the task
which fell to the lot of the new Governor and Commander
in Chief. There was little more to be done than to continue
the process of attrition until misery and starvation completed
the work and compelled the enemy to find relief only in
submitting to the conditions which were imposed upon him.
But this was to take time and to be a tedious and inglorious
guerilla warfare.
Sir George Cathcart's policy and programme for securing
the advantages already gained and preventing the recurrence
of Kaffir wars were somewhat comprehensive. They were

A COMPREHENSIVE POLICY 451
formulated, partly in England, before he could have knbwn C**AP
much about South African affairs. He saw the imperative
necessity of compelling Sandilli and the Gaikas to cross
and remain beyond the Kei and, incidentally, to reward the
faithful chiefs and to look upon Umhala with suspicion.
The Amatola mountains, from which all natives were to
be expelled, were to be the homes of a large number of
Swiss military settlers — a mountainous and industrious
people, who, it was thought, would form a prosperous
colony in those parts. Further, when the more northern
regions, those of Tambookieland, were settled, Sir George
hoped to induce many of the Boers in the Orange River
Sovereignty to return to the colony and to take up farms
there. The country from which Seyolo and Stock were to
be driven, namely, that including Middle Drift and Line
Drift was to be given to Kama, who was to be brought from
the location which he had formed at Kamastone near
Whittlesea. The first step towards bringing all this about
was to be the establishment of a kind of block house system
in the difficult and dangerous areas. He therefore proposed
the building of defensible towers of a cheap character in
such places as the Waterkloof and the Tamacha, on the
road from King William's Town to Line Drift. Then, as he
considered that the frontier inhabitants relied too much for
protection of person and property on military aid — duties
which devolved upon themselves — and as the numerous
levies were expensive and inefficient, he devised a rural
European police which was to be composed of some of the
inhabitants of the disturbed areas. These were to patrol
continually and assist in the capture of stolen stock and
generally to be at the disposal and under the orders of the
civil commissioners of the different districts. A move such
as this had been in the mind of Sir Harry Smith, but it had
been prevented from being brought into being by the out
break of war. It remains to be seen now how much of
this was accomplished. An obviously necessary preliminary
in dealing with the Kaffirs was to announce to their chiefs
his arrival and his sentiments towards them. On April 1 2th,
he sent to Col. Maclean a message " to the chiefs between
the Kei and the Keiskamma " telling him that he had come

452 THE NEW GOVERNOR'S MESSAGE TO KRELI
CHAP, among them to do them good and that he would continue to
XL do so as long as they permitted it ; but that Sandilli and
other rebels must go beyond the Kei.
Col. Maclean, at Fort Murray, called a meeting of the
chiefs. There were Pato, Cobus, Siwani, Toise, Umkye and
Jan Tzatzoe. Umhala was conspicuously absent. After
hearing the message, the chiefs " thanked for the word "
and made such observations as they considered the occasion
called for. Pato entirely approved of the Gaikas being
driven beyond the Kei and of the military posts being
erected in the country which they vacated. But he feared
that when the tribe was broken up, many of them would go
and live among the well-behaved Ndhlambis. He himself
was willing to give up any who should do so. Cobus' words
" are the same as my brother Pato's." Siwani had always
told Maclean that he would bleed in defence of the Govern
ment and that he would keep true to his word. Toise ap
proved of the Gaikas being driven out of the country but
feared their going among the Ndhlambis. Umkye and
Tzatzoe were of the same opinion.
Two days afterwards, while the above mentioned chiefs
were still . at Fort Murray, Umhala with forty followers in
somewhat warlike array arrived. He advanced to Col.
Maclean with bold familiarity and effrontery and offered his
hand. The Colonel refused it and in pretty direct language
upbraided Umhala for his behaviour. In the end, the chief
assumed a less offensive bearing and after " thanking Smith
for taking him out of the bush " expressed his gladness
that the Governor and Maclean had opened his eyes.
To Kreli, the Governor sent a message which was not
inordinately conciliatory. " I find you are still my enemy,"
he said, " and that I am at war with you because you have
not yet paid the fine of cattle imposed upon you for taking
part in the wicked rebellion of Sandilli. Now know, that
unless you pay all the fine demanded of you to Col. Mac
kinnon at King William's Town within say one month from
the day you receive this message, I will immediately let
loose upon your country numerous commandos of many
thousands of burghers, to whom I will give licence to eat
you up and take away as many of your cattle as they please.

THE NEW GOVERNOR'S EXTENSIVE TOUR 453
I require you to receive Sandilli and all the Gaikas into c^p-
your country." Having thus set himself right with the
Kaffir chiefs, the next step of the new Governor was to
visit, and make himself acquainted with, their country —
to him as yet quite unknown. He made an extended tour
of observation in the Amatola country and its mountains
and with the information thus gained was able, in pursuance
of his block house policy, to select suitable places for the
erection of his towers. These were to be indications that
the country was to be permanently occupied by Europeans
and further he visualised townships being established in
their vicinity and under their protection. Little time was
lost in commencing them, for before this three weeks' tour
was finished, a stone tower called " Castle Eyre " was built
in Keiskamma Hoek. It was fifteen feet square and con
sisted of two stories with a flat roof which provided emplace
ment for a swivel gun. With a garrison of ten men, a
musket fire could command a rayon of two to three hundred
yards, while the gun on top would make itself felt at a distance
of six hundred yards.1 These travels gave him the satisfac
tion of reporting that Cols. Eyre and Michel, each with a
thousand men, were in complete command of the Amatola
mountains ; that though very many Kaffirs were still
ensconced in the deep kloofs and forest recesses, none of
them could show themselves with impunity. By far the
greater trouble and danger lurked in the Waterkloof and
Kroomie mountains, where Maqomo still held his own.
Sir George Cathcart, therefore, on his return moved from
King William's Town and made his headquarters at Fort
Beaufort. At this time a complete change in the Home Government
took place. Lord John Russell resigned the Premiership and
Lord Derby took his place. But of greater interest in South
Africa was the fact that Earl Grey, in whose keeping the
welfare or otherwise of this country had been for so long,
1 According to this scheme, there were to be eight such towers —
two in the Waterkloof, one at each of the following places, Tamacha
(on the road from King William's Town to Line Drift), at Line Drift
itself, at Middledrift, one in the Amatola mountains and one on Mount
Macdonald, near Fort Cox. The cost of each was to be ^162 10s. 2d.,
that is ^1,300 is. 4d. for the whole set.

454 THE GOVERNOR'S ACCOUNT OF HIS TOUR
CHAP, gave way to Sir John Pakington, the member for Droitwich,
' an able and active man of varied interests. This new
colonial officer had perhaps justified his appointment by
the interest he had taken in inquiries into the state of
Newfoundland and the prospects of coffee and sugar in the
West Indies. At this time, he was in charge of a Bill for
granting a representative government to New Zealand.
Nearer to home he was interested in the more speedy punish
ment of juvenile offenders, the prevention of the sale of
intoxicants without a definite rating qualification and other
good and wholesome measures. But he considered that the
introduction of the penny postage was a most unworthy
pander to popularity.
To this new Secretary of State, the new Governor, in a
despatch, dated May 20th, gave some account of this tour.
It is curious reading. It is somewhat that of a discoverer,
having seen the strange and unexpected features of an
unknown country, describing them to one at a distance to
whom also they are new and likely to be received with
astonishment and delight. One wonders whether it must
have been a revelation' to the Colonial Secretary, new as he
was, to learn that " the country is inhabited by clans of a
remarkable race called Kaffirs " that " they call themselves
Amakosa " and that " ama indicates the plural of a Kaffir
noun." It certainly was a matter of astonishment to the
colonists, in view of the failure of all the treaties, to learn that
" this remarkable people have a strong sense of a moral
obligation and a good faith, and if they enter into any engage
ment at all, are seldom found to promise one thing and do
another." Not greatly concerned with these changes in high office,
" these remarkable people " and their Hottentot allies
pursued their evil ways. But in this a new feature presented
itself. The Hottentots showed themselves disposed to act
entirely independently of the Kaffirs and to exceed them in
the violence of their acts of robbery and bloodshed.
Uithaalder, the rebel Hottentot leader, in a letter to Mr.
Fynn, dated May 25th, for transmission to the Governor
said : "If your Excellency wished to speak to us, it is
practicable, because our hostilities are distinct from those

THE KAFFIRS LESS INCLINED TO FIGHT 455
of the Kaffirs." It must have been some satisfaction to the c^p'
Governor to know this, as it made clear the dual native
problem before him. The new officer in command of the
troops operating east of the Keiskamma was Maj.-Gen.
Yorke, who had arrived a short time previously. Maj.-Gen.
Somerset was still commanding the ist division along the
frontier and west of the Keiskamma. This however, was
not to last long, as rumour, for which there was good founda
tion, said that he was shortly to leave South Africa for pro
motion in India.
Maj.-Gen. Yorke tells us that, on assuming the command,
he found both men and horses, especially the cavalry, so
worn out by their work in the recent actions, that some pro
longed rest was necessary before they could do anything
further, albeit there was other adequate force to see that the
enemy had no rest. On April 17th he was discovered to
be in strong force on the rocky heights near Fort Cox. They
were dislodged at the point of the bayonet when eight were
killed. Then a feigned retreat on the part of the troops
drew forth the enemy from his hiding place and the
60 Rifles who had lain in ambush made another charge,
killing twenty and drove several over the high precipices.
But actions such as these were becoming less and less fre
quent. The Kaffirs were showing every disposition to cease
fighting. Many were forsaking their haunts and fastnesses
and going beyond the Kei ; while very many others were
dispersing themselves among the friendly and loyal tribes.
Both of these moves were desired by Sir George Cathcart.
According to his view, these were to be the panacea for all
the troubles. But the colonists and those who knew the
natives better, looked with apprehension on this mingling
of hostile Kaffirs with friendly, or so-called friendly, ones.
In this, they saw the seed of further trouble at no distant date.
Sandilli was said to have only about twenty followers. But
Maqomo, in the Waterkloof, still had a large following.
Many of Stock's hostile people dispersed themselves among
Pato's and Seyolo's joined Siwani. Seyolo himself made
overtures for peace, but the Governor told him that he could
not listen to him or to any other rebel chief until he was
beyond the Kei. The only Kaffir chief who yet remained

456 HOTTENTOT DEPREDATIONS
CHAP, to be brought to heel was Kreli. His time however, was
"5CT ' not far distant.
With the Kaffirs thus tending to withdraw from the
conflict, the last stages of this war became practically a
police problem of dealing with the marauding and murder
ing Hottentots. With undiminished daring their operations
were carried on over such a wide area that there was no
knowing when and where the next outrage would be com
mitted. In the colony, there was scarcely a road anywhere
through bushy country which could be travelled without
fear of robbery and murder. The extensive Addo bush
afforded much cover for the highwaymen, who attacked
and robbed almost every waggon which travelled upon the
road through it to Port Elizabeth. The cattle remaining on
all frontier farms was liable at any moment and with possible
loss of life of the owners to be laid under contribution to
provide for these miscreants and thus prolong the war. In
May and June (1852) they were particularly active. On
May 1 5th a party of about fifty attacked the isolated farm of
the Claytons, near the mouth of the Fish River. Two of the
sons with a man named Elliott had gone from home to
gather wood. The Hottentots came upon them suddenly
and shot them before they had time to defend themselves.
The murderers then went to the homestead, where lived the
old father, two daughters and an invalid son. The house was
forcibly entered and everything portable, clothing, blankets
and money was taken away. Also two hundred cattle and
some horses were driven from the farm. Not even mission
stations were respected when loot tempted — as the Wesleyan
mission station of Mount Coke, about eight miles from
King William's Town, learnt to its cost. At midnight on June
2nd, a party of Hottentot banditti galloped up to the mission
buildings and fired a volley into a camp of the leaders and
drivers of some ox waggons which were en route to King
William' sTown from East London and were outspanned there.
Four of the men were killed outright. The Hottentots then
drove the cattle out of the mission station kraals and cut
loose those still attached to the waggons. The mission
natives (Kaffirs), alarmed at all this firing, rushed out to
defend the station and their property. A running fight

THE ABDUCTION OF TOISE 457
with the robbers took place, when eight of the school people CHAP.
were killed and eleven were wounded. Six of the enemy
were known to have been killed, but sixty head of the mission
cattle were added to the Hottentot commissariat.
A more extraordinary case of Hottentots attacking
Kaffirs was that of the abduction of Toise, a Ndhlambi chief,
who, like Pato, had been loyal throughout the war and had
thus brought upon himself the displeasure of Sandilli and
the rebel Hottentots. Toise's kraal was at the Nahoon
(Xaruna) river, about ten miles east of the present East
London. A little after sunrise on May 25th, thirty mounted
Hottentots and twenty on foot, all under the leadership of
a deserter sergeant of the Cape Corps, approached the place
and surrounded the small collection of huts which formed
Toise's township, so to speak. Some of the Hottentots seized
Toise while others stripped his wives of their blankets and
left them naked ; others again emptied the milk sacks and
seized the cattle, sixty head of which and two horses were
driven off. There were only eight men on the place at the
time, so that any attempt to offer resistance would have been
futile and would certainly have led to bloodshed. Toise was
told that he was to be taken to Sandilli to answer for having
assisted the English in giving them information and guiding
the troops over the Kei. With the prisoner, the party moved
off in the direction of King William's Town, to a place where
the rebel Hottentot leader, Uithaalder, had formed a kind of
camp. As they went along, they were joined by Kaffirs —
Ndhlambis — who resented their chief being treated in this
manner and showed a disposition to rescue him ; but Toise,
fearing that any such move would result in his being shot
by his Hottentot escort, prevailed upon them to desist. On
his arrival at the Hottentot camp, Toise was told by
Uithaalder that the arrest had been made by the order of
Sandilli and that he (Toise) was to be put to death. Anta,
Sandilli's brother, who was then at the camp, confirmed this
and added that he wanted also the blood of Siwani and Col.
Maclean. Some remaining qualms of conscience forbade
these particular Hottentots to approve of the murder of
Toise without some investigation into the charges against
him. He was therefore placed in a hut which was strictly

458 DARING HOTTENTOT ATTACK
CHAP, guarded. But pending the investigation, the Hottentots
connived at his escape and thus Toise got back safely to his
place. It was as well that this was done, for Col. Maclean,
on hearing of this, advised the Ndhlambis to raise the war
cry and take matters into their own hands. The Ndhlambi
chiefs met and sent a message to Sandilli asking him what
he meant by this. In answer, he told them that he knew
nothing about it and that the act was altogether that of
the Hottentots. Thus the matter ended.
A more serious affair, one characterised by greater
Hottentot daring and consequent bloodshed, was an attack
on some waggons which were passing along the road from
Grahamstown to Fort Beaufort. Just before daylight on
June 13th, five waggons left Fort Brown on the forward
journey. The foremost was drawn by mules, the remainder
by oxen and the convoy was escorted by thirty-three sappers
and miners. Having crossed the bridge over the Fish
River, where the Koonap joins it, and having commenced the
long ascent up the Koonap Hill, the cavalcade, moving
leisurely along in fancied security, was suddenly brought to
a standstill by a quick succession of volleys which were fired
into it from the bush on both sides of the road. The mules
of the first waggon were soon lying dead and thus blocked
the road, and almost simultaneously, the soldiers commenced
to fall. The total casualties were seven men and one woman
killed and eleven men wounded. For a time, a furious fight
ensued, but as the enemy, some of whom were wearing
Cape Corps uniforms, was being reinforced from the adjacent
bush and the small number of defenders was diminished by
the casualties, it was. felt expedient to retire as speedily as
possible to a deserted house which had been an inn, kept
by a widow Tomlinson and known as " Tomlinson's post."
The windows had already been bricked up and loop-holed.
So here a refuge was found until help arrived. The waggons
and oxen, most of which had been killed, and also the dead
and wounded had to be left for a time. The firing was heard
at Fort Brown when an armed party moved to the place ;
also one of the men made his way to Fort Beaufort and re
ported what had happened. But nothing came of this, for
when the assistance arrived the Hottentots had taken all

UITHAALDER'S HEADQUARTERS ATTACKED 459
they wanted from the waggons and were then probably at a CHAP.
distance seeking further loot.
The chief stronghold of the rebel Hottentots — the head
quarters of Uithaalder — seems to have been a secluded part
in the mountains at the source of the Buffalo river, in the
vicinity of Murray's Krantz and at no great distance from
King William's Town. Uithaalder is said to have had six
hundred rebels at his beck and call, though probably many
more were scattered over the country and committing such
crimes as those recorded. To this stronghold, the Governor
turned his attention and ordered its attack by Maj.-Gen.
Yorke. On July 20th, therefore, two columns, one approach
ing the place from the north, the other from the south, sur
prised and dispersed the horde, though not without loss of
life ; some were shot while others were driven over the
high precipices and killed. As usual some of them were
wearing Cape Corps uniforms and some of the property and
Minie rifles which were recaptured were recognised as having
been taken in the Koonap affair. But Uithaalder was not
captured. A little later, Sir George Cathcart offered a
reward of £ 500 to anyone who arrested or killed him. This
reward, however, was never claimed. At this time, according
to the investigation and report of Mr. J. C. Chase, the Civil
Commissioner of Uitenhage, there was a conspiracy of
rebellion among the Hottentots of the mission station of
Bethelsdorp. So that, unlike the Kaffirs, the Hottentots
were showing no signs of giving in. The problem of the
war at this stage, therefore, became that of protecting the
frontier colonists from their ravages. This was in a large
measure solved by the following expedients. Maj.-Gen.
Somerset established some temporary military camps at
places which commanded large areas of surrounding country,
such as Governor's Kop and Fraser's camp on the hills of
Albany, and also at places near bushy fastnesses which
afforded hiding places for thieves, such as Niemand's Kraal
near the famous Hell Poort. In conjunction with these, Sir
Geo. Cathcart caused a rural police to be organised. The
civil commissioners of Albany, Somerset, Cradock, Albert
and Victoria were instructed to select a hundred men from
each of their respective districts. These were to serve for

46o DEPARTURE OF MAJ.-GEN. SOMERSET
CHAP, six months in continually patrolling all parts of their own
districts, in keeping a watchful eye on all Hottentots and
in assisting in the recovery of the property they had stolen.
They were all to be Europeans and to replace the expensive,
somewhat useless and certainly suspicious native levies.
Their pay was to be five and six per diem ; not a princely
salary, considering that they had to provide their own horses
and equipment besides rations and forage — ammunition only
being supplied by the Government. This force after a time
proved to be an efficient protection for the frontier farmer.
Matters moved slowly, however. There were no military
movements on an extended scale, though there were many
small affairs between detachments of troops and the enemy
with loss of dife on both sides. It became a slow, inglorious
and withal very expensive campaign. In spite of all the
labours and loss of life in the Waterkloof mountains, matters
here were still in statu quo. Maqomo with very many
adherents still held out and smiled at the failures to dislodge
him ; and Kreli, apparently reckoning on the little progress
which was being made, was not only more than careless in
paying the fine which had been imposed upon him by Sir
Harry Smith, but was still pursuing the course of which that
fine was one of the results.
At this time, when, for the solution of the country's
difficulties, men experienced in Kaffir warfare were abso
lutely essential, the one official who had, so to speak, been
in the saddle continuously for over thirty years fighting
Eastern Province battles, was called upon to leave and
proceed to India. Maj.-Gen. Somerset, who had been on the
frontier since 1817, and had held responsible commands in
the Fetcani affair of 1828, the Kaffir wars of 1835, 1846 and
now 1850, was promoted to the staff of the Army in India,
and was at length to sever his long connection with South
Africa. It may have been a good thing for General Somerset
personally ; it was certainly not less than the reward he
deserved for his long and arduous service in South Africa.
But under the circumstances, one who knew so well the
characters and dispositions of the colonists, British and
Dutch, the Kaffirs and the Hottentots, could ill be spared.
Speeches at public dinners and addresses testified un-

\

m

.^"'^K. |

¦ '1:

\'
Kaffirs on Murray's Krantz
KRELI TO BE SUBJUGATED 461
doubtedly to the sincerity of the regret and concern of all at CHAP.
his departure and gratitude for the very many years of XL
service performed under every vicissitude of difficult country,
bad weather and dangerous enemies. He became afterwards
Sir Henry Somerset, Governor of Bengal.
Another loss to the country by death at this time was that
of Major Hogge, one of the Assistant Commissioners. Long
exposure to bad weather while travelling about, in his official
capacity, in the Sovereignty and Basutoland, brought on a
fever which very soon terminated his career. He died in
Bloemfontein on June 9th.
At this stage of these troublous affairs, Sir George
Cathcart considered that the time had arrived for chastising
the distant agent whose malign influence had operated to
such a large extent in encouraging Gaika obstinacy and
Hottentot rebellion. The subjugation and humiliation of
Kreli were obviously necessary steps towards counteracting
this and bringing the war to an end. All the more so as
the Governor had sent a letter to Kreli demanding the pay
ment of the fine which had been imposed by Sir Harry
Smith and also that he should call into his own territory the
belligerent chiefs in British Kaffraria. Kreli's answer to
these demands was the return of the Governor's letter. That
there should be no doubt about the success of the movement
against the contumacious chief, not only was every arm of
the forces at the Governor's disposal, regular troops, paid
levies and enrolled Fingoes, to be employed, but again an
appeal to the burgher population for their co-operation was
made. By a proclamation of July ist, he called upon the
burghers of all the Eastern districts, including Graaff-Reinet
and Colesberg, to assemble at the Imvani on August 6th,
and there join the other forces. As an inducement, they were
promised that all the cattle they captured should be their own
property. But as all burghers, clearly, would be unable to
go, those who remained were asked to support those who did
by money contributions or such equipment as horses, saddles
and guns.
This appeal met with considerable success. Grahams
town and district sent 161 men, chiefly sons of 1820 settlers,
and £1,732 17s. 6d. cash, besides horses, saddles and guns.

462 EXPEDITION AGAINST KRELI
CHAP. Port Elizabeth sent men and £1,536 in subscriptions. In
XI' the same manner, though to a less extent, Uitenhage, King
William's Town, Somerset and even far away Swellendam
gave their help. In Cape Town, the Lieut.-Governor brought
the matter before a public meeting, when £932 were collected
before the meeting dispersed. The circular he issued to
the Western civil commissioners produced much more.
Graaff-Reinet stood out conspicuously in doing nothing. So
apathetic were all, that no public meeting was called and
neither men nor equipment left the place.
At the appointed place, the Imvani, and on the appointed
day, August 6th, all the forces, with their long cavalcade of
waggons, met the Governor. He was quite satisfied with the
number of burghers who presented themselves. As there was
a scarcity of wood and water at the Imvani and, in other
respects, that place was considered unsuitable for the very
large camp which had to be formed, a movement was made,
through Bram Nek, to the Bolotwa, about six miles distant,
where wood, water and grass were all that could be desired.
At that place, as a depot and protection for the oxen and
empty waggons, a large square stockade consisting of bush
and having bastions at the four corners was quickly con
structed. All remained there until the ioth. Kreli must have
heard of the formation of this camp, for on the 9th two mes
sengers arrived there and sought to learn the reason for this
hostile force assembling so near to his country. They were
told that as Kreli had refused to pay the fine of cattle, the
troops now were going into his country to take all they could
find ; that he was to be punished for his treachery and for
the insult he had offered to the Governor by sending back his
letter. Their answer to this was that Kreli did not know he
had to keep it. Leaving sufficient protection for the camp,
the force moved off on the ioth towards the Kei, nine miles
distant. That river was crossed at the Sabolela drift without
any opposition — not a single Kaffir was in sight — and
another camp on the far side was formed. The next day,
the march was continued into Kreli's country. At one place,
in the distance, about five hundred Kaffirs on foot and fifty
on horseback were seen, but they allowed the force to pass
unmolested ; in fact, during the whole of this expedition, the

SUCCESS OF THE EXPEDITION 463
Gcalekas showed no fight, but just permitted the troops to CHAP.
seize cattle as they liked. The affair thus truly became a
" Smithfield market cattle drive." Continuing the march,
the force arrived at a beautiful and fertile valley. Situated
in this, was Kreli's citadel, but neither the great chief himself
nor any of his people were to be seen. Having burnt all the
huts and destroyed the place, the troops moved on. They
were then divided into two columns with orders to patrol,
without tents or baggage, in different directions and to seize
all cattle. One division under the command of Lt.-Col.
Michel moved off towards Butterworth, while the other
under Lt.-Col Napier went in the direction of the Tsomo.
On the 17th, Col. Michel's column returned to the Sabolela
drift with 1,300 cattle. On the 20th, Col. Napier came back
with 8,000 cattle and 100 horses. Together with some other
captures, the total number of cattle obtained was 9,800.
As this number was so much larger than the fine Kreli
had to pay, namely 1,500, Sir George Cathcart thought
they had done enough and that Kreli had been sufficiently
punished. He therefore ordered the return of the troops.
It had been, comparatively speaking, a bloodless affair. In
Col. Michel's column one of the Royal Artillery was killed
and one King William's Town volunteer wounded. In Lt.-
Col. Napier's column the only report was "shot several of
the enemy." On the return march, the Governor left Col.
Mackinnon at the Bolotwa camp to conduct the distribution
of the captured cattle. On the 21st (August) that camp was
broken up. The regular soldiers were sent back to their
respective stations and the burghers, after what must have
been more of an enjoyable picnic, for the weather was fine,
were dismissed to their homes, the richer by a number of
cattle. As will be seen, this expedition had the desired effect upon
Kreli and was thus a good step towards the end of the war.
Affairs thus far satisfactorily settled in that quarter, Sir
George Cathcart, on the principle of doing one thing at a
time and doing it well, turned his attention to and concen
trated his forces upon the ever present Waterkloof problem.
Maqomo with his still considerable following of Kaffirs and
Hottentots, in spite of all the attacks upon those fastnesses,

464 EXPEDITION AGAINST MAQOMO
CHAP, yet defied all the movements to dislodge him. Now another
' attempt was to be made. It was to be on such a scale as
should admit of no doubt as to its ultimate success. To this
end over three thousand men were soon under orders to
endeavour to make a final clearance of the Kroomie range of
mountains. This force consisted of detachments of the 91st,
73rd and 74th regiments, Royal Artillery with four guns and
rockets, the 60th Rifles, the Rifle Brigade, the C.M.R.,
Lakeman's Volunteers,1 a mounted troop from Graaff-
Reinet, the Kat River Levy and Fingoes.
The whole of this force was divided into four columns
so as to attack the mountain fastnesses simultaneously
from four different directions. On September 15th, each
body of men was at its appointed place and then commenced
a most active hunt which continued during three days and
nights. In small detachments they scoured kloof and
krantz in every direction and searched every cavern and
possible hiding place. Many of the enemy were seen, but
they shewed a greater disposition to escape than to fight.
Thirty-six were known to have been killed and 168 women
and children found in hiding among the rocks and bush,
were captured. On the side of the troops there does not
seem to have been any casualty. According to the report of
the Governor, this short, sharp action completely cleared the
Kroomie mountains. Uithaalder was said to have fled in
the direction of the Orange river, while Maqomo and
Sandilli each with a few followers sought shelter in the more
distant Amatola mountains. The flight of the dislodged
natives into the extensive country contiguous to those
mountains, really the Gaika country, necessitated the equally
thorough clearance of those parts. To this end, therefore,
Col. Eyre with a force of 1,064 men and with the further
assistance of 706 rank and file which were stationed at the
Keiskamma Hoek post, scoured, during the course of three
weeks, all the mountains and country from the Kabousie
Nek to the Debe flats detaching small parties to drive out
the remnant of the enemy from the Seven Kloof Mountain,
1 This was a body of a hundred men, who were recruited in Cape
Town and supported entirely by Capt. (afterwards Sir Stephen Lakeman).
They were embarked on the Styx, and arrived in East London in time
to take part in this push.

MEETING OF LOYAL CHIEFS 465
the Quilly Quilly, Mounts Macdonald and Kempt and the CHAP.
Perie bush. By one of these patrols, Sandilli would have
been caught, had not his swift horse carried him into an
adjacent forest into which the pursuers feared to enter.
The continued perambulation of this territory resulted in
the complete dispersion of the warlike and powerful Gaikas,
who had been expelled from fastnesses which they considered
impregnable and who now were scattered as suppliants
among other tribes. Sandilli fled over the Kei, but Maqomo
consistent in his obstinacy, still lurked in some hidden recess
in the Amatolas. During these operations, 26 Kaffirs and
3 Hottentots were killed, and 165 cattle, 61 horses, 120 goats
and 9 muskets were captured. And several huts were
destroyed. As has been stated, the Governor's policy of permitting
the expatriated Gaikas to disperse and live among other tribes
created dissatisfaction and concern among the frontier
colonists. Even his Assistant Commissioner, Mr. Owen,
expressed his disapproval of it. Probably on account of
semi-starvation among these people, there was a recrudescence
of stealing and violence, thus indicating a ground for appre
hension. That he might impress upon the chiefs of these
ostensibly loyal and peaceable tribes their responsibility in
maintaining order, the Governor called on October 6th, a
meeting of them at Fort Murray, about seven miles from
King William's Town. There were present Pato, Cobus, Toise,
Umhala, Umkye, Tzatzoe and Siwani. Seyolo, the remain
ing chief, for his own good reasons, was absent. In a short
speech the Governor praised them for their steadfast loyalty
and compared the prosperity and happiness they enjoyed
with the misery which the Gaikas had brought upon them
selves by their wickedness. He told them that he held them
responsible for the actions of the people who had joined them,
that there must be no stealing nor firing on waggons, and
that they were to drive away any of the proscribed chiefs
should they venture into those parts ; especially were they
to refuse to harbour Xaimpi, the murderer of the people of
the military village of Auckland. He emphasized the
expediency of listening to, and being guided by the advice of
their best friend, Colonel Maclean. Each chief in turn
vol. v 30 2H

466 SURRENDER AND IMPRISONMENT OF SEYOLO
CHAP. " thanked for the word " and expressed a determination to
XI' do as he was desired.
It should be mentioned that at this time Col. Mackinnon
resigned his office of Chief Commissioner of British Kaffraria
and Col. Maclean succeeded him.
The success of the troops in the different directions, the
clearance of the Waterkloof and the Amatolas, the capture of
the great herds of cattle from Kreli and the sight of the new
military posts dominating their late strongholds could not
but impress upon the enemy the uselessness of further resist
ance. Seyolo, who had been one of the most active in the
war from the beginning, at last gave up. At daylight on
October 9th, accompanied by forty attendants, he was seen
to approach Fort Murray. Col. Maclean went forward to
meet him. Seyolo handed to him his gun as a token of sur
render thinking apparently that this was all that would be
required of him. To attempt to seize him then would have
been a failure as his followers kept close to him, and though
they appeared unarmed, they had assegais hidden under
neath their blankets as was discovered. By a stratagem of
persuading him to go nearer to the fort to hear a document
read, he was seized and put into the fort as a prisoner. He
made no resistance. He acknowledged his guilt, but blamed
Sandilli for drawing him into a war which he did not think
would last so long. On the whole, his repentance seemed
sincere, but it did not save him from the punishment which
was his due. He was conveyed to Grahamstown and im
prisoned in the building in the Drostdy which had had the
honour of holding Sandilli in 1847. On November nth, he
was brought before a court martial, tried and condemned
on a charge of rebellion and sedition, to be shot. But in the
same breath, this was commuted to imprisonment for life.
With his chief councillor, he embarked on the Styx at Port
Elizabeth for Cape Town, and on his arrival there was
conveyed to the town prison.
The unhappy plight of the Gaikas and the imprisonment
of Seyolo had due influence upon Kreli. In October,
realising that now he had nothing to gain by siding any
longer with the enemy, but probably much to lose, he sent
to Col. Maclean, as a kind of propitiatory sacrifice, 122

KRELI ACCEPTS THE GOVERNOR'S TERMS 467
head of cattle as part of the long overdue fine, together with CHAP.
the promise that more should follow. He kept his word, for
by February ioth, 1853, a total of 629 out of the 1,500 had
arrived. He then pleaded, in consideration of the large
number of cattle which had been driven away when the
troops invaded his country, that the Governor would be
satisfied with these as full payment of the debt. Further, he
expressed his earnest desire for peace and pardon for the
part he had taken in the war and, in token of his submission,
sent a bundle of assegais. As the Governor was anxious,
consistent with the dignity of British prestige, to seize upon
any opportunity of bringing the war to an end, he professed
a belief in Kreli's sincerity, cancelled the debt and dictated
certain terms upon which peace and amity between Her
Majesty and Kreli would be re-established. These were
communicated to the chief by Col. Maclean. They were that
Kreli must recognise the Kei-Indwe line as the western
boundary of his country, that he must restrain and punish
all who disturb the peace in the lands which were allotted
to the Tambookies and others west of the Indwe ; that he
must be responsible for the security of the lives and property
of the British subjects who settle in his country with his
permission and that he must restore any stolen property
which should be driven into Gcaleka territory. To this he
agreed. A proclamation to this effect therefore was issued
on February 14th, 1853. Thus the war as far as Kreli was
concerned, came to an end. Peace with the Gaikas soon
followed. Worn out from being driven from place to place
and in compliance with the Governor's demands, Sandilli
with his associated chiefs, even including Maqomo, crossed
the Kei. Anxious then for a cessation of this bloodshed and
devastation, but afraid to appeal directly to Col. Maclean,
he sent two messengers to Pato, asking him to act as inter
mediary. Pato did so. Col. Maclean brought the matter
before Sir George Cathcart, who welcomed this overture.
As the Gaikas had been driven from the Amatolas and the
country they had occupied, and as a sufficient punishment had
been inflicted upon chiefs and people, he felt justified in
extending to them the Royal mercy and pardon. But they
were to understand that they could never again be allowed to

468 PEACE WITH THE GAIKAS PROCLAIMED
CHAP, occupy the Amatolas and that their country was forfeited to
' the Crown. Another portion of British Kaffraria, however,
further removed from the Colonial frontier was allotted to
them. It was " the country between the Kei and the great
north road to the Windvogelberg and bounded on the north
by the Thomas river and in the south by Umhala's territory."
Sandilli was to hold himself responsible for the good conduct
of the people under him and also for the security of the great
north road and the safety of the property of the travellers
who frequented it. To these terms Sandilli agreed. A pro
clamation, therefore, announcing peace with the Gaikas was
issued on March 2nd.
As the Gaika chiefs were now pardoned and restored to
grace, the Governor could meet them as friends. He did so
on March 9th, at the Yellow woods, about seven miles from
King William's Town. Having read to them the proclamation
of March 2nd and expressed his pleasure at being able once
again to greet them as subjects of the Queen, he gave them
the usual good advice and invited any of them, who wished
to do so, to speak. Maqomo spoke for all. He thanked the
Governor for " taking them out of the bush " and pointing
to Sandilli, said that is the young man who has erred and
has now been punished. He complained that the new
territory which had been assigned to the tribe was too small
and hoped the Governor would represent their case to the
Queen. This was promised and the meeting ended. Thus
commenced, for a time only however, a period of Gaika calm.
The suppression of violence among, and the subjection
of, the Hottentots was a more difficult matter than in the
case of the Kaffirs, as they were not banded to any chief by
loyalty or tradition. Uithaalder and Brander were merely
temporary brigand leaders and were no authorities who
could speak for, or be spoken to, or in any way represent the
Hottentots in peace negotiations. At this time, moreover,
they were abandoned by their followers, or perhaps more
correctly, these leaders deserted the cause when they found
it expedient to hasten across the Kei with all possible speed.
At the same time the expelled Hottentots fled to the Fish
River bush, the Zuurveld mountains and other parts of the
Colony. Thus they became independent gangs of hooligans

OUTRAGES BY HOTTENTOTS 469
who, probably driven to desperation by starvation, were CHAP.
prepared to go any length of bloodshed in the perpetration
of their robberies. As an open enemy they were despicable,
their strength lying in the difficult and bushy country and
the cover which night gave to their operations. There was
no knowing where and when the next outrage would be
committed. After dark, on one evening in November, 1852,
Mr. James, a farmer living near Post Retief, heard his dogs
barking furiously. His servant went out to find the cause
and was instantly shot dead. Hearing the report of the gun,
Mr. James himself went out, and, in a moment, he also was
lifeless. The infamous Speelman Kievet with a party of
about thirty Hottentots then rushed to the house, some
entering while others commenced to put firebrands to the
thatched roof. Mrs. James frantically implored them to
spare the lives of herself and her children and take anything
they liked from the place. The miscreants took everything
they could find, food, ammunition and clothes, even the
bed-clothes, besides driving off 90 cattle and four horses.
The next morning Mr. James was found lying dead with
five gunshot wounds and his head smashed.
One morning, about this same time, Capt. Hearn, who
was in command of the camp at Driver's bush, about twelve
miles from Grahamstown along the Peddie road, went forth
on his daily patrol. He allowed his men to go some distance
ahead while he with his servant and a Mr. Reilly, the chief
constable of Peddie, followed leisurely. Those remaining in
the camp were soon surprised to see two riderless horses
galloping back. One of the men went out to search for the
missing captain and had not gone far when he was captured
by Hottentots who were in hiding in the bush. He was
stripped naked, driven into the road and shot dead. The
bodies of the officer and his two companions were found
shortly afterwards, evidently having been killed by the same
miscreants. Without unduly lengthening the list of the
attacks on isolated farmhouses, of waggons stopped and
robbed and of other outrages which took place at the end
of 1852 and the beginning of 1853, the following may be
mentioned. In the Oliphant's Hoek district, a farmer with
his two sons was at some little distance from his house

470 THE FRONTIER ARMED MOUNTED POLICE
CHAP, engaged, unarmed, in harvesting operations. Suddenly they
XI" saw a gang of Hottentots surround and enter the house.
The guns and ammunition were seized and all else they
could carry away. In their defenceless condition, the des
poiled could do nothing but look on and bear the sight with
all the equanimity they could summon.
The career of these banditti however was drawing to a
close, for the rural police was proving a great success. Under
the very able command of Commandant (afterwards Sir)
Walter Currie, it became the Frontier Armed Mounted
Police (the F.A.M.P.) and was as effective in preventing
cattle stealing as any body of men which ever undertook
to protect the frontier.
In the belief, which was probably well founded, that
many of the Hottentots were led into these violent courses
by fear and compulsion by their leaders, that they felt they
had incurred the penalty of death, but would surrender if
assured that their punishment would not be carried to that
length, the Governor issued a proclamation on October 30th,
to the effect that as there were probably many Hottentots,
who have been guilty of rebellion, living in woods and other
places in a state of starvation, who are sorry for their crimes
and would return to their duty and allegiance were it not for
the fear of the punishment of death, that any such who
surrendered themselves to certain officers would have their
lives spared. But exceptions were made in the cases of the
leaders Uithaalder and Hans Brander, David Lovelot, the
preacher, Speelman Kievet, Oerson Magerman, Klaas Love,
William Brass and some others. Further, a reward of £ 50
would be paid to anyone who caused any of them to be
brought to justice, and a pardon if the informer happened
to be a rebel.
The confessions of some of those who surrendered and
of others who were sentenced to death, afforded much addi
tional and interesting information concerning the Hottentots'
part in the war. Speaking generally, they did not know why
they had fought beyond that they had been compelled to
do so by their leaders. Uithaalder was said to have had fifteen
hundred men under him in the Amatolas. " I heard from
Uithaalder," said Kievet Brander in his dying confession

UITH A ALDER'S FATE tfl
" that the war was in consequence of the Vagrant Law, but CHAP.
to this moment I do not know what Vagrant Law means. ...
I have been treated well by my masters in the colony, my only
complaint is that I received no pay for my work on the out
posts nor any of the prize money for acting as corporal during
the 1846 war. ... I was the man who shot Mr. Castings
at De Bruins Drift." According to their confessions *• the
rebel ranks had been made up by people from the mission
stations of Kat River, Theopolis, Bethelsdorp and Enon,
besides pensioners of, and deserters from the Cape Corps.
Their supply of gunpowder had been obtained from
" friendly " (that is, ostensibly friendly to the colony)
Kaffirs, who had taken stolen cattle in exchange. Hence
when cattle captured from the colony became scarce in
consequence of more and better protection, the "friendly"
supply of powder dwindled. They acknowledged that there
was much starvation, especially among their women and
children. Hence the Hottentots welcomed this opportunity of
bringing this terrible state of things to an end. Uithaalder
was never captured. After wandering about for a time as
an outcast and ignored by those whom he had led astray,
he committed suicide. Hans Brander fled beyond the
Bashee and died of wounds he had received in conflict with
the police. Umlanjeni having, long before this, sunk into
insignificance and held in contempt by those for whom he
pretended to be able to do great things, died on August 28th,
1853- The restoration of peace and order in Tambookieland did
not present any great difficulties. Mapassa was dead and
very many of his people had been killed. As has been
mentioned, with reference to their disposition towards the
Government, the Tambookies were in two divisions. There
were those under Mapassa who occupied roughly and very
1 Important confessions are those of J. Fortuin, on page 219 of
Cathcart's correspondence : Job David to the Rev. Liefield, in Grahamstown
Journal for January 22nd, 1853 ; Kobus Matross Journal, November 2nd,
1852, the dying declarations of Piet Draay, Philip Goliad and Kievet
Brander, brother of Hans Brander, mentioned above — all tried before the
Circuit Court in Grahamstown in February, 1852. Also a long and ex
cellent confession in the Journal for December 4th, showing the transactions
in powder and guns which went on between " friendly " and hostile
Kaffirs — and rebel Hottentots.

472 REBEL TAMBOOKIES PARDONED
CHAP sparsely what is known now as the Queenstown district, and
XI" who seem to have been ever ready for rebellion and war with
the colony ; and there were those under Umtikaka, who
lived in the present Glen Grey district who were always loyal
and at times took action against Mapassa's people on the
side of the Government. Umtikaka died shortly before this
time leaving as his successor, his son Joey, a minor. During
his minority, Nonise, the widow of Gubencuka, became
regent. She had no children of her own and adopted Joey,
or rather, in accordance with Kaffir custom, the child was
" put in her hut." When trouble in connection with this
war threatened, Nonesi in order to safeguard her people
from becoming embroiled, conducted the whole of them into
the country beyond the Bashee. There they remained until
Sir George Cathcart gave them permission to return and
settle down in the track of country west of the Indwe since
called the Glen Grey district. Towards the end of November
Sir George Cathcart considered that the rebel Tambookies
had been sufficiently severely dealt with, that they were
humbled and were desirous to be allowed to live in peace.
In view of the sentiment of the British taxpayer at this time,
it was comforting to think thus. On November 22nd, he
issued a proclamation offering a free pardon to all errant
Tambookies who would reside as British subjects within the
colonial boundary. The remnants of Mapassa's tribe might
place themselves under the Umtikaka branch or any petty
Tambookie chief they chose but it was to be understood that
the name and independence of Mapassa had ceased. No
Hottentots were to be allowed to dwell among them without
special permission. For the further settlement of the
country, definite boundaries were prescribed for the territory
they were to occupy. It was practically the present Glen
Grey district. Mapassa's country was forfeited to the Crown
and was to be used for purposes yet to be mentioned.
" There yet remained one rankling sore to be healed
before it could safely be said that all was peace and that the
maintenance of a large force could safely be dispensed with.
I allude to the protracted state of petty warfare which existed
in the Sovereignty between the dependants of the paramount
Basuto chief Moshesh and a portion of the burgher population

MOSHESH TO BE BROUGHT TO TERMS 473
bordering on his territory." 1 The ending of that state of CHAP.
petty warfare was the chief object of the visit of the Assistant
Commissioners, Major Hogge and Mr. Owen, to the Sove
reignty in November, 185 1. In that interest they called upon
the Basuto chief Moshesh to account for the outrages and
robberies of cattle which had been committed by his subor
dinate chiefs and people upon the burghers ; and they de
manded compensation for the despoiled. In compliance
with this, on February 15th, 1852, a promise in writing was
given that stolen cattle and horses would be given up within
fourteen days. But, when at the expiration of that time,
the burghers assembled for the restoration, they found
nothing more than another instance of Moshesh's faithless
ness, neither cattle nor horses had been collected. Most
probably there had not been the least intention of complying
with the demand, for the stealing of cattle from the Boers and
from those natives who were not in alliance with the Basutos
continued throughout the year. Moshesh, all the time, pro
fessed a desire for peace and threw the blame on his sub
ordinate chiefs and others whom he declared he was unable
to control. In the end Mr. Owen felt it useless to do anything
further in the matter until an overwhelming military force
entered the country, it was evident that nothing but physical
force would bring Moshesh to terms. Sir George Cathcart
knew quite well what was going on, but on his principle of
doing one thing at a time, determined to wait until he could
with safety withdraw troops from British Kaffraria for the
purpose of invading Basutoland. Towards the end of the
year he found he was able to do this. He entertained large
views on the subject and did not consider that so small a
force as the 600' troops with which Sir Harry Smith had
entered the Sovereignty could duly impress the Basutos
with the power and dignity of Great Britain. Sir George
Cathcart therefore decided that 2,500 was a more fitting
number, the sight alone of which would, perhaps, overawe
Moshesh and compel him to do as he was ordered. This,
as it appeared from evidence collected afterwards, was the
more necessary as Moshesh had endeavoured to draw others
* Despatch of Sir G. Cathcart to the Secretary of State, February,
t853.

474 EXPEDITION AGAINST MOSHESH
Chap, to his side, Moroko among them, by belittling England with
' such stories as that Kaffirs were winning everywhere, that,
though soldiers were coming into the country from the sea,
they were killed as soon as they arrived, and that the appear
ance of troops in Basutoland was a remote contingency, if
not an empty threat.
On November 8th, orders were issued for detachments of
the 73rd, 74th, 43rd and 2nd regiments, the 12th Lancers,
Rifle Brigade and C.M.R., in all 500 cavalry and 2,000
infantry, with two guns, to concentrate at Burghersdorp on
the 20th of that month. This force was in three columns.
One marched from Fort Beaufort, another from Fort Hare
and a third from Grahamstown, each with the usual encum
brance of a long train of ox-waggons. The route was via
Eland's Post (now the town of Seymour), Whittlesea and
over the Stormberg. Burghersdorp was reached in eleven
days. At some little distance from the town, the combined
camp was formed. It must have been an imposing sight —
in fact it certainly was so to the unsophisticated Dutch
inhabitants of those parts, who went wild with delight at
the strains of the " Doodle pipes " of the Highlanders. The
tents were arranged in three straight lines, thirty paces
apart and extended nearly a mile. A place in the centre
was occupied by the Governor's fine marquee. The force
had no less than 164 waggons ; these with their hundreds of
oxen gave additional importance to the scene. The whole
line formed by these and all the men when on the march
was nearly six miles long. It was a pleasant surprise to all
to find that Burghersdorp, though only a small village,
could supply not only all necessaries, but even such luxuries
as Crosse & Blackwell's pickles and Bass's pale ale !
Burghersdorp, at that time, apparently required but fewer
dust storms and locusts to make it a really delightful place.
There the force remained until the 28th, when the Governor
and his staff having arrived on the previous day, the further
move to the Orange River was commenced. Two days'
march brought the force to Sand Drift, where, the water
being low, the passage through the wide Orange River
was made without much difficulty. In another two days, the
Caledon River was reached. This also was easily crossed

The GOVERNOR'S letter To MosMesH 4^5
by merely wading and on December 2nd, a camp was formed CHAP.
on the far side. Arrived there, Sir George Cathcart sent
messages to the chiefs, Moshesh, Sikonyela, Molitsani,
Moroko and Gert Taaibosch, summoning them to meet
him on the 1 3th at a mission station called Platberg, a place
in Moshesh's country, about a hundred miles from the
Caledon camp. After resting at that camp for a few days the
journey was continued and a march of 101 miles in six days
brought the force to Platberg on the 13th. Platberg was
found to be a ruined and abandoned mission station. It
had been inhabited by a small clan of Bastards under a
petty chief, Carolus Baatjie, but, in consequence of these
people having assisted Major Warden in his punitive expedi
tions against the Basuto, Moshesh had driven them out.
The only inhabitant found there at this moment was the
Rev. Mr. Giddy, the Wesleyan missionary. His house and two
small houses belonging to two European traders were the
only buildings not in a state of dilapidation. At Platberg, a
standing camp was formed. In answer to the summons of
the 2nd, only David and Nehemiah, the two sons of Moshesh,
who had been educated in Cape Town, appeared at Platberg.
The Governor refused to see them. They said that if Mr.
Owen, who was then in the camp, would return with them
to their father, he -would be persuaded to visit the Governor.
Accordingly on the morning of the 14th, the three set out,
Mr. Owen carrying a letter from the Governor to Moshesh.
In this, he stated that he had come to Platberg to meet
Moshesh and other chiefs as friends, but he had to do justice
whether by peace or war. " I have been told," he said,
" that you are a great chief and a good man ; but I find that
though you are a man of good words, you have not done
what you promised," that since the promise " you and the
people over whom you rule, even your own son Letsie, have
been stealing cattle from your neighbours, even murders have
been committed by them and this village (Platberg) has been
plundered and destroyed. In short, the Basuto people under
your rule have become a nation of thieves. ... I will not
stop to talk, I demand of you ten thousand head of cattle
and a thousand horses, to be delivered at this place within
three days. If this is not done, I must go and take either

476 MOSHESH MEETS THE GOVERNOR
CHAP, cattle or other things, and if resistance is made, it will then
be war between us and then I must take three times the
amount of cattle as well as kill many of your people. . . .
Now chief, if you are an honest man, it is for you to pay the
just fine — or else prepare for war, for on the fourth day I
must bring you to an account."
This letter brought Moshesh to the camp ; but probably
not because he felt, in any measure, intimidated by it. For,
as after events showed, he was prepared for the worst the
Governor could do. His warriors in thousands were assem
bling in the vicinity of his mountain citadel of Thaba Bosigo.
On the 1 5th, a cavalcade of native horsemen was seen to be
approaching the camp. Moshesh was at their head, riding
on a fine horse and dressed in a blue jacket, gold-laced
trousers and a comely forage cap. His escort consisted of
about a hundred Basutos riding two and two. With due
ceremony and in full uniforms, the Governor and his staff
received them at the entrance of his marquee, over which
waved the flag of Great Britain. After the preliminaries
and the chief and his councillors had found the three
tents which had been put up for their accommodation
and had been regaled with plenty to eat and drink, the
conference, the object of the meeting, took place. The official
account is as follows. It was held in the Governor's marquee.
With the Governor were his staff, the Assistant Commissioner
and the Revs. Dyke and Casalis as interpreters. With
Moshesh were some of his chief councillors.
Governor : I am glad to see you and to make your
acquaintance. Moshesh : I am glad to see the Governor, as since his
arrival in this country, I have been expecting a visit from
him which his letter to me in October last led me to expect.
Governor : I told you in that letter, that I hoped to meet
you in peace, and I still hope so, as I look to you as the great
chief of this part.
Moshesh : I hope so too, for peace is like the rain which
makes the grass grow, while war is like the wind which
dries it up, you are right in looking to me, that is in accor
dance with the treaties.
Governor : I will not now talk much, but wish to know

THEIR INTERVIEW 477
whether you received my message yesterday, in which I CHAP.
made the demand for cattle and horses. I have nothing to
alter in that letter.
MOSHESH : Do you mean the letter I received from Mr.
Owen ?
Governor : Yes.
MOSHESH : I received that letter, but do not know
where I shall get the cattle from. Am I to understand that
the 10,000 head demanded are a fine imposed for thefts
committed by my people, in addition to the stolen cattle ?
Governor : I demand but 10,000 head, though your
people have stolen many more, and consider this a just
award, which must be paid in three days.
MOSHESH : Do the three days count from yesterday or
to-day ?
Governor : To-day is the first of the three.
MOSHESH : The time is short and the cattle many. Will
you not allow me six days to collect them ?
GOVERNOR : You had time given you when Major
Hogge and Mr. Owen made the first demand and then
you promised to comply with it, but did not.
MOSHESH : But I was not quite idle. Do not the papers
in the Commissioners' hands show that I collected them ?
Governor : They do, but not half the number.
MOSHESH : That is true, but I have not now control
enough over my people to induce them to comply with the
demand, however anxious I may be to do so.
GOVERNOR : If you are not able to collect them, I must
go and do it ; and if any resistance be made it will then
be war, and I shall not be satisfied with 10,000 head, but
shall take all I can.
MOSHESH : Do not talk of war, for, however anxious I
may be to avoid it, you know that a dog when beaten will
show his teeth.
GOVERNOR : It will therefore be better that you should
give up the cattle than that I should go for them.
MOSHESH : I wish for peace ; but have the same diffi
culty with my people that you have in the colony. Your
prisons are never empty, and I have thieves among my
people.

478 MOSHESH'S STRONGHOLD INVADED
CHAP. GOVERNOR : I would then recommend you to catch the
XT thieves and bring them to me and I will hang them.
MOSHESH : I do not wish you to hang them, but to talk
to them and give them advice. If you hang them, they
cannot talk.
GOVERNOR : If I hang them they cannot steal, and I
am not going to talk any more. I have said that if you do not
give up the cattle in three days, I must come and take them.
Moshesh : I beg of you not to talk of war.1
Thus ended the interview and Moshesh, perhaps not as
crestfallen as might have been expected, returned with his
suite to Thaba Bosigo. On the third day, viz the 18th, the
Governor's demand was so far complied with that 3,500
cattle, the greater part of the poorest kind, were sent to
Platberg. Some were distributed among Moroko, C.
Baatjie and Gert Taaibosch, while the remainder were sent
on to Bloemfontein to be sold, thus obviating the force
being hampered by them. As no more arrived on the 19th,
and the Governor, so to speak, was determined to suffer no
delay in having his pound of flesh, he gave orders for the
immediate invasion of Moshesh's stronghold. At daybreak
on Monday, December 20th, the force set out from Platberg.2
At a distance of about nine miles, the Caledon river was
crossed at a drift, called thereafter and shown on maps to-day
as Cathcart's drift. A company of the 74th was left there
to protect the line of communication between the attacking
party and the camp at Platberg. The march then towards
Thaba Bosigo, a destination the force did not reach, was
continued. There soon came into view a high and extensive
mountain. Like so many others in South Africa, it stood
1 Sergeant James McKay, of the 74th, gives the following version :
" I happened to be in charge of a guard which was stationed at Platberg."
After giving an account of the general proceedings, he says " Words ran
high, and fists were coming down heavily on tables. The interview
came to a climax when Cathcart, springing to his feet, hastily exclaimed
' I'll give the chief Moshesh four days to bring in the cattle and horses,
and,' continued the general, as he gave the table another thump with his
clenched fist, ' if they don't bring them, I will go and fetch them.' Moshesh
pleaded his inability to do as Cathcart wished, and ended by saying he
would do what he could to meet the demand. The Governor again spoke
somewhat hastily, when Moshesh said ' Well, Your Excellency, you know
that when a dog is kicked, he generally turns and bites,' and so the meeting
concluded." " This place was in the vicinity of the present town of Ladybrand.

THE ATTACK ON BFRFA 479
isolated and had the characteristic flat top. On this elevated chap.
tableland there was pasture for cattle and springs of good XL
water. In consequence of precipitous sides, access to that
region was possible only by few paths, and even those were
up difficult and dangerous ascents. Hence such a place
could form an easily-defended stronghold for any tribe which
made its home there. It is extraordinary how cattle managed
to find their way up to these places. Such was this mountain
called the Berea mountain after the name of a mission station
at its base. And such also, in the near distance, was Thaba
Bosigo, the stronghold of Moshesh. On approaching nearer
to the Berea mountain, vast droves of cattle were seen on
the top. As the capture of cattle was the object of the expedi
tion, here, apparently, was the opportunity of satisfying the
demands which had been made on Moshesh. Plans for an
attack were formulated. According to these, the force was
divided into three divisions. One under the eye of the
Governor was to scour round the south-western base of the
mountain ; another under Col. Napier round the north
eastern — so as to prevent the escape of cattle or their re
capture by the Basutos — while the third under Col. Eyre,
had the difficult task of ascending the mountain and driving
down the cattle. All three divisions were then to meet on
the Thaba Bosigo plain. In accordance with this, Col.
Eyre with 499 men, commenced their ascent. A number of
cattle were in view, probably exposed for the purpose of entic
ing the force forward and also there was a large number of
Basutos bidding defiance by their gestures and war cries.
The column extended to the right and left and scrambled
up the mountain under fire which was directed upon them
from behind rocks and other shelter. Two officers and six
privates were wounded. With no more loss than this, the
force drove the enemy back and reached the top. There a
vast herd of cattle, estimated at thirty thousand, met their
view. The Basutos endeavoured to protect them while the
force made spirited attacks. Charge and counter-charge
resulted in the killing of 38 Basutos — that being the number
actually seen dead — and the capture of all the cattle. But
as it was impossible for so small a body of men to manage so
large a herd of cattle and at the same time to carry on the

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AFFAIR OF THE
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20*!1 Dec. 1852

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480
COLrfNAPlER'S FIGHT 481
necessary fighting, only 1,500 were driven off. About mid- CHAP
day, a body of men in the distance was seen to be approaching.
Among them were some who were wearing uniforms, or
parts of the uniforms of the 12th Lancers and carrying
lances. At first it was thought to be the Governor's escort,
but a nearer view dispelled this idea more especially when the
advancing host opened fire and killed, among others, Captain
Faunce of the 73rd. The sight of Lancer uniforms in such
company created alarm as to some disaster which must
have befallen Col. Napier's column. In spite of the reinforce
ments and the fighting which ensued, Col. Eyre managed to
get his column and the 1,500 cattle down the mountain and
at about five in the afternoon arrived on the Thaba Bosigo
flats. The total casualties of this division were eleven
killed and eleven wounded.
Col. Napier, who had orders to scour the base of the
mountain, seems to have exceeded his orders and to have
ascended the mountain. At about eight o'clock that morning
(the 20th), a large drove of cattle was seen being driven up
the mountain by a steep path. Col. Napier ordered his men
to follow them and seize them. The force not only reached
the top of the mountain without opposition, but without
being resisted, seized 4,000 cattle and 55 horses. They
commenced the descent by the path they ascended and
were seeming to have all their own way until, when about
half-way down and when the straggling of the cattle necessi
tated the men being scattered, 700 mounted Basutos attacked
them. With great bravery and coolness, Col. Napier
managed to assemble a body of his men and thus to keep the
enemy at bay as well as to protect the cattle on the way down
the mountain. One party of Lancers seems to have lost its
way in the intricate mountain, to have been surrounded by the
enemy and to have been annihilated. Hence, the Lancer
uniforms seen by Col. Eyre's column. Eventually, this division
reached the bottom of the mountain, but instead of going to the
appointed rendezvous it made its way straight to the Caledon
drift. Great numbers of Basutos followed them, but, by con
tinually retreating and then turning and firing upon the enemy,
they got within about a thousand yards of the drift, when
Capt. Bruce, in command of the small company of the 74th,
vol v 31 21

482 MOSHESH'S POLITIC LETTER
CHAP, which was stationed there, went forward to their assistance.
The Basutos were driven off or ceased to follow and Col.
Napier and his men marched on to the camp at the Platberg.
The column with the Governor did little more than carry
out its scouring movement and then halt on the Thaba
Bosigo plain, where it was joined by Col. Eyre's men with the
herd of cattle. The position was critical ; for six or seven
thousand Basutos hovered in the vicinity making feints of
attack and attempts to recapture the cattle. In their organiza
tion and military tactics, they were found to be a more
difficult enemy than the Gaikas and Hottentots. By eight
o'clock in the evening, all fighting and attempted attacks
ceased. These combined columns remained in that place
during that night. The next morning they moved back to
the Caledon drift. No Basutos were anywhere to be seen.
The total casualties during these operations are given,
officially, as 53, that is, killed, 1 officer, 4 non-commissioned
officers and 33 privates ; wounded 2 officers, 4 non-com
missioned officers and 9 privates.1
A few hours after the Governor's arrival at the drift, a
messenger bearing a white flag was seen to be approaching.
He brought from Moshesh the following letter, described
by Dr. Theal as " the most politic document that has ever
been penned in South Africa."
" THABA BOSIGO, Midnight, December 20th, 1852.
Your Excellency. — This day you have fought
against my people, and taken much cattle. As the object
for which you have come is to have a compensation for
Boers, I beg you will be satisfied with what you have taken.
I entreat peace from you — you have shown your power,
you have chastised — let it be enough, I pray you ; and let
me be no longer considered an enemy of the Queen. I will
try all I can to keep my people in order in the future.
Your humble servant, MOSHESH."
'This return is probably not correct, for Col. Eyre reports eleven
wounded in his column alone. And Sergt. McKay of the 74th says the
loss of the Lancers in the helter-skelter was 27 killed, besides six or eight
of the C.M.R. It is curious that Col. Napier in his report makes no
mention of the " helter-skelter " ; he says " owing to the overpowering
force of the enemy opposed to me, and the rugged nature of the country,
my casualties have been very severe."

D1SSAT1SFAC1T0N AT THE RESULT 483
In reply, the Governor said, " The words are those of chap.
a great chief. But I care little for words, I judge men by XL
their actions. I told you if you did not pay the fine I must
go and take it ; I am a man who never breaks his word. I
have taken the fine by force and I am satisfied. ... I now
desire not to consider you, chief, as an enemy of the Queen,
but I must proclaim martial law in the Sovereignty . . . for
though you are a great chief, it seems that you either do not,
or cannot keep your own people from stealing. . . . Now,
therefore, chief Moshesh, I consider your past obligation
fulfilled." By a proclamation, bearing date December 23rd :
" Whereas the chief Moshesh, as the result of the battle of
Berea, has made full and humble submission and sued for
peace, which has been granted, and whereas, it is scarcely
to be expected that he will be able so to restrain the lawless
practices of his people as entirely to prevent cattle stealing,"
the Sovereignty was for a time to be under martial law.
When the nature of the Governor's reply and the attitude
he assumed towards Moshesh became known in the camp,
there was considerable dissatisfaction, not to say disgust.
For after his tall war talk in the written message to Moshesh
and his threat to take three times the number of cattle
demanded as a fine, the force was now retiring with even less
than that of the penalty which had been imposed and with
Moshesh's acknowledgment of a humility which was of
doubtful sincerity and a defeat which, to say the least of it,
was equivocal. It was felt that Sir George Cathcart, a British
general, had been outgeneralled and outwitted by a savage.
The Assistant Commissioner, Mr. Owen, sent to the Governor
a strongly- worded protest. He recorded " his unqualified
dissent from a course so greatly calculated, not only to throw
discredit upon British authority throughout South Africa,
but also to prolong the present contest between the Govern
ment and the native-tribes ... in enforcing the payment of
the penalty, the British troops had been resisted by a large
Basuto force and had retired with severe loss, leaving up
wards of forty men on the field with most of their arms and
horses, Thaba Bosigo had not been reached, nor had the
amount of the original penalty been captured. . . . Moshesh

484 PEACE RESTORED
CHAP, is not sincere in his professed desire for peace, it is just a ruse
to gain time to mature his plans ; while he gave out that cattle
were being collected, the Basuto forces were being concen
trated." Mr. Owen asked the Governor to reconsider the
step he was taking. Col. Eyre was prepared to risk his life
in planting the British flag on Thaba Bosigo. The Governor,
however, persisted in his course. In justice to him, it must
be borne in mind that, in view of the great expenditure
already incurred in connection with the Kaffir war in the
south and the increasing restiveness of the Home Govern
ment, Sir George Cathcart's only escape from a probable
Basuto war and a further drain on the Treasury was, perhaps
with some mental reservation, to rely on Moshesh's profes
sions of peace and good will and to seize this opportunity of
bringing the trouble to an end.
After resting for three days at Platberg, the force com
menced its southward march. Burghersdorp was reached
on New Year's Day. At Whittlesea, the force was dis
banded ; the 74th marched to Fort Beaufort, the 2nd to
Fort Hare, and others to posts in British Kaffraria. Thus,
nominally, disappeared " the one rankling sore to be healed
before it could safely be said that all was peace."
The year 1853 opened auspiciously. Moshesh had been
quietened, nominally, at all events ; everything in British
Kaffraria was satisfactory, not a robbery by Kaffirs any
where was reported, and, in the Colony, the rural police,
which was proving itself a most efficient force, was circum
scribing within narrower and narrower limits the marauding
activities of the rebel Hottentots who were still " in the
bush." Sir George Cathcart, by proclamation, bearing date
March 2nd, extended the Royal mercy and pardon to the
chief Sandilli and the Gaika people, " who have acknow
ledged that they have been subdued and humbly crave
pardon." But they were given to understand that they
could never again be permitted to occupy the Amatola
country. Other provision was being made for them. As
further restoration of the conditions of peace, on March
23rd, martial law was revoked in the districts of Graaff-
Reinet, Cradock, Somerset East, Uitenhage and Port

jtitujisiiatsuTiUN OF THE TRIBES 485
Elizabeth, but it was retained in Albany, Victoria and CHAP.
Albert, in order that rebel Hottentots, fugitives still in the XL
bush, might be punished by court martial when appre
hended. By April 14th the Governor was able to report
to the Duke of Newcastle1 that every Kaffir tribe had been
expelled beyond the colonial boundary and that not a single
location remained on this side of the Keiskamma and
Chumie rivers.
This happy state of peace having come about, the
maintenance of it in the future was naturally a consideration
which weighed heavily with the Governor. To this end,
a different configuration of the settlements or locations of
thb tribes was obviously necessary ; tribes of doubtful
loyalty and uncertainty of behaviour from month to month
had to be placed at a distance from the colony and under
such supervision as should restrain them from the com
mission of evil ; while those who could be depended upon
had to be so situated as to form some protection to the
colony along its border. Acting upon this principle and
having the power to do as he thought best with the con
quered territories, Sir George Cathcart made some great
changes in the situations of the tribes. Along the left bank
of the Keiskamma river, a cordon of trustworthy natives
was placed. The Christian chief, Kama, who at his own
request had, with his tribe, the Amagqunukwebi, been re
moved from the coast regions to far inland Whittlesea, in
order to be out of the trouble which was brewing in these
parts, was now given the country at the sources of the
Keiskamma, in the vicinity of the present Middle Drift,
from which the rebel chief Stock had been driven. When
Kama had chosen the site for his residence the Governor
had built for him a stone house and the Wesleyans formed a
mission station, Annshaw (after the name of the wife of the
Rev. W. Shaw), among his people. About the same time a
sub-magistracy (under King William's Town) and the small
European village of Middle Drift were established. Kama's
people still occupy that territory. Adjoining Kama's
1 On the fall of the short Derby Ministry, of March to December,
1852, Lord Aberdeen became Prime Minister, and the Duke of Newcastle
Secretary of State for the Colonies in place of Sir. T Pakington.

co

THE CROWN RESERVE 487
country on the south and contiguous to the Keiskamma was CHAP.
the territory which had been occupied by Seyolo, now a XL
prisoner in Cape Town. This part was given to the faithful
Siwani. And south of this again and down to the coast
the loyal chief Umkye held all the land. Thus the whole ]
boundary of the colony on the Kaffirland side was occupied
by tribes which had, not only taken no part in the war,
but had assisted the Government.
The extensive country from which the Gaikas had been
expelled became a Crown Reserve. Roughly its boundaries
were — on the south — the high road from Fort Hare to King
William's Town, thence somewhat indefinitely northwards
along the line of the present railway through Blaney,
Amabele, and Stutterheim to the Kakazeli mountains,
thence along the great northern mountain boundary of the
Amatolas to the source of the Chumie river and thence down
that river to Fort Hare. So that in it were included Fort
Cox, Bailies Grave, Keiskamma Hoek, the Kabousie Nek
and Dohne. With a view to mutual protection and support,
the occupants of this Reserve were to be Europeans and
natives of approved loyalty and industry. They were to
form villages, each consisting of not less than twenty dwel
lings ; there were to be no lone habitations ; no squatters
were to be allowed to haunt the territory and no herds of
cattle which did not belong to some fixed community were
to be allowed to graze on any of the lands. A European
superintendent, who spoke the native language, was to be in
charge of the whole Reserve and to regulate its proceedings.
As a commencement, a township was laid out at Keiskamma
Hoek, the present prosperous village of that name.
The expelled Gaikas were moved more to the east,
into the large and fine tract of country situated between the
Crown Reserve on the west and the Kei river on the east.
It was bounded on the north by the Thomas river and on
the south by Umhala's country. This rebellious tribe had
no option but to take it, though they continued to hanker
after their lost Amatola. Thus was sown the seed of future
trouble. But, viewed in the light of permanency and the
developments which we see to-day, the most important and
far-reaching change was that in connection with Tambookie-

488 THE "CATHCART SYSTEM"
CHAP, land, which had become forfeited to the Crown. The chief
XT Mapassa was dead and his people were either killed or dis
persed, so that a very large tract of country was available
for settlement in some form or other. It is described as
" that part of Her Majesty's possessions comprised between
the Klipplats river and the Zwart Kei, heretofore known as
the Windvogelberg country, or Mapassa's location, forming
a portion of British Kaffraria, north of the Amatola range,
the southern boundary of which is the summit level of the
Amatola and Kabousie range to the Kakazeli mountain,
thence to the Great Northern Road, as far as the drift on
the Thomas river and thence by the Thomas river to its
source with the Zwart Kei."
The occupation of this country by farmers who would
always be ready to act in their own defence and thus to give
some sort of protection to the colony against the warlike
native tribes more to the east (in other words, farmers to
hold their lands on military tenure), was a measure which
must have been obvious to anyone who gave the subject
any consideration. On the principle of palmam qui meruit
ferat it must be said that the first suggestion of this came from
Mr. T. H. Bowker (compensation Bowker), the greatly re
spected commandant of Whittlesea, though the plan is usually
called the " Cathcart System." Mr. Bowker, an 1820
settler, was one of a large family of sons, all of whom played
prominent parts in the political and military history of the
Eastern Province. Mr. Bowker communicated his ideas
to the Governor through Mr. Owen. They met with his
entire approval. He decided to grant, to carefully selected
individuals, farms of the usual extent at a moderate quit-rent
and on condition of personal occupation and the performance
of burgher military duties. He hoped thereby for mutual
support and combined security to people the district with
active and industrious men, both British and Dutch, and even
to persuade some of the Dutch in the Sovereignty to trek
back to the colony. The lands to be thus alienated were not
to be sold by public auction for fear of speculators and land-
jobbers, who, having purchased farms, prevented all occu
pation and improvement until they got the high prices
which would satisfy them. The Governor mentioned

THE BIRTH OF QUEENSTOWN 489
a case in South Victoria where a speculator was mono- CHAP.
polising eight farms of six thousand acres each and allowing XL
them to lie idle in the hope of gaining large profits.
When this scheme became known there were no less
than eight hundred applications for farms on the proposed
conditions. A Land Commission was authorised to deal
with them. The result of their labours was that by April,
1853, one hundred and ninety-eight farms were granted to
approved individuals, both British and Dutch.1
In the new district thus formed a site for a township
was chosen. It was in the direct line from Bloemfontein,
through Aliwal North, to East London. With a view to
defence and possible attack, Mr. Surveyor Woodefield, in
planning this township, departed from the usual procedure
of arranging the streets at right angles. A large hexagonal
space, known to-day as the Hexagon, was formed and
from it the streets radiated in the different directions. The
idea was that in the case of attack the whole of this space
could become a laager into which all from the different parts
of the town might congregate. A few small houses were
built and. thus the present town of Queenstown came into
existence. In September, 1853, it was raised to the dignity
of a full magistracy for the district of Queenstown. Mr.
W. G. B. Shepstone (the son of Sir Theophilus) became the
first resident magistrate and civil commissioner. About
this time, the Governor, on a tour through the country,
visited the embryo Queenstown. He thus speaks of it :
" I also visited my new creation of the town and division
of Queenstown, in which the progress that has been made and
the promise of rapid advancement and success are most
surprising. ... I have peopled it (the country)with a famous
set of young farmers, among them five or six off-sets of the
Pringle family. ... A town of about forty houses has grown
up with shops, court-house and a market, there are two inns ;
I put up at the Cathcart Arms. ... It is scarcely nine
months since it was all a desert."
In this re-arrangement and re-organisation of the native
1 Well-known names among, these first grantees are : — Atwell,
Bissett, Pringle, Sydserf, Pretorius, Prinsloo, Woest, Fincham, Rennie,
Purdon, Fuller, Trollip, Ulyate.

490 THE END OF THE KAFFIR WAR
CHAP, territories, necessitated by the late war, the Kat River
' Settlement was not overlooked. As a missionary settlement,
as a kind of imperium in imperio and as a hotbed of idleness
and rebellion, as it eventually became, it came to an end.
But as it was clear that many of the Hottentots were innocent
of complicity in the evil doings of their fellow inhabitants,
it was decided that a commission should be appointed with
authority to call for witnesses, and, in order that no injustice
should be done, to give every individual an opportunity
of clearing himself from the charges which were brought
against the community as a whole. If this Commission
erred at all, it was in its disposition always to give the
benefit of the doubt to the accused. The results of the in
vestigation were that 236 had not forfeited their lands by
misconduct ; they were therefore allowed to retain them.
But 157 were judged guilty ; these were deprived of their
lands, and thus Europeans gained a footing in this one of the
most beautiful and fertile regions of the Eastern Province.
To-day it is entirely a European settlement, and famed far
and wide for its tobacco and oranges.
Near Eland's Post, in the Kat River Settlement, a village
was commenced and named Seymour, after Col. Seymour,
Sir George Cathcart's military secretary.
In September, 1853, Sir George Cathcart, perhaps in
view of his approaching departure from the colony, made
a tour through what had been the disturbed territories in
order to contemplate the peace, satisfaction and contentment
which were believed to have been brought about. In
British Kaffraria everything was as it should be. For some
time there had not been a single report of cattle-theft,
good roads were being made and a substantial hewn stone
church was being built in King William's Town. Kaffir
chiefs met him in the most friendly terms. In his honour,
Siwani was dressed in approved Bond Street fashion — but
Toise had rather overdone things by the very elaborate
embroidery on his waistcoat. However, he meant well.
The longest and most expensive Kaffir war there had
been was at an end. And though, at the beginning of
1854, everything seemed to promise a long continued peace,
yet the near future had further native trouble in store.

DEPARTURE OF SIR GEORGE CATHCART 491
Sir George Cathcart was a fortunate man. He had been CHAP.
successful in bringing hostilities to an end and so disposing
of the Kaffir tribes geographically as to render them less
dangerous to the colony. But it must be borne in mind
that all the heavier and more difficult part of the work had
been accomplished by Sir Harry Smith before his arrival.
Sir George found the Kaffirs war-worn, half-starved,
ill-provided with ammunition and more disposed to run and
disperse than to show fight. The only severe action in which
he was engaged was that with Moshesh, but in that his
victory was scarcely that of a conquering hero. For his
distinguished services he was made a K.C.B. and received
the thanks of both Houses of Parliament. Sir Harry
Smith for his services received what was tantamount to a
dismissal with disgrace. It is a good example of the uncer
tainty of the judgment and attitude of men in power in
rewarding merit where it is due. Sir George Cathcart, having
done all that was required of him by the British Government,
not only in connection with the war, but also with the
inauguration of the New Constitution, was anxious to leave
the Colony. On April 15th, 1854, he gave up command of the
forces and left Grahamstown on the 21st en route for England.
It is worthy of note here that practically the whole of his
governorship had been spent in the Eastern Province.
The same had been the case with his predecessors, Sir Harry
Smith, Sir Henry Pottinger and Sir Peregrine Maitland.
These facts provided a strong argument in favour of the
proposal to separate the East from the West and to establish
a separate government in the East. On May 26th, 1854,
Sir George Cathcart embarked at Cape Town in the
Calcutta and arrived in Plymouth on July 3rd. He had
been appointed Adjutant-General of the Forces and was soon
on his way to take part in the Crimean War. On November
5th, while leading his brigade up Mount Inkerman he was
shot and fell from his horse dead. A tablet to his memory
was erected in St. Paul's Cathedral.
Books Consulted in Connection with this Chapter.
The Volumes of Duplicate Despatches and Enclosures to Despatches
in the Cape Town Archives.
The Correspondence of Sir George Cathcart.

492 BIBLIOGRAPHY
CHAP. The Blue-Books on State of the Kaffir Tribes of Feb. 3rd, 1852, and May
XI, ' 31st. 1853, and July, 1855.
Campaigning in Kaffirland, by Capt. W. R. King, 74th Highlanders.
Reminiscences of Last Kaffir War. James McKay, of the 74th High
landers.
Information acquired by the Author in conversation with old people
who took part in these affairs, and the papers of the late Thomas Holden
Bowker — now in the Albany Museum, Grahamstown.

INDEX
Abercrombie, Dr., 283 n.
Aberdeen, Earl of, 61, 485 n.
Aborigines Protection Society, 2, 3.
Adamson, Rev. Dr., 196 «., 215.
Adderley, C. B., and the convict question, 197, 200 ; and Representative
Government movement, 265, 266, 284 n.
Adderley Street, Cape Town, 199, 200.
Addison, Captain, 407.
Addo Bush, 456.
Agricultural Produce Ordinance, 96.
Ainslie (farm destroyed), 340.
Albany settlement, 21 ; appeal for relief and security, 5, 6 ; burgher
volunteers, 31, 33 ; petition in East ». West question, 65; in 1850
war, 396, 397, 406.
Albert district, 112.
Alexander, B., 222 n.
Alice Times, the, 129 n.
Alice (town), 33, 55, 105, 130, 168 ; in the Kaffir war, 337.
Aliwal North, 112, 166.
Amagqunukwebi clan in the 1 850 war, 303, 304 (see also Kama and Pato) .
Amatola mountains, 38 ; operations against Kaffirs in 1846 war, 42-4 ;
1850 war, 306, 379-80, 389-91, 392 ; Sir George Cathcart's policy,
451. 453 '. Kaffirs dislodged, 464-5, 466, 467.
Ansdell, T., 196 n.
Anta (Kaffir chief), 37, 41, 43, 44 ; in 1850 war, 297, 298, 303, 306, 316,
368, 439, 457 ; outlawed, 305.
Anti- Anti-Convict Association, 209.
Anti-Convict Association of Cape Town, 190, 196 et seq. ; sends delegation
to the Governor, 199; Correspondence Committee, 197; leading mem
bers, 196 n., 223 ; pledge and aims of, 196, 197-8, 210-211, 213, 215 ;
moderate party, 209, 210, 215, 219 ; starvation policy, 209, 210, 215,
216; Vigilance Committee, 211,220, 221,222; the pledge in operation,
216, 220, 221-2 ; failure of 220-3 ; claims against, 211, 225 and nn. ;
lawsuits, 223-4 I and end of the agitation, 227-8 ; attitude of, to
the Legislative Council, 203, 206-8, 209, 244-5.
Archbell, J. W., mission to Klip River district, 83-88 passim.
Archbell, Rev. J., 172.
Arkcoll, Mr. 269.
Armstrong, Captain, 52 493

494 INDEX
Armytage, Captain Godfrey, afterwards Colonel, 129 and «., 306 and n. ;
superintendent at Woburn, 129, 130, 131, 132 ; account of Boomah
Pass and opening of the 1850 war, 306 et seq.
Ashley, Mr., murdered by Hottentots, 360-1.
Auckland : military village, 128, 129, 130 n., 132, 168, 303, 311, 312, 313,
315. 4&5-
Ayliff, James, 373, 374.
Ayliff, Captain W., 351, 352-
Baatjie, Carolus, of Platberg (Griqua chief), 153, 164, 172, 417, 475, 478
Baboons, 294
Backhouse, Mr. (Quaker), 191.
Bailie, John (1820 settler), 29, 30.
Bailie's grave, 309.
Baines, Mr. (artist), 432.
Baker, Captain, 51.
Balfour (town), 112.
BaU, Mr., 316, 318.
Baralongs, the, 113, 172, 173, 417, 419, 420, 423, 425 ; characteristics, 417
(see also Moroko).
Basutoland, boundary troubles, 145, 166, 174-7 '• native troubles, 173,
178, 417 et seq. ; Viervoet battle, 419-20, 422.
Basutos, the, 170, 172, 173 n., 365, ^i-jetseq.; arming of, 125-6, 175; attitude
to Boers in Orange Territory, 174, 372, 374 ; and boundaries troubles,
145, 166, 175, 176 ; characteristics of, 175 ; warfare tactics, 482 ; in
Berea mountain battle, 480-2, 483 (see also Moshesh).
Bataung tribe, 172, 417, 418, 420 (see also Moletsani).
Bates, Captain, 129
Batlokoa tribe, 173, 176, 417, 418.
Baviaan's River district, 340 ; Hottentots of, 340.
Beaufort West, 359.
Beck, Adriaan, 222 and n.
Bell, Mr. Justice, 287.
Bennett, Lennox, 339.
Berea mountain, battle of, 480-1 ; casualties, 482 and n.
Bergh, Olof M., 223.
Berkeley, Lieut.-General Sir George, 4, 10, 13, 15 ; and ending of the 184ft
war, 10, 31, 32, 48 ; relations with Sir Henry Pottinger on question
of military finance, 23-24, 64 ; angered by burgher disbandments,
33, 48 ; operations in the Buffalo Mountains, 48, 50-1 ; operations
against Kreli, 51-2 ; leaves for India, 53, 72 ; otherwise mentioned,
12 «., 18, 23, 26, 28, 30, 39, 47, 54, 55, 127.
Berlin Missionary Society, 161, 290 n.
Bertram, Mr., missionary, 372.
Bester, Paul M., 146, 153, 154, 164, 165, 222 n.
Bethany mission station, 161.
Bethelsdorp mission station, 459,
Bezuidenhout, D., 93.
Bezuidenhout, F. J., 146, 164.

INDEX 495
Biddulph, T. J., Kat River Settlement magistracy, 112, 327; report on
Kat River Settlement, 112, 143, 327-8; Winburg magistracy, 143,
145-9. 17°. J75 : and Michael Quigley, 162 ; and Sovereignty native
troubles, 422, 423 ; statement regarding Pretorius, 427.
Bird, J., attempts survey in Klip River district, 86, 87.
Birkenhead, H.M.S., loss of, 441-3.
Bisset, Captain, and the surrender of Sandilli, 44 et seq.
Bissett, Major, 308.
Blakeway, Major, 330, 333, 356.
Blinkwater district, 124, 125, 323, 329, 330, 333, 335 ; Hottentot rebels
™i 331. 335 '• missionaries' efforts in, 335-6 ; attitude and complaints
of Hottentots, 335 ; Commission of investigation, 330 ; reversion
of Hottentot lands, 334.
Block Drift, 55 n.
Bloem, Jan (Hottentot), 153.
Bloemfontein, 113, 149-50.
Boers : trek from Cape Colony, 231.
Abandonment of Natal, 3, 74, 77, 79, 80, 91, 92, 93, 116, 117-8, 122 ;
Sir Harry Smith endeavours to stay, 79, 94, 116 ; plight of migrating
Boers, 94, 117, 134 ; grievances of, 116 n. 2, 117, 118, 151-2 ; attitude
to British rule, 82, 84, 85 ; divisions amongst, 137, 163, 164, 165 ;
relations with Panda, 79, 84, 86, 88, 91 ; views as to Natal territory,
80, 86, 152 ; the Lieut.-Governor furnishes information as to boun
daries, 81, 83, 87, 88 ; fear of Zulu attack, 93 ; confidence restored, 94 ;
in 1850 war, 370 et seq. (see also under Klip River Government).
Trans-Orange Boers: address to Sir Harry Smith, 115; grievances
as to lands, 115, 174 ; demand for protection, 115 ; and the Basutos,
115, 174 ; migratory movement, 138, 170 ; the Vet River people, 163
(see also under Orange River Sovereignty).
Bonatz, Rev. A., 346, 348, 350.
Boomah Pass disaster, 307-9, 311, 316, 319, 331, 391.
Boomplaats battle, 156-9 ; Boer losses, 160 n., 161 ; British losses, 159-61.
Booth, Mr., 394.
Booth, Mrs., 332.
Borcherds, Mr. (S. African College Council), 283 n.
Botman, (Kaffir chief) 370, 380, 439, 450.
Boshof, J. N., 90, 122; Klip River, magistracy of, 91-2; views of, on
Spies' agitation, 93.
Botha, Andries, Hottentot Field Cornet, 343 ; services in the 1846 war,
327, 343 ; and the Hottentot rebellion, 335, 337"8. 345. 355. 356 ;
and the attack on Fingo messengers at Fort Armstrong, 342-3 ;
at Balfour fight, 355, 356; trial for high treason, 327, 342-3, 355;
Stockenstrom's testimony to, 343.
Botha, L. R., 153.
Bosie (Hottentot), 192.
Bovey, Mr., 330.
Bowker, T. H., 124, 286 n., 4S8, 492.
Bowker, W. M., 351.
Boyes, Colonel, 122.

496 INDEX
Brand, C. J., 246, 248, 249, 252, 253, 255, 283 n., 286 n., 287.
Brander, Hans (Hottentot leader), 388, 435, 468, 470, 471 n. ; fate, 47I.
Brander, Kievet (Hottentot), 394 ; dying confession of, 470, 471 and n.
Brass, William (Hottentot), 192, 470.
Breaks, Mr., 220.
British Kaffraria, 3-4, 29, 104 et seq., 123, 168, 288 ; proclamation, 104.
108 ; boundaries, 104-5 ; sub-divisions, 105 andn., 106 ; military posts,
107 and n. ; traders and trading restrictions, 105 ; revenue, 105 ;
British troops in, after the 1846 war, 126 n. ; Chief Commissioner,
107, 466 ; administration, 123-4 : temporary success of Sir Harry
Smith's policy, 180, 290-2 ; portions allotted to dispersed Kaffirs
after 1850 war, 451, 467, 468, 485, 487 ; rearrangement of native
territories, 485 et seq., 491.
Brits, G. P., 146.
Brown, Rev., 314.
Brownlee, Charles, Commissioner for the Gaikas, 291, 296, 302, 305, 306,
439, 44° ; warns chiefs against war, 297, 299 ; and Sandilli's deposition,
300.
Brownlee, Rev. John (missionary), 103.
Bruce, Captain, 481.
Buffalo river port, 28, 29-30, 31 ; early history, 30-1 (see East London).
Buku (Kaffir chief), in.
Buller, Colonel, 43, 44, 159.
Burgas, R. (Claims Commissioner), 25, 26.
Burgher forces : disbandment of, 4, 8, 10 ; dislike for the regular military
officer, n and n. ; disinclination to re-enlist, 10 ; volunteers refuse
to remain beyond their contracted time, 32-3, 34 ; enlist under
Col. Somerset, 48 ; charges of apathy against Eastern Province, 324,
325, 381-4, 397, 411 ; enrolled against Kreli, 461-2 ; Western Province
enlistments, 325, 384.
Burghersdorp, 166, 474 ; East v. West movement, 272, 283.
Burnaby, Major, 353. Burnop, Ensign, 51.
Burn's Hill, 37, 38, 306, 327.
Bushe (explorer), 432.
Butterworth in the 1850 war, 435, 437, 438, 439 ; Fingoes of, 437, 438, 439.
Calderwood, Rev. H., Gaika Commissioner, 4, 8, 15, 36, 38 ; views of,
on Sandilli, 9 ; attitude to Sandilli, 40-1; negotiations with Sandilli,
41-2, 45, 46 ; inspects the ' Tarka Levy,' 18 ; work amongst the
Gaikas, 105, 106 ; appointed Civil Commissioner, Victoria district,
105 ; selects sites for the military villages, 128, 129.
Caledon River district, 141, 143, 144, 163, 165, 175 ; and the agitation for
Representative Government, 277, 282.
Campbell, Colonel, 43. Campbell, Dr., 51.
Cape Colony : northern boundary, 102, 103 and n. ; ceded or neutral
territory incorporated, 105 ; Victoria district, 105, 106 ; frontier
protection, 106, 126 et seq., 451 ; Keiskamma Tyumie boundary, 127 ;
Ports and Harbours Ordinance, 96 ; and penal settlement question,
184, 187, 193, 198, 219, 226 ; municipal boards established, 231 ;

INDEX 497
relations between British and Dutch in, various views, 237, 239 ;
effect of Kaffir war on, 365, 392, 393.
Cape Corps, Cape Mounted Rifles, 31, 48, 51, 147, 148, 155, 156, 158, 159,
160 n., 345, 388, 398, 482 n. ; dress, 159 n. ; at Boomplaats, 159-60 ;
suspicious behaviour at Boomah Pass, 306, 309 ; aid escape of Sir
Harry Smith, 310, 324 ; defection of, at Line Drift post, 322 ; at
Fort Hare, 336 ; at Fort Alice, 337 ; desertions (deserters), 357-8,
388, 457, 458, 459, 471 ; inquiry into desertions, 358, 359.
Cape Town, 99-100 ; the Heerengracht, 100, 199, 200 ; Adderley Street,
100, 199, 200 ; contribution in expedition against Kreli, 462.
Municipality of, 231-2 ; and convict question, 187, 211-2 ; and repre
sentative government agitation, 242, 276 et seq. ; and Legislative
Council, 242-3, 279 ; and the resignations from Legislative Council,
258 ; attitude to the Additional Instructions, 269 ; and Agricultural
Produce Ordinance, 96.
Cape Town, Bishop of, 168, 194.
Carey, Lieut., 407, 409.
Casalis, M., French missionary, 114, 476.
Castings, Mr. (murdered), 394, 395, 471.
"Castle Eyre," Keiskamma Hoek, 453.
Cathcart, Lieut.-General Hon. Sir G., account of his career, 448 ; character
istics of, 448 ; appointed to Governorship, 276, 445, 448, 449 ; arrival,
446 ; and the movement for Representative Government, 280, 283,
285, 449, 491 ; proceeds to Eastern Province, 446, 450 ; account of
his tour, 454 ; policy in the Kaffir war, 450-1, 455, 465 ; blockhouse
system, 451, 452, 453 and n., 466 ; system of rural European police,
451, 459-60 ; meeting with chiefs, 451-3 ; message to Kreli, 452, 461 ;
subjugation of Kreli, 461, 467 ; concentrates against Maqomo,
463-4 ; dispersion policy, 465, 485 ; peace with the Gaikas 467-8, 484 ;
proclamation to rebel Hottentots, 470 ; reward for rebel leaders, 459,
470 ; peace with Tambookies, 472 ; and the Basutos, 470 et seq. ;
invades Basutoland, 473 et seq. ; demands to Moshesh, 475 et seq. ;
meeting with Moshesh, 476-8 ; action at Berea Mt., 480-2, 491 ;
proclaims Martial law in the Sovereignty, 483 ; accepts ' submission '
of Moshesh, 483-4 ; leaves for Russia, 288, 490, 491 ; killed at Inker-
man, 491 ; tablet in St. Paul's Cathedral, 491 ; appreciation, 491
otherwise mentioned, 412 »., 413.
Cathcart's drift, 478.
Cathcart system, 488.
Catty, Lieutenant, 308, 309.
Ceded Territory, the, 105.
Central Road Board, 67 n. 2 ; policy and work, 68, 69 ; Eastern province
complaints against, 68.
Chaka (Zulu chief), 171.
Chalmers, missionary (Gwuli station), 15, 16.
Chanquion, Professor, 196 n.
Chase, J. C, Civil Commissioner, Uitenhage, n n., 260, 261, 459.
Christian, Ewen, 269.
Christie, Captain, 1.
VOL. V 2K

498 INDEX

Chumie mission station, 313, 314, 315, 316, 319, 337, 343 I a sanctuary,
3H. 315-
Claytons, the (murdered), 456.
Clearence, R., 222 n.
Cloete, Hendrik, 187.
Cloete, Advocate Henry: Natal boundary agreement, 80, 82, 84, 85
and n., 88 ; protector of Mawa, 85 n.
Cloete, Jan Hendrik, 141.
Cloete, P. L., elected to Legislative Council, 207, 208.
Cobus Congo, Amagqunukwebi chief, 8, 48, 296, 452, 465.
Cock, Hon. William, defies Anti-Convict Association, 208, 209 and n., 244 ;
and Eastern Province attitude to central government, 248 ; in
Legislative Council difficulties, 252-64 passim ; on misrepresentation
by missionaries, 362.
Coetzee, C, 294.
Cole, E. M., Civil Commissioner, Burghersdorp, 373, 375 ; visit to Morosi,
373-4-
Cole, Governor Sir Lowry, 326.
Colesberg, 112.
Commercial Advertiser, 253.
Convict agitation, the, 180 et seq. ; petitions against the importation of
convicts, 185-6, 188-90, 193, 194 ; Hottentot protests, 190-2 ; Govern
ment notice, 185 ; action of the Banks during, 198, 203-4 ; Cape Town
public meetings, 187, 199, 200 ; fund to indemnify the Governor, 199 ;
petitions to Governor, 200 (see also Anti-Convict Association).
Convict difficulties in England, 182, 183.
Conway, Mr. (trader), 377.
Cradock: Hottentot levy, 21, 22 ; during the Kaffir war of 1850, 272,
324-5 ; and East v. West question, 272.
Cronje, A., 145.
Crouch, Mr. (trader), 378, 434.
Cumming, Rev. J., 314, 315, 319, 343.
Currie, Walter, Commandant, afterwards Sir Walter, 352, 386, 394, 470.
Cyrus, Mr., 295.
Daniells, Lieut, (of Sidbury), 96, 101.
Darling, Charles Henry : appointed Lieut.-Governor of the Colony, 276,
449 ; account of his career, 449 and n. ; in Representative Govern
ment agitation, 279, 281-2, 283, 285 ; valedictory address to old Legis
lative Council, 285 ; opens first Parliament, 287, 288.
Darling, James, account of Boomplaats, 159
Darwin, Charles, 30.
David, Job (Hottentot), 471 n.
Davidson, Dr. 440.
Davies, Lieut. D., superintendent of Kaffir Police, 33, 36-7, 38, 33, 132,
133. 3°2-
Dawson, Captain, 124.
Deas, Dr. 212, 219-20.
Debe Nek massacre, 309, 311, 3ig.

INDEX

499

de Jager, F., 85 ; speech to Archbell, 86 and n.
de Jager, Lodewijk, 81, 89.
de Lange, J., 81, 82.
Delima, son of Pato, 304.
Dell, E., 387.
Denyssen, Adv., 283 n.
Derby, Earl of, 276, 453.
de Smidt, A., 207, 208.
de Wet, Mr., contractor (of Simon's Town), 210, 220, 225 n.
Dewey, Mr. 129 n.
Discharged soldiers, settlement scheme, 126 et seq.
Donovan, Major, 372, 374, 420.
Draay, Piet (Hottentot), 471 n.
Dreyer (Boer), 160 »., 161, 162.
Driver's Bush affair, 469
Dugmore, Rev. H. H., 108.
Dukwana (Christian Kaffir), 315.
du Plessis (Boer), 135.
Duplooy, M. C. (Dutch farmer), 74, 75, 77
du Preez (Hottentot), 341.
D'Urban, Sir Benjamin, 4, 10, 29, 30, 34, 98, 104, 230, 327 ; policy re
versed, 29, 231 ; and East v. West problem, 61-2, 258 ; compared
with Sir Henry Pottinger, 73 ; creation of Legislative Council by, 230.
Durban system, 3, 4, 231.
Dutch emigrant farmers (see under Boer) .
Dutch Reformed Church, 116, 237; and convict question, 194.
du Toit (Dutch farmer), 383.
Dyason, George (Mr. Biddulph's clerk), 143, 146.
Dyason, G. (son of the Bathurst magistrate), 394.
Dyke, Rev., 476.
East versus West, 7, 59 et seq., 167-9 passim, 180, 234, 238, 240, 243, 248,
270-3, 491 ; petitions for more liberal institutions, 65 ; previous history
of movement for separate government, 66 ; views of Eastern Province
inhabitants invited, 66, 72 ; general epitome of sentiments expressed,
67-9 ; Fort Beaufort report, 69-70 ; statistics favouring separate
government, 70-2 ; or removal of seat of government, 70 ; protests
against transfer of Sir Henry Young, 72 ; fears for the office of
Lieutenant-Governor, 72.
Eastern Province, 2 ; appeals for relief and security, 5, 6-8 ; development,
29, 67 ; poverty, 61 ; roads, 61 ; East versus West movement, 7,
59 et seq., 167-9 passim, 234-5, 238, 240, 243, 248, 270-3 ; points in
favour of separate government, 67 et seq. ; literature relating to separa
tion, 67 nn. ; public meetings and petitions, 66, 72, 235 ; origin
of desire for separate government, 234-5 ; unwitting support from
England, 244 ; separation question before Executive Council, 272-3 ;
attitude to Fairbairn-Stockenstrom mission, 271-2 ; Letters Patent
of 1836 revoked, 449 ; hostility in, to missionaries during Kaffir
War, 329 (see also East versus West above) .

§00 INDEX
Eastern Province Bank, 10.
East London, 10, 29, 30, 96, 106, 107
Eastland, T., murdered, 323.
Ebden, John Bardwell, 59, 99 ; and convict question, 187, 196 »., 198,
208, 209, 210, 212, 213, 215, 216 ; comes under the pledge, 223 ;
threatens legal proceedings against Anti-Convict Association, 223,
224 ; in election for House of Assembly, 286 n 1.
Eberfield mission station (Damara country), 432.
Eddie, Surgeon, 160 n.
Eland's Post, 14, 128, 449, 474.
Eld, Major, n n.
Elliott, Mr. (murdered), 456.
Ely, military village, 128, 129, 130 n., 168.
Enslin, J. A. (Boer commandant), 153.
Erasmus, F. C, 165. Erasmus, Piet, 138. Erasmus, Commandant,
424.
Ewart (explorer), 432.
Exeter Hall (views as to the Kaffirs), 3.
Eyre, Lieut.-Colonel, 304; operations against the Kaffirs, 379, 389, 397, 453;
scours Fish River bush, 397, 398 ; Transkeian expedition, 435, 436,
437, 439 ; scours the Gaika country, 464-5 ; at Berea Mountain battle,
480, 481, 482, 484.

Fairbairn, John, 216, 253, 278 ; in convict agitation, 196 n., 200, 216, 217,
219, 220, 223, 224 ; leader of ultra party, 216 ; house of, attacked,
217 ; in agitation for Representative Government, 246 et seq. passim ;
and the election to Legislative Council, 246, 248, 252, 253, 256, 283 n. ,
and qualification question, 249-52, 259 ; mission to England, 258;
260-8 passim, 271 ; electioneering tactics, 259, 260 ; Mr. Montagu's
observations on, 262, 278 ; mission repudiated, 271, 272 ; elected to
House of Assembly, 286 n. 2, 287 ; nominated for Speakership, 287;
otherwise mentioned, 123.
Fairbridge, C. A., 286 ».
Faku (Pondo chief), 73.
Faunce, Captain, 481.
Faunt, Lieut., 51.
Festiri (Kaffir), 314.
Field, Hon. W. (Collector of Customs), 221 n., 238, 249, 272, 287.
Fingo Levies, 15, 16 ; Alice, 337 ; Baviaan's district, 340, 341-2 ; Fort
Beaufort, 331, 333, 334, 345, 384 ; Fort Hare, 336 ; Grahamstown, 323.
Fingoes, the, 16, 32, 34 ; attack Olivier's house, 341-2 ; behaviour in
action, 399 ; loyalty, 399 ; Kaffirs' hatred of, 295, 437.
Fish River bush operations, 397, 398 ; convoy fight, 393-4.
Fisher, Major, 355.
Floris, John (Hottentot), 191.
Fordyce, Lieut.-Col., 380 ; scours the Waterkloof, 406-9 ; killed in action,
409; mentioned, 441.
Forsyth, Lieutenant, 30.

INDEX 501
Fort Armstrong, 14, 323, 331, 337, 339, 343 ; Uithaalder's demonstration
before, 337, 338 ; behaviour of supposed friendly Hottentots at, 338,
339. 342 I attacked and captured by General Somerset, 351-3, 384.
Fort Beaufort district : East v. West question, 69-70, 167 ; in the Hotten
tot rebellion, 331-3, 345 ; Hermanus attacks the town, 333-4, 384 ; brave
fighting by Fingoes of, 331, 333, 334; in 1850 war, 342, 393, 405-6, 440-1.
Fort Brown, 458.
Fort Cox, 107 »., 168, 304, 309, 320, 366, 367, 455 ; investment of, 310,
319, 320, 322.
Fort Drury, 148 n., 163.
Fort Glamorgan, 107. Fort Grey, 107 n.
Fort Hare : descriptive, 53-6, 107 n., 168 ; in the 1850 war, 304, 320, 321,
342, 366 ; Sandilli's attack on, 336, 337 ; convoy work to, 366 ; Fingo
Levies of, 15 ; Native College, 55.
Fort Peddie, 169.
Fort Waterloo, 107 «.
Fort Wellington, 107 n.
Fort White, 107 n., 168 ; in the 1850 war, 309, 366, 367, 368 ; Kaffir
attacks on, 309-10.
Fort Willshire, 389.
Fortuin, J. (Hottentot), 471 n.
Fortuyn, David (Hottentot), 340, 341.
Fourie, Cobus (Hottentot loyalist), 335, 338, 343, 354, 355.
Franchise question, 236, 238, 241, 249, 262-3, 275, 277, 281 ; the coloured
peoples, 236, 237, 238, 263, 274 ; Legislative Council decision, 249 ;
petitions against the £25 franchise, 262-3, 277 and n. ; final provisions,
284.
Free Church of Scotland mission stations, 290 n.
Freeman, Rev. J. J., 177.
French Missionaries protest in Basutoland boundary dispute, 176.
Frere, Advocate, 283 ».
Frontier, Armed Mounted Police, 470.
Froud, Captain (of the Ghika), 31.
Fynn, H. F. (Diplomatic Agent), 293-4, 434. 435. 454-

Gabencuka (Tambookie), 472.
Gadney, W., 196 n.
Gaika (chief), 300, 305 ; and Chumie mission station, 314, 315.
Gaikas: in concluding stages of 1846 war, 9, 27, 35, 38, 39, 41, 128;
in 1850 war, 297 et seq. ; dispersion of, 440, 451, 452, 464-5, 467, 484,
487 ; submission of, 467, 484 ; new country allotted to, 468, 487 (see
also Sandilli).
Garvock, Major, 114, 152, 166.
Gcalekas (tribe), 16, 50, 51, 52, 365 (see Kreli).
Genadendal mission, 263, 325, 400,
Geyser (steamer), 122, 228,
Gibson, Mr. 313.
Giddy, Rev., 475.

502 INDEX
Gilbert, Mr., 330 ; homestead destroyed, 332, 398, 406.
Gilfillan, Adam, 151.
Gilfillan, W. T., of Cradock, 21, 22, 286 n., 324, 346, 375.
Gladwin, Rev. J. (Wesleyan missionary), 381, 439.
Gladwin, Rev. P. F. (Wesleyan missionary), 391, 434.
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., 65 ; and convict labour question, 181.
Glasgow Missionary Society, 327, 359.
Glenelg, Lord, 4, 32.
Glenelg-Stockenstrom regime, 34, 98, in, 329 n 1.
Glen Grey district, 472.
Godlonton, Mr., 253, 274, 330 ; and convict agitation, 189, 210 ; elected
to Legislative Council during agitation for Representative Govern
ment, 246, 248, 252, 253, 254, 256-7, 259 n., 264, 274 ; Twelve ' Reasons
for Assent,' 256-7 ; and qualification question, in election for House
of Assembly, 286 n.
Goliad, Philip (Hottentot), 471 n.
Goldswain, Mr. 394.
Gordon, Lieutenant, 409.
Government, 229 et seq., 448-9 ; powers of the Governor, 229, 284 ; Council
of Advice, 229 ; movement for Representative Government, 229
et seq. ; Commissioners of Inquiry, 229 ; Legislative Council, 230-1,
285 ; new Constitution, 284 et seq. (see also under Representative
Government, House of Assembly, Legislative Council).
Graaff Reinet : and convict question, 225 ; and Representative Govern
ment question, 272 ; apathy in 1850 war, 462 ; Hottentot levy,
28.
Grahamstown : in 1819, 294 n. ; in 1846 war, 21 ; Hottentot levy of, 21 ;
address to Sir H. Pottinger, 6, 7-8 ; and East v. West question, 68,
271 ; welcome to Sir Harry Smith, 169 ; protest in convict agitation,
186 ; petition for removal of seat of government, 271 ; repudiates
Stockenstrom-Fairbairn mission, 271 ; in Representative Government
agitation, 274, 283 ; during the Kaffir war, 323, 393-7 ; homeless fugi
tives in, 323 ; Hottentot huts searched and burnt, 395 ; threatened
with attack, 395 ; contribution in expedition against Kreli, 461 ; and
the Hottentot rebellion inquiry, 359 ; Drostdy, the, 46, 466 ; Free
masons' Tavern, 25 n. ; McKenzie's Hotel, 361 and n.
Grahamstown Board of Defence, 384, 396 ; memorial to Sir H. Smith,
396.
Grahamstown Journal, 168, 210, 253, 362.
Gray, Bishop, 168, 169.
Gray, Field-Cornet W., 386, 387.
Green, John, 360 and n.
Gregory, Lieutenant, 46.
Grey, Earl, 3-4, 276, 453 ; instructions to Sir Henry Pottinger, 2 ; views
on relations with the Kaffirs, 3-4 ; and affairs of the Frontier, 3-4,
5-6 ; attitude to request for reinforcements, 33-4 ; and Orange
River Sovereignty, 119, 120-1, 414-5 ; abandonment policy, 363, 415,
428, 433 ; revokes outlawry of Pretorius, 428 ; and the convict
question, 182 et seq. passim, 218, 219, 225 ; Order in Council revoked,

INDEX 503
226,227; censure of Sir H. Smith in convict agitation, 227 ; attitude
to Representative Government, 233, 243, 265, 273, 276 ; and Legisla
tive Council difficulties, 264 et seq. passim. ; reception of Fairbairn and
Stockenstrom, 265 and n., 267 ; and removal of seat of government,
270, 272 ; and the Lieutenant-Governorship, 167 ; and Hottentot
rebellion, 358-9 ; on British Treasury and Kaffir wars, 107, 184,190, 194;
and Colonists' losses, 5-6, 25-6 ; and defence of the Colony, 242 and n. ;
on frontier protection, 106 ; discharged soldiers' settlement scheme,
127 ; on terms for conclusion of hostilities with Kaffirs, 392 ; on
Smith's despatches, 409, 410 ; impatience at slow progress of war, 410,
414, 443-4 ; and the gunpowder traffic, 412-3 ; views on Major
Warden, 425, 428-9 ; pours in reinforcements, 380-1, 441 ; recalls
Sir Harry Smith, 443-5. Otherwise mentioned, 5, 8, 96, 106, 125,
166, et passim.
Griquas, 155, 159 (see Kok, Adam).
Grobbelaar, I. H., 426.
Groepe, Commandant, 338.
Gunpowder Ordinance, 412.
Gunpowder traffic, 412 ; investigated, 412, 413-4.
Gun-running by Basutos, 125 ; by Kaffirs, 132, 414.
Gwali mission station, 16 (see also Chumie).

Hablutzel and Hugo, Messrs, 222 and n.
Hall, Dr., 152, 166.
Halse, Messrs. F. and H., 144.
Hanbury, E., 222 and n.
Hanbury, J., 222 «.
Harding, Mr. (Resident Magistrate) : inquiry at Klip River, 88, 89, 90 ;
report, 89 ; Executive Council's decisions on report, 90.
Hare, Colonel, 59 ; authorisation of levies, 16, 21, 22 ; and the Lieut.-
Governorship, 64, 67.
Harries, Mr., 207.
Harrington, E., 222 n.
Harrismith, 177.
Hawes, B., Under-Secretary of State, 1850, 325.
Hawkins, Mr. (in reconstructed Legislative Council), 269.
Hearn, Captain (murdered), 469.
Hermanus (chief), 17, 18, 124, 125, 322, 329, 332, 333 ; stronghold of,
124-5, 329, 330 ; acts with Sandilli, 322-3, 33°. 331 I Winterberg
road crime, 322, 330 ; forces of, 330, 331 ; exploits in Fort Beaufort
district, 331-3, 384 ; killed, 333, 334 : lands of, reverted, 334-
Hermes, vessel, 297, 304, 325.
Heurant, L. H., 21.
Higgs (trader), 17.
Hind, Major, 18.
.Hintsa (Kaffir chief), 433.
Hofmeyr, Advocate, 283 n.

504 INDEX
Hogge, Major W., 39, 43, 52 ; Hottentot levies under, 39, 48, 51-1 ;
Assistant Commissioner, 415, 430, 432, 473, 477; death, 461.
Holdich, Lieutenant, 152, 166.
Hope, Mr. (Auditor-General), East v. West question, 273 ; Hottentot
rebellion Commissioner, 359 ; and property qualification, 250.
Hottentots, reluctance to re-enlist after disbandment, 12, 23, 28, 39 ;
levies disbanded, 22, 24 ; aptitude for Kaffir warfare, 28 ; services
in 1835 and 1846 wars, 14, 21, 112, 325-6, 327 ; in 1850 war, 320-1, 325.
Eastern Province, 275, 325, 385.
Western Province, 275, 325, 357 ; loyal attitude, 400 ; panic reports
concerning, 400 ; Commission of Inquiry, 401-2 ; effect of the
Squatters Bill on, 402, 403 ; and fears of repressive treatment, 274,
275. 4°3. 4°4-
Rebellion, 325, 344 et seq., 363, 369, 384 et seq., 393, 399, 450 ; circum
stances and causes contributing to, 326-9, 335, 404 ; offer of pardon to
rebels, 332, 334 ; increased determination of rebels after Fort Beaufort
reverse, 334, 335 ; some loyalists among, 335, 336 ; independent
marauding by, 340-1, 450, 454, 456, 458, 469-70 ; action against
Theopolis, 386, et seq. ; act with Kaffirs, 345 et seq., 363, 405, 450 ;
abduction of Toise, 457-8 ; Koonap Hill raid, 458, 459 ; chief strong
hold of, 459 ; show no signs of giving in, 459 ; gunpowder supplies,
414, 471 and n. ; subjection of, 468-72, 484-5 ; rebel leaders proscribed,
470 ; confessions, 470, 471 and n. (see also under Cape Corps, Hermanus,
Uithaalder, Kat River Settlement) .
Hottentot Squatters Bill, 275, 402, 403 ; withdrawn, 403.
House of Assembly ; constitution as proposed by Hon. W. Porter, 235-6,
241-2 ; constitution as ratified, 284 ; electoral divisions, 284 n. ;
election of members, 286 ; names of members, 286 n 2 ; swearing-in
ceremony, 287 ; election of Speaker, 287.
Howison's Poort road, 69.
Imvani River battle, 375-6, 434, 435.
Irish deportees on the Neptune, 226.
Isaacs (Hottentot), Kat River, 191.
Jacobs, J. J. (Boer commandant), 153.
Jacobs, V. (Hottentot), 191.
Jacobs, W. (Boer landdrost of Winburg), 135, 136, 145, 146 ; in Sovereignty
rebellion, 136-7, 145 ; violent speeches of, 136-7 ; outlawed, 162, 164.
James, Mr. (farmer, murdered), 469.
Jarvis, H., 196 n., 283 n. Jarvis, H. C, 286 n. 2.
Jeps, Old (Hottentot), 101.
Jerram, E., 196 n., 219.
Joey (Tambookie), 472.
Johnstone, Colonel, 15, 16, 18, 23.
Joubert, Gideon, 114, 370-1 ; on commando against the Tambookies, 371 .
Joubert, J, J. (Boer commandant), 153.
Juanasberg (military village), 128, 129, 130 «., 168, 311, 312, 313-4,

INDEX 505
Kaffir Chiefs, Governor's meeting with at King William's Town, 168,
169 ; discontent, 292, 296 ; attitude to termination of war, 392, 440.
Kaffir depredations, 9-10, 27, 34-5, 124, 168, 180, 330, 398, 405.
Kaffir drill, 335.
Kaffir Police, 33, 34, 36-7, 38, 53, 55, 132, 291, 295, 302, 320, 323 ; Colonists'
misgivings, 132 ; at Boomah Pass, 306-10 ; desertion of, 309, 310, 311.
Kaffirs and Christianity, 6 ; and witchcraft, 292, 293, 294.
Kaffirs, Colonists' views on British Government policy towards, 190.
Kaffir War of 1835, 6, 231 ; British forces in the Colony, 34.
Kaffir War of 1846 : views on causes of, 6; concluding stages of, 27, 31,
34"7. 42"3. 53 I Kaffir movement for peace, 35, 43 ; regular forces
in the Colony, 33 and n. ; attitude of Kaffirs, 5, 9 ; disarmament, 5 ;
registration of Kaffirs, 5, 9, 27 ; annulment of treaties, 103, 104, 108 ;
after results, 123-4 '• departure of regular troops, 126 and n., 133 ;
cost of, 53 «., 126.
Kaffir War of 1850, igoetseq., 319 et seq., 36setseq., 455 ; warnings and signs
of, 131, 294, 297,299,302, 303, 316 ; divisions among the Kaffirs, 303 ;
Kaffir attitude to the military villages, 131, 132, 303, 311; opening of the
war, 306 et seq., 319 ; Kaffir camouflage, 300, 311 ; Kaffir ammunition
supplies, 131, 307, 309, 405, 411 ; attitude to women and children,
313 ; conjunction with Hottentots, 393 et seq., 450 ; character and
difficulties of warfare against Kaffirs, 365, 379, 390, 410 ; regular forces
in the Colony, 380, 381 ; dispersion of militant Kaffirs, 390, 393, 452,
455_6 ; effect of military demonstration in Kaffir strongholds, 379-80,
39i, 392 ; chiefs desire peace, 392 ; war area spreads, 393, 405;
Transkeian expedition, 435-9 ; Smithfield market cattle driving, 435-
8 ; process of devastation and attrition, 365, 379, 450 ; backbone of
war broken, 450 ; Kaffirs weary of war, 438-40, 455, 459, 466, 467,
491 (see also under Persons and Place Names).
Kaffir warfare, character and difficulties of, 365, 379, 390, 410.
Kaffraria (see British Kaffraria).
Kama (Amagqunukwebi chief), 15, 17, 18, 348, 440, 451, 485.
Kama's Kaffirs, 15, 370, 371, 372, 375, 485.
Kamastone, 15, 348, 451.
Karraa, the, 386 and n.
Kat River Loyal Burgher Association, 343"4> 349. 354-
Kat River Settlement, 12, 14, 112, 326-7, 490 ; population, 14 ; services
of Hottentots of, in the 1835 and 1846 wars, 14, 112, 327 ; wretched
ness in, due to the war, 14, 112, 327 ; management in, 327, 385 ;
Biddulph's report on, 112, 143, 327-8 ; Sir Henry Pottinger's attitude
to, 12, 14-15, 327 ; Hottentot protests against convict settlement,
190-2 ; Hottentots and the franchise, 263 ; disaffection in, 326,
328-9, 334, 335, 357-8, 369, 384-5 : pligM of loyalists, 335. 336 ; end
of, 363 ; disposal of lands, 363 ; Sir Harry Smith's visit to, 1 1 2 ; chief
cause of failure, 328 ; Commission of Investigation, 490.
Keane, Commander G. D., R.N., 413.
Kelly, Sergeant, 322.
Kelso Chronicle, 362.
Kievet, Speelman (Hottentot), 469,

506 INDEX
Kilpin, Mr. R., 287 n., 289 n.
King, Captain W. R., 389 and n 1 ; Campaigning in Kaffirland, 389 n.,
409, 492.
King William's Town, 10, 28, 98, 103, 106, 107, 168, 290, 462, 490 ; during
the Kaffir War, 324 ; Trinity Church, 168 ; Wesleyan chapel; 168.
Klaas, Cuipido (Hottentot), 191.
' Klip River Government,' 81 et seq., 95 ; Boers' attitude to survey Of lands,
86-7 ; Lieut.-Governor's notice to, 87 ; proclamation to, 90, 91, 94
and n. ; Mr. Harding's inquiry, 88-90 ; official action on, 90 ; Boer
grievances, 89, 91 ; question of registration of farms, 89, 90, 91 (see
also under Spies and under West) .
Knys, Mr. (of Worcester), 282.
Kock, Jan (Boer), 135, 136, 422; disagrees with Pretorius, 138, 141.
Koeberg, Hottentot panic in, 402.
Kok, Adam (Griqua chief), 113, 119, 138 ; interview with Sir Harry Smith,
113 ; attitude in Sovereignty rebellion, 155 ; in 1850 war, 372, 373,
395-6 ; attitude to Uithaalder and the Hottentot rebellion, 396.
Koonap Hill, 458 ; affair at, 393-4.
Korannas, 173, 176, 417, 420 (see also Taaibosch, Gert).
Kreli (Kaffir, chief of Gcalekas) : in final stages of 1846 war, 9, 27, 32, 39,
48, 5°. 51. 52, in, 123; attitude to Pato, 52, 53; provides some
compensation, 123 ; meeting with Sir Harry Smith, 168, 169 ; period
of contrition, 391, 398 ; characteristics of, 417, 433 ; message to
Pato and Umhala, 378 ; attitude and influence in the war of 1850,
376-8, 380, 390, 391, 433-4, 461 ; duplicity of, 376, 377 ; throws down
the gauntlet, 435 ; contumacious attitude of, 434, 450, 451, 456, 460,
461, 462 ; expeditions against, 409, 435 et seq., 462-3, 466 ; Governor
Cathcart's message to, 452, 461 , pays the fine, 466-7 ; desires peace,
467 ; terms with, 435, 467.
Krijmann (or Krijnauw), Jan, 162.
Kroomie Mountains, 393 ; operations in, 398-9, 464.
Kruger, G. H., in Sovereignty rebellion, 153, 154, 164.
Kruger, P., 382.
Kyle, Captain H. D., 88, 122.
Ladybrand district, 172.
Lakeman, Captain (afterwards Sir Stephen), 464.
Lakeman's volunteers, 464 and n.
Land Commission, 122, 134.
Langdon, Sir Godfrey, 173 n.
Latshuke (native messenger), 83.
Laubser, W. P., 222.
Leaky, Mr., 223.
Legislative Council, 230, 244-6, 285 ; constitution, 231 ; failure, 167, 231 ;
constitution as proposed by Mr. Porter, 235, 241 ; Mr. Montagu's
views on, 237 ; Justice Menzies on, 239 ; Cape Town Municipality
petition for abolition of, 242-3 ; difficulties during Representative
Government agitation, 244 et seq., 277 et seq.; the "Additional
Instructions," 264-7, 268-9 ; reconstructed, 269 ; last meeting of old

INDEX 507
Council, 285 ; Lieut.-Governor's valedictory address, 285 ; election
for members of the new Council, 286 and n. ; swearing-in ceremony,
287 ; constitution of the new Council, 284.
Lesseyton, Wesleyan mission station, 375.
Letsie (son of Moshesh), 173.
Letterstedt, J., 207-8, 222 ; comes under Anti-Convict Association pledge,
207-8 ; institutes legal proceedings, 208, 223-4.
Liefield, Rev., 471 n.
Lieutenant-Governorship, 59, 448-9 ; Sir H. Smith's attitude to, 167 ;
power and authority of, Albany petition, 64
Line Drift military post, 322 ; plundered and burnt, 322.
Livingstone, Dr., 432.
Loch, Assistant Surgeon, 51 Lochner, Mr., 401.
Lombard, Mr. (Landdrost of Potchefstroom), 432.
London Missionary Society, 177, 290 n., 327 ; charges against missionaries
of, 328, 329 and n., 334, 344, 359, 362 ; Theopolis Hottentot mission
station, 385-8, 351 ; missionaries of, and the Squatters Bill, 402.
Louw, A. J., and panic over the Hottentots, 401, 403.
Love, Klaas (Hottentot), 470.
Lovedale Mission station, 128 and n., 290.
Lovelot, David (Hottentot preacher), 358, 470.
Lower Reit river community, 141.
Lynx (Hottentot), 385, 386. Lynx, Gert, 417, 420.
McCabe, H., 313, 314.
McCabe, J. (Ngami traveller), 137, 432.
McDiarmid, Rev., 41.
MacKay, Mr. (Civil Commissioner, Caledon), 443.
McKay, Sergeant James : account of Governor Cathcart's talk with
Moshesh, 478 n. ; mentioned, 482 n., 492.
Mackenzie, Sgt.-Major (Cape Corps), i6on.
Mackinnon, Colonel G., Chief Commissioner, British Kaffraria, 107,
no, 123, 124, 168, 296, 298, 302, 303, 466 ; holds annual meeting of
Kaffir chiefs, 291 ; in 1850 war, 304, 324, 366-70 passim, 379. 380,
389 398 435, 437. 463 ; Boomah Pass, 306-10, 316 ; Keiskamma-
Hoe'k operations. 379. 380 ; in Fish River bush, 398 ; in Transkeian
expedition, 435. 437- . , „ , ..
Maclean Captain (afterwards Colonel), diplomatic agent at Peddie, 4.
8, 32. 291, 3°2. 303. 379. 45L 452, 465 : and Sandilli's surrender, 43;7
passim ¦ and Umlanjeni, 292-3, 296 ; meetings with Kaffir chiefs,
296, 304, 452 ; and the kidnapping of Toise, 458 ; Chief Commis
sioner British Kaffraria, 466, 467 ; mentioned, 457-
Magerman, Oerson (Hottentot), 470.
Maitland, Governor Sir Peregrine, and ending of 1846 war, 4. 8 ; regis
tration of the Kaffirs, 9 ; and Kat River Settlement, 14. 15 I attitude
to Kaffir chiefs, 29 ; and Fort Hare, 55 I and Lieutenant-Governor
ship 59 ¦ compared with Sir H. Pottinger, 73 I and Kaffir Police,
132 ; and Table Bay breakwater construction, 181 ; mentioned,
I, 4, 8, 32, 65; 106, 121, 174. 233. 491-

508 INDEX
Makanna (Kaffir witch doctor), 294 and n.
Malmesbury, 275 ; Hottentot alarms in, 401, 402.
Manana (Kaffir), 337.
Mancazana valley Hottentots, 323, 331, 339-42 ; rumoured massacre of,
339-41-
Mani (Kaffir policeman), 295.
Mantatees, 125, 173 (see Sikonyella).
Mapassa, Tambookie chief in 1846 war, 16, 32 ; in 1850 war, 295, 376, 377 ;
hostility against the colony, 346, 350 ; end of, 471, 472, 488 ; country
off, forfeited to the Crown, 472, 487-8.
Maqomo (Gaika chief), allowed to reside in Port Elizabeth, 39, 100 ;
humiliation of, 100 ; characteristics of, 398 ; marshals his forces,
398; in 1850 war, 297, 380, 406, 439, 450, 453, 455, 463, 464, 465 ;
' Maqomo's den,' 441 ; holds out, 460 ; seeks peace, 467, 468 ;
mentioned, 104, 326.
Maritz, J. S., 93.
Martial law, abolition of, 4, 8, 484-5.
Mawa, aunt of Panda, 84, 85 and n.
Meintjes, J. J., 246.
Menzies, William (Mr. Justice) : and Sir Henry Young, 62-4 ; and convict
agitation, 223, 224 ; memorandum on Representative Government,
238-40 ; otherwise mentioned, 101, 326.
Metcalf, Lieutenant, 114.
Meurant, L. H., 75.
Meyer, G. H., and affairs in the Sovereignty, 135, 136-7, 163 ; memorial
to Sir H. Pottinger, 136.
Michel, Lieut.-Colonel, 406, 441, 453, 463.
Middle Drift, 485.
Military department, the, and Anti-Convict Association pledge, 221, 222,
225 ».
Military posts, 1846 war, 31,
Military posts, British Kaffraria, 107 and n., 366, 393 (and see under names).
Military villages, the, 106, 126 et seq., 168, 311 et seq., 331 ; numbers of
individuals in, 130 n. ; failure as defensive measure, 132 ; exter
mination of, 129, 380.
Militia, movement, 106, 126 ; proclamation, 137..
Minter, and the 'Tarka Levy,' 17.
Mission stations in British Kaffraria, 290 and n.
Missionaries invited to resume labours in Kaffirland, 105.
Mitchel, John, 185 and «., 220 ; Jail Journal quoted, 226 «., 228 n.
Molapo (son of Moshesh), 173, 418.
Moletsani (Bataung chief), 114, 119, 164, 172, 173, 417 et seq. passim, 475 ;
characteristics, 417.
Montagu, Hon. J., Secretary to Government, 324 ; and the Kaffirs, 67 ;
in Convict agitation, 187, 208 ; memorandum on Representative
Government, 236-8 ; notice regarding appointment to Legislative
Council, 245, 254 ; and the Legislative Council difficulty, 246, 247,
253. 254 ; property qualification, 250-1 ; observations on petitions in
Representative Government agitation, 262, 277-8 ; and the gunpowder

INDEX 509
shipments, 413 ; on apathy of burghers in 1850 war, 325, 383 ; various
petitions for his removal, 277, 280, 282 ; to England, 279-80 ; death,
280 ; appreciation, 280.
Montagu Pass road, 68.
Montresor, Colonel, 16, 18.
Moodie, D., 122, 269.
Mooi river people, 137, 146, 154.
Moolmans, the, 91.
Moravian missionaries, 263 ; mission stations, 290 n., 325, 346.
Mordenaar's Kop, 51, 52.
Morgan, Rev. G., 223, 283 n.
Morkel and de Villiers, Messrs., 210.
Moroko (Baralong chief), 113, 119 andn., 164, 172, 417, 419, 425, 474, 475,
478 ; reports on Boer meetings, 134 ; characteristics, 417.
Morosi, Basuto chief, 373-4.
Moshesh, Basuto chief, 114 ; account of, 172 ; characteristics and power,
r73. 4z<>-7, 475 ; claims to territory, 172 ; attitude to Boer incursion
into Orange Territory, 115, 174 ; agreement as to Boer lands signed
by, 115 ; and the Sovereignty proclamation, 119 and »., 165, 166;
and boundaries question, 145, 174, 175, 176 ; and the native troubles,
I73. 4X7 et seq. passim; duplicity of, 419 »., 421, 473 ; avowal of
peace and amity, 419 and n. ; prepares for a rupture, 420 ; and the
Sovereignty burghers, 421, 472, 473 ; appeals to Pretorius to mediate,
425 ; faces the Governor, 475, 476-8 and n. ; pays in part, 478 ;
letter of submission after Berea Mt. battle, 482, 484.
Sons of, 173, 418, 475.
Otherwise mentioned, 125, 153, 164, 380, 427, 433, 491.
Mota (Batlokoa chief), 418.
Moultree, Captain, 36, 38.
Mount Coke mission station, 290, 456 ; Hottentot attack on, 456-7.
Mundell, Mr., 407.
Municipal boards established, 231.
Munro, Mr. (murdered at Auckland), 313.
Murray, Mr. (explorer), 432.
Murray, Captain, 160.
Murray, Rev. Andrew (jun.), 427 ; impressions of, on Pretorius, 427-8.
Musgrave, Mr. Justice, 223, 224, 287 ; retires from bench in Letterstedt
case, 224 ; memorandum on Representative Government, 240.
Namba (Kaffir chief), 297.
Napier, Lieut.-Colonel, 369, 463, 480 ; in Berea Mountain battle, 481-2
and n.
Napier, Governor, Sir George, 32, 76, 326, 371 ; and movement for Repre
sentative Government, 232, 233.
Natal : influx of natives into, 73-4 ; native locations in, 74 and n. ; native
segregation policy, 89, 90, 122 ; cotton industry, 180.
Natal-Zululand boundary agreement, 80, 82 ; proclamation of, 89, 90 ;
Lieut.-Governor West's notice to Klip River Boers on, 87 (see also
under Panda.)

5io

INDEX

Naude, David, 383.
Naval department, and Anti-Convict Association pledge, 220, 222, 225 n.
Ndhlambis, 304, 438, 452, 457, 458 (see Toise, Umhala and Umkye).
Need, Lieutenant, 35 n.
Need's Camp, 35 and n.
Neptune, convict ship, 184, 197, 205, 211-24 passim; welfare during
detention in Simon's Bay, 219, 220, 222 ; general character of
prisoners on, 226 ; departure, 227, 228, 229 ; Cape Town gift, 228.
Nel, J. D., 34.
Neutral Territory, the, 105.
Newcastle, Duke of, 485, and n. ; instruction on Representative Govern
ment, 283.
New South Wales : penal settlement, 182.
Ngami, Lake, discovery of, 432.
Niekerk, Gert, statement on Panda's intentions regarding the English, 92.
Niemand's Kraal, 459.
Niven, Rev. J., and family, 316-9, 343.
Niven's mission station, 308.
Nkenye, Mr. Niven's Kaffir servant, 316, 317.
Nonise (Tambookie chief tainess), 472.
Nonzwenzwe (native messenger), 83.
Nordau, J. D. (auctioneer, commandant of Yeomanry), 21.
Norden, Benjamin, 217, 222 and n., 224, 225 n.
Norfolk Island : convict establishment, 182.
Norris, Lieutenant (6th Regiment), 307, 407.
Nourse, T. (homestead destroyed), 340.

Oba, Kaffir chief, 439.
Ogilvie, Miss, 316.
O'Grady, Major, 18.
Oliphant's Hoek, ' separation ' petition, 243 ; Hottentot depredations at,
469.
Olivier, Casper (Hottentot), 339, 340, 341 ; depositions of, at Philipton,
342. 344- 36o.
Olivier, Jan (of Stormberg), 112.
Orange Free State, 116, 177, 179, 414, 429, 433.
Orange River Sovereignty : proclamation of, 114, 115, 118, 119 ; British
Government attitude, 1 19-21, 414 ; attitude of Boers to British rule,
115, 138, 141, 146, 151, 155, 164, 165, 170, 178, 363, 414, 421,422; Boer
relations with Moshesh, 421, 433,472-3; divided opinion amongst the
Boers, 136-8, 141, 154, 421; system of government promulgated, 142-3;
districts, 142 ; Land Commission, 142-3, 166, 175 ; rebellionin, l^^etseq.
passim, 170-1 ; Boomplaats, 156-61 ; after Boomplaats, 164, 170-1 ;
confiscation and fines, 161 and n., 165, 170-1 ; Sovereignty repro-
claimed, 161, 164 ; districts, 164, 177 ; Legislative Council appointed,
177-8 ; administration, 178 ; natives under, 178 ; boundary troubles
in, 145, 166, 173 et seq. ; the Southey line, 176 n. ; native affairs in,
170, I7i et seq., 178, 415, 416 et seq. ; Dutch attitude to native affairs,

INDEX 511
I70, 178, 416, 421-2 ; Assistant Commissioners' investigation, 415-6,
428, 429, 433 ; Pretorius intervenes on behalf of peace, 425, 426, 430 ;
abandonment policy of British Government, 170, 179, 363, 415, 428-9,
433 ; Sand River Convention, 429, 431-3 (see also under Boers).
Orange Territory: Boers in, 173-4 : native attitude to Boers in, 174.
O'Reilly, J. (magistrate), 143, 144, 150, 170.
Osier, L., 222 n.
Oswell, Mr. (explorer), 432.
Owen, Captain Charles Mostyn, 133,415 ; Assistant Commissioner, 415, 430;
432. 465. 473, 475, 477, 488 ; disapproves of Gaika dispersion, 465,
protests against acceptance of Moshesh's submission, 483-4.
Owen, Lieutenant (Royal Engineers), 55.
Pakington, Sir John, 276, 283 ; account of, 454.
Panda, Zulu chief, 73, 85 n. ; relations with the Boers, 79, 80 et seq.
passim, 89, 90 ; boundary agreement with, 80, 82, 87, 86 ; repudia
tion of Natal boundary, 8i, 82, 88 ; admits claims of Natal at
Nodwengu, 88 ; rumoured attitude of, to the Boer exodus, 92 ;
reply to Pretorius, 135 ; attitude to the English, 135 ; and the Zulu
deserters in Natal, 135.
Pantsie (Hottentot), 191.
Parliament, opening of first, 287-8.
Pato, Amagqunukwebi chief: characteristics, 109; in 1846 war, 4, 8,
39. 46-52 passim, 100, 104, 109, 303 ; operations against, 10, 32, 48 et
seq. ; offers surrender, 27 ; surrenders, 53, 104 ; attitude in the war
of 1850, 295, 296, 303, 324, 366, 379, 440, 452, 455, 457, 465 ; reply to
Kreli, 378-9 ; refuses Sandilli's request to intercede 391, 392 ; acts,
as intermediary, 467.
Peffer, L. (Hottentot), 336.
Philip-Glenelg-Stockenstrom policy, 29.
Philipton, 112, 339, 343, 345, 354 ; focus of Hottentot rebellion, 335, 339,
343. 354 : end of, 355, 363.
Ph cenix steamer, 159 n., 169, 325.
Pietermaritzburg : fears of Zulu attack in, 93, 94.
Pine, Sir Benjamin (Governor of Natal), 424, 425.
Piquer, Kievet (Hottentot), 385, 386.
Platberg mission station, 172, 475, 478 and n.
Pockbaas, Jan (Hottentot), 394.
Police, Frontier Armed Mounted, 470 (see also Rural Police).
Police, Kaffir (see Kaffir).
Port Alfred, 169.
Port Buffalo, 31.
Port Elizabeth : deputation and address to Sir Henry Pottinger, 6-7 ;
views of, on the causes of the Kaffir war, 6-7 ; attitude to Maqomo's
refuge, 39 ; condition, 61 ; toll, 68 ; trade, 70, 71 ; in convict agita
tion, 190, 199, 225 ; and separatist movement, 68, 271 ; and the
new constitution, 277 ; and Sir Andries Stockenstrom, 382, 383;
contribution in expedition against Kreli, 462.
Port Kowie, 96.

512

INDEX

Port Philip (Australia), 244, 271 n.
Port Rex, 30.
Porter, Hon. William, Attorney-General, 67 ; on validity of Orange
River Sovereignty, 119 n. ; in Convict agitation, 198, 107, 221 n. ;
in Letterstedt's action, 224 ; memorandum on Representative
Government, 234-6 ; attitude in East versus West controversy, 234,
235, 272 ; draft constitution for the Colony, 241, 263, 274 ; and the
Legislative Council difficulty, 246, 248, 252-3, 255, 256, 264 ; quali
fication question, 249, 251-2 ; member of Commission of Inquiry
into Hottentot rebellion, 359.
Ports and Harbours Ordinance, 96.
Post Retief, 350-2, 407 ; besieged, 351 ; Hottentot depredations, 469.
Potgieter, 137, 146.
Pottinger, Sir Henry, Governor of Cape Colony, 1, 2, 4 ; account of his
career, 1-2, 5, 13 ; characteristics, 22, 34, 73, 95 n. ; declaration
of policy, 2, 7, 8 ; visits Eastern Province, 5, 6 et seq., 22, 27 ; and
conclusion of the 1846 war, 4, 8, 10 et seq., 39, 41 ; and colonists'
losses in the war, 5-6, 24-5, 26 ; shortage of men and money, 10-n,
28, 32, 33-4, 39, 41 ; invites co-operation of civil population, n-12,
28, 48 ; enquiry into irregularities in the 1846 war, 12 et seq., 95, 327 ;
despatch No. 154, 13, 20-1 ; charges examined, 20-22 ; attitude to
Captain Stretch, 15-20 passim ; disbandment of levies and dismissal
of officers, 18, 22, 39, 95 ; attitude to Sir G. Berkeley, 23-4, 64 ;
Kaffirland policy of, 28 et seq. ; abolition of treaties with Kaffirs,
31-2; and Sandilli, 41-7 passim ; and Kat River Settlement, 12, 14-15,
95, 112 ; and Kaffir Police, 53, 132, 133 ; and East v. West problem,
61 et seq., 68, 235 ; question of Sir Henry Young's authority as
Lieutenant-Governor, 63-5 ; and the office of Lieut.-Governor, 72 ;
attitude to Pretorius' representations, 76-9, 94, 95, 115, 117, 122, 135,
152 ; and the Natal Boers, 73, 95 ; proceeds to India, 53, 72, 95, 96,
97, 101 ; Grahamstown farewell address to, 95, 96.
Appreciation of his Governorship, 73, 95 and n. ; his plea of overwork,
73, 77. 78, 233-
Otherwise mentioned, 12 n., 53, 55, 79, 96, 106, 127, 136, 233, 491.
Pretorius, A. W. J., 74 ; Zulu name of, 93, 135 ; Sir H. Smith's view of,
94, 117, 134 ; deputation to Sir Henry Pottinger, 74 et seq., 94, 115,
116, 117, 118, 122, 135, 152 ; Sir H. Smith's interview with, 116, 117,
118, 135 ; refuses to serve on Land Commission, 122, 134, 154 ;
letter to Martin West, 116 n. ; and the Sovereignty proclamation,
118, 134-42 passim, 154-5 ; alleges injustice against Shepstone and
West, 134; intention to establish an independent state, 134, 136;
intimidating influence of, 138, 146, 149, 162, 163 ; at Winburg,
145, 148-9 ; march to Bloemfontein, 149-50 ; order to Major Warden,
149-5° ; masters the Sovereignty, 150-1 ; moderation of, 151 ;
answer to Sir H. Smith's manifesto, 151-2 ; desires an interview, 153 ;
and the Sovereignty rebellion, 134, 135, 137-8, 145-8 passim, 153 ;
hopes for Zulu assistance, 135 ; outlawed, 152, 154, 161-2 ; property
of, 162 n., 171 n. ; over the Vaal, 178-9 ; intervenes on behalf of peace
in the Sovereignty, 425, 426, 430, 431, 432 ; outlawry revoked, 428,

INDEX 513
430 ; testimonies to his good intentions, 427 ; forgeries of his signa
ture, 179, 427 and n., 430.
Pretorius, A. W. J. (son), 162 »., 171 n.
Pretorius, Christina Petronella (daughter), 162 n., 171 n.
Pretorius, Louw (of Caledon River), 162.
Prince, Mr., 209.
Prins, Martinus, 85.
Pringle clan, 340, 344, 489.
Pringle, Dods, 340, 341, 351.
Pringle, John (farm plundered), 340, 341.
Pringle, R., 340, 342.
Queen Adelaide, Province of, 29, 98, 104.
Queen's Fort, 148 n., 163, 170, 420, 421.
Queenstown, 489 ; district, 472 ; the Hexagon, 489.
Quigley, Michael, 147, 160, 161, 162.
Qwarana (Gaika headman). 302.
Radford, W., murdered by Hottentots, 360-1.
Rawson, Hon. R. W., 287.
Read, Rev. J., 323, 327, 328, 335, 343, 354, 360 ; death, 363.
Read, Rev. J. (jun.), 190, 327, 328, 329 and «., 335, 338, 339, 343, 349,
355, 36° ; defence in charges against, 329 n.
Readsdale, bridle path, 339.
Reilly, Mr. (killed by Hottentots), 469.
Reitz, F. W., 246, 252, 254, 256, 286 n., 287.
Renton, Rev. H., 314, 319, 343, 344 ; account of, 359-60 ; at Grahams
town, 361-2.
Rex, Mr. (Surveyor), 30, 141, 144, 147, 148, 177.
Representative Government movement for, 180, 229 etseq., 290, 364 ; argu
ments against a free legislature, 230 ; petition to the King in 1830,
230 ; Cape Town petitions, 231-2 ; effect on coloured communities,
329. 335 : Mr. Porter's suggested outline for, 235-6 ; Letters Patent
243-4, 266, 268, 274, 277 ; Draft Ordinance, 273 et seq., passim.
Retief, Piet, 78.
Rickards, Ensign, 407.
Rivers, Harry (Treasurer General) ; and Representative Government
question, 238 ; East v. West, 273.
Riversdale, Hottentot question alarm at, 275, 403 ; and Representative
Government agitation, 275, 282.
Road Ordinance, 238.
Roads : Eastern Province, 61.
Robertson, Captain, 307.
Robertson, Mr. 209.
Rose-Innes, Dr., 326.
Ross, H., in Convict agitation, 187, 196 n., 207.
Rural Police, European, organised against marauding Hottentots, 301,
394. 459-6o, 470, 484.
VOL. V 2L

514 INDEX
Russell, Lieut. (Kaffir Police), 37, 38.
Russell, Lord John, 193, 265, 266, 267, 268, 276, 453.
Rutherfoord, H. E. : in Convict agitation, 196 n., 215, 216, 219 ; Eastern
Province election, 286 n. ; Hottentot rebellion Commissioner, 359.

Salis, Lieut., 158.
Sam Sly's Journal, 210.
Sand River Convention, 431-3.
Sandilli, Gaika chief : description of, 27, 296 and n., 300 ; attitude of, in
concluding stages of 1846 war, 9, 27, 35 et seq. ; and the Fingo goats,
36-41 ; proffers submission, 40-1 ; operations against, 42-3 ; en
deavours to negotiate, 43 ; surrenders, 43-8, 299 ; complaint against
Calderwood, 45, 46 ; liberated, 102, 299 ; at King William's Town
meeting, 104, 109, in ; in 1850 war, 295 et seq. passim, 439, 450,
451, 455, 466 ; endeavours to instigate Pato, 295 ; prime mover, 296,
297. 45°. 452 ; does not attend the Governor's meeting, 298-9'
protests his loyalty, 299 ; deposed by the Governor, 299, 300, 303
330 ; outlawed, 305 ; at Boomah Pass, 307, 308, 309 ; invades
Philipton, 352 ; asks Pato to intercede, 391 ; becomes dissatisfied
with Umlanjeni, 392 ; and the abduction of Toise, 457, 458 ; flight
of, 464, 465 ; seeks peace, 467, 468, 484 (see also Gaikas).
Sandilli's Kop, 389.
Schnehage, F. (Boer), 143, 160 n.
Selwyn Castle, Grahamstown, 96 and n.
Septon Manor, Fort Beaufort district, 332, 398.
Seton, Major, 441.
Seymour, Colonel C. F., 449, 490.
Seymour (town), 14, 449, 474, 490.
Seyolo, Ndhlambi chief : characteristics of, 43, 368 ; country of, 368, 451 ;
in the 1850 war, 296, 322, 380, 405, 439, 450, 451, 455, 465 ; message
of defiance, 368 ; expeditions against, 368-9 ; overtures for peace,
439. 455 ; surrenders, 466 ; imprisoned, 466, 487 (see also Ndhlambis).
Shaw, T., 312.
Shaw, Rev. W., 485.
Shelly, explorer, 432.
Shepstone, Sir Theophilus, 489.
Shepstone, W. G. B., 45, 88, 134, 489 ; views on employment of Zulus
in the Kaffir war, 381.
Shiloh, Moravian mission station, 112, 325, 346-350 ; rebellious Hottentots
of, 346 et seq., 371.
Sidbury, separation petition, 243.
Sihota (Mordenaar's Kop), 51.
Sikonyella, Mantatee chief, 114, 119, 125, 153, 173, 176, 417, 418, 475 ;
characteristics, 417.
Siwani, Ndhlambi chief, 104, 296, 452, 455, 487, 490 ; in 1850 war, 366,
369. 452, 455, 457. 465. 4«7-
Smail, Captain, 443.
Smit, Rev., of Grahamstown, 385.

INDEX 515
Smith, Lady Juana, 99, 128, 169, 446.
Smith, Major (73rd Regiment), 31, 85 n.
Smith, Sir Henry G. W., Bt., Governor of Cape Colony, 4, 29, 31, 53, 55,
79, 98, 180 ; account of, 98-9 ; arrival in Cape Town, 97-100, 101 ;
proceeds to Eastern Province, 100 et seq., 122-3 '• welcome in Grahams
town, 101 ; changes policy in the East, 102 ; proclaims new northern
boundary, 102-3 and n. ; annuls treaties with Kaffirs, 103, 104 ; in
King William's Town, 104 ; harangues Kaffir chiefs, 104, 105 ;
declares Kaffirland subject to British rule, 104-5 ; Kaffirland policy,
104 et seq., 290-2 ; frontier protection measures, 106, 107, 392-3 ;
great meeting with chiefs, 108-11 ; views as to recurrence of war
with Kaffirs, 125, 133, 296 ; at Kat River Settlement, 112 ; journey
to Orange Territory, in, 113 ; interview with Adam Kok, 113 ;
address to Boers at Bloemfontein, 113-4, 118 ; at Winburg, 11 4-6,
118, 164-5 ; treaty with Moshesh, 114, 115 ; proclaims Orange River
Sovereignty, 114, 115, 118-9 ; visits Natal, in, 117, 121 ; endeavours
to allay Boer discontent, 79, 94, 117, 122, 134 ; repeals Klip River
proclamation, 94 n. ; interviews Pretorius and his followers, 79, 94,
116, 117, 118, 135 ; welcome to Pietermaritzburg, 121 ; and Durban,
122 ; return to Cape Town, 122-3, 233-4.
Views of, as to Boer desire for British rule, 149, 164, 178, 414 ; attempts
a militia movement, 106, 126 ; and the military villages, 127 et seq. ;
manifesto on Orange River Sovereignty, 138-41, 151, 154 ; attitude
to Sovereignty rebellion, 152 et seq., 162, 164 ; final warning to
Sovereignty Boers, 154-5 ; report on Boomplaats, 158-9, 161 ; after
Boomplaats reproclaims the Sovereignty, 161, 164, 165, 170 ; and
Basutoland boundaries, 166, 175, 176, 177; and Sovereignty native
troubles, 170, 174, 420 et seq. ; and abandonment policy, 429.
Anti-Convict agitation, 182, 183, 185 et seq. passim, 192-5, 199, 209 et
seq. ; despatch to Earl Grey, 193-5, 218, 225-6 ; and the Anti-Convict
Association, 198, 199-206, 209 ; threatened with starvation, 198 ; view
of the pledge, 214 ; measures to maintain order, 217 ; contemplates
martial law proclamation, 221 ; censured by Earl Grey, 227.
Representative Government, 168, 230, 234, 241, 242, 243, 262-80 passim ;
and Legislative Council difficulties 244 et seq., 264, 269 ; tour of the
Eastern Province, 166-9 ; at Fort Beaufort, 167 ; attitude on East
versus West question, 167-8, 169, 270-2 ; a prisoner in Fort Cox, 310,
319, 320, 321, 324; and the 1850 war, 297 etseq., 320, 324, 397, 439, 440,
491 ; and Hottentot rebellion, 357, 358 ; tactics against the Kaffirs,
policy of devastation, 388, 438 ; attitude to Kreli, 376-7, 391, 435,
439 ; and Sandilli, 298 et seq., 392 ; eulogy of officers and men, 409,
410, 411, 444, 446; on nature of Kaffir warfare, 379, 410, 445;
Smithfield market cattle driving, 31, 435 ; recalled, 276, 443-5 ;
journey to the Cape and to England, 446-7.
Characteristics, 99-100, 114, 123, 152, 160, 162, 168, 304 ; eccentricities,
116 n. ; mode of travelling, 123, 167 ; benevolence as Governor, 142.
Equestrian statue proposal, 123, 180.
Otherwise mentioned, 34, 148 n., 169, 233, 326, 371, 374, 383, 450, 451,
491 et passim.

516 INDEX
Smithfield, 144-5, 150, 165, 166, 175, 177.
Snodgrass, Mr., 315.
Snyman, J. T., 141, 155, 163, 165.
Soga (Kaffir councillor), 317. Soga (chief), 337.
Somerset, Colonel (Major-Gen., afterwards Sir Henry) : relations with Sir
H. Pottinger, 13, 16, 18, 23 ; and Kat River Settlement, 14, 15 ; in
ending of 1846 war, 43 ; Keiskamma-Chalumna operations, 31 ;
operations against Pato, 48, 49-50 ; in action at Mordenaar's Kop,
51-2 ; expedition into Transkeian territories, 52-3 ; in 1850 war,
3°4. 342. 369-70. 38o, 389, 393, 406, 410, 435, 437, 438, 444, 450, 455 ;
authority as Commander-in-Chief delegated to, 321, 324 ; position of,
in Fort Hare, 320, 321, 322 ; promoted to Major General, 324 ; offers
pardon to Hottentots, 332 ; measures against Hottentots, 349, 351-6,
363, 459 ; promoted, leaves for India, 455, 460 ; appreciation, 460-1 ;
otherwise mentioned, 159 n., 192, 297, 325, 336, 360, 384, 387, 388, 439.
Somerset East : East versus West question, 68, 272, 462 ; and Hottentot
rebellion, 359 ; in 1850 war, 396.
Somerset, Lord Charles, 229.
Somerset, Major, 352.
Sonto, Kaffir chief, 380.
South African College, 247 ; and Legislative Council, 282.
Southey, Mr., afterwards Sir Richard, 114, 152, 171, 280 ; and Basutoland
boundaries, 175, 176.
Spies, Abraham, 81, 84, 86, 91.
Spies, Andries Theodorus (Boer), 80, 88, 91, 135, 153 ; Panda's action
against, 80 ; relations with Panda, 81-5 passim, 89 ; receives from
Panda a symbol of authority, 85 ; in Klip River Government, 81 ;
reply to Lieut.-Gov. West, 80 ; attitude to British proclamations,
83 ; Archbell's report on, 84 ; manifesto urging expatriation, 92-3 ;
outlawed, 162.
Sporting Club Corps, 21, 27.
Stacey, Captain, 132, 312.
Stadler, C, 222 n.
Stander, Adriaan, 147, 148, 164.
Stanford, Colonel Sir Walter, cited, 296 n.
Stanford, Captain Robert, 221, 222 «., 228 n.
Stanley, Lord, and the Cape as a penal settlement, 180, 181, 186, 193 ;
Representative Government in S. Africa, 232, 233, 234, 237,
238.
Stanley, John, 124.
Steele, Lieutenant, 160 n.
Stein, J., 196 n., 199.
Stellenbosch, Representative Government agitation, 282.
Stevenson, J. M., 312, 314, 315.
Stewart, Surgeon (C.M.R.), 308.
Stock, Amambala chief, 369, 380, 439, 450, 451, 455, 485.
Stockenstrom, Sir Andries : burgher confidence in as a Commandant,
12, 382 ; and Kat River Settlement, 326 ; Lieutenant Governorship
of, 64, 66 ; views of, on the office of Lieut.-Governor, 66 ; and the

INDEX 517
election to Legislative Council, 246, et seq. passim ; mission to England,
258, 260-8 passim, 271, 382 ; letter to Earl Grey, 261, 265 n. ; to
Sir H. Smith, 261 ; to Lord John Russell, 267, 268 ; in election to new
Legislative Council, 286 n. ; testimony to Andries Botha, 343 ;
political influence of, 286 n., 383 ; and enrolment of burghers, 383-4 ;
political use of a Port Elizabeth memorial, 382-4 ; Glenelg-Stocken-
strom regime, 4, 34, 98, in, 329 n. 1 ; otherwise mentioned, 32, 78, 192.
Stockenstrom district, 14.
Stormberg district, 112.
Stretch, Captain, 15, 16, 17 ; character of, 16 ; command of Kaffirs, 17-18 ;
dismissal, 18, 19, 20 ; Court of Inquiry, 18.
Stuart, C. V., 178 n.
Stubbs, W., 21, 361, 387. Stubbs' Rangers, 384, 387, 388, 394, 395, 405.
Surtees, Mr., 359.
Sutherland, T., 196 n., 223, 224, 225 n.
Sutton, Major, 14. Sutton, Colonel, 333, 342, 345.
Sutu, mother of Sandilli, 41, 104, 299, 392, 439.
Swellendam, 462 ; Hottentot levy, 49.
Swiss military settlers' project, 451.

Taaibosch, Gert, Koranna chief, 119, 153, 173, 176, 417, 475, 478.
Table Bay breakwater construction, 70, 181-2.
Tambookieland, warfare in, 370, et seq. ; restoration of peace in, 471-2,
487-8.
Tambookies (Abatembu tribe), 346 et seq., 365, 420, 450, 471, 472, 488 ;
raiding in the Sovereignty, 372 et seq. (see Mapassa).
" Tarka Levy,'' the, 17.
Tause (Christian Kaffir woman), 316, 317-8.
Thaba Bosigo, Basuto stronghold, 172, 480.
Thaba Nchu, 172, 417.
Theal, Dr., quoted, 95 n., 116 n., 265 n., 288, 482.
Theopolis Hottentots, 351, 385-7, 388.
Thompson, Rev. W. R., 327, 338, 349, 354.
Thysma, J., 222 n.
Tidmanton, Hottentot mission station, 330-1.
Times, The, 60, 411-12 ; on Kaffir war progress, 411.
Tiyo, Soga, 314, 316.
Toise, Ndhlambi chief, 490 ; in 1846 war, 8, 104 ; attitude in the war
of 1850, 296, 303, 366, 452, 465, 457 ; abducted by Hottentot rebels,
457-8-
Tola, chief of Imidange clan, 297, 298, 370, 380, 439.
Tomlinson's post, 458.
Toohey, D., 135.
Traders (Kaffirland), 105.
Trollip, Mr., 394.
Truter, P. J., 225 n.
Tsolekeli (Kaffir), 302.
Tyali's burial place, 129, 131.

518 INDEX
Tylden, Captain (Major), 347, 349, 362, 371, 375, 389, 438.
Tzatzoe, Jan (Kaffir chief), 296, 452, 465.

Uitenhage : burghers of, in 1846 war, 31, 33, 35 n. ; East v. West question,
263, 272 ; in Representative Government agitation, 263 ; during
the 1850 war, 323, 462.
Uitenhage and Albany Agricultural Association, 65.
Uithaalder, William (Hottentot leader), 334, 335, 336, 351, 388, 468 ; rebel
forces of, 335, 459, 470 ; demonstration before Fort Armstrong, 337,
338 ; claims Fort Armstrong property, 345 ; activities of, 395, 457, 459 ;
endeavours to enlist Griqua support, 395-6 ; letter to Captain Fynn,
454 ; stronghold of, attacked, 459 ; a fugitive, 435, 464, 468 ; reward
offered for capture of, 459, 470 ; fate of, 471.
Umhala, Ndhlambi chief, 27, 104, 109 ; in 1850 war, 296, 378, 390, 392,
435. 438, 451, 452, 465-
Umhlaba, 93.
Umkye, or Umkai, Ndhlambi chief, 39, 293, 296, 452, 465, 487.
Umlanjeni (Kaffir ' prophet '), 292-4, 296, 297, 298, 323, 330, 368, 369,
, 392, 405 : fate of, 471.
Umpukani mission station, 418.
Umtikaka, Tambookie chief, 472.
Umxelo station Kaffirs, 17, 18.
Uniondale mission station destroyed, 316.
United Emigrant force, 153.
United Irishman, the, 185 «.
United Presbyterian Church of Scotland missions, 290 «.
Uys, Piet, 81. Uys, J. J., 88.
Vaal River district, 164.
Vagrant Act, 274, 275, 329 n. 1. ; Hottentot fears of, 274, 396, 404, 471.
Van Coller (Boer), 146.
Van der Bijl, Mr., 207.
Van der Kolf, 427 and n., 430-1 ; forgery of Pretorius' signature, 427
and n.
Van der Stel, Adriaan, Governor, 229.
Van Diemen's Land, penal settlement, 182.
Van Niekerk, Gert, 81, 89. Van Niekerk, Isaac, 81, 89.
Van Renen, J. H., 223.
Van Rooyen (Hottentot), 191.
Van Rooyen, Rev. A., 330, 331, 335, 343. Van Rooyen, Roelof, 422,
427 «•
Van Tonder, D. J., 125. Van Tonders, the, 91.
Venter, Piet, 430. Venter, W., 427 n. Ventersburg, 430.
Vermeulen (Boer), 145.
Verwey, forger of Pretorius' signature, 179.
Victoria district, 105, 106.
Victoria (Australia), 244, 271 «.
Viervoot action against Basutos, 419-20, 422.

INDEX 519
Villiers, Cornelius, 422.
Vowe, T. W., Civil Commissioner, Smithfield, 170, 174, 372.

Wade, Colonel, Vagrant Act, 329 n. 1.
Walker, Mr. (Quaker), 191
Warden, Major, British Resident : Chief Magistrate, Bloemfontein, 142,
144, 146, 170, 178 and n. ; and the Sovereignty rebellion, 134, 137, 138,
147-53 passim ; invites Kaffir co-operation, 153 ; surrenders to
Pretorius, 150 ; and the Basutoland boundaries, 175, 176 ; and native
troubles, 170, 173, 372, 373, 418 et seq. passim, 475 ; unpopularity of,
-"423-4 ; difficulties with the Boer burghers, 363, 423-4 ; appeals to Natal
for help, 424, 425 ; and Pretorius' offer of mediation, 425-7, 428;
Earl Grey's views on, 425, 428-9, 445.
Warren, Lieutenant, 156.
Waterboer, Griqua chief, 396.
Waterkloof Mountains, operations in, 406-9, 410, 435, 460, 463-4, 466.
Waterloo Bay, 28, 30, 34.
Watermeyer, Mr. Adv., 199.
Wellington, Duke of, 127, 324, 448.
Wesleyans : of King William's Town, 169 ; missions stations of, 290 n.,
456, 475, 485-
Wessels, Jury, 143, 427 n. Wessels, Klaas, 143.
Wessels, Martinus Hendrik, 414 n., 422, 427 n.
West, Martin, Lieut.-Governor of Natal, 74, 77, 78, 79 ; and the Natal
Boers, 80 et seq. ; and the Klip River Government, 81 et seq., 87 et
seq. ; message to Panda, 82 ; visit to Klip River district, 87-8 ;
proclamation to Klip River people, 90, 91, 94 and n. ; theory on
rumours as to Panda's attitude regarding Boer exodus, 92 ; otherwise
mentioned, 134.
Western Province, recruiting, 325, 384 ; Hottentot response, 325.
Whittlesea, 112, 339, 346, 371, 372 ; Kaffir police desert, 323 ; battles of,
347-9 ; surreptitious armistice, 349-50.
Wicht, Mr., and the Legislative Council election, 246, 252, 258.
Wienand, Mr., magistrate, Kat River Settlement, 323, 331, 337, 340,
342, 344, 345-
Wilmot, Major Eardley, 380, 389.
Winburg, 114, 115, 116, 143, 145-6, 148-9; Landdrostty election, 136;
district, 164 ; land commission duties in, 175 ; Boers of, and the native
troubles, 421-3.
Winterberg district : Hottentot activities in, 350 ; ravages in, in the 1850
war, 393-
Wittenhall, Major, 18.
Woburn, military village. 128, 129, 130 and n„ 131, 168, 303, 31 1-2, 313,
3H-
Woest, J., 387.
Wolmarans, F. G., 426.
Woodefield, Mr., surveyor, 489.
Woosnam, Richard, 4, 19. 46, 72, 74, 76, 77-

520 INDEX
Worcester, 152 ; resolutions in Representative Government agitation,
281, 282.
Wright, Captain, 441, 442, 443.
Wylde, Sir John, Chief Justice, 223, 224, 283 n., 326, 343 ; memorandum
on Representative Government, 240-1.
Wyvill, Commodore, 220.
Xaimpi, Gaika chief, 312, 313, 317, 465.
Xogomesh (see Hermanus).
Xoxo, Kaffir chief, 297, 298, 299.
Yeomanry, 21, 27.
Yorke, Major-General, 449, 455 ; attacks Uithaalder's stronghold, 459.
Young, Sir Henry E. F., career, 60 ; characteristics, 60 ; appointed to
Lieutenant-Governorship, 60 ; arrival in Eastern Province, 60-1 ;
impressions of the Eastern Province, 61 ; and East versus West pro
blem, 61, 62, 66, 67, 72, 235 ; conflict with the judicature, 62-4 ;
question of his authority and prerogative, 64, 65 ; appointment to
South Australia, 72.
Zikali (Zulu chief), 93, 135.
Zulu refugees, 84, 85 n. 1, 88, 117.
Zulus, employment of, in the Colony, 321, 381 ; and in the Sovereignty
troubles, 424-5.
Zuurberg, Hottentot activity in, 394, 395.
Zuurberg Pass road, 69.
Zuurbrak, attitude in franchise question, 277.

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